The Functional Aspects Of Adlerian Constructs In Understanding And Assisting Disadvantaged Children

PDF

Download

Open document

Flip pages

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 70-8547 WEITHORN, Howard Barry, 1939- THE FUNCTIONAL ASPECTS OF ADLERIAN CONSTRUCTS IN UNDERSTANDING AND ASSISTING DISADVANTAGED CHILDREN. University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1969 Education, guidance and counseling University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan © Copyright by HOWARD BARRY V/EITHORN j 1970 THE FUNCTIONAL ASPECTS OF ADLERIAN CONSTRUCTS IN UNDERSTANDING AND ASSISTING DISADVANTAGED CHILDREN by Howard Barry Weithorn A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Education August 1969 UNIVERSITY O F SO U T H E R N CALIFORNIA TH E G RADUATE SC H O O L U N IV ERSITY PARK LO S A N G EL ES, C A LIFO R N IA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by .. under the direction of hJ.ix... Dissertation C om m ittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The G radu ate School, in partial fulfillment of require ments of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean Date. . DISSERTATI1 :OMMITTEE Chairman ACKNOWLEDGMENTS There are many people whose encouragement and assistance have made this dissertation possible. I would like to thank the Chairman and members of my dissertation committee, Drs. William Ofman, Donald E. Wilson, and Thomas E. Lasswell for their guidance and support during the writing of my dissertation. I would also like to thank Miss Annette Gromfin, Director of Teacher Corps, who provided meaningful dialogue which has contributed to the development of this research study. I would like to express my appreciation to Bernard C. Gindes, M. D., who offered guidance throughout this research project in addition to providing the initial stimulus for the linking of Alfred Adler's work with the problems of the disadvantaged youth. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page CHAPTERS I INTRODUCTION.....................................1 I. The New Concern for Educating Disadvantaged Youth .................. 1 II. Disadvantagement and Discouragement . 2 III. Alfred Adler and Education ............ 5 IV. Statement of the Problem............... 7 V. Organization of the Study ............ 7 VI. Importance of the Study ............... 8 II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON THE DISADVANTAGED: THE CULTURE OF DISADVANTAGEMENT ............ 12 A. The Purpose and Organization of Chapters II and III....................12 B. Discouragement and Suffering: An Overview................................12 ; Adler's Conception of Discouragement . 12 Supportive Evidence for Adler's View . 13 Discouragement Among the Disad vantaged: An Overview..............20 a) Difficulties Leading to the Disadvantaged's Discouragement. . 20 I b) The Discouragement Syndrome. . 21 ; (1) Excessive Inferiority Feelings.................22 (2) Lack of Hope..............23 \ (3) The Belief that the World is an Enemy..............24 (4) The Feeling that One is an Outsider.................25 S j 1. 2 . 3. Page c) Behavior Prompted by Discouragement ............... (1) Detachment from Areas of Cooperation ............ (2) Living Irresponsibly for the Present ............ (3) Excessive Seeking for Recognition; Submission and Over-Dependency. (4) Living Under False Pretenses (5) Aggressing against the World (6) Proving and Attempting to Exercise One's Power (7) "Conning" and Exploitation (8) The Search for Safety . (9) Mental Illness .... (10) Rationalization .... d) Suffering..................... C. Creativity Among the Disadvantaged: An Overview..................... 1. Difficulties, Discouragement and Reduced Creativity ............ 2. Courage and Creativity. Values and Orientations of the Disadvantaged ............... 1. Introduction ..................... 2. Practicality and Living for the Present........................... a) Practicality...............43 b) Living for the Present .... 44 (1) The Existence of This Value Posited: The Reasons for It. 44 (2) Living Irresponsibility | for the Present...........46 (3) How Children Acquire the Orientation to the Present . 50 | (4) Practicality and Living for i the Present:Considered - Together.................52 ! 3. Emphasis on the Concrete and Physical..........................53 j IV 25 26 26 27 27 29 29 29 31 33 35 35 37 37 37 41 41 43 Page 4. a) The Valuation of Practicality- cum-Present Orientation . b) Language and Thought . c) Child-Rearing ............ d) The Search for Safety. e) Valuation of Physical Prowess The Importance of Peer Group Associations .................. a) b) c) Introduction............... The Family's Inadequate Performance of Its Role . Children's Reactions to Being Dropped by Their Parents. (1) Affective Reaction . (2) Behavioral Reactions The Compensations Found in the Peer Group .................. A Contradiction............... 5. d) e) Emphasis on Taking Care of Oneself and on Masculinity ............... a) The Emphasis on Taking Care of Oneself .................. (1) ( 2) Why It Exists. The Characteristics of Self-Sufficiency. b) The Emphasis on Masculinity. (1) Widespread Concepts of Masculinity ............ (2) The Disadvantaged's Emphasis on Masculinity .... (3) The Emphasis on Masculinity- Problems and Related Factors (a) The Presence and Valua tion of Parents in the H o m e ............... (b) The Effect of Parent's Presence and Relative Statuses on Children's Intellectual Development (c) The Effect of Parent's Presence and Relative Statuses on Children's Sex Role Identification 53 53 54 55 55 56 56 57 58 59 59 60 61 61 62 62 64 66 66 68 71 71 72 74 V Page (d) The Effect of Parent's Presence and Relative Statuses on Children's General Psychological Health............... c) Masculinity and Self-Care Considered Together 6. Lower Class Language and Thought Difficulties and Discouragement in Community Relations ............... 1. Enmity Towards the Disadvantaged a) The Enmity of the Dominant Society ..................... b) Enmity Among the Disadvantaged. (1) General Remarks . ... (2) Intragroup Enmity (a) Enmity Among Blacks (b) Enmity Among Puerto Ricans............... (c) Enmity Among Spanish Americans............ (3) Intergroup Enmity 2. The Disadvantaged's Unfamiliarity with the Urban Community . . .. 3. The Influence of the Disadvantaged Society upon the Disadvantaged; Conflict Between It and the Dominant Society.................. 4. Withdrawal from, and Reduced Creativity in Community Relationships a) Lack of Participation in Formal Voluntary Organizations . (1) Evidence that the Lack Exists .................. (2) Reasons for the Lack of Participation............ (a) Fear and Enmity of the Dominant Society (b) The Inadequate Help Given to the Disadvan taged by the Dominant Society ............ 75 76 77 80 80 80 83 83 84 84 85 86 86 87 88 i 89 89 i 89 ! j 90 ! I 90 I | I 91 vi Page (c) The Disadvantaged1s Unfamiliarity with the Dominant Society (d) Culture Differences (e) The Discouragement of the Low SES .... b) The Disadvantaged's Withdrawal into Their Own Society 5. Crime and Violent Protest. a) Crime Rates; Identity of Criminals..................... b) Reasons for Crime and Violent Protest ..................... (1) Enmity Towards the Disadvan taged by the Dominant Society.................. (a) Permitting Crime (b) Provoking Crime and Violence ............ (2) Influence of the Disadvan taged Society on Crime and Violence ............ (3) The Effect of the Mother's Enmity on Delinquency . c) Anxiety Resulting from Crime F. Difficulties and Discouragement in Work 1. Difficulties ..................... a) Unemployment.................. b) The Dominant Society's Enmity . c) Relatively High Requirements for Entering the Dominant Society's Work Force .... d) The Disadvantaged's Unfamiliar ity with the Dominant Society . (1) Occupational Perspective . (2) Techniques for Applying for Work ............... (3) Job Ways ............... e) The Influence of the Disadvan taged Society on Its Members (1) The Influence of Parents . vii 91 91 91 92 93 93 94 94 94 95 97 98 98 99 99 99 100 100 102 103 103 104 104 104 Page (a) Not Helping the Child to Become Autonomous and Creative..............104 i. More or Less Direct Discouragement of Autonomy and Creativity. . . .105 ii. Setting an Example . 107 iii. Leaving the Child on His Own. . . .10 8 (b) Parents' Occupational Aspirations for Their i Children 10 8 (2) Encouraging a Dishonest Living....................113 f) Poverty....................... 115 g) Poor Working Conditions .... 116 2. Discouragement....................... 116 G. Difficulties and Discouragement in the Family...................................117 1. The Concomitants of Poverty . ... 117 a) Deficient Diets................. 118 b) Lack of Medical Care........... 118 c) Inadequate Shelter and Overcrowding....................119 d) Inadequate Sanitary Conditions. . 120 e) Discomfort.......................121 f) Poor Health.................... 122 g) More Poverty.................... 124 2. The Discouragement of Disadvantaged Parents................................124 a) General Discussion.............. 124 b) Conjugal Relations Among Disadvantaged Parents...........125 (1) The Tendency to Have Closest Ties with Kith and Kin. . . 125 (2) Rainwater's Study . . . .126 (3) Discouragement in the Conjugal Relations of Negro Couples.................127 (a) The Matriarchal Struc ture of Negro Families . 128 viii (b) The Female's Objective in Marriage ............ (c) The Relative Lack of Seriousness in Marriage . (d) The High Rate of Illegitimacy............ (e) The Desertion of the Father. . 3. The Power Structure of the Disad vantaged Family ..................... 4. The Parents' Care for Their Children . a) The Extent of Child-Parent Interaction ..................... (1) The Parents' Unavailability . (2) Parents' Erection of Psychological Barriers. (3) Parents' Preoccupation. (4) Parents' Exhaustion. (5) Disorganization ............ (6) Too Many "Parents" . . . . (7) Too Many Children . . . . b) Affection Given to the Child by the Parent ..................... c) The Parent's Respect for the Child ........................... d) Parental Discipline ............ (1) The Orientation to the Present..................... (2) Strictness, Authoritarian ism and Severity............ (3) The Absence of Discipline. (4) The Permission of Aggression. (5) Overview .................. e) Some Previously-Mentioned Factors Considered Together ............ f) The Discouragement of Autonomy and Creativity .................. g) The Parent's Effect on the Child's Sex Role Identification . . . . h) Not Encouraging High Occupa tional Ambitions ............... i) The Parent's Contribution to the Child's Education ............... (1) The Disadvantaged Society and the Schools ............ ix 129 129 130 130 132 133 133 133 134 135 135 135 136 136 137 139 140 140 ; 140 i 142 143 143 144 145 , 145 ; 145 , 146 146 j j Page (a) Introduction............. 146 (b) The Disadvantaged1s Evaluation of Education . 146 i. Education is not Useful............. 146 ii. Education is not Appreciated for Its Own Sake . . .14 8 iii. Intellectualism is Undesirable . . . 150 iv. Poor Relations Bet ween the Disadvan taged and the Schools............. 151 v. Evidence that Edu cation is Valued. . 152 (c) Relations Between the Disadvantaged and the Schools................ 153 i. Introduction . . . 153 ii. Difficulties and Discouragement in Relations Between the Disadvantaged and the Schools . .154 a-Enmity of the School . . . . 154 b-The Dominant Society's Ignor ance of the Disadvantaged . . 155 c-Lack of Help Given by the Dominant Society to the Disadvan taged. . . . . 156 d-The Disadvanta- 1 ged's Unfamiliar ity with the Dominant Society . 157 e-Poverty . . . .157 f-The Disadvanta ged' s Inferiority Feelings. . . . 158 g-The Belief That the World is an Enemy............. 159 x Page h-Hopelessness i-Miscellaneous . (d) The Situation is Appalachia ............ (2) The Parent's Aspirations for His Child 1s Education » (3) The Parent's Effect on His Child's Intellectual Development ............... (a) Verbal Skills . i. Introduction ii. The Reasons for the Impairment of Language Development. a-The Relatively Low Degree to Which Parents Personally Teach Language to Their Children . b-Insufficient Number of Sources for Language Learning . . . . c-The Deficiencies of the Language of the Disadvan taged ............ (b) Thought ............... (c) Lack of Information (d) Discrimination . . . . (e) Memory.................. (4) Other Ways in Which Parents Figure in the Child's Scholastic Difficulties (a) Orientation to the Present ............... (b) Helping Children Learn Their Lessons .... (c) Inability to Provide School Materials (d) Inability to Help with the Acquisition of School Know-How ............... (e) Inability to Arrange Space and Privacy . xi 160 161 162 162 163 163 163 164 164 166 168 169 : 171 172 175 175 175 176 ; I | 177 1 i 177 ; 178 I Pa9e (f) Distractions in the Home. 179 (g) Lack of Support for Children's Social Life at School................ 179 (h) Inability to Pay for Compensatory Education . 179 (i) Family Mobility. . . . 180 (j) Children Must Sacrifice School for Work and Home Chores.......... 180 H. Difficulties in the School: The Educator's Discouragement ............... 180 1. Segregation..........................181 2. Poverty................................182 a) Insufficient Income ............. 182 b) Poor Facilities................. 184 3. The Discouragement of the Educator. . 186 a) The Educator's Fear of, and Emnity Towards, Students. . . . 187 b) Inferiority Feelings ............. 190 c) Hopelessness.................... 191 d) General Discouragement . . . .191 e) Detachment.................... 192 f) False Pretenses and the Belief That the World is an Enemy . . .195 4. The Dominant Society's Ignorance; the Disadvantaged's Ignorance; Cultural Influences and Culture Conflicts ........................ . 196 1 a) Educators' Inadequate Education . 196 (1) The Inadequacy of Their Training ............... . 196 (2) Reasons for the Educators' Lack of Preparation. . 197 : (3) Orientation of the Middle Class .................. . 197 1 (a) Evidence That It Exists . 197 (b) Ignorance about the Lower Class .... . 200 (c) Wayland Takes Exception . 202 (4) Culture Shock............ b) The Disadvantaged Child's Un familiarity with His Educator's World.............................204 ........xii........ - ....... -------------- Page c) The Influence of the Disadvan taged Society on the Disadvantaged Student............20 4 (1) Introduction............. 205 (2) The Influence of Adults . .205 (3) The Influence of Peers. . .206 d) Students and Educators: Conflicts and Lack of Mutual Understanding . 209 5. The Inadequate Help Received by Students........................... 211 a) Teacher Shortage ................ 211 b) The Effect of the Administration . 211 c) The Teachers' Discouragement . . 212 (1) Feelings of Inferiority . . 213 (2) Other Factors............. 214 d) Teachers Do Not Have Their Students Do Enough Work . . . .214 e) Teachers Have Students Do Too Much Work........................ 216 f) Some Valuable Subjects Are Taught Little or Not at All. . . 217 g) Children Do Not Receive Adequate Help with Their Psychological Growth........................... 219 h) Lack of Help with Acculturation . 222 i) Teachers Do Not Have Enough!Timet in Which to Teach............... 222 j) The Influence cf Classmates. . .224 k) Other Factors.................224 I. Summary..................................225 III REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON THE DISADVANTAGED: THE CHILD OF DISADVANTAGEMENT .............. 230 A. Introduction............................230 B. Discouragement.............................230; 1. Attitudes and Beliefs Involved in Discouragement ..................... 231 a) Excessive Inferiority Feelings. . 231 : (1) Introduction............... 231 ; (2) Ways in Which the Inferior ity Feelings are Acquired. . 232 [ Pase (a) The Enmity of Others . . 232 (b) The Belief That the World is an Enemy . . .235 (c) Failure.................235 (d) Stereotypes of Ideal People....................236 (3) Some of the Ways in Which Disadvantaged Children Feel Inferior....................237 (a) The "Sense of NobodinessV 23 7 (b) Intellectual Inferiority. 237 (c) Sexual Inferiority. . . 238 (d) A Sense of Powerlessness. 238 b) Hostility Towards Oneself . . . 239 c) Fear and Anxiety................. 239 d) The Belief That the World is an Enemy..........................242 e) Hopelessness....................... 244 (1) Introduction.................244 (2) Occupational Aspirations . .245 (a) The Degree of Aspiration. 245 (b) The Influence of Peers, Parents and School on Aspirations..............249 (3) Educational Aspirations . . 251 (a) The Degree of Aspiration. 251 (b) Reasons for Low (1) Introduction.................254 (2) The Unattractiveness of Certain Goals and Values . . 255 j (b) Social Status .. .. 256 (c) Goals Provided by the Segregated School . . . 256 (d) Middle Class Values . . 256 (e) Personal Benefits . . . 257 (f) Life Itself— Because Life is So Unpleasant. . 259 (3) The Effect of Personal Troubles....................260 Aspirations f) Lack of Motivation. 253 254 (a) Work 255 xiv Page 2. Behavior Engaged in Because of Discouragement ..................... 261 a) Seeking Recognition; Over dependency and Over-submissive- ness « « t • • • • • « .261 b) Detachment............... . . .264 (1) Detachment from Society . .264 (2) Detachment from the Family . 265 (3) Detachment from Peers . . .266 (4) Detachment from School. . .266 (a) Dropout, Absence, and Truancy..............266 (b) Reasons for Detachment . 267 c) Aggression ...... 270 (1) Introduction........... 270 (2) Origins and Targets. . . .271 ... (a) Society as a Whole: Non- Designated Targets. . .271 i. The Dominant Society's Enmity . .271 ii. The Disadvantaged's Discouragement. . .272 (b) All Authority . . . .273 (c) The Schools..............273 (d) The Family..............274 (3) Modes of Aggression. . . . 275 (a) Depreciation. .. . . 275 i. Society......... 275 ii. Work............ 275 iii. Education .... 277 iv. Intellectualism . . 277 v. Disadvantaged Persons..........277 (b) Delinquency..............277 (c) Aggressive Repartee . .27 8 (d) Accusation..............27 8 (e) Other Modes..............278 (4) Covertness and Displacement . 279 3. Other Aspects of Discouragement. . . 280 C. Suffering.............................. 2 81 I XV Page D. Reduced Creativity ..................... 282 1. Evidence of Reduced Creativity . . .282 2. The Reasons for Reduced Creativity. . 2 84 a) Introduction....................284 b) Difficulties and Discouragement in the Family................ 284 (1) Poverty................... 284 (2) The Parents Presence and Relative Statuses . . . .2 85 (3) Illegitimacy................285 (4) Randomness.................... 285 (5) Other Factors................2 86 (a) General Lack of Readiness for School . .2 86 (b) Reading and Learning . .2 87 (c) Problem Solving. . . .2 89 (d) Asking Questions . . .289 (e) Communication with the Teacher............... 2 89 c) Segregation....................290 (1) Academic Achievement is Relatively Low in Segregated Schools.......................290 (2) Reasons for Low Achievement in Segregated Schools . . . 291 d) The Discouragement of the Educator..........................293 e) The Lack of Help Received in the School..................... 29 7 f) Culture Differences and Conflicts. 29 8 g) The Child's Discouragement . . .298 (1) Inferiority Feelings . . .29 8 (2) Fear and Anxiety..............299 (3) Lack of Motivation . . . .300 (4) Aggression....................301 E. The Disadvantaged Child: Positive Aspects...................................302 1. Knowledge of Life's "Seamy Side" . . 302 2. Developed Skills .................. 303 3. Interests and Values................ 304 F. Summary................................... 304 xvi Page IV THE INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY OF ALFRED ADLER . .307 A. Biographical Note.......................307 B. Introduction.......................... 309 C. The Sense of Inferiority..............310 D. Striving for Superiority..............312 1. The Nature of Superiority...........312 2. The Nature of the Striving . . . .315 3. The Eternality of Striving .... 317 4. Reconciliation of Two Concepts . . . 318 5. The Self-Consistency of Each Individual: The Style of Life . . .319 E. Successful Striving ...................... 320 1. Courage................................320 2. The Nature of Successful Striving: Social Interest ..................... 321 3. The Role of the Self-Concept in Successful Striving.................323 4. The Basic Form of Useful Striving . . 326 F. Reconciliation of Other Concepts. . . . 326 G. Self-Defeating Striving.................327 1. Introduction......................... 327 2. How the Child is Encouraged to Adopt an Unserviceable Meaning for Life: Discouragement..............329 3. The Goal of the Discouraged Child . . 335 4. The Behavior of the Discouraged Child— Part 1.......................336 5. Over-All View of the Child's Discouragement ..................... 339 6. The Behavior of the Discouraged Child— Part I I ....................340 7. Examples of Situations Leading to, and Behavior Preceding from Discouragement ..................... 343 a) Children with Organ Inferiorities. 344 b) Children Suffering from Malnutrition....................346 c) Pampered Children ............... 346 d) Neglected and Hated Children . .348 xvii Page H. Fictionalism............................. 350 I. Man: The Whole That is Part of the Whole..................................... 355 1. Introduction......................... 355 2. Man as an Individual Whole .... 355 3. Man as Part of the Cosmos..............360 a) Man is Made for Association. . . 360 b) The Ties between Man and the Cosmos............................ 361 c) Man's Development ............... 364 d) The Nature of Meaning. . . . .369 (1) Meaning's Use of Analogy . . 369 (2) Meaning and Purpose. . . .371 (3) Reason...................... 371 (4) The Commonality of Meaning . 372 e) Value .... .. .. .. 372 f) The Meaning of L i f e ..............373 J. Summary................................ 374 V THE RELEVANCE OF INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY TO THE PROBLEMS OF DISADVANTAGED CHILDREN . . .378 A. Discouragement.............................37 8 1. General Discussion................... 378 2. Four Harmful Early Life Situations. . 381 3. Inferiority Feelings and Discouragement 381 | a) Sources of the Feelings . . . .3 81 (1) Depreciation.................381 (a) The Result of Depreciation............. 3 81 (b) Depreciation the Child's Interpretation . . . 3 82 ; (2) j. Failure.................. 3 82 j (3) The Emphasis on Masculinity . 383 i (4) Other Sources of the Inferiority Feeling. . . .384 b) Ways in Which Disadvantaged i Children Feel Inferior .... 384 ; 4. Lack of Hope......................... 385 xviii Page 5. Fear...................................385 6. Lack of Motivation....................385 B. Behavior Engaged in Because of Discouragement.............................387 1. Detachment.............................387 2. Over-Dependency and Over-Compliance . 3 87 3. The Attempt to Prove Superiority . .3 88 4. Living under False Pretenses. . . .3 89 5. Living for the Present................ 389 6. Aggression............................ 390 C. Creativity................................ 391 D. In Closing................................ 391 VI THE METHODOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY . .393 A. Individual Psychology's Concepts of, and Recommendations for, Education . . .393 1. The Aims of Education................393 2. The Role of the School................394 3. Individual Psychology's Techniques for Helping Children to Overcome Discouragement ..................... 394 a) Introduction..................... 394 b) Techniques to Employ............39 8 (1) Explain the Child's Mistakes to Him............. 398 (2) Explain the Meaning of Life to the Child .. .. 399 (3) Explain to the Child That He Can Have Hope............. 399 (4) Show the Child That All Men Are Equal....................400 (5) Explain the Motivations of the Child's Real Enemies . . 401 ; (6) Encourage Independence and Cooperation........... 402 j (a) Introduction........... 402 ; (b) Independence........... 403 | (c) Cooperation........... 407 ; i. The Encouragement of Occupation . . . 407 : xix Page ii. The Establishment of Communities. . . 407 a-The Work Community (Arbeitsgemein- schaft) . . . .40 8 b-The Administrative Community (Verwaltungsge- meinschaft). . . 410 c-The Community of Conversation (Aussprachgemein- schaft) Part I. . 412 d-The Community of Mutual Aid (Stutzungsgemein- schaft) . . .. 413 e-rThe Community of Life and Experi ence (Erlebnisgemein- schaft) .... 413 f-The Community of Conversation— Part II . . . 414 c) Techniques to Avoid..............415 d) Tools and Characteristics of the Educator.......................417 (1) Understanding and Social Interest................ 417 (2) Clues to Understanding. . . 419 e) Child Guidance Clinics .... 421 (1) History................... 421 (2) Method................... 421 f) Parents....................... 424 B. Evidence Showing the Efficacy of Industrial Psychology's Educational Techniques................................425 1. Introduction....................... 425 2. The Evidence....................... 428 xx Page Study #1— Ametzian.................. 42 8 Study #2— Anderson....................429 Study #3— Brazziel and Gordon . . . 433 Study #4— Brazziel and Terrell . . . 435 Study #5— Carlton and Moore . . . .438 Study #6— Clinchy....................440 Study #7— Cloward and Jones .. .. 443 Study #8— Edmiston and Benfer . . . 445 Study #9— Engel: Research Council for the Great Cities Program for School Improvement.................446 Study #10— Flanders. . . . . . . 447 Study #11— Frost.......................451 Study #12— Goldstein.................452 Study #13— Grunwald....................453 Study #14— Hauser....................454 Study #15— Jackson....................455 Study #16— Krugman, et al. Research Council of the Great Cities Program for School Improvement . . . 456 Study #17— Matteoni....................459 Study #18— McBride....................461 Study #19— McCleary, L................ 463 Study #20— Mock.......................466 Study #21— Ojemann and Wilkinson . . 470 Study #22— Ojemann, et al. Levitt . . 474 Study #23— Porter....................478 Study #24— The Research Council of the Great Cities Program for School Improvement . . 479 Study #25— Rosenthal and Jacobson . .480 Study #26— Sacadat and Liddle . . . 481 Study #27— Schwartz and Musella. . . 482 Study #28— Smilansky.................485 Study #29— Sprigle, et al. .... 487 Study #30— Stiles....................490 Study #31— Taba, et al.................492 Study ttSlaT-Tabh.^....................492 Study #3lb— Taba.......................493 Study #32— Thoma.......................495 Study #33— Whipple....................498 Study #34— Wynn.......................500 C. Summary 503 Page VII AN ADLERIAN MODEL FOR EDUCATING THE DISADVANTAGED .............................. 506 A. The Prose Mo d e l.......................... 506 1. The Disadvantaged Child's Problem . .506 ]a) Overview....................... 506 b) The Hardships of Life...........506 c) The Aspects of Discouragement . . 507 d) The Behavior of Discouraged Disadvantaged Children . . . .50 8 2. Adler1s Recommendations for the Solution of This Problem.............. 509 a) Aim of Education..............509 b) The Basic Principle of Adlerian Methodology....................510 c) Identification of the Child's Educators; Necessity for Cooperation....................510 d) To Train the School Educator . .512 e) The Basic Means for Enlightening the Child.......................513 3. The Anticipated Outcome of Utilizing Adlerian Methodology in the Educa tion of Disadvantaged Children . . . 515 a) Discouragement is Overcome . . .515 b) The Children Become Creative, Cooperative, Successful, and Happy 516 i B. The Tabular Representation of Adlerian Methodology.......................517 1. Difficulties Encountered ............ 517 a) Disease, Malnutrition............. 517 b) Others' Enmity....................518 (1) The Society at Large. . . . 518 (2) Teachers 518 ; (3) Parents . . 519 j 2. Behavior Engaged in Because of ' Discouragement ..................... 519 a. Detachment...................... 519 (1) The Child Does Not Mix with His Classmates or Partici pate in Discussions . ... 519 xxii Page (2) The Child Breaks School Rules • • • • • • • *520 b) Using One's Inferiority as an Excuse Not to Participate . . . 521 (1) Laziness....................521 (2) Over-Dependency..............521 (3) Over-Submissiveness. . . . 521 c) Proving One's Superiority . . . 522 (1) The Child Seeks to Be the Center of Attention. . . .522 (2) The Child Seeks to Dominate Others ............ 522 d) Lying............................. 523 e) Living for the Present .... 523 f) Aggression.......................523 g) Poor Achievement................. 523 VIII THE TEACHER CORPS PROGRAM AT THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA.......................525 A. Introduction.............................525 B. Background Information on Teacher Corps at the University of Southern California . 525 C. The Teacher Corps Model Based on the University of Southern California Program................................. 52 8 ADLERIAN CONCEPT 529 | IX SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . 537 A. Summary.................................537 1. The Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler ........................ 540 ! 2. Adler's Relevance to, and Usefulness for Understanding and Assisting ! Disadvantaged Children............... 544 ; B. Conclusions..............................547 C. Recommendations......................... 548: BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................................... 550 ; ......................... xxiii __ ___________________ ________ s CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION I. The New Concern for Educating Disadvantaged Youth At present, education faces what could be considered its most basic and significant challenge— the importance of recognizing social differences among youngsters and develop ing educational approaches which will assist these young sters to grow to their fullest potential. It would be highly speculative to attempt to determine what specifically brought about this new-found concern for educating disadvantaged youth. In all probability one could not find a single event, but rather a series of occurences. The advent of Sputnik in 1957, the tremendous influx of min ority groups to urban centers, and recent social upheavals are but a few of the events which have stimulated this trend toward a new educational effort. Probably, one of the most cogent and compelling rationales for this new emphasis re volves about the premises on which this society is based and the awareness that educational deprivation is incompatible with the basic freedoms set forth in a democratic society. It may well be that one way in which social upheavals have generated concern for the disadvantaged children's 1 education is that they have made people aware of the dangers of the lack of good education. As Clark has noted, schools as they exist today are spawning hundreds of thousands of functional illiterates who generally come from the ranks of the low-incorae and low-racial status (319:57). They are the "combustibles", and as a result we are going to have bigger and more irrational riots in our inner cities that are directly related to the ineffectiveness of our public schools. II. Disadvantagement and Discouragement A sizeable number of people in the United States are what has been termed "disadvantaged". That is: 1) "They are at the bottom of the American society in terms of in come" and 2) "They suffer from social and economic discrim-: ination at the hands of the majority of the society".(98:26 -7) There are a number of synonyms for the disadvantaged: educationally disadvantaged, underprivileged, deprived, ex- perientially deprived, educationally deprived, culturally deprived, culturally impoverished, culturally handicapped, culturally different, lower class, lower socioeconomic group, working class, economically disadvantaged, and poverty are some of the most frequently employed terms. (70:6). "Disadvantaged" has come to be the preferred term, as it appears to be the most accurate and the fairest. For example, to call an Indian "culturally deprived" is not to respect the fact that he has a rich culture of his own and to indicate that there is something wrong with him because he has not internalized the main American culture (139:211). In this disertation, "disadvantaged" is used as the preferred term to describe individuals suffering from en mity, educational handicap and poverty. However, for the sake of clarity and convenience, it is necessary to use some of the above synonyms for "disadvantaged". In this context, these synonyms should be considered as fully inter changeable with the term "disadvantaged". The number of disadvantaged persons in the United States is considerable. According to the Office of Economic Opportunity, there are 29,700,000 poor Americans— approxi mately 15% of the population (349:29). Havighurst has agreed that the disadvantaged comprise this percentage of the popu lation, and that "since they tend to have large families, their children make up as much as 20% of the child popula tion". (98:27) The people comprising the disadvantaged include: Negroes; Appalachians; migrant farm workers and sharecropper? Indians; Orientals; Spanish-Americans; Mexican-Americans; Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican and European immigrants; and poor native whites. The majority of them have migrated from rural areas in this country and from places outside the United States to our urban centers (98:27). It can be seen that the disadvantaged, for the most part, are comprised of several ethnic and racial sub-soc ieties. Nevertheless, these groups, as well as destitute individuals who may not fit into them, such as poor whites living outside the South, have so many characteristics in common that it is necessary to recognize the disadvantaged as having a distinct culture of their own— the disadvantaged culture, or, as Lewis has termed it, the "culture of pover ty." (319:50) The common characteristics they possess may be subsumed under three main categories; poverty, discrim ination, and the reactions to and effects of poverty and discrimination. All disadvantaged persons share in these conditions, and the majority of them have the same kind of reactions and experience the same sort of effects. The effects of poverty and discrimination on the major ity of disadvantaged people share the same basic content: they are all expressions of discouragement. Disadvantage- ment has become so hard on these individuals that many have given up trying to break through the barriers to "succeed" in life; that is, they have given up trying to lead creative and useful lives for the betterment of themselves and society, They have come to feel that they are inferior beings, and that there is no hope for "adequate" achievement for them selves . The influence of growing up in a disadvantaged envir onment, surrounded by discouraged adults has had a negative 5 impact upon the children we now call disadvantaged. (See infra Chap. III. As a result, many of these children are mental dropouts at an early age and eventually become the physical dropouts of both school and society. III. Alfred Adler and Education It is submitted that, the Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler may provide both the conceptual framework and the working base whereby disadvantaged children may be en couraged to rid themselves of this discouragement and commence to lead useful and gratifying lives which will be of value to themselves and society as a whole. Adler believed that by the time a person is four or five years of age, he has adopted a fixed set of beliefs— a philosophy of lifer-upon which he proceeds to base all of his behavior. By "fixed" is meant that his entertaining of these beliefs or interpretations of life have become habitual: they have become a philosophy of life (life style) which guides all of his actions. Adler believed that through conscious effort, one could change these beliefs, and by so doing alter one's life style. He believed that the young child, since he had not held his philosophy of life for a long period of time, could change it more easily than an adult. He felt that if children were encouraged to develop styles that would assist them in becoming creative contributors to culture's develop- .:te.n . ' .. v ' no ment, they would retain these modes throughout life, and the ills of man and society would be considerably diminish ed (12:236). It was from his personal involvement in the psychoan alytic movement and the development of his personal con viction that Adler dedicated much of his career to helping children, including those who were disadvantaged, and who because of their beliefs had become discouraged. He esta blished an experimental school and a number of child guidi- ance clinics, he trained teachers, and wrote extensively on child care and education. The children who were taught by his methods were decidedly postively affected (6:v-vi). Unfortunately, "... at least in the United States, Adler's contributions to education and child psychology and guidance have enjoyed little recognition." (489:1) There are several possible reasons for this: to many, Individual Psychology may have appeared superficial and untenable as a tool for education in this country; it disagrees in many respects with Freudian theory, which has been widely accept ed in the United States; Individual Psychology has gained the false reputation of postulating the disagreeable idea that man's basic desire is for power; it was believed that Individual Psychology advocated communal living at the sac rifice of individuality; and also, many of Adler's writings appear to be oversimplifications of vastly complex problems. A true understanding of Adler's views negates these notions. Although Adler has received relatively little recogni tion in this country, he may well have indirectly influenced psychological and educational thought and development. Testimony to this effect was offered by Grey who recorded the progressive appearance in the literature of such term inology as "style of life" and "inferiority feelings" as well as methodology which were integral concepts in Adler's Individual Psychology (489:506). IV. Statement of the Problem It was the purpose of this study to demonstrate that Alfred Adler's Individual Psychology provides a framework whereby one can better understand and abrogate the pro blems which disadvantaged children present to American edu cation. It was also the purpose of this study to present a model of this framework for use by those involved in the process educating of the disadvantaged. V. Organization of the Study Chapter I: Introduction Chapter II: Review of the Literature on the Disadvantaged: The Culture of Disadvantagement Chapter III: Review of the Literature on the Disadvantaged: The Child of Di sadvantagement Chapter IV: The Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler 8 Chapter V: The Relevance of Individual Psychology to the Problems of the Disadvantaged Child Chapter VI: The Methodology of Individual Psychology Chapter VII: An Adlerian Model for Educating the Disadvantaged Chapter VIII: The Teacher Corps Program at the University of Southern California Chapter IX: Summary, Conclusions and Recommendations VI. Importance of the Study Several schools have instituted successful programs for helping disadvantaged children which do utilize Adler ian techniques (see infra Chapter VI). There is no indi cation that the schools learned of the techniques by con sulting Adler or his followers: rather, they have dis covered the techniques independently, as it were. Fine as these schools' programs are, there is great need for further help since the present programs do not include the majority of disadvantaged children. Further more, the number of disadvantaged youths is rising: "Based on current trends, the prediction is that, by 1970, one out of every two children in many of our major cities will be poor or disadvantaged." (70:21) There is another drawback to the programs currently in use: they are not based on a fundamental philosophy or groundwork; nor do they utilize all the techniques for helping children which are available. Rather, they are based on a series of ideas which the schools have not fit into any system or philosophical position. For instance, a school may believe that it is wise to enlist parent's aid to enable children to improve their self-concept: But there is no indication that the school regards these things as being based on a single philosophy; and nor does it utilize additional techniques which would be helpful. Individual Psychology on the other hand, does provide a basic philosophy on which all of its recommendations are based, and it recommends a great number of techniques. It is not so narrow a psychology that it denies the possibil ity that there are other methods; and Adler himself stres sed that any particular method may have a number of varia tions. The major contention of this work was that it is more advantageous to base a program on a system of interrelated concepts which itself is based on the developmental aspects of behavior, rather than on a series of concepts lacking interrelationships when taken collectively. There are a number of reasons for this: A. All concepts are best understood when seen in relation to other concepts. If a school bases its pro gram on a limited number of concepts, not seeing how these concepts interrelate and relate to the entire scheme of things, the school will not have a full understanding of 10 the concepts and they will not be able to maximize the useage of these concepts. In Individual Psychology, all life is seen as a striving towards perfection, that is, a bettering of the present condition < - both individual and societal. All the concepts of Individual Psychology center around this basic tenet. Thus, for a full understanding of any one of them, this central purpose must be kept in mind; and for a full understanding of the purpose, all the concepts must be considered together. It would be easy to lose sight of the basic and most important element - the striving for per fection— if any of the concepts were isolated. Indeed, it is that element which gives all subsidiary concepts meaning. B. It is more difficult for schools to explain their concepts to other schools, the government, parents, and students if the concepts are not seen as fitting into one main framework. For again, the concepts have their full est meaning when seen in relation to the whole. In such a situation, they are more easily described and accepted. It is also easier to demonstrate their efficacy and to spread them to other schools. C. Schools which do not base their programs on an all-embracing philosophy are thereby exposed to a limited number of helpful concepts. If they were to adopt a uni fied philosophy, they would have at their disposal ideas on how to handle a multitude of situations. Furthermore, 11 the ideas would be seen as forming a whole. More cogency would be the result. United, the ideas would constitute a geometric progression/ that is, rather than 10 independent concepts they would exert the strength of a total "system" working in a unified way toward a common goal. Therefore/ the primary importance of the present study is that it presented a comprehensive set of sound techniques for helping disadvantaged children. It ex plained the philosophy upon which these techniques are based/ thus permitting a full understanding of them. It may be of special value to many schools which currently have no program to help the disadvantaged. Alsof it should be of value to schools which currently use some Adlerian techniques (albeit/ without realizing it) in that it suggests more techniques/ and, by providing a philosophical framework for all techniques/ enables the schools to under stand them better and to find more varied ways to use them. Finally/ it is hoped that this study will make Adler and Individual Psychology better known, and will stimulate further research on the efficacy of Adlerian methodology with the result being greater understanding and use of Individual Psychology in American education. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON THE DISADVANTAGED: THE CULTURE OF DISADVANTAGEMENT A. The Purpose and Organization of Chapters II and III It is the purpose of Chapters II and III to provide an understanding of the disadvantaged child, with emphasis on the concept of discouragement. In order to do this, it was necessary to describe the society in which he lives, as well as that society's effect on him. The chapters were organized in the following manner: Parts B, C and D of Chapter II will present a general pic ture of the culture of disadvantagement. The remaining partspwill show how various aspects of that culture are manifested in certain areas of life: community relations, work, family, and school. Chapter III will present a por trait of the disadvantaged child. B. Discouragement and Suffering: an Overview 1. Adler's Conception of Discouragement Alfred Adler believed that all problems of life could be divided into three categories— problems of work, social relations, and love. Furthermore, Adler held that these problems could be solved only by cooperation among people. 12 He defined discouragement as the "giving up" of the attempt to solve the problems (4:255; 12:1-24, 51-52). According to Adler, certain attitudes and beliefs constitute the syndrome of discouragement. The primary belief is in one's inability to cooperate successfully with others and therein solve one's problems. Such a be lief has two aspects: one's certainty of his inability to cooperate (excessive inferiority feelings) and one's giving up hope that his problems can be solved. Other as pects of discouragement are one's fear that if one tried to cooperate one would fail and hence have one's infer iority revealed; a consequent lack of motivation to so cooperate; egocentricity (preoccupation with concealing inferiority); the feeling that one is an outsider; the belief that the world is one's enemy; and hostility against the world and oneself. (4:157, 299, 385; 6:71, 164 12:51-52). Furthermore, Adler pointed out that the discouraged person, out of fear, avoids full participation in the areas of love, work and social relations. Such avoidance he called detachment (12:7). 2. Supportive Evidence for Adler's View. The idea that the above attitudes, beliefs and be havior are interrelated, is given support by the findings of an experiment by Davids (257). The purpose of his study was twofold: 14 . . . to develop an objective technique for investi gating personality and social apperception, and to test a series of predictions pertaining to relations between subjects' ego structure, their apperceptions of the world, and their estimates of other persons' apperceptions . . . [the term "apperception"] desig nate [s] the process whereby meaning is assigned to a physical stimulus, and includes such things as under standing, interpretation, and classification. In the present study apperception refers specificaly to apperception involving an evaluative interpretation [emphasis addded] of situations and people in the perceiver's world. (257:21) Davids' subjects were 20 Harvard undergraduates. He indicated that their backgrounds, interests, abilities, amd personalities were varied (257:21). The subjects were tested and rated in a number of ways. First, through two interviews with, and a detailed autobiography read by, an experienced clinical psychologist the subjects were ranked in terms of ego structure (257:21) By "ego structure" Davids meant a concept developed by Murray and Kluckholm (119). These two authors explained the concept as follows: According to Freud, the ego is the "conscious, objective, rational, and reality-oriented part of the personality" (119:24). Furthermore, "... the function of the ego is not so much to suppress instinct tual needs (e.g., respiration, ingestion of food, defeca tion, expressions of affection, endeavors to master the environment) as to govern them by moderating their inten sities and determining the modes and times of their fulfill ment." (119:24) . The implication appears to be that man is not ruled by his "instincts"; rather, the decision of their 15 use is up to him. Thus "ego structure" means the strength of the ego, that is, the degree to which it has developed the capacity to govern the instinctual needs. Some of the criteria for strength can be divided into three categories— perception and apperception, intellection, and conation. The first refers to the degree to which one's capacity to comprehend is developed; the second, to the degree to which one's capacity to use his mental faculties is developed; and the third, to the degree to which one's capacity to behave responsibly and properly is developed (119:24-25). Among the characteristics of the third criterion are: Will-power: the ability to do what one resolves to do and is capable of doing, to persist in the face of difficulties, to complete a prescribed or elected course of action; also to restrive after failure (counteraction). Conjunctivity of action: the ability to schedule and organize one's activities, to make a plan and follow it, to live an ordered life. Resolution of conflicts: the ability to choose between alternative courses of action. The absence of protracted periods of hesitation, indecision, vacillation, or perplexity. Selection of impulses: . . . [This includes] the habit of selecting and expressing, without qualms or conflict, impulses which are intrinsically en joyable or extrinsically rewarding, absence of dis turbing worries or anxieties [emphasis added). Selection of social pressures and influences: the ability to choose among the demands, claims, entice ments and suggestions that are made by other people, to comply with those that are acceptable and reject those that are not; especially the power to resist intolerable coercions from society, but to submit 16 if there is no way out . .. Initiative and self-sufficiency: The ability to de- cide for oneself and act without waiting to be stimulated, urged, or encouraged. The habit of r trusting one's own decisions (self-reliance). Also, the ability to stand alone, to do and finish things alone, without help; . . . absence of marked depen dence on others. Absence of pathological symptoms; freedom for in capacitating neurotic or psychotic symptoms (119: 25-6). It is clear from the above that a high degree of ego structure means not being cowed by difficulties and acting autonomously and constructively; but a low degree of ego structure means being overcome by difficulties to the point where one largely gives up the pursuit of productive and self-directed activities. Davids' subjects were also administered an Affect Questionnaire: The Affect Questionnaire was designed to reveal three things in regard to certain critical dis positions of personality: (a) the relative amount of the disposition in the subject's personality; (b) the relative amount of the disposition he apperceives in the personalities of the other people in his social environment [i.e., in the personality of the average Harvard student]; and (c) his evaluation (positive-negative) of the given disposition [this evaluation was learned by having him tell how the disposition would be rated by a (real or fictional) person whom he considered to be ideal]. The eight dispositions measured by this instrument are: socioentricity, optimism, trust, egocentricity, pessimism, distrust, anxiety, and resentment. Of these dispositions, the first three are "positive" or socially desirable, and the last five are "negative" or socially undesirable. (267: 21-3) The profiles of the subjects that were revealed by 17 their scores on the Affect Questionnaire was revealed also by another means: . . . it is encouraging to note that the impres sions gained from spection of these profiles are, in most cases, in keeping with diagnoses based on intensive analysis of data secured by means of a variety of standard clinical procedures. (257:24) There are statistically "highly significant" in tercorrelations among the Questionnaire scores for each disposition (257:23-4). The findings of these inter correlations . .. led to the formulation of a syndrome for which the term alienation seemed most fitting. This syndrome is composed of the following five interrelated dispositions: egocentricity, dis trust, pessimism, anxiety, and resentment. Our findings indicate that subjects who are high on any one of these dispositions tend to be high on all of them. (257:24) Davids correlated each subject's rank on self-ali enation with the rank of amount of negative discrepancy between (1) self and the apperceived Harvard student and (2) self and the ideal person. The former computation re sulted "... in a tau of + .429, which is significant at the .005 level. This finding indicates that individuals who are at either extreme of the variable of alienation tend to rate others as closer to the mean than themselves" (257:26). The latter correlation resulted in a "highly significant" tau of + ,516, "This finding confirms the widely held belief that an important correlate of unhappi ness, and probably maladjustment, is the perception of the self as falling below one's standards and ideals" (257j 26). To sum up, these two correlations showed that the alienated individuals "see themselves as far from their ideals and considerable worse off, socially and psycholo gically, than their contemporaries" (257:26-7). Also, rank on self-alienation correlated with ego structure: The predicted negative association was found (tau - -.411, p r- .006) indicating that the subjects who view the world and their relationship to it in a negative light have weak ego structure [poor adjustment] as evaluated by experienced clinical judgment. This finding of highly signi ficant agreement between results of assessment by these different methods speaks for the validi ty of the Affect Questionnaire as an objective method for investigating personality and apper ception. (257:26) Davids concluded from all his findings that the alienated young men in his sample exhibited the following characteristics: weak ego structure (which reflects dis couragement) , inferiority feelings (feeling inferior to contemporaries and to one's ideal), distrust, pessimism, anxiety, resentment, and egocentricity. All but the first of these characteristics comprised the "alienation syn drome"; weak ego structure was a phenomenon correlated with that syndrome (257:27). Ansbacher has written, "Altoghether the paper by Davids can well be taken as experimental support and ex tension of Adlerian theory" (221:484). Ansbacher pointed to the similarity between alienation and detachment (also) 19 called distance), and noted that Adler related detachment to anxiety, egocentricity (the attempt to conceal one's in feriority feelings (221:483). Ansbacher said that accord ing to Adler, inferiority feelings and lack of social in terest in, and fellow-feeling for, others) give rise to detachment and to the belief that the world is a hostile place (221:484). This belief would appear to correspond to Davids' distrust (cf. 4:289-291). In regards to Davids' concept of resentment, An sbacher has stated that it corresponds to the bitterness which Adler ascribed to the person who runs away from life that is, detaches himself (221:483). This would reflect hostility towards the world. The belief that one is an outsider is not explicit ly mentioned by Davids. However, his subjects' believing that they were inferior to contemporaries would appear to reflect this; also apparently reflecting it is their alienation: to act like an outsider would appear to be founded on a belief that one is an outsider. There was another way, in which Davids supported Adler. Davids indicated that his subjects' alienation resulted from their evaluative interpretation of their situation and of the world (257:21-3,26). Also, he appear ed to use the terms "alienation" and "self-alienation: interchangeably. If he did so, perhaps it may be specui lated that he saw the alienated individual as bringing 20 his alienation on himself, as it were: the individual feels alienated because of his own interpretation of reali ty, not because he is made to be alienated by external forces. Similarly, Adler believed that discouragement results when one interprets himself and his environment negatively (4:255; 12:51-2). Indeed, Adler believed that all of an individual's behavior depends upon the indi vidual's behavior depends upon the individual's own inter pretation of himself and his circumstances, that this shows that human beings are self-determining, that nega tive interpretations which lead to discouragement are in accurate, and that any individual who has such an inter pretation, may, through re-education, change it to a more accurate, positive and fruitful interpretation (see infra Chapter IV). In sura, Davids appeared to provide excellent support for Adler, a main difference between them being one of emphasis. Adler focused on discouragement, point ing out that detachment from the world was the basic re sult of discouragement; Davids focused on detachment, noting its high correlation with discouragement. 3. Discouragement among the Disadvantaged: An Overview a). Difficulties Leading to the Disadvantaged1s Discouragement 21 The literature has indicated that discouragement,as described by Adler, is prevalent among the disadvantaged. The reason for this discouragement is, as will be seen,the severity of the difficulties which the disadvantaged en counter in life and their interpretations about these difficulties. These difficulties are: (1) Enmity towards Them by the Dominant Society and by fellow disadvantaged. (2) Relatively high requirements for entering the dominant society. An example is that many disadvantaged do not possess the requi site skills for jobs involving automation. (3) The dominant society's ignorance of the cul ture and problems of the disadvantaged. (4) The inadequate help given to the disadvan taged by the dominant society and by fellow disadvantaged. For example, disadvantaged parents tend not to prepare their children adequately for school; and the schools tend not to give the children an adequate educa tion. (5) The disadvantaged's unfamiliarity with the dominant culture. (6) The influence of the disadvantaged society upon its members; conflicts between it and the dominant society. (7) Poverty (8) Unemployment (9) Poor working conditions b). The Discouragement Syndrome As noted above, Adler discerned certain aspects are manifested in various areas of the disadvantaged's 22 lives; however, it would be useful at present to point out the ways in which four of them are operative in the general disadvantaged society. These four are excessive inferior ity feelings, lack of hope, the belief that the world is an enemy, and the feeling that one is an outsider. (1) Excessive Inferiority Feelings One aspect of the sense of inferiority is the feeling that one is powerless to control one's destiny; rather, outside forces control it (see infra Chapter IV). Miller, in reporting on his three year study of the dis advantaged, has stated: Many lower class individuals feel that their lives are subject to a set of forces over which they have relatively little control. These are not directly equated with the supernatural forces of formally organized religion, but relate more to a concept of "destiny", or man as a pawn of magi cal powers. Not infrequently this often implicit world view is associated with a conception of the ultimate futility of directed effort towards a goal: if the cards are right, or the dice good to you, or if your lucky number comes up, things will go your way; if luck is against you, it's not worth trying.(148:37-8) Miller has been supported by Haggstrom (135:30). The Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders (subsequently referred to in this disserta tion as the RNAC) has noted the sense of powerlessness felt by many Negroes. They . . . have come to believe that they are being ex ploited politicallyjahdyeconomically by the white "power structure." Negroes like people in poverty everywhere, lack the channels of communication, 23 influence >andaappeal that traditionally have been available to ethnic minorities within the city and which enabled them— unburdened by color— to scale the walls of the white ghettos in an earlier era. (151:205) Thus many disadvantaged feel themselves to be at the mercy of destiny and of the dominant society. (2) . Lack of Hope As has been indicated, lack of hope and excessive inferiority feelings are complementary: one feels that his inferiority precludes him from improving his situation: he loses hope that he can cooperate with others and in so doing solve his problems. Henry, who spent over a year studying "... a large St. Louis housing development inhabited almost ex clusively by very poor Negroes [approximately fifty fami lies!" (101:185), wrote: The poor do lack a fundamental vitamin that we others absorb with the smell of food, with the promise of gifts at Christmas, with plans for graduation. They lack the essential strength of hope. (101:187) By "hope" Henry meant belief in a possibility that a problem may be solved or a goal reached in the future. Achievement depends on hope— and hope rests on time. Some time in the future we hope to achieve something. Even to say "Billy has stopped wetting the bed" means that the desired change has occurred change has occurred through time: Billy used to wet the bed but does so no longer. But the parent with no hope can ha\re only partial understanding of his child's having stopped bed-wetting. (101:188) 24 Himes (103:164) and Crow, Murray and Smythe (51:2) supported Henry. Further support comes from reports that many of the disadvantaged are disorganized, that is, that their behavior is random, without plan (see infra Chapter II, Section D). This reflects lack of hope: "But those who cannot hope for achievement or security can have no con cept of the organization of behavior through time toward goals" (101:188). Other evidence is many disadvantaged persons' low aspirations and expectations for educational and vocation al achievement (see infra Chapter II and III). More support for the point that hopelessness is widespread among the disadvantaged is the evidence that excessive inferiority feelings are widespread (see previous section, et passim). (3). The Belief that the World is an Enemy According to Riessman, the average disadvantaged person "... holds the world, [not] himself, responsible for his misfortunes . . ." (171:55). Indications of this are the belief of many Negroes that they are under the power of the inimical whites (151:205) and the suspicious attitudes which the Appalachians and the southern migrant farm workers have towards outsiders (181:231,234). (The latter*s findings were based on a two year field study df 25 Negro and white migrant farm workers. Further evidence has been reported by Willies Bertram P. Karon, a psychologist who has conducted a study of the Negro personality with the use of projective tests, has found that Negroes tend to see their general environment as hostile; they tend to feel that people go out of their way to make trouble for them, that people are potentially dangerous. (204:162) f4). The Feeling that One is an Outsider Frequently, the deprived individual feels alienated, not fully a part of society, left out, frustrated in what he can do. This alienation is expressed in a ready willingness to believe in the corruptness of leaders, and a generally antagonistic feeling toward "big shots". Riessman (171:55). It may be that this alienation is the kind of nega tive alienation described by Davids. It is true that, because of societal discrimination, the disadvantaged are literal outsiders. But what appears to be referred to here is the depressing and incapacitating feeling that one is not good enough, that one is a reject. c\ Behavior Prompted by Discouragement For the discouraged disadvantaged, their (supposed) inadequacy and the (supposed) universal enmity of the world are major problems. Thus these individuals spend most of their time engaging in behavior designed to solve or at least avoid these problems. The following forms of such behavior have been observed in the disadvantaged society— detaching oneself from areas of cooperation, 26 living irresponsibly for the present, excessive seeking of recognition, submission, over-dependency, pretending to have qualities which are acceptable to the world, aggres sing against the world, trying to exert power over it, "conning" other people, and mental illness. These forms will now be discussed. (1). Detachment from Areas of Cooperation As will be seen, forms of such detachment include forsaking reality for fantasy; avoidance of setting real istic goals for the future in favor of living irresponsi bly for the present; children leaving their families for their peer groups; children dropping out of school in spirit before they are sixteen and dropping out physically after they are sixteen; and members of the minority societies withdrawing from contact with the dominant society. (2). Living Irresponsibly for the Present As a result of giving up hope for the future, many disadvantaged tend to concentrate only on the present (80s 80; 101:188). More specifically, as it will be demonstra- tated, they often act irresponsibly on the whim of the moment, and therein to be inconsistent and disorganized. Furthermore, the whim of the moment, according to Henry, is often for thrill or pleasure. This is not hedonistic 27 living, he contended; it is, rather, a "flight from death," i.e., an attempt to find "... continual and vivid re assurance that one is alive" (101:188). (3). Excessive Seeking for Recognition; Submission and Over-Dependency Excessive seeking of recognition has been found among some school children. Submission or over-compliance has been observed among Mexican-Americans and Negroes; Overdependency on formal institutions, such as prisons and disciplinary schools, and on peers, has also been found (457:30-1; 162:94; 148:38-9; 335:150). (4). Living Under False Pretenses Some disadvantaged deny that they have character istics which are disliked by the greater world. Thus, Bernard, has reported that some Negroes "... may de velop extremes of moralistic, prudish, and compulsively meticulous attitudes [to disprove the stereotype]" (230: 152). Similarly, some Negroes and Puerto Ricans have tried to pretend that they were not of their race. Pro- shansky and Newton have referred to light-skinned Negroes who pass as caucasion and to dark-skinned Negroes who may use hair straighteners and skin bleaches (162:195). Bon illa interviewed lower class Puerto Ricans who did not speak Spanish in public and who otherwise acted as if they 28 were not Puerto Rican (30:113). Proshansky and Newton have also indicated that Negroes' "turning white" is a type of escape from the oppression of the dominant society. Furthermore, they have pointed out, "... 'passing' represents a blatant expression of self-rejection and a denial of reality." (162:194,195). Living under false pretenses may reach the point where the individual involved actually believes that his fabrication is true. Henry, who had studied "... a large St. Louis housing development inhabited almost ex clusively by very poor Negroes, reported: The tenants work as domestics, or in the nooks and cracks of our economy; employment is uncertain, pay is poor, resources are scarce. Yet unemployed men talk of jobs they do not have, and the women in this "City of Women" speak of husbands dead, fled, or who never existed. Illusion is thus a way of life. Young and old spend money they do not have for expensive clothes and cars. People with no power and status brag of influence and position and concentrate on getting the better of each other. The illusion of middle-class success settles invisi bly over them . . . Casting out the poor and the Negro from white society has resulted in a social life so saturated by illu sion that the fancy soon becomes the only possible achievement. (101:185,186) Proshansky and Newton have noted a similar case: In their study on the Rorshach and TAT protocols of 25 adult Negroes, Kardiner and Ovesey (1962) report ed that their respondents showed a strong need tp avoid "meeting reality head on? by denying, distorting or simplifying provocative tension-producing situa tions. (162:194) 29 (5). Aggressing against the World Goldstein has pointed out Miller and Swanson's generalization, . . . the working class individual . . . often holds the world rather than himself responsible for his misfortunes and is consequently more direct in his expression of aggression. (81:18) It will be seen that the disadvantaged aggress in a number of ways. Among them are depreciation of others, crime (both adult crime and juvenile delinquency), violent protest, aggressive repartee, and blaming others. Often aggression is covert, out of fear of the dominant society's retaliation. (6). Proving and Attempting to Exercise One's Power The individual who regards himself as inadequate tries to disprove that inadequacy by acting as if he is very powerful. Furthermore, to have power means to be in vulnerable to the (supposed) attacks of the "inimical" world. Instances of the disadvantaged's asserting their "power" will be given in the section of the Family. (7). "Conning" and Exploitation Miller, in his report on his study of the disadvan taged society, has stated that "smartness" is a focal con cern of that society: "Smartness," as conceptualized in lower class cul ture, involves the capacity to outsmart,outfox;t 30 outwit, dupe, "take," "con" another or others, and the concomitant capacity to avoid being outwitted, "taken" or duped oneself. In its essence, smart ness involves the capacity to achieve a valued entity— material goods, personal status— throuth a maximum use of mental agility and a minimum use of physical effort. This capacity has an extreme ly long tradition in lower class culture, and is highly valued . . . The model of the "smart" per son is represented in popular media by the card shark, the professional gambler, the "con" artist the promoter. (148:35,36) The RNAC discussed this value as it is held in the Negro ghetto: With the father absent and the mother work ing, many ghetto children spend the bulk of their time on the streets— the streets of a crimerrid- den, violence-prone and poverty-stricken world. The image of success in this world is not that of the "solid citizen", the responsible husband and father, but rather that of the "hustler" who takes care of himself by exploiting others. The dope sellers and the numbers runners are the "successful" men because their earnings far out strip those men who try to climb the economic ladder in honest ways. Young people in the ghetto are acutely con scious of a system which appears to offer rewards to those who illegally exploit others, and fail ure to those who struggle under traditional re sponsibilities. Under these circumstances,many adopt exploitation and the "hustle" as a way of life, disclaiming both work and marriage in favor of casual and temporary liaisons. This pattern reinforces itself from one generation to the next, creating a "culture of poverty" and an ingrained cynicism about society and its insti tutions. (151:262) Betlleheim (27:427) and Himes (103:169) also pointed out that "conning" is valued by the disadvantaged These two authors indicate that "conning" tends to be morally acceptable to the disadvantaged, at least, accord ing to Betlleheim, when the victims are members of the 31 of the "out-group". (8). The Search for Safety What appears to be common to all forms of behavior prompted by discouragement is an attempt to be safe. For example, one is safe from the inimical world when one de taches from it or overcomes it, or one's inferiority is safely hidden from view when one lives:-under false preten ses. That the search for safety is prevalent among the dis advantaged is indicated in an interesting finding of Miller's: The lower class way of life, in common with that of all distinctive cultural groups, is characterized by a set of focal concerns— areas or issues which command wide-spread and persistent attention and a high degree of emotional involvement. (148:32) Among the focal concerns of lower class society are tough ness, smartness, excitement, fate and autonomy. But the one which seems most important of all is trouble— that is, con cern over getting into and staying out of trouble (148:32-3). Examples of "trouble" are, for men, "fighting or sex ual adventures while drinking," and, for women, "sexual in volvement with disadvantageous consequences." Another ex ample is breaking the law (148:33). At times the disadvantaged value being out of trouble over being in it. For instance, Miller has noted: 32 A mother will evaluate the suitability of her daughter's boyfriend less on the basis of his achievement potential than on the basis of his innate "trouble" potential. This sensitive awareness of the opposition of "trouble-pro ducing" and "non-trouble-producing" behavior represents . .. a major basis for deriving status distinctions . . .(148:33-4) At other times, being in trouble appears to be desir able. Such is the case when trouble involves excitement, or when a commitment to breaking the law qualified one for membership in delinquent gangs (148:34,37). "Trouble" appears to be more important (in conscious thinking) than ethics: Expressed desire to avoid behavior which violates moral or legal norms is often based less on an explicit commitment to "official" moral or legal standards than on a desire to avoid "getting into trouble", e.g., the complicating consequences of the action. (148:33) From all the above it can be inferred that the disad vantaged' s primary worry is being safe. Even when they engage in admittedly unsafe activities, they think in terms of safety rather than in terms of morals or unproductivity. It is the aspect of "safety" which bothers them most. Miller's findings appeared to indicate that they may be concerned with safety in all their activities. Other authors cited the concern over safety.Ulibarri>J Wilson, and Liddle and Rockwell have noted parents advising their children to "play it safe," to avoid the difficulties of life (129:400-1; 452:22; 401:836:). Riessman has point ed out that many disadvantaged seek second-rate ways of 33 life which are secure, rather than fully productive lives which are uncertain: A need for "getting by" rather than "getting ahead" is the self-realization and advancement sense is likely to be dominant. He [the average under privileged person] prefers jobs that promisessec- urity to those that entail risk. He does not want to become a foreman because of the economic secur ity resulting from the loss of job seniority. (171:55) (9). Mental Illness According to Adler, a search for safety is the essential factor in neurosis and psychosis (4:299-300). Concerning this, he wrote: The psychoneurosis is forced by vanity and has the ultimate purpose of safeguarding a person from a clash with his life tasks, that is, with reality, and of sparing him the danger of having the dark secret of his inferiority revealed. Only by this fundamental understanding has the unity of the neurosis and psychosis become established.! (4:299) Also, one of the dynamic forces of the neurosis and psychosis is "the elimination of almost all possibilities of human relations and cooperation." (4:300) This elim ination proceeds from a belief that one is incapable of succeeding in human relations and cooperation. Thus, at the basis of neurosis and psychosis is discouragement (4:255, 299-300). Cf. Adler's statement, "I have repeatedly described 'safeguarding tendencies' as the essential character trait of neurosis. They are evoked by the oversensitivity of the neurotic and his fear of disparagement and disgrace." (4:109) 34 Margolin pointed out that evidence which he has cited supported the conclusion that there is a "positive relation of psychosis, particularly schizophrenia, with the lowest class. This is consistent with the experience of a large number of public health officers and social re searchers who have studied the multiproblem family." (144:87) The evidence which Margolin cited is as follows: Early, Faris and Dunham (1939) found an in verse relation between social class and the inci dence of schizophrenia in the Chicago area. Tietz, Lemkau and Cooper (1941) reported the same finding in Baltimore; they also reported a tendency toward manic-depressive psychoses in upper class popula tions. Clark, in 1949, supported these findings but felt they were more true of whites than Negroes. Morris reported the same inverse relationship: ;pf schizophrenia and social class in England, in 1959. Hollingshead and Redlich (1958), in* a somewhat more refined study, demonstrated the highest rates of psychoses in the lowest of the five classes in vestigated. There was little distinction among the other four classes except in schizophrenia, which increased inversely in a linear manner with social class. Later studies by Jaco (1960) in Texas brought out an interesting relationship in which rates of psychosis were highest in the highest and lowest educational and occupational groups in the "non-An glo" population: nonwhites in the upper class showed remarkably high incidence of mental illness. There was a negative relation between education and mental illness in the "Anglo" population, and a positive relation in the "non-Anglo" groups. Doubts about the simplicity of the above rela tionship have been raised: -neither in 1959 nor in 1960 did Clausen and Kohn report evidence of this connection; nor were Kleiner, Tuckman, and Lavell (1950) able to show any such evidence in the case of the Negro population. The latter authors, how ever, offered some support for the postulated in verse relation of schizophrenia and social class in 35 the white population. (144:86-87) Finally, there is a correlation between the above- mentioned pattern of Negroes attempting to "turn white" and such persons' propensity for mental illness. Parker and Kleiner note a large body of research documenting the un healthiness [among Negroes] in aspiring to be white: "Almost every clinical study of psychopathology among Negroes indicates that the Negro who is not identified with other members of his group [from this may be inferred the possibility of a lack of cooperation], or who inspires to "be white", is relatively more prone to manifest various forms of mental ill health (p. 157)." (161:195) (10). Rationalization It is possible that the disadvantaged feel defensive about what they do out of discouragement, and hence tend to rationalize it. The Ausubels have pointed out: One of the most damaging effects of racial pre judice and discrimination on the victimized group is that it provides an all-embracing rationalization for personal shortcoming, lack of striving, and antir social conduct. The Ausubels then cite an example given by Bernard: Some Negroes use the objective injustice of [creating scapegoats] as an opportunity to relieve or ward off feelings of personal inadequacy, self contempt or self-reproach by projecting all the blame onto white prejudice and discrimination. (19:122) dl Suffering Whether or not a disadvantaged person becomes dis couraged, he nevertheless suffers. Discrimination and culture conflict are hard on even healthy individuals. 36 Katz has indicated the effect of the former: Severe stress due to social rejection has been experienced . .. by Negro students at various newly desegregated colleges and universities in the South. For example, several months after entering the Uni versity of Mississippi as its first Negro student, during which time he was often in considerable physi cal danger, James Meredith emphasized that rejection and social isolation were the most difficult features of his experience. He referred to himself as "the most segregated Negro in the world," despite his enrollmeht at the University. "Through it all," he said, "the most intolerable thing has been the cam paign of obstracizing me". (117:263) Culture conflict also takes a toll: Spindler and Spindler have noted the plight of Indians: . . . the very high value placed [by Indians] upon generosity expressed in the giving of goods at most important social occasions and in the hospitality ex tended to relatives and friends makes the accumula tion of property necessary to the goal of material success and in American culture very difficult. In fact, if a Teton Dakota does become successful in the white man's eyes and in terms of accumulation of property, he necessarily loses his security-giving membership in the Indian primary group, as long as that group lives by values derived from the Dakota p&st. Unless white society has a rewarding place for him he will become an isolated and unhappy individual. (189:95) Similarly, Ulibarri has noted the great stress that culture conflict causes the Mexican-American (452:19), Knowlton has pointed out that the Spanish American who follows the ways of the Anglo finds himself isolated from his own people (120:126), and Elam has stated that Puerto Rican children, attracted both to their and the American culture, "live in an atmosphere of conflict and indecision." (299:68) 37 C. Creativity Among the Disadvantaged: An Overview 1. Difficulties, Discouragement and Reduced Creativity The disadvantaged are relatively unproductive. One of the reasons for this is their difficult environment; many are debilitated by illness, which is a concomitant of poverty; the only jobs available to many are low-grade and uncreative; parents do not prepare their children ade quately for school and discourage them from being inven tive; and many schools provide an inadequate education. Nevertheless, as will be seen in this review, it is the disadvantaged's discouragement which is the main reason for their lack of productivity. An example is chil dren, feeling that they are unable to accomplish the tasks set for them by the schools, thereby failing in the tasks. Their failure is due to their inferiority feeling, not to any inability. Reduced creativity is shown in the limitations of lower class language, lack of participation in community affairs, widespread unemployment, poor interpersonal rela tions in the family, and children's underachievement in school. 2. Courage and Creativity Discouragement and reduced creativity are not uni versal among the disadvantaged. An example of positive 38 characteristics was discovered by the Baltimore Renewal planners, who, according to Crow, Murray and Smythe, "con ducted as many as five hundred interviews with the poor" in Baltimore. The objective was . .to determine who is excessively underprivileged ..." (51:3). The planners reported: There is as much variety among slum-dwellers as there is among people anywhere else. The interviews with the poor disclose that there are houses where family units, though poor, live in peace and dignity. Some times, next door there is a collection of derelicts living in squalor. There are occasional pockets of unusual stability with a considerable neighborhood pride. (51:3) However, this dissertation is concerned primarily with the discouraged disadvantaged. These, the literature has indicated, make up the majority. As will be seen, some of the indications are the relatively low vocational and educational aspirations maintained both by most chil dren for themselves and by most parents for their children; the widespread devaluation of work and education; the great number of children who, out of a sense of inferiority achieve poorly in and drop out of school; the fact that most disadvantaged disassociate themselves from the wider community; among males, the prevalent practice of putting such a premium on masculinity that they either overempha size their masculinity to the point of depreciating women and all "feminine" pursuits, such as art and intellectual- ism, or give up trying to assume the masculine role and 39 emulate women and the tendency of husbands and wives to form closer bonds to their peer groups than to each other (see infra Chapters II and III). It may be seen in the above and other indications that most disadvantaged shy away from cooperation— that they do not give themselves adequately to participating fully in the community, in work, education, and relations between the sexes. Such avoidance of cooperation is, as noted earlier, what Adler means by discouragement. Accord ing to him, an individual cannot grow-fully develop his faculties, increase his knowledge, solve his social pro blems— without cooperating with the environment. Each individual senses his deficiencies and his other problems, but if the individual retreats from cooperating with others, it means, according to Adler, that the individual has given up trying the avenue through which his problems would best be solved. The "giving up" of the discouraged disadvantaged is not total. In some areas of life, such as sports and the securing of basic needs (survival), many are accomplished (136:49; 173:260). But in other areas— community, educa tion, work, love (these include the primary areas of cooperation, according to Adler), the majority of disad vantaged, the literature has indicated, have been too fear ful to participate. Deutsch, McCreary and Riessman have pointed out limitations in the disadvantaged's participant; j 40 tion in life. McCreary pointed out: . . . typical experiences of many socially disadvan taged youths . . . nourish realistic know-how and responsible, adaptive behavior in difficult practi cal circumstances. (136:49) At the same time, however, such experiences "... do not encourage or develop intellectual interests or academic ambitions." (136:49). Also, "it makes sense" for such youths to "live in the present" and to act on impulse, to adopt a fatalistic posture, and to look for trouble, if employment for their parents is chancy, if even their meals are irregular, if there is nothing one can really count on except, perhaps, some promised bliss in heaven. (136:48) Thus, such behavior makes sense if one has given up hope for the future; however, such giving up is an aspect of discouragement. The youths are aware of their ex tremely insecure present life-conditions, but they believe that these conditions will remain. Hence, although they responsibly fight for survival in the here and now, they have abandoned the idea of having any future orientation. Similarly, Riessman indicated that the average dis advantaged person is practical when it comes to adapting to his harsh environment; but such a person still holds the world, and not himself, responsible for his misfortunes: he feels the powerlessness discussed in the previous sec tion on inferiority feelings. Also, according to Adler, blaming the world for one's misfortunes is a mode of aggression (4:269-271). Riessman added that the practical 41 disadvantaged individual also feels as if he is an out sider, is more likely to be interested in "getting by" (the search for safety) than in self-realization or ad vancement, is handicapped because he depreciates abstract thought and intellectualism (171:55,56). Finally, Deutsch wrote: It is also important to state that there are strengths and positive features associated with lower-class life. Unfortunately, they generally tend not to be, at least immediately, congruent with the demands of the school. For example, lack of close supervision or protection fosters the growth of independence in lower-class children. [Such a lack also fosters among some children overde pendency on their peers and a belief that their parents have rejected them (335:149,150; 345:6)]. However, this independence— and probably confidence — in regard to the handling of younger siblings, the crossing of streets, self-care- and creating of their own amusements, does not necessarily meaning fully transfer to the unfamiliar world of books, language, and abstract thought. (57:178) Thus it has been found that many disadvantaged are mature in certain areas of life. But, as indicated above and as will be shown in the following, they have become discouraged from entering into, and trying to develop in, certain major areas, such as work, community and love. D. Values and Orientations of the Disadvantaged 1. Introduction The disadvantaged have adopted certain values and orientations which stem from discouragement and the harsh ness of their environment. Thus, as will be seen, certain 42 values— practicality, living for the present, the concrete and physical— derive both from the need to spend much time satisfying basic needs for survival and from giving up hope that poverty and isolation can be overcome in the future. Similarly, good relations between the sexes and be tween parent and child— forms of cooperation which are very important for growth, according to Adler (see infra Chapter IV)— have been substituted by strong peer group relations. It may be inferred from the literature that re lations between the sexes and between parent and child are often worse than relations among peers. But the point is that many people have given up trying to establish good relations with the opposite sex arid with their families, that they have become discouraged from entering into these areas of cooperation. It is one of the contentions of this dissertation that such discouragement is not necessary and may be overcome. The emphases on taking care of oneself and or mascul inity appear to proceed more from discouragement than from the difficulties encountered by the disadvantaged. Among some disadvantaged, the emphasis on taking care of oneself reflects a degree of maturity. But among the majority, the emphasis appears to be a pose. This pose hides over-depen- dency. Also, among males, the emphasis on masculinity is an over-emphasis, reflecting discouragement and doubt in regards to their own manhood. 43 2. Practicality and Living for the Present The disadvantaged greatly value practicality and living for the present. These two values seem to be large ly inseparable in the minds of the disadvantaged. However, they shall be considered separately at first, with integra tion to follow. a^ Practicality Riessman pointed out the practical orientation of the average disadvantaged person (171:56). McCreary indicated that many disadvantaged youths are capable in "difficult practical circumstances." (136:49) For example, A socially disadvantaged girl . . . can probably put together a meal within a minimum budget, keep a house tidy, and care for younger children responsibly. Often, older girls manage the household to the best of their ability in the absence of a reliable father or in the face of a mother1s employment or preoccu pation elsewhere. (136:49) Similarly, in reporting on a study of Mexican-American migrants, Guzman gave examples of practicality among adults as well as, apparently, children: They appear to be a pragmatic people. Quite a large number indicated interest in learning the English language . . . They see it only as a functional tool that is necessary for survival in this society . .. They want to learn things that will help them, here and now. Women wanted to learn to sew. They wanted to improve their domestic skills. Men ex pressed great interest in auto-mechanics. This seems reasonable since automobiles are the covered wagons of today. They have to be maintained. Mi grants can rarely afford expensive breakdowns. (456:38-9) McCreary/ Riessman and Guzman in separate writings indicated that the disadvantaged think of practicality largely in terms of survival. In other words, the disad vantaged' s emphasis on practicality is largely a part of their attempt to survive in their harsh environment (136:47, 49,? 171:56; 456:39). The difficulty is that there is a tendency for the disadvantaged not to think beyond survival, not to be open to possibilities for personal growth and good relations with others, to give up pursuing a full life because of the difficulties ( poverty, enmity) which make survival such a grave issue are seen by the disadvantaged as also making a full life impossible. This is demonstrated most clearly in their relinquishing hope for the future. b). Living for the Present Cl). The Existence of This Value Posited; The Reasons for It The disadvantaged tend to live for the present (183:114). Leshan conducted an experiment in which 117 children (74 lower class, 43 middle class, aged 8 to 10) told a story "... in response to the stimulus 'Tell me a story.' " (327:591) The time covered by the action in the stories of the lower SES children was significantly shorter than the time covered in the action in the stories of the other group. This suggests the existence of the orientation to the present, ". . .if one accepts the 4 5 hypothesis that in unstructured situations of this sort, individuals tend to project the world as they see it onto the stimulus . . (327:591). Also, Leshan's finding supported his hypothesis that an orientation to the present is characteristic of the lower class, while other time orientations are characteristic of other classes (327:589, 591) . There appear to be two reasons for the orientation to the present: discouragement that success can be achiev ed in the future, and necessity for survival in a difficult environment. Regarding the first reason, Goldberg wrote: The working-class individual recognizes his limi tations in economic power and advancement and creates values and behavior which further limit mobility. Because he sees success and security as uncertain, he is more "present-" than "future" -oriented. . . In general, self-control and respon sibility are less evident and there is more concern with the pleasure of the moment than the unknown rewards of the future. (80:80) It is not clear from the above whether Goldberg attributed the orientation to the present to known limita tions for advancement, to uncertainty about the future, or to both. David and Pearl Ausubel attributed it to limita tions in the present (19:118); Jules Henry attributed it to hopelessness about the future. (101:188). There is a second reason for living in the present: it is necessary. Amos noted that many disadvantaged youths 46 ... are incapable of setting long-term goals because they are preoccupied with, and sometimes overpowered by immediate needs for money, food, clothing, and shelter. . . Desperation about the present often causes difficulty in making realistic future choices . . . Talk to such a youth about his future and the importance of building for the years to come, and he stops listening. He is con cerned with today and tomorrow . . . (16:22) Similarly, Sophie L. Elam stated that the Puerto Rico child "... and the adults in his family pursue a day-to- day existence with the attendant problems of inadequate housing, clothing, and nourishment." It will be noted later that such inadequate situations may be generalized to the disadvantaged population as a whole. Thus, for the disadvantaged population, concern for the present is in part a matter of survival. However, despite this necessity, hopelessness about the future does not have to remain. For the disadvantaged it is possible, nay, most imperative to be future-oriented in addition to being concerned with the present. For future orientation, as will be shown, is vital to rising above present circumstances. j2). Living Irresponsibly for the Present Discouragement in regards to the future has resulted in a certain approach to the present, an approach which may be relinquished only when certain basic problem, such as care for the child in the mother's absence, or certain opportunities for engaging in interests, such as sports, 47 present themselves. There are four characteristics of this approach. One is a tendency towards impulsiveness, r-ferred to by Gold- burg and McCreary above, and indicated by the Ausubels (19:118). The impulsiveness appears to be of an irrespon sible nature (80:80; 327:590). Leshan offered an example of impulsiveness, " In the lower-class . . . one eats when he is hungry; there are no regular meal hours and each member of the family takes food when he feels like it if food is available." (327:589) Randomness is a secondccharacteristic of the present orientation which results from discouragement about the future. By "randomness" is meant lack of organization. Henry has stated: "But what happens to a person who has no expectations or hopes for himself or his children? His behavior, having neither background nor direction, is dis organized" (101:189). As an example, Henry provides the following observation from his study of a lower class housing development inhabited primarily by Negroes. We middle-class observers have noted the pronounced tendency of the tenants toward "random-1ikeV and unrealistic behavior. Their attitudes toward space, time, objects, and persons lack our patterns of organization, lack our predictability— even some times seem to lack sense to us . . . . . . they make a strong distinction between C.P. (colored people's) time and W.P. (white people's ) time. According to C.P. time, a scheduled event may occur at any moment over a wide spread of hours — or not at all. (101:189,188,185) 48 A third characteristic of irresponsible living for the present is inconsistency. Random or disorganized behavior would seem by definition to be inconsistent, a contention which is supported by Leshan (327:590) and Goldstein (81:11). An example of inconsistency will be given below. A fourth characteristic was described by Henry: What is left of him [the person who has no expec tations of hopes for himself or his children} is the irreducible ash — the survival self— the flight from death. The survival self has no real sublimination or higher displacement— nothing but physical life— in a very limited but very intense form. The survival self must concentrate on those exper iences which give it continual and vivid reassurance that it is alive— heightened perhaps and smoothed by drugs or alcohol. It must, literally, keep feeling its life. Sociologists of middle-class background contemptuously refer to this state as "hedonism"— living for pleasure. It is not— it is flight from death. (101:189) In this connection, one of Miller's findings should be pointed out: For many lower class individuals the fchythm of life fluctuates between periods of relative routine or repetitive activity and sought situations of great emotional stimulation. Many of the most character istic features of lower class life are related to the search for excitement or "thrill." (148:36) Miller reported that lower class people frequently find excitement in alcohol, gambling, and the weekly "night on the town", which includes in addition to alcohol and gambling, sexual adventuring and "fights between men in volving women." (36-7). 49 Riessman stated, the deprived individual's desire to have new goods, such as television sets and cars, is an aspect of the individual's interest in excitement (171:65). Himes has noted that Negro teenagers' craving for posses?- sions is intense, and that there have been many substan tiated reports that disadvantaged Negro teen-agers have stolen in order to acquire them (103:164-5). Miller indicated that the search for excitement, in itself, is not limited to the lower class. However, he described five other interests (or "concerns," as he termed them) of lower class society and pointed out that they, together with the search for excitement, "constitute a distinctive patterning of concernswhich differs signifi cantly, both in rank order and weighting from that of American middle class culture." (148:32) The concerns in addition to excitement which are discussed in this dissertation, trouble, toughness, smartness, fate, and autonomy. An example of the irresponsible way in which many disadvantaged often live for the present may be found in the area of parental discipline. Leshan, in his search of the literature on social class, found that in the lower-lower class, "training techniques are more in terms of immediate punishment and reward." (327:590) From an interview series with 200 white working-class subjects and 200 white middle-class subjects with children in the fifth , 50 grade, M. L. Kohn learned that in regards to punishment, Working-class parents are more likely to respond in terms of the immediate consequences of the child's actions. . . This reflects [the fact that], . . Working class parents value for their children qual ities that assure respectability . . . (322:136) More specifically, the working class was concerned with not violating proscriptions, while the middle class was concerned with "the child's development of internalized standards of conduct; desirable behavior consists essential ly of acting according to the dictates of one's own prin ciples." (322:136) Leshan (327:591), the Ausubels (19:113), and Kardiner and Ovesey (115:154) have pointed out a relatively high degree of inconsistency in the matter of lower class paren tal discipline. Eleanor Pavenstedt provided a very good example of inconsistency and impulsiveness. In a study: of an unspecified number of "very low lower" families from an urban East Coast area. She reported: The outstanding characteristic. . . was that activi ties were impulse-determined; consistency was totally absent. The mother might stay in bed until noon while the children were kept in bed as well or ran around unsupervised. Another time she might decide to get them up and give them breakfast at 6, have them washed and dressed and the apartment picked up by 8:30. Or the children might get their breakfast from the neighbors... The parents often failed to discriminate between the children: A parent, incensed by the behavior of one child, was seen dealing a blow to another child who was close by. (356:94) (3). How Children Acquire the Orientation to the Present 51 Five environmental conditions are conducive to chil dren's acquiring the orientation to the present. (a) As has just been shown, the behavior of parents with no hope for themselves or their children is random and disorganized; hence it is also inconsistent. This means that as far as the children are concerned, their future, to the extent that it depends upon their parents, is uncertain: the children can never be sure how the parents are going to treat them. Also, the factor of pover ty prevents the future from being certain: there is not guarantee that there will continue to be food, shelter, and heat. Under these conditions, Leshan noted,children would not think it wise to plan "for a distant future." (327:590-1) (b) As mentioned earlier, the parents' orientation to the present seems to be reflected in their disclipining their children through the use of immediate punishment and reward. Such disciplining seems likely to encourage the children to have a similar orientation, according to Leshan (327:590). For example, Deutsch studied approxi mately 400 disadvantaged white and Negro children(58:93). Goldberg notes his finding that "even more than the white . . . group, the Negro pupils lacked any 'future' orienta tion since the home failed to create expectation of future rewards for present activities." (80:86). (c) Parental discipline includes a significant 52 amount of corporal punishment (29:149; 19:113,115). A Davis and J. Dollard believed that such treatment cannot train a child "to undergo the long periods of renunciation which the middle class ildeal of socialization demands of him (411:261). (d) Many parents permit children engaging in acts of aggression as long as they are not directed against the parents. As stated by Goldberg,: "Since the control of such behavior [aggression] is seen to have little relevance to social position or job maintenance, there is no need to teach the child the skills of control." (80:80) This it would seem would encourage an orientation to the present. (e) Finally, as mentioned earlier, the disadvantaged culture adopts the orientation to the present because it lacks hope for the future. Children, of course, are part of the culture, and this hopelessness in turn would tend to permeate their life style. (4). Practicality and Living for the Present Considered Together These two values appear to be largely inseparable in lower SES life. It is practical to live for the present. The future appears uncertain and limited hence hopeless, the only sure life is now (136:48} and most of one's pres sing concerns are in the present. Poverty does not permit looking ahead. But such a sentiment betrays a limitation in the 53 disadvantaged's concept of practicality. It is not practi cal to go beyond survival. It is not practical to utilize abstract thought (171:56). Such an attitude cuts off possi bilities for considering things which do not relate to survival— e.g., long range vocational goals and the enjoy ment of art and literature. The disadvantaged have limited the area in which they can grow, not believing in the possibility that they can overcome their poverty and isola tion. 3. Emphasis on the Concrete and Physical The emphasis placed on the concrete and physical by the disadvantaged can be<-seen in several areas: a^ The Valuation of Practicality-cum- Present Orientation It can be seen from the foregoing that being practi cal and living for the present involve being concerned with physical, concrete things. Only tangible and non abstract things can vividly reassure the "survival self" that it is alive; one of poor people's greatest needs is for basic material goods. Also, to survive in their par tially hostile environment, the disadvantaged need physical prowess, a point to be further examined in this chapter. bjl Language and Thought Language, of course cannot be separated from thought. It is language that makes concept-formation possible. , 54 (4:130) Thus, the following description of lower-class language is also a description of the lower-class thought patterns. David P. Ausubel indicated that lower SES language employes relatively few abstractions (181:252-3). Basil Bernstein found that in England, the language of the lower class was less abstract than middle class language. (162: 118-19) He also pointed out the other side of the coin: lower class language tends to utilize "... descriptive, concrete, visual, tactile symbols." (25:859,5-A) Preshan- sky and Newton stated that many of Berstein's findings "are probably valid among the lower and middle classes in America . . ." (162:118). The concrete, nonabstract lan guage and thought of children will be discussed in detail in a subsequent section of this chapter. c} ChiId-Rearing Deutsch noted that the tasks given by the lower-class parent to his young child "tend to be motoric in character, have a short timespan, and are more likely to relate to very concrete objects or services for people [than are the assignments given by the middle-class parent to his child]" (57:172). Goldberg reported that Miller and Swanson found that "When the discipline was physical, the rewards tangi ble, and maternal selfcontrol limited (more typical of lower-class [than middle class]home), the child more often 55 developed a motoric style [of expression, as opposed to a conceptual style]" (80:79). Thus it is interesting to note that: In general, the expressive style of the lower-class can be described as more motoric, concrete, "thing- oriented," and non verbal. (80:79-80) <dX The Search for Safety The disadvantaged's self-protective behavior tends to be physical or motoric in character. Goldberg reported that "... researchers have noted . . . the pendency [among lower-class pupils] to respond physically or by phy sical conversation symptoms in psychological defense situa tions." (80:94) Frank Riessman made a point parallel to that made by Miller and Swanson: "when the deprived indivi dual becomes mentally ill, he is more likely to develop symptoms such as conversation hysteria and catatonia, which involve malfunctions of the voluntary muscles."(71:57) q) . Valuation of Physical Prowess As Riessman pointed out: Another reflection of the (disadvantaged's physical orientation is to be found in the deprived indivi dual's admiration for strength and endurance, two of his principal economic assets. His great inter est in sports, and admiration for prize fighters and baseball heroes, is one reflection of his attitude toward physical prowess. This interest may stem, in part, from a way of life that calls for consider able "ruggedness". The man who stands up well under these difficult conditions of life is well thought of. Furthermore, the status-giving attribute of strength is not easily usurped by other groups. This represents one possible line of achievement 56 respected to some extent by other classes, although perhaps for different reasons. (171:57) Riessman's point is supported in an article by Walter B. Miller. "The bulk of the substantive data on which . . . [the article] is based was collected in connection with a [three-year] service-research project in the control of gang delinquency." The subjects were the members of 21 adolescent street corner groups (i.e., peer groups who hang about on street corners) who lived "in a 'slum' district of a large eastern city." (148:31) Miller reports that one of the major concerns of lower class culture is "toughness" an aspect of which is "physical prowess, evidenced both by demonstrated possession of strength and endurance and athletic skill." (148:34) In the mindsof many lower class persons, toughness itself seems to be an attribute of masculinity, which is highly valued. Thus physical prow ess provides special value in part because it shows that one is a man. 4. The Importance of Peer Group Associations d ) . Introduction Lower SES people, because they do not receive ade quate care from, or having satisfying relationships in, their families, seek substitute families . . . viz., peer groups of their own sex. Miller, in his work based primari ly upon first-hand observations of the disadvantaged, noted that, 57 It is the one-sex peer unit rather than the two- parent family unit which represents the most signi ficant relational unit for both sexes in lower class communities. Lower-class society may be pictured as comprising a set of age-graded one-sex groups which constitute the major psychic focus and reference group for those over twelve or thirteen. (148:40) The process of the shift from family to friends is a complex one. It depends upon the interrelationship of several factors which will not be discussed. The Family's Inadequate Performance of ‘"Its Role ------ ------------------- It will be seen in this report that in lower SES families; (a) the father tends to be absent frequently, and in some cases, totally and permanently, (b) there is often little closeness between parents, (c) parents tend to contribute little to the childrens' education in aca demic subjects, work and life, and (d) there is often little closeness between parents and their children. The Ausubels noted one aspect of this factor: "lower-class parents extend less succorant care and relax closely moni tored supervision much earlier than their middle-class counterparts." (19:113) McCreary offered two reasons for this when he stated that "the less firmly structured patterns of family life characteristic of many socially disadvantaged” and the absence of reliable father figures in many homes" help to account for the fact that "many of the socially disadvan*- taged develop early in life a great reliance upon 58 themselves and a sense of autonomy and independence." (136:51) The indications are that the lack of family co hesion and the absence of the father permit less control of the children. Moles agreed with this last point, adding that with the absence of the father, "the mother must assume extra responsibilities and the children must do more for themselves." (345:6) Moles offered three additional reasons for lack of parental control: In the larger lower-class family . . . the parents have less time to help each child. Irregular em ployment and unusual working hours make it diffi cult for parents to develop a routine in the home and to help children at important times such as when they are getting ready for school. Finally, overcrowding forces children onto the streets to play without supervision at an early age. These kinds of conditions . . . force children to fend for themselves. (345:6) Finally, as will be shown, there is evidence that many parents do not feel close to , and are authoritarian and sometimes actually hostile towards their children. Therefore another factor behind their surrendering this children to the latter's peer group may be their negative attitudes toward the children. This idea has credance in that some parents do in actuality establish psychological distance between themselves and their children, in effect, "dropping them." (see infra. Chapter II, Section G.) c} Children's Reactions to Being Dropped by Their Parents 59 (1) Affective Reaction One affective reaction seems to be that the child feels rejected. Henry S. Maas interviewed 21 white and black "pre-and early adolescents" from the "lower-lower class and . . . the core culture . . . the latter subcul tural group being an amalgam of W. Loyd Warner's lower- middle and upper-lower classes." He indicates that the parents "dropping? of their children "may be felt personally (by the youngsters), despite subcultural sanctions, as parental rejection." (335:149) Also, Moles indicated that in the four conditions he cited, the parent [or parents] is really pushing the child "to take care of himself and not be a burden to the family." (345:6) Moles continues by asserting that the child interprets this pushing as re jection. (2). Behavioral Reactions The reaction of some children is to become more self- sufficient and responsible. The reaction of many other children is to find a second home in their peer group. As Miller has stated, "Membership in a stable and solidary peer unit is vital to the lower class individual precisely to the extent to which a range of essential functions— psychological, educational, and others, are not provided by the 'family' units." (148:40) This is also borne out by Maas' finding that "Pear 60 of parental authority and its explosive anger mutes the child, until he explodes in similar manner or redirects his hostile aggressions, as well as his tender feelings, towards siblings or other contemporaries." (335:147) d} The Compensations Found in the Peer Group Some children find care in the peer group. Maas' data shows that some youngsters seem to seek security by becoming "desparately dependent upon their (contemporaries') physi cal presence for mutual succorance and direction." Maas further allowed that this dependence is submissive and fearful in nature. (335:150) Miller reported that adolescents seek and (if they conform) receive a sense of belonging in their peer groups and this is of vital importance to them (148:412). Miller also finds that adolescents are very concerned with gaining status (i.e., power) by virtue of association with their peer groups. The status is in terms of their standing in their groups and of the groups' standing among other peer groups. (148:42-3) Maas finds that adolescents and pre-adolescents who do not seek dependency also seek power-giving status in their groups (335:150). Deutsch adds that the Negro child, especially the boy "who finds maleness deprecated in his matriarchal and authoritarian home finds derived status available "by virtue of his mem bership in an unsupervised peer group." (19:134) 61 The peer groups become "socializing agents and sources of values" for the disadvantaged child (19:113). For ex ample , "for the boys reared in female-based households, the corner group provides the first real opportunity to learn essential aspects of the male role in the context of peers facing similar problems of sex-role identification." (148:41) aJL A Contradiction Gordon P. Liddle and Robert E. Rockwell, who worked with disadvantaged four to nine year old Negro and white children, hold that children do not desatellize from their families: most children cling tenaciously to their family loyalties and values. Human beings have a strong need to belong somewhere, and children are especially dependent. The child soon learns that even though his parents are not all that he would like them to be, they do feed him when he is hungry, take care of him when he is hurt, and stay with him through the years, while most well-intentioned peripheral adults such as teachers and scout leaders move in and out of his life like serial fathers. Also, within the family the disadvantaged child is thought to be normal or even "smarter than I was at his age", while at school he is often thought to be stupid* (129:400) 5. Emphases on Taking Care of Oneself and on Masculinity The closeness between the emphases on taking care of oneself and on masculinity is so great that it is hard to tell where one leaves off and the other begins. Perhaps their interrelationship as well as their individual 62 characteristics can be best seen when they are first con sidered individually. a^ The Emphasis on Taking Care of Oneself (1). Why It Exists Four conditions result in this emphasis: lack of parental supervision, influence of peers, economic needs, and the toughness of the disadvantaged1s environment. As a result of parents leaving children on their own at a relatively early age, the children tend to acquire earlier volitional and executive indepen dence outside the home and in many cases assume adult responsibilities such as earning money and caring for siblings. . . Since it (i.e., abbre viated parental succorance) reflects the prevail ing cubcultural norm, and since the opportunity for early anchorage to a free-ranging peer group is available, it tends to encourage the development of precocious independence. (19:113) (An exception to the above would occur in instances where the child becomes excessively dependent upon his peer group as a parent substitute.) Liddle and Rockwell provide a third reason for self- sufficiency: because of their precocious desatellization and emancipation from parents, Negro youths have greater needs for immediate financial independent. They therefore find psychologically more intolerable a prolonged period of psychological dependence on parents such as would be required in preparing for a profession. (129:126) Another aspect of self-sufficiency revolves abouttthe 63 toughness of the disadvantaged's environment. There is much crime and hostility among the disadvantaged, reaj. and imagined; as well as much real and imagined mistreatment of them by the dominant culture. In such an atmosphere, it appears that the disadvantaged child must learn to stand up for himself, or be "trampled" by the "hostile" environ ment which surrounds him. He must fight to get what he wants as well as protect what he has. Joseph S. Himes provided an example in a quotation of a field observer in Detroit: Boys who have been brought up in very scanty envir onment learn to fight for everything they want or need. Every new person is originally seen as try ing to do the boy out of something.(103:171) In her study of child-rearing practices of 601 lower SES mothers, Cahill reported: Some interesting responses were given to the question on how much demand is made of the child to be aggressive. These comments reflected the mothers' ambivalent feelings that, on the one hand, the child must learn early the value of staying out of trouble and that, on the other, he must learn to defend himself. The Puerto Rican mothers [of whom there were 20] obviously hated aggression but were con vinced that self-defense might be required because 'we live in a bad neighborhood.' (32:275) Later in her study, Cahill concluded, "aggression for self-protection and independence are valued, except among Puerto Ricans (32:286). Finally, Riessman has indicated that the deprived individual's interest in sports and physical prowess" may stem, in part, from a way of life that calls for consider- 64 'ruggedness'. The man who stands up well under these difficult conditions of life is well though of." (171:57) (2). The Characteristics of Self- Sufficiency As a result of the above factors, self-sufficiency is emphasized, although not generally adopted. True self- sufficiency is found among many youths in certain areas of survival, such as care for young children. But even these youths are generally pessimistic and believe them selves to be controlled by fate (136:48,49). This points to the validity of one of Miller's findings in his study of adolescent corner group members and other disadvantaged persons: the disadvantaged tend to adopt an air of self-sufficiency, and therewith to hide a true tendency towards over-dependency. Miller explained this, in his discussion of the lower class' concern for autonomy: On the overt level there is a strong and frequently expressed resentment of the idea of external con trols, restrictions on behavior, and unjust or co ercive authority. "No one's gonna push me around", or "i'm gonng tell him he can take the joK and shove it . . ." are commonly expressed sentiments. Similar explicit attitudes are maintained to systems of behavior-restricting rules, insofar as these are perceived as representing the injunctions, and bear ing the sanctions of superordinate authority. In addition, in lower class culture a close conceptual connection is made between "authority" and "nurtur- ance". To be restrictively or firmly controlled is to be cared for. Thus the overtly negative evalua tion of superordinate authority frequently extends as well to nurturance, care, or protection. The desire for personal independence is often expressed 65 in such terms as "I don't need nobody to take care of me. I can take care of myself'*. Actual patterns of behavior, however, reveal a marked discrepancy between expressed sentiment and what is covertly valued. Many lower class people appear to seek out highly restrictive and social environments wherein a stringent external controls are maintained over their behavior. Such institutions as the armed forces, th mental hospital, the disciplinary school, the prison or correctional institution, provide en vironments which incorporate a strict and detailed set of rules defining and limiting behavior, and enforced by an authority system which controls and applies coercive sanctions for deviance from these rules. While under the jurisdiction of such sys tems, the lower class person generally expresses to his peers continual resentment of the coercive, unjust, and arbitrary exercise of authority. Having been released, or having escaped from these milleaux however, he will often act in such a way as to in sure recommitment, or choose recommitment volun tarily after a temporary period of "freedom." (148:38-9) Thus there is an emphasis on being taken care of. Closely related to this is a tendency towards over-compli ance by some disadvantaged. According to Julian Nava, Mexican-Americans have become over-compliant as a result of American oppression (dispossession of land) and the victory over them in the Mexican-American War (457:30-1). Uvaldo Palomares (453) also attested to the passivity of Mexican-Americans, and Guzman cited from his study the following example: When it is time to eat, . . . Mexican American farm migrants know which restaurants will serve them. Few see anything wrong with hamburgers that are served at the back door. They can't afford trouble so they purchase hamburgers at the back door. (456:18) Despite the aforementioned, an attempt at positive 66 self-assertion among Chicanos (mexican-Americans) has been started by various youth groups which are taking more militant stands with regard to the rights of the Mexican American. Groups such as the Brown Berets and the United Mexican-American Students are b-ginning to become more visible in the southwestern United States (454:42). Negroes, also, have tended to be over-compliant with the dominant culture. Proshansky and Newton have noted: Perhaps the "real tragedy" for the American Negro lies less in the inferior, passive, and servile role he is forced to play, and more in the fact that he comes to believe in this role. His self- image not only reflects this role structure but also confirms and supports it . . . Many theorists have noted that the Negro does not find satisfaction in passive compliance with the demands of a white society , . . A report by the Group for the Advance ment of Psychiatry suggests that beneath the Negroes' mask of compliance lie anger, resentment, and fear. (162:194) The mask is; being withdrawn by some blacks, accord ing to Abraham Bernstein (24:19). For supportive evidence, one need only note the recent race riots, sit-ins, and the evolution of various "Black-oriented" action groups as well as the notoriety of such organizations as the Black Panthers. b} The Emphasis on Masculinity (1) Widespread Concepts of Masculinity On the whole, both the disadvantaged and dominant cultures place a high value on masculinity. Furthermore, 67 they seem to define it basically the same way— as maleness combined with toughness; physical prowess; being in charge of things in personal, economic, and community affairs and perhaps aggressiveness. This concept seems to have originated before the cultures of today came into existence. According to Adler, "with the invention of war and the consequent rise in the importance attached to physical strength and endurance," men came to be valued over women. Adler added that "the inequality of women is greater in warlike countries." (212:117) This infers, that since the United States is still engaged in warlike confrontations, men are still valued over women for their alleged physical superiority. Israel Woronoff supported this idea. He noted that in the over-all pattern of our culture. the male is expected to take the lead and to be the "Rock of Gibralter" in times of stress and confusion. The male is expected to be the leader in community enterprise, politics, business, and human relations? (207:294) In addition to war, another situation influenced our cultures' concept of masculinity. Aaron Lipman wrote that in the "frontier of rural society" that existed in America in the past, it took physical prowess to survive and "or ganize one's environment." For the activities involved in survival and creativity— farming, building, hunting, fishing, controlling the elements— were all physical in nature. Therefore, the man who succeeded in them was 68 valued; indeed, his type came to be the rural ideal. This type, obviously, is characterized by toughness, physical prowess, and an orientation to the outdoors. Furthermore, according to Lipman, the ideal has survived. For example, Lynd indicates . . . that Middletown believed that "red-blooded" physical sports are more normal re creation for a man than art, music, and literature . . . the worst epithet one can hurl at present- day high school student is "egghead," (130:167,170) (2). The Disadvantaged's Emphasis on Masculinity Adler, Woronoff, and Lipman have not indicated that the popular concepts of "man" which they described are properties only of the dominant culture. Perhaps, then these authors felt that the concepts are held by all classes for the same reasons. According to the literature, the disadvantaged's concept of masculinity is very similar to the composite concept of the forementioned authors, the only difference being that the disadvantaged's concept seems to include more toughness, more hardness, and more aggression. Furthermore, disadvantaged males feel it extremely important to "live-up" to the concept of the "real man." Miller illustrated this point. In his study of adolescent corner groups he wrote that "toughness" is a major concern of lower class culture. At first he said that masculinity was an element of toughness; later he indicated that toughness was an attribute of masculinity. 69 The following is the description of "toughness:" The concept of "toughness" in lower class culture represents a compound combination of qualities or states. Among its most important components are physical prowess, evidenced both by demonstrated possession of strength and endurance and athletic skill; "masculinity" symbolized by a distinctive complex of acts and avoidances [bodily tatooing; absence of sentimentality; non-concern for "art" "literature", conceptualization of women as conquest objects, etc.]; and bravery in the face of physical threat. The model for the "tough guy"— hard, fear less, undemonstrative, skilled in physical combat— is represented by the movie gangster of the thirties the "private eye" and the movie cowboy.(148:34-5) As indicated earlier, the above is descriptive of the lower socioeconomic classes view of masculinity— toughness and bravery seem to be major aspects of mascul inity. Two elements of this concept. One is that a man must be the head of things. That the disadvantaged believe this is indicated by the fact that many Negro fathers, when unable to support their families feel that their masculinity is being challenged. The result is desertion of the family by the male. The existence of the second element is indicated by Riessman. He has intimated that for the disadvantaged, to be masculine is to be active, as opposed to sitting and pondering; to do things now, as opposed to thinking about them (171:57). Mexican-Americans emphasize masculinity in their culture. Montez has noted: 70 One cultural trait the Mexican-American understands is machismo. A man is considered macho, which means He has dignity, honor, and integrity, and he is inde pendent of the world outside his family. A man is superior to women and must guard against committing or exposing himself. The male is always proving him self as a man with his mental and physical superior ity, his ability to support and care for his family. He must be independent, self-sufficient, and manly among men. (466:10) In certain environmental circumstances, disadvantaged boys feel this obligation of being "men" strongly. In a study by Miller he has noted a set of circumstances in which toughness is readily seen as an attribute of mas culinity: The genesis of the intense concern over "toughness" in lower class culture is probably related to the fact that a significant proportion of lower class males are reared in a predominantly female house hold, and lack a consistently present male figure with whom to identify and from whom to learn essen tial components of a "male" role. Since women serve as a primary object of identification during pre-adolescent years, the almost obsessive lower class concern with "masculinity" probably resembles a type of compulsive reaction-formation.(148:34-5) Reissman described a different set of circumstances: The underprivileged boy's emphasis on masculinity derives, in part, from his patriarchal culture where the father is the "tough boss" of the home, and his authority is backed up by physical force. Even in the Negro sub-culture, the mother fre quently plays a strong, masculine type of role, and is prone to stress and utilizes physical force. (171:57) In actuality, most disadvantaged families tend to be female-dominated. Among those that are, it may be that either one of the above conditions will obtain, depending upon the characteristics of the mother and child. 71 (3). The Emphasis on Masculinityfr- Problems and Related Factors Although disadvantaged children's emulation of parents covers a greater area than the emphasis on mascul inity, this emulation will be discussed more broadly in this section for the sake of clarity. (a). The Presence and Valua- tion of Parents in tbe Home In general, the disadvantaged father is in a weak position. First, as indicated by Rainwater (162:207) and by Miller, most lower SES homes lack "... a consistent ly present male figure." (148:34) Instead, Rainwater has noted, a "succession of males— boyfriends, boarders, and so on . . . may frequent the lower-class homes."(162:207) The lack of consistently present male figures seem to be a characteristic of many disadvantaged Negro homes. This is shown in reports from various sources. Kardiner and Ovesey state that in these homes, multiple marriages are the rule, and that some of the fathers desert their families (115:153,157,159). According to McCloskey, the U.S. Department of Labor Office of Policy Planning and Research revealed in 1965 ". . . in 17.3 percent of Negro families, the husband does not reside at home” and that "one-third of the nation's non-white children live in broken homes." (135:12) The RNAC stated, "Among families with incomes under $3,000 in 1966, the proportion with 72 female heads of households was 42 percent for Negroes but only 23 percent for whites." (151:261) Furthermore, in most disadvantgged families, the father is a relatively weak figure. He generally has less power than the mother.(see infra. Chapter II, Section G.) In regards to the Negro family, Woronoff pointed out: ". . . the husband, if present, is often an ineffective family leader." (207:29) That Negro husbands often desert sup-- ' ports this statement. Also, the succession of males men tioned above is not a series of responsible providers (162:207). In Negro homes, the females have a "critical, dero gatory attitude toward males," according to Proshansky and Newton (162:206). Daughters tendto . . ."be favored over male siblings." (19:115; 162:207) Furthermore, it will be shown that, in general, the disadvantaged are discriminated against in all areas of life, with the result that they must remain poor and segre gated. In the case of the Negro, this discrimination is greater against men than women. The lot of women in the work-force is superior to that of men in terms of breadth of scope (58:110). (b). The Effect of Parent's Presence and Relative Statuses on childrens1 Intellectual Development There is conflicting evidence as to whether father 73 absence negatively affects childrens' intellectual develop ment . Deutsch compared lower-class white [control group] and Negro children [experimental group] . . . 55 percent of his Negro but only 9 percent of his white subjects came from broken homes. He found that white subjects were superior in academic performance . . . A comparison of Negro subjects on the basis of their home status showed that subjects from intact homes [child living with both true parents] exhibited significantly higher levels of academic performance than subjects from broken homes. Studying the social influences on Negro and white intelligence differences, Deutsch and Brown found - that for Negro subjects in the lower two SES cate gories, father-presence was significantly related to X.Q. . . . Other evidence suggests that the influence of father- absence on intellectual functioning may be negli gible. Whiteman and Deutsch found that father-ab- sence was not significantly related to scores on the Gates Reading Test. Coleman et al reported that father-absence was one of the weakest home background factors in predicting school achievement for Negro publils; however, father-absence was strongly related to academic achievement for the other minority groups related to academic achievement for the other minority groups surveyed. In a study of Negro boys, Robins, Jones, and Murphy found that father-presence [absence] appeared to be unrelated to the child's academic and behavioral problems. (162:206-7) Mother presence and status may be positively related to daughter's scholastic achievement; and father absence and status may be positively related to sons' scholastic achievement. The above-cited study by Deutsch (viz., the comparison of Negro and white children) tended to support this. Deutsch reported that in regards to academic achieve ment, there are greater sex differences (i.e., the girls 74 are superior to boys)in the experimental (Negro) group than in the control (white) group, and these differences are found in many areas in addition to reading. . . Among the Negro pupils, the girls out perform boys in both reading and arithmetic, as well as on the Stanford test total score. Girls often demonstrate superior span of attention. . . (58:108) Deutsch indicated that the explanation of this is that the girls had an adult female with whom to identify, and had a relatively high status (i.e., were more accepted by the dominant society; whereas the boys tended to have no "opportunity to identify with a male figure who has had a history of reinforcement for accomplishment" or who was accepted by the majority socifety (58:107-8,10). (c). The Effect of Parent’s Presence and Relative" Statuses on Children's Sex Role Identification For lower SES males, Negro and white, sex role iden tification is a problem (162:207). Proshansky and Newton cite evidence supporting this: In a study of high school senior boys, McKinley asked subjects from five social class levels, "Whom do you most admire in your family or among relatives"? This question was intended to provide some measure of the boy's identification. In the upper class, all boys chose their father or a male relative as "most admired," while in the working and lower classes only 58 percent picked their father or a male relative; the others chose females. (162:207) What are the sources of the disadvantaged bpys' pro blem/? One factor, according to Miller, is that these boys ". . . lack a consistently present male figure with whom 75 to identify and from whom to learn essential components of a 'male' role." (148:34) As reported by Proshansky and Newton, Rainwater believej| that it is not necessarily the simple absence of a male figure that counts, but rather the absence of a responsible male figure (162:207). Another factor, according to Miller (148:34) and Woronoff (207:293) and indicated by Pettigrew, as reported by Proshansky and Newton (163:206), is the dominance of female figures in the home (it has been seen that fathers desert and the mothers generally wield the power). In Negro homes, a third factor is women's derogation from men (207:293). What does the boy do under these circumstances? As reported earlier, most boys, according to Miller, overem phasize masculinity. Other boys, however,may tend to iden tify with women.(19:115; 162:206) For example, Pettigrew reported that Father-absent children have . . . shown difficulty in differentiating masculine and femine roles in comparison with father-present children. In the same line of evidence, Negro male and female high school students have reported a greater similar ity of interests than their white counterparts. . • (162:206) (d). The Effect of Parents' Presence and Relative" Statuses on children's General Psychological Health Deutsch found in his comparison of Negro and white children that "Girls . . . are much more popular (than 76 boys) with their classmates." This, combined with the girls' superior academic achievement, would seem to show relatively good psychological health. Again, Deutsch indi cated that identification with a high status and, of course present, adult, makes the difference (58:107-8,110). As noted above, most boys tend to overstress mascul inity; others tend to emulate women. Both patterns involve the adoption of some negative characteristics: the former pattern, as stated earlier, involves "... non-concern with 'art', 'literature', conceptualization of women as conquest objects;" it also involves baiting homosexuals and "an expressed contempt for 'softness' or frills." (148: 34-5). The latter pattern, Pettigrew indicates, involves being "immature, submissive, dependent." (162:206). Woronoff adds that the boys who develops a sense of role confusion as a result of being dominated by women, have " . . . problems of handling aggression, making decisions, accepting responsibility, and executing leadership, in addition to syndromes of neurotic behavior." (207:293) c} Masculinity and Self-Care Considered Together7 An implication from the above is that only the "mas culine" male is able to take of himself in the harsh world of the disadvantaged. Taking care of oneself requires physical prowess, toughness, and aggressiveness; and these are manly attributes. Also, perhaps it can be said that 77 the husband who does not provide sufficiently for his family is not being autonomous or self-sufficient: he (un less he deserts) is becoming dependent on his wife. Further more, it is "manly" to provide for one's family. There fore, if a husband provides sufficiently for his family, he is both autonomous and a man. And these two character istics, it can be inferred from the literature, are largely inseparable in the minds of the many disadvantaged. 6. Lower Class Language and Thought The language of the disadvantaged appears to have three major limitations and one extremely positive aspect. The limitations are: inefficient usage of the materials of language (i.e., syntax, grammar, vocabulary); inaccuracy, (in the "majority" sense) and relatively little use of abstraction. The positive aspect is a great ability to express affectivity. Several studies have reported the inefficient usage of language materials. For example, Havighurst cited Bernstein's research on lower class language in England. According to Bernstein, threec;characteristics of that language are: Short, gramatically simple, often unfinished sentences with a poor syntactical form stressing the active voice. . . Little use of subordinate clauses to break down the initial categories of the dominant subject. . . Rigid and limited use of adjectives and adverbs. (98:24) Jensen has stated that "... many of his [Bernstein's] | 78 findings are probably valid" for America's lower class (110:118). Indeed, researchers in America have found among American disadvantaged what Bernstein found in the English lower class. According to Cohn, Reinecke and Tokimasa described "... radical simplifications in language structure" in "such lower-class speech forms as those used by Negroes in the South" (44:329); E. Newton observed poor usage of language materials by college students with a dis advantaged background (153:334); and Deutsch reported ob servations in lower class homes of "temporarally very limited speech sequences" and poor syntactical structure" (57"174) Deutsch adds, The main differences between the social classes seem to lie in the level of syntactical organiza tion. (57:175) Jensen has described Bernstein's findings about the inaccuracy of lower class language: . . .language in the lower class is not as flexible as a means of communication as in the middle class. It is not as readily adapted to the subleties of the particular situation, but consists more of a relatively small repertoire of stereotyped phrases and expressions which are used rather loosely with out much effort to achieve a subtle correspondence between perception and verbal expression.(110:118) The relative lack of abstractions in the disadvan taged' s language has been discussed in Chapter II, Section D2. Cohn has expressed the belief that lower class lan- 79 guage has a . . great power . . . to express emotions . . ." (44:332). Similarly, Watson has noted that deprived children's ”... language may not be grammatical, but it is often more vivid and expressive than is the turgid prose of textbooks." (170: ). Cohn has pointed out that some writers, "... like Faulkner, seem to choose lower- class language for its greater emotive expressiveness." (44:330) Furthermore, Bernstein has indicated that lower class language's inaccuracy does not permit logical thought a language which tends to utilize stereotyped expressions does so: at the cost of the logical structure of the commu nication, and the specificity of the feeling. For traditional phrases, idioms, etc., tend to operate on a low casual level of generality in which de scriptive, concrete, visual, tactile symbols are employed, aimed at maximizing the emotive, rather than the logical impact. (25:BST 5-A) Poor usage of materials apparently cannot coexist with logical thought. Cohn has reported, Students of the problem [of lower-class speech]see, to agree that standard English, which has a more elaborate syntax, is far superior to lower-class English for purely intellectual purposes.(44:329) For example, Reinecke and Tokimasa, who described the "... radical simplifications in language structure" among members of the lower class, pointed out that these simplifications "... make it well-nigh impossible to formulate intellectual generalizations." (44:329) 80 E. Difficulties and Discouragement in Community Relations 1. Enmity towards the Disadvantaged a^i The Enmity of the Dominant Society In general, the dominant society is inimical towards the disadvantaged. This enmity involves both prejudice and discrimination. Authors refer to prejudice against or depreciation of Puerto Ricans (80:75), southern white mountaineers (137:35) Spanish Americans (120:119) Mexican-Americans (452:21-2) and Negroes (80:74; 19:131, 134). Goodman studied 103 young Negro and white children, and found that four-year olds, especially white ones, show definite signs of the onset of racial bigotry (83;):’ Ulibarri holds that the "majority culture" has stere otypes of the members of the minority societies (452:21). Supporting this point is a study by Davidson, Reissman and Meyers. Two hundred and forty-one undergraduates of all social classes were asked to rate the personalities . of hypothetical individuals, each individual being from a different occupational group. The result was that the member of the lowest occupational group— factory worker— received the lowest rating. It was concluded that the subjects— many of whom were prospective teachers, psychologists, and social workers— had decidedly unfavorable images of the worker. Bloom, Davis and Hess (29:99). 81 One major form of discrimination is segregation. "At present every big city is becoming more segregated economically and racially," reports Robert J. Kavighurst (97:41). The RNAC adds that residential segregation of minority groups varies little between city and city and central city and suburb (151:247). "Residential segregation is generally more preval ent with respect to Negroes than for any other minority group, including Puerto Ricans, Orientals, and Mexican- Americans," states the RNAC (151:247). Segregation of the blacks, the report also states, has been studied by the Taeubers (151:246-7). They devised an index to measure the degree of resi dential segregation. The index indicates for each city the percentage of Negroes who would have to move from the blocks where they now live to other blocks in order to provide a perfectly proportional, unsegregated distribution of popu lation. It was found that for 207 of all the largest cities . . . an average of over 86 percent of all Negroes would have had to change blocks to create an unse gregated population distribution. (151:246-7) For eight cities, the figure was below 70 percent; for over 50, it was 91.7. (151:246-7) Negro segregation was also evidenced in Goldberg's work (80:73,74). Segregation is enforced in a number of ways. Havig- hurst stated that the increasing segregation mentioned above is effected: through the moving of middle-class people to suburbs or to middle-class areas in the city, .82 while lower-class in-raigrants take over the houses deserted by their former middle-class residents. (97:41) The RNAC supports this conclusion adding that from 1960 to 1966, [w]hite population of central cities declined 1.3 million instead of rising 3.6 million as it would if it had grown at the same rate as the entire white population. In theory, therefore, 4.9 million whites left central cities during these six years. (151:246) . There are three predominent reasons for the white exodus: prejudice (166:9); legitimate fear due to knifings extortion, beatings, etc. which take place in some changing neighborhoods; (166:9) and "the rising mobility and afflu ence of middle-class families and the more attractive living conditions— particularly better schools— in the suburbs." (151:245) There are other ways in which segregation is enforced The RNAC states, "Deliberate efforts are sometimes made to discourage Negro families from purchasing or renting homes in all-white neighborhoods." These efforts in clude intimidation, threats of violence, refusal by real estate agents to show homes to Negro buyers (151:244). It is not only the white dominant society that is against the disadvantaged: . . . middle-class Negroes . . . often seek to pro tect their own vested interests in segregation. Negro businessmen, professionals, and teachers, for example, largely owe their clientele, jobs and incomes to the existence of segregated institutions; furthermore, in the segregated community, they do 83 not have to meet the more stringent competitive standards prevailing [sic] in the wider culture. An additional complication is that they tend to identify with the white middle class; they are proud of their race and they grudgingly affirm their racial identity, but they look down upon other Negroes as inferior. . . (19:123). The poor relationship between the disadvantaged and dominant societies is circular. Thht is, it perpetuates itself by each side reinforcing the negative characteris tics of the other. Green noted that the Negro student, feeling, because of prejudice against him, like a nobody in class, may become discouraged and achieve little and not accept responsibility for his own actions. But then when he looks for a job, his lack of skill and unrelia bility will be perceived by the prospective employer, giving the prospective employer grounds for further preju dice against the boy (88:447-8). b) Enmity among the Disadvantaged (1). General Remarks Two of the major modes of enmity among the disad vantaged are aggressive repartee and crime. Aggressive repartee is described by Miller: [here] is a dominant emphasis in lower class culture on ingenious aggressive repartee. This skill, learn ed and practiced in the context of the corner group [i.e., the adolescent peer group], ranges in form from the widely prevalent semi-ritualized teasing, kidding, razzing "ranking", so characteristic of male peer group interaction, to the highly ritual ized type of mutual insult interchange known as the "dirty dozens", "the dozens", "playing house", 84 and other terms . . . [A variant of this activity is practiced by] children, male, and female, as young as four or five. In essence, "doin' the dozens" involves two antagonists who view with each other in the exchange of increasingly inflam matory insults, with incestuous and perverted sex ual relations with the mother a dominant theme. (148:36) Joseph S. Himes supported Miller in reporting that slum-dwelling Negro teenagers tend to participate in habitually loose, fluid, shifting, bands. . . . mostly they [the bands] just "yackity-yack" . . . Almost always, . . . [their talk has an undercurrent of aggression:] teasing, bantering, boasting, disparaging, blustering, threatening, cursing, playing the dozens. Occa sionally, the aggression breaks through the veneer of talk into quick savage fights or delinquent acts. (103:168) (2) Intragroup Enmity (a) Enmity among Blacks The antipathy which many Negroes feel towards one another is shown in a number of ways— Negroes' rejection of Negro dolls, Negroes' rejection of Negro playmates, Negroes' direct expression of negative value judgments of fellow Negroes, aggressive repartee and crime. Pro- shansky and Newton cited evidence of the first two ways: Given a choice, a majority of both Negro and white children tend to choose a white doll in preference to a Negro one, Clark and Clark, 1947, Stevenson and Stewart, 1958, Radke and Traker, 1950, Goodman 1952, Merland, 1962, Landreth and Johnson, 1953 In a more recent study of 407 young children, Mer land 1962 found that 60 percent of the Negro chil dren, but only 10 percent of the white children, preferred to play with the children of the other race; in comparison, 18 percent of the Negro children preferred playmates of their own race. (162:187) 85 Proshansky and Stewart reported on some Negroes' directly expressed negative value judgments of one another (162:187,188). Johnson asked black teenagers: to describe people in thirty value-judgment situa tions. Johnsnn found that there was a "decided tendency to classify as black a disproportionately large number of negative judgments." For example, in the choice of color of the "ugliest girl you know", approximately 40 percent of 837 boys selected black, as compared with 11 percent who chose yellow and 7 percent who chose light brown. [Johnson veri fied that this did reveal prejudice, as opposed to the true circumstances[. (162:188) Furthermore, some of the previously-cited studies which show that Negro children reject their racial group, report that the children identify the members of the group in negative terms such as "aggressive bad . . . those "whom other children fear" and "ugly", "mean", and "evil" (162: 187-188). Negroes' antipathy towards their own group has been explained as a response to their frustration, which re sults from discrimination (162:194-5), as a result of their internalizing, at an early age, whites' evaluations of them (158:187); and as a way of coping with the de pression resulting from rejection by the mother (see infra. Chapter II, Section E5). (b). Enmity among Puerto Ricans Benilla interviewed white lower class Puerto Rican families in New York City. They were trying to hide the fact that they were Puerto Rican. 86 They . . . expressed resentment against fellow Puerto Rican migrants whom they blamed for "the disrepute which they have made of Puerto Rican name." . . . they did not notice any contradiction in saying that their neighborhood was a good one because "no Puerto Ricans or Negroes were allowed to rent an apartment in it." They were ashamed of other Puerto Ricans whom they considered "rabble/" ignorant" and "clannish". In another neighborhood study in East Harlem, we also met second-generation white children who also refused to be identified as Puerto Ricans and pretended not to understand Spanish. White lower class children were also anta gonistic to their parents whom they blamed for the difficulties they had to live through because of their national identity. (30:113) It was apparent that the Puerto Ricans did not want their identity revealed in order to gain acceptance by the Puerto-Rican-hating dominant society. To ensure their acceptance they even disparaged the Puerto Rican people as a whole. (c). Enmity Among Spanish Americans Knowlton reports: The Spanish Americans in general are marked by ex treme factionalism [as a result of "the decline of the patron peon pattern"] . . . Spanish-Americans who do accept Anglo procedures find themselves iso lated from their own people who will not follow them. (120:126) (3). Interqroup Enmity "Minority groups have little friendliness for one another." (24:27) For example, Italian-speaking Latins do not want to be classed with Spanish-speaking Latins; and Cuban Latins, Puerto-Rican Latins, and Mexican Latins, similarly centrifugal, are wary with one another. . . Mexican?. Americans in Los Angeles are disaffected by Watts 87 Negroes because both groups are of low educational level. (24:27,28) According to A. Bernstein, one reason for the enmity in New York is that among these groups, each of which lives in its own neighborhood, there is a strong family feeling which results in a strong neighborhood feeling. This latter feeling entails little friendliness for those not in one's group (24:27). Another reason was cited by Goldberg: "other equally disadvantaged groups provide [for a school child of any given disadvantaged group] a kind of scapegoat against whom to express the hostility intended for the broader society (80:88). 2. The Disadvantaged's Unfamiliarity with the Urban Community One problem of the many disadvantaged who migrate from the country to the cities (and these constitute a goodly number) is that they are not familiar with the facilities and customs of the cities (166:13; 16012; 51: 3) . Crow, Murray and Smythe reported that the Baltimore Human Renewal planners found from study of and interviews with Baltimore's poor th&t many of the poor: (1) [c] annot cope with responsibilities and demands of modern urban living, often because they are migrants from equally poor, but entirely different rural surroundings. . . and (2) distrust or don't understand even the few services, such as counseling, job training, 88 or employment help, that are available. (51:3) 3. The Influence of the Disadvantaged Society upon the Disadvantaged; Conflict between It and the Dominant Society As stated earlier, the disadvantaged society is actually made up of several ethnic and racial groups. How ever, the members of these various categories, regardless of ethnic and’ or racial make-up appear to have a common thread of characteristics and qualities which provide basis for the global label "disadvantaged". Therefore, they are frequently regarded as comprising one special culture, regarded as comprising one special culture, regardless of other cultural ties. Many disadvantaged having strong ties to their own ethnic and'ior racial societies as well as to the disadvan taged society. There are several explanations for this. According to Ravitz, migrants to the cities "are proud of their cultural traditions and are quick to resent any hint of condescension." (166:10) (This actually is not true of some of the disadvantaged; that is, white Puerto Ricans who were discovered by Bonilla to deny that they were Puerto Rican (30:113-114). But it is true of others. Bonilla found Puerto Rican migrants "who even in the third generation spoke Spanish well and exhibited pride in their Puerto Rican origin. . . They are frequently in the fore front of organizations for the defense of Puerto Rican 89 migrants . . . (30:115). Also, Oscar Handlin [ref] points out that the . . . in migrants [to New York City]have close ties with former places of residence, and there is some move ment back and forth between the former and the pre sent residence; the break is not final. (94:244). In addition, many disadvantaged, because of the overwhelm ing difficulties they face, tend to withdraw into the shel ter of their own groups (see infra, Chapter II, Section E4) Finally, as shown in previous sections of this study, parents and peers exert strong influence (direct and in direct) on the individual to anchor himself to his own cultures— i.e., the disadvantages and the racial and/or ethnic. 4. Withdrawal from^ and Reduced Creativity in Community Relationships a> Lack of Participation in Formal Voluntary Organizations (1). Evidence that the Lack Exists Joe L. Rempson has reported: research findings consistently reveal that . . . (persons of low socioeconomic status) participate in formal voluntary organizations significantly less than persons of higher SES . . . (168:135) According to Rempsen and Goldstein, numerous exem plary studies that have shown such low participation (168: 134-5; 81:121-2). Goldstein reports on the lower class participation in political affairs: 90 . . . the findings of Levin and Cohen and Hodges (1963) suggest significant withdrawal from the poli tical process by low-income groups, and an attitude of cynicism, All the evidence from voting studies show (sic) a positive correlation between socioecon omic status and registration, as well as voting. (81:115) McCloskey, reporting on the findings of Haubrich and G. Franklin Edwards, supports Goldstein: "Political precinct committeemen testify few members of mobile families regis ter to vote." (135:10) (2). Reasons for the Lack of Participation Rempson has offered many reasons as to why disad vantaged parents do not participate in the schools. He pointed out that the evidence strongly suggests that the parents do not participate in formal voluntary organiza tions for the same reasons. The reasons shall be listed in accordance with the aforementioned classifications of difficulties and aspects of discouragement. In his arti cle, Rempson described these reasons as they relate to the parent-school estrangement. In the following they shall be put in terms of the parent-community estrange ment. (a). Fear and Enmity of the Dominant Society Higher SES members of the associations fear low SES persons; some members are hostile to them. (b). The Inadequate Help Given to the Disadvantaged "Ey Dominant Society The associations do not try to establish closer re lations with, or to be of more than a little service to, the low SES people. Along the same lines, Gavin and Had ley have noted: The cities make few efforts to ease the entry of the (newly arrived migrant). . . There are no special communities to receive the migrant, retain him, place him in decent housing, find him a job. (285:31) Haubrich (418) and Edwards (276) works support Gavin and Hadley. The observations of these authors are especially pertinent here in that the community is a form of volun tary organization. (c). The Disadvantaged1s Un£amiliarity With the Dominant Society The higher SES members of the associations communi cate in jargon that low SES people frequently do not understand. (d). Culture Differences Low SES persons are oriented to the present while the associations are oriented to the future. (e). The Discouragement of the Low SES i). Discouragement in General: The formalized acti vities of the associations discourage the low SES persons; 92 these persons have had unpleasant experiences with the associations in the past, ii). Hopelessness: Low SES persons have little hope that participation will be fruit ful. iii). Belief in an Inimical World; Low SES persons think the SES members of the associations look down on them, iv). Lack of Motivation: The low SES persons do not care, v). Hostility: They resent the associations. (168:134-6) bjt The Disadvantaged1 s Withdrawal into Their Own Society The disadvantaged tend to withdraw from the dominant culture into their own societies. An example is the case of the Spanish Americans, ad reported by Knowlton: Stripped of much of their land by English-speaking Americans, exploited economically, treated with contempt and prejudice by many and forced into a subordinate social and economic position within their own state, they have reacted in the past vy withdrawing from all but essential social, political, and economic contacts with the domin ant English-speaking group. (120:119) Today the withdrawal is lessening, for many Spanish Americans are moving "into the urban areas of the West." Nevertheless, Knowlton indicated that the masses are still isolated to a significant extent (120:119, 126). The Ausubels exemplified this point by stating the situation of many Negroes: An important factor helping to perpetuate the Negroe's inferior social status and devalued ego structure is his tendency to withdraw from the competition of the wider American culture and 93 to seek psychological shelter within the segregated walls of his own subculture. (19:135) The RNAC adds, however, that most blacks do not favor the separatism advocated by some Negroes (151:236). There are some Indians who, having had wide contact with the white culture, later withdraw—-although not com pletely— into their native culture, George D. Spindler and Louise S. Spindler (189:99-100). 5. Crime and Violent Protest aji Crime Rates; Identity of Criminals "In general, crime rates in large cities are much higher than in other areas of our country," states the RNAC. The report adds, Within the larger cities, personal and pro perty insecurity has consistently been highest in the oldest neighborhoods encircling the downtown husiness districts. In most cities, crime rates for many decades have been higher in these inner areas than anywhere else, except in downtown areas themselves where they are inflated by the small number of residents. . . Within (the large cities with high crime rates,) crime rates are higher in disadvantaged Negro areas than anywhere else. (151:260) Whatever the reported rates are, they are probably inacurrate: . . .official statistics normally greatly underesti mate actual crime rates because the vast majority of crimes are not reported to the police. (151:267) It appears from the above that ghetto Negroes commit the majority of crimes; furthermore, according to 94 the RNAC, blacks ages 14 to 24 are "responsible for a dis proportionately high share of crimes in all parts of the nation." However, it should be pointed out that the ghetto Negro criminals constitute only a small minority of the black ghetto population (151:268,269) . Joseph Monserrat writes of Puerto Rican law-breaking: There is relatively little organized crime among Puerto Ricans. Crimes of passion, policy, numbers narcotics, and a certain amount of robbery and theft we do have. Outside of that we really haven't "made it." We don't have bank embezzlers and things of this sort. (467:54) bX Reasons for Crime and Violent Protest Among the difficulties which contribute to crime and violence among the disadvantaged are the enmity towards them by the dominant society and by other disadvantaged; and the influence of the disadvantaged culture. (1). Enmity Towards the D is a d v a n - r.n taged by the Dominant Society This enmity is a boon to crime in two ways: it permits it and provokes it. (a). Permitting Crime Himes reports that one main area of the community that is frequented by Negroes is the street. Further more, the dominant culture, according to Robinson (372: 82-3), permits crimes by blacks to flourish in the street, enforcement agencies and courts are lenient and the larger 95 public tend to be apathetic and indifferent. The reason for the permisiveness in the street is simple: with such permissiveness, the Negroes can direct the aggression which they feel as a result of frustration towards each other. But if they were restricted, they would aggress against the whites. The implication is that the frustration is a result of the dominant culture's discrimination. In actuality, aggression against whites has increased in re cent times (372:82-3; 103:166-7). (b). Provoking Crime and Violence Crime is, to some extent, retaliation against socie tal oppression. This is true among Negroes, according to Proshansky and Newton (162:194-5). It is also true among juvenile delinquents taken as a whole, according to Miller (148:45-6). The Ausubels have indicated that they agree with Miller and they add that it is definitely true for Negro juvenile delinquents (19:119,126). Real and possibly imagined oppression by the domin- ent culture against the blacks has been a factor in the blacks' recent adovcacy and commission of violent protests against the dominant culture (151:203,274) . The RNAC had pointed out some of the ways in which the Negroes feel oppressed: Many Negroes have come to believe that they are being exploited politically and economically by the white power structure. . . . . . It is 96 clear that many residents of disadvantaged Negro neighborhoods believe they suffer constant abuses by local merchants. (151:205,274) McCloskey has described "real" exploitation. For example: most low income urban families are caught in what Grier and Grier call the "captive market". In neighborhood stores they pay higher-than-average prices for inferior commodities and services. As Bathchelder observes, $3,000 or $4,000 seldom buys as much for poor families as for those with better earnings. (135:8-9) Disadvantaged Negroes also experience oppression through their contacts with police. The RNAC states: In discharge of their obligation to maintain order and insure public safety in the disruptive condi tions of ghetto life, they [the police] are inevi tably involved in sharper and more frequent con flicts with ghetto residents than with the residents of other areas. Thus, to many Negroes police have come to symbolize white power, white racism and white repression. And that fact is that many police do reflect and express these white attitudes. The atmosphereoof hostility and cynicism is rein forced by a widespread perception among Negroes of the existence of police brutality and corrup tion, and of a "double standard" of justice and protection— one for Negroes and one for whites. (151:206) As stated above, police are often inimical towards blacks. Some are also inimical towards juvenile delin quents as a whole, and their enmity is such that it only perpetuates itself. Goldstein reports Gottlieb and Ramsay's suggested explanation of how this happens: the stereotyping of the lower-class slum youth as a delinquent leads to increased police expectation of crime on their part, hence to increased arrests and convictions— which, in turn, helps to support the stereotype. Higher rates for Negro delinquency, they (Gottlieb and Ramsay) suggest, might be explain- 97 ed by the same process, with the additional factor of high Negro visibility. (81:110) (2). Influence of the Disadvantaged Society on Crime and Violence Miller does not believe that oppression by the dom inant culture is the primary goad to delinquency: No cultural pattern as well-established as the practice of illegal acts by members of lower class corner [i.e., adolescent peer] groups could persist if buttressed primarily by negative, hostile, or rejective motives [i.e., if buttressed by the desire to retaliate §gainst something; rather, delinquency ' s] . . . principal motivational support . . . de rives from a positive effort to achieve what is valued [by lower class persons] . . . (148:46) In other words, youths engaged in delinquency pri marily to actualize values. And it has been shown that the primary values in lower class culture are self-care conning, masculinity, excitement, peer group association etc. Delinquency assures the realization of this latter value according to Goldberg in that, delinquency aids the slum child in becoming a mem ber of the in-group and protects him against iso lation and a sense of unacceptability. (80:88) Lower class culture encourages delinquency in another way. The disadvantaged society has an orienta tion to the present, and delinquency is a way to acquire things immediately. The orientation to the present pro vides a sanction for delinquincy acts. (148:45) Influence of a particular segment of Negro culture seems to be a factor in Negro violent protest. The RNAC has stated: 98 A climate that tends toward the approval and en couragement of violence as a form of protest has been created by [in addition to other things]. . . some protest groups engaging in civil disobedience who turn their backs on nonviolence, go beyond the Constitutionally protected rights of petition and free assembly, and resort to violence to attempt to compel alteration of laws and politics with which they disagree. (151:204-5) (3). The Effect of the Mother's Enmity on Delinquency The primary cause of delinquency - regardless of class - is the enmity of the mother, according to Sol Gordon: My own experience . . . during the last ten years with more than two hundred chronic delinquents— in both group and individual psychotherapy , . . supports the views of Kaufman, Makkay and Zehuck . . . Reiner and Kaufman. . . and Burks and Harri son . . . , all of whom see delinquency primarily as a response to rejection by the mother [and as a means of coping with the resultant depression]. In almost all cases of delinquency with which I have been acquainted, the father either was not present in the home, was an alcoholic, or was ineffectual. (84:197) c. Anxiety Resulting from Crime The RNAC states: Nothing is more fundamental to the quality of life in any area than the sense of personal security, of its residents, and nothing affects this more than crime. (151:267) Here is an indication that the residents of disad vantaged neighborhoods, because of the relatively high crime r&te in such neighborhoods, are anxious about their personal security. This is especially true of the black ghettos: 99 . . . most of . . . [the] crimes [in racial ghettos] are committed by a small minority of the residents and the principal victims are the residents them selves . . . As a result, the majority of law-abiding citizens who live in disadvantaged Negro areas face much higher probabilities of being victimized than resi dents of most higher-income areas. . . crime . . . creates an atmosphere of insecurity and fear through out Negro neighborhoods. . . (151:268) F. Difficulties and Discouragement in Work 1. Difficulties a). Unemployment One of the disadvantaged's greatest difficulties is unemployment. Time magazine reported: . . . the jobless total in the poorest neighbor hoods of the nation's 100 largest cities stood at 7% during most of this year [1967-1968] . .. according to one recent study, . . . half the hus bands [of all poor families] do not hold regular jobs. (349:24) The RNAC described the blacks' situation: In disadvantaged areas, employment conditions for Negroes are in a chronic state of crisis. Sur veys in low-income neighborhoods of nine large cities made by the Department of Labor late in 1966 revealed that the rate of unemployment there was 9.3 percent. . . Moreover, a high proportion of the persons living in these areas were "under employed" , that is they were either part-time workers earning less than $3000 per year and/or looking for full-time employment, or haddropped out of the labor force. The Department of Labor estimated that this underemployment is two and one- half times greater than the number employed in these areas. (151:257) The fact that almost half of all adult Negro women work reflects the fact that so many Negro males ] 00 have unsteady and low-paying jobs. (151:256) Several factors interweave to create the high unem ployment rate of the disadvantaged. Among them: enmity towards the disadvantaged by the dominant society, relative ly high requirements for entering the work force; the dis advantaged' s unfamiliarity with the dominant society; and the influence of the disadvantaged society upon its mem bers. b). The Dominant Society's Enmity Cloward and Jones indicated that discrimination pre vents low SES persons from rising on the occupation ladder. (43:191-2). This has been largely the case of poor Ne groes, stated the RNAC: discrimination has undoubtedly been a major reason why they have not been able to escape from poverty (151:278). Even the recent civil rights legislation has not significantly affected the occupation al situation of the masses of Negroes, according to econ omist Vivian Henderson (157:231). It is true that two professional positions— that of teacher and social worker — are more readily available to Negro youth,(43:192), but obviously, that does not alter the basic picture for the masses of the disadvantaged. c). Relatively High Require- ments for Entering the Dominant Soceity's Work Force 101 Requirements for the creative, well-paying jobs of today are often too high for disadvantaged persons. Such requirements include being trained for services, being trained for automation, and having experience in various lines of work. Yet, the level of school achievement of most disadvantaged youths is quite low, parents have a limited educational background, and most of the adults in depressed urban areas are unskilled or semi-skilled work ers (135:16; 160:1),(see infra, Chapter III). Goldberg discussed the first two of the above-men tioned requirements: With increased and refined mechanization of production the entire country has seen a shift in the relative employing potential of manufacturing as against services. Whereas in earlier decades industrial production employed a greater share of the working public than did the auxiliary services, today there are more white-than blue-collar workers. And this trend is continuing. In the New York metropolitan region, manufacturing now employs about 30 percent of the working population (and this figure is expected to fall by at least 2 per cent by 1985), whil consumer trade and services, business and professional services, finance, government and "other" non-manufacturing jobs account for 70 percent of all jobs. By 1985 the greatest increase (about 6 percent) is anticipated in business, professional and financial services; and another 2 percent increase in government services. These figures were projected with no attention to the coming of increased automation. As more and more industries turn to automated processes— a trend now held in check by strong opposition of organized labor and groups of small businessmen— fewer jobs will be available to those with minimal education. For example, the electronic data pro cessing industries anticipate by 1970 the need for an additional three million workers to operate the 102 machines. . . There will be increasingly less room in the job market for the unskilled or even semi skilled worker, whether in manufacturing or in service. (80:76-7) The Ausubels, Vontress, and Shaw have also noted that the need for untrained and unskilled labor is declining because of automation (19:110; 185:72: 195:59). Other aspects of the problem of high requirements are: There are fewer opportunitiesout of school for those who are poorly prepared to fit themselves for jobs. Wage scales, employment regulations, automation, and competitive prices reduce the chance to be hired as a novice and to learn on the job. Machines take over simple jobs. Wage scales are set for the experienced, productive employee. Seniority in layoff and rehiring, workman's com pensation, and other provisions make it generally uneconomic for an employer to hire inexperienced and untrained employees. (67:93) As far as the disadvantaged are concerned, even the requirements of many traditional jobs would appear to be too high. For example-? McCloskey has stated, "Because Negro adults average only an eighth grade education most are employed in poorly paid manual service and operative occupations." (135:10) The RNAC strongly supported Mc Closkey (151:425-6) . d). The Disadvantaged1s Un- familiarity with the Dominant Society Lack of familiarity with the occupational "scene" impairs the disadvantaged's occupational chances. There are indications that they are unfamiliar with four aspects 103 of this "scene": what jobs are available, requirements for particular jobs; techniques for applying for work, and job ways. (1). Occupational Perspective Deutsch noted: . . .the Negro has not been fully integrated into American life, and . . . even knowledge about par ticular occupations and their requirements is not available outside the cultural mainstream.(57:166) Lower class persons' ignorance of job requirements were revealed in a study by Weiner and Graves. These authors: . . . found that parents and children from the lower socioeconomic status [SES] had occupational aspira- tations similar to those of parents and children from a middle socioeconomic level. In both SES groups most parents and children were interested in one of the professions. However, when the children from the lower SES group were asked how far they expected to go to school, 52 percent ex pected to go through college and 33 percent ex pected to finish only high school. Even more ce- vealing was the fact that only 37 percent of the lower SES subjects were enrolled in college pre paratory classes. In contrast, 95 percent of the middle SES students intended to go through college and 100 percent of these students were taking the college preparatory curriculum (162:201-202). (2). Techniques for Applying for Work Drake proposed: . . . that Negro students in segregated high schools and colleges are often unaware of the opportunities and techniques for advancement. Preliminary evi dence indicates that manh of these "techniques for advancement" can be taught effectively in short 104 periods of time. "Cram" courses in how to pass quali fying exams and how to meet job requirements— for example, filling out applications being interviewed and so on~have succeeded in increasing the numbers of Negroes in several fields. (162:202) (3). Job Ways Hines noted: Family and neighborhood experiences of lower- class Negro children tend to alienate them from the distinctive ways of factory and office. They do not overhear relatives, neighbors, and friends in the "shop talk" about incidents, people, and things of job. They cannot acquire familiarity with office or tool kit. No casual talk and information rela tions introduce them to the jargon, costumes, bear ing, manners, and attitudes of office and shop. They have no childhood experiences that acquaint them with the general layout, daily routines, general atmosphere, and occupational dramatis personae of an industrial workshop or business office. (104:319) e). The Influence of the Disadvantaged Society on its Members (1). The Influence of Earents It will be seen that many disadvantaged parents are discouraged. Hence the care they give their children is relatively little, and the children's personal develop ment is retarded. It will be useful if two aspects of that care are discussed in this section: helping the child become auto nomous and creative; and the parents' occupational aspir ations for their children. (a). Not Helping the Child to Become 'Autonomous and Creative' i. Direct Discouragement of Autonomy and Creativity Havighurst noted: "... the socially disadvantaged child lacks . . . [a] family conversation which . . . en courages him to ask questions (98:23). Havighurst pro vided an example of the frustration of question-asking: an authoritarian parent giving orders to his child, the child asking "why", and the parent giving hardly any ex planation. (98:23). M. Deutsch explained the parent's discouragement of questioning: When free adult time is greatly limited, homes vastly overcrowded, economic stress chronic, and the educational level very low— and in addition, when adults in our media culture are aware of the inadequacy of their education— questions from children are not encouraged, as the adults might be embarrassed by their own limitations and any way are too preoccupied with the businessof just living and surviving. In the child's formulation of concepts and the world, the ability to formu late questions is an essential step in data gather ing. (57:173) If questions are not encouraged or if they are not responded to, this is a function which does not mature. (57:173; 98:21; 110:118) The child's capacities for independent thinking and problem-solving are also underdeveloped. Jensen stated that "question-asking behavior," which, as has been noted, parents frustrate, is "important for independent problem solving" (110:118). Also, important for problem solving per se is accuracy and the use of abstraction in language. But, as will be shown later, parents do not teach their children fully precise, abstract language. Hence, the 106 youths* problem-solving ability is impaired. This point has received support from Deutsch who recalled Bernstein's finding: that the lower-class tends to use informal language and mainly to convey concrete needs and immediate consequences, while the middle-class usage tends to be more formal and to emphasize the relating of con cepts, This difference between these two milleaus, then, might explain the finding in some of our re cent research that the middle-class fifth-grade child has an advantage over the lower-class fifth grader in tasks where precise and somewhat abstract language is required for solution. (57:175) Finally, in regards to independent thinking, Havighurst pointed out that the disadvantaged youth lacks a "family conversation which . .. gives him a right and a need to stand up and to explain his point of view on the world." Also, this author has stated that in a situation in which the parent orders the child to do something without giving the explanation that the child desires, (such a situation occurs frequently— see infra, Chapter II, Section G) , the result is "that the natural curiosity of the child is pushed back, and the child is learning not to think for himself "(98:23,21). Not only is the child repressed, but he is also advised not to be fully creative. Liddle and Rockwell, who worked with young Negro and white children, pointed out that disadvantaged parents, who feel powerless in a world governed by power [,]. . . teach their children that life is a series of diffi« cult situations which should be avoided if possible. Unfortunately, avoiding the difficult is incompatible 107 with learning. (129j400-l) Similarly, according to Himes, Negro lower-class workers [,] . . . (i) in casual talk and informal, relations with their children, . . . say in effect that work is neither good nor promiseful of better things. (104:318) And indeed, such is the experience of these workers. Al though, according to Himes, the work ethos of this country advocates self-improvement and increased effort for the sake of winning promotions, The lower-class Negro child sees none of his parents, relatives, neighbors, friends, and peers moving up the occupational ladder. Hard work and extra effort may be a necessary condition of keeping a job. But neither hard work nor self-improvement leads to a promotion. . . The experiences of many lower-class Negroes demonstrate that self-improvement and in creased effort tend to multiply and intensify their frustrations and unhappiness. (104:318,319) Complementing Liddle, Rockwell, and Himes, Ulibarri noted, "Parents caution their children and don't push them to high aspiration levels because of the fear of failure" (452:22). ii. Setting an Example The problems of children identifying with their parents have been described. Boys who identify with women tend to be submissive and dependent. Boys who develop a sense of sex roles confusion have "problems of . . . making decisions, accepting responsibility, and executing leadership" (207:293). Many boys do not have a responsible, productive male with whom to identify. 108 iii. Leaving the Child on Hxs Own The effects of relaxation of parental supervision have also been discussed. Some children become extremely dependent on their peers; but others develop a healthy self-sufficiency. b). Parents1 Occupational Aspirations for Their children According to the Ausubels, lower class parents "do not generally encurage their children to have high aspir ations for . . . vocational success" (19:117). Several factors explain this: -a) Some disadvantaged parents dis courage their children's creativity (see supra, Chapter II Section F). -b) Disadvantaged people are aware of their limited opportunities in the work force: Generally speaking, the evidence available does suggest that perceptions of opportunity [in work] do accord with reality. In this connection, Hyman summarizes data which show that there are distinct differentials by socioeconomic status in judgments regarding the accessibility of occupational rewards. Thus 63 percent of one sample of persons in pro fessional and managerial positions felt that the "years ahead held good chances for advancement", while only 48 percent of a sample of factory workers gave this response. (43:192) [Proshansky and New ton supported Hyman (162:198-9) ]. -c) The work that is open to most disadvantaged is dis agreeable and demeaning (see supra, Chapter II, Section F). -d) Studies have suggested that the disadvantaged see edu cation primarily as a means of preparing one for work (see supra, Chapter II, Section G). Furthermore, there are 109 strong indications that most of the disadvantaged have relatively low educational aspirations for their children (see supra, Chapter II, Section F). Thus, it appears that their occupational aspirations for their children would be low. -3) The disadvantaged tend to detach themselves from the community (see supra, Chapter II, Section E). Hence it stands to reason that they would not encourage high-ranking work, as well as the preparation for it, ; it involves having close ties to the community, -f). Children tend to devaluate work; and parents influence children's attitudes toward work significantly (see infra Chapter III). The following studies indicated the existence of low parental aspiration. Cloward and Jones interviewed 988 residents of the lower East Side of Manhattan. The re spondents were 20 years old or older. They were divided into three classes: lower, working and middle (43:194, 195,199). They were asked, "Suppose some outstanding young man asked your advice on what would be one of the best occupations to aim toward. What one occupation do you think you would advise him toward?" (43:20fl.) An occupation in the professional and semi-pro fessional category was chosen by 50 percent of the lower class interviewees: The remainder s . S i d ! , , "that they i either could not advise the young man, or would advise him toward a non-professional career." Compared to the lower class's 50 percent was the working class's 62 percent and the middle class's 75 percent (43:201). Caro studied 144 male high school juniors "... the middle-class boys reported that their parents were more concerned about what they would do after finishing high school than was reported by the working class stu dents," he reported (81:167). Similarly, the previously-cited study of Weiner and Graves shows low SES parents having occupational aspira-1 * tions for their children similar to the aspirations of middle SES parents. But only 52 percent of the low SES children expected to go to college as opposed to 95 percent of the middle SES children. Also, only 37 percent of the low SES children were enrolled in college preparatory courses as opposed to 1-0 percent of the middle SES children (162:20;-2). Thus, there is an indication that when high parental aspiration is expressed, it is primarily overt: the parents' true career aspirations are lower than the ones actually expressed. It should be noted that, as the Ausubels have stated, lower class parents "do not generally encourage [their children to have] high aspirations for academic . . . success" (19:117). This is relevant here, because low academic ambitions indicate the presence of low vocational ambitions. For the disadvantaged regard school primarily Ill as a means to obtain work (see infra, Chapter II, Section G). A number of facts explain the parent's low education al aspirations: a). The fact that occupational aspiriition is low is indicated by the aforementioned 6 items. Even with the elimination of d)., which deals with educational aspira tion, a strong impression that vocational aspirations are low would remain. An obvious conclusion from this is that educational aspirations are low, since the disadvan taged regard education primarily as a preparation for work. b). The disadvantaged discourage their children's creativity (see supra. Chapter II, Section F). c). The disadvantaged— both adults and children— devalue education: it is 3een primarily as a means for work; it advocates values which the disadvantaged do not favor, such as intellectualism and future orientation; relations between the schools and the disadvantages are poor, and the latter retaliate by deprecating the former (see infra. Chapter II, Section G). It would appear obvious that parents' valuation of education would be positively related to parents' en couragement of education. That this is so is indicated in a study by J. Davie. Davie's sample consisted of ”. . . all children sixteen or seventeen years of age as of September, 1949, legally resident in New Haven, Connecticut [N - 3736] . . . Data were collected from school records 112 and from interviews from families in 'key spots in the class structure'." It was found that "... the purpose or value of education for each . r. [class was one of] the important variables in their educational decisions" (29:ls0; 81:174). d). Parents do not assist children sufficiently with their intellectual development before school starts (see infra, Chapter II, Section G). e). Children frequently do poorly in school and drop out. This is positively related to parents' educa tional aspirations for them as well as, of course, the parents' general encouragement (see infra, Chapter III). f). Children tend to have low educational aspir ations, (see infra, Chapter III). Studies present con flicting evidence as to the degree of parental educational aspiration. The following indicate that it is low. [Same paragraph]. Reis and Rhodes studied approximately 22,000 students, all in grades 7-12, and all from Nashville, Tennessee. It was found that the student's SES varied substantially with how far their mothers expected them to go in school (29:156-157). Similarly, Bloom, Davis and Hess reported Stendler's study of 212 parents. "The results showed, with regard to educational aspirations, that parental expectations for children become less am bitious 'as one goes down the social ladder'."(129:160) and Waldo, and Wallin in their study of over 2,000 junior 113 high school students in the San Francisco Bay area, found that the parents of children in middle-class schools tend to have higher aspirations for their children (81:207). On the other hand, there are studies showing parents as having high educational goals for their children. Suzanne Keller compared disadvantaged 46 upper lower class Negro elementary school students and their parents with similar white families. She found that 80 percent of the Negro parents wanted children to finish college, and that poor urban parents greatly desire that their children con tinue in school (310; 135:36). Furthermore, Glazer and Meynihan substantiate Keller's findings. They observe many slum families, particularly Negro families,". . . continually emphasize to children the theme of the importance of education as a means of getting ahead" (135:36) In sum, it could be stated that that there are studies reporting high parental aspiration, but the evi dence revealing parents' relatively negative attitudes toward work, schooling and general creativity is so great that one must conclude that most of the parents really do not have high occupational goals for their children. (2). Encouraging a Dishonest Living It has been noted that a large segment of the dis advantaged society appears to value "conning" over work ing as a method of securing an income. It has also been pointed out that, according to Miller, the major reason 114 adolescents commit delinquent acts is to realize that which is highly valued (toughness, smartness, autonomy, etc.) by the disadvantaged society. These acts appear to fall into three categories: "conning," theft and assault (148:36,41-44). Miller also appeared to indicate that adolescents commit these acts under pressure exerted by their peer groups: an adolescent who does not conform to his group's standards of law-violation risks 1) the group's rejection and therein 2) an inability to realize the .treasured values of status and belonging. Furthermore, an adoles cent's achieving the highest status (leadership) in his group frequently depends on his having "... a demon strated capacity in the two areas of 'smartness' [clever ness in "conning"] and 'toughness'; . . . [and] the 'smart' leader is often accorded more prestige than the 'tough' one . . ." (148:36). Thus it would appear that the adolescent is under pressure to engage in "conning" and other illegal acts prized by his group (148:36,41-42,43, 46) . Also, as mentioned earlier, Negro ghetto children observe that in their society, exploitation and "hustling" are substantially more remunerative than working for a living honestly. This influences them to adopt such ille gal practices in favor of work (151:262). In sum, both adults and adolescent peer groups i 115 influence children away from honest work and towards steal ing as a substitute. f). Poverty As has been pointed out before, one of the defining characteristics of the disadvantaged is that "they are at the bottom of the American society in terms of income." (98:26). This bottom is the position of poverty. The disadvantaged live below what is callled the "poverty 1ine." a sliding scale devised. . . by Social Security Economist Mellie Orshansky. Her flexible income line rises for large urban families and recedes for those in rural areas, dipping as low as $1,180 a year for a single male on a farm, and soaring to $7,910 for a city family with eleven or more chil dren. The level for an urban family of four— which is as close to a typical family situation as can be found— is $3,335. . . The Orshansky measure, if anything, underestimates the real dimensions of poverty in the U.S. (349:24,29). There are indications that the disadvantaged Negro is even poorer, on the whole, than the disadvantaged white. The RNAC has pointed out: Even given similar employment, Negro workers with the same education as white workers are paid less. This disparity doubtless results to some extent from inferior training in segregated schools, and also from the fact that large numbers of Negroes are only now entering certain occupations for the first time. However, the differentials are so large and so universal at all educational levels that they clearly reflect the patterns of discrim ination which characterize hiring and proportion practices in many segments of the economy. For example, in 1966 among persons who had completed high school, the median income of Negroes was only 73 percent that of whites. Even among persons ; 116 with an eighth-grade education [sic] Negro median income was only 80 percent of white median income. (151:256) The disadvantaged's great poverty helps determine their evaluation of work, Lasswell has written: In the lowest social class or classes, occupation is a means of subsistence. Many of the occupations available are not only paid on an hourly or daily basis, but may literally be terminated at any hour or day. The goal of persons in the lowest class is to survive, to hang on for a few more days or weeks. The best jobs are those which pay the most for the least work. . . Work may be either viewed as a necessary evil, or as an escape from other life-situations (123:278) g). Poor Working Conditions The jobs open to the disadvantaged tend to be un stable, hardy boring, and demeaning: Negro workers are concentrated in the lowest-skilled and lowest paying occupations. These jobs often involve substandard wages, great instability and uncertainty of tenure, extremely low status in the eyes of both employer and employee, little or no chance for meaningful advancement, and unpleasant or exhausting duties. (151:256) The [Negro] worker does not have a sense of the relation of his job to any total scheme or large goal of the enterprise. Both he and his job are marginal to the aims of the business and to the philosophy of business. If he is loyal or dedi cated, and many are, his reaction is likely to be personal rather than ideological. Such work is often uninspiring, fatiguing, and sometimes even deaden ing. (104:318). 2. Discouragement In the foregoing there are many indications that the disadvantaged have become discouraged in the area of work. Parents do not set high goals for their children; indeed, 117 some advise the children to aspire to what is safe and free of difficulty, and some tell their children in effect that work is no good. Also, some members of the disadvamtaged culture, discouraged with elaborate work, have resorted to "conning" and theft, or have sought secure, relatively low-grade jobs. There are other references to discouragement. Me Closkey has stated, "Inadequate incomes are accompanied by correspondingly low levels of morale and self-respect (135:10). Himes has noted that lower class Negroes: . . . believe that work is simply work, an unpleas ant though necessary condition of staying alive. They go to the job in the morning with reluctance and escape from it at day's end with relief (104: 318) . As McCloskey indicated above, the work situation con tributes to the disadvantaged's feelings of excessive inferiority. The RNAC has gone further in stating the case of Negroes: . . . most jobs they [many men living in racial ghettos] can get are at the low end of the occupa tional scale, and often lack the necessary status to sustain a worker's self-respect, or the respect of his family and friends. These same men are also constantly confronted with the message of dis crimination: "You are inferior because of a trait you did not cause and cannot change." This message reinforces feelings of inadequacy arising from repeated failure to obtain and keep decent jobs. (151:260). G. Difficulties and Discouragement in the Family 1. The Concomitants of Poverty 118 The concomitants of poverty include, in the words of the RNAC, "deficient diets, lack of medical care, inade^ quate shelter and clothing, and often lack of awareness of potential health needs" (151:269). Other concomitants appear to be inadequate sanitary conditions, overcrowding discomfort, poor health, and— more poverty. All these conditions are experienced by the disadvantaged family. a). Deficient Diets TIME reported: Dr. Arnold E. Schaefer of the U.S. Public Health Service . . . found [in a nutrition survey] that malnutrition is just as severe among the U.S. poor [as it is in a number of developing nations] . . . Schaefer's statistics show that one-sixth of the nation is ill-fed. (353:74) b). Lack of Medical Care The RNAC reported, Only about 34 percent of families with in comes of less than $2,000 per year use health in surance benefits, as compared to nearly 90 percent of those with incomes of $7,000 or more. .. . Negroes with incomes similar to those of whites spend less on medical services and visit medical specialists less often. . . . [For example, from July to December, 1962,] nonwhite families [earning less than $2,000 per year] . . . spent less than half as much per person on medical services as white families with similar incomes]. Negroes spend less on medical care for several reasons. Negro households generally are larger, requiring larger non-medical expenses for each household, and leaving less money for meeting 119 medical expenses. Thus lower expenditures per per son would result even if expenditures per household were the same. Negroes also often pay more for certain other basic necessities such as food and consumer durables. . . In addition fewer doctors, dentists, and medical facilities are conveniently available to Negroes— especially to poor families— than to most whites. This is a result both of geographic concentration of doctors in higher in come areas in large cities and of discrimination against Negroes by doctors and hospitals.(151:270, 271-2) c). Inadequate Shelter and Overcrowding Deutsch has written that the "living conditions Iof disadvantaged children] are characterized by great over crowding in substandard housing." (57:18) In regards to substandard housing, he is supported by Ravitz (166:8); Goldberg (80:70); McCloskey (135:18); Cahill (32:269); and Bloom, Whiteman and Deutsch (29:85). Bloom, Whiteman and Deutsch studied "292 pairs of parents and first-and fifth-grade children with similar proportions of Negro and white in three social class levels." A "high fre quency of housing delapidation" was found in the lower class group (29:85). As mentioned earlier, Cahill studied the child-rearing practices of 60 low SES mothers, all apparently in New York. She reported that the public housing projects she visited "showed signs of approaching deterioration" and that the slum homes she saw "were un believably delapidated." (32:269). Poor housing seems to involve inadequate shelter from the cold. According to Henry, one reason why poor 120 children often cannot sleep is the cold (101:190). In the slum homes which Cahill visited, "Heat was often inade quate or simply nonexistent." (32:269) Several authors in addition to Deutsch have re ferred to overcrowding among the disadvantaged, indicating that overcrowding is typical among the disadvantaged (345:6; 51:2). Support has come from McCloskey (135:5), and Ravitz (166:16), and Bloom, Whiteman and Deutsch, who, in their above-mentioned study, found that "Housing of lower-class groups is more crowded." (29:85) Overcrowding may be explained partly by the facts that poor families tend to have more children (151:261) and that some of them are organized according to the "ex tended family" concept. A study cited by TIME showed that "71 percent of all poor families have four or more chil dren" (349:29). The RNAC noted that "the average poor urban non-white family contains 4.8 persons, as compared with 3.7 for the average poor, urban white family." (151:261) Furthermore, Frank Riessman observed that "The 'extended family' is characteristic of non-white dis advantaged households. The residence quite generally houses aunts, uncles, grandparents and lodgers." (135:13) d). Inadequate Sanitary Conditions Deutsch and Crow, Murray and Smythe have pointed out that the disadvantaged lack adequate sanitary facil ities (51:2; 57:167). For example, the RNAC reported the ' 121 following in regards to Negro disadvantaged neighborhoods: . . . the level of sanitation is strikingly below that which is prevalent in most higher income areas, One simple reason is that residents lack proper storage facilities for food— adequate re frigerators, freezers, even garbage cans which are sometimes stolen as fast as landlords can replace them. In many areas where garbage collection and other sanitation services are grossly inadequate— commonly in the poor parts of our large cities, rats proliferate. It is estimated that in 1965, there were over 14,000 cases of rat-bite in the United States, mostly in such neighborhoods. (151: 272-273) The RNAC also referred to the following conditions in ghetto areas: . . . higher population density; . . . high relo cation rates of tenants and businesses, producing heavy volume of bulk refuse left on streets and in building;s . . . traffic congestion blocking gar bage collection; . . . obstructed street cleaning and snow removal on crowded, car chocked streets. (151:273) e). Discomfort One may infer from A. Bernstein that in the condi tions of poverty there is no comfort. He specified only one case, however: "Some parts of America, however, are not comfortable. Harlem . . . is unpleasantly uncomfor table." (24:6) Bernstein believes that comfort is essen tial to man's functioning productively: If urbanism, the world over, is concerned with education, it is also concerned with civilized conveniences, amenities, and comforts. Physical man is as much a concern of urbanism as intellec tual man. Food within man's gut and air condi tioning on his epidermis are the precursors to a 122 cerebral cortex operating with efficiency. The British should have weighed the possibilities of air-conditioning in India, but the British have had an unfortunate interlude, between 1914 and the present, in which they saw merit in discomfort. This was the period in which they lost an empire. (24:6,8) f). Poor Health_____ The RNAC found that as a result of . . . deficient diets, lack of medical care, inade quate shelter and clothing [a frequent] . . . lack of awareness of potential health needs [, and, the RNAC indicated, inadequate sanitary conditions] . . about 30 percent of all families with incomes less than $2,000 per year suffer from chronic health conditions that adversely affect their employment. (151:272,269) Similarly, McCloskey reported: Studies by Keyserling, Drake, and Pettigrew, all indicate the high relationship between poverty, poor housing, and ill health. Crowded living and sleeping quarters, inadequate sanitation, poor food facilities, insects and vermin tend to pro duce high rates of illness and mortality. . . The Negro death rate from childhood diseases is six times that for white children (135:20). The aforementioned Dr. Schaefer, who reported the extent of malnutrition in America, studied 12,000 people in the South and New York. "Seventeen percent were under nourished enough to be considered 'real medical risks'." TIME magazine reported (353:17). Diseases or dysfunctions which Schaefer found included anemia, stunting of physical growth, missing or decaying teeth, goiter, rickets, kwas hiorkor, and night blindness. TIME mentioned specifically that the first three and the last of these afflicted children (353:17). Studies by McCloskey and Dolce show 123 other illnesses suffered to an above-normal extent by dis advantaged children are respiratory diseases, measles, meningitis, diptheria, scarlet fever, hernias, and sight and hearing deficiencies (135:20; 267:36). But this is not hll. Mothers' malnutrition contri butes to their having pregnancy problems, and these pro blems eventuate in even more illnesses for children. Pasamanick and Knobloch found a correlation between social class and pregnancy problems: We found [in "fairly extensive studies involving large numbers of subjects"] not only a 50 percent greater risk of prematurity for Negro infants as contrasted to white, but also a significant associa tion of prematurity and low socio-economic status in whites. The complications of pregaancy had an even more striking socioeconomic and racial distri bution. We found three times as many complications in the white lower economic fifth when compared to the white upper economic fifth, and ten times as much in the non-white mothers as in the upper white economic group ..." (159:289,290) Lower class mothers' complications of pregnancy and prematurity appear to be due partly to their malnutrition. Other factors, such as maternal age and medical care, are also involved in these complications (159:290). The complications appear to result in injury to the newborn who survive them: Thus far, cerebral palsy, mental deficiency, epil- pesy, childhood behavior disorder, reading disa bility, and possibly childhood ticks have been found to be associated with complications of pregnancy, chiefly hypertention and bleeding in the mother and prematurity in the child. . . We believe . .. that in our school systems, 124 segregated or desegregated, we have with us a significantly larger number of organically injured Negro children who must contend with further con sequences of socio-cultural disorganization.(159: 289, 292) g). More Poverty TIME pointed out that "poverty breeds poverty": when one has a large family and an inadequate income, he is less able to improve his lot (349:29). 2. The Discouragement of Disadvantaged Parents a). General Discussion In general, disadvantaged parents appear to be dis couraged. Evidence of this has been shown: their with drawal from the community, their urging of children to "play it safe", and their relatively low occupational and educational aspirations for their children. Various authors have provided explanations for this discourage ment: In their own personal lives the parents of dis advantaged children are usually discouraged and often bitter. They experience more defeat than success. They did poorly in school and, as adults, do little reading. They have dull routine jobs with low status and are frequently laid off in slack periods. When income is low and unsure and children come too soon and too often, every one suffers, including the children (129:400) Even if the family [in depressed urban areas] is not split [i.e., even if the mother does not assume responsibility for both parents!, the controls that once applied in the rural setting have been broken in an urban setting that is hostile, un caring, and anonymous, and this has forced the 125 uncaring, and anonymous, and this has forced the restructuring of the family. The parental images the children now see are images of despair, of frustration, and of enforced idleness. (166:16) . . . at present the parents of disadvantaged children feel powerless in a world governed by power. -They see the world as being governed by influence and luck rather than by cause and effect relationships. "It is who you know, not what you know that counts." (129:400-1) Poverty spells the death of hope, the decay of spirit and nerve, of ambition and will. (349:29-30) b). Conjugal Relations among Disadvantaged Parents- The relations between the disadvantaged man and his wife tend not to be close. This is indicated in "reports of disruption occurring in 50 to 60 percent of . . . [lower class] families before their expected natural dur ation" (123:282); in the fact that there are "high rates of extramarital sexual behavior" in disadvantaged areas (51:5); in the fact that spouses tend to have their closest emotional bonds with friends and/or relatives; in the findings from a study by Rainwater; and in the nature of married life among Negroes. The last three of these items will be discussed. (1). The Tendency to Have Closest Ties with Kxth and Kin It has been noted that, according to Miller, the one-sex peer unit is "the most significant relational unit for both sexes in lower class communities." (48:40) Thus husbands and wives value it over their own union: 126 ' Men and women of mating age leave. . . [their peer] groups periodically to form temporary marital alliances, but these lack stability, and after vary ing periods of "trying out" the two-sex family arrangement, gravitate back to the more "comfortable1 ! one-sex grouping, whose members exert strong pressure on the individual not to disrupt the group by adopt ing a two-sex household pattern of life.(48:40) Other authors pointed out that spouses’ relatives are also more important to them than their marriage part ners. Goldstein reported the following: Gans’ observed . . . that the marriage part ners of his Boston low-income area "are much less ’close’ than those in the middle-class" . . . They take their troubles . .. less to each other than to brothers, sisters, other relatives, or friends. (81:86-77:151) Also, he continued, "Cohen and Hodge^“ report . . . that unlike the middle-class pattern, each of the spouses in the lower-lower family tends to cling to his or her own former kinship ties, instead of relating to them as a unit. ’For men,’ they write, prospects in the world of work are not sufficiently optimistic to permit turning one’s back on any relationships that might provide some cushion again st insecurity. For women, there is not the same assurance as in the middle class, derived from marriage to a stabley employed male, of an econo mically stable future, and they are reluctant to weaken their ties to any trusted and dependable kinsmen. (81:309) (2). Rainwater's Study ^Cohen and Hodges' sample was "... approximately 2600 male heads of families residing in three tiers of California counties, divided into subsamples resident in contiguous subareas." (81:233) -127 Rainwater studied 46 men and 50 women living in working-class areas in Chicago and Cincinnati (81:240). Goldstein reported on Rainwater's findings: Lower-class women seem, from Rainwater's ob servations, to enter marriage with a depth of ig norance about sex and procreation that is wildly inconsistent with popular images about the free and easy sex lives of the lower classes. Yet, on the other hand, Rainwater reports that Three-fifths of the lower lower class women in our sample ["twenty-seven of the men and twenty nine of the women were classified as lower-lower class; the rest, upper lower" (81:240)] ranked being a good lover first or second in importance for a good husband, yet less than five percent of the lower lower class husbands ranked this role as high, and three-fifths of them put it in the "least important category." This incompatibility seems to work in reverse also; men think that what is important in wives is being good mothers and housekeepers, but wives think it is being good lovers and friends to their husbands "One result," remarks Rainwater, "is that in most working class families sharing experience tends to be limited, with the wife's affectional needs more often not being met . . . and with wives in general more or less resignedly adjusting to their powerlessness, dependence, and insecurity. The Lynds' impression [of Middletown] . . . would appear to be as apt today as then [i.e., as when Middletown was studied, over a generation ago. The impression is reflected in this comment by the Lynds "on the difference between Middletown's working-class and business-class couples. . .; 'There is less frankness in the relationship and more confusion and disagreement on subjects that are of mutual concern such as birth control,1 "] (81:92-3) (3). Discouragement in the Conjugal Relations of Negro Couples Kardiner and Ovesey noted that two of "[t]he most 128 prevalent complaints of . . . [lower class Negro wives in regards to] their marriages are: the marriages are love less; there is no companionship." There seem to be a num ber of reasons for these allegations: (a). The Matriarchal Structure of Negro Families This, no doubt is a contribution factor. The fact that the structure exists has been attested to by several authors, including Kardiner and Ovesey (115:148), Woronoff (207:293), and Proshansky and Newton (162:204). Kardiner and Ovesey explained the origin of this structure. The only family form that was possible for Negroes under the conditions of slavery was the uterine family. (The conditions were a) the mother, but not the father, was recognized as necessary for the upbringing of the child, at least until the child could be put to use by the master; and b) the white man's prizing of the female as a mammy [i.e., governess] and sexual object, and his consequent fear of the Negro male— a fear which led the white man to institute "repressive measures" against the Negro male. But "uterine family" is meant a "mother-child family with the father either unknown, absent, or, if present, incapable of welding influence" [115:146-148]. Kardiner and Ovesey continued . . . the anonymity or continuous absence of the father made the mother the central and focal point of the Negro family. The father could not be 129 idealized as protector and provider, for he was neither. The mother could be idealized to a cer tain extent, and this is what actually happened. [However, Kardiner and Ovesey stated: "The mother- child relationship must have been affected because the care the mother could give the child was limited. White children had priority, if the mother was a nursemaid or a mammy; if, in addition she worked in the fields, she then could devote little or no time to her children. The effects of this on the development of affectivity, or emotional potential, are well known. They are inevitable diminished." (115:148)] Thus, greater and more protracted proximity to the mother, together with her pro tective role, rendered her the central point of orientation in the family. In the lower classes this orientation still persists, and has been rein forced by conditions which perpetuated the higher status and prestige of the Negro female after emancipation. (115:148) It would be relevant at this point to remind the reader of some Negro females' derogatory attitude towards men and preference for daughters (see supra, Chapter II, Section D). (b). The Female's Objective in Marriage Kardiner and Ovesey reported that the Negro lower class marriage .. . is generally entered on for economic pur poses by the female. The wish to get away from an oppressive environment is a common induce ment for the female to seek marriage precipitously, only to be disillusioned shortly after. (115:158) (c). The Relative Lack of Seriousness in Marriage Kardiner and Ovesey continued: In the [Negro] lower classes, multiple and dis cordant marriages are the rule. Two marriages are 130 the rule. Two marriages are quite frequent and even three or four are not uncommon. . . The status of "married" is entered upon more casually than among whites, the relationship is more tentative and provisional, and it is much more easily destroy ed. (115:158) [The Ausubels supported Kardiner and Ovesey (19:114)] (d). The High Rate of Illegitimacy The RNAC pointed out: The culture of poverty that results from unemploy ment and family disorganization generates a system of ruthless, exploitative relationships within the [Negro] ghetto. Prostitution, dope addiction, casual sex affairs, and crime. Prostitution, dope addiction, casual sex affairs, and crime create an environmental jungle characterized by personal insecurity and tension. The effects of this devel opment are stark . . . [they include:] . . . by 1966, 26.3 percent [of all nonwhite births were illegitimate,]. . . In the ghettos of many large cities, illegitimacy rates exceed 50 percent. The rate of illegitimacy among nonwhite women is closely related to low income and high unemploy ment. In Washington, D.C., for example, an analy sis of 1960 census tracts shows that in tracts with unemployed rates of 12 percent or more among non white men, illegitimacy was over 40 percent. But in tracts with unemployment rates of 2.9 percent and below among nonwhite men, reported illegitimacy was under 20 percent. (151:262-3) Finally, the Ausubels brought out Cavan's point that "[i]llegitimacy. . . is associated with relatively little social stigma in the Negro community." (19:114) (e). The Desertion of the Father It has been noted the disadvantaged culture believes that one characteristic of masculinity is being in charge 131 of things. This means that it is masculine to head the family— to be the provider and final authority. However, many Negro males do not conceive of themselves as being able to take care of their families. This is a hard thing to take, because it suggests to them that they are not real men. Therefore, to preserve their masculine identi ty, they leave the situation in which it is threatened: they desert the family which calls upon them to take care of it. Free from the family, their masculinity is no longer threatened (115:142; 24:19; 57:167). Why do they conceive of themselves as unable to pro vide for the family/? Deutsch indicated that one reason is the nature of blacks' history since emancipation: with 100 years of chronic poverty behind him, the Negro male comes to think of himself as a person who cannot succeed economically (57:167). Deutsch indicated another reason: the dominant culture has conveyed its belief in Negro inferiority so strongly to the black male that he has adopted the belief himself (57:167). Another reason, indicated by A. Bernstein and Kardiner and Ovesey, is that the male is unable to find adequate employment (115:142; 24:19). A fourth reason was brought out by Proshansky and Newton: the female members of his community severely deride him for his failure to provide for the family, and he internalizes their negative judgments of him (162:205). The RNAC offered another factor in the Negro father 132 desertion. Because he is unemployed or underemployed, his wife must work. And since there is a broader base of middle-class "type" posititions open to her, she usually makes more money and has more status than is available to him. This is too much for him: it brings his inadequacies home to him to too great an extent. Therefore, he leaves (151:260). 3. The Power Structure of the Disadvantaged Family In most disadvantaged families the mother has the most power. Goldstein referred to . . .some uncertainty among observers as to just what the power structure of lower-class families is. On the one hand, as Cohen and Hodges report, lower-class males are more likely than others to express, in response to questionnaire items, sentiments of an authoritarian patriarchal nature such as, "Men should make the really important decisions in the family." On the other hand, they report that in fact lower-lower-class women "take the major share of responsibility for budgeting, bill-paying, and child-care— to a greater degree, in fact, than is true in the other class levels".. . . Blood, [etc] and Wolfe also found that lojer-class wives were more "dominant" in decision making than wives in other classes; and that their working tended to increase this dominance. . . Cohen and Hodges [28:31] offer what seems to be the best tentative resolution available of the apparent contradiction. They suggest that the lower-lower-class male probably has a greater "compulsive" need to affirm his power. This does not mean that he will attempt to run the household; he will leave that to his wife. But he will need from time to time to make a demonstration of his power, to be ascendant in a contest of will inorder to reassure himself of his 133 status. In most matters concerning the internal affairs of the household, however, effective power will be actually wielded by the wife, not because she would be more successful in a showdown, but because, by the husband's default, she is left in effective command most of the time. (81:88) Miller substantiated the above by saying that the primary defining characteristics of the "hard core" lower class group in America are "... its use of the 'female-based' household as the basic form of child-rear ing unit and of the 'serial monogamy' mating pattern as the primary form of marriage." (148:32). Miller defined the female-based household as . . . a nuclear kin unit in which a male parent is either absent from the household, present only sporadically, or, when present, only minimally or inconsistently involved in the support and rearing of the children. This unit usually consists of one or more females [usually related,] of child bearing age and their offspring. (148:40) Also, Goldberg reported: . . . the Puerto Rican family is largely mother- dominated. The Puerto Rican woman more often than the man makes the initial trip to the mainland and then sends for other members of the immediate or extended family. (80:75) 4. The Parents' Care for Their Children a). The Extent of Parent-Child Interaction The amount of interaction between disadvantaged parents (or parent surrogates) and their children tends to be low, for several reasons: (1). The Parents' Unavailability 134 McCloskey reported that because of the high rate of unemployment among disadvantaged fathers, "large percen tage of mothers work out-of-home "(135:4). According to TIME, "one-third of [all] poor mothers are widowed, aban doned, divorced or unmarried."(349:29) Among these, Kardiner and Ovesey noted that abandoned Negro mothers work (115:153). Prom all these conditions, it is clear that parent unavailability is high. (2). Parents1 Erection of Psychological Barriers Parents may often build walls between themselves and their children. The Ausubels have referred to "]t]he working-class mother's . . . tendency to maintain con siderable social and emotional distance between herself and her children ..." (19:114) Also, as has been stated above, Maas interviewed white and black pre-and early adolescents. He reported . . . The patterns in our data suggest in the lower class, a psychologically closed, hierarch ical, and quite rigid parental relationship with children; . . . Lower-class parents are repeatedly seen as closed or inaccessible to the child's communications, especially of the milder types of disapproval or refusal of parental expectations or demand. Relationships between the parents being hierarchical, the father often the possessor of the mother, the child is once removed, for those or other reasons, from direct communication with one parent or the other. (335:148,417) (3). Parents' Preoccupation It may be that some parents are too wound up in 135 their own problems to be able to give much attention to their children. This idea has not been directly expressed in the literature. It is, however, suggested by the aforementioned, and may be inseparable from it. (4). Parents' Exhaustion McCloskey cited Goff's point that "[p]arents who work at physical tasks for long hours, often during evening hours, are too tired or inaccessible for conver sation with children." (135:16) (5). Disorganization The tendency towards random behavior as opposed to organized behavior (and it has been shown that this ten dency is an aspect of the orientation towards the pre sent) appears to be a factor in low interaction. Deutsch stated: . . . Family interaction data which we have gathered in both lower-class socially deprived and middle-class groups indicate that, as com pared with the middle-class homes, there is a paucity of organized family activities in a large number of homes. As a result, there is less con versation, for example, at meals, as meals are less likely to be regularly scheduled family affairs. (262:80) Relevant here is a study by Keller. She compared 46 first and fifth grade upper lower class Negro students and their parents with similar white students and parents. She found that 136 . . . The [Negro] children had little sustained contact with adults, few organized conversations, and little shared family activity. Furthermore, only 50 percent of the black children ate meals with one or both parents (29:129;318). (6). Too Many "Parents" So many people may be taking care of the disadvan taged child that he may not be able to have sufficient time with any one of them. Jensen noted: . . . Fewer lower-class children than middle- class children have a single mother-child re lationship in their early years. The respon sibility of caring for the child in the lower- class home tends to be assumed by a number of different persons, both adults and older children. (110:117) Leshan substantiated Jensen: . . . In the [lower-lower class] . .. families are much more flexible [than in higher classes]: adults move in with other adults; children may be switched from one family to another for a while if this arrangement seems to be more convenient. (327:591) (7). Too Many Children According to Moles, "in the larger lower-class family . . . the parents have less time to help each child." (345:6) It will be remembered that lower class families tend to have large families. Also, Levy reported that "many [of the members of a fourth grade class in a public school in Central Har lem] live with a grandmother or a guardian who is 137 burdened with more children than she can take care of." (126:431) Degree of parent-child interaction varies among subcultures. According to the Ausubels, there is more in the Puerto Rican and Mexican families than in the Negro and white ones (19:114). b). Affection Given to the Child by the Parent Often disadvantaged parents do not give much affection to their children: Liddle and Rockwell worked with young Negro and white children and found: . .. Unfortunately, disadvantaged children often arrive at school deficient in tender loving care. Their emotional relationships with adults have lacked depth and consistently.(129:400) Esther Milner provided an example. In her study: . . . Specifically, the lower-class child of this study[, as compared with the middle-class child of this study,] seems to lack . . . a warm posi tive family atmosphere or adult-relationship pattern which is more and more being recognized as a motivational prerequisite for any kind of adult-controlled learning...(81:35) The parents are unable to bestow much affection because of their discouragement. Liddle and Rockwell pointed out: Unfortunately many of these parents have needs for employment or problems with older or younger children that are so strong that it is difficult to get them interested in the child we [the educators] are interested in [by "the child" is meant the child in school] until they have gotten some help with the more immediate problem. (129:405) [It is contended in this 138 report that no matter what difficulties the parents faced, they would be able to be in terested in all their children if they were not discouraged.] If the mother has a serial relationship with a ntimber of men, most of whom have little interest in her children, children come to feel that they are not badly wanted; that they are of little value. (129:400) The Ausubels added that among blacks, . . . general parental attitudes toward the child are undoubtedly determined in part by the parent's own experience as a victim of discrim ination. . . [Some parents] may be so pre occupied with their own frustrations as to reject their children. (19:129) It is possible that there is more affection than these reports indicate. According to Edwards, . . . many parents, particularly mothers, are warm and concerned individuals who, despite their problems, persist in their desire and sacrificial efforts to have their children become respectable and productive citizens. (135:17) Cahill supported Edwards. As mentioned before, she studied child-rearing practices of 60 low SES mothers- 20 Negroes, 20 Puerto Ricans and 20 whites. She stated: "Puerto Rican and white women apparently put a higher value on their role as mothers than did Negro women. . . It is easy to understand why Puerto Rican women are so accepting of the maternal role; traditionally, the Puerto Rican culture has placed high value on this role. (32:277,278) Furthermore, Montez pointed out that the Mexican 139 child "will be coddled and loved, with a great deal of emphasis on his status as a child. To the Anglo-urban he appears smothered." (466:11) Similarly, Coles, who completed a 2-year study of migrant farm children, reported: . . . owning little else, they [migrant farm workers cherish their infants and want more of them, in the fearful expectation that not all those conceived, born, or even reared through infancy will live long enough to start their own families. (47:238) c). The Parent's Respect for the Child The way a parent raises his child reflects the parent's respect for him. Disadvantaged parents dis courage their offspring's creativity, use harsh, incon sistent discipline, and do not display much affection. This would all appear to indicate a relatively low level of respect for the children. Rainwater studied 96 lower-lower class and upper-lower class men and women. He found a condition which obtained mostly in the lower-lower class: . . . when children come, the wives tend to be pleased; but one receives the impression that their pleasure is partly that of a validation of their own capacities, and partly that of being pleased with a new plaything, at least for the initial and early births. They do not see the children as individuals in their own right, and often come, at length, to feel ineffective and powerless in their mother roles also. (81:94) 140 d). Parental Discipline Parental discipline among the disadvantaged appears to have three major characteristics— it reflects very strongly the emphasis on living for the present; it is marked— in some areas— by strictness, authoritarianism, and severity (three traits which, for the most part, tend to be inseparable); and it encourages the child to be on his own to quite an extent. There are two other characteristics which are perhaps not as widespread as the above three; permissiveness in the area of aggres sion and overprotection. (1). The Orientation to the Present The ways in which parental discipline reflects the orientation to the present have been discussed in Chapter II, Section D. (2). Strictness, Authoritarianism, and Severity In discussing the strictness, authoritarianism, and severity of parental discipline, we should first mention that, according to some literature cited below, these traits are manifestations of the parents' hostil ity (we have designated hostility as an earmark of dis couragement) . Also, as we shall see, there is an indi cation that the traits are more than manifestations of hostility: they may also be devices by which the , 141 parents can prove and exercise their power. The parents feel inveterately and irrevocably inadequate; and they also believe the world is their enemy— that is, rejects them and perhaps even strives against them. In such a situation, they want to attain power over the inimical world. Fre quently, this results in harshness with their children. Lower-class parents. . . are generally more . . .authoritarian than middle-class parents in controlling their children, and resort more to harsh, corporal forms of punishment. . . the work ing-class mother desires unquestioned domination of her offspring, her preference is for harsh, punitive, and suppresive forms of control. • . (19:113-4) McKinley studied 376 fathers and 263 11th and 12th grade boys from various social classes. As a result of experiencing greater frustra tion in their occupational roles, lower-class fathers are more aggressively severe and hostile towards their adolescent sons than are higher- status fathers, although "frustrated" fathers at all class levels are more likely than satisfied successful fathers to be severe. (81:149) . . . [The father] will need from time to time to make a deomonstration of his power, to be as cendant in a contest of will in order to reassure himself of his status. (81:88) There are indications that for disadvantaged parents, strictness, authoritarianism and severity may reflect hostility and be ways of exerting power (81:88). Milner, in an above-mentioned study, found that almost all of the lower class children were "subjected to physical punishment much more often" than were children of higher classes (29:149). 142 The other point which should be stressed was indicated by McKinley: the harsh discipline of children by parents stems from parents' discouragement. Kardiner and Ovesey supported this: The disciplinary treatment of children in the lower [Negro] classes is characterized by its inconsistency. Obedience is often enforced towards ends the child does not understand. High standards of behavior are expected without the affectionate background that can act as an incen tive to the child. Beatings without provocation are common; severe punishment for minor infractions likewise. Such treatment mirrors the hardships and frustrations of the parents Lemphasis added] which militate against parental patience and tolerance. (115:154-155) One aspect of the authoritarianism among the disadvantaged should be stressed. It is that there is a tendency for parents flatly to order their children to do things, without giving the children explanations. This was indicated in the above quotation from Kardiner and Ovesey; that such a practice exists— through not to what extent— is indicated by Havighurst (98:20-l),that it is typical is indicated by Berelson-Steiner (see infra subsection (5) ). Cahill, in her study of child rearing practices of 60 lower class mothers, reported, "Accord ing to the Sears study, reasoning was seldom used as a technique of control [of children]. My mothers did not use it at all." (32:283) (3). The Absence of Discipline 143 It has been noted that parents relax supervision over their children when the children are relatively young. This has various effects on children: some develop a healthy self-sufficiency; some become over dependent on peers; some (and they may include the above) seek status and belonging in their peer groups. Many feel rejected by their parents. (4). The Permission of Aggression Goldstein reported that according to Allison Davis, "... the lower-class child is 'allowed to fight when he is angry, and to laugh when he is triumphant. . . Physical aggression is regarded as normal . . . and he learns to take a blow and to give one.' " (81:18). Goldberg has supported Davis (80:80) . It should be remembered, however, that Mexican- Americans tend to be passive and Puerto Ricans,as studied by Cahill, dislike aggression. (5). Overview Lest all of the above observations on parental discipline appear to be insufficient or categorized too narrowly, let us offer a reportedly comprehensive description of child rearing practices among the disad vantaged. The only thing which it excludes is the way in which these practices reflect the orientation toward 144 the present. Goldstein, in his review of the literature on low income urban youth, wrote: . . . perhaps the Berelson-Steiner summary descrip tion of lower-class child-rearing practices is the best way of describing the state of our knowledge at present including its contradictions: . . . lower class infants and children are subject to less parental supervision but more parental authority, to more physical punishment and less use of reasoning as a disciplinary measure, to less con trol of sexual and other impulses, to more freedom to express aggression (except against the parent) and ot engage in violence, to earlier sex-typing of behavior (i.e., to what males and females are supposed to do), to less development of conscience, to less stress toward achievement, to less equali- tarian treatment vis-a-vis the parents, and to less permissive upbringing than are their middle class contemporaries. (81:20) d). Some Previously-Mentioned Factors Considered Together Of course, the psychological distance the parent maintains between himself and his child, his being too wound up in his problems to care for the child, his alledgedly low degree of affection for the child, his not respecting the child as an individual, and his harsh discipline— all these factors cannot be separated one from the other. They all are symbols of a single negative attitude; and negative attitudes, as will be seen, spring from discouragement. A statement by Kardiner and Ovesey has supported this: . . .The [the lower class Negro mother who has been abandoned by her husband] is obliged to work during the day. . . And when she returns from work, her disposition to the child isi not prone to be very considerate. Fatigue and irritability are 145 likely to be prominent reasons why the records indi cate so frequently that the mother is ill-tempered, imposes severe and rigid discipline, demands imme diate obedience, and offers only sporadic affection. In fact, this is the most common complaint, even by well-fed children, that the mothers in this group are often loveless tyrants. . . However, . . . [i]n many instances, maternal care is good, notwithstand ing hardships. Such instances are found mainly in lower-class families where the family unit has remained intact. The grandmother often takes over the maternal role while the mother is at work. (115:153) f). The Discouragement of Autonomy and Creativity This has been discussed (see infra, Chapter II, Section F.). Parents discourage autonomy and creativity by relaxing control over their children too early, by suppressing their creative urges in the home, by advising them "to play it safe," and by setting a poor example for the children. g). The Parent's Effect on the Child's Sex Role identification This has been shown (see infra, Chapter II, Section D.) Girls appear to assume their roles more easily than boys. Boys tend either to over-emphasize masculinity or to assume the female role. h). Not Encouraging High Occupational Ambitions This has been treated, (see infra, Chapter II, Section F.) Parents' occupational aspirations for their children tend to be relatively low; but they are not extremely low. i). The Parent's Contribution to the Child^s Education (1). The Disadvantaged Society and the Schools (a). Introduction At this point it would be useful to discuss the attitudes which the disadvantaged culture has towards education; and the generally poor relations between dis advantaged adults and the schools. For at least some of the attitudes are passed on to children by their parents and other adults; and it would appear as if the relations (as well as, of course, the attitudes, which cannot be separated from the relations), are obstacles to the children's receiving a good education. (b?. The Disadvantaged's Evaluation of Education The disadvantaged tend to devalue education. Four aspects of this devaluation may be discerned: Education is not useful. It is not appreciated for its own sake. Intellectualism is undesirable. Relations between the disadvantaged and the schools are poor. i. Education is Not Useful "Lower-class persons often cannot connect their educational experiences with the attainment of their . personal goals," Laswell has noted (123:274). The RNAC 147 provided an example: . . . On the basis of interviews of riot area resi dents in Detroit, Dr. Charles Smith of the U.S. Office of Education's comprehensive elementary and secondary education program, testified that "one of the things that came through very clearly to us is the fact that there is an attitude which pre vails in the inner city that says in substance we think education is irrevalent." (151:436) Several studies provided an explanation for this attitude. Cloward and Jones interviewed 988 middle-, working-, and lower-class adults living in the Lower East Side of Manhattan. The authors reported a tentative finding: . . .evaluations of the importance of education in the lower and working classes appear to be influ enced by occupational aspirations. The point is . . . that [low income people's] . . . level of occupational aspiration [which, as has been pointed out in this report, is relatively low,] influences their evaluation of education much more than is characteristic of the middle-class person ... (43:215) Miller and f’ .wanson supported Cloward and Jones (80:80) Hyman and Passow pointed out that not only occupational aspirations affects the evaluation of education; social aspiration is also a factor. Passow wrote: . . . Hyman reports survey data which would indi cate "reduced striving for success among the lower classes, an awareness of lack of opportunity, and a lack of valuation of education, normally the major avenue to achievement of high status." In essence, these lowered aspirations, this weak moti vation may represent a factual appraisal by low- income persons of the existence of barriers to occupational and social mobility based on their race, ethnic and social origins. As Cloward has said, academic performance may be devalued because youth from depressed areas see no relationship 148 between high levels of educational achievement and the realities of their future. These percep tions travel from parents and other adults to children, [emphasis added] (lf>0:181-182) Thus, from all these reports, it appears as if education is looked upon as useless because it cannot help one to break through the barrier of discrimination and reach desired occupational and social levels. ii. Education is not Appreciated for its Own Sake The above indicates that education's full value is not appreciated. Cloward and Jones concluded from their study, . . .It would seem . . . that lower-class persons place less of an emphasis upon education for education's sake, since their estimates to the amount of education a young man needs are most affected by the level of occupational aspiration. (43:202) However, there was conflicting evidence. The lower-class respondents in the study were almost as likely as the middle-class ones to "say that education comes to mind when they think of a good life for the . . . [child ren] in the household." (43:202-203) Based on idealism of what education can do, the difference between the two classes is so slight that one wonders if they both feel, to virtually the same extent, that education is valuable for its own sake. On the other hand, perhaps each has a different conception of "a good life." In that case, each 149 class could mention education the same number of times, but the meaning and value of education could be different for each. But this indicates a relatively low valuation on education. Education, rather than being regarded as par^ of the good life, something which a person can enjoy, and which is of benefit to his spiritual and psychological growth, is looked at merely as a means to achieve a rela tively limited end. Furthermore, this end, which is work is not highly valued by many disadvantaged children (see infra, Chapter III). It will be remembered that, according to Passow and Hyman, the disadvantaged view education as a road (closed to them) to higher social standing as well as a road (also closed) to occupational success. At this point, it would be useful to compare Passow and Hyman with Cloward and Jones. Passow and Hyman appeared to be saying, "The disadvantaged look at education as a means to certain ends; but society does not allow them to utilize these means." Cloward and Jones seemed to convey, "When a dis advantaged person goes to school, he is interested only in how school can prepare him for a job. He takes those courses which will qualify him for the work he aspires to." Why does the disadvantaged person do this? Why does he not try to get more out of school? One reason may be his discouragement: he has given up on utilizing 150 education for many further purposes. Another reason may be his emphasis on practicality: in his impoverished cir cumstances, it is impractical to go to school for any reason other than learning how to provide for oneself and one's family. Another reason may be the encouragement of the schools and counselors. According to Goldstein, . . .Despite occasional references to the relation ship between education and the good life, the major function of the public school system is to groom young people to move, sooner or later, into the labor force. (81:62) iii. Intellectualism is Undesirable In general, the disadvantaged overtly devalue a quality which is used in education - intellectualism (148:35; 171:56). One reason is that intellectualism is unmanly in that the manly way is to do, rather than to ponder (171:57). Indeed, intellectualism is "frequently associated with effeminacy" (148:35), and education itself is often perceived by lower-class men as a feminine pur suit (123:274). Also, intellectualism is impractical: "abstract, intellectual speculation, ideas that are not rooted in the realities of the present, are not useful, and indeed may be harmful" (171:56). The anti-intellect- ualism of the disadvantaged person appears to have other sources, as well: "his physical style, alienation, an tagonism to the school, [and] defensiveness regarding his gullibility." (171:56) 151 Anti-intellectualism was observed by Miller in his study of adolescent peer groups (148:35). Also, in their study of approximately 2600 male heads of families, Cohen and Hodges found that the lower-lower class respondents . expressed the least admiration for intellectuals; most disliked symphonic, ballet, and operatic music, and reacted most negatively to TV programs they defined as high brow." (81:233) Despite the disadvantaged's anti-intellectualism, it will be remembered that they value a certain kind of mental agility— that required for "conning". Furthermore, they also prize adeptness at aggressive repartee, i.e., kidding, razzing and playing the dozens (the exchange between two persons of increasingly inflammatory insults) (148:36). Other instances of mental prowess have been cited by Reissman: . . .the underprivileged individual [,]. . . in athletic activities and many games [,] . . . functions rapidly and seems to think quickly. He seems to be both perceptive and quick in judging expression on people's faces. When verbalizing his own idiom, he does not appear to be sluggish at all. (173:260) iv. Poor Relations between Disadvantaged and the School's Many disadvantaged are on such bad terms with the schools, and/or have had such unpleasant experiences with them, that they play them down out of fear and resentment. 152 In their above-mentioned study, Cloward and Jones found a relationship between poor relations (as reflected in parents not participating in schools) and valuation of education. They said that one of their tentative findings was: . . . participation [by adults] in educational activities does influence evaluations of the im portance of education, and attitudes toward the school as an institution. The tendency of parti cipation to heighten the emphasis on education is especially pronounced in the lower class. (43:215) Also, Wilson has stated, "... those who have been poor achievers will defensively devalue education." (401:842) v. Evidence that Education is Valued According to some authors, education is valued when children first enter school. Mccreary reported: . . . there is abundant evidence that many parents and children off deprived backgrounds initially have a .positive attitude toward schooling and recognize that it represents for most the only channel for improving one's lot in modern society. . . (136:51) Liddle and Rockwell (129:401) and Gordon (84:201), have supported McCreary. But the high hopes for education appear to dim as the child continues in school. This is indicated by the evidence that, in general, parents' aspirr- ations for their children's academic success is relatively low and by the fact that as children continue in school, their achievement level decreases, causing them to become discouraged (see infra. Chapter III). j 153 (c). Relations between the Disadvantaged and the Schools i. Introduction Rempson stated, "Research studies show that there is a direct relationship [for any neighborhood] between social class and parent participation in school activities. (Rempson later qualified his statement by saying that the upper middle class parents are the ones most active in the PTA.) Rempson cited fifteen research studies supporting his point. Among them is one by Fusco, . . .who studied the school-parent programs of 20 depressed urban area schools. . .[He] reports that the "parents as revealed in the interviews, were reluctant to visit the schools their children . attended, did not become involved in the activities of the school-related organizations, and were gen erally shy with school personnel and suspicious toward them." (168:135,134; 448:59) Rempson was supported also by Delmo Della-Dora (55:271) and by Liddle and Rockwell (129:402). Seen from one point of view, the "gulf" (this is Rempson's term) between parents and schools is a part of the parents' general detachment from the dominant culture. It was noted above that the disadvantaged participate little in formal voluntary organizations. Rempson pointed out, "to parents, the school is a formal voluntary or ganization." (168:135) Also, Liddle and Rockwell;noted: The parents of the disadvantaged are not organized into community betterment groups, social groups, and a multitude of special interest groups. 154 Except for the store-front churches, they are almost totally unorganized. Going to meetings on a regular basis or serving on committees are not a part of their life. [The implication of the authors is that this is one of the reasons why the disadvantaged parents do not participate in the PTA and other school projects. ] (129:402) What accounts for the gulf between the disadvan taged and the schools? There are a number of factors, which shall now be classified according to the difficulties and aspects of discouragement listed earlier. iii. Difficulties and DiscouragementTTn the Disadvantaged Society: School Rela tions a-. Enmity of the School According to Rempson, two reasons offered for the gulf between parents and schools are that "teachers fear parents" and that "school authorities are not interested in the welfare of the pupil, some even being antagonistic towards parents and children " (168:134). This fear and antagonism may be seen in phenomena observed by various authors: . . .it has been charged that the schools are in, but not of[,] the community— that, especially in low-income areas, school authorities are unin terested in, if not antagonistic towards, the local residents and their offspring. The schools, it is said, fails to adapt its educational techniques and routines to the values and learning habits of the population it serves. This, in turn, is supposeditot'create a barrier between the school and its community, resulting in mutual misunderstanding and hostility. (43:204) 155 . . . focusing on the negative side to the exclu sion of other, potentially healthy, traits, prevents teachers from developing good relationships with culturally deprived children and their parents. (171:54) We [educators] send home health histories and pupil questionnaires which only sophisticated par ents can complete. If parents don't fill these out, we label them "uncooperative" but if they fill them out poorly we laugh at their inadequacies. (129:401-402) Webster cited two factors contributing to the school-parent alienation. Since most urban disadvantaged schools are populated largely by ethnic minority groups, the personnel of such schools constantly fear (a) charges of prejudice and discrimination and (b) the activities of civil rights groups. The slight est protest or threat of such is viewed with great alarm and defensiveness. Disadvantaged persons sense these fears and anxieties and exploit them in the absence of a good human-relations climate, by accusations or [sic; probably should be "of"] prejudice and discrimination on the part of the school and administration.(200:408) But the gulf or alienation is not simply between school and parents: Class antagonism on the part of the middle- class teacher toward lower-class children is one of the most important contributing factors in the alienation of the lower classes from our public schools. (44:331) b-. The Dominant Society's Ignor ance of the Disadvantaged A second reason for the parent-school gulf is that "the school does not know what should be done" (168:134). A partial explanation for this may be seen in the following 156 School people [working in low-income neigh borhoods] do not have much opportunity to feel the sense of community through parents or their chil dren, and since they rarely actually live in the community, there is very little available to faci litate communication. (55:271) c-« Lack of Help Given by the Dominant Society to the Disad vantage? Fear of parents and ignorance of needs probably help to account for the fact that schools tend not to be helpful. Two more items believed to be responsible for i the gulf between schools and parents are: "the school has not developed sound machinery to provide for improved re lations" and "inadequate staffing [in the school] pre cludes having the time for parental contacts" (168:134- 135). (The poverty of the school may be a factor in this last item.) The above two items of course refer to the school's not taking steps to improve relations. But, according to the RNAC, there is another way in which the schools do not help: . . . for many minorities, and particularly ’• for the children of the racial ghetto, the schools have failed to provide the educational experience which could help overcome the effects of discrim ination and deprivation. This failure is one of the persistent spurces of grievance and resentment within the Negro commu nity. The hostility of Negro parents and students toward the school system if generating increasing conflict and causing disruption within many city . school districts. (151:424-425) d-. The Disadvan- ; taged's Unfamil- iarity with the Dominant Society Disadvantaged parents' unfamiliarity with the schools appears to be similar to the average individual's unfamiliarity with foreign countries. Vontress, in dis cussing the teachers of disadvantaged children, pointed out that these teachers, ". . . both Negro and white, represent another culture [to the disadvantaged]. They dress differently, talk differently, think differently, and appreciate differently" (195:60) . (Cf. the middle class values of most of the teachers in disadvantaged schools: infra. Chapter II, Section H.) Disadvantaged parents' unfamiliarity with the schools is another factor in the gulf between the parents and the schools. Rempson noted, "... the schools are held responsible for the gulf [for a number of reasons, including the following:] . . . teachers use educational jargon . . .; [and], . . the reading level required by communications from the school is too high. . ."(168:134) e-. Poverty Poverty may prevent parents from participating in the school. Vontress pointed out: ..."[Slum w]omen with out husbands work long, hard, monotonous hours to afford bare necessities for their offspring.. They would like to 158 be more active in the PTAr but their lack of time and energy deny them the opportunity" (195:61). f-. The Disadvan- taged's Inferiority Feelings According to Della-Dora, parents with low incomes have "less self-respect," and this helps result in their feeling less close to schools than do parents with higher incomes (55:270-1). Also, Rainwater, Coleman, and Handel studied "Four hundred-twenty [working-class] housewives in four cities, Chicago, Louisville, Tacoma, and Trenton . . . one hundred and twenty middle-class women were studied . . . as a contrast group (81:153). The authors found that the workingman's wife "does not expect her child to feel at home in school; it is merely another indication that it is hard for her to feel a part of society."(81:23) Another reason offered for the parent-school gulf is that parents "do not think they can influence their children's school life (168:134). Liddle and Rockwell agreed that parents often have this opinion (129:49). Vontress mentioned the other side of this issue: . . alienated (slum) parents . . . have come to asso ciate schools with the "they" in their lives, the people who somehow determine what happens to them." (195:65) 159 g-. The Belief that tfte World is ~an Enemy It would seem obvious that disadvantaged adults' viewing the school as an enemy would presuppose a gulf be tween them and the school,. The first of the following references associate the gulf with the view; the second and third references cite only the view. One reason offered for the gulf (as it exists be tween parents and schools) is that the parents "think that the teacher, whom they perceive as belonging to a higher social class, looks down on them." (168:134) Webster discussed this view: In the absence of interaction and communi cation between the school and its disadvantaged community, unrealistic assumptions and expectations would arise which incite any confrontation, While the school building is a physical part of the dis advantaged community, few if any members of its staff are. Thus the school is generally viewed and feared as an outside agency with great powers and considerable control over the lives of the inhabitants. (200:408-409) Along the same lines, Vontress added: Negro (slum) parents . . . are especially suspicious and critical of Negro teachers, who they feel are in cahoots with whites seeking to further confuse, deny, and suppress them.(195:60) The belief that the world is an enemy contributes to the gulf in at least three ways. One is that when meeting school personnel parents may feel on the defensive, for a number of reasons: their inadequate education, their possibly poor grooming, their shabby furnishings, and the 160 fact that they "have been investigated by (such a variety of) . . . governmental and social agencies." (200:409; 129:405; 55:270-271). Another way in which parents' distrust often helps create a gulf (and this way cannot be separated from the first) is parents1 behaving and responding like outsiders (200:409). It appears that there is also a third way. The parents, believing that the schools are against them, act hostile towards them. This has not been expressed in the literature, although Rempson stated that one of the major reasons for the parent-school gulf is that parents "re sent the school" (168:134). h-. Hopelessness Rempson wrote that two other reasons offered for the parent-school gulf are that parents "are pessimistic and uncertain about the •uture" and that they "have no concern for long-range problems and therefore do not see the need to go to school unless their children are in trouble"(168:134). "In this connection," Rainwater, Coleman, and Handel[in their study of 420 working-class housewives,] describe the working-man's wife as seeing school as a necessary evil, with her interest in associated activities much as the PTA being concerned with the imme diate situation of the child." (181:22) All this indicates that parents do not bother with the school because the school is future-oriented and the parents have given up hope about the future. il_-. Miscellaneous Rempson cited another offered reason for the gulf between schools and parents: "the formalized activities of the schools discourage parents" (68:134). Liddle and Rockwell agreed: "Complicated parent-teacher organiza tions with officers, by-laws, committees, and money-raising projects are . . . barriers to communication [between ed ucators and disadvantaged parents]." (129:402) Liddle and Rockwell provided another reason: "Many parents . . . avoid the school because their children are neither happy nor successful there." (129:406) Finally, Della-Dora stated that one reason why low income parents feel less close to schools than do higher- income parents is a "high incidence of change in home location." (55:270-271) Such mobility is true of migrant farm workers in the south (47:238), Mexican-American migrant farm workers (455) and city dwellers (55:268; 160:2, 135:19). There are at least three reasons for the mobility of the latter: aa. "rural southern white families seem to migrate and emigrate with fluctuations in the employment market" (this is especially true in Detroit and Chicago) (55:268); bb. 162 newcomers to the cities often first reside in an area which serves as a port of entry for inmigrants. But these new comers, as well as other residents, are impelled to move within the city constantly, because of such factors as eviction due to an inability to pay rent." (135:19) (d). The Situation in Appalachia A special situation obtains in Appalachia. School policy appears to be determined largely by the desire for personal gain and by the fear of the outside world and of new ideas. Schrag stated, "in eastern Kentucky . .. schools . . . mean contracts for local businessmen, and they represent power for country politicians." Also, the provincial Appalachians are suspicious "of change, and of anything but the most conservative education (which, Shrag implies, means the teaching of the three R's." Hence schools appear to be run in such a way that vested interests are protected; and hardly any new ideas (or accurate ones, in regards to politics, etc.) are allowed t f - t o be presented (181:230,235 et passim). (2). The Parent's Aspirations for His Child's Education As has been noted, parental aspirations appear to be relatively low. Also, the parent's aspirations for his child are positively correlated with the child's 163 performance in school (see infra, Chapter III). (3). The Parent's Effect on his Child's Intellectual' Development (a). Verbal Skills i. Introduction Disadvantaged parents tend to have an adverse affect on their children's language development. A number of studies indicate this. First, there is evidence that home environment affects language development regardless of social class. Dave interviewed 60 mothers and tested their children. His findings suggested: . . . that the home has the greatest influence on the language development of the child and the least influence on skills taught primarily in the school. (29:97-8) Three research projects noted language develop ment in the lower SES home. Irwin studied: . . . two groups of infants [the age range was from 1 to 30 months], one composed of children from homes of laboring families, the other from homes of business, professional, and clerical families . . . Data were analyzed for occurrence of speech sounds (phoneme types). Analysis of variance of the data indicated signi ficant differences with age and occupational status. The older children and children from higher-status homes produce more sound types. The effect of social status seems particularly marked in the older infants 1 1/2 to 2 1/2 years. (29:122) 164 In another project, Irwin studied the phoneme frequency of subjects with the characteristics of the sub jects in the above study. He found: . . . Differences between the occupational groups were found to be negligible for the children under 1 1/2 years of age, but highly significant for children 1 1/2 to 2 1/2 years old. (29:122&3) In another study, John tested 174 elementary school children. She concluded, . . . acquisition of more abstract and integrative language seems to be hampered by the living condi tions in the homes of lower-class children. (29: 125-6) There appear to be three primary reasons for the underdevelopment of verbal skills in the lower class: i it is to a relatively small extent that parents teach lan guage to their children personally; ii. the parents pro vide the children with few sources from which they can learn the language; and iii. the English the children are taught is itself restricted in terms of the dominant culture. ii. The Reasons for the Impairment of Language Development a-. The Relatively Low Degree to Which Parents Teach Language to Their • -± Children 165 Jensen has noted: The child's vocalizations, which normally occur in the first year of life. . .,.must be reinforced or rewarded by certain kinds of re sponses from other persons if they are to persist and develop into speech. The more reinforcement the better; and apparently the fewer the number of persons from whom reinforcement comes, the better. [Jensen here cited supportive evidence for the above sentence.] Fewer lower-class children than middle- class children have a single mother-child relation ship in their early years. The responsibility of caring for the child in the lower-class home tends to be assumed by a number of different persons, both adults and other children. In the typical lower-class home there is reportedly less verbal play, less verbal interaction, and less reinforcing behavior on the part of the older members of the household in response to the child's early vocaliza tions than is generally found in middle-class homes. The beginning of speech is therefore more likely to be delayed within a lower-class environment. . . . The "shaping" of the child's speech sounds through the differential reinforcing behavior of the parent is carried on more persistently by middle- class than by lower-class parents in their efforts to have the child's speech patterns match their own . . . . . . Language learning takes place, as it were, by the child's continually having to reach to a higher level set by the adults and older children with whom he interacts. And if the child is forced to spend a great deal of his time in the company of other children who are not his verbal superiors, [and ". . .if the mother's time is more divided in the lower-class family ..." than it is in the middle- class family (both these conditions obtain among the disadvantaged, as has been shown),] his lan guage development will be retarded . . . When the child begins talking in his second year, his difficulties are increased if his vocal models must be perceived through a high "noise" background. The congested living conditions in many lower-class homes can be presumed to have a higher noise level plus a greater proportion of adult speech which does not constitute vocal interaction with the child. . . . the consequences 166 are predictable. (110:116-118) Jensen was supported by M. Deutsch (56:173; 255: 79-80) and D. Ausubel (18:252). Deutsch and Ausubel ; ; oin pointed out that there is little parental correction of children's enunciation, pronunciation, grammar and iden tification of objects. Deutsch noted that parents' fre quent laconism with the child— a laconism in which simple words are used— does not give "the child the articulated verbal parameters that allow him to start and fully de velop normative labeling and identification of the envir onment. One point not specifically mentioned by Jensen is that parents' authoritarian behavior, in which orders are given without explanations, does not give the child oppor tunity to practice extending his vocabulary (98:21). Thus parents do not only teach language less well than is possible; they also Xprobably without realizing it) dis courage the learning of language. b-. Insufficient Number of Sources for Language Learning The second reason for underdeveloped verbal skills overlaps somewhat with the first. It is that there are few sources from which disadvantagec children can learn language. This overlaps with the first reason in that | parents aa) are one of those sources and bb) are usually, it would seem, the providers of many of the other sources, such as books in the home. D. Ausubel brought up the second reason when he wrote, "The culturally deprived home . . . lacks the large variety of objects, utensils toys, pictures, etc., that require labeling and serve as referents for language acquisition in the middle-class home." (18:252) It would appear that reading material could be considered such a referent, but Ausubel noted that in the disadvantaged home there is a "relative absence of books, magazines, and newspapers." (18:252) Moles (345:3) and Liddle and Rock well (129:399) supported Ausubel on this last point. M. Deutsch complemented him: "In a middle-class home. . ., the availability of a great range of objects to be labeled and verbally related to each other strengthens the over all language fluency of the child." (57:174) Not only labelling objects, but also "listening to a variety of verbal material, and just observing adult language usage" can help the child; but the lower class child does not have sufficient opportunity to these things (57:173-174). If others verbalizing can help the child, it stands to reason that others reading him books can help him in the same way. However, disadvantaged children are read to little (129:399); 18:252). Indeed, one of the defining : characteristics of the socially disadvantaged child's 168 family is that parents do not read to him (98:23). c—« The Deficiencies of the Language of the Disadvantaged The third reason for the underdeveloped verbal skills is that the language of the disadvantage, is, as has been noted earlier, deficient in certain areas: its utilization of language materials is limited and ineffi cient, it is imprecise, it cannot convey abstract thought very well. Both common sense and what is said later in this section support the idea that all the deficiencies (and strengths) of the language are passed on from par ents (as well as from other members of the disadvantaged culture) to children. The difference between iii and i is as follows: the first has to do with the fact that the parents do not teach language as well as they could; the third empha sizes the inadequacies of what they have to teach. The two, of course, are integrally related.) In regards to the materials of language, D. Ausubel wrote, "the syntactical model provided him (the culturally deprived child) by his parents is typically faulty." (18:252) Nor in conversation do the parents use a wide voca bulary which the child can copy, apparently. (this appears to be identical with one aspect of the second reason, the ; 169 paucity of sources of language; but here the emphasis is on the transmission of characteristics of lower class lan guage; and one of those characteristics is limited voca bulary) . Havighurst noted that one of the defining char acteristics of the socially disadvantaged child's family is "a family conversation which [fails to extend the child's] . . . vocabulary with words and with adjectives and adverbs." (98:23) In regards to hbstraction, the literature reviewed does not state explicitly that parents hand down their con crete non-abstract language to their children. However/ this would appear to be obvious. Furthermore, D. Ausubel has stated that the disadvantaged child . .. responds more to the concrete, tangible, immediate, and particularized properties of objects and situations than to their abstract, categorical, and relational properties. His speech is instigated more by the objects and actions he sees than by abstract ideas emanating from within, and he makes more ancillary use of nonverbal forms of communication. In short, the language of the culturally deprived child is more concrete, expressive, and informal than that of the middle-class child, showing signs of impover ishment mainly in its formal, abstract, and syntac tical aspects. (18:252-3) (b). Thought We have held that thought and language are insep arable and non-contradictory. We have also stated that lower-class language and thought suffer from inadequate use of materials, inaccuracy, and lack of abstraction. 170 Considering these things, and considering the fact that disadvantaged parents contribute to the underdevelopment of their children's language, it would seem reasonable to conclude that the parents affect adversely the children's thought. For example, D. Ausubel has noted that because of the poor language training in the disadvantaged child's home, as well as perhaps because of other factors in the home environment, the child "is impoverished in such language-related knowledge as the number concepts. . . and understanding of the physical, geometric, and geo graphical environments (18:252). Also, Ausubel added: . . . the most important consequence of the cul turally disadvantaged child's retardation is his slower and less complete transition from concrete to abstract modes of thought and understanding. This transition normally begins to occur in our culture during the junior high school period. . . [In completing it, one can] understand and mani pulate relationships between abstractions directly, i.e., without the benefit of reference to current or immediately prior concrete-empirical evidence • • • This transition takes place more slowly and less completely in culturally deprived children for two reasons. First, the culturally deprived child lacks the necessary repertoire of clear and stable abstractions and transactional terms that is obviously prerequisite for the direct manipul ation and understanding of relationships between abstractions. Second, for lack of adequate prac tice, he has not acquired sufficient facility in relating abstractions to each other with the benefit of concrete-empirical props, so that he can later dispense with their assistance at the same age as 3.71 his environmentally more favored contemporaries. (18:253) Of course, not only the home environment contrir butes to this condition; the school, as we shall see, is also a factor. (c). Lack of Information Another aspect of the disadvantaged child's up bringing is that his parents do not inform him about several areas of life. D. Ausubel referred to the "culture ally deprived" child's "inability to use adults (Ausubel may well mean adults in the home) as sources of informa tion, correction, and reality testing, and as instruments for satisfying curiosity." (18:251) For example, Moles has written that in low income families, . . . Provisions for general learning in the form of good books, travel or even the usual household articles which impart aspects of the general Amer ican culture are restricted by inadequate income. (345:3) M. Deutsch amplified the point about impoverish ment in travel: . . . the [disadvantaged] child tends to be re stricted to his immediate environment . . .In' the slums, and to an unfortunately large extent in many other areas of our largest cities, there is little opportunity to observe natural beauty, clean landscapes or other pleasant and asthetically pleasing surroundings. (57:167) An example of this is found in a study by Deutsch. According to McCloskey, " He found 65 percent of the | 172 children he studied [two classes, each of fourth, fifth, and sixth grade disadvantaged Negroes] had never traveled beyond a 25-block radius of their homes." (135:21-2; 413:5) The limitations to the disadvantaged child's travel have been discussed also by Della-Dora (55:269) and Ravitz (166:18). Liddle and Rockwell tell of another area in which information is not given: What he [the disadvantaged child] sees on television '[there is usually a "blaring"TV in his home, according to Liddle and Rockwell; anid the RNAC refered to television as "the universal appli ance in the (Negro) ghetto" (151:204)] is not in terpreted to him so its educational usefullness is limited. (129:399) Finally, it has been noted earlier that parents discourage the child's asking of questions. (d). Discrimination Another area of underdevelopment is discrimination of objects, sounds, and sights. M. Deutsch has described poor visual discrimina tion: Visually, the urban slum and its overcrowded apartments offer the child a minimal range of stim uli. There are usually few if any pictures on the wall, and the objects in the household, be they toys, furniture, or utensils, tend to be sparse, repitious, and lacking in form and color variations. The sparsity of objects and lack of diversity of home artifacts which are available and meaningful to the child, in addition to the unavailability of individualized training, gives the child few oppor tunities to manipulate and organize the visual properties of his environment and thus perceptually 173 to organize and discriminate the nuances of that environment. These would include figure-gjround relationships and the spatial organization of the visual field. The sparsity of manipulable objects probably also hampers the development of these functions in the tactile area. . .. The effect of sparsity of manipulable objects on visual perception is, of course, quite specula tive, as few data now exist. (57:170) Covington supported Deutsch: In a thirty-item task requiring discrimin ation between abstract visual stimuli, he found that the lower-SES sample of children had initial scores substantially lower than the middle-SES group. (56:79) Auditory discrimination is also poor. For example, M. Deutsch reported: In studies at the Institute for Developmental Studies at New York Medical College, as yet unre ported in the literature, we have found significant differences in auditory discrimination between lower- class and middle-class children in the first grade [, the discrimination, according to the context, being lower among the lower-class children]. These differences seem to diminish markedly as the chil dren get older, though the effects of their early existence on other functioning remain to be in vestigated. (57:171) C. Deutsch reported studies with similar findings (56:80) . There are a number of reasons for the poor auditory discrimination. D. Ausubel provided two: the disadvan taged child's not being "spoken to or read to very much by adults." (18:252) Jensen offered a third reason. He noted that the parents' "shaping" of the child's speech sounds through 174 differential reinforcing behavior (which apparently in cludes "gesture, facial expression, and vocal utterance") helps discrimination (110:117). We have noticed that such shaping is less in lower class homes. Actually, it stands to reason that one of the apparent aspects of "shaping" viz., "vocal utterance" is also an aspect of the being "spoken to" referred to by Ausubel above. A fourth reason was cited by C. Deutsch. She noted that evidence supports the assumption of social-class differences in auditory discrimination based on differen tial stimulus exposure, inasmuch as in the dialects most prevalent in slum areas, the endings tend to be slurred. (56:80) There may be a fifth reason. M. Deutsch stated: "While the environment is a noisy one, the noise isnot, for the most part, meaningful in relation to the child, and for him most of it is background. (57:171) Thus he tends to black out anything he considers to be "noise". This then becomes a detriment to auditory discrimination. That the disadvantaged child cannot discriminate objects well is an assumption; that the assumption is true is supported by th£ fact that his visual and auditory dis crimination is poor (cf. 56:79-80). C. Deutsch has put forth the assumption: The slum child is more likely than the middle- class child to live in a crowded, cluttered home— but not cluttered with objects which can be play 175 things for him. There is likely to be less variety of stimuli in the home, and less continuity between home and school objects. Where money for food and basic clothing is a problem, there is little for children's playthings, for furniture in which to store the family possessions, and for decorative objects in the home. Where parents are poorly ed ucated, there is likely be be less verbal inter action with the child, and less labeling of objects (or of the distinctive properties of stimuli) for the child. There is less stress on encouraging the pro-duction of labels by the child, and on teaching him the more subtle differentiations between stimuli (for example knowing color names and identifying them). Thus, in the terms used earlier, the slum child has, in his stimulus field, both less redun dancy and less education of his attention to the relevant properties of stimuli. As a result, he could be expected to come to school with poorer discrimination performance than his middle-class counterpart. (56:79) (e). Memory It was noted earlier that home environment is a factor in the disadvantaged child's poor memory. M. : Deutsch elaborated on this: Here [, in the area of memory,] . . . we would postulate the dependence of the child, particularly in the pre-school period, on interaction with the parent. It is adults who link the past and the pre sent by calling to mind prior shared experiences. The combination of the constriction in the use of language and in shared activity results, for the lower-class child, in much less stimulation for the early memory function. (57:171) (4). Other Ways in Which Parents Figure in the child r S * Scholastic Difficulties (a). Orientation to the Present By encouraging an orientation to the present, 176 with its characteristic of randomness, parents ill prepare the child for the regularized routine of school. As Henry has noted: The children of disorganization cannot create classroom organization. . . (101:186) M. Deutsch elaborated: . . . time [serving] as life's governor is a rela tively modern phenomenon. . . it is an essential feature in the measurement of children's perfor mance by testing and in the adjustment of children to the organizational demands of the school. The middle-class teacher organizes the day by allowing a certain amount of time for each activity. Psycho logists have long noticed that American Indian chil dren, mountain children, and children from other non-industrial groups have great difficulty organ izing their response tempo to meet time limitations. In the Orientation Scale developed at the Institute, [for Developmental Studies at New York Medical College)1 we have found that lower-class children in the first grade had significantly greater difficulty than did middle-class children in handling items relating to time judgments. (57:172) How parents contribute to their children's adoption of an orientation to the present is discussed supra, Chapter II, Section D. (b). Helping Children Learn Their Lessons Moles has stated: (345:8) Poor children are. . . handicapped in doing homework by their parents' lack of education. [Moles is supported on this point by the Ausubels (19:124) and by McCreary (136:51-2)]. It is clear that poorly educated parents will have more difficulty in helping their children with school work and guiding them in the use of educational sources in the community especially in the high school years . . . Without voluntary school contacts by means of parent organizations and teacher conferences, low-income parents are less informed about school resources and home techniques to help their children.j 177 Also, it stands to reason that the relatively small amount of interaction between parents and children precludes a parents helping with lessons to some degree. For example, many low SES Negro parents, "because of their large families [,] . . . are less able to provide help with lessons." (19:124) Also, it may be concluded from Moles that the low income child has "more limited home opportunities to practice what he is learning" because of some of his parents' intellectual handicaps, such as "lack of verbal ability." (345:8) (c). Inability to Provide School Materials Moles reported: In many localities parents must buy school books for their children. On a low income this is not easy, and important supplies for studying, such as sufficient paper and pencils in the home for school work, may not be purchased. [This has been supported by the Ausubels (19:124)]. More important, various supplementary home learning- tools such as dictionaries, educational games, and story books are beyond the reach of those who must be concerned first with subsistence. (345:8) (d). Inability to Help with Acquisition of School Know-How Disadvantaged adults are unable to inform children of "school ways." In the middle-class, these are picked up unconsciously from parents and the general environment. But in the lower-class, as Riesmann states, 178 The deprived child frequently has not learned how to ask and answer questions, how to study, how to relate to the teacher, how to take tests. Fre quently, he does not understand the meaning of phrases like "is to" (caf'is to" kitten as lion "is to" cub). These difficulties hamper the child tremendously in the school system. . . . The de prived student who would like to go to college has little knowledge of how to apply for admission, how to fill out forms, how to behave in an interview . . . The deprived child has little information about what college is like, or the kinds of jobs he can get with higher education (171:58-59) M. Deutsch pointed out other lacks: In the [disadvantaged] child's home, there is a scarcity. . . of books, toys, puzzles, pencils and scribbling paper. It is not [in a study of two classes each of fourth, fifth and 6th grade disad vantaged Negroes Deutsch found that only one half of his subjects could remember having seen a pen or pencil in their homes.] that the mere presence of such materials would necessarily result in their productive use, but it would increase the child's familiarity with the tools he'll be confronted with in school. (57:167) (e). Inability to Arrange Space and Privacy Because of overcrowding, disadvantaged children frequently lack privacy in the home (57:167; cf 129:400). Oscar Handlin referred to lack of privacy as one of the "factors prevent[ing] many . . . [Negro and Puerto Rican children in New York] from concentrating on their studies" (103:164) . Also, Moles pointed out: The size of the home is likely to impose further restraints on the opportunities to study that poor children have. In urban slums the problem of overcrowded living space is complicated by the tendency of families to share their homes with others when finances become tight. Space in which children can study is scarce, and space in 179 general is so crowded that children are apt to spend much of their time outside of the home; all this detracts from their studying. (345:8) (f). Distractions in the Home Kardiner and Ovesey noted "Many [disadvantaged] children come from homes which suffer from too much drink ing, sickness, and fighting." The authors virtually stated that these conditions are due to the parents' discourage ment (129:400). Moles adds, "Even for a child with high ability and motivation, disruptive family conditions may make study and learning difficult." (345:8) (g). Lack of Support for Children1s Social Life at School Moles reported: Material support in the form of decent school clothes, tennis shoes for gym classes, money for student activity tickets, carfare for school acti vities and other essentials for ordinary parti cipation in school life are often beyond the limits of the allowed family budget. These are not tri vial matters. School drop-out studies have re ported time and again that drop-outs lack friends, feel rejected in school and lack participation in the extracurricular life of the school. In addi tion, girl drop-outs are particularly sensitive about the lack of having the "right" clothes. . . (345:8) (h). Inability to Pay for Compensatory Education This is indicated by Ravitz, who stated that in many disadvantaged communities the fee asked by summer 180 schools which offer compensatory education "is sufficient to keep many depressed-area children from attending." And of course these are the children who need it most. (166:18) (i). Family Mobility The high rate of family mobility helps account for the high rate of pupil turnover in many schools (135:19; 81:39). The NRAC gave an example of such turnover: "In New York City during 1963-1964 seven of ten students in the average, segregated Negro-Puerto Rican elementary school either entered or left during the year (151:430) . It would appear that this hampers the pupils' education. (j). Children Must Sacrifice f°r Work and Home Chores "[F]inancial needs of the family force some poor children to go to work", reported Moles (345:9). For example, Guzman pointed out: . . . [Mexican-American m]igrant parents are con cerned about the education of their children. They have high hopes for them, . .. But children are needed in the fields or to care for the smaller ones at home. (456:39-40) Similarly, according to Kardiner and Ovesey, many urban Negro children "are obligated to work half or full time." (115:158-9) H. Difficulties in the School: The Educator's Pi scouragement ' 1. Segregation Mack held that urban schools are "... virtually always[segregated] by social class,.. . (137:43), how ever, according to Goldberg (80:71) and Hambrich (94:243) school segregation is a concomitant of racial segregation This point was also inferred from the RNAC, which noted this factor as a primary cause of school racial segre gation (151:426). In regards to particular groups, we find that "[a]lmost 80 percent of white students attend schools that are more than 90 percent white; 65 percent of Negro students attend schools that are more than 90 percent Negro." (243:48) Some disadvantaged schools, "as in New York City for example, enroll mainly Puerto Rican pupils; . . . others draw from low-income white families as well" (80:78-9) Segregation is not confined to urban schools com prised mostly of one class or race. "In the suburbs, also, the process of shifting from mixed-class schools to middle-and lower-class schools has gone ahead." (97:28) Furthermore, When schools are desegregated as ar-result of social pressures or when desegregation is forced without regard for abilities and behavioral stan dards, then the standards of the school are down graded; those Negro children who are unable to compete at a high level are placed in special classes and the school eventually becomes resegregated ..." (Ingle in (94:124) 182 It would appear to be obvious that school segrega tion is a form of discrimination: we have indicated that it is part of general segregation, itself a form of dis crimination. One factor that permits school segregation to con tinue should be mentioned. We shall see that Negro slum principals are fearful that their superiors, who are usually white, will say that their students do not mea sure up to standards. Hence the principals, in^defense say that their schools are doing a good job. But this means saying that segregated Negro education is good. Hence the principals fall "into a snare set by the white power structure seeking to contain the Negro student in separate schools." (195:83) School segregation has a number of adverse effects on the disadvantaged student: it makes him feel inferior his classmates influence him to reject education in favor of certain lower class values; they also, because of their poor school performance, do not provide him with a sufficient stimulus to achieve; and the education he receives is inadequate. 2. Poverty (a). Insufficient Income Disadvantaged schools are inadequately funded. In January, 1964, A. Campbell reported: 183 For the thirty-seven largest U.S. metropolitan areas, the average per capita expenditure for educa tion in the central cities is $82; the same expen diture in the suburbs is $113. On a per student basis, the comparable figures are $449 for the cities and $573 for the suburbs. (243;44) The reasons for the city schools' poor financial situation are a low tax base, inadequate federal and state aid, and, possibly, the high cost of new school sites and the age of the present school buildings. The tax base is not only low, but, as Campbell has indicated, for a recent five-year period, ten large cities out of fourteen experienced a decrease in their tax re venues (243:46). The lowered tax base is the result of the mass exodus of middle class citizens from the city, the dwin dling of economic activity there, and the high cost of non-educational city services (243:44). In regards to the lessoning of economic activity, Campbell pointed out: An examination of the central cities of twelve large metropolitan areas demonstrates that the pro portion of manufacturing compared to that of subur ban areas has clearly declined over the past three decades . .. In 1929, these twelve cities accounted on the average, for 66 percent of manufacturing em ployment. This percentage . . . dropped to 49 per cent by 1958, and has since declined even further. (243:44) Campbell also described the effect of non-educa tional services on the tax bases: Non-educational expenditures constitute 68 per cent of total public expenditures in the central 184 cities of the thirty-seven largest metropolitan areas. The comparable percentage for the suburbs is only 47 percent. Accordingly, the distribution of needs and resources creates heavier total local tax bur dens in cities than in suburbs. Measured against personal income, local taxes constitute 8 percent of that income in cities and only 6 percent in suburbs, or a one-third greater burden on city taxpayers. (243:46) According to Campbell, state and federal aid has not been sufficient for the inner city schools. For example, In New York State's six metropolitan areas during the school year 1966-67, the average differ ence between [state] educational aid to the central cities and that to the school districts in the rest of the counties in which the central cities were located as more than $100 per pupil. (243:46) Campbell also referred to the relative high cost of new school sites and the relative old age of the pre sent school buildings (243:44). This would appear to mean that improvement of the school situation would be relatively costly: new school sites are expensive and the upkeep of the old buildings might be so great as to take a considerable slice from the budget. It is not only the city schools which are in trouble. Suburbs are beginning to suffer from high tax burdens, educational disadvantage, and "political resis tance to applying increased local resources to education . . ." (243:48) b). Poor Facilities By "poor facilities" is meant not only inadequate 185 tools in the classroom and poor conditions of buildings, but also insufficient space. The RNAC has related, "Inner-city schools are not only overcrowded, they also tend to be the oldest and most poorly equipped. [For example,i]niDetroit,30 of the school buildings still in use in these areas were dedicated during the administration of President Grant." (151:433); Campbell has also noted the relative old age of inner-city schools (243:44). The Ausubels have indicated that Negro schools in the South and urban North have inadequate facilities (19:124). Kardiner and Ovesey have referred to the de crepit buildings and overcrowded classes of rural lower- class black children (115:158). In regards to space in the urban Negro ghetto schools the RNAC has pointed out: Double shifts are common; hallways and other non-classroom space have been adapted for class instruction, and mobile classroom units are used. Even programs for massive construction of new schools in Negro neighborhoods cannot always keep up with increased overcrowding. (151:432) The RNAC has described overcrowding in Chicago, Atlanta, and Washington, D.C., and has indicated that it prevails "in many other large cities." As an example: all but two high schools in Washington, D.C. are predom inantly Negro. They operated at 108.4 percent to 127.1 percent of capacity (151:433) . 186 The RNAC highlighted the Coleman Report's findings on the equipment in Negro ghetto schools: .v . Negro pupils have fewer of some of the facili ties that seem most related to achievement: They have less access to physics, chemistry, and lan guage laboratories; there are fewer books per pupil in their libraries; their textbooks are less often in sufficient supply. (151:434) In Appalachia facilities are also inadequate. There are hundreds of one-and two-room schools. Schrag has described them: . . . Many are built of wooden slats. . . The pot bellied stove and the outdoor privy are the only standard pieces of equipment. A miscellany of old desks, benches, tables, and chairs comprise the furniture; decorations come from old magazines and calendars. (181:233) Most Appalachian high schools have little or no laboratory equipment. Also, "[t]here are few school libraries and few schools with gymnasiums, language laboratories, films, tapes, or records." (181:233) Inferred from Shrag1s report was the point that the im poverishment in schools may be at least partly due to the fact that many Appalachians in power want to restrict education to the three R's and perhaps certain cliches of American history and political philosophy. The impli cation is that they do not use some of the available funds for improving the schools (181:230-231,232-233,234). 3. The Discouragement of the Educator 187 a). The Educator's Fear of, and Enmity Towards, Students A. Bernstein wrote that the "... usual teacher . .. is apprehensive . . ." of ". . .the lower-class urban pupil." (24:60) The evidence supported Bernstein. As has been in dicated earlier, fear of another is associated with anta gonism towards the other as well as withdrawal (i.e., detachment) from him. Studies reveal teachers' anta gonism towards students as well as detachment from them. Hence it may be concluded that these teachers fear them. Cohn stated, "Class antagonism on the part of the middle-class teacher toward lower-class children is one of the moSt important contributing factors in the aliena tion of.vthe lower classes from our public schools." (44:331) Proshansky and Newton reported an example of such antagonism: . . . Frequently Negro teachers are from the lower middle class and have struggled to rise above their own backgrounds. They perceive lower-class children as a reminder of their past and a threat to their newly won security. In some cases, Negro middle- class teachers may displace their own self-hatred by expressing hostility toward lower-class Negro children. (162:209) K. Clark found instances of teacher antagonism toward students, but he did not identify what class or classes the teachers in his sample were from. He referred to: . .. a preliminary study of the sttitudes of 188 teachers in ten public schools located in the de presses areas of a large northern city.. . . . . . the overwhelming majority of . . . (the) teachers and their supervisors rejected . . . (the) disadvantaged students in the schools) and looked upon them as inherently inferior. . . .[Findings from the study] suggest that among many of the teachers [of disadvantaged children] . . . there exists a pervasive negative attitude toward these children. (39:148-9) Adler has indicated that one mode of the expression of antagonism is depreciation: the hated individual is derogated from (4:267-8). Many teachers depreciate disadvantaged students. McCloskey cited a HARYOU (Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited) publication which stated that "[t]here is . . . a growing body of information which implies many teachers feel the lower-class child is intellectually limited." (135:44) In the above-mentioned study by Clark, disadvantaged students were regarded as inherently inferior. Clark added that many teachers of disadvan taged children "say repeatedly, and appear to believe, that it is not possible to teach these children" because of the children's inability to learn (39:149). Wolman reported that "Mexican-American children tend to be class ified [by many teachers . according to [derogatory] cliches or stereotypes." (206:323) Ravitz noted: "Not infrequently teachers, counselors, principals assigned to the depressed-area school have been people without any real concern for these children and with the common 189 stereotype of them as children of low ability." (166:19) Dolce supported Ravitz (267:36). Along the same lines, Becker found from 60 inter views with Chicago teachers that the lower-class pupils do not live up to the teachers' concept of the ideal student and thereby compare unfavorably with the higher SES groups (226:452, 464 et passim). Also, Gottlieb studied fifty-three whites and thirty-six Negro teachers., from six inner-city public schools serving low-income Negro students. "Major findings included: 1. The backgrounds of Negro and white teachers differ. Negro teachers come primarily from urban metropolitan areas and have non-pro fessional fathers. In addition, one-fourth of Negro teachers were raised in households with a female hand. White teachers come pri marily from medium-sized towns, with professional fathers. 2. On the adjective check list, Negro teachers most often describe students as fun-loving, happy, co-operative, energetic, and ambitious, whereas white teachers view them as talkative, lazy, fun-loving, high strung, and rebellious. (29:115-116) Gottlieb sought to explain his findings: The white teachers. . ., with less personal identification with this group of children are more critical than Negro teachers of students and parents. ... it would appear that the Negro teachers are less critical and less pessimistic in their evalu ation of these students than the white, probably because many of them have themselves come from backgrounds similar to that of their students and j yet have managed to overcome barriers to attain positions of responsibility and status. (288:352,353) j 190 There is evidence that teachers' rejection of dis advantaged children is not due wholly to social class. Davidson and Lang studied "89 boys and 114 girls in grades four, five and seven in a New York City public school." (81:173) They found that ... In general, favorability of teacher rating, though independently related both to social class and to pupil achievement, was more highly correlated with the latter than the former. These findings suggest that a pupil's school performance affects his teacher's view of him more consistently than does his social class membership. However, it is highly probable that the lower-class poor achiever is viewed more negatively than the middle-class low achiever. (80:96) The idea that children are judged on performance rather than class is challenged by a report on a study of the 650 children attending an elementary school in a lower-class community in California: . . .the children who were not expected [by their teachers] to show any particular growth in intell ectual functioning . . . [tended] to be r-garded less favorably [by the teachers] the more they gained intellectually. (178:248) b). Inferiority Feelings According to Whiteman and Deutsch, "The teacher [of disadvantaged children] often feels inferior because she is failing . .. "Then, at times, she blames, "the child's family" or "the child's essential unteachability" (203:87) A point raised in the above section, viz., that some teachers resent being identified with the lower- 191 class, is also applicable here; such resistance reveals inferiority feelings. There are other, strong, indications that teachers and administrators feel inferior. There is the teachers' fear of their students (for, as we have said, fear betrays inferiority feelings). There is their attempt to detach themselves from their problems at school; they feel that they are not up to solving the problems. This detachment will be discussed shortly. Also, there is their hopelessness (see infra, sub-section c). Finally, as will be shown, some administrators put on false fronts and believe others to be their enemy. c). Hopelessness Albert Shanker pointed out, in an article on com pensatory education; Teachers ... go into schools and try all the techniques they learned in college. And when these techniques fail [we shall see that disadvantaged children have little success in school], they fre quently develop attitudes and feelings of hope lessness. (380:60) d). General Discouragement Clark noted, "the morale of . . . [the] teachers [of "lower-status children"] tend (sic) to be depressed when they [the teachers] are identified with low prestige schools." (39:152). Vontress agreed, expanding the point somewhat; "Through their education and association many [Negro teachers] have become psychologically'white'.. 192 and are repelled by having to work and rear their chil dren in segregated communities. [This is one reason why their morale tends to be low.]" (195:61) The above observations indicated that the teacher's sense of inadequacy is part of her discouragement. Vontress listed other reasons for the often low morale of Negro teachers: Many of them did not plan to teach in the first place; they were forced by discrimination into this traditional Negro white-collar job. . . . Negro teachers are frequently very sensitive to and critical of their Negro administrators who must play "both ends" [kow-towing to white super iors while appeasing and engineering co-workers ] to insure the smooth operation of the school. . .. a major part of the teacher's time must be devoted to maintaining discipline among [her pupils] . . . Thus it is often felt that years of excellent preparation go for naught. (195:61-2) e). Detachment Teachers tend to detach themselves from the school situation in at least five ways: ignoring school pro blems, erecting barriers between themselves and their students, preventing themselves from being identified with their students, desiring to be relieved of certain job responsibilities, and frequently quitting their jobs. In regards to the first way— ignoring problems— Lacy observed, As with sex, silence and artificial cover-ups indicate that there is something "bad" about a sub ject which cannot be spoken of. (121:420) 193 Lacy argued that too many white educators refrain from admitting in front of Negro students an awareness of racial difference (121:420). She has been supported by Greene (88:451). In a working committee report that was developed at the second annual conference of the Southwest Council of Foreign Language Teachers (1965) it was indicated that when students put up psychological barriers between them selves and their teachers, the teachers may react by doing the same, in order to compensate for their sense of inadequacy (421:9). Some teachers detach themselves from their low class students out of fear that others will see too great a resemblance between the teachers and the students, and, as a result, classify the teachers as low class. For example, Deutsch reported that in his earlier— cited study of two disadvantaged schools— one white and one Negro— some middle-class Negro teachers disciplined and controlled their [apparently, from the context] all- Negro lower-class charges on field trips to a greater ex tent than other teachers controlled "comparable mixed and white groups." The reason was that if the children appeared indecorous, "the lower-class label would be attached to the teacher too." (58:122-3) Similarly, Cohn virtually said that "Public school teachers, whose separation from the lower classes is 194 often recent and precarious/" "fear lower-class speech and are inclined to give it no quarter." For if the - teachers were to accept this speech/ they might be iden tified with the (hated) lower class (44:332) Some teachers do not want to get fully involved in school work. A. Bernstein pointed out: . . . the usual teacher . . . resents additional responsibilities and seeks no positions of leader ship, but rather wants some anonymous rut where thought is organized for him and his classroom day regulated. (24:61-62) . Along the same lines,_K. Clark reported: . . . some . . . teachers may accept assignments in . . . [lower-status] schools because they may be aware of the fact that the staff in these schools is generally not held to the same high professional standards which prevail in schools where it is be lieved that the children can learn. (39:152) Finally, many teachers of disadvantaged students leave their jobs (243:44; 94:246; 43:191). McCloskey reported that in some disadvantaged schools teacher turnover reaches 61 percent each year. "Between 1952 and 1962 almost half the licensed teachers of New York City left the system," reported Dr. Paul Daniel Dodson, Director of the New York University Center for Human Relations and Community Services (151:428). The normal career pattern of Chicago public-school teachers, according to a study by Becker, involves beginning in a lower-class neighborhood, and then transferring out as soon as possible (43:191). 195 Haubrich gave reasons for this exodus: . . . an inability to comprehend, understand, and cope with the multiple problems of language develop ment, varying social norms, habits not accepted by the teacher, behavior which is often not success- oriented, lack of student "cooperation", and achievement levels well below expectancies of teachers. (94:246) If the teachers quit-, simply because teaching is "not their bag," then we cannot say that discouragement influences their departure. However, the indications are not that they are sincerely uninterested in teaching: the Chicago teachers transfer out: "many (teachers) abandon the central city entirely for more attractive suburban districts." (243:44) Rather, they feel so inadequate to the demands of the disadvantaged school that they run away from it. They do not have the courage to face those demands. f). False Pretenses and the Belief that the World is an Enemy Vontress wrote, To assume that the principal of the slum school is less demoralized than parents and teachers is to be unaware of the facts. The Negro principal must respond to the expectations of the superin tendent, who is generally white, and to his teachers, who are usually Negro. This dual responsibility creates an ethnic dilemna for him. If he responds to the expectations of the superintendent and neglects those of his co-workers, he may incur severe criticism from his teachers and the wider community as well, since teachers assume many roles outside the classroom. The responsibility entrapment causes many top-level administrators to exculpate themselves 196 while giving pupils and parents a false impression of what they are getting for their money. Fearful of criticism from superiors, Negro school adminis trators are often more interested in presenting a "good front" than they are in ascertaining the real capabilities of their students and teachers. . . . Especially frustrating to the Negro principal is the often ill-defined role of the white subject- matter supervisors who work within the school, but who are under direct supervision of the superinten dent. . . . this ambiguous situation . . . is especially obnoxious to the Negro principal, who may feel surrounded by white spies who may cost him his job. (195:62-3) 4. The Dominant Society1s Ignorance: the Disadvantaged's Ignorance; Cultural Influences and Culture Conflicts a). Educators1 Inadequate Education (1). The Inadequacy of Their Training Most urban teachers of the disadvantaged (24:60; 151:428) and at least some rural ones (181:230) have been inadequately trained to educate their atypical pupils. For instance, the RNAC reported that . . .a 1963 study ranking Chicago's public high schools by the socio-economic status of surrounding neighborhoods found that in the 10 lowest-ranking schools only 63.2 percent of all teachers were fully certified and the median level of teaching experience was 3.9 years. In three of these schools, the median level was one year.(151:428) Similarly, Irwin Katz noted Wyatt's findings in regards to ... the status of Negro and white teachers in a Tennessee urban area. Only 49 percent of 901 academically qualified Negro teachers passed the 197 National Teachers Examination . . . (117:266) Also, some Appalachian teachers "have not met certi fication requirements." (181:230) (2). Reasons for the Educator's La°k of Preparation Why is the training insufficient? One reason, according to the RNAC is that . . . the more experienced teachers normally select the more attractive schools in white neighborhoods, thereby relegating the least experienced teachers to the disadvantaged schools. This process rein forces the view of ghetto schools as inferior. (151:428-9) The Ausubels indicated that another reason is that Negro teachers "are usually products of segregated educations," which as shall be seen, is inferior to non-segregated education. Wayland indicated a third reason: teachers in urban disadvantaged schools who do not live in de pressed communities are therefore ignorant of these communities' way of life (197:53). A fourth reason is: most teachers have adopted a middle-class set of values (cf M. Deutsch, 58:128) without studying or accepting lower-class values. In other words, they have been brought up to "think" middle-class and so are often un aware of what is prized and felt by the lower class. (3). The Orientation to the Middle Class (a). Evidence that It Exists 198 In beginning an examination of this last reason, it should be noted that, according to A. Campbell, "Teachers are recruited largely from the middle-income stratum and are trained .. . by faculty members who come from this same background." (243:44) Levy supported this point (126:434). This, of course, does not explain why teachers adopt the middle-class orientation, or why they are ignorant of the lower-class orientation. But there are a number of indications that the orientations of many of them is almost completely middle-class. One indication brought up by a number of authors is: Most of our textbooks are written by middle- class professors for middle-class teachers of middle- class children. We tend to think of education as primarily establishing literacy and the ability to deal with the daily techniques of middle-class living in urban centers. Elam (68:300) Tyler concurred: The [elementary school] books in use treat of business, industry, politics, and the professions, usually in terms of the white-collar participant, rather than in terms that would be most understan dable to a large fraction of the children. (193:45) Ravitz also pointed out the middle-class orienta- tation of textbooks (166:17). Another indication that a middle-class point of view exists is given by Levy: . .. a recent administration announcement in my school [a public school in Central Harlem] 199 concerning the free lunch program read as follows: "Although we do not wish to deny free lunch to any child needing it, neither do we wish to encourage children to eat in school when it is not necessary . . . There are numerous benefits to be obtained when he goes home to lunch and discusses the day's events with his mother. Similarly, the parent can learn about her child's activities in school and can establish stronger family bonds." Most . . . [slum] children cannot go home for lunch simply because no-one is at home. In other situations, the home is so crowded and the mother so harassed by home, financial and other worries- that she has little time or energy to sit down and discuss one child's school activities. And in some situations the home environment is so unpleasant that the child would prefer to remain in school. (126:434-435) Similarly, Levy pointed out that teachers hold middle-class values "up to the [disadvantaged] children to try to motivate them." Such values include academic competition, doing well in school, and cooperating with the police (126:434). Another phenomenon may be an indication of a middle class style of life. Sexton reported, "It has been ob served that school culture is typically 'polite, prissy, and puritanical' . . ." i.e., that it is oriented to middle-class female values. Riessman added "Conformity, dependence, neatness, non-aggression— major values in the female school— are not consistent with the [disad vantaged 's] masculine stress on vigor and independence." (171:61) Supportive of Riessman and Sexton are figures reported by R. Campbell in 1968: "About two-thirds of the nation's teachers are women. At the high school level 50 percent are women; at the elementary level 88 percent 200 are women." (244:60) However, the National Education Association has re ported figures indicating that the ratio of male teachers to female is rising (244:63). (b). Ignorance About the Lower Class What has been stressed in the above material is that educators do have a middle-class orientation. It shall now be stressed that they are ignorant of the lower-class orientation. Much of the above shows that educators assume that the lower-class child has values, orientations, and ad vantages of the middle-class child. Deutsch wrote that assumptions made by educators in regards to their lower- class pupils are "derived from experience with the middle-class child." (57:177) Two such [false] assump tions should be mentioned: a) lower-class children are capable of reading "by the time they enter the first grade," (57:171) and b) schools in the Southwest have wrongly assumed that Mexican-American children could speak English (466:8). They have even disciplined the children for using Spanish (466:8). Various areas in which the educators' training is deficient can be mentioned. First, as indicated in the above paragraph, many of these people do not have know ledge of the disadvantaged children's problems, 201 characteristics, and culture. "Our training practices in education have dealt chiefly with the child who is native to our land and has no outstanding language problem. The child of the lower economical social strata is also rarely dealt with in our academic courses," stated Elam (68:300). Along the same lines is a report by the NEA-Tuscon Survey On the Teaching of Spanish to the Spanish.- Speaking (to be referred to subsequently as the NEA-Tuscon Survey). The Survey found that more often than not, teachers . . . though sympathetic and sincere, have little understanding of the Spanish-speaking people" (421:10). Also, M. Deutsch has personally observed, in many large cities, that teachers have "little real com prehension of the particular problems" of Negro elemen tary school children. (57:166) Furthermore, educators may not know how to get across to, or help, the disadvantaged. Armando Rodri quez pointed out that our "educational system . . . hasn't given * . . [teachers] the equipment or the train ing necessary to communicate with the Mexican-Ameriban." (459:7) Deutsch noted, "we make little if any effort to prepare administrative personnel or teachers and guidance staff to assist the [under-privileged] child in this transition from one culture context to another." (57:163-164) Another area of ignorance was cited by Levy: 202 Most middle-class teachers . . . have little experience, training, or understanding to be able to deal with parole officers, truant officers, social workers, and welfare investigators. Teachers who work in slum schools need to be prepared to work also with these people. (126:435) In the light of the above, Haubrich's point that seemingly because of his training, "the new [urban] teacher [is] 'at sea' with respect to methods, curri culum, and approaches to the 'discipline problem' is understandable." (94:246-7) (c). Wayland Takes Exception Wayland disagrees that many teachers have a "mid- le-class" orientation which they try to uphold in their classes. First he pointed out that the term "middle- class" can be misleading: . . . the categories of class position are, at best, crude and extremely gross. (197:56) . . . the grossness of the categories is frequently forgotten so that lower-class or middle-class is assumed to refer to a very homogeneous set of attributes. There is certainly nothing in the research literature to suggest this. (197:56) Rather, Wayland implied, the classes should be viewed collectively in a "continuous distribution" (197:56). Furthermore, so-called "middle'class" teachers do not completely fit the stereotype: The teacher's educational level tends to be relatively high, prestige in occupational ratings relatively high, but income only average. The social origins of teachers cover a wide range, particularly among women. (197:56) j i 203 Also, school systems are arranged so that all students may be helped, and if a teacher wants to teach according to middle*class prejudices, he is checked: The teacher is a member of the bureaucratic system in which the basic content which he teaches, the norms of behavior of students and teachers, and goals of teaching, and the evaluation of stu dents, are established for all to follow. . . school systems are organized to achieve djoals which are thought to be relevant to all those served and the system is designed to protect the individual student against the caprice of the individual teacher. (197:57) It appears that Wayland's point has some validity. His position may be somewhat extreme, for he actually seems to say that schools are designed to help disadvan taged students. But he does show the unfairness of labelling the majority of educators as "middle-class" i'f that term has a limited definition in the mind of the labeler: for "middle-class" is truly not a discrete category, and there is nothing to show that the majority of administrative personnel are not trying— even if it.is only to a small extent— to be of help to all students. (4). Culture Shock One effect of the inadequate training was described by Webster: When a citizen of one country vists for the first time another country whose culture is quite different, he often experiences the phenomenon of "culture-shock." Social amenities, the uses of language, mealtimes, and the general schedule of living may be quite different from that the 204 alien visitor has known. For a while the newcomer may experience feelings of anxiety, frustration, and even hostility. Middle-class teachers, or even those from lower- class origins, who have been encapsulated in the academic community for a number of years, are in a similar situation to that of the alien when assigned initially to a disadvantaged school. (199:454) b). The Disadvantaged Child's Unfamiliar- ity with His Educator's World The disadvantaged child is unfamiliar with his school's values, customs, and tools; and he does not appreciate education "as a basic instrument to survive and succeed in today's complex, specialized world." (166: 17) In regards to the values, customs, and tools, it was pointed out earlier that the child lacks school "know how." Ravitz has added that the child is unfamiliar with the "world of the white middle class” (166:17; cf the child's receiving little information about the out side world as a result of his upbringing— Chapter II, Section B). Indeed, according to the NEA-Tuscon Survey, the Spanish-speaking child does not know the American culture (421:8). Also, as indicated earlier, the child is unfamiliar with the language used in the schools. c). The Influence of the Disadvantaged Society on Disadvantaged Students 205 (1). Introduction As pointed out earlier, it appears that the majority of the disadvantaged overtly disparage education. They think its primary function is to help one get ahead, they think it is useless to them, they depreciate the intell- ectualism that is involved in it, and they play it down because they have had poor experiences in school (sour grapes). It would appear obvious that children learn these evaluations of education from other members of their cul ture. (This is not meant to rule out the possibility that children may adopt these evaluations partly as a result of personal experience). (2). The Influence of Adults Among the sources of the child's education in regards to education are, as Passow has indicated, his parents and other adults. There are a number of ways in which these may communicate their elders devaluation. Their expression of relatively low occupational and edu?. cational aspirations for their children is obviously on6 of these ways (later, evidence that parental aspirations do affect the child will be cited). Also, as pointed out by Himes, Negroes are prone to express their low opinion of work to their children through casual talk and information relations (104:318). And, as has been 206 noted, the disadvantaged tend to value education for its ability to help one get work. The RNAC indicated that urban Negro children, as a result of being exposed to their parents' anger over the schools' irrelevance to the disadvantaged culture, also come to regard the schools as irrelevant. Then, of course, there are the adults who interest children in making livings illegally, thereby saying in effect, "You don't need education." (3). The Influence of Peers Other advocates against education are the child's peers. According to Henry, the disadvantaged child is strongly motivated by peers to adopt values unfavorable to education (101:186-7). Several characteristics of the nature of this motivation are known. First, the disad vantaged child's peer group is highly attractive to him, because it provides desirable things which the family fails to provides— care, status, a sense of belonging, education in the masculine role (see supra, Chapter II, Section D). But to be accepted by the group, he must adopt its values, and according to these values, intell- ectualism, as well as the prissy, feminine schools, are undesirable (148:40-43; 171:57,6). Not only peer groups attract the child. In nonr segregated schools, Negroes wish to be accepted by whites; and of course, there is always the lure of the opposite 207 sex (101:187). Also, Goldberg and Henry indicated that peers re taliate through physical harm against the child who does not join them, thereby increasing the child's temptation to join them (80:88-9; 101:187). Pressure exerted by classmates requires the child to make a choice between them and the teacher: loyalty to one precludes loyalty to the other (101:186-7). Therefore, if one chooses one's peers (and the importance of peer group association has been noted), it means that one values them over education. So far, it has not been stated that the child actually does reject the teacher in favor of his peers. But, according to the Ausubels, he does (19:117). Also, there are studies showing instances of this action. One is a 1959 study made by Wilson. His subjects were "stu dents in several high schools in the San Francisco-Oak- land Bay area." (205:218) He reported: . . . The proportion of students from roughly com parable family backgrounds who aspired to go to college was found to tend toward the mode of the school in which they were enrolled. For example, while 93 percent of the sons of professionals in predominantly upper white-collar schools said they wanted to go to college, only 64 percent of their compeers who were enrolled in schools where the majority of students were children of manual workers had comparable aspirations. Conversely, while only one-third of the sons of manual workers in these latter schools hoped to go to college, almost three-fifths of the manual workers' sons who attended the largely white-collar schools wanted to enter college. (205:218) 208 Later, Wilson studied "[h]igh-sixth-grade pupils in fourteen elementary schools in . . . Berkeley, Cali fornia," (205:209) and found: . . . In the [schools attended primarily by Negroes of the working class] . . . the boys who are disin terested in extending their education are well-inte grated in their classes . . . they are . . . far over-represented among the leaders of their peers . . . Relatively, then, terminal students are the social leaders in the lower economic strata. They gain social support from their peers, and, in turn, set the pace for them, without adopting the stan dards of success prevalent in the wider community of adults. (205:228) Similarly, Krauss studied 654 high school seniors. Goldstein reported his findings: . . . Sixty-four percent from middle class homes and 41 percent from working-class homes planned to attend college . . . . . . [One of the] major sources of educational aspiration [was] . . . the nature of the student's peer associations and his participation in school activities. [Krauss explained this:] . . . (a) College-oriented working-class students were very likely to have acquaintances who also have college aspirations. (b) They tend to be extremely active in extracurricular activities. (c) They were more likely to be attending a predominantly middle-class than a predominantly working-class school. (81:189,190) One point should be brought out: from the above it may be seen that there is a positive correlation between segregation of the school and the child's deval uation of education. Segregation results in strong peer influence which itself results in the child's "abandon ment" from education. 2C9 d). Students and Educators; Conflicts and Lack of Mutual Understanding On the one hand there is educators' discourage ment (which includes rejection of the disadvantaged) and inadequate training; on the other hand there is students' discouragement (to be discussed later; suffice it to say at present that it includes rejection of educators) and therefore, that educators and students often do not under stand, and are in opposition to (199:455) one another. Levy provided examples of the lack of understanding . . . academic competition and doing well in school are not highly valued by slum children. Thus, the children cannot understand the teacher when she holds these (her own) values up to the children to try to motivate them. The teacher, in turn, cannot under stand why the children are so "stupid, lazy, and unresponsive." As a further example, it is not respect for authority, but rather rebelliousness and resentment against all authority that is the norm among these children. Picture, for example, the absurdity of trying to teach "The Policeman is Your Friend" part of a "Community Helpers" unit to slum children. Slum children know a great deal about "the fuzz" but "friendship" with them is in conflict with their experiences. (126:434) Other examples are given by Haubrich (194:245) and Ulibarri (452:20). The opposition between pupils and educators is of two sorts. One is a disagreement over proper ways of living. For example, according to Elam, the strictly brought-up Puerto Rican girl is expected at school to take the initiative and to be outgoing. But at home she is forbidden to go outdoors, talk to other people, and 210 to play (68:298). Similarly, "the home and the school create a conflict in the roles that Mexican-American children are asked to play." Ulibarri (452:20) An example of this is found when Mexican-American children are asked if they want to grow up to be a garbage collec tor, when in reality the child's father or other male adult relative is a garbage collector (452:20). As mentioned previously, disadvantaged boys stress vigor and masculinity, while the schools often stress niceness, dependence, and so-called feminine values. Furthermore, as also has been pointed out, disadvantaged children are oriented to the present while the schools are oriented to the future. The second kind of opposition appears to be the first kind intensified by hostility. Riessman has indi cated that as a result of the female culture in the school delinquent gangs become anti-school (171:61). Proshansky and Newton provided another example: . . . the Negro pupil, as well as his teacher, brings preconceived ideas about racial differences into the classroom. The Negro child often comes bearing his parents' and his own justifiable resent ment toward whites. The white teacher, in turn, reacts to this hostility, thus aggravating the con flict and prejudice in the classroom. (162:209) Finally, Catalano observed: The ordinary pattern of adult-student relation ships in slum schools is often lifeless compromise between the adults, holding firm to their own life— orientation patterns, and the children, sullen and resentful, holding firm to theirs. Both, it seems, 211 devote their primary attention and major energy to this endless tug-of-war. (36:246-247) 5. The Inadequate Help Received by Students The schools tend not to give the students as much help as is necessary and as is possible for the schools to give . Various aspects of this factor have been discussed. a). Teacher Shortage Teachers are hard to get. Haubrich wrote: . . . many [teachers] . . . do not accept appointments to . . . [disadvantaged] schools. The entire situa tional context, which includes many educational and social problems beyond the skill of many teachers, is just too much for some . . . thirty-four out of a hundred teachers appointed to the borough of Man hattan do not accept[ itheir, appointments] . . . Some selected schools have much higher rates. (94:246) Teachers do not accept appointments for reasons other than the formidability of the assigned task: "Most teachers live outside the area served by these schools, and they prefer to teach in neighborhoods closer to their homes." The problem seems to be one of both inadequate transportation and inconvenient distance. Also, many teachers express a fear of "going through the [disadvan taged] neighborhood." Also, Haubrich indicated that friends, family, press, and other factors successfully dis- sftade such teachers. (94:246,245) b). The Effect of the Administration f In some cases the administration handicaps the 212 teachers. This handicapping can be seen from two points of view: as a stifling of the teachers' creativity or as a providing of inadequate leadership. According to Lacy, teachers of the disadvantaged frequently state that they desire to "try new, different, experimental methods:" in education, but that administra tors act as a "stumbling block." (121:417,422) Lacy has constantly heard this from teachers in seminars which she has conducted for several semesters, as well as, apparently, from other teachers (121:417,422). M. Deutsch conducted a seminar of teachers of the disadvantaged; they expressed the same attitude, adding that they felt "that they lacked the respect of those higher in author ity, and that their problems as teachers were not objec tively viewed or seriously considered." (58:121) Under these circumstances, not only are the old [in adequate] educational programs continued, but also, Deutsch believed, the teacher, feeling she is a supernumerary as far as the school is concerned, "loses her initiative and interest in evaluating her own role." (58:123-4). The above, of course, shows inadequate leadership. Gordon added, "Too often the direction [slim] teachers receive [from administrators] is ambiguous, unrealistic, . . . self-defeating," and therefore handicapping (84:192). c). The Teachers' Discouragement 213 When a teacher is discouraged, he is unable to be of much help to his pupils. For example, Vontress held, "If Negro children continue to receive an inferior educa tion in inner-city schools, . . . it is because shuttled- off teachers are discouraged and disgusted with the prac tice of assigning Negro teachers to all-Negro or predom inantly Negro schools." (195:62) Let us go into specifics. (1). Feelings of Inferiority "Data from studies of the self-concept . . . indi cate that persons who entertain favorable pictures of themselves also display greater acceptance of others," reported Webster. "... Other self-concept studies . .. indicate that there is a negative relationship between favorable self-concept reports and "levels of ethnocentrism." (199:460) (This may help explain the ''middle-class bias) . Therefore, if the teacher doubts that he has the intellectual skills necessary for teaching, he "would be a less effective producer of learning in his students." Also, if he lacks confidence in his ability to have good interpersonal relations with his students, his teaching, Webster indicated, would, as a result, suffer (199:460-1). As an example of this general trend, we have seen that a teacher may seek to compensate for his inadequacy 214 by putting up barriers between himself and his pupils. Furthermore, inferiority feelings prevent educators from helping pupils who also have inferiority feelings, Von- tress wrote that "the Negro child needs to develop a sense of identity, a pride in being Negro, in being black. If the teacher himself is anxious about being Negro, he is an ineffective purveyor of faith, courage, and pride in being Negro." (195:66) (2). Other Factors If the teacher does not see his pupils as indivi duals (and we have noted that he sometimes sees them as stereotypes), his teaching of them will be hampered (88:451). If he sees them as unworthy and perhaps un human (depreciation), he cannot educate them (148:451). He may, because of their "... social class background . . .", treat them unfairly (e.g., in grading and pun ishment) (55:270). Finally, there is Willies' perceptive observation: Usually, adults decide what youth ought to know; they figure out ways suitable for adults to teach youth; and finally, they hold out the reward of acceptance of youths by adults if they learn their lessons well. In other words, some adults try to induce youths to become acceptable so that they can be accepted. (204:381) The concern is with manipulation, not education. d). Teachers Do Not Have Their Students Do Enough Work' 215 There are teachers who do not have their students do enough work. Wilson described one reason: "In the working-class [and hence segregated] schools . . . teachers, although concerned about academic achievement/ tend to normalize a lower level of achievement. K. Clark (39*155), Katz (114:255), and the Ausubels (19:124) supported Wilson, although the Ausubels indicated that teachers in segregated schools are less concerned about academic achievement than Wilson believed. The validity of Wilson's point appears to be demon strated by his finding in his study of Berkeley schools that "... students in the [Negro working class schools] . . . are relatively overevaluated by teachers, receiving more high grades than warrented by their achievement . . ." (81:210). Also,these students, when they enter high school, "are almost automatically and necessarily assigned to general or vocational curricula. As adolescents this comes to many of them as an unanticipated and discrimin atory jolt." (205:233) A second reason for the undertaxing of students (it actually may be essentially the same as the first) is that teachers give up on a particular problem children. Henry reported, "Often we have seen a harassed teacher working with a very few children in a class and trying to ignore the disorder and uproar the others are creating." (101: 186). Also, "Too many teachers . . . feel that it is 216 their job to teach the majority of the class [the re quired subject matter], and for the minority who cannot seem to learn, they substitute discipline." (453:21-2) Finally, "There is little doubt that the deprived child typically works on academic problems in a slower manner . . . [For example,] He is a slower reader, slower pro blem solver, slower at getting down to work, slower in taking tests." But, in our culture, the teacher of a relatively slow learner of subject matter is likely, because of the student's slowness, to regard him as a poor learner and to ignore him. By ignoring him, the teacher may unwittingly discourage him (173:260,258). e). Teachers Have Students Do Too Much Work Some teachers overburden their students. According to D. Ausubel, disadvantaged students are "... usually overwhelmed by exposure to learning tasks that exceed by far their prevailing level of cognitive readiness. Hence, . . . they typically fail, lose self-confidence in their ability to learn, [and] become thoroughly demoral ized in the school situation ..." (18:256) There are several examples of this. As noted earlier, if the Mexican-American child is suddenly im mersed in English under difficult circumstances, he may create psychological barriers to school in general as well; as any specific subject. Also, ! 217 . . . many [of the children in a fourth grade class in a public school in Central Harlem] had no kinder garten experience, were pushed into reading in ttye first grade before they were ready for it, had to repeat first grade, and thus were frustrated from the start. . . . Rarely did these children experience success in reading . . . (126:432). Finally, Ausubels noted, "In many urban high schools today, pupils [who are the seriously educationally re tarded] . . . are subject to irregular French verbs, Shakespearean drama, and geometrical theories." They add that this is "educationally futile" and indicates that it destroys "educational morale". (19:133) One of the factors behind this overburdening appears to be teachers' inadequate training or perception. For instance, as pointed out earlier, some falsely assume the child is ready to undertake certain tasks. Also relevant is the fact that, because of its fear and prejudice, "(s)ociety demands equal or higher behavior on the part of the minority group member in the cultural behavior pattern of the majority." (452:22). The teachers in Deutsch's study believed that their Negro pupils should be twice as good as those pupils' white counterparts (58:125). As noted before, the children had to behave exceptionally well on field trips so that their teachers would not be regarded as lower class. f) . Some Valuable Subjects are Taught kittle or Not at All According to Neff, because of "the influence of 218 those who have urged an imitation of European education systems, which cater . . . primarily to the needs of the so-called academic-minded student] . . .", American pub lic schools now have the same orientation. Also, because of Sputnik I, the schools prize technology above all other subjects. (This appears to be somewhat of a contradiction for Neff seems to distinguish the "academicians" from those who champion technology). (152:148). Concomitant with the first phenomenon is a "failure to make adequate provision for other than the strictly academic talents of our young people." Thus youngsters primarily interested in such "non-intellectual" pursuits as physical education, vocational training, and practical arts have little opportunity to follow those pursuits. (152:148-9). Greene disagreed slightly with Neff: she held that because of Sputnik and because our society is "growing more organized, automated, and intricate," the schools are teaching "far more than factual information" viz., "how to visualize alternatives, and how to evaluate— how to think." However, Greene subsumed this under the term "cognitive orientation," thus not contradicting the idea that some practical subjects are being neglected (88:449). Also, Palomares pointed out that elementary schools do not teach the structure of the English language. But t most Mexican-American children do not know the structure 219 of the language when they enter school, having spoken Spanish at home. Therefore, they "tend to average between 70 and 80 I.Q. in the verbal area." (453:25-6) Thiss would tend to be true for other Spanish speakers, that is, Puerto Ricans, Spanish Americans and Cubans. g). Children Do Not Receive Adequate Help with Psychological Growth It will be shown in the next section that disad vantaged children tend to be extremely discouraged. This of course means a high rate of psychological problems (cf. supra, Chapter II, Section B). As the RNAC pointed out, "In disadvantaged areas, the neighborhood school concept tends to concentrate a relatively high proportion of emotionally disturbed and other problem children in the schools." (151:429) Frederick Shaw concurred. He noted that among children from "low socioeconomic areas [,] . . • psychoses and completely disabling breakdowns are disproportionately high." (185:70) (It will be remem bered that the disadvantaged people in general suffer from an abnormally high rate of psychoses.) Generally, the schools are not equipped to help children with abnormal problems (the RNAC noted that this is true in the cities— (151:429) or even with normal psy chological growth. For example, the RNAC reported: A 1963 survey of Chicago public schools showed that the condition creating the highest amount of dissatisfaction among teachers was lack of adequate 220 provision for the treatment of maladjusted, re tarded and disturbed pupils. About 79 percent of elementary school teachers and 67 percent of high school teachers named this item as a key factor. (151:429). What is the nature of the schools' inability to help? The RNAC cited two lacks which handicap some chil dren: unavailability of clinical staff and red tape. The latter refers to certain procedures that must be ob served before the child can be given help— e.g., diagnos tic testing, forms to be filled out, etc. This has been an acute problem in Detroit (151:429-30). Also, teachers are often so concerned with teach ing the subject matter that they do not attend to the students' psychological problems (453:21-2$ 27:427). This was a recurrent problem among teachers with whom Bettelheim met in small groups for two years in the early 60's (27:423,424). These teachers felt "they would be falling down on the job" if they took time away from teaching curricula (27:424). Why do teachers feel they must concentrate on curri cula to such an extent? Possiblcy the basic reason is their discouragement: they fear the child, feel hostile to wards him; also, they feel inferior. They can use teach ing as a way of avoiding contact with the child (if you teach, you don't touch); as a way of antagonizing him (by overburdening him with work and by using severe methods of teaching); and as a way of gaining power over j 221 him and establishing their superiority (by having him do as they say and demonstrating their superior knowledge). However, it must be remembered that the society is demand ing academic and technological excellence; and Bettelheim stated that because of "the public clamor of white and Negro citizens that everyone needs more education (of an academic sort? — Bettelheim does not say)", some teachers do push subject matter at the expense of psychological help (27:47). But the public's insistence on a good education is not the only factor. For if it is true that, on the whole, the school's main objective is to train children for work rather than for "the good life" (see supra, Chapter II, Section G), then the school obviously would not try seriously to provide adequate psychological help. For the objective of such help is to enable the patient to live "the good life" (one feature of which, by the way, is having creative useful work). There are other ways in which schools do not help with psychological growth. According to Neff, the schools— not only the disadvantaged ones— do not prepare their students for the democratic life, which, with its ideal of justice, equality, brotherhood, freedom, etc., requires, it seems to us, psychological health. "Today . . . the phenomenon of 'education' and prejudice co existing in the same individual seems not especially j 222 shocking or inconsistent ..." (152:149) Smith and Hor ton each had a similar point of view (81:116). Horton studied 3,000 12th graders in 1951-1952. He noted, "It is precisely . . . [the] pupils [who "come from families of lower income level and lower level parental education"] who are least likely to believe in the Bill of Rights." (81:116,256) Also, as noted earlier, inferiority feelings pre vent educators from helping pupils who also have infer iority feelings. Finally, as will be seen, the sort of treatment that many children receive in school only contributes to their problems. h). Lack of Help with Acculturation Deutsch mentioned earlier that educators and gui dance personnel have had little or no training in ways to help the disadvantaged child "in this transition from one cultural context to another." (57:163-164) i). Teachers Do Not Have Enough Time in Which To TeacK There appear to be three main reasons why teachers do not have enough time for teaching: double shifts, disciplinary problems, and extracurricular duties which must be performed in class. Catalano gave a reason for the discipline "problem". 223 She wrote that slum school children resist all authority figures. Furthermore, slum school personnel assume that children should respect "the teacher's authority and "rightness." (Catalano indicated that the educators some times question whether this assumption is completely valid, and that their holding onto it reflects their insecurity: they fear the children and they have always found that obeying authority has assured their own security (36: 245-6) . The upshot of these two opposing points of view is that the educators' main efforts in school are to main tain discipline and uphold the legitimate authority sys tem of the school, i.e., the children revolt, creating trouble, and the educator, out of fear, spends most of his time controlling them (36:246). This appears to be aggravated by another factor brought up by the RNAC: because of overcrowding, there is more likely to be trouble (151:433). Deutsch provided an example of time-consuming disci pline (and also extracurricular activities). In his pre viously-mentioned study of a Negro disadvantaged school (experimental) and a white disadvantaged school (control) he fotind the following: Although there is considerable inter-teacher variation in classroom atmosphere and in the amount of time devoted to actual subject training, our time samples indicated that as much as 80 percent ; of the school day was channeled into disciplining, j 224 and secondarily, into organizational details such as collecting milk money, cookie funds, special principal reports and the like. In the control school, this figure never rose about 50 percent while even with the best teachers, it never fell below 50 percent in the experimental school. (58:117) One Negro teacher participating in the study wrote: "Even the time spent in teaching is only about 10 percent effective because of having to stop several times during a lesson to speak to certain children." (158:116) j). The Influence of Classmates We have noted that in segregated schools classmates lure each other away from academic pursuit. Also, it has been strongly indicated by Havighurst that in the same schools, classmates of high achievement do not provide much of a stimulus toward good performance for those of low achievement; simply because the formers' achievement is relatively low '(96:45) . This i£ the case in Negro schools, according to the Ausubels (19:124). k). Other Factors Other factors in the school:'s lack of help can be singled out. The teachers, being inadequately trained, cannot be of as much help as they could be if they were sufficiently prepared. The schools do not motivate the students sufficiently (see infra, Chapter III). Also, because of the school's poverty, important facilities cannot be provided (see supra, Chapter II, Section H). 225 I. Summary Alfred Adler defined "discouragement" as the "giving up" of the attempt to solve the basic problems of life— work, love, social relations. (These are the problems met by adults; children meet preliminary forms of the problems: education, relations between the sexes, friend ship.) To solve these problems, one must cooperate with others. The discouraged individual feels incapable of solving life's problems; he gives up hope that he can solve them; he is primarily concerned with concealing his incapability; he fears that if he tried to solve the pro blems of life he would fail and consequently have his incapability revealed; as a result, he lacks motivation to solve them; he believes that the world is his enemy; he is hostile towards it and himself; and he feels as if he is an outsider. As a result, he avoids putting himself in situations in which he would be challenged to solve the problems. This means that he withdraws, or detaches himself, from others. In an experiment, Davids found most of the above characteristics in a number of Harvard undergraduates. The experiment helped to confirm Adler's theory. Because of the great difficulties they encounter in i j life, the disadvantaged tend to become discouraged from j 226 solving the problems of life. Each difficulty is com prised of one or both of two basic elements: poverty and others' enmity. In conformity with Adler's pattern, the discouraged disadvantaged detach themselves from others. They also, as a result of their discouragement, engage in one or more other kinds of behavior: living irresponsibly for the present, excessive seeking of recognition, submission, over-dependency, living under false pretenses, aggressing against others, proving and attempting to exercise their power, "conning" and exploitation, and mental illness. Because of their harsh environment, the disadvan taged tend to suffer whether or not they become dis couraged. Because of the difficulties and discourage ment, creativity is generally low. When it comes to satis fying certain basic survival needs, however, creativity is adequate and responsibility is displayed. As a result of discouragement and the pressing need to survive, the disadvantaged have developed certain ori entations and values: practicality and living for the present; an emphasis on the concrete and physical; a high valuation of peer group associations; an emphasis on taking care of oneself and on masculinity. The disadvan taged have also developed a language that reflects their attitudes and way of life. The difficulties which the disadvantaged individual 227 encounters in the area of work are unemployment, the dom inant society's enmity towards him, relatively high re quirements for entering the dominant society's work force, his unfamiliarity with the world of work, his own societys encouraging him not to enter into work, poor wages, and poor working conditions. The result is that he often looses interest in work and gives up trying to make it a major part of his life. The situation of the disadvantaged family is usually very difficult. Its poverty results in inadequate living conditions, poor health, and more poverty. The parents are often so discouraged that marital discord and insta bility are prevalent. The mother tends to have the power in the family. The parents' care for their children tends to be inadequate, as evidenced by the following factors: there is often a relatively low degree of par- ent-child interaction; the parent tends to give insuffi cient affection and respect to the child; parental disci pline is often marked by irresponsibility, inconsistency, undue strictness, authoritarianism and severity; most parents discourage their children from being autonomous and creative; boys tend to become confused in regards to sex-roll identification; parents generally do not en courage high occupational aspirations; and their contri bution to their children's education is insufficient. This insufficiency can be better understood when it j is pointed out that most of the disadvantaged devalue education: they do not believe it is worthwhile, and they depreciate intellectualism and abstract thought. Further more, the poor relations between them and the schools may contribute to their derogation from education. Parents' insufficient contribution to their chil dren's education is shown in such things as their rela tively low educational and vocational hopes for their children, their hampering their children's intellectual development, and their inability to provide adequate school materials for their children. The difficulties which the disadvantaged encounter in the area of education are segregation, the poverty of their schools, educators' antagonism towards them, edu cators' ignorance of their needs and values, the insuffi cient help which educators give to students (examples are overburdening the students with work and not helping them with acculturation), the disadvantaged*s ignorance of the world of education, and their receiving encouragement by fellow disadvantaged to depreciate education and drop out of school. The educators' negative attitudes towards the disadvantaged reflect their (the educators') dis couragement. In sum, many disadvantaged, because of their poverty and of others' enmity towards them, are discouraged from participating in the community, from seeking adequate and satisfying work, building close families, and from helping their children in the areas of personal development, aca demic achievement, and work. Also, children encounter serious problems in school, such as the school's poverty and the teachers' antagonism towards them. CHAPTER III REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ON THE DISADVANTAGED: THE CHILD OF DISADVANTAGEMENT A. Introduction The purpose of the present chapter is to present a portrait of the disadvantaged child. His suffering and tendency towards discouragement will be discussed as well as positive aspects of his life. The rationale for this is as follows: 1) As the primary focus of this disserta tion is the abrogations of the problems which the dis advantaged child presents to education, it would be use ful to consider all his problems systematically, so as to facilitate an understanding of them. 2) Similarly, as Adlerian educational methodology involves encouraging children to engage in their own interests and to utilize abilities which they have developed, it would be useful to list these strengths in one section. 3). Understanding the child is a primary tenet in Adlerian methodology. Such understanding may be more easily attained if all aspects of the child's personality, as well as their inter relationships, are discussed together. B. Discouragement 230 231 As a result of the factors discussed in the pre vious chapter, the disadvantaged child tends to become discouraged from participating in his family, in education and in the larger society. More specifically, such dis couragement is a consequence of the poverty in his home, community and school, and of the enmity expressed towards him by his family, his teachers, fellow disadvantaged and the dominant society. 1. Attitudes and Beliefs Involved in Discouragement a). Excessive Inferiority Feelings (1). Introduction Disadvantaged children suffer from strong infer iority feelings. This was exemplified in a study by Goff. The subjects were "Sixty boys and 60 girls . . . of high-income and low-income families." Among the find ings were: Lower-income Negro children showed decreased confidence in out-of-school activities with in crease in age . . . Lower-income groups had more feelings of inadequacy in school. . . . Lower- income girls felt least assured on self-esteem and least secure regarding probable success in the future. (29:113-114). In another example, Deutsch, asking intermediate-age Negro children what they saw when they looked into a mirror, ob tained evidence indicating cumulative development of inferior self-images. He concludes that a negative self-image is one of the two most important j syndromes associated with being Negro. The other was the absence of a father. (135:26) The following will point out ways in which infer iority feelings are acquired, the nature of the feelings, and the fact that self-hatred (which is associated with inferiority feeling) exists among some children. (2). Ways in Which Inferiority Feelings Are Acquire? (a). The Enmity of Others K. B. Clark pointed out that this is indeed a ' factor: The available and most relevant research data on the effects of minority status— culturally disadvantaged, rejected, and stigmatized children — on personality development may be summarized as follows: As minority-group children learn the inferior status to which they are assigned and observe that they are usually segregated and isolated from the more privileged members of their society, they react with deep feelings of inferiority and with a sense of personal humiliation. Many of them become confused about their own personal worth. (39:156) From whom do the children learn of their inferior status? Sources indicate that the major contributors are society in general, the family and school. A major way in which society imparts its message is through segre gation. The Ausubels cited Bernard on the meaning of segregation. . . . [It] means that the personal worth, of either a white or Negro person, is measured solely by 233 group membership regardless of individual merit. Such a measure is realistically false and of necessity distorts the developing self-image of Negro and white children as well as their view of each other. Under these psychological circumstances the Negro child, for example, is burdened with in escapable inferiority feelings . . . (230:151) Jessup (111:78-94) and K. B. Clark (39:157) supportecHthe above. Jessup studied 349 children in the second and fifth grade. One hundred and four were white, 194 Negro, and 52 Puerto Rican (sic). The children were from the middle, white collar, working, and lower classes; they came from one integrated and two segregated schools. Jessup reported: "The findings suggest that social segre gation has the effect of reinforcing a concept of social inferiority . . ."(111:78-94) Society has another method for stimulating a sense of inadequacy. Ulibarri wrote, Society demands equal or higher behavior on the part of the minority group member in the cultural behavior pattern of the majority. This can lead to an inferiority complex in the Mexican-American . . . (452:21-22) Finally, it was noted earlier that many Negro women depreciate men, and that there are husbands who in ternalize this view. The Negro boy does not escape this fate (135:27) . Unfortunately, the family also figures in the child's low opinion of himself. McCloskey reported: "Shepard concludes that having identified with their parents, many '. . . culturally disadvantaged children 234 have severely crippled self-images, low levels of expec tancy and little orientation toward school or the society it represents.' " (135:26) It will be remembered that many children feel re jected when the parents leave them to fend for themselves. The literature did not state that the rejection encourages an inferiority feeling, but this appears to be likely. Liddle and Rockwell gave an example of (seeming) re jection, which leads to a sense of inferiority: ... If the mother has a serial relationship with a number of men, most of whom have little interest in her children, children come to feel that they are not badly wanted; that they are of little value. (129:400) Children may depreciate themselves as a result of experiences in the school. Deutsch gave an example from his study of a disadvantaged Negro and a disadvantaged w-b white school: . . . the teacher often directed derogatory remarks toward individual children. The most frequent such remark was to call a child "stupid," and as a re sult, the teacher, and through the teacher, the school played a role in reinforcing the negative self-image of the child . . . (58:123) Other authors believed that a child starts to think of himself as inferior when teachers either covertly or overtly, tell him that he is inferior. The NEA-Tuscon Survey pointed out an indirect way in which educators figure in the child's believing he is inferior. (The NEA-Tuscon Survey did not say definitely that the educators have this opinion themselves.) The way] 235 is to demand of the Mexican-American child that he speak * English in school. (This practice is wide-spread [421:9- 10]). To demand such is to imply that Spanish, and there fore the Spanish culture and the child, are of no worth. The child tends to internalize this view (421:9-10,11). Also, as noted before, too many non-black educa tors, out of fear, ignore racial differences between their Negro students and themselves. But "Silence on the sub ject [of race] only reinforces . . . [the] sense of infer iority [which too many blacks have]." (121:420) (b). The Belief that the World Is an Enemy We shall see that disadvantaged children tend to view other people as enemies. This also is a factor in their feeling inferior. Ulibarri stated: In the schools the [Mexican-American] kids are told to get a good education." Do you want to grow up to be a sheepherder, a garbage collector, a bean picker?" The father usually is a sheepherder, a garbage collector, or a bean picker. These well- meaning remarks of the sophisticated teacher [cause the child to feel ashamed of being Mexican. All Mexican-American children have such shame because of such treatment by the teacher]. . . (452:20) Also, Katz noted that: Sarason and his associates suggest that a high expectancy of failure arouses strong uncon scious hostility against [parents and teachers] . . . from whom negative evaluation is foreseen. The hostility is turned inward against the self in the form of self-derogatory attitudes . . . (117:259) (c). Failure 236 A minority-group child's failure in school "will reinforce his sense (sic) of inferiority," noted Clark (39:157). (And, as will be seen, failure is the rule for most disadvantaged students.) Clark is supported by M. Deutsch (57:177) and by Palomares, who pointed out that this is the case of the Mexican-American child (453:21). This point is illustrated in a). The facts that dropout has been found to be associated with failure (see infra, Chapter III, Section B2) and b). as a disadvantaged child continues in school his failures increase (see infra Chapter III, Section D). For it would appear that the children drop out when they feel inadequate to their tasks (see infra, Chapter III, Section B2); and studies indicate that poor achievement in school (i.e., failure) stems from a sense of inferiority (see infra, Chapter III Section D). In other words, one of the causes of failure is a sense of inferiority. When failure increases, it must be concluded that the sense of inferiority increases. Actually, it is a circular phenomenon: the more one fails in school, the more inferior he feels; and the more in ferior he feels, the more he fails. (d). Stereotypes of Ideal People Jessup reported on an observation by the Ausubels: . . . It . . . appears that children in segregated neighborhoods use idealized models [taken from the mass media, absorbed through hearsay, and so forth] as a basis for comparison with themselves. Thus, 237 the gap between what they perceive to be their own potential and what they assume to be the standards of the larger society is far greater than the differ ences that exist in actuality. (111:95) (3). Some of the Ways in Which Disadvantaged Feel Inferior (a). The "Sense of Nobodiness" According to Dr. Martin Luther King, "the degener ating sense of "nobodiness" . . . afflicts every Negro, adult as well as child. In Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man the disposition in white people's eyes . . . enables them not to see the Negro as a living human being, a creature of "substance, of flesh and bone, fibre and liquids," of mind. They see him, rather as an object, an abstraction: "Negro" "member of a subculture," "culturally deprived" (88:448) Thus it would seem if A regards B as a stereotype (and this has been shown earlier to be the case in schools and society, A is regarding B as nothing more than a cer tain image - a "nobody." (b). Intellectual Inferiority The evidence is strong that Negro students [attending integrated schools] have feelings of intellectual inferiority which arise from an aware ness of actual differences in racial achievement, or from irrational acceptance of the white group's stereotype of Negroes. (117:265) Also, apparently both of these conditions contri bute to the Negro's feeling of intellectual inferiority. (117:267) Katz cited 3 studies which support the idea 238 that the latter situation is a contributor. (117:267-268) A study which indicated a feeling of intellectual inferiority among lower-class students was that of Goff. Her subjects were 120 children from both high-and low-in- come families (29:113). (c). Sexual Inferiority There are indications (boys emphasizing their masculinity almost obsessively; boys adopting female roles— see supra, Chapter II) that many disadvantaged boys feel inadequate as males. (d). A Sense of Powerlessness It has been noted that a sense of powerlessness is characteristic of the disadvantaged. A study revealed this in disadvantaged children. Battle and Rotter tested and questioned 80 Negro and white school children from grades 6 and 8. They found: . . . A relationship between [external and internal] control and social class existed. [Being internally controlled means accepting personal responsibility for what happens to one. "(P)eople with external control attribute responsibility outside them selves."] Middle-class children were more internally controlled than lower-class children. . . . Lower class Negroes were more externally controlled than middle-class Negroes and whites. (29:80-81) Finally, according to the Ausubels, often the Negro child, because of white suppression, "feels impotent to strike back at his tormentors." (19:119). 239 b). Hostility Towards Oneself Proshansky and Newton cited several studies whose findings suggested that for many Negro children, the answer to the question, "Do you like being a Negro?" ". . . ranges from a qualified to an emphatic 'no' " (162:187) (Cf supra, Chapter II, Section E). This would indicate negative self attitudes. c). Fear and Anxiety Several authors noted the fearfulness of disadvan taged children. For example, Catalano stated: For lower-class children, particularly lower- class Negro children, the anxiety experiences occur so early in life, so pervasively, and are so over whelming, and their training for coping with anxiety is so poor, that most of them do not learn to cope with it. (36:248) "Particularly lower-class Negro children." That indeed appears to be the case. "Palermo found greater anxiety among Negro children in the fourth to sixth grade than he did among a corresponding group of white childrenV (162:194). Deutsch reported in his study of a disadvan taged Negro school and a disadvantaged white one that "in general, the Negro group tends to be . . . more fearful and more dysphoric than the white." (58:106) One thing which produced anxiety in the black children was their teachers admonishing them to be twice as good as the white children (58:125). (It has been noted that such admonishment is resorted to because of discouragement). 240 The fear reported in the literature appears to be of four sorts— fear of victimization by criminals, fear of failure, fear of rejection, and fear that one is truly inferior to others. In regards to the first fear, it has been pointed out that crime rates in disadvantaged urban areas are high. And the RNAC indicated that high crime rates in a neighborhood produce strong anxiety in the resi dents (151:267). An example is the "atmosphere of inse curity and fear throughout Negro neighborhoods." X151:268) An example of fear and rejection was cited earlier in one of the suggestions made by the findings of Maas' study of children: "fear of parental authority and its explosive anger mutes the child " (335:147). (Cf. the authoritarianism of many disadvantaged parents - supra, Chapter II.) Also, an observation by the Ausubels indi cated fear of rejection. They stated that because of the Negro child's "inescapable and unsurmountable stigma of caste membership: he has "generalized feelings of inade quacy and unworthiness [which] make him very prone to overrespond with anxiety to any threatening situation." (19:119,120) Examples of fear of rejection have been noted by the psychiatrist R. Coles. Katz reported: ... He writes of the first Negroes to enter white school in Atlanta and New Orleans: During a school year one can see among these children all of the medical and psychiatric responses j 241 to fear and anxiety, [e.g., loss of appetite, be coming sarcastic, having nightmares, lethargy, ex cessive studying.] . . . Coles does not present a systematic analysis of fear and anxiety, but he suggests that worries about schoolwork were of less importance than reac tions to the prejudice of white children. (117:263) In regards to fear of failure, McCloskey reported that "Riessman noted that disadvantaged children exper ience more than ordinary fear of failure, especially in school." (135:32). Ulibarri noted that as a result of society's demanding "equal or higher behavior on the part of the [Mexican-American] . . . in the cultural pattern of the [dominant society ]. . .", the Mexican-American may have an inferiority complex and less hopes for success. "He won't be too ambitious to attempt too many things because he will fear failure." (452:22). This last statement, as well as that of the Ausubels indicated that fear of failure cannot be separated from fear of rejection. Catalano posited the existence of the fear that one is truly inferior: We can assume that many experiences— feelings of insecurity, of not being understood, of being "unworthy" or "incompetent" are potential sources of anxiety. (36:248). Catalano added that lower-clas children suffer from great anxiety and she indicated very strongly that its sources are those just noted. But is not fear of failure really the fear that one j 242 might be proved to be inferior? The literature does not make a connection between these two fears, but from what has been said in this report, it appears that they, as well as the fear of rejection, are all aspects of the same fear. d). The Belief that the World Is an Enemy According to several authors and studies, disadvan taged children perceive others as enemies. There are specific references to the children's perception. There is the previously cited comment by a Detroit observer that the disadvantaged boy originally sees every new person "as trying to do the boy out of something ..." (103:171). Also, Catalano noted: Most [impoverished slum children]. . . have grown up knowing that police and other authorities are more often prosecutors than protectors. The accepted attitudes among them toward adults, law, rules, and authority of all kinds, are fear, mis trust, and hatred. School, teachers, and "guidance" are all seen as part of the authority system, an inevitable fate to be submitted to, endured, at best outwitted. (36:245-6) [The Ausubels supported Catalano on this point (19:132)] Negro children are oversensitive to the dominant culture: In a study of the responses of 100 nine-to four teen-year old Negro and white boys on the Thematic Apperception Test (TAT), Mussen. . . found that the Negro boys tended to perceive the world as hostile and threatening, while the white boys were more likely to view the world as a friendly place. (162:194) "Similarly, Deutsch . . ., Clark .... the Ausubels . .. and others have noted the anxiety with which the segregated j 243 Negro children regard their relationship to the larger white world and the expectation they have that it will be fundamentally rejecting and critical." (111:95) Children distrust their teachers. Davidson and Lang, in their study of 89 boys and 114 girls in grades four, five and seven, . . . reported significant social-class differencea in perceptions of teachers' feelings, with upper- and middle-class subjects feeling that their teachers perceived them more favorably than lower-class sub jects felt that their teachers perceived them. . . When controlling for social class, the authors found a significant correlation between favorable per- cpetion of teachers' feelings and academic achieve ment. (162:210) They concluded: . . . It is . . . likely that a lower class child, especially if he is not doing well in school, will have a negative perception of his teachers' feelings toward him. (81:41) A study by Brown supported this conclusion. He compared four-year-old Negro lower-class and white middle- class children: ... a significantly greater number of Negro chil dren than white children believed that their teacher saw them as sad (rather than happy) as frightened of a lot of things (versus not frightened of a lot of things), and as not having a nice face (versus having a nice face). (162:210) Proshansky and Newton shared a point of view simi lar to that of Davidson and Lang. The difference is that the former pair referred only to Negro pupils, and held that it seems likely that those who have self-esteem or a negative self-image tend to be oversensitive to 244 their teachers (16 2:210-211). Finally, ulibarri reported on the oversensitivity of Mexican-American children to teachers who, with good intentions, exhorted them to aspire to better jobs than their fathers have. This tended to make the children ashamed of being Mexican, of his heritage (452:20). e). Hopelessness (1). Introduction Henry wrote, "The poor . . . lack the essential strength of hope." (101:187) K. B. Clark believed that disadvantaged children have a "sense of hopelessness which . . . [is] supported by an all-too-pervasive pattern of social realities." (39:157) It is mot likely that by "social realities" Clark meant these children's segrega tion and the inferior status assigned to them by the dominant culture (39:156). The Ausubels listed many of the reasons for segre gated Negro children's low degree of hope in the area of work and education. These reasons, however, appear to be applicable to disadvantaged children in general. They are: . . . existing social class and ethnic values (cf. the disadvantaged's orientation to the present and their devaluation of work and education— (supra, Chapter II)], the absence of suitable emulatory models[see supra, Chapter II], marked educational retardation [see infra. Chapter III, Section D], lack of parental and peer group support, [supra. Chapter II],and the cultural impoverishment of the Negro home [the cul tural impoverishment of the typical disadvantaged ! 245 childjs home is noted (supra, Chapter II]." (19:134) But perhaps the basic reason for hopelessness— in work, education— indeed, in regards to life in general— was stated by Ulibarri: "People who are afraid of being a failure will only aspire to that which they feel they can attain." (452:21-2). Disadvantaged children's fear of failure has been noted earlier in this section. (2). Occupational Aspirations (a). The Degree of Aspiration Goldstein, in his review of the literature of low income urban youth, summarized his findings on children's occupational aspirations: It seems apparent that, broadly speaking, most American children, regardless of class, aspire to work careers that represent upward mobility as com pared to the careers of their parents. Working- class youth seem less likely to aspire to the pro fessions . . . (81:79) There is much evidence for this latter point.A study by Sewell, Haller, and Straus in which their subjects were 4,167 non-farm high school seniors in Wisconsin, revealed that: . . .For both males and females, when intelligence is controlled, there is a significant positive re lationship . . . between levels of occupational as piration and parental social status. (29:163-164) Similarly, Goldstein reported: . . . Galler. . . found that middle-class children chose occupations with higher status than did lower- class children [sample:5001students] : (81:65,217) i 246 ... Caro and Pihlblad . . . found that class differences in occupation aspirations remained when academic ability is held constant. For comparable levels of ability, those from higher social-class backgrounds continued to show a greater orientation towards high-prestige occupations [sample: 1,200 male high school students]. (81:66,213) From a study of the "wishes" of [256] Negro high school seniors, Smith . . . determined that there was the usual positive relationship between social class and occupational preferences. (81:69,226) . . . Uzell. . . found a significant relationship between levels of occupational aspiration and par ents' education for . . . [301] Negro male high school seniors. . ." (81:69,228) [Disadvantaged parents' educational level appears to be low, when compared with the general population (123:411,416; (135:10; 19:124; 345:8).] Holloway and Berreman . . . studied [Negro and white] male students in grades six, seven, and eight in three elementary schools of one city [N-313]. They found that the occupational aspirations of lower- class pupils were significantly lower than those of middle-class students ..." (81:69,185) The Lotts. . ., in their study of Negro and white [high school] seniors in Kentucky, found . . . [that] Negro males were more likely to opt for jobs in the clerical, sales, or skilled-trades categories than the white males who were more likely to expect pro fessional and business occupations. (81:70) Of course, some children do claim to have high vocational aspirations. But often, when this is the case, there are indications that the aspirations are not as high as expressed. One such indication is that the children's actual career plans are less than the aspirations. For example, Stephenson studied 1,000 ninth-graders in four New Jersey communities. According to Goldstein, he found that 247 . . .While aspirations were high for all social statuses, they did decline with lower status, but not nearly as much as did occupational plans. Stephenson concluded that: . . . aspirations are relatively unaffected by class and, hence, reflect the general cultural emphasis upon high goal orientation, while plans or expectaQ. tions are more definitely class based and, hence, may reflect class differences in opportunity and general life chances. Similarly, Morland, in his restudy of "Kent" . . . found no significant difference in the occu pational aspirations of mill boys (blue-collar) and town boys (white collar). The occupational aspira tions of the mill girls were significantly lower than that of the town girls. . . Queried concern ing their occupational expectations, the proportion of mill children (63.3 percent) who thought they would enter their preferred occupation was signi ficantly lower than that of town children (75 percent). (81:68) Similar findings were reported by Empey (277) and Caro and Pihlblad (246). Nevertheless, Goldstein concluded from his review of the literature that "the gap between aspirations and expectations may be greater [for working class youth than it is for higher-placed youth]— but the evidence is not conclusive". (81:79) There are other indications that aspirations are not as high as expressed. Boyd. . . reported very different results when he compared the aspiration levels of Negro and white students, matched for age, IQ, and socioeconomic status. . . Negro children predicted relatively higher performances on arithmetic and target tests than did white children . . . the Negro children had higher occupational ambitions, desired more foreign trips, and [had higher educational 248 aspirations]. . . Boyd suggests that Negro children may have higher aspiration levels because of in secure feelings or because they have developed better defense mechanisms than white children and are, there fore, able to tolerate a greater discrepancy between predicted and actual performance. (162:198) . . . Weiner and Graves . . . [studied a New York City suburb and] found that parents and children [of the lower SES]. . . had occupational aspirations similar to those of parents and children from a middle socioeconomic level. In one of the professions However,. . . 52 percent [of the lower SES children] expected to go through school . . . [and] only 37 percent of [them] . . . were enrolled in college preparatory courses. In contrast, 95 percent of the middle SES students intended to go through college and 100 percent of these students were taking the college preparatory curriculum.(162:202) . . . [the Ausubels suggest that] the lower-class child's . . . vocational and academic . . . aspira tions seem to show a lack of realistic judgment because of continued failure and low social status; therefore, a high level of aspiration is likely to represent an attempt to bolster self-esteem by presenting an image of "aiming high" rather than actually striving for high. . . goals. . . . These interpretations are generally supported by Deutsch's . . . study of the occupational aspirations of lower- class Negro and white fourth-, fifth-, and sixth- graders. (162:200) If this situation [the Negro child's having the stigma of caste membership in the U.S.] exists des pite the authority of God and the Constitution, what basis for hope does the Negro child have? It is not surprising, therefore, that, in comparison with lower-class white children, he aspires to jobs with more of the formal trappings than with the actual attributes of social prestige. . . (19:120) There is evidence other than aspirational studies which indicated that aspiration is relatively low. Many disadvantaged youths derogate from work (see infra. Chapter III). The peers and parents of many do affect their vocational ambitions; and many peers and parents are j 249 against having high ambitions (see supra, Chapter II, and infra, Chapter III). Segregation has been proven to affect career hopes negatively (see supra, Chapter II). Further more, many of the disadvantaged view education mainly as a preparation for work (supra, Chapter II) derogating from, dropping out from,absence from, poor performance in, and disruptive behavior in, school, is so great (infra, Chapter III; supra, Chapter II) that it appears to be a likely conclusion that many to not consider important (important to them, that is) work possible. (b). The Influence of Peers, Parents and Schools on Aspirations The disadvantaged child's vocational ambitions are hurt by, among other things, lack of parental and peer group support. It is a fact that parents and peers do affect vo cational hopes. Simpson studied 743 boys in two high schools in the south. He concluded: "A working-class boy was most likely to aspire to a high-ranking occupation if he had been influenced in this direction by both par ents and peers, and least likely to aspire to be a high- aspirer if he had been subjected to neither of these influences." (81:67) Similarly, Davis studied 925 daughters of blue-collar workers. "Over half the girls . . . [aspired to] one of four occupations: secretary (240), teacher (122), nurse (101) and beautician (63).___ 250 . . . In explaining the sources of their occupational choice, these girls said most frequently that the choice was their own and that the most important influence in the selection was their parents. (81:67). Considering 1) the fact that disadvantaged parents, by having high vocational aspirations for their children, can influence the children also to have such aspirations, 2) the previously-cited fact that disadvantaged parents generally have low vocational aspirations for their children, 3) the previously noted fact that among the disadvantaged, educational aspirations are determined largely by vocational aspirations, 4) the fact that dis advantaged children tend to have low educational aspira tions (see infra, Chapter III, Section B), 5) and the fact that their parents, who generally have low educational aspirations for them, can influence them to adopt the educational aspirations which they (the parents) have for them (see infra. Chapter II; supra, Chapter III, Section B); it appears most likely that there is a generally posi tive correlation between the degree of occupational aspir ation parents have for their children and the degree of such aspiration which the children have for themselves. Segregation also plays an important part. Wilson studied boys in eight schools. "Schools were categor ized as upper white collar [A], lower white collar [B], and working class [Cj." (81:208) He wrote that there is 251 . . .prima facie evidence . . . suggesting that the dominant climate of opinion within a school makes a significant impact upon students' occupa tional goals . . . In the A schools, 44% of the pupils who were sons of man ual workers wanted to aspire to a professional occupation; the percentages of such pupils in the B and C schools were 31% and 27% respectively (401:845). Similarly, Caro studied 144 male high school jun iors. He concluded that "Lower-class boys at a school with a predominantly middle-class orientation tended to be closer in their plans and general orientation to the middle class than to other working-class boys." (81:67,168) Also, Liversidge, in an English study, "was able to show that, in general, the higher class and prestige schools had the effect of 'raising the occupational aspir ations of lower-class youth, while the modern (public) school had the effect of 'lowering' levels of aspirations and expectations of upper-class youth." (81:71) (3). Educational Aspirations (a). The Degree of Aspiration Disadvantaged youths tended to have low educational aspirations. Such hopes are a characteristic of segre gated Negro children, according to the Ausubels (19:134). Also, various studies reported low hopes. Among them is the previously-cited study by Sewell, Haller and Straus. It will be remembered that their subjects were___ 252 ! 4,167 students. They found that "For both males and females, when intelligence is controlled, there is a signi ficant positive relationship between level of educational aspiration and parental social status." (29:164) Goldstein reported the findings of other studies: . . . Jaffe and Adams. . . [analyzed] the attitudes of parents and children as reflected in opinion polls just prior to World War II and around 1960. . . class differences in the intentions of high school students [and of parents] remained about constant. About two-thirds of the children of professional and managerial families planned to go to college in 1939 and 1959, as compared to about two fifths of children of manual workers. (81:52,186) Caro. . . reports that in his sample of 144 male juniors in four St. Paul high schools, some 90 percent of the middle-class students indicated that if free to do whatever they wanted after high school, they would go to college. Only about 20 percent of lower-class youth responded in this vein. Krauss i . . administered questionnaires to seniors in four San Francisco Bay area high schools and found that 64 percent from middle-class homes planned to attend college while only 41 percent from work ing-class homes planned to do so. (81:51-2) Findings similar to those of Krauss have been reported by Bene, who studied working-class and middle- class children in British grammar schools (81:52) . At times students expressed high educational aspir ations. But it may have been that the expression was only a cover-up: their true hopes may have been relatively low. For example, Holloway and Berreman, studied "313 Negro and white male pupils of grades, six, seven and eight. . ." They found that "there was no class differ- j ence in educational aspirations, these being predominantly { high for all race-class categories." However, "The edu cational plans [emphasis added] of the lower classes of both races were significantly below aspirations."(81:185-6) Also, a "high level of expressed [academic] aspir ation is likely to represent an attempt to bolster self esteem," rather than to express the child's true expecta tion. For his self-esteem is low due to continued failure and low social status. (162:200) Other indications that educational aspirations tended to be low are the previously-noted fact that occu pational aspirations tended to be low; the fact that parents, who generally have relatively low educational hopes for their offspring, do influence their offspring's hopes (see the following subsection); the fact that segre gation does harm academic ambitions (see supra, Chapter II)? and the children's derogating from, dropping out from, absence in, low performance in, and disruptive behavior in, school (see supra, Chapter II; and infra, Chapter III Section B). (b). Reasons for Low Aspirations Some of the causes for low educational hopes have been specified in the introduction to this section. We have elaborated on one and added two. The elaboration is on peer and parental influence. It is true that parents influence their children's \ l aspirations. i 254 Kahl. . has shown rather impressively that the difference between lower-class youngsters with sufficient intelligence to attend college who choose to do so and those who do not so choose is a differ ence between parents who trained their sons from grammer school on to take school seriously and parents who did not.[Kahl's subjects were 24 boys drawn from a sample of 3971[ (81:22,145) . . . Bordua. . ,, in a study of [1529] students in the ninth through the twelfth grade, found that parental stress was positively related to college plans, even with class (as measured by father's occupation) controlled. (81:54) We have observed that parents tend to have relative ly low aspirations for their children. We have explained the influence of peers, noting thht it is positively correlated with segregation. Thus one may say that segregation is a factor in low educational aspirations. One other factor has not been mentioned. Parents' educational status has been found to be positively corre lated with their children's educational hopes (81:189-190, 172), and such status appears to be low among the under privileged, when compared with the general population (123:411,416; 135:10;19:124;345:8). f). Lack of Motivation (1). Introduction The motivation of many disadvantaged youths in school is low (55:269; 197:38; 160:2). Some of the evi dence for this is found in a study by Elder. From a sample of approximately 25,000 junior and senior high 255 school students, he studied 40 percent of the seventh-and ninth-grade students and 61 percent of the tenth-and twelth-grade students. He found social class to be posi tively related to academic motivation (81:178,179). Nevertheless, since many children's hopes are high when they first enter school (see supra, Chapter II), it would appear that their motivation is also high at that time. The literature discerned several factors in the genesis of poor motivation: inadequate or irrelevant goals, values which do not interest the child, upsetting inter personal relationships, and failing and being overburden ed by schoolwork. (2). The Unattractiveness of Certain Goals and Values (a). Work One irrelevant goal, in the minds of many youths, is work. According to Cloward and Jones, our society's "major inducement to educational achievement. . . is the promise of future occupational rewards." (43:192) And Goldstein added: "the major function of the public school system is to groom young people to move, sooner or later, into the labor force." (81:62) But, noted Cloward and Jones, the incentive of work does not motivate the disadvantaged to perform well in school. Later Cloward and Jones modified this and indicated that it is unlikely that it will motivate them. For their chances in obtaining good jobs are relatively slight (see supra, Chapter II). Supporting Cloward and Jones' point is the fact that many disadvantaged do not aspire to creative, important (important to them) work (see supra, Chapter II; Chapter III, Section B). (b). Social Status Goldberg (80:88) and M. Deutsch (58:107-108) indi cated that it is not only the unlikelihood of obtaining satisfactory work which dampens student's motivation in school; it is dampened also by the unlikelihood of achieving higher social status through study. (c). Goals Provided by the Segregated School It has been noted that in segregated schools, "teachers . . . tend to normalize a lower level of achieve ment." (205:232). Furthermore, the best students, since they do relatively poorly, are a poor stimulus for the worse ones (see supra, Chapter II). Therefore, inadequate goals are provided by the segregated school. (d). Middle Class Values The school tries to interest the student in various middle class values— academic competition and achievement, cooperation with the police, being nice. The 257 school's objective is to motivate the children. But the values it presents are meaningless to, irrelevant to, or even disliked by many youths. Therefore they are not motivated to realize them (151:434; 401; 842, see supra Chapter II). In addition to discovering a positive correlation between social class and academic motivation (see supra Chapter III, Section B), Elder also found that "the desire and effort to achieve in school are strongly re lated to plans to attend college" and 2) "For the most part, the relationship between educational goals and motivation in school is similar within each social class" (81:179) . . . .This [latter] result suggests, [Elder con- t.inuetinued] that the previously observed large social class differences in academic motivation may be to a significant extent accounted for by differen tial acceptance of middle class values and goals between the classes. (81:179) (e). Personal Benefits There are indications that schools and the society encourage students to work for many personal benefits rather than for the betterment of society. Occupational rewards is the major inducement to educational achieve ment (43:192). The concern of the middle-class style of life is for "status, prestige, and individualistic methods of betterment." (171:55) In this affluent society the "goal is success and . .. [the society's] measurement is 258 consumption." (98:124-5) A middle class value is aca demic competition (126:434). McDill and Coleman studied a sample of "612 seniors from six schools out of approxi mately 8900 students in ten schools in northern Illinois." (81:192,193) It was found that "Students with high status in adolescent social systems were more likely to change to both a positive orientation to attending college and a negative orientation toward academic achievement than those of low status." (81:53) The authors explain this: For a teen-ager in a generally middle class environment, college holds promise of . . . [sophis ticated, adult[1 activities, campus social life, freedom from parental control, a shift to new friends, and all the other social attributes of college. [". . . college promises adult status. . .[ But being a brilliant student promises none of these. . . . .. to teen-agers the image of scholastic achieve ment is largely an image of subordinate status re lative to adults that they are trying to escape. The source of this may well be that scholastic ■ 'hi' achievement in elementary and high school is largely gained by conformity and not by intellectual fer ment. (81:53) Lee studied teachers' manuals and guides for a home economics and for family life education programs. She found: The student is urged to develop himself by ac quiring and developing, in the main, traits which meet with the approval of others: to achieve "a pleasing voice, a pleasant expression," to find an answer to the question, "How can I be popular with others?" . . . (124:127) ■^The bracketed insertion was made by Goldstein (81:53). 259 . . . [Society[ is to be used for the meeting of the needs of the self. A unit for the eighth grade, entitled "Being a Likeable Person in Your Own Home," states as one of its objectives the teaching of the student to look "for ways in which family life con tributes to success." In the same manual, in a unit for the ninth grade, entitled "Feeling Successful in High School Years," the students are to become aware of "ways in which school and community are contributing to their success." (124:129). We shall argue that this orientation to the "Ask what your country can do for you" philosophy actually hampers students' motivation. (f). Life Itself, Because Life is So Unpleasant Lee found another emphasis that appears to hamper motivation: representing life as undesirable. For ex ample, a lesson on family relationships indicated that family life was negative: Home life is full of conflict and restriction. In this lesson, the question poses as: "Why do parents act as they do?" is spelled out as "Why do they "always" say no?" The brother-sister re lationship is covered in one question, "What can a boy or girl do about a 'pesky' sister or brother . . .? "and under one subheading, "Sister-sister, brother-brother,brother-sister conflicts." (124:123) Also, Lee noted that in general, "There is a dualism between work and leisure." The latter is valuable and enjoyable; the former is not. She quoted from what she studied: Housekeeping is an important part of the spirit that makes a home . . . The end product of effective housekeeping is comfortable living. Comfortable living affords time for leisure. . . 260 The strong feeling of love and respect in a modern family is the result of playing together more often than working together (124:126,127). (e). The Effect of Personal Troubles The effect of personal troubles is to reduce motir. vation. One major personal trouble is excessive infer iority feelings Della-Dora reported. Van Egmond. . . has found in a study of second and fifth grade students that . . . being of low status disrupt[s] pupil motivation and ability to learn from adults." (55:270). Greene pro vided an example: She pointed out that the Negro, feeling, as James Baldwin puts it, "faceless", is understandably indifferent to the world's demands (88:447). Similarly, Lacy and Deutsch noted that when an educator reveals to a low class student the educator's low (and unfair) opin ion of the student, the student loses belief in himself and hence motivation. (58:123; 121:419) Along the same lines, the NEA-Tuscon Survey noted, "In most states, the schools are actually mandated by law to make English the langu> age of instruction. . . In some schools the speaking of Spanish is [generally] forbidden ..." The Survey later referred to . . . the harm done to [the Mexican-American child] . . . as a person. In telling him that he must not speak his native language, we are saying to him by implication that Spanish and the culture which it represents are of no worth. Therefore (it follows again) this particular child is of no worth. It should come as no surprise to us, then, that he develops a negative self-concept— an inferiority j 261 complex. If he is no good, how can he succeed? And if he can't succeed, why try? (421:9, 10, 11) Also, because of their poor relations with parents and possibly other adults outside the school, and because of their families severe difficulties, children will not be able ta concentrate on studies (166:16; 129:400). Finally, Van Egmond found in his study that "diffi culties in peer relations" also disrupted motivation (55:270) . 2. Behavior Engaged in Because of Discouragement a). Seeking Recognition; Overdependency and Oversubmissivene'ss' K. Clark referred to . . .a preliminary study of the attitudes of teachers in ten public schools located in depressed areas of a large northern city. The children in these schools came generally from homes and communities which were so lacking in educational stimulation and other deter minants of self-respect that they seemed even more dependent upon their teachers for self-esteem, en couragement, and stimulation. These children, like most deprived human beings, were hypersensitive and desperate in their desire for acceptance. (39:148) The above demonstrated the point that the disad vantaged child believing that he is generally rejected (and indeed, he probably is; yet he exaggerates the re jection in his mind) and also seeks acceptance and recog nition. There are further examples. An observer in M. Deutsch's study of two disadvantaged schools described 262 . . . the classroom'1 ’ as a continual competitive battle among the children to gain the teacher's attention. In a sense, the children are trying to gain the attention of a parental substitute and are extremely responsive to any encourage ment or warmth. . . (58:127) Bettelheim, in a meeting with disadvantaged school teachers, was told about pupils who were "just dying for attention. . .", with the result that they hollered out of turn in class (27:425). The lower class adolescent corner group's domin ant concern with status (144:41-43), would appear in effect, to be a dominant concern with acceptance. Also, children may live under false pretenses to gain accept ance: as noted in Chapter II, some youths say (falsely) that they have great academic and vocational ambitions in order to bolster their self-esteem. This would appear to involve also a seeking of recognition. Similarly, the Negro child "aspires to jobs with more of the formal trappings than with the actual attributes of social prestige. . ." because he is so rejected by the white society (19:120). The objective of Negroes and Puerto Ricans who "pass" appears to be acceptance, (see supra, Chapter II). Behaviors similar to the above reveal more clearly •^From the context it appears that by "the classroom" Deutsch meant the typical classroom found in his exper imental group: 6 classes in a primarily Negro disadvan taged elementary school. (58:127) 263 than the above a tendency toward over-dependency. Item: we have seen that many lower class people equate "being controlled" with "being cared for". They get into trouble in order to be cared for (148:39,34). This may be the case with children in school. Also, lower class people "test' the severity or strictness of super ordinate authority to see if it remains firm"; they want to make sure it is caring for them. If it is not strict enough, they reject it. This explains some of the proble matic behavior of disadvantaged children in schools: the latter "generally cannot command the coercive controls implicitly sought by the individual." (148:39). Item: we have observed that some children become excessively dependent upon peers, as a result of parents detaching themselves from them. Item: we have also seen that some boys raised with out a father become dependent on others. Finally, oversubmissiveness has been observed among disadvantaged children. For example, we have noted that Negroes and Mexican-Americans tend to be over-compliant; this tendency is declining, especially among the former. Also, . . . "[Some Negro] parents transmit to their chil dren . . . [one] of their own ways of responding to des- crimination [:] . . . obsequeuious submission. . ."(19:129) As a result of the mother's authoritarianism and lack of affectivity, some lower class children make "an 264 exaggerated show of overt, implicit compliance. . (19;114). Pettigrew reported that . . boys raised without a father during their childhood were more . . . submissive. . . than boys who had grown up with a father in the home" (162:206). b). Detachment Many disadvantaged children detach themselves from society and its various institutions. (1). Detachment from Society The Ausubels and Proshansky and Newton discussed the case of blacks: . . . The seeming hopelessness of attaining ade quate vocational and social status in the wider American culture induces many Negro youths to withdraw from contact and competition with whites, and to seek the psychological shelter of their own segregated subculture. (19:135). . . . [Some Negro] parents transmit to--their chil dren . . . [one] of their own ways of responding to discrimination [:]. . . student counter-chauvin ism. (19:129) In a very early study, Criswell. . . found that Negro children in racially mixed classrooms accepted white prestige but increasingly with drew into their own group as a response to white rejection. Several other studies supported this finding. . .(162:211) Also see the general detachment of the Negro culture: (suprft, Chapter II). Mexican-American children may be overburdened at school, create psychological barriers as a result; and 265 the teacher, as a response may put up barriers of his own. "The result may be that the Spanish language becomes a refuge into which the child retreats at every oppor tunity, and the Spanish-speaking community a bastion of defense against the outside world." (430:9) The partial withdrawal from society of the Spanish Americans has been discussed in Chapter II. The disadvantaged child's emphasis on taking care of himself appears to show a detachment from the world. For it seems to involve resisting involvement with others (except those in the peer group), not wanting their help. In this connection, it is interesting to note the Ausubels point that because of the authoritarianism and low affectivity towards the child, he "tend[s] to devel op ambivalent attitudes towards the authority figures and to cope with this ambivalence by making an exagger ated show of overt, implicit compliance, by maintaining formally appropriate social distance, and by interact ing with these figures on the basis of formalized role attributes rather than as persons." (19:114) Similarly, as has been noted, impoverished slum children fear, mistrust and hate all authority figures and media. "Their 'in' language may well be one form of self-protection against this [authority] system." (36:246) (2). Detachment from the Family i 266 We have discussed disadvantaged youths1 desatteli- zation from parents. We should add that disadvantaged children, as a result of their conflict over their cul ture and the American culture, may "completely leave their families and join the peer group. . . (68;299) (3). Detachment from Peers Or they may "compliantly submit [to their cultural traditions] and lose the ability to relate to their own peer group. . ." (68:299). It was reported in Chapter II that peer group associations are very important for disadvantaged youths. Thus their detachment from peers— that is, peers who are also disadvantaged— may not be-very great. Of course, there is evidence that they tend not to mix with peers from the dominant society (cf. Goldstein's report on a study by James S. Coleman— (81:130,214); and this appears to be due partially to their tendency to withdraw from the general society (supra, Chapter II). However, the lack of mixing may perhaps be also partially due to discrimination by dominant society peers. (4). Detachment from School (a). Dropout, Absence, and Truancy Goldstein pointed out: 267 Children from low-income families. . .tend to be absent more and to leave school sooner than other children. [Also, truancy in depressed areas is higher than normal (160:2)]. Sexton noted in her study[of almost 300 public schools in one community] that children from low-income areas change school more often, leave (for a variety of reasons) more often, lose more time because of illness and in general have a lower attendance rate. The findings of studies of school dropouts, from the early effort of Eckert and Marshall (1938) and Karpinos (1943) and Karpinos and Sommers (1942), to those of Bertrand (1962), Bowman and Matthews (1960) , David and others (1961), the Health and Welfare Association of Alle gheny County (1962), Livingston[e] (1958), and Thomas (1954), for example [emphasis added], can be summed up in the worlds of Davie [whose own study of non-attendance also supported the point conveyed by these words]: "the lower one gets in the social structure, the greater the proportion of children who are not attending school." [Informa tion provided by the RNAC should be added: "In the metropolitan North and West, Negro students are more than three times as likely as white students to drop out of school by age 16-17: (151:425).] Palmore (1963) has suggested that among lower-class children, drop-out rates are significantly higher among those from the lower-class neighborhoods. [Palmore's sample consisted of 384 youths.]. . . It should also be noted that many of the above authors found other factors, such as education and aspiration of the father, intelligence level, and involvement in extracurricular activities were re lated to survival in school. (81:39-40,174,197,200) According to Ravitz, drop-out is not only literal: "so many of them [disadvantaged children] 'resign' from school years before [attaining the legal age— 16— for dropping out literally]. . . they simply put in time until the age of emancipation from the world of school arrives." (166:18) Vontress (195:63-64) and Kardiner and Ovesey (115:159) supported Ravitz. (b). Reasons for Detachment The major reasons for literal drop-out appear to be failure in school and inability to see education as relevant. These two factors both reflect children's dis couragement, as will be shown, but it must be remem bered that this failure and opinion of school are asso ciated with more than discouragement; the children truly are unprepared for the school's curricula; and it is a fact that success in education often does not lead to jobs because of discrimination in employment. In regards to failure, the NEA-Tuscon Survey re ported: An analysis of achievement tests was made in the Lindsay Unified School District of Lindsay, California. . . The analysis showed that in all the educational fundamentals— reading, arithmetic and language— Mexican-American children lagged far behind the Anglo-Americans. . . Said the Lindsay report: "... These children (Mexican-Americans) start school with a decided handicap, fall behind their classmates in the first grade, and each passing year finds them further behind. They are conditioned to failure in the early years of their schooling and each passing year only serves to reinforce their feelings of failure and frustration. Is it any wonder that as soon as they are 16 or can pass for 16, they begin dropping out of school?" (421:7) Holland stated that this pattern is typical of Spanish-speaking students (105:344-345). Similarly, the RNAC said that the high Negro drop-out rate is due to the fact that "Negro students fall further behind whites [in verbal and reading ability] with each year of school completed." (151:425), and Dillon, in his study 269 of 1,360 dropouts, found that the dropouts had exper ienced "... failures of subjects and repitition of grades." (81:177) The inability to see education as relevant is part of a wider characteristic: the devaluation of education (see supra, Chapter II). This inability is one of the factors responsible for the figurative dropping out mentioned earlier (166:18; 115:159). Furthermore, Neff held that there is a positive relation between dropout and the fact that the school provides little training in non-academic, "practical" subjects (152:148); and Dillon reported that "nearly 40 percent of his subjects indi cated that none of the subjects studied in school were helpful in their work." (81:177) Of course, other factors enter into literal drop out. Some were cited by Goldstein at the beginning of this subsection. Others are shown by M. Deutsch. . . .[Lower-class Negro children] have poorer capabilities in handling syntax. I would suggest that they are aware of their grammatical ineptness, and this leads to a reticence and a hesitancy to communicate across social class lines. . . If lan guage cannot be used as an elaborating form of communication, school loses much of its socializing and teaching capabilities, regardless of the curri culum content. As a consequence, for a signifi cant proportion of these children, functional motivation may not exist in terms of the learning strategies demanded by the school situation. . . The breakdown in communication here is probably a major operative variable which leads for example to the high school dropout rate: The student is no longer in communication with anything that is 270 meaningful to him in the school. (262:87) Poverty also accounted for the literal dropout: we have seen that some children are obliged to work full time. A statement by Dr. Dodson implied— intentionally or unintentionally— it is not clear— a reason for figur ative (and literal) drop out: the negative attitude of school personnel towards children makes them feel in ferior; hence they become alienated from the school (151:436). Similarly, E. Newton warned: . . .Rejection of the student because of his language inadequacy will lead inevitably to his alienation, and eventually to his disaaffection for all things educational. (153:336) c). Aggression (1). Introduction In general, the disadvantaged child is hostile towards, and aggresses against, others. An indication of this was found in a study by McKee and Leader. These authors studied 112 children, half of whom were from the middle-class and half of whom were from the lower-middle class according to Warner's scale. The lower-middle class children were found to be significantly more competitive than the middle-class children; also, aggression was more common within the lower group (29:147-8). 27] (2) . Origins and Targets The following is a list of the groups to which the disadvantaged child's enmity is expressed, and presents various factors involved in its genesis. (a). Society as a Whole; Non-Desrgnated Targets Factors involved in the origin of the assailing of this first group are: i. The Dominant Society's Enmity Segregation imposed by the dominant society has provoked aggression. Because of the "frustration en gendered by the caste system" and "his sense of power lessness" the Negro aggresses against his fellow Negroes (through exploitation) and the white society (through crime and juvenile delinquency) (162:194-195). Simil arly, "The very act of segregation makes possible feelings of alienation which sometimes result in hostility and hate." (204:378) Bernard agreed. She stated that the segregated child, believing, as a result of segregation, that he is inferior to the white,"is [thereby] burdened with. . . a sense of humiliation and resentment which can entail patterns of hatred against himself and his own group, as well as against the dominant white group." (230:151) 272 ii. The Disadvantaged's Discouragement We have seen that many parents permit their children to indulge in aggression whenever they wish (unless it is directed against the parent). Also, "... [Some Negro] parents transmit to their children some of their own ways of responding to discrimination, such as counter aggression. . . passive sabotage. . . and strident coun ter chauvinism." (18:129). Furthermore, as we have seen, aggression in the disadvantaged's "rugged" environment appears to be necessary and is valued by some. Also, there is the emphasis given by many boys to masculinity, a quality which appears to involve aggressiveness (148: 34-35) . Catalano believed that hostility and aggression "to wards adults and school in general. . . might be under stood as the children's way of attempting to deny, negate, or dissociate themselves from the direct experience of anxiety." (36:248). K. Clark stated that the minor ity group child's "failure will reinforce his sence [sic] of inferiority and the related resentments and hostil ity." (39:157) Also, Miller has indicated that boys in certain instances will violate the law to gain prestige among their fellows (148:34). Finally, the RNAC reported, "Our survey of riot cities found that the typical riot 273 participant was a high school dropout." The RNAC placed the responsibility for the rioting largely on the sort of education these dropouts received (151:425). (b). All Authority This second group included all authority figures and all media for authority, such as laws. Miller noted that "... expressed resistance to authority. . ." is a valued quality in lower class culture, (148:42) and hence, among disadvantaged children. This point has received support from Levy (126:434). We have seen that impoverished slum children hate and distrust authority media and all authority figures who are adults. Also, the Ausubels referred to lower class children's under lying hostility and resentment toward this arbitrary and often unfair authority. . ." (The Ausubels are not clear as to the identity of all those who impose this author ity. At least one of the imposers is the mother.) (19:114) ] (c). The Schools I The schools are part of society and the authority system (36:245-6) and therefore the above applied to them too. Here we have presented specific cases of enmity toward the schools. The "peer-group loyalty [of the deprived child] may focus hostility and resistance j to the standards and authority of a school if the latter ; \ 274 fails to accord opportunities for expression, recognition, respect, and success for the disadvantaged." (136:51) Also, "Under present conditions [it is likely that as much as 25 or 30 percent of the slvun children] . . . become non-learners [in the schools], and react either with hostility and aggression or with apathy to the school after the sixth igrade." (97:38; cf. Clark's above comment that failure engenders hostility. Also see the discussion on mutual hostility between teachers and students supra, Chapter II) . (d). The Family Of course, the family is also part of society and, to some extent, of the authority system. We have noted lower class children's antipathy to the authoritarian mother. Also, it may be th&t children feel anmity to wards their parents because of the latter's neglect. As indicated previously, it was learned from inter views that s-me white Puerto Rican children are antagon istic toward their parents because, they reason, the parents are responsible "for the difficulties they had to live through because of their national identity." (30:113). Finally, . . .sibling attitudes in the [Negro] lower class show that animosity and hatred are the rule. . . [The reason:] the opportunities for affection and material necessities in the lower-class child are j severly limited. In the struggle to obtain a share of these scarcities, the ensuing rivalry j 275 is bitter and enormously exaggerated . . . (115:155) (3). Modes of Aggression (a). Depreciation i. Society The Ausubels pointed out that Negro children's antipathy towards rejecting whites, as well as their "disillusionment regarding white middle-class values and institutions," predispose the children to throw out the baby with the bathwater: i.e., "arbitrarily and indiscriminately, [to] repudiate various values of the dominant society (19:122). ii. Work There is evidence that work has been devalued by many disadvantaged children. First, Riessman indicated that the "average underprivileged person" is likely to prefer jobs in which he can "get by" to ones in which he can "get ahead" ". . .in the self-realization and advancement sense. . ." (171:55). Relevant here is the fact that parents caution their children to avoid the difficulties of life. The reason, according to Ulibarri, is fear of failure (452:22). In a similar vein, Wilson noted: Consistent and strong evidence has been accu mulated showing that members of different socio 276 economic strata, as groups, adhere to differing values which reinforce their respective statuses. Members of the working class tend to devalue edu cation and to aspire to modest and secure occupa tions and income levels. Through familial social ization and divergent perceptions of their oppor tunities these aspirations are transmitted to the younger generation. (401:836) Along the same lines, lower class Negro parents tell their children that work is "neither good nor pro miseful of better things." (104:318). Finally, there are studies indicating that children do not expect work to play an important part in their lives: Most of the research on occupational choice is based on college students or college-bound high school students. Since these groups include only a small proportion of working-class youth. . .,it may well be that the concept of occupational choice — implying a reasonably rational searching out of alternatives and a selection among them— is not generally applicable to working-class youth. The concept of occupational drift may be more meaning ful. This describes much more accurately the be havior of the English working-class children studied by Cartier. Lipset and Selznick report that 55 per cent of their respondents, on the basis of their recollections some time later, claim they had no specific job plans while in school. The contention that the choice of a relatively specific occupation may not be salient for working- class youth receives some indirect support from Dubin's study of some 1200 industrial workers. He concludes, Considering the pattern of response to all the questions we found that only 24 percent of all the workers studied could be labelled job-oriented in their life interests. Thus, three our of four of this group of industrial workers did not see their jobs and work places as central life interests for themselves. They found their preferred human associations and 277 preferred areas of behavior outside of em ployment. It may be that these attitudes developed as a result of job experiences. If, however, working-class youngsters learn early in life that work will not be a major source of satisfaction [cf supra, Chapter II], they might not become as involved m a process of occupational choice. As a matter of fact, in a study of ninety-seven blue-collar and low-income white-collar families, Dyer. . . found that chil dren's attitudes were similar to those of their parents, that white-collar fathers had a more favorable attitude toward their occupations, and that children of blue-collar fathers considered blue-collar jobs less prestigeful than white-collar jobs. This would suggest that working-class youth might aspire to white-collar occupations, but not necessarily th&t they would actively seek out al ternatives or really believe them possible.(81:64-5) iii. Education Youth's devaluation of education has been discussed in Chapter II, especially Sections D and H. iv. Intellectualism The depreciation of this was pointed out in Chapter II, especially Section G. v. Disadvantaged Persons The subject of children's derogation from other disadvantaged persons has been treated in Chapter II, Section E. Also, the self-dislike of Negro children (supra. Chapter II, Section B) may be bound up with self depreciation. (b). Delinquency 278 This form of aggression has been discussed in Chapter II, Section E. (c). Aggressive Repartee This has been described in Chapter II, Section E. (d). Accusation The Puerto Rican families interviewed by Bonilla "... expressed resentment against fellow Puerto Rican migrants whom they blamed for 'the disrepute which they have mde of Puerto Rican name'." Similarly, as men tioned earlier, "White lower class [Puerto Rican] child ren were . . . antagonistic to their parents whom they blamed for the difficulties they had to live through because of their national identity." (30:113) (e). Other Modes Some deprived children have "contempt for [school] assignments and classroom activities." (160:102). In Appalachia, according to one teacher there, "some of the teachers are disliked so much that the kids are deter mined not to learn in order to hurt the teacher." (181: 231-2). Finally, there is the trouble children get into in school. Catalano indicated that it reflects "fear, mistrust and hatred" of the authority system of the school (36:245-6); Riessman indicated that among boys it reflects antagonism to the female culture of the 279 school (171:61). (Additional modes of aggression will be noted in the following section). (4). Covertness and Displacement Many disadvantaged children tend to suppress their hostility out of fear of reprisal from those to whom they are hostile. Indications of this were found in a number of studies. According to Katz, . . . Yarrlw. . . found a much higher incidence of covert symptoms of emotional disturbance in Negro children than in white children at a desegregated summer camp. White children. . . aggressed openly against their Negro cabinmates, but the latter did not respond in kind. Rather, they tended to deny aggressive impulses in themselves and to show heightened alertness to aggressive behavior in other Negro children. [These two reactions of theirs indicate that they "were particularly fear ful of white disapproval."] Another investigator who has reported stronger trends toward denial of hostile impulses in Negro children than in white children is Karon. . ., who examined individual personality by means of a projective technique, the Picture Arrangement Test. (117:281-2,264). Also, M. Deutsch found in his study of a Negro school and a white one that "When the Negro child was aggressive, it.was usually in some covert manner." (162:194). Finally, Katz cited a study by himself and others in which "suppression of hostile impulses appeared to occur in Negro boys who were tested by a white adult, but not in those who were tested by a Negro adult." (117:284) Katz suggested an explanation: "Since hostil ity against white authorities is dangerous, the hostile impulse would be strongly inhibited." (117:282) The literature indicated that suppressed hostility eventually finds an outlet. But it is displaced so that the target of the hostility will not retaliate. Various forms of displacement, according to the Ausubels, are "scapegoating, prejudice, extremist political and reli- gous behavior, ethnocentrism, and delinquency."(19:114) 3. Other Aspects of Discouragement Other aspects of discouragement which are valid for the disadvantaged culture as a whole, and hence for children, should be mentioned. The under privileged person frequently feels alienated from society. It may be that some children, "dropped" by their parents, seek personal power in their peer groups. We have shown how the child adopts living for the present as a value. "Conning" is part of the culture. "The lower-class child learns and practices the use of this skill in the street corner situation." (148:35) Illusion is a way of life among some disadvantaged. Mental illness among dis advantaged children is high. When pursuing activities, the disadvantaged tend to think in terms of getting into or staying out of trouble. "In certain situation, 'getting into trouble' is overtly recognized as prestige conferring; for example, membership in certain adult and adolescent primary groupings ('ganga') is contingent on 281 having demonstrated an explicit commitment to the law- violating alternative." (148:34) In other situations, children may seek to "play it safe," and avoid diffi culties. All these factors have been discussed in Chapter II. C. Suffering It hardly needs to be pointed out that the disad vantaged child suffers from the treatment he receives. Whether or not he is discouraged he still seems to suffer. For instance, A. Bernstein has indicated that the Negro child feels heartbreak upon discovering the U.S. Presi dents, fathers of the country, and heroes of the west are all white (24:73). In addition, there is Proshan- sky and Newton's indication that when a black youth attends a "white man's school" {i.e., an integrated school), he suffers because everything, the school— books used, language spoken, morals espoused, etc.— reminds him that he is really an alien in that school (162:211). Then there is the lot of children from firmly established minority cultures, such as the Puerto Rican, Mexican- American, Spanish American, and Indian. Elam has re ferred to Puerto Rican children, who, attracted to both their own and the dominant culture, "live in an atmos phere of conflict and indecision." (68:299) Ulibarri has noted that Mexican-American youths, as a result of ! 282 loosening their bonds to their families so as "to insure psychological survival" in school, and of not fully understanding the new culture they are trying to adhere to, wind up in a no-man's land (452:20). D. Reduced Creativity 1. Evidence of Reduced Creativity ". . .by every conceivable measure," Goldstein has written, "children of low-income families do not do as well in school as children from more affluent ones." Goldstein added: . . .The evidence has been presented in full and dramatic detail for the essentially white popu lations such as those in Elmtown or River City; for the essentially Negro population of Harlem; for the mixed population of Big City and New York City; and for the cities in general. . . Two studies may be mentioned: Kennedy, Van De Riet and White's investigation of 1,800 Negro children from 5 southern states (29:130-131); and Hill and Giam- metteo's study of 223 third-grade children from western Pennsylvania (29:121-2; 130-1). The subjects of the latters' research project were found to be retarded in vocabulary development, reading comprehension, arith metic, and problem solving. Other studies which show the same phenomenon are Mugge's 1961 survey of families with Aid to Dependent Children (81:31-2) and an investigation of the many 283 Mexican-American students in Lindsay, Calif, (pop. 5,500), as reported by the NEA-Tuscon Survey. These purils were all retarded in reading, arithmetic, and language (421:7). Goldstein pointed out evidence relating specifically to low SES youth's regardation in secondary schools: Using data from a national sampling of un stated quality, consisting of over 4700 respon dents from grades, seven, eight, and nine,. . . [ColemanJ found that children from the higher status group had a significantly higher median I.Q., were better readers, scored better in geography and history, and ranked higher in problem s-lving. In a study of 705 students in these same grades in six schools, Abramson. . . found that upper-and lower- middle-class students received more than their share of high grades. In three of the schools, such stu dents won all eighteen academic awards. Similar findings are reported by Schultz from a study of 100 Negro ninth-grade pupils in two Florida schools. Students whose parents had more education and higher socioeconomic status were more likely to be high achievers. Finally, Heimann and Schenk. . . found significant differences related to social-class level in both school marks and measured mental abil ity among 144 sophomores in four Wisconsin high schools.(81:32-33) Not only in achievement relatively,poor; it also tends to decline as children progress in school. The above-cited studies by Kennedy et. al. Mugge, and the NEA-Tuscon Survey support this, as does a study by Clark. He reported: In the third grade, Harlem pupils are one year behind the achievement levels of New York City pupils . .. by the eighth grade they are about two and one-half years behind New York City levels. . . (70:159) Also, Palomares indicated that all Mexican-American i (453:21) j students experience this continually increasing failure, j 284 2. The Reasons for Reduced Creativity a). Introduction One of the major purposes of the preceding sections in this report was to explain the conditions that prevent the disadvantaged child form achieveing well in school. Occasionally a significant relationship between a condition and underachievement was mentioned. In the current sec tion, it would be useful to discuss further the adverse effect of the conditions on achievement. The conditions are: difficulties and discourage ment in the family, segregation, the discouragement of the educator, lack of help received in the school, culture differences and conflicts, and the discouragement of the child. b). Difficulties and Discouragement in the Family (1). Poverty It has been indicated that two concomitants of poverty— discomfort and poor health— impair children's learning. Della-Dora stated the influence of poor health: "Children who are hungry, improperly fed, or ill will obviously have reduced efficiency as learners." (55:269) Poor health combined with other conditions results in a most unhappy situation: 285 i Poor children often come to school unfed, after wretched nights torn by screaming, fighting, bed wetting; often they cannot sleep because of cold and rats. They come to class hungry, sleepy, and emotionally upset. (101:190) (2). The Parents' Presence and Relative Statuses The effect of these factors on intellectual develop ment has already been discussed (see supra, Chapter II). It is not clear whether father absence (which is relatively high) negatively affects intellectual development; but there are strong indications that children's evaluations of their parents does influence such development. Thus, ! in the Negro family, where the mother is highly regarded, i girls tend to do relatively well in school; but in the same family the father (as well as the male sex) is depre- , cated, and this appears to affect sons' performance in j school adversely. I ' (3) . n 1 eg intimacy.). The Ausubels have reported: . . . Illegitimate Negro children, especially at the older age levels, are significantly inferior to their legitimate counterparts in IQ, school achievement ; and personal adjustment. (19:114-115) It will be remembered that the rate of illegitimacy ! is high among the disadvantaged. I (4). Randomness Henry pointed out: 286 j Children whose central milieu involves so much disorganization and disorder cannot master mathematics i or any other discipline involving order and direction. (101:190) (5). Other Factors A number of other ways in which parents figure in thej I i child's intellectual retardation have been cited earlier ; in this report. They include: discouragement of the child's creativity, lack of help with verbal and thought, development, the prevention of the acquisition of know ledge about certain important things, providing an invir- onment which retards the development of memory and dis criminatory ability, and inability to help children with learning tasks in school. Of course, the first three of these factors also handicap the children in school, as will; i be shown in the following: (a). General Lack of Readiness £or School | Liddle and Rockwell reported the following: i Their testing and observations [of disadvan taged four to nine-year-old Negro and white children] have led them to conclude that a majority of children in disadvantaged communities come to school very un- | prepared to succeed in the traditional elementary ; school curriculum; they come to school already serious-j ly retarded, particularly in their verbal skills. (129:398-9) Further evidence was provided by Brazziel and ! Terrell, who reported on "a six-week readiness program I ; for 26 Negro first-grade children." The finding: I 287 At the end of six weeks the experimental class ; was at the 50th percentile on readiness as measured by the Metropolitan Readiness test, while the three non-experimental classes in the same school were at the 15th percentile. This difference was significant. (29:88-89) (b). Reading and Learning Poor auditory discrimination, language poverty and other factors hamper reading. An example of the effect of auditory discrimination on reading is found in a study by Wepman. Wepman's subjects were 80 first-graders and 76 second-graders. He found that "Children with poor discrimination tended to be poorer readers, but the major effect of poor discrimination was reflected in poor speech ! articulation." (29:175-176) Similarly, M. Deutsch reported, . . .Our data [from studies at the Institute for Developmental Studies at New York Medical College] indicate. . . that poor readers within social-class groups have significantly more difficulty in auditory discrimination than do good readers. Further, this ; difference between good and bad readers is greater for the lower-class groups. (57:171) Despite the above, it is important to note that C. Deutsch has indicated that it has not yet been proven that poor auditory discrimination contributes to retarded ! reading; rather, it has only been shown that certain chil dren who were tested suffer from both deficiencies (56:80). In regards to language poverty, E. Newton has ex pressed the belief that reading and, in the Bennett College | Reading Study Skills Center even learning, is hampered 288 in some students by what she calls their "verbal destitu tion." She does not define this term, but from the con text it most likely means mispronounciation, limited and immature vocabularies, "usage of the simple sentence and sentence fragments almost exclusively in discussions," and "almost total inability to understand figurative language." (153:334-5) D. Ausubel listed other factors in reading and learn ing retardation. He stated that when the child reaches the stage when he acquires . . .new concepts and transactional terms. . .largely . . .verbally, i.e., by definition and context from speech and reading rather than by abstraction from direct concrete evidence, he suffers from the pau city of abstractions in the everyday vocabulary of his elders; from the rarity in stimulating conver sation in the home; from the relatively absence of books, magazines, and newspapers; and from the lack of example of a reading adult in the family setting. (18:252) The paucity of objects in the disadvantaged child's home, as well as the relatively low degree of verbal interaction between him and his parents, appear to com bine to inhibit his learning. This was indicated in an experiment by Jensen, in which twenty-month-old children were exposed to "doll" in many verbal contexts. These children were more able to discriminate the object "doll" from many other objects. In another experiment, two groups of children were shown an object for the same length of time. One group was allowed to handle the 289 ! i object; the other was permitted only to see it. The first i group learned more quickly (308:133-138). There may be another factor in addition to low verbal, interaction and scarcity of objects which accounts for the results of the second experiment. Disadvantaged children are punished harshly; also, their natural curiosity tends to be inhibited as a result of suppression by parents (see supra. Chapter II). For these reasons it may be that they handle what objects there are in their home to a relatively small extent: they are inhibited from having many tactile experiences with these objects. i i I 1 (c). Problem Solving It was noted earlier that language deficiency and i parents' discouragement of children's creativity adversely I affect the youths' problem solving ability. | (d). Asking Questions It has been noted that if parents frustrate the j child's asking of questions (and this happens in disad- j vantaged families [see supra, Chapter II]) , he may con- | ; siderably reduce such asking. j i (e). Communication with the j Teacher ! " I M. Deutsch indicated that communication with the teacher is hampered by the fact that the child and the j teacher speak somewhat different languages (non-standard 290 | and standard English). Another obstacle is the child's i ignorance about many of the things the teacher talks about— viz., objects in the middle class home (57:174,175). c). Segregation (1). Academic Achievement is Relatively Low in Segregated Schools Havighurst has reported, "The pupils of a lower-class school achieve less well than they would if they were in a mixed-or-middle-class school . . .[Such is] the con sensus of students of the sociology and psychology of education. . ." (97:32) The RNAC supported Havighurst in the case of Negroes, noting that "During the period June 1964-December 1965, 67 percent of Negro candidates failed the [Selective Service Mental Test]. . . The failure rate for whites was 19 percent." (151:425) Katz described conditions in the South: j 1 j A few specific instances of educational dis- i parity at the grade-school level will be cited. ! Findley. . . found in testing for achievement in j the Atlanta schools that from 40 percent to 60 percent of white pupils met the standards set by j the top 50 percent of a national sample on the j different tests; but only 2 percent to 10 percent j of Negro pupils met this standard on various tests. In Tennessee, according to Wyatt. . .Negro students average one and one half to two years behind grade j level when transferred to biracial schools in the | upper grades. In earlier grades, transfers per- j formed satisfactorily. . . Other data indicate that the racial gap in achievement continued to widen through high school and college. Roberts. . . pointed out that less than 3 percent of Negro graduates of segregated high 291 schools would meet the standards of nonsegregated colleges. . .(117:266) "Even in the urban North, where schools are legally integrated," added Katz, "the education offered Negroes tends to be inadequate." (117:266). The RNAC agreed, and provided an example: . . .in the metropolitan Northeast Negro students on the average begin the first grade with somewhat lower scores on standard achievement tests than white, are about 1.6 grades behind by the sixth grade, and have fallen 3.3 grades behind white students by the twelfth grade. (151:425) In the West, the story appears to be the same. Havighurst described a finding by Wilson in the latter's study of San Francisco Bay-Oakland schools: The boys whose fathers were professional or white collar workers got lower grades if they were in lower-class schools than boys in middle-class or mixed-class schools whose farmers were in these occupations. Furthermore, the sons of manual workers were in the middle-class schools and got better school marks than sons of middle-class parents in the lower-class schools. (97:32) Similarly, Wilson, in his study of Berkeley schools, found lowest achievement in the schools attended primar ily by Negro working class pupils (205:234). (2). Reasons for Low Achievement in Segregated Schools The RNAC has indicated that overcrowding and poor facilities contribute to underachievement in the Negro ghetto school (151:43-4). The Ausubels have also pointed out that poor facilities are a factor in underachieve- ' ment in such schools (19:124). Another reason, according to the Ausubels, is "the inferior education and training of Negro teachers." (19:124), I Wilson, in the report of his study of Berkeley schools, noted that segregation of any social class affects; i achievement in two ways: "the diffusion of educational 1 attitudes among students and the normalization of diver ging standards by teachers." In lower class schools students encourage in each other negative attitudes towards education; and teachers' standards are relatively low (205:234). Another reason for low achievement in segregated schools appeared to be the fact that segregated students are not stimulated by their classmates, as their class mates' performance is relatively poor (see supra, Chapter II.) A very interesting reason— and perhaps the most ! important one— was cited by the RNAC. It referred to: j . . .the tendency [,in the Negro ghetto,] of school j administrators, teachers, parents and the students themselves to regard ghetto schools as inferior. Reflecting this attitude, students attending such schools lose confidence in their ability to shape j their future. The Coleman Report found this factor --destiny control--"to have a stronger relationship to achievement than. . .all the [other]^factors together" and to be "related, for Negroes, to the ; proportion of whites in the schools." (151:427). j Perhaps the school personnel and the parents, feeling that j the schools are inferior, also put forth less effort to j Author's brackets ! 293 i help the children, thereby figuring in the youths' low achievement. d). The Discouragement of the Educator This is actually the case with many Negro teachers, ! according to Vontress (195:61,62): the teachers are dis couraged because their schools are inferior; therefore they do not do as good a job as is possible. There are indications that teachers' discourage ment affects achievement adversely in another way. In his study of two disadvantaged schools, one Negro and ; one white, M. Deutsch found that Negro teachers over- : disciplined their pupils on field trips. The teachers wanted the students to behave extra well, so that their i "lower class" characteristics would not shine through. ! This would prevent onlookers from identifying the teachers | [ | | with the lower class. But the result was that "the j children acted as if they were in a foreign country, and . . . normal childhood spontaneity was absent." (58: j 122-3). Thus there is an indication that children would | ! | | be inhibited from achieving well when required by their j teachers to be especially good— for the teachers' sake. j Deutsch found that such high requirements were also j demanded in the classroom. And another author has stated | that the majority society, because of its prejudice, j demands of people from minority groups to be as good or 294 better than majority group members (452:22). Perhaps the major way in which educators' discour agement handicaps the pupil is the self-fulfilling pro phecy. This involves the educator believing that the student cannot produce well (because the student is in ferior) , his conveying his belief to the student, and the student living up to his expectations. Robert Rosenthal and Lenore Jacobson have reported that many authors believe that student performance suffers because of the self-fulfilling prophecy. (178:219) And there is evidence that the self-fulfilling prophecy is an actual phenomenon. A dramatic illustration has been provided by Rosenthal and Jacobsen: The Hollerith tabulating machines has just been installed at the United States Census Bureau. The machine. . . required the clerks to learn a new skill which the inventor, Hollerith, regarded as quite demanding. He expected that a trained worker could punch about 550 cards per day. After two weeks the workers were adequately trained and began to produce about 550 cards per day. After a while the clerks began to exceed the expected performance [producing e.g., 700 cards/day], but only at great emotional cost. Then. . . some two hundred clerks. . .[were] brought in to augment the . .. work force. These clerks knew nothing of the work, had no prior train ing, and had never seen the machines. No one had told these workers the emotional cost of the work might be, nor of the upper limit of production which could be achieved. Within three days this new group wasperforming at the level which was reached only after seven weeks by the earlier, properly indoc trinated, group. . . members of the new group began turning out [2100 cards per day]. . . without ill effects. (178:220-221) 295 Rosenthal and Jacobson themselves made a study whose findings seem to testify to the reality of the self-ful filling prophecy. Wallace Roberts of the Saturday Review has described it: The authors conducted. . .[an] experiment in a public elementary school in the South San Francisco Unified School District in a lower-class community. About one-sixth of the 650 children enrolled in the school's six grades were Mexican-Americans. In September 1964, the schools' teachers were told that on the basis of intelligence tests conducted the previous spring, about 20 percent of the students could be expected to show significant increases in intellectual ability during the year, and each teacher was given the names of the potential "spurters" in her class. In fact, the names had been chosen at random, so that, as the authors put it, "The differ ence between the special children and the ordinary children was only in the mind of the teacher. Four months later and again the following May, the students were given the same intelligence test they had been given the previous spring. Children in both groups scored higher, but the first-and second-grade schildren in the experimental group— the ones the teachers were told were the potential "spurters"— scored significantly higher than the children in the control group. About 21 per cent of the children in the experimental group increased their IQ scores by thirty points, but only 5 percent of the children in the control group had a gain that large. Almost half of the experimental group chil dren gained at least twenty points, but only 19 per cent of the control group showed a similar gain. Finally, nearly 80 percent of the experimental group had a gain of ten points, but only half of the con trol group showed a corresponding increase. Changes for children in other grades were not as dramatic but still tended to confirm the basic theory. . . .one aspect of the experiment compared the IQ gains of the Mexican-American children with teacher attitudes towards the "Mexican-ness" of the children's appearance. The result: Boys who looked "more Mexi can" benefitted more from their teachers' positive prophecies. The apparent reason is that "teachers' 296 pre-experimental expectancies for these boys' intellectual performance were probably lowest of all. Their turning up on a list of probable bloomers must have surprised their teachers. Interest may have followed surprise, and, in some way, watching for signs of increased brightness may have led to in creased brightness. (370:62) What are the mechanisms by which a student fulfills a teachers' low expectations of him? One is that the teachers do not encourage the student to learn very much; he makes a relatively small effort to teach (166:19-20). Rosenthall and Jacobson seemed to indicate that one rea son why the "spurters" did better may have been that the teachers improved their teaching techniques (370:62). Another mechanism is that the teacher communicates to the child his belief that the child is inferior; and the child internalizes this belief, with the consequence that he loses motivation (121:419; 84:191). Deutsch's study of a disadvantaged Negro school and a disadvantaged white one may provide an example. He indicated that the teachers' directing derogatory remarks to the children helped to reinforce the children's sense of inferiority and to contribute "a negative reason for learning." (58:123). It is not clear whether Deutsch hypothesized or actually observed the effect on the child. A different example— an example "in reverse", as it were, better helps to confirm the existence of the mechanism. Roberts quotes Rosenthal and Jocobson's ex planation of how the self-fulfilling prophecy may have worked in their experiment: . . .we may say that by what she said, by how and when she said it, by her facial expressions, postures and perhaps by her touch, the teacher may have commu nicated to the children of the experimental group that she expected improved intellectual performance. Such communications, together with possible changes in teaching techniques, may have helped the child learn by changing his self-concept, his expectations of his own behavior, and his motivations, as well as his cognitive style and skills. (370:62) It should be pointed out that students do perceive their teachers' expectations. This is demonstrated in Davidson and Lang's study. Davidson and Lang's sample consisted of 203 pupils (81:173). They ". . . found that positive perceptions of teachers' feelings were signi- f icantly related to academic achievement and 'more de sirable classroom behavior,' as rated by the teachers." (162:210) But according to Ravitz, if students fulfill the teabher's low expectations, they thereby reinforce his | original assumption about them (166:19-20). j e) . Labk of Help Received in the School This category of course overlaps with others. For instance, it has been shown in the previous subsection j that teachers who do not expect their students to succeed ! provide them with less help. The ways in which help is | i reduced have been discussed in Chapter II. They include: teacher shortage, the effect of the administration, the teachers' discouragement, teachers overburdening students, teachers giving students too little work, not teaching important subjects, not helping children with psycholo- icisl growth (for it is shown in this report that children who are discouraged cannot produce well), not helping children with acculturation, not spending enough time teaching students, classmates not stimulating one another and so on. f). Culture Differences and Conflicts Catalano held that as a result of slum children and teachers being hostile, towards one another, and de taching themselves from one another, "the child is denied the experience of learning." Catalano related this hos tility and detachment to culture conflict: the child is against authority and the teacher seeks to maintain it. Catalano indicated that there are other areas of culture i conflict. The conflict is marked by hostility and by j each side closing itself up to the other (36:245-9). Furthermore, Ravitz and Cloward and Jones indicated , that the child, not understanding the middle class values pervading the schoolwork, thereby have difficulty in doing i the work (166:17) and do not do it well (43:193). ; I i g). The Child's Discouragement (1). Inferiority Feelings It has been seen in a recent section that when the 299 child feels inferior, he does not perform well in school. (2). Fear and Anxiety Katz reported, "... there is a considerable amount of experimental evidence that types of stress which may be present in desegregation. . .impair certain kinds of verbal and perceptual-motor learning." (117:271) By "types of stress" Katz meant fear that others will cause one -harm or pain in a social situation (social threat) and fear that others will cause one harm or pain because of one's failure (failure threat) (117:265,258). Katz listed some of this evidence. j The general trend of findings on verbal perfor mance reviewed by Lazarus et al., (1952) has been that stress impairs efficiency on relatively com plex and difficult tasks, while on simple tasks stress has sometimes been shown to improve per formance. The types of stress that have been used in experiments include failure feedback or threat failure, exposure to highly difficult tasks (often under time pressure),. . . disapproval or dispar- I agement, (Such conditions. . ."are common in disad- j vantaged schools.) j . . . using nine-year old boys, Lantz (1945) observed an impairment of Stanford-Binet scores following a failure experience, but no such affect after a success ful experience. . . .In other studies that were re viewed by Lazarus et al., failure stress produced de- < crements in scores on the following verbal-symbolic tasks: learning and recall of nonsense syllables i (to disadvantaged pupils some middle class ideas may be nonsense) digit-symbol substitution, arith- j metic,recognition of briefly exposed sentences, sentence-formation, and digit span. Similar effects were obtained on various types of perceptual motor performance. . . i . . .Stress associated with the blocking of hostile impulses against an instigating agent [a teacher who 300 arbitrarily disregarded the expressed desire of students] was found by Goldman et. al. to impair performance on three tasks: retention of learned material, digit-span, and problem solving. (117:268-26 269) . Finally, Katz suggested, . . .[one] way in which social threat may impair performance is by causing Negro children to abandon efforts to excel in order not to arouse further re sentment and hostility in white competitors [i.e., white classmates]. (117:256) (3). Lack of Motivation It would seem obvious that low motivation (which is characteristic of disadvantaged children) means poor ■ achievement. An indication of this has been given in a > ! study of Rosen, Rosen's subjects were 120 white male high school students. They were . . .given a Thematic Apperception Test which was i scored for achievement motivation and a questionnaire, part of which contained items to measure value ori entation. Questionnaire responses which were future- j oriented, activistic, and individualistic in point of ! view were considered to reflect values most likely j to facilitate achievement and social mobility. j Middle-class boys were found to have higher achievement-motivation scores than lower-class boys. | Similarly, the middle-class boys had achievement- j oriented values. Generally, high motivation scores were related to high grades in school, but value j orientations were not. Educational aspiration was j ! related to value orientation but not to motivation scores. (29:158,159). There appears to be a contradiction here. It has I been shown in earlier sections, and will also be demon- ; strated in later sections of this study that an individual i is motivated by values: he desires to do, and does, that 301 which he values. Thus, to find high achievement related to motivation but not to values is, it would appear, to find a false relationship. It may be that Rosen's study has truly disproved the idea that man is motivated by values. Nevertheless, evidence that the idea is true is so strong, that it appears that there was some faulti ness in Rosen's procedure. If the procedure was faulty, then all of Rosen's results might have to be disregarded. Yet one of his results supports the thesis of this sub section: the positive correlation between motivation J and achievement. Therthesis is also supported by other authors— Lacy (121:419), Greene (88:447-8), M. Deutsch (58:123), Liddle and Rockwell (129:400), Ravitz (166:16), and Van Egmond as cited by Della-Dora (55:270). In their refer ences to children having little motivation because of j personal problems, they have indicated strongly that the j i lack of motivation leads to, or may lead to, poor achieve-j ment. (4). Aggression j Many disadvantaged youths express aggression co- j vertly. This hampers achievement, according to Katz: j I . . .in clinical studies by Lit. . ., Kimball. . . | and Harris. . ., difficulty in expressing aggression openly was found to be associated with scholastic underachievement. Rosenwald. . .found that students who were relatively unwilling to give aggressive responses in a projective test showed greater__ 302 ' impairment in solving anagrams after a hostility in duction than did students who showed less inhibition of aggression on the projective test. Mention has been made by a study by Goldman et al. which demon strated an association between the degree to which strong hostility against an instigator was denied expression and the amount of disruption of intell ectual functioning. (117:281). E. The Disadvantaged Child: Positive Aspects Disadvantaged children tend to have certain strengths — knowledge of the "seamy side" of life, a developed capacity to engage in certain activities, and some posi tive interests and values. 1. Knowledge of Life's "Seamy Side" j McCreary has pointed out, : A large number of disadvantaged learners have had first hand experiences in meeting dangerous or threatening individuals, whether delinquents, criminals, angry parents, intoxicated relatives, or hostile gangs. . .They usually know something about illegitimacy, adoptions, divorce laws, and alimony. j They are also generally acquainted with social security provisions, and unemployment insurance j regulations, with workingmen's compensation, wel fare practices, and the services and sorrows of } county hospitals.(136:49) They also know, McCreary indicated, of the injustices! I perpetrated by various institutions of the dominant cul- S | ture, such as welfare bureaus. (136:49-50). j Furthermore, Goldstein has stated that disadvan- j taged youths, because their arrests for delinquency are j i more frequent than the arrests of other youths, may know j j more about probation, incarceration, parole, and the 303 courts, and about the personnel who have jobs in these areas of justice (81:110,118). A. Bernstein has cited evidence of the disadvantaged children's knowledgability: According to the Moynihan Report, 70 percent of the children in Harlem come from unstable homes, and have first-hand experience with unmarried mothers, deserting fathers, "uncles", drunkenness, abandon ment, precocious pregnancies, violence, and drug addiction in the very homes where they sleep.(24:16) 2. Developed Skills It has been shown that some disadvantaged youths have learned to take care of themselves, in the sense of being able to survive in the reality setting of their environment. For example, many children have learned practical skills, such as fixing cars and caring for younger siblings, as a way of meeting their daily living requirements (136:49). But this type of activity often coexists with discouragement about eventually being able to go beyond survival— e.g., to participate fully and successfully in school, the community and other areas of life. Also, it has been pointed out that the disadvantaged child tends to be adept at mental agility, but uses that skill for "conning" and insulting. Finally, he is, Riessman has indicated, often accom plished in athletic activities (169:260). 3. Interests and Values 304 Disadvantaged youths, as well as the disadvantaged people as a whole, tend to be interested in physical prowess (see supra, Chapter II; 136:48; 135:35).Riessman, as reported by McCloskey has raised a point in connection with this: Disadvantaged children tend to be interested in the exciting and the active. They prefer occu pations that involve physical action. These chil dren respond to new, colorful commodities and machines. Boys are intrigued by sports and other activities and combining suspense, stress, and testing of strength and endurance. (135:35) McCloskey also has reported: On the basis of his work with underprivileged teen-age youth, Spiegler suggests, to be interesting, a book must be:". . . fast moving, simply written, action packed. . . It must have lots of adventure, plenty of excitement and slews of interesting facts . . . Good pictures, big print, and stories which come to the point are essential qualities. Ani mals, aviation, careers, hobbies, sports, sea and westerns are subjects which appear to be enjoyed." (135:35-36) F. Summary The disadvantaged child tends to become discouraged from participating in education, the family and commu- i nity. Aspects of his discouragement are excessive infer iority feelings, fear and anxiety, the belief that the ' world is an enemy, hostility towards it and himself, hopelessness, and lack of motivation. Major forms of behavior which discouraged children engage in are ex cessive seeking of recognition; over-compliance; detach- 305 ! ment from society, the family, peers and school; and j aggression against society, all authority, the family and the school. Forms of aggression include depreciation, delinquency, aggressive repartee and blaming of others. Whether or not he becomes discouraged, the disad vantaged child suffers because of the harsh circumstances ■ of his life. Both these circumstances and his discouragement impede nis creativity. Thus his level of academic achieve ment tends to be low; indeed, the level becomes lower as he proceeds in school. Among the circumstances which impede his school performaance are his family situation (e.g., mistreatment by parents, being fed inadequately, not being sufficiently prepared by parents for school), segcegation, the discouragement of his teachers, the in adequate help with which the school provides him, and his peers' strong encouragement not to involve himself j in'his studies. His own discouragement impairs his performance at school: feeling inferior, he does inferior work; fear and anxiety inhibit him; because of low motivation, he : I I does not put forth effort; his antagonism towards school ) closes his mind to learning; and his penting up his j j aggressive impulses prevents him from lending his energies! to creative work. The disadvantaged child, despite his discouragement, 306 has certain strengths. He is knowledgeable about the "seamy side" of life; he may be responsible when working for survival in his difficult environment; and he may well have physical prowess and have developed mental agility (albeit often for the purpose of "conning" and insulting). On the whole, however, he is discouraged about participating in society, in a useful way, and consequent ly withdraws from it. CHAPTER IV THE INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY OF ALFRED ADLER A. Biographical Note Alfred Adler was born in 1870 in a suburb of Vienna, the second son in a family of six children. Adler suffered a serious childhood illness which produced an ambition to become a physician, and he subsequently went to the University of Vienna where he earned his medical degree in 1895. He first established himself as an ophthalmologist, later becoming a general practitioner, and finally entering psychiatry. In 1897 he married Raissa Epstein, who had come from Moscow to study at the university, and who later bore him four children. Adler first attracted Freud's attention when he wrote a rather spirited defense of Freud's monograph on dreams which had been publicly criticized by the press. Impressed with Adler's countercritique, Freud invited Adler to join his psychoanalytic group, an association which began in 1902. Adler rose rapidly in the circle and eventually became president of the Vienna Psychoanalytic Society. Despite the fact that Freud was fourteen years his senior, he also became Freud's personal physician. 30.7. 308 Eventually theoretical differences became evident between Adler and Freud, differences which both of them regarded as irreconciliable. This led to Adler's subsequent resignation from the Psychoanalytical Society. Adler then formed his own group in 1911 which was first called the Society for Free Psychoanalytic Research. Within the year, the name was changed to the Society for Individual Psychology, and the new-found society became the publisher of a Journal of Individual Psychology. During World War I Adler served in the Austrian army as a physician. After the war he became interested in child guidance and established the first child guidance clinics in association with the Viennese school system. Ultimately these numbered some thirty. At the same time, Individual Psychology made great gains, reaching its height before the advent of Hitler, when there were thirty-four groups in Central Europe and the rest of the world. From 1925 onward, Adler made several trips to the United States, eventually settling in New York as Professor of Medical Psychology at the Long Island College of Medicine. He continued his pattern of clinical and private practice, teaching, lecturing, and writing throughout his lifetime. He died while on a lecture tour in Aberdeen, Scotland in 1937. 309 B. Introduction Adler's Individual Psychology emphasizes the importance of determining how a person represents the world around him. It was Adler's belief that these representations or "meanings" provide the guiding thought aimed at a general consequence to be sought in life, and that it was this unified and goal-directed behavior which determined the (philosophy or) life style and subsequent behavior of man. Man's first view of the world (and a view that persists through life) is from an inferior position. Adler believed that life is a constant striving toward overcoming felt inferiority toward achieving superiority or perfection. The process of becoming is one in which the individual strives to move from a "felt minus" to a "felt plus" position. The primary factor determining the individual's repertoire of behavior (life style) develops out of his interpretations of all that he experiences. Individual Psychology emphasizes the importance of understanding that man lives in a social context. All of his life problems and ties to culture (work, social inter action, and love) are social in nature. To successfully face life resides in constructive participation in the development of society (social interest), so that both man and his culture may move toward the realization of the ideal or perfect community. 310 Individual Psychology has special value in that it not only posits constructs for understanding human behavior, but also emphasizes ways in which man may be encouraged to contribute on the useful side of life. It has been said that Freud once asked three interrela ted questions: "Why should I love my neighbor? What good is it to me? How can I do such a thing?" It is also said, "Adler's answer to the third question was the assumption of innate potentiality for social interest. He answered the second question by pointing to the clinical findings that not to love one's neighbor is the characteristic of maladjustment." (4:160) Adler believed that the individual whose social interest is developed finds the solutions to his problems, feels at home in the world, achieves security and courage, is better able to approach accurate perception, and is more likely to contribute on the "useful" side of life. C. The Sense of Inferiority It was Adler's belief that feelings of inferiority were inevitable— they were universal, and every person felt them. For the newborn, inferiority feelings stemmed from smallness and helplessness, from being unequal to the demands of the world, and dependent for his most basic needs. 4 311 A sense of inferiority is unpleasurable and unsatisfy ing, (4:123) indeed, it becomes unbearable if it is not alleviated in some way (8:257). However, Adler believed that out of one's feeling unfit, weak, powerless, and insecure (4:123) became the impetus or the motive for growth toward perfection. The inferiority feeling was in his view an essentially "positive pain" (4:123) in the sense that it created a feeling of tension, a tension which provided an incentive for man to seek "perfection" (4:123). The inferiority feeling was ever-present (4:123), but its intensity varied. In normal circumstances it did not preclude pleasure or gratifiction: In the struggle for perfection, man is always in a state of psychicial agitation and feels unsettled before the goal of perfection. It is only when he feels that he has reached a satisfying stage in his upward struggle that he has the feeling of rest, of value, and of happiness. In the next moment his goal draws him further on. Thus it becomes clear that to be a human being means to possess a feeling of inferiority which constantly presses towards its own conquest. (4:116) Human beings .are inna permanent mood of inferiority feelings, which constantly spurs them on to attain greater security. The plea sure or displeasure which accompany this striving only aids and rewards on this path. (4:123) One of Adler's main concerns was to help a person see his inferiority in perspective, that is, as a tension system effected by a purpose, or rather, by a goal. The generalized goal was perfection. The specific composition of that goal 312 was a concept created by the individual. If a person's self-esteem is not seriously lacking and the inferiority feeling is not too great, than the child (person) will strive on the "useful side of life" toward arriving at that goal which he has set for himself. (3:117) If on the other hand, the inferiority feeling was excessive, it could become so intense as to discourage him from living a creative and gratifying life. This was the case when a person had given perfection a false or unrealis tic meaning so that for him it becomes unattainable. It was also evident that when the person's self-concept (self esteem) was so low that it created an overburdening feeling of discouragement, and thus, the inability to advance toward perfection. D. Striving for Superiority 1. The Nature of Superiority Man, as a part of life, is continually striving towards perfection in order to overcome his felt inferiority: "The human soul, as a part of the movement of life is endowed with the ability to participate in the uplift, elevation, perfection, and completion." (4:107) Furthermore, this striving is the fundamental fact of man's life. (3:398-9) Through the course of the development of this concept, Adler used several terms in addition to perfection to des cribe man's ultimate goal: security (12:28), a feeling of 313 adequacy (12:51), the solution of the problems of life (3:399), truth (3:399), "the conquest of all advantages and disadvantages set by the cosmos" (4:106), completion (4:107), success (4:167), godlikeness (12:60), and superiority (210:6). In its final form, superiority became the most commonly used term to describe the concept. Each person has a different idea of what completion or superiority means for himself. This idea is unique with him; no one else has quite the same idea (12:57). The idea is his creation and it is entirely original. The content of the idea is not primarily determined by heredity, environ ment, or any other external factor; the individual has developed it for himself through.his interpretation of his place in the world. (4:89) Furthermore, the idea is not precise: it is "blurred and pliable; it cannot be measured; it has been constructed with .inadequate and definitely un gifted powers." (4:93, 12:58) Nevertheless, man must make the idea concrete— that is, he must say that the goal is definitely such and such; otherwise he would not know what specific actions he should take. If the goal were too vague, he would not be able to determine the actions necessary to achieve it; he would be at a loss as to what to do. (12:28) With regard to children, Adler indicated that they tend to interpret their goals more concretely than adults. (4:99) People's ideas as to what perfection means tend to fall into two main categories. One idealizes the "perfec tion which benefits all," that is, the perfection which enables one to contribute the utmost, as well as to the whole. (4:114) "This goal of perfection must bear within it the goal of an ideal community. . ." (4:107) The other category idealizes the perfection which benefits only the one who is perfect. However, the latter is false perfection it is but a semblance of true perfection. It benefits its bearer by helping him to hide what he considers to be opprobrious imperfections. This latter category also entails "a judgment that the individual can do without the group." (2:116) It is a judgment that appears to stem from fear that if the individual were to be involved in the group (e.g., Society), his imperfections would be unmasked. The two categories are not dichotomous, rather they are points at the extreme ends of a continuum. (12:96) Furthermore, man's ideas as to the nature of perfection, whichever category they fall into, are really personal fictions and hence probably involve varying degrees of error. (12:4) But, they also involve a certain degree of truth; that is, there is some soundness in these fictions because they do work for that individual. Adler believed that ideally, the person who identifies perfection with his fellow man and human society and works 315 toward a better community actually does solve his own problems and is more likely to attain a form of perfection. (12:68-9) 2. The Nature of the Striving A person's behavior springs from the meanings he gives to situations and experiences, meanings which are, collec tively, his philosophy of life. In Adlerian terms, "philosophy of life" means the "meaning of life," that is, the idea as to what life's purpose is, or the idea of what a person should work toward in life. Therefore a person's behavior— all psychological phenomena (perceptions, actions, feelings, and emotions) is determined by his interpretation of the goal of perfection which becomes firmly fixed by his fifth year and is called the "life style." (4:204-235; 9:1; 12:7-8,14) In other words, man behaves purposefully, he is goal-directed and his purpose is to attain that which he believed to be perfection. For example, his intention in perception (e.g., his selective perception) is to help him achieve his goal: The special abilities of the psyche which play the main part in bringing about our picture of the world have in common that their selectivity, acuteness, and effect are determined by the goal, which is envisioned by everyone. This explains why everyone perceives in particular only a certain part of life, of the environment, of an event. Man utilizes only what and how his goal demands. (4:210) 316 A second example of man's purposive behavior iti the striving toward perfection and the purpose of life follows: In every individual, we see that feelings have grown and developed in the direction and to the degree which were essential to the attainment of his goal. His anxiety or courage, cheerfulness or sadness, have always agreed with his style of life: Their proportionate strength and dominance has been exactly what we could expect. A man who accomplishes his goal of superiority by sadness cannot be gay and satisfied with his accomplish ments. He can only be happy when he is miserable. We can notice also that feelings appear and disappear at need. (12:31) Character traits are a third example: A character trait is comparable to a guiding line which is attached to the individual as a pattern,tpermittinghhim to express his self- consistent personality in any situation without much reflection. Character traits do not corres pond to innate forces and substrata; they are acquired, although very early in order to make it possible to retain a definite pace. For example, laziness is not innate. A child is lazy because this attribute appears to him as a suitable means to make life easier and at the same time to main tain his significance, for the power position of an individual exists, in a certain sense, also when he moves along the line of laziness. He can always refer to it as a. result innate defect, leaving his inner value intact. The end result of such a self-reflection is always approximately as follows: "If I did not have this defect, my abilities could develop brilliantly; but unfor tunately I do have this defect." Another child, who, in the unbridled striving for power, is engaged in a constant struggle with his environ ment will develop character traits which appear necessary for such a struggle: ambition, envy, distrust. It is generally believed that such phenomena are completely merged with a person ality, that they are innate and unalterable. But closer examination shows that it is only that they appear necessary for the movement line of the individual (i.e., the individual believes that he should incorporate them into his striving) and are adopted for this reason. They are not primary but secondary factors, forced by the secret goal of the individual (again— the goal 317 is the individual's creation; therefore these secondary factors are adopted by the individual on his own; nothing makes him adopt them), and must be understood teleologically. (4:219) Thus all of man's behavior is self-directed and purposive— and the purpose is to attain the goal of superiority. For this reason Adler called Individual Psychology the "psychology of use." (4:205) Ideally, Adler wanted man to understand that he was purposive and goal-oriented. He wanted man to be able to develop insight into his goal and the directions chosen in pursuit of his own personal perfection. Insight could provide the stimulant for the impetus from "felt minus" to "felt plus" on the useful rather than the useless side of life. (4:101; 21:68-9) Striving for the goal is a fundamental fact of life. Once man becomes aware of the existence of the goal, what it is, and how he functions to achieve it, he gains control of his personal direction as well as the ultimate direction of the greater community. 3. The Eternality of Striving Inherent in the concept of striving is the process of movement. Man is never static, he never really "arrives," - - - rather, he is constantly "becoming." I would like to stress that the life of the human soul is not a "being" but a "becoming" . . . we cannot expect an absolutely correct solution (to the problems of life). All we can expect is to try to achieve a goal for , 318 each and every individual in such a way that the unity of the human race seems to be safeguarded. (6:ix) . . . life will continue to offer problems even to the most cooperative individual. No individual will find himself in the position of having reached his final goal of superiority, of being complete master of his environment. Life is too short; our bodies are too weak,(the three problems of life— will always admit of richer and fuller solutions). We can always approach to a solution; we can never rest satisfied with our achievement. Striving will continue in any case; but with the cooperative individual it will be hopeful and contributory striving, directed towards a real improvement of our common situation. Nobody will worry, I think, over the fact that we cannot finally reach the highest goal of our lives. If we could imagine a single individual, or mankind on the whole, as having reached a position where there were no further difficulties, we should think that life in those circumstances must be very dull. Everything then could be foreseen, everything calculated in advance. Tomorrow would bring no unexpected opportunities; there would be nothing to look forward to in the future. Our interest in life comes mainly from our lack of the certainty. If we were all sure, if we knew everything, there would no longer be discussions or discoveries. Science would have come to an end; the universe around us would be nothing but a twice-told tale. Art and religion, which cheer us with the imagination of our unattained goals, would no longer have any meaning (no purpose!). It is our good fortune that life is not so easily exhausted. The strivings of men are continuous and we can always find or invent new problems, and make new opportunities for cooperation and contribution. (12:56-7) 4. Reconciliation of Two Concepts It has been shown that striving i£ the fundamental fact of man’s life, yet earlier, it was stated that for man, reality is his relationship with the world. To 319 reconcile these ideas, Adler showed that striving equals relationship. The striving always takes the form of inter action with others, even when its aim is isolation from others. For even this running away can be seen as a sort of interaction: it stems from a fear of others; its objective is, at least partially, to be safe from others. Thus, regardless of what form it takes, the striving is always in its essential nature, in relationship with others. 5. The Self-Consistency of Each Individual: The Style of Life The life style is the way a person utilizes all his psychological capacities for the purpose of attaining his single, ultimate goal, and since his goal is unique, the ways in which he utilizes his capacities form a self- consistent, unified, unique system. The style of life is formed very early in childhood by age four or five. From that point of formation on, experiences are assimilated, interpreted, and utilized in accordance with the individual's unique outlook on life. Although the person may acquire new modes of expression of his life style (concrete), the generalized mental (abstract) style remains consistent. The goal of the mental life of man becomes its governing principle, its causa finanlis. Here we have the root of the unityof the personality, the individuality. It does not matter what the source of its energies may have been. Not their origin but their end, their ultimate goal, constitutes their individual character. (215:23) 320 The important thing is to understand the individual context, the goal of an individuals life, which marks the line of direction for all his acts and movements. (8:32-3) Adler called the individual's unique way of living his style of life. Individual Psychology goes beyond the views of philosophers like Kant and newer psychologists and psychiatrists who have accepted the idea of the totality [wholeness] of the human being. Very early in my work, I found man to be a [self- consistent] unity. The foremost task of Individual Psychology is to prove this unity in each individual— in his thinking, feeling, acting, in his so-called conscious and unconscious, in every expression of his personality. The [self-consistent] unity we call the style of life of the individual. What is frequently labeled the ego is nothing more than the style of the individual. (4:175) E. Successful Striving 1. Courage Adler believed that the problems of life fell into three broad divisions: those of social relationship with fellowmen; those connected with occupation; and those related to love. All the problems which confront man are in the direction of these three ties. And it is in terms of these ties that man must have courage. In the normal individual, the striving for superiority is centered on the tasks which confront him, which means that his social interest has been developed; and he is comparatively active in solving his problems. For this kind of activity, which is combined with social interest, Adler frequently used the word courage. (4:240) 321 When Adler spoke of discouragement, he referred to the giving up of trying to solve the problems of life, as a result of losing one's faith in one's ability to solve them. (12:51-2) He saw discouragement as activity without social interest and without faith in one's ability to solve life's problems. 2. The Nature of Successful Striving: Social interest The original term for social interest, Gemeinschaftse- gaefuhl, was invented by Adler. Many English translations have been offered, and the one which Adler came to prefer was "social interest." (7:31) Adler considered social interest to be an innate potentiality which had to be consciously developed: The high degree of cooperation and social culture which man needs for his very existence demands spontaneous social effort, and the dominant purpose of education is to evoke it. (7:31) Social interest is the striving for perfection, for the creation of the ideal community characterized by its members' mutual cooperation and positive contributions to one another inclusive of each individual's personal goal of superiority. Social interest denotes the individual's becoming responsive to reality with the emphasis oh cooperation. Social interest. . . means particularly the interest in, or the feeling with, the community sub specie aeternitatis [Webster definition: Under the aspect of eternity; in its essential 322 or universal form or nature. Spinoza]. It means the striving for a community which must be thought of as everlasting, as we could think of it if mankind had reached the goal of perfection. It is never [only] a present-day community or society, a specific political or religious formation. It is rather the goal which is best suited for per fection, a goal which would have to signify the ideal community of all mankind, the ultimate fulfillment of [societa] * evolution. (4:142) Social interest remains throughout life. It becomes differentiated, limited, or expanded and, in favorable cases, extends, not only to family members but to the larger group, to the nation, to all of mankind. It can even go further, extending itself to animals, plants, and inani mate objects and finally even to the cosmos. (4:138) Social interest is also characterized by a personal interest in others, a high valuation of them, feelings of affection for, and fellowship with them. (145:217) It also requires that men be empathic toward and identify with one another. Identification or empathy involves losing oneself completely in another person or in a situation. Further more, empathy is the basis for all understanding: For the Adlerian, empathy and understanding are one and the same: to have empathy with another i£ to know him, and this understanding is both an intellectual and emotional comprehension. (3:402) When motivated by social interest, man participates constructively in his society, therein helping improve both 323 it and himself— for indeed, he is one of the elements of society. Such participation Adler called striving on the useful side of life. 3. The Role of the Self-Concept in Successful Striving To better understand the nature of man's motivation for striving on the useful side of life, it is necessary to examine the idea of the "self-concept." Self-concept refers to one's ideas and feelings of what one is. An accurate self-concept is vital if courage is to obtain. Such a self-concept appears to have three interdependent components: self-confidence, self-esteem, and an awareness and sense of belongingness. Self-confidence refers to one's knowledge and feeling that one is able to solve the three problems of life— love, communal living, and work. Such confidence is necessary in order to acquire and maintain sufficient courage to meet these problems. Adler believed that children who have given up trying to succeed "must acquire faith in their own mental and physical powers. They must be encouraged and convinced that what they have not yet achieved can be obtained by industry, perseverence, practice, and courage." (2:73) According to Adler's Individual Psychology, that which is valuable, worthy, and good is that which is "conducive to the welfare of others." Self-esteem represents the 324 feeling and belief the individual has of being contributive or helpful to others and hence valuable. And, it mitigates the paralyzing effects of abnormal inferiority feeling: "The only salvation from the continuously driving inferiority feeling is the knowledge and the feeling of being valuable which originates from the contribution to the common welfare. (4:155) Coopersmith remarked on Adler's stress on self-esteem: There are several theories of personality that include self-esteem as a significant variable, but only one [Adler]* in which it plays a major role. Adler clearly perceived the importance of self-esteem, but was more concerned with its implications for therapy than with theoretical explication. (49:27) Individual Psychology identifies a sense of value lessness with a sense of not being part of the whole, not belonging to the whole. The reasoning is that to belong to the whole is to contribute to it. Contribution is the contribution ofconeself: one gives oneself to the whole and therein contributes to it. To "give oneself to the whole" should not have the connotation of being absorbed by it and not changing it, as if it had power over one; oir of yielding up one's selfhood or identity or individuality. Rather, it means that one decides to cooperate and become part of the whole. Thus, through contribution, one gains a feeling and realization of belongingness. As Adler wrote, "A human being has courage only when he feels that he belongs. . . . Only someone who considers himself a 325 part of the whole can be courageous." (6:71) In sum, an adequate self-concept— that is feeling and belief that one is part of the whole, worthy, and capable of solving the problems of life— is crucial to courage. One may well ask, "Why?" The answer is that when an individual's self-concept is inadequate, he becomes extremely discomfited. He does not allow himself to believe fully in this poor self-concept, but he avoids social situations, and runs away from life for fear he will fail in life thus proving to himself that his poor self-concept is really true. If he does involve himself in social situations he is "uninvolved" with others and is committed to himself rather than to others. Unfortunately, he dedi cates his time and interest to avoidance, concomitantly not developing social interest in any significant way. (214:8-9) When his self-concept is accurate, he has no need to preoccupy himself with preventing the discovery that he is really a "nothing:" such a thing cannot be discovered because it is not true. Instead, his social interest is "released," as it were. He directs his attention and interest outward, and, stimulated by this interest partici pates in life, the concomitant result being self-development. (8:260) 326 4. The Basic Form of Useful Striving Adler has pointed to an identification of social interest and creativity when he in effect said that social interest is a form of cooperation: the man with adequate social interest has as his goal the working toward an ideal community. He designs all his behavior for the purpose of achieving that goal. (And by behavior, he meant all psychological phenomena.) Thus man purposefully develops social interest to enable him to achieve his goal: one form of his cooperation with the world is the utilization of social interest. This points to the basic unity in Adler's view of successful striving: interest; understanding; valuation; affection; fellow-feeling; motivation all form a complex which cannot be separated from the creative use of self. F. Reconciliation of Other Concepts There appears to be a contradiction in Adler's conceptual framework in that two motivators have been posited for man— social interest and inferiority feelings. It would appear almost as if each had been regarded as the sole motivator. In actuality, they operate together. Adler has stated that man is interested in an ideal society, or an ideal cosmos. But he cannot have such an interest unless he is aware that the present society— which includes himself— is not ideal. When he is aware of the imperfection 327 of the present, there are grounds for him to have "social interest." And by definition, social interest is an interest in the future of things, their fulfillment, for their sake. In Adler's words: The answer to the problem of life, actually the way in which life is to be taken, is identical with the attempt to make an end to the uncertainty of life and the chaos of the perceptions and sensations, and to make the necessary steps to overcome the difficulties. (4:110) It is through this interaction of man both as an individual (stimulated by his feelings of inferiority), and in the context of social relations with fellow men and the universe that Adler believed man's movement toward perfection occurs. G. Self-Defeating Striving 1. Introduction It has been shown that man assigns a meaning to life by the end of the fifth year, and the content of this meaning is the goal or purpose of life. The meaning a person can select for himself can fall into one of two general and non-dichotomous categories: "life means— to enhance society" or "life means— to protect myself from society." Whatever meaning the child selects, it is his own personal selection. It derives in part from innate potentialities and life experiences, but only in the sense 328 that these provide possibilities from which the individual makes his interpretations. Whatever way he chooses to interpret his fate, the conditions under which the interpretation is made do not determine his choice. He may conclude, if treated harshly, that life is cruel and he must protect himself from it; or that he is unable to cope with the exigencies of life because he is not strong enough to face them, hence becoming a weak parasite living off the pity of others; he may feel that life is out to get him and conclude that his only hope is by fighting cruelty with even greater cruelty; or he may say that life needn't be like this, that he personally will change it, or that because others are working to change it he need not join in the common effort, and pro ceeds to live life only for himself. The possibilities in such a situation are infinite. Adler made a clear distinction between apparent goals and true goals. What is apparent to others is often times an excuse or a rationalization— a cover-up for true purposes. A "con" man turning to good deeds need not have his acts taken at his face value. His goal may not have changed at all and he may not be working to help others. He may well be sick of going to jail and instead has substituted a "conning" approach which is perfectly legal. He may also derive auxiliary benefits: it may enhance his iself-esteem to receive praise for having "converted," to 329 appear to have changed to working on the useful side of life. Adler1s concern was that we recognize that in the above instance the man's goal never changed, only his method of reaching it was altered. All too often we view only man's method, not his goal. 2. How the Child is Encouraged to Adopt an Unserviceable Meaning for Life; Discouragement Before the child is five, he undergoes a number of experiences, some pleasant, others unpleasant. In this section we shall concentrate on the unpleasant and their tendency to produce a generalized feeling of discouragement. One experience may be the general kind of affective care the child receives: he may be neglected and hated, or over-pampered. The obvious result of neglect and hatred would tend toward unpleasant feelings. The over-pampering, itself, is not unpleasant; the unpleasantness comes when the child must go out into the world and finds that others do not pamper him. Both of these affective patterns do the child no ultimate good in making him a positive contri butor to himself or the community-at-large. In some instances, the child's bodily organs may be defective and bother him, or malnutrition may encourage him to think of himself and his hardships excessively. When significant others do not encourage him to direct his interest away from the organs' discommodiousness or from the 330 discomforts of hunger these states then assume a major role in directing his thoughts and activity. Another factor which may contribute to discouragement revolves about the child's birth order and his relations with other siblings. If he is the oldest child and - . . .r accustomed to attention and spoiling, he may feel hurt when a younger sibling comes along and diverts the parent's attention away from him. If he is a second child, he may be unhappy because his older sibling appears to be superior to him. If he is the youngest child, he may be over pampered by his parents andbby other siblings. Additionally, he may feel inferior as a result of comparing himself with the stronger, more experienced people around him. Regardless of his birth order position, the child's parents may express favoritism for one particular sibling: this is an extreme danger as Adler has noted; "Almost every discouragement in childhood springs from the feeling that someone else is preferred." (12:142) An only child is in a somewhat unique position: for him, his "significant others" are usually his parents and other adults (which tends toward stronger feelings of inferiority when comparing himself to adults) who frequently over-pamper him. (12:152) (Adler also noted that when siblings are spaced many years apart, each child may have some of the features of the only child. In larger families there are also several possible arrangements and 331 rearrangements in birth order: that is, the two oldest children are at first the oldest and the youngest; the third child becomes the youngest and the second the middle one, and so on.) Another harmful experience is to be taught wrong ideas. One such idea, which, may be the source of many problems is the notion that manliness represents perfection. Inherent in this myth is not only the problem of what is considered "manly," but the fact that it places women in a position of inferiority. Ideas of masculine superiority are present in our society and are a frequent source of confusion to both males and females. (12:191; 4:109-110) Belief in the inequality of sexes "came with the invention of war and the consequent rise in the importance attached to physical strength and endurance. . ." (212:117) Adler explained how manliness came to be identi fied with perfection: Since the sense of one's own inferiority yields an abstract measure for the inequality among men, the greater and the stronger men and their size are made into the fictional final goal in order that the self may be protested in this way and from insecurity and trembling. (4:110) Adler called the assertion of masculinity, the "masculine protest." He said, "Both men and women over stress the importance of being manly, and (apparently because they are dubious as to whether they can attain full manliness) will try to avoid being put to that test." (12:276) 332 In the case of girls, such overstressing and avoidance may take a number of forms. They may avoid men, or try to imitate boys, or resort to perversion or prostitution. (12:91-2) Similarly, adolescent boys may over-emphasize masculinity and try to "play the role of a man who is very wise, very brave, and self-confident;" or they may excel in such "manly" activities as drinking, sexual relations, and crime; or believing that masculinity (as they conceive of it) is too hard a goal to attain, they may tend to emulate women. (2:216). In addition to being taught wrong ideas, the child may conceive of wrong ideas on his own. For instance, the neglected and hated child may think that certain problems are harder than they really are, since his own life has been so difficult. (12:17-8) The child creates his own ideas by accepting the wrong ideas taught to him. Poverty and prejudice can have a bad influence on the child and facilitate the development of "mistaken" interpretations and may encourage the child to function on the useless side of life. Poverty, also, offers opportunities for a mistaken interpretation of life. A child from a poor home may meet social prejudice. Later he comes across rich people who lead an easy life. He feels they have no more right to indulgence than he has. No useful goal ever came from envy; a child in these circumstances can easily misunderstand and think that the way to superiority is to get money without working for it. (12:207) 333 Also, in discussing the case history of a problem child, Adler wrote, "Another possible factor (in the origin of this child's behavior) is that the parents complained of their poverty in the child's presence and caused him to have dark apprehensions about the future." (6:34) Adler pointed out a number of other factors which may easily influence the child negatively: Since every child must grow up in an environment of adults he is predisposed to consider himself weak, small, incapable of living alone; he does not trust himself to do those simple tasks that one thinks him capable of doing, without mistakes, errors, or clumsiness. Most of our errors in education begin at this point. In demanding more than the child can do, the idea of his helplessness is thrown into his face. Some child ren arerievensconscipuslyemadeftoifeei their small ness and helplessness. Other children are regarded as toys, as animated dolls; others, again, are treated as valuable property that must be carefully watched’ ?., while others still are made to feel they are so much useless human freight. A combination of these attitudes on the part of the parents and adults often leads a child to believe that there are but two things in his power, the pleasure or displeasure of his elders. The type of in feriority feeling produced by the parents may be further intensified by certain peculiar character istics of our civilization. The habit of not taking children seriously belongs in this category. A child gets the impression that he is a nobody, without rights; that he is to be seen, not heard, that he must be courteous, quiet and the like. Numerous children grow up in the constant dread of being laughed at. Ridicule of children is well-nigh criminal. It retains its effect upon the soul of the child, and is transferred into the habits and actions of his adulthood. An adult who was continually laughed at as a child may be easily recognized; he cannot rid himself of the fear of being made ridiculous again. Another aspect of this matter of not taking children seriously is the custom of telling 334 children palpable lies, with the result that the child begins to doubt not only his immediate environment but also to question the seriousness and reality of life. (11:66-7) As a result of all these conditions, the child is tempted to concentrate on himself (because of his physical handicaps, because he feels he should try to be a man, because people are against him, etc>.;) and does not develop adequate social interest. This concentration and non development are not separate phenomena: they are one in the same. (214:8-9) Thus, when the child is confronted by one of the problems of life in their preliminary form, he will be at some loss as to how to solve them. For they are social problems— i.e., their solution requires interest in, and cooperation with, others— but the child has not developed his capacities for these things. The result may be that he will think that he is truly incapable of solving them. (4:156; 12:52, 51) It can be seen that by the time the child comes to formulate his fixed meaning of life, he may have accumulated many wrong ideas. All of them have one basic content: he is inferior. Thus it is not surprising that his fixed meaning of life is often based on this idea. Furthermore, his giving up hope out of a feeling of inferiority constitu tes discouragement. (6:164; 12:51-2; 4:156) The discouragement is purposive. Adler has written: 335 If we constantly tell a child that he is bad or stupid, he will become convinced in a short time that we are right and will not have sufficient courage thereafter to tackle any task presented to him. He does not understand that the environ ment originally destroyed his self-confidence and that he is subconsciously arranging his life to prove this fallacious judgment correct. (2:126) Adler implied that the child finds some support from believing he is inferior: it is his best accommodation to his (hostile) environment. This recalls the compliance referred to in the chapter describing the disadvantaged: the child goes along with the stereotype so as not to cause any trouble. Also, it has been stated that the pampered child's goal of superiority is to continue his being pamper ed. (211:117-8) In sum, Adler noted that the neglected, diseased, and underfed child adopts feelings of inferiority as a part of his life: it provides him a rationale for being pampered and protected from the hardships of life. (4:241-2) Thus, the discouraged person may use his felt inferiority to comply with, protect himself from, and survive in the seemingly hostile world around him. 3. The Goal of the Discouraged Child It has been pointed out that an inferiority feeling, if not alleviated, becomes unbearable. The discouraged individual's inferiority feeling remains and even increases. (12:51-2) 336 Under these circumstances, the child is faced with what appears on the surface to be a contradictory task. On the one hand, he wishes to preserve his inferiority, as it enables him to get along. On the other, his inferiority can become unbearable, and he is concerned with at least mitigating the feeling of inferiority. There appears to be one way to solve this problem: to put himself in a position in which his inferiority cannot possibly be revealed— to himself and others; to arrange it so that he is never put to the test, never called upon to do something in which he might fail. His meaning of life is— "to preserve myself against hurt, to stockade myself in, to escape untouched." (12:7, 111)^ 4. The Behavior of the Discouraged Child— Part I The child begins to attempt to fulfill this meaning by adopting a certain self-concept. One aspect of it is his (supposed) extreme inferiority— powerlessness, unmanliness, and insignificance. As he sees it, he was created as a sub-standard being. It should be pointed out that the belief in extreme inferiority and the belief that the inferiority is innate, go together. For if the child ^Cf Adler's explanation of mental illness: "The psychoneurosis is forced by vanity and has the ultimate pur pose of safeguarding a person from a clash with his life tasks, that is, with reality, and of sparing him the danger of having the dark secret of his inferiority revealed. Only by this fundamental understanding has the unity of the neurosis and psychosis become established." (4:299) 337 thought that he himself had created his inferiority, he would not be able to regard himself as powerless as he actually does. Feeling himself to be inferior, the child compensates for it by thinking he is superior (8:78-9, 83), but the situation is more complicated than that. Regarding himself as an innately inferior person, the child paves the way to believe that he is instrinsically a most valuable being— a superior one. He holds that as his inferiority is predetermined, he is not responsible for it. Thus, basically, he is a fine person who has been saddled with terrible handicaps whether by a hostile world or a hostile society. Such is his logic behind his compen sation. (4:219 , 265-6) The child bases his self-protective behavior on the above self-concept. First, the innateness of his inferiority gives him an excuse not to engage in situations in which he might be tested. He can do nothing about the inferiority: it is predetermined that he will fail. There is therefore no reason for him to try and, in so trying, to risk being hurt. (4:219, 265-6) But since the inferiority is innate, his inner value, his true superiority, remains in tact. And, as another way to forestall hurt, he tries to prove to himself and others that this is so. He seeks to show that he is truly superior— that he is so good that there is no chance 338 of failure and hence hurt. To do this, he seeks to become the opposite of inferior. Instead of being powerless, weak and little, he tries to command a "godlike dominance over the environment!' instead of meaning nothing to anyone (i.e., having no significance and hence no worth), he seeks to achieve significance; instead of being unmanly, he tries to show that he is a man; instead of feeling inferior, he tries to acquire feelings of self-esteem and superiority. All this is done in useless self-serving ways. He regards his extreme inferiority as the dichotomous alternative to superiority; that is, he believes that the only alternative to godlike dominance, significance, etc., is crushing weak ness, humiliating ineptitude, unbearable unworthiness. Furthermore, he seeks to force his superiority into being: he tries to create power, significance, manliness and feelings of self-esteem and superiority directly, as opposed to doing something (cooperation) which would result in their coming into being as by-products (the only actual way in which they can be created). (4:111,244; 12:52; 2:144-6,60-1) In sum, the child, in an all-out effort to protect himself, seeks to prove his superiority on the one hand, and utilizes his (supposed) inferiority as an excuse to avoid threatening situations on the other. He hates inferiority, yet he loves it. This is not a contradiction. ;The hate requires love; that is, he must needs willingly use 339 inferiority as an excuse to avoid situations in which his hated inferiority might be revealed. And the love requires hate: that is, inferiority would not appear to be true inferiority; and therefore would not pass as an excuse, unless it were feared and despised. 5. Over-All View of the Child's Discouragement To summarize, the basic elements of discouragement may be discerned— excessive inferiority feelings (powerless ness, unmanliness, insignificance, unworthiness); lack of hope; fear (that one's inferiority will be revealed); the consequent lack of motivation (to participate in life and hence to grow and create); the feeling that one is an out sider ("A human being has courage only when he feels that he belongs"); and egocentricity (the dominant concern with protecting the self). Adler has distinguished other elements: significant among these is the belief that the world is an enemy and hostility against it and oneself: . . . under all circumstances they (discouraged children) feel themselves cheated by nature and, rightly or wrongly, often consider themselves disciminated against by man. They . . . are always engaged in a battle with their environment, which often takes place in silence and under cover; . . . and are filled by a continuous hostility which they also assume in others. Their sensitivity, often imperceptible to others, is always heightened to the extreme. (4:385) 340 6. The Behavior of the Discouraged Child— Part II The behavior of discouraged children is very subtle. In each single act they do many things, all of which appear to be interdependent. The basic thing which the discouraged child does is to seek safety— refuge from situations in which he might be hurt. Such running away is called detachment. At the same time, since he believes the world is an enemy, he aggresses against it in some way or other. Other things he does are compensations for his (supposed) inferiority: he tries to exert power, seek recognition, assert his masculinity, and acquire a feeling of self-esteem and superiority. This obviously means living under false pretenses. In addition, in order to provide excuses for avoiding threatening situations, he asserts his inferiority: he may become over-dependent, over submissive, effeminate; and continues to maintain his feeling of inferiority. This would also include living under false pretenses. Further more, as he has no hope for the future, he seeks to live for the present. Each single act contains all of these elements. Depending upon the situation, different elements take different forms— feelings, attitudes, physical actions, etc. Only one or two may predominate, but the others are present. The act which they all comprise appears to be named in accordance with the predominating element.(s)— e.g., 341 aggressive behavior, or aggressive-passive behavior. One mode of the search for safety is the child's attempt to perpetuate and defy certain character traits which have been useful to him in the past. In former days, the child felt secure when he utilized certain of his character traits: examples are vanity, jealously, cheerful ness, submissiveness; now, when he feels extremely insecure it becomes a categorical imperative that he uses them. (4:245) Adler indicated that the child seeks a continuance or revival not only of security-giving character traits,, but also a security-giving situations— such as a symbiotic relationship with a pampering mother or mother-substitute. (12:16; 211:117-18) These traits and situations, bring security by reassuring the child that he is not the inferior being he believes he is. (4:2 44-5) Aggression is often covert. Among the forms it takes are blaming of others and depreciation of them (de preciation serves the purpose of enhancing one's own self esteem). (4:385, 267-271; 2:39) Adler provided an example of seeking power in school: Another type of child, always present and easy to recognize, is the child who takes the lead amongst his fellow children. Mankind has real need of leaders, but only of men who lead in the interests of others; and such leadership we do not often find. Most children who take the lead are interested only in situations where they can rule and dominate others and will join in with their fellows only on these conditions. (12:177) 342 Adler provided a number of examples of children seeking recognition. One is the child who tries to become the center of attention in school "by mischief-making, by disturbing the whole class, by corrupting the other children, and by being a general nuisance to everybody." (12:175) Another example is children who have found school difficult and who have been criticized and scolded by the teacher. It is mainly the children to whom school is thus made an artificially unpleasant environment who play truant, are bad pupils and give the appear ance of being stupid and difficult to handle. They are not really stupid; often they display great ingenuity in making up excuses for not attending school or in forging letters from their parents. Outside the school, however, they find other children who have played truant before them. From these companions they gain far more appreciation than they get at school. The circle in which they feel themselves interested and where they have the testimony of being worth while is not the school class but the gang. We can see, in this situation, how children who are not taken into the class as part of the whole are provoked to train themselves towards a criminal career. (12:161) An important aspect of misinterpretation is living under false pretenses. Adler reported on one mode of living under false pretenses: In regard to lying and its psychological structure one can say that obviously there must be a heavy hand somewhere which the child fears. Normally all children would tell the truth if they felt themselves sufficiently strong. Lying is a compensation to keep the inferiority feeling from manifesting itself. There are two principal forms of lies, lying out of fear, and lying in order to appear greater than one considers oneself in reality. (4:391-2) 343 In regards to living for the present, it should be pointed out that disadvantaged children avoid the present, for proper perception of the present means recognition of their inadequacies. (4:282) Thus they escape from the future into the present, and escape from the present into the realm in which the future has been realized— that is in which superiority has been attained— and in which hence there is no future, that is, nothing further to attain. It was noted that the mentally ill individual has the same purpose in life as the discouraged child. Thus a mentally ill child would be one whose discouragement has become extreme. Finally, Adler indicated that the behavior of the discouraged child is not fruitful. It entails no coopera tion— the only means by which new things can come into being and people can grow. (One could take issue with the last point in that this type of behavior often does bear fruit and frequently does involve a semblance of cooperation, but not on the useful side of life nor in a way which leads to the betterment of self or society— it really is a form of self-defeating striving.) 7. Examples of Situations Leading to, and Behavior Preceding from Discouragement Another reason the striving of the discouraged is useless is that he can never have what he wants— not everyone (for example) will pamper him, and for those who do, 344 he will have an insatiable appetite for more from them. The person who wants to be superior is constantly reminded that he is not and cannot be superior to everyone. a) Children with Organ Inferiorities Adler first conceived of inferiority and striving as arising from bodily malfunction or structural impairment. He became cognizant of this possibility when as an ophthalmologist he noticed that for patients with poor vision in one eye, the "good" eye compensated for the poor one, taking over most of its function. Adler recognized that for children with imperfect organs or those suffering from diseases or infirmities during infancy, their physical condition was not their only problem: A body which is ill-suited to the environment and has difficulty in fulfilling the demands of the environment will usually be felt by the mind as a burden. For this reason children who have suffered from imperfect organs meet with greater hindrances than usual for their mental develop ment. It is harder for their minds to influence, move and govern their bodies toward a position of superiority. A greater effort of mind is needed, and mental concentration must be higher than with others if they are to secure the same object. (12:35) The children with organ inferiority "are over burdened. . . . Unless there is someone near them who can draw their attention away from themselves and interest them in others, they are likely to occupy themselves with their sown sensations." (12:14-5) 345 However, physical ailments also can work as an impetus to development. And, physical debilities do not govern behavior— the child must choose to consider his handicap a problem: he alone must see it as a drawback to his own development. Adler attributed many school-related problems to children who had weak bodily systems and chose to see these improper functions as drawbacks. A child suffering from organ inferiority "will feel inadequate for the tasks of life" (217:6), if he chooses to misinterpret what he sees: The child experiences in his mind the degree of functioning of his organs; and he limits his development in accordance with his judgment of his disability. It is not the deficiency itself which affects his mind, but the child's attitude to his deficiency, and his consequent training. (12:16 8) [By "consequent training" is apparently meant the child's training of himself in the various realms of life— thought, action, etc.; what he trains himself to do is always based on his attitude towards his deficiency.] Also, with these children, it may happen, in our present civilization, that their feelings of inferiority are stressed through pity, ridicule, or avoidance on the part of their fellows. These are all circumstances in which such children may turn in upon themselves, lose hope of playing a useful part in our common life, and consider themselves personally humiliated by the world. (12:14-5) Such children are attacked much more by the difficulties of life and feel and live as though they were in an enemy country. Fighting, hesitating, stopping, escaping, much more occupied, with their own persons than with 346 others, they are therefore selfish, inconsiderate, lacking in social interest, courage, and self- confidence because they fear defeat more than they desire success. (211:117) b) Children Suffering from Malnutrition Adler wrote that "psychological inferiority and an egocentric attitude. . . may be brought about through the wrong kind of nourishment. In [such cases]. . . life, for the child becomes only a misery, and the child assumes a hostile attitude towards his environment. The effects are similar, if not identical, with the disturbance in psychological life resulting from organ inferiority." (2:92-3) (Also, today it is known that continued malnutri tion may itself cause brain damage as well as hinder other developmental growth.) c) Pampered Children These children live "in a kind of symbiosis, like parasites always connected with their mother. . ." (211:117-8) A pampered child has been trained to expect that his wishes will be treated as laws, and to receive without giving. He is granted prominence without working to deserve it and will generally come to feel this prominence as a birthright. Others have been so subservient to him that he has lost his independence and does not know that he can do things for himself. His interest was devoted to himself, and he never learned the use and necessity of cooperation. (12:16) It is clear that the social interest of pampered children "is lacking in a high degree." (211:117-8) "Their 347 entire behavior expresses either openly or covered by a flourish, the surprised, even indignant, question: 'Why should I love my neighbor?'" (4:370) Their goal of superiority is to make their symbiotic relationship with their mother permanent. (211:117-8) The meaning which they assign to life is: "to be the first, to be recognized as the most important, to get everything I want." (12:17) "Each change terrifies them. But changes are un avoidable." (211:117-8) For example, they cannot stay with their mother all the time. There are demands on them to mix with others. Their reactions to these new situations include the following. For one thing, their "normal feeling of inferiority becomes increased." (4:118) "They consider other people enemies." (211:117-8) In addition, they engage in patterns of behavior which demonstrate this. They make demands on others; that is, they try to exert power over others and make them solve their problems for them. (4:370) They seek to be the center of attention and to gain appreciation. (6:168-9; 12:188, 127) As an alternative to seeking attention, they detach themselves and run away t from their problems. (6:118, 168-9) Finally, some of them, as adults, when they no longer find the easy warmth and subordination to which they were accustomed. . . feel betrayed; they consider society as hostile 348 to themselves and try to revenge themselves upon all their fellows. (12:16-7) Since pampered children believe the world is their enemy, they try to revenge themselves against it whenever it does not do things their way. For them, there is a constant need to "get even." d) Neglected and Hated Children It is important to realize that neglect is a possi bility, not a cause. The emphasis for the Adlerian has to be not on the actual situation, but the individual's inter pretation of the action which we call "neglect." Those we call neglected include "... the detested, the illegitimate, the unwanted children, the orphans and cripples." (6:20) They may have "never quite found a trust worthy other person" (2:15); they have "never fully known what love and cooperation can be ' .'" (6:17-8) They may have "a pronounced feeling of inferiority." (6:20) "When [one of them]. . . faces the problems of life, he will over rate their difficulty and underrate his own capacity to meet them with the aid and good will of others." (12:17-8) When the bond between the mother and child is too weak, "the child may get an impression of the hostility of life from the beginning, and, as a result of similar experiences, he may make this meaning the plumb-line of his life." (9:221-2) This is true of neglected children: "One i should realize the effect produced on them: always rejected 349 without ever hearing a kind word. They grow up as if they were in an enemy country." (6:168) Therefore, "... every urge to go to school will be felt as oppression. They will always feel fettered and will always have the tendency to revolt as far as lies in their power." (2:93) Indeed, "their goal of superiority is to suppress the other person." (2:93) Neglected children have a hostile attitude towards the world (6:71) and aggress against it (2:104). They have the hostile attitude, because the world seems hostile towards them (2:165); and they fear if they do not aggress, "the others will attack first." (2:104) They may also have an air of toughness; they are disobedient; they believe obedience to be a sign of subordination. They think that the courteous return of a greeting is a degradation, they answer impertinently; they never complain because they regard the sympathy of others as a personal humiliation. They never cry in front of others, and sometimes laugh when they should cry, which looks like a lack of feeling, but is only an indication of a fear of showing weakness. No act of cruelty has ever been done which has not been based on a secret weakness. (2:104-5) They detach themselves from others. As Adler put ' it, "... the hated child. . . turns his back and tries to slip away." (6:75) Naturally, there is not a pure type of neglected child. If a child were totally ineglected or hated, he would perish. "The fact that a child lived through the period i of infancy is proof that he has been given some care and 350 attention." (12:18) But the key to understanding lies in this— that the child interprets the generalized situation as being the reality context in which he is compelled to live. H. Fictionalism After Adler's separation from Freud, he developed away from Freud's biologically-oriented, elementaristic, objective drive psychology and toward a socially-oriented, subjectivistic, holistic psychology of attitudes. (4:76) One of the most influential figures in the evolution of Adler's thinking was Hans Vaihinger whose Philosophy of "As-If" provided the seed for much of the development of Individual Psychology. (4:76) The Philosophy of As-If. All cognition is the apperception of one thing through another. In understanding, we are always dealing with an analogy and we cannot imagine how otherwise existence can be understood. Any one connected with the mechanism of thought knows that all conception and cognition are based upon analogical apperceptions. (194:219) Lao Tzu has provided examples: Since the world points up beauty as such, There is ugliness too. If godness is taken as goodness Wickedness enters as well. For is and is-not come together; Hard and easy are complementary; Long and short are relative; High and low are comparative; Pitch and sound aake harmony; Before and after are a sequence. (122:54) 351 Vaihinger continued: The only ideational constructs by means of which existing things can be apperceived are either the corresponding general conceptions or other concrete objects. But since these are in their turn in conceivable, all these analogies only give rise to an apparent understanding. From the mechanism of thought, as Streinthal in particular described it, there follows with absolute certainty exactly what Kant so laboriously demonstrated in his theory of cognition, namely that it is utterly impossible to attain knowledge of the world, not because our thought is too narrowly circumscribed— this is a dogmatic and erroneous interpretation— but because knowledge is always in the form of categories and these, in the last analysis, are only analogical apperceptions. (194:29-30) It should be clear that analogical apperceptions are not second-best forms of cognition; that it is not true that man, if only he were smarter, would be able to perceive reality better. For, as Vaihinger indicated above, perception itself involves only the use of symbols of reality— not a "getting to" of reality itself. In other words, reality is unknowable not because man has a limited ability to know— in fact, it appears that his ability to know is actually unlimited— but because knowing itself entails only dealing with symbols, symbols,of an analogical nature. Looked at in another way, to know something always means to have a concept of it. The concept is, in a sense, a derivative of prior workable analogical apperception; a working hypothesis so to speak, functional for him, but not necessarily truth. Thus the conceiver cannot get to reality 352 directly— there is always the intermediary concept or symbol of the thing. From this it can be seen that reality is unknowable— knowledge has only to do with symbols or things, not with the things themselves. However, knowledge's ultimate objective may be to permit union with reality— to enable man to truly be it, rather than simply.'.know it. (194:xxx~xxxi, 29-30) Vaihinger has labeled analogical apperceptions'"analo gical fictions," or sometimes, simply "fictions." He indicated that he used the term "fiction" because its Latin bases, fictio and fingere connoted two main character istics of analogical apperceptions: (1) they are created by man, and (2) they are assumptions. Since man does no\ know reality directly, his concepts of it are in the nature of assumptions. (4:78) In regards to the fact, that he creates these concepts, it should be noted that they are vital to man. Without them, he would not be able to adapt himself to his environ ment. He would know nothing of it or himself, and hence would be at a complete loss as to how to go about adapting. Indeed, he would have no concept of adaptation itself. Obviously, such a situation is inconceivable. "Adaptation to the environment" is a very broad category; it actually includes all of man's behavior. Man must adapt to the environment. It is vital to his survival in it, and it permits, if done correctly, his and culture's 353 greatest growth and development. Because it is necessary and can only be done with the help of concepts, he creates concepts— that is, they are not given to him; he uses his mental facilities in order to bring them into being. Adler has given an example: The human mind shows an urge to capture into fixed forms through unreal assumptions, that is, fictions, that which is chaotic, always in flux, and incomprehensible. Serving this urge, the child quite generally uses a schema in order to act and to find his way. We proceed much the same when we divide the earth by meridians and parallels, for only thus do we obtain fixed points which we can bring into a relationship with one another. In all similar attempts with which the human psyche is filled, it is always a matter of entering an unusual, abstract schema into real life. (4:96) A question arises about truth. If all concepts are fictions, how is it ever possible to know the truth? Vaihinger has answered that truth is found in the usefulness of these concepts. They are true if they permit man to adapt to his environment successfully. In short, they are true if they work. (194:83, 84, 108) Adler agreed with Vaihinger: "'true' means true for mankind, true for the purposes and aims of human beings." (12:4) Adler went one step further. Adler followed the above remark with: "There is no other truth than this; and if another existed, it could never concern us; we could never know it; it would be meaningless." (12:4) As Vaihinger pointed out: "So-called agreement with reality must finally be abandoned as a criterion [for 354 truth]." (194:108) This is not giving up of a preferred criterion; it is rather the dispensing with a wrong one. Thus it is possible to have "facts," to speak of something as being "true," even as not being a fiction. According to Vaihinger1s definition, something is only "fact" or "truth" when it is true for mankind. It is important to note that although Adler was confident in his view of understanding human nature and its development as it was set forth in Individual Psychology, he regarded all of the elements— feelings of inferiority, striving for superiority, etc.— as working tenets. Yet he did not believe his or anyone elses ideas were ready to be set in cement. For Adler, truth is personal and subject to change; the preferred criterion could be the wrong one, thus dispensed with; and that human life must be enhanced (the truth) may be only a workable thesis, a way of estab lishing purposive guidelines to provide man with purpose. His "growth" may actually be inconsequential in the scheme of things. In this regard, that is, that there is no final explanation of human behavior, Adler's characteristic humility is revealed in his advice to educators: No education takes place in a vacuum. You will have to struggle with the difficulties which result from different interpretations of scientific research. .We welcome comparison. We are tolerant. You should study other theories 355 and points of view. Compare everything care fully, and don't blindly believe any "authority," not even me! (6 :172) I. Man: The Whole That Is Part of the Whole 1. Introduction Paul Tillich felt that if one wished to define "man," one would have to say that man is both an individual self and an integral part of something greater than himself— viz., the universe. An obvious analogy is the limbs of the body: to an extent each is a separate, unique entity; but also, to an extent each is a fundamental element of another separate, unique entity (the body). When one entity is a fundamental part of another entity, it may be said that the first entity "belongs" to the second. Thus man belongs to the universe. This is a statement of fact, and does not connote the idea that the universe "owns" man, or that man sacrifices any of his selfhood. To belong is simply to be a part of. (191:87-9) Alfred Adler subscribed to the same point of view. He held that while man is autonomous, he also belongs to the cosmos. 2. Man as an Individual Whole Adler mentioned two phenomena showing man's . ■ ' ' A n outline of the developments in school psychology since 1960— an outline which includes the Adlerian approach— has been provided by Magary in School Psychological Services in Theory and Practice.(141:671-755) 356 individuality. One is that man is autonomous: all of his behavior— i.e./ acts, feelings, emotions, thoughts, etc.— is, in the last analysis, voluntary. Man acts, he does not reactl Nothing, not even heredity, makes him do any thing. The second phenomenon is that each man's behavior, taken as a whole, follows a unique pattern. That is, each man lives life in’his own way, or, as Adler puts it, each man has his own "style of life." "We are self-determined by the meanings we give to our experiences." Adler wrote (4:208) ". . . meanings are not determined by situations, but we determine ourselves by the meanings we give to situations." (4:208) The components of a situation or experience are one's self and one's environment in mutual interaction. Thus when Adler says "meanings we give to situations," or "meanings we give to experiences," he means interpretations by the self, that is, a definite idea of the power and capacities of the self; of the environment (a definite idea of whether it is inimical or friendly); and of the inter relationship between self and environment (i.e., "a clear conception of the difficulty or feasibility of . . . [the self's]) action in any given case." (9:19) By the end of the fifth year, each child has come to interpret all situations and experiences in the same way. He has developed a philosophy of life, and unless strongly influenced by an overpowering outside phenomena he will 357 stick to that philosophy unswervingly. There is nothing which forces him to be so inflexible; rather, he has simply internalized this philosophy very well because it seems to work for him. When he develops fixed attitudes, he pre pares for future experiences or the next encounter. And, by understanding this personal philosophy, we know how he is going to act— almost as though he were "destined" to act as he does. Frequently man adopts the kind of philo sophy which protects him against the onslaught of a potenti ally hostile environment— hostile because he interprets it that way. It is through this adoption that he protects his vulnerable personality. In many ways this situation is similar to that of a child who has memorized a poem. The child "does not need to find the words: the poem runs by itself, as it were." Similarly, the philosophy becomes "mechanized," though not autonomous. (4:367) "There are as many meanings to life [philosophies of life] as there are human beings," Adler once wrote. (6:4) Furthermore, when people are in similar situations, it does not mean that they will interpret them in similar ways. Unhappy experiences in childhood may be given quite opposite meanings. One man with unhappy experiences behind him will not dwell on them except as they show him something which can be remedied for the future. ixHe will feel, "We must work to remove such unfortunate situations and make sure that our children are better placed." Another man will feel, "life is unfair. Other people always have the best of it. If the world 358 treated me like that, why should I treat the world any better?" It is in this way that some parents say of their children, "I had to suffer just as much when I was a child, and I came through it. Why shouldn1t they." A third man will feel, "Everything should be forgiven me because of my unhappy childhood." (4:209) Man bases his behavior on the interpretations he makes of his experiences. This means that by the end of the fifth year he bases his behavior on his philosophy of life. With reference to the above examples, Adler wrote: In the actions of all three men, their inter pretations will be evident. They will never change their actions [behavior] unless they change their interpretations. (4:209) The following is a case history of a man conducting his life in accordance with his philosophy of life: . . . a barrister of thirty-six has lost all interest in his work. He is unsuccessful and attributes this to the fact that he does not make a good impression on the few clients who come to consult him. He always found great difficulty as well in mixing with other people, and especi ally in the company of girls, he was always extremely shy. A marriage, into which he entered with great reluctance, indeed with aversion, ended a year later in divorce. He now lives quite withdrawn from the world in the house of his parents, who have for the most part to provide for him. He is an only child and he was spoiled by his mother to an incredible extent. She was always with him. She succeeded in convincing both the child and his father that he would one day become a very outstanding man. The boy grew up with this expectation, and his brilliant success at school seemed to confirm it. As commonly happens with most spoiled children, who can deny them selves nothing, childish masturbation gained a harmful mastery over him and soon made him the laughing-stock of the girls in the school, who had discovered his secret misdemeanor. He withdrew 359 from them entirely. In his isolation he abandoned himself to the imagination of achieving the most glorious triumphs in love and marriage; but he felt himself attracted only to his mother, whom he completely dominated and with whom for a considerable time he connected his sexual fantasies. It is also obvious enough from this case that this so-called Oedipus complex is not a "fundamental fact," but is simply a vicious unnatural result of maternal over-indulgence.1 Shortly before finishing his studies, when faced with the question of gaining an independent liveli hood, the patient was seized with melancholia, so that now once again he beat a retreat. Like all pampered children he was timid as a child and drew back from strangers. Later the same thing happened with his comradeships in the case both of men and women. In the same way he drew back from his career, and this situation, only slightly modified, persists up to the present. . . . One thing is clear: this man never altered throughout his whole life. He always wanted to be first and invariably drew back whenever he was uncertain of success. His idea of life— hidden from him, but conjectured by us— can be expressed in this form: "Since the world withholds my triumphs from me, I will retreat." (9:20-1) In light of the fact that adulthood behavior springs from ideas acquired in childhood, it is true that the child is "father to the man." (4:208) The concept that man determines himself by the meaning he gives to life is obviously incompatible with the concept that he is determined by forces other than himself (4:183), On first reading this may appear to be a contradiction. For Adler, there was no question that man is self-determin ing, the result of his own interpretations. He must have manipulated his mother and used her over-indulgence for his own purposes, or why then should the style persist? The world is hostile because his style of life is unaccept able in the world. 360 i.e., that he is not autonomous. Some have subscribed to this second concept, naming heredity as one of the "forces." But Adler rebuted: Heredity may be regarded as a supply of bricks which, with all their different qualities, are used by each individual in his infancy, to build up his style of life. Resemblances and statistical probabilities can be frequently ascertained and counted upon, but never identical likeness. To make this clearly understood, let me point out here, despite my disinclinication to use metaphors in scientific discussions, that a hammer may be regarded by everybody as a useful instrument, fashioned by the inherited and cultivated ingenuity of the human race. It was invented originally to drive a nail. Under such given circumstances, however, it may also be used for other purposes, such as a missile, a paper weight, or a murderous weapon. A hammer is thus an environmental factor, a product and a phase of experience of the individual, just as are the properties of the body and the inherited potentialities of the human individual. ... an individual's disposition or constitution . . . appear to him as alluring or stimulating opportunities. It would be erroneous to assume that they act as causes, for, with deepened understanding, we see that a different use is made of the same stimuli by different individuals. (4:207) 3. Man as Part of the Cosmos a) Man is Made for Association Also, in Adler's words: Naturally, all the means which [have] made. . . [the human] community possible . . . [have been] provided in . . . [man's] psyche and in his physical constitution. If we look at his sensory organs, it becomes clear that they were designed for union. The way in which one human being looks at another involves a prepartion for contact and the expression of union with others. A person's way of listening indicates his possibilities for 361 establishing contact with others; and his manner of speaking represents the bond he established between himself and his fellows. Can we now understand why so many human beings do not look, speak, or listen correctly? If we exclude organic deficiencies, then it is those people who fail in making contact with others, it is not the organs, not the instincts, but the fact that from the beginning of all psychic life, there exists a frame of reference, urging and leading people toward a social attitude. (6:xi-xii) b) The Ties Between Man and the Cosmos Adler felt that, for man, reality consists of ties between man and the world, not of an aggregate of self- contained human beings plus an utterly self-contained world. (Indeed, Adler indicated that ultimately, the ties are between man and the cosmos— (4:138).) Put in terms of fictionalism, this would mean that concepts whose focal point is the interrelationship between man and the world result in successful living, and therefore are true; but concepts of man and the world as entities-unto-themselves lead only to failure, and hence are false. (12:5) The ties between man and the world are three in number. They include a tie to the natural environment, a tie to society in general, and a tie to the opposite sex. The first tie necessitates work; the second, friendship and cooperation; the third, love. Adler discussed each of these ties: The first tie sets the problem of occupation. We are living on the surface of this planet, with only the resources of this planet, with the 362 fertility of its soil, with its mineral wealth, and with its climate and atmosphere. It has always been the task of mankind to find the right answer to the problem these conditions set us, and even today we cannot think that we have found a sufficient answer. In every age, mankind has arrived at a certain level of solution, but it has always been necessary to strive for improvement and further accomplishments. (4:131) With regard to the tie to society, Adler wrote: We are not the only members of the human race. There are others around us, and we are living in association with them. The weakness and the limits of the individual human being make it impossible for him to ensure his own aims in isolation. If he lived alone and tried to meet his problems by himself he would perish. He would not be able to continue his own life; he would not be able to continue the life of mankind. He is always tied to other men; and he is tied because of his own weaknesses and insufficiencies and limits. The greatest step for his own welfare and for the welfare of mankind is association. (12:6) Not only association, was indicated by Adler, but also friendship, social feeling and cooperation. (4:132) A prime example of the social tie is the inter dependence between mother and child: The child and mother are dependent on each other; this relationship not only arises out of nature, but is favored by it. . . the mother . . . requires the cooperation of the child. The mother with her milk-filled breasts and all the other altered functions in her body [not to mention the new emotional development of the love for her child] needs the child just as the child needs her. (4:137) Adler explained the third tie: The third tie of a human being is that he is a member of one of themtwo sexes and not of the other. On his approach to the other sex and on the fulfillment of his sexual role depends his part in the continuance of mankind. This 363 relationship between the two sets also sets a problem. It, too, is a problem which cannot be solved apart from the other two problems. For a successful solution of the problem of love and marriage, an occupation contributing to the division of labor is necessary, as well as a good and friendly contact with other human beings. In our own day, the highest solution for this problem, the solution most coherent with the demands of society and of the division of labor, is monogomy These three problems are never found apart, for they all throw crosslights on one another. A solution of one helps toward the solution of the others, and indeed we can say that they are all aspects of the same situation and the same problem— the necessity for a human being to preserve life and to further life in the environment in which he finds himself. (4:132-3) Adler discussed the three problems— work, cooperation- friendship, and love— in their mature forms— forms which confront adults. The problems also exist for children, but in "preliminary" forms— viz., school, friendship, and relationship to the opposite sex. In regards to the second problem, the difference between the childhood form and the adulthood form appears to be one of closeness— the childhood form being friendliness, but the adulthood form, communion. (4:158-9) The essence of the solution of all these problems is cooperation and contribution to one another. Dreikurs and Mosak indicated that there is another problem of life: Each individual is confronted with the task to relate himself to the Universe, which is becoming more and more clearly an extension of our life on this earth. We are no longer merely "living 364 on the crust of this poor planet earth" as Adler phrased it. We extend our life experience into the Universe, with the need to re-evaluate our place on this earth in relatedness to the Universe, to space and time, to eternity. (272:22) Perhaps Dreikurs and Mosak's contribution rather than being seen as alluding to a fourth problem, should be considered both as an extension of the first problem and as a description of all three problems combined. Adler pointed out that the first problem, work, resulted from man's tie to the earth. Today, because of advancements in space technology, it is becoming clearer since man's environ ment is anything he experiences, that man has a tie to the entire cosmos. This bond necessitates work— work which, it can be seen today effects adaptation not simply to the earth, but to the universe as a whole. Dreikurs and Mosak's concept can also be seen as an overview of the essential problem which is the basis of all three problems: all three are in essence one pro blem: adaptation to the cosmos. "Adaptation means the closest, most fruitful interaction between oneself (internal environment) and the cosmos (external environment)— that is, adaptation to the natural environment, fellow man, and the opposite sex. c) Man's Development In the above, Adler indicated that man cannot improve his lot or even survive unless he solves the 365 problems created by his ties to the world. There is an intermediate stage between survival and improvement, which comes when the solution is adequate only to a small extent. This stage is poor adaptation resulting in emotional illness. In order for a person to solve these problems, he needs to be motivated. The nature of the motivation is as follows: because he sees the needs of others, he feels personally interested in them; he has a strong fellow- feeling and affection for them; he empathizes with them; he values them highly. These conditions, taken collectively, are what Adler calls "social interest." When one has social interest, he desires to, and actually does, help and cooperate with others. Conversely, when a person has very little social interest, he avoids cooperation, and develops serious problems— he is striving on the useless side of life. An example of the latter situation: All failures— neurotics, psychotics, criminals, drunkards, problem children, suicides, perverts, and prostitutes— are failures because they are lacking in social interest. They approach the problems of occupation, friendship, and sex without the confidence that they can be solved by cooperation. The meaning they give to life is a private meaning. No one else is benefited by the achievement of their aims, and their interest stops short at their own persons. Their goal of success is a goal of personal superiority, and their triumphs have meaning only to themselves. Murderers have confessed to a feeling of power when they held a bottle of poison in their hands, but clearly they were confirming their importance only to themselves. (4:156) 366 On the other hand, people with adequate social interest grow and develop. "It is only through our interest in our fellows that any of our human capacities develop. To speak, read and write all presuppose a bridge with other men." (12:254) In regard to speaking, Adler added: "A child can develop his use of language only in a social relationship. If this relationship: is lacking, he cannot develop his speech." (6:71) Intellect itself grows through social interest resulting in cooperation: It [intellect] has developed only by understanding others, by getting close to others by identifying with them, by seeing with their eyes, by hearing with.their ears, by feeling with their hearts. (6:xi) Adler explained the specific mechanism- by which capacities develop when one cooperates with others: If a human being, in the meaning he gives to life, wishes to make a contribution [to society], and if his emotions are all directed to this goal, he will naturally be bound to bring himself into the best shape for contribution. He will fit him self for his goal; he will train himself in social feeling and he will gain skill from practice. Granted the goal, the training will follow. Then and then only will he begin to equip himself to solve the three problems of life and to develop his abilities. Let us take the example of love and marriage. If we are interested in our partner, if we are working to ease and enrich our partner's life, of course we shall make the best of ourselves that we can. If we think that we must develop personality in vacuo, without a goal of contribution, we shall merely make ourselves domineering and unpleasant. (12:10) Another example of cooperation: 367 If children desire only to rid themselves of difficulties, they will continue backward. They can keep up their courage only if they have a purpose in view for their efforts and if the achievement of this purpose is more important to them than the obstacles which stand in the way. It is a question of where their interest and attention is directed. If they are striving towards an object external to themselves, they will quite naturally train and equip themselves to achieve it. Difficulties will represent no more than positions which are to be conquered on their way to success. If, on the other hand, their interest lies in stressing their own draw backs or in fighting these drawbacks with no pur pose except to be free from them, they will be able to make no real progress. A clumsy right hand cannot be trained into a skillful right hand by taking thought, by wishing that it were less clumsy, or even by avoiding clumsiness. It can become skillful only by exercise in practical achievements; and the incentive to the achievement must be more deeply felt than the discouragement at the hitherto existent clumsiness. If a child is to draw together his powers and overcome his difficulties, there must be a goal for his move ments outside of himself; a goal based on interest in reality, interest in others, and interest in cooperation. (12:36-7) (emphasis added) Not only capacities are increased as a result of cooperation motivated by social interest: The feeling of worth and value is heightened, giving courage and an optimistic view, and there is a sense of acquiescence in the common advantages and drawbacks of our lot. The individual feels at home in life and feels his existence to be worthwhile just so far as he is useful to others and is overcoming common, instead of private, feelings of inferiority. Not only the ethical nature, but the right attitude in aesthetics, the best understanding of the beautiful and ugly, will always be founded upon the truest social feeling [social interest]. (4:155) The point that the feeling of worth and value is heightened should be amplified. Adler believed that a man 368 comes to feel worthy and valuable as a result of his being useful to himself and of value to others: The only salvation from the continuously driving inferiority feeling is the knowledge and the feeling of being valuable which originates from the con tribution to the common welfare. (4:155) For example: When somebody makes shoes, he makes himself useful to someone else, and he has the right to a sufficient livelihood, to all the advantages of hygiene, and to a good education of his children. The fact that he receives payment for this is the recognition of his usefulness in an age of developed trade. In this way, he arrives at a feeling of his worth to society, the only possible means of mitigating the universal human feeling of inferiority. (4:131-2) Man grows in two more ways as a result of cooperation— his social interest and individuality are increased. (6:xiv, 167) With regard to individuality, a man develops capacities and positive qualities as he cooperates with the world. Also, each man is an individual, and that indivi duality is manifested in the constellation of his capacities and qualities— a constellation which is unique for him. Therefore, as he cooperates, his capacities and qualities, and hence their constellation, and hence his individuality are strengthened. (6:163; 2:23) This however is not the whole story. It is not simply individuality which develops; the sense that one is a person— a true human being, also appears. Thus the concept that man is an individual and the concept that he |is a part of the cosmos no longer appear to be separate 369 concepts: "To be a man. . . is to be part of the whole— to feel oneself part of the whole." (6:x) d) The Nature of Meaning When one examines the nature of meaning, one sees further evidence that human beings belong to one another. (1) Meaning's Use of Analogy As has been shown, meaning, which is a creation of man, always entails the definition of one thing through another— the meaning of any given thing always takes the form of an analogy. Thus when man understands anything, it means that it makes sense to him only in a context— only in relationship to other things. This point to the fact that relationship is the reality, not isolated entities. There is no such thing as an "isolated entity"— that is, such a concept does not make sense. An entity is seen to be an entity, an individual unique item— only when it is seen in relationship to other entities. "To be a man. . . is to be part of the whole." (6:x) Parsons and Dewey have provided excellent examples of this fact. Parsons wrote, . . . the cognition of [an] . . . inanimate object by a person is not directly dependent on the ob ject's reciprocal cognition of the person. But where the object is another person, the two, as ego and alter, constitute and interactive system. The question is what, in a cognitive sense, is_ alterd from the point of view of ego, and vice versa. Clearly the answer to this question must involve the place— or "status," as 370 sociologists call it— of ego and alter in the structure of the interactive system. Thus when I say a person is my mother, or my friend, or my student, I am characterizing that person as a participant in a system of social interaction which I also am involved. Thus. . . the cognitive images. . . of persons relative to each other are functions of their interaction in the system of social relations. (158:209) Dewey stated: . . . a . . . commercial transaction. . . deter mines one participant to be a buyer and the other a seller. No one exists as a buyer or seller save in and because of a transaction in which each is engaged. Nor is that all; specific things become goods or commodities because they are engaged in the transaction. . . . Human life itself, both severally and collectively, consists of transactions [i.e., cooperative interaction] in which human beings partake together with non-human things of the mileau along with other human beings, so that without this togetherness of human and non-human partners we could not even stay alive, to say nothing of accomplishing anything. From birth to death every human being is a Party, so that neither he nor anything done or suffered can possibly be understood when it is separated from the fact of participation m extensive body of transactions (emphasis added). ^ ^ I (61:270-1) Adler went one step further; he felt that reality consisted of relationships between man and the world. Therefore the meaning of anything— that is, man's idea as to its real nature— is always found in the context of the relationship between him and it: "'Wood1 means 'wood in its relation to mankind,' and 'stone' means 'stone' as it can be a factor in human life'." (12:3) "What we call 'good' is good with respect to its usefulness for all men. Likewise, 371 what we call 'beautiful' is only beautiful from such a point of view." (6:ix) (2) Meaning and Purpose At this point it would be well to digress, and point out an extremely important idea which is indicated in Adler's above remarks: an item's meaning is its purpose. Stone is meaningful only in terms of its utility for man; what is "good" is that which will help. Man perceives things in terms of how they will help him realize his desires; he defines them in terms of his own personal meanings. When Adler speaks of the various meanings that people give to life, he often puts them in terms of purposes to be fulfilled: "Life means— to contribute to the whole;" "Life means: I must be superior in everything I undertake." (12:9; 9:24) (3) Reason As stated before, Adler felt that concepts whose focal point is the interrelationship between man and the world result in successful living, and therefore are true. To be true the meanings need not make sense, or be logically sound. This means that that which is reasonable is that which is put in terms of the interrelationship between man and the world. By reason we understand, with Kant, a process which has general validity. Hence, by reasonable we understand common sense. We may define common 372 sense as all those forms of expression and as to the content of all behavior which we find beneficial to the community. This represents the kind of action and conduct which we design ate as reasonable. Thus we come to a fuller understanding of Kants' conclusion, in that we now see that reason is inseparably connected with social interest. (4:149) (4) The Commonality of Meaning The interdependence of man is reflected in the fact that all true meanings are universally understood and accepted as valid. (4:253) "... common sense. . . (is) sense that can be shared." (4:253) "Understanding is a common matter, not a private function. To understand is to understand as we expect that everybody should understand. It is to connect ourselves in a common meaning with other people, to be controlled by the common sense of all mankind." (12:255) e) Value Adler made two statements which point to the heart of his philosophy: "It is the universal structure of things which is the standard of value. . ." (2:62) "Valuable can mean nothing other than valuable for human society." (4:255) The implication is that the universal structure of things consists of interacting, interdependent beings— in other words, a society. Furthermore, society "works;" i.e., truly participating in it and thereby allowing it to be an actual society, as opposed to trying to get along without 373 it, results in growth and successful living for all. Further statements of Adler's show this point of view: All human judgments of value and success are founded, in the end, upon cooperation; this is the great shared commonplace of the human race. (12:69) "Good" and "bad," like other expressions of character, have meaning only in a social context; they are the result of training in a social environment, among our fellow men, and they imply a judgment, "conducive to the welfare of others," or "opposed to the welfare of others." (12:168-9) The previously-cited point that one feels valuable when one appreciates his participation in society is also reflective of Adler's concept of value. f) The Meaning of Life Adler's view on the meaning of life reveals his belief in the interrelatedness of human beings: But every problem of life demands an ability to cooperate for its solution; every task must be mastered within the framework of our human society and in a way which furthers our human welfare. Only the individual who understands that life means contribution will be able to meet his difficulties with courage and with a good chance of success. (12:23) In other places, Adler stated that the meaning of life was to be interested in one's fellow men, to cooperate with them, to contribute his share to the welfare of man kind, to be part of the whole. (12:7-8, 9) If the meaning of life is contribution and cooperation, it follows that the purpose of life (for man) is the same. 374 Man1s purpose should be to live for others. He should put his vitality, the power of life within him, into the service of others. But both he and others are manifesta tions of life. Perhaps, then, the purpose of life in gener al is to further life itself. Indeed, Adler recorded it as a definite fact that life is always striving "towards the goal of perfection, towards overcoming the feeling of lowli ness and transistoriness of the existence here below." (4:106) J- Summary Paul Tillich wrote that everything has a formal aspect and a dynamic aspect. Thus a thing cannot be viewed in its entirely unless both aspects are seen. It is impossible to study one aspect without being exposed to the other, for the two are ontologically interdependent: that it, it is what is formed by their union that is real; neither aspect has a separate existence. (192:178-81) Individual Psychology may well be described in these terms. It encompasses all of life, and it points out that life (the form), is continually striving for perfection (the dynamics). Individual Psychology describes human life as a whole (e.g., society) made up of interacting, interdependent parts (e.g., human beings). This interdependence and interaction constitute reality; man and culture do not 375 take on meaning unless seen in relationship to one another; nor do they grow and "become" except through mutual participation. Adler has identified meaning with purpose. Therefore, when "man" and "society" take on meaning by virtue of their mutual participation, their purpose comes to light. That is, the necessity to relate to one another, to participate in one another and to contribute to one another1s growth and becoming. Basically, the purpose is to reach perfection through cooperative interaction. Yet perfection, as Adler stated, involves the concept of the ideal society— a process of becoming. Thus perfection becomes identified with incompleteness. This supports Adler's concept that man really cannot conceive of perfection, but he must concretize his idea of perfection to some extent in order to know how to proceed: this concretization took its best form in aiming for the ideal society. The interaction between man and his world takes three fundamental forms: work, social relations, and love.^ These Adler termed the three basic problems of life. All the problems of life have a strong social value, and it is through "true" social feelings that the individual can fedl at home in life. ^For the child the parallel forms of the problems of life which are actually the rudimentary or preliminary pro blems to work, social relations, and love are friendship, school, and.relationship to the opposite sex. 376 All of man's behavior springs from his ideas. All his ideas are essentially, what he believes the meaning (purpose) of life to be. To say that his behavior "springs" from them means that his behavior is designed (by him) to achieve his conception of life's purpose. Thus if we truly understand a man's goal, we begin to see the consistency in all of his behavior (life style) as he attempts to achieve that goal: if a man's purpose is to protect himself so that he always looks "good," then everything in his life style will be in the direction of his "appearing good." And if a man's purpose is to better himself and society, then he will engage in life regardless of how he will appear in the outcome. Thus, meanings of life fall into two general, non- dichotomous categories; to work for the perfection of all, or to conceal one's inferiorities. One will adopt a meaning from the first when he is adequately motivated; one will adopt a meaning fromvthe second when he becomes discouraged. Adequate motivation means recognizing the inferiori ties (imperfections) of society and self, and consequently developing an interest in betterment. The two phenomena are ontologically interdependent in Adler's framework. Social interest involves a personal interest in, affection and fellow-feeling for, a high valuation of, and empathy toward others. 377 It is during the early years of life that the child forms his philosophy of life which either encourages or discourages him to develop social interest. As Adler saw it, social interest was an innate potentiality to be developed, something which needed to be encouraged and guided if it was to take hold in the infant. Too often, when one is still an infant, there are tremendous influences which discourage the child from developing social intersst. This happens in a number of ways, but basically the pattern appears to lie in encourag ing the child to think only of himself and to regard all inferiorities— including his own— as opprobrious and unalter able. Thus when he is confronted with the problems of life he has too little self-confidence and too little training to be able to deal with them. He resolves his difficulty by believing in his horrible inferiority, for this gives him an excuse not to deal with the problems at all. His sense of inferiority becomes so unbearable, that he spends all of his time trying to relieve himself of it. Individual Psychology embraces the whole of life, and recognizes and is interested in life's striving for perfection. It emphasizes that the striving can be accomp lished through cooperation, and explains how individuals gain or lose the motivation to cooperate. It is interested in those who lose this motivation as well as those who are motivated, and it seeks to encourage all men to move in the direction of seeking perfection. CHAPTER V THE RELEVANCE OF INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY TO THE PROBLEMS OF DISADVANTAGED CHILDREN A. Discouragement 1. General Discussion It will be remembered that Davids found a syndrome called alienation, which had certain characteristics— inferiority feelings (feeling inferior to contemporaries and to one's ideal), distrust, pessimism, anxiety, resent ment, and egocentricity. This syndrome was positively correlated with discouragement, and discouragement was shown by weak ego structure. Ansbacher has written, "Altogether, the paper by Davids can well be taken as experimental suppprt and exten sion of Adlerian theory." (211:484) Ansbacher pointed to the similarity between alienation and detachment (also called distance), and noted that Adler related detachment to anxiety, egocentricity (self-protection), pessimism, and inferiority feelings. (211:483) He said that according to Adler, inferiority feelings and lack of social interest give rise to detachment and to the belief that the world is a hostile place. (211:484) This belief would appear to correspond to Davids1ddistrust. (4:289-91) 378 379 In regards to resentment, Ansbacher has stated that it corresponds to the bitterness which Adler ascribed to the person who runs away from life (e.g., detaches from it). (221:483) This would reflect hostility towards the world. The belief that one is an outsider is not explicitly mentioned by Davids. However, his subjects' believing that they were inferior to contemporaries would appear to reflect this; also apparently reflecting it is their aliena tion: to act like an outsider would appear to be founded on a belief that one iis an outsider. Davids defined weak ego structure as the lack of the development of the capacity to "take charge" of oneis life, to decide for oneself and lead a productive life, despite the difficulties one encounters. An individual with weak ego-structure is overwhelmed by difficulties, and hence unable to adjust well to the world. In Adlerian terms, this would mean that he is discouraged, and therein unable^to fulfill sufficiently his proper role as part of the whole, i.ie., to contribute as much las he is able to. There was another way in which Davids supported Adler. Davids indicated that his subjects' alienation resulted from their evaluative interpretation of their situation and of the world. (257:21-3, 26) Also, he appeared to use the terms "alienation" and "self-alienation" interchangeably. If he did so, perhaps it may be speculated jthat he saw the alienated individual as bringing his 380 alienation on himself, as it were: the individual feels alienated because of his own interpretation of reality, not because he is made to be alienated by external forces. Similarly, Adler believed that discouragement results when one interprets himself and his environment negatively. (4:255; 12:51-2) Indeed, Adler believed that all of an individual's behavior depends upon the individual1s ’ own-: interpretation of himself and his circumstances, that this shows that human beings are self-determining, that negative interpretations which lead to discouragement are inaccurate, and that any individual who has such an inter pretation, may, through re-education, change it to a more accurate, positive and fruitful interpretation (see infra, Chapter IV). In sum, Davids provided excellent support for Adler, the only difference between them being one of empha sis. Adler focused on discouragement, pointing out that detachment from the world was the basic result of discourage ment; Davids focused on detachment, noting its high correlation with discouragement. Review: the elements of discouragement, according to Adler, are a life style with feelings of excessive inferiority, lack of hope, fear that one's inferiority will be revealed if one participates in life, the conse quent lack of motivation to participate in life, the belief that one is an outsider, and egocentricity (the attempt to 381 prove that one is not inferior). The literature has pointed out directly that dis advantaged children have all of these characteristics except the last; and it has indicated that they also possess the last. The indication is found in the literature's discussion of the behaviors of disadvantaged children, for these can be seen as attempts to conceal inferiority. The following will point out the correspondence between Adler's views and several of these elements. 2. Four Harmful Early Life Situations Adler described four early life situations which are very likely to induce discouragement. Three of these situations— malnutrition, organ inferiority, and family neglect and hatred— are prevalent among disadvantaged children. The fourth situation— over-pampering— appears to be more common in Mexican-American families. 3. Inferiority Feelings and Discouragement a) Sources of the Feelings (1) Depreciation (a) The Result of Depreciation According to the literature, societal discrimination, teachers' disparagement of disadvantaged children, family neglect (which signifies to the child that he is not wanted), 382 and, among some Negroes, females' derogation from the masculine sex, all figure in the child's development of strong inferiority feelings. Adler wrote, "If we constantly tell a child that he is bad or stupid, he will become convinced in a short time that we are right and will not have sufficient courage thereafter to tackle any task presented to him." (4:400) (b) Depreciation the Child's Interpretation According to the literature, the child may mis interpret well-meaning remarks to mean depreciation, and consequently feel inferior. Adler pointed out that the child bases his behavior and life style (in this case, the sense of inferiority) on his own interpretations of situations and experiences. (2) Failure The literature has shown that the child is ill prepared to participate in life. His parents, through teaching him their defeatist philosophy of life, through their oppressive discipline (which includes their not ex plaining to the child the reasons for proper behavior), suppress his creativity, his inclination to think for him self and to participate with others (except peers). The parents also give the child little opportunity to cooperate with them. They do not prepare him adequately for school 383 in that they devalue education and teach him a non-standard language (English or Spanish) which retards his progress. From all this it would appear likely that the child would fail in several areas of life. He does fail in school, continually; and his failure increases as he continues in school. Failure reinforces his sense of inferiority, which in turn results in more failure. It is circular, phenomenon which becomes more deeply entrenched in time, until it becomes a significant part of life style. Adler pointed out that children need to be trained to meet the problems of life; if they are not, they will fail. "A failure in any given task often makes a child believe in his own incapacity." This belief can become an idde fixe. (2:97, 9 4). (3) The Emphasis on Masculinity The literature has reported that as the result of the high valuation of masculinity in the disadvantaged culture, some boys will over-emphasize masculinity while others will emulate women. These actions indicate that the boys feel they are worth nothing unless they are "masculine." One aspect of the over-emphasis on masculinity is the attempt to show that one is "tough." Adler wrote that masculinity is over-valued in our culture. Many men and women tend to be dubious as to 384 whether they can attain it (specifically, what it signifies— power, perfection, etc.)* Consequently, they are worried, and protest that they are really "masculine." Among boys, this protest can take the forms of the behaviors mentioned above. (Emulating women is an attempt to avoid having one's masculinity put to the test.) Adler pointed out that neglected and hated children tend to become "tough." (4) Other Sources of the Inferiority Feeling Adler has mentioned other situations which may lead a child to believe he is inferior. The literature showed that disadvantaged children find themselves in these situations, but did not point out that the situations lead to a sense of inferiority. They are: organ inferiority, malnutrition, being over-pampered, and over-burdenment. "In demanding more than the child can do, the idea of his own helplessness is thrown into his face."; (11566) Adler wrote: the school at times asks disadvantaged children to do work that they are not yet ready for. b) Ways in Which Disadvantaged Children Feel Inferior According to the literature, many disadvantaged children feel powerless, insignificant, unmanly. Various disadvantaged children feel relatively unintelligent, as if they were of little value to their families, and as if 385 they were outsiders in respect to school society. According to Adler, the inferiority feeling involves senses of powerlessness, insignificance, incapability, valuelessness, non-belongingness. 4. Lack of Hope The literature showed that disadvantaged children tend to lack hope. Low aspirations in education, work and social mobility have been specifically cited. The first two areas correspond to Adler's first life problem— work, with its preliminary form of school; and the third to the second problem, social living. That children have little hope of solving the third problem— love (preliminary form: relations with the opposite sex) is indicated by the facts that (a) many boys, over-emphasizing masculinity, regard women as conquest objects; (b) other boys tend to emulate women; and (c) some Negro females disparage the male sex. 5. Fear The literature pointed out that the children tend to fear (a) failure and (b) that they will be proved to be truly inferior. Adler noted that discouraged children fear that they will fail and therein be proved to be actually inferior. 6. Lack of Motivation The literature cited several factors in disadvantaged children's lack of motivation: 386 a) Their social problems (problems with family, peers, teachers, society in general) are so great that they give up trying to meet the world's demands (e.g., achieving in school). In short, they give up trying to solve the problems. Adler's view was that when the child finds himself unable to solve the problems of life (all of which are social), he tends to believe that this inability is perman ent and greater than it actually is. Afraid to face this awful and unbearable truth "head on," the child spends all his time trying to prevent himself from engaging in situa tions in which he might fail and therefore have to face it. This is concomitant with the non-development of social interest, the motivator for useful living. b) Society does not help disadvantaged children to develop social interest, it rather pictures the world as .unpleasant and tries to use self-aggrandizement as the motivator. According to Adler, only interest in the general welfare (which includes oneself) is a proper motivator. c) Teachers present middle class values to children in order to motivate them. But these are meaningless to the children and hence have no effect. Adler believed that one is motivated only when one develops and understands his own values (this understanding is one 387 dimension of social interest). B. Behavior Engaged in Because of Discouragement According to Adler, all the acts of discouraged children have various characteristics. In each act, one or two of the characteristics may predominate, and the act will be named accordingly. In the following, the character istics will be listed. Each will be followed by behavior of disadvantaged children in which the characteristic is predominant. 1. Detachment According to Adler, this is the basic characteristic. It is the running away from life, and its stimulus is fear that participation in lifd will reveal the child's horrible inferiority. Adler has pointed out detachment among neglected and hated children, children suffering from organ inferiority and malnutrition, and over-pampered children. According to the literature, many disadvantaged children withdraw from life into mental illness, from society into their subcultures, from their families and from the school into their peer groups. The detachment from the school takes the forms of dropout (psychological and physical) absence and truancy. 2. Over-Dependency and Over-Compliance Adler has indicated that discouraged children resort 388 to these behavior patterns.to prove that they are inferior and hence under no obligation to engage in situations in which their inferiority would be "brought home" to them. In other words, they can act as if they were inferior to avoid having to face the "fact" that they actually are inferior. According to the literature, Mexican-American and Negroes have a (now declining) tendency to be over-compliant, in order not to cause trouble. The tendency towards over-dependency is shown in overt over-dependency on teachers and peers, in the over emphasis on taking care of oneself, and in the testing of institutions to see that they are strict enough. 3. The Attempt to Prove Superiority According to Adler, discouraged children attempt to do this by seeking power over others and recognition of their superiority, proving their masculinity, and gaining feelings of superiority and self-esteem. He has referred to the neglected and hated child's tendency to seek power, and the diseased child's and pampered child's inclination to seek power and recognition. He pointed out that some children, in their quest for recognition, leave the apparently unconcerned school and unsuccessful school experience for the accepting delinquent gang. The literature discussed some disadvantaged children's 3 89 primary concern with getting attention in the classroom; and noted that disadvantaged children tend to seek and find power, status and a sense of belongingness only in the peer group and delinquent gang (they can find it nowhere else). Also, many disadvantaged boys try to be "masculine" (tough, strong, in authority); indeed, many disadvantaged Negro females attempt to assume the same characteristics (cf. the matriarchal structure of the family). Finally, disadvantaged children have sought to bolster self-esteem by saying falsely they have high educational and vocational goals. 4. Living under False Pretenses The last item of the previous paragraph is an example of living under false pretenses. Other examples, recorded by the literature, are Puerto Rican and other minority families denying they are what they are and children "conning" others. In general, positing that one is superior and acting as if one is inferior is living under false pretenses. Adler has written, "Lying is a compensation to keep the inferiority feeling from manifesting itself." (4:391-2) 5. Living for the Present Adler has indicated that the discouraged child believes that he is incapable of overcoming inferiority and hence of having a future in which he participates in the 390 useful, gratifying side of life. He has given up hope. According to the literature, disadvantaged children, having given up hope for the future (as well as being "forced" by poverty to concentrate on immediate problems), tend to live for the present. Such living tends to be disorganized, inconsistent, impulsive, and aimed at achiev ing immediate gratification (which comes only in the form of "kicks" or excitement). 6. Aggression Adler noted that discouraged children "are always engaged in a battle with their environment, which often takes place in silence and under cover. ..." Aggression may be prominent in diseased and neglected and hated children, as a result of their believing that the world is against them. Among the modes of aggression are blame, deprecition and crime. The literature showed that disadvantaged children, feeling that the world is hostile towards them, tend to aggress against the world. Modes of aggression include depreciation (of the dominant culture, education, intellec- tualism, work, and other disadvantaged persons); delinquency; aggressive repartee; and blaming of parents for troubles. Aggressive impulses tend to be suppressed if they are directed against the (powerful) dominant culture, and there are reports of covert and displaced aggression. 391 C. Creativity According to Adler, discouragement means discourage ment from striving on the useful side of life. The literature has shown that disadvantaged children are dis couraged from seeking high occupational and educational goals. Among the results are that their achievement in school is very low, and that they turn to crime as a substitute for creative, "honest" work. D. In Closing It has been demonstrated that the framework of Individual Psychology is such that it does address itself to the problems of these individuals in the literature has called disadvantaged. A major point which we wish to emphasize is that Individual Psychology is first a philosophy from which emanate a series of methods interwoven with one another and connected to the underlying philosophical base. In order to obtain optimal results, the "Gestalt" of the Adlerian approach must be understood and utilized. An important element which should be considered as a part of this schema is that of values. When Adler speaks of social interest and striving for perfection he is making a plea for man to have a value system of his own. It is this value system which helps people arise and overcome oppression and discouragement; that helps a 392 teacher to be an effective teacher, that helps a therapist to be an effective therapist. Just being allowed to be a student or a teacher is valueless. But being a person with values make the endeavor— whatever it may be— meaning ful to oneself and those who one influences. 393 CHAPTER VI. THE METHODOLOGY OF INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY A. Individual Psychology's Concepts of. and Recommenda tions for, Education 1, The Aims of Education Adler expressed his view of education's objective: . • . now it is the prevailing ideal of educa tion that children should be taught to think for themselves, should be given the opportunity to familiarize themselves with literature, the arts and sciences, and should grow up to share in our whole human culture and contribute to it. We no longer wish to train children only to make money or take a position under the industrial system. We want fellow men. We want equal, independent and responsible collaborators in the common work of culture (12:157). But this means that children must not be dis couraged : An educator's most important task — one might almost say his holy duty — is to see to it that no child is discouraged at school, and that a child who enters school already discouraged re gains his confidence in himself through his school and his teacher. This goes hand in hand with the vocation of the educator, for no educa tion is possible except with children who look hopefully and joyfully upon the future (2:84). 394 2. The Role of the School Adler explained his concept of the school's functions The school is the prolonged arm of the family. If parents were able to undertake the training of their children and fit them adequately for solving the problems of life, there would be no need for school education. Often in other cultures a child was trained almost completely in the family. A craftsman would bring up his sons in his own craft and teach them the skill he had acquired from his own father and from his practical experience. Our present culture, however, makes more complex demands on us, and schools are necessary to lighten the work of parents and carry on what they have begun. Social life needs a higher degree of education from its members than we can give them in the home (12:156). 3. Individual Psychology's Techniques for Helping SKllclren to Overcome Discouragement a) Introduction It has been shown that man behaves in accordance with his philosophy of life. The discouraged child's philosophy of life is: "Life means--to avoid facing the unbearable truth that I am hopelessly inferior," Thus the child spends all his time avoiding social situations (i.e., running away from life) for fear that he will fail in them and hence have to face this j "truth". The result is that he develops little social interest and is relatively unproductive. Thus the task of the educator is to help the child to change his philosophy to: "Life means~to contribute ! 395 to the whole." For then the child will participate with others, and help both them and himself. Adler explained the basic way in which this change is effected: Mistakes in the meaning given to life can be cor rected only by reconsidering the situation in which the faulty interpretation was made. Recog nizing the error and revising the scheme of apper ception (12:13). There are many techniques for enlightening and hence encouraging the child. The fundamental item which is common to all of them is almost a tautology for "enlightening the child". It is the activation of social interest. Activation of social interest is a near tautology for "enlightening the child" because one is able to understand things only through interest in them (see supra. Chapter IV). Thus a child will be enlightened about the meaning of life by becoming in terested in life . (4:341). It has been noted earlier that one's social inter est is "released" only when one's self-concept is adequate. Thus another item common to all techniques for enabling the child to see the meaning of life is assisting him to adopt a better self-concept — i.e., that of a capable, valuable part of the whole. Also, it appears that a child's adopting such a self-concept is inseparable from coming to understand the meaning of life: to see oneself as being capable of contri bution is to understand one's purpose? and "oneself" is a manifestation of life. The process of enlightenment, regardless of the techniques employed, has two basic steps. The first step has two aspects. One aspect is that the educator gives the child a contact with a true fellow human being (the educator), and gives him the experiences of having as a friend a trustworthy equal (6:14, 167-8; 211:119). The other aspect is that the educator attracts the child's interest, wins his good will and confidence, i.e., wins his to cooperation with the educator (4:399? 6:14? 7:20-1). The idea is that in being a friend to the child, the educator reduces the child's belief that he is un acceptable and incapable, thus enabling the child's social interest to be "released" somewhat, and, in this case, directed toward the educator. Stimulated by social interest, the child allows himself to be receptive to the educator, allows the educator to help him — in a word, cooperates with the educator. What is basically happening in this situation, is that the child and educator are cooperating suc cessfully together — that is, through their inter action they are helping the child (and, it should be added, the educator as well (12:180). 397 The second step of the process is to enable the child to transfer his enlargened social interest to all others (4:399; 6:168; 6:14). The child, seeing that he cooperates successfully with the educator in the first step, is stimulated and interested in co operating in other situations. The educator provides such situations for the child (e.g., he places him in a work group with other children), making sure that the situations are those in which the child can suc ceed. Thus the child does succeed in them, and he is thereby stimulated to widen the circle of his parti cipation even more. This widening continues until the child comes to realize fully the meaning of life; i.e., until his new experiences have fully proven to him that life means contribution. At this point the child is able to rid himself of discouragement and to become a more positive contributor to his and soci ety's development. (This process, by the way, constitutes the mother's responsibility towards her child. It is her I duty "(1) to join with the child and to give him the j experience of a trustworthy fellow man, and (2) to increase and spread the (awakened) social interest and thus to strengthen independence and "courage" (4:119), If the mother has not performed this task, 398 then it must be undertaken by the teacher of the psycho therapist (4:399; 7:20-1), b) Techniques to Employ (1) Explain the Child’s Mistakes to Him The first technique the educator must use is to explain to the child his (e.g. the child's view about the meaning of life) (4:397): The life-style of every individual can be altered only by the individual's own recognition of his faults and errors. If we have to do with the formation of a mistaken life-style and if we are in a position to understand the error involved, then, perhaps we may be in a position to reveal evidence enough to convince the child that at a certain point he has made a misstep which must necessarily prove injurious to him if he continues in the mistaken direction. We should not say that the individual must pay for his mistake, but rather that he must inevitably experience the con sequences of his error,1* Sometimes I find it necessary to put his problem clearly before the child himself, not to humiliate him but to make him understand why he is lazy or cowardly or behind in his work, as a shop teacher might show a boy how to repair a machine by point ing out the maladjustment that keeps it from work ing properly, I have never known a child who could not understand his difficulties when they are set before him. If I find a child who fails to follow me as I trace the roots of his mistakes, I can al ways be sure that I have blundered either in inter preting his situation or in describing it to him. 1* The principle of experiencing the consequences of one's own error has been called by Adlerians, "natural consequences". (293:139-140) 399 Every normal [that is, not feeble-minded] child is capable of fathoming the springs of his own action and reaching a true understanding of his own life (216:11). As indicated above, all techniques for helping the child involve the adoption by him of a positive self- concept, with its attendant feelings of self-confidence. Adler pointed out how this adoption is involved in the technique of explaining mistakes: "Practically, [making a child understand his mistakes about the meaning of life] . . • means: to make him independent and autono mous; to awaken his self-confidence." (6:100) Ganz has added that a bhild whose mistakes have been explained to him and who has been shown other ways he can behave, "feels relieved, as it were, of a burden that had oppress ed it; and in recognizing its error it feels, perhaps for the first time, what it is to be responsible." (78:64) (2) Explain the Meaning of Life to the Child Adler wrote, "we must always encourage (children) . • •, always try to explain to them the significance of real life so that they do not create a chasm between their fantasies and the world." (2:148) Adler indicated that this means explaining life's striving for superiority and the advantages and purpose of contribution (12:68-9). (3) Explain to the Child That He Can Have Hope "One should . . . inspire the child with optimism, j 4oa As Virgil said, 'they can because they think they can.'" (2:81). There are a number of ways to do this. For ex ample, Adler stated: But the fact that changes in relative position [how well a child is doing academically in relation to others in the class] do take place once in a while is important: it shows that there is no fatality that governs the intellectual status of a child. Children should know of this, and be brought to understand its application in their own case (2:175). Liars who brag can be inculcated with hope: The only thing which will prove fruitful [for these children] is explanation. "You don't have to run away, you don't have to resort to lies, you don't have to brag. If you really want to make an effort— you can satisfy your strivings for recognition by doing useful things, and you won't have to resort to foolish tricks." (6:106) Slow improvement need not discourage children; When a child has been training himself in a wrong direction for years, it is impossible to expect that a single conversation will change his pattern. The educator must have patience. In such cases where the; children make attempts to improve and have an occa sional relapse, it is sometimes advisable to explain to the child that improvement does not come quickly. This quiets the child and does not permit him to be discouraged (2:91). (4) Show the Child That All Men are Equal in Their Potential for Growth Adler indicated that this is also a technique. In discussing therapy for a pampered child, Adler wrote, "One could tell him that everybody has difficulties and that one must be strong in the face of these difficulties." (6:70) The task would then be to help the child find ways! 401 of facing these difficulties. Another statement of Adler's indicates the useful ness of pointing out that all men are equal in their potential for growths If the child has been trained to feel himself an equal member of society and to understand his task of contribution, and especially if he has been train ed to regard members of the other sex as comrades and equals, adolescence will give him only an opportunity to begin his creative and independent solution of the adult problems of life. If he feels on a lower level than others, [he can accomplish what is necessary only if someone is always present to compel him] . . If he is left to himself he is timid and he fails. Such a child would be well adapted for slavery, but in freedom he is lost (12:195-6), (5) Explain the Motivations of the Child's True Enemies Adler provided an example of this device: We know that children with red hair are exposed to teasing from which they suffer . . . One must explain to such children that there is a whole series of injustices in mankind, that people often find a means of oppressing others, and that this always takes the same form. If one people wants to depreciate another, if one family considers itself superior to another, then they stress particular traits to use as a point of attack. But this takes place only if the object of the attack lends himself to it. The red-haired boy must understand that he is not there to serve as a target for the others in letting them irritate him . . ,[He] must consider the attack on account of his hair as a sign of stupidity on the part of the one who launches it (4:455) . In discussing the therapy for a child who suffered this abuse, Adler stated, "If he managed to understand that he is only the target for something which is always with us, and which is always looking for a target, 402 he would laugh about it and the effect would be that no body would enjoy attacking him anymore," (6:112) or at least he would not be as sensitive to the attack and the effects would be minimal, (6) Encourage Independence and Cooperation (a) Introduction As pointed out earlier, the objective of the edu cator is to enable the child to see that life means con tribution — people contributing to one another and thereby helping themselves and the other. Such a process appears to be made up of two elements: independence and cooperation. One can contribute only if he is independ ent: only he can make his contribution; it comes from himself; if he decides to become a parasite, it means he has decided not to do anything, and therefore not do any thing that can help (2:211), But to make a contribution also means to cooperate, for growth and development come about only through mutual participation (see supra, Chapter IV), In sum, if there is to be participation, and hence growth, there must be participators, i The above implies a circular phenomenon. Coopera tion results in growth, and one form of growth is greater independence. Individual Psychology holds that one be comes independent through cooperation with others (78:74)* 403 But in addition, independence permits better cooperation. As Ganz has stated, "experiences proves that it is only to the degree that a person attains independence that he becomes capable of real co-operation." (78:60). Thus the children are encouraged both to become independent and cooperative. In the present discussion, independence will be emphasized first. But it will be seen that, in every case, a prerequisite for developing independence is putting the child in a situation in which he cooperates to some extent. Then the independence which he gains is used to help him cooperate in other situations. (b) Independence Adler stated that to make children more independent means to bring them . . . through various devices to the point where they necessarily acquire faith in their own mental and physical powers. They simply must be convinced that what they have not yet achieved can readily be at tained by industry, perseverence [sic], practice, and courage. One must put tasks in their way which they can accomplish, and from the accomplishment of which they can gain faith in themselves (2:81,73). Once the child has succeeded on his own and thereby gained faith in himself in one sphere, he will begin to have sufficient' courage to participate in other spheres. As Adler put it, "The educator's task is much easier when he starts with a single encouraging accomplishment and 404 uses it to make the child believe he can be just as suc cessful in other things. It is enticing the child, as it were, from one fruitful pasture to another." (2:53) This enlargement of the child's participation apparently can take the form of one or two of six basic patterns: from educator (original sphere) to other people; from educator to activities; from educator to other people and activities; from one activity to other activities; from activity to people; from activity to people and other activities. The pattern, "from educator to other people and activities," is, as can easily be seen, the action that is the subject of this chapter; how the educator encour ages the child to take part in life. The first step is winning the child's confidence: putting him in a posi tion in which he does not feel like a nothing, in which he has enough courage to respond to the educator, that is, to work with the educator to solve his problems (see supra. Chapter VI, Section A). Thus the child has some faith in himself in his situation with the educator, and can be "enticed" into other situations. Adler pointed out other patterns in which the re lationship to the educator is the point of departure: "It is necessary to bring them [discouraged children] into friendly relation with the teacher in order to increase 405 the circle of people in whom they have confidence." (6:14) "Concentration on school subjects is largely dependent upon the child's interest in the teacher," (2:167) In regards to the pattern in which success in an activity encourages a child to try other activities, Adler wrote: ... we can always find out how to educate children by consulting their interests and finding out the subjects in which they can be successful. Nothing succeeds like success . . . [This] means that if a child is interested in one subject and is successful in it he will be stimulated to go on to other things. It is up to the teacher to utilize the pupils' suc cesses as stepping-stones to greater knowledge. The pupil alone does not know to do this, . , What we have said about subjects of interest applies also to the sense organs of children. We must find out which sense organ is the most used and what type of sensations fascinate the child most. There are many children who are better trained in seeking and looking, others in listening, still others in moving, etc. In recent years the so-called manual schools have come into favor, and they utilize the sound principle of combining subjects of instruc tion with the training of the eyes, ears, and hands. The success of these schools is an indication of the importance of harnessing the physical interests of the child (2:185-6). Adler indicated that success in an activity can also encourage children to attempt both other activities and relationships with other people: The best way to teach subjects is in coherence with the rest of life, so that the children can see the purpose of the instruction and the practical value of what they are learning. A question is often raised whether it is better to teach children subjects or teach them to think for themselves. It 406 seems to me that too severe an antithesis is made in this question. Both methods can be combined. It is a great advantage, for example, to teach a child mathematics in connection with the building of houses, and let him find out how much wood is needed, how many people will live there, and so forth. Some subjects can easily be taught together, and we often find experts in linking one part of life to another. A teacher, for example, can take a walk with the children and find out what they are most interested in. He can teach them at the same time to understand plants and plant structure, the evolution and use of the plant, the influences of climate, the physical features of the country, the history of mankind and indeed almost every aspect of life (12:162-3) . Perhaps one point should be clarified. It has been indicated that the point of departure is both a child's faith in himself in regards to one activity or person and the child's interest in that activity or person. Adler has indicated that these two things cannot be separated (6:114; 4:372-4). He means that when a child has no faith in himself he is concerned only with concealing his inferiority; but when a child does have faith in himself (as a result of successful participating with others), he feels free to, and desires to, direct his interest toward still more others. This is the meaning of Adler's state ment, "We cannot agree with those who speak out for mak ing things easy — who believe that everything is saved if difficulties are done away with. Social feeling (i.e. social interest) itself is derived only from the arduous creative effort of each individual," (6:xiv) Only when social interest is a part of one's internal value struc- ; 407 ture is he fully able to use it in a creative and mean ingful way, (c) Cooperation i The Encouragement of Occupation It will be remembered that one of the three (social) ties to life is occupation, Adler has indi cated that children should consider and perhaps train for their desired occupations early in life: this directs their interest outward and prepares them ade quately for the social cooperation that will be needed when they actually assume these occupations (12:243-4, 245-6). Adler did not believe this should be an either/ or situation — but felt the inherent value would facili tate any future endeavor, ii The Establishment of Communities In September, 1931, the first Adlerian Experiment al School was founded. It was a high school for boys, located in a disadvantaged area in Vienna (78:49). The school was closed in February, 1934, due to Fascist oppression (386:2), A new school opened in September, 1946, in a working class area in Vienna. It originally consisted of higher elementary school students (fifth through eight graders) and grew by 1946 to include also lower elementary students and a "three one-year classes for children over fourteen," (386:2,4) A major technique used by these schools was (and is) the formation of the students into communities. These communities are not separate, concrete societies, but rather kinds of interrelationships among the child ren, Furthermore, the children are not divided up into communities; rather, they are all members of all the communities. Actually, each community appears to be a different aspect of the children's interrelations. Also, the communities' boundaries (or sub-boundaries) are the classrooms: communities are generally formed in each class. This does not mean, the literature indicates, that the whole school is not regarded as a community, or that children of various classes do not have communal relationships. It is just that within the classroom, communities are formed; these indeed may be sub-communi ties of the general school community. They do not at all indicate exclusion of other students, or divisiveness among classes. Ganz has referred to five communities used in the first experimental school; Spiel, to three which are employed in the second, a - The Work Community TirArbeitsgemeinschaf t") The content of this community was the children and the teacher working together with the objective of the 409 children's developing the capacities necessary for lead ing the fullest, most productive life (78:61,74). It in no way requires any child to do another's work for him: "The master • . . encourages original and personal work as much as he can, allowing the children to seek and find for themselves what used to be presented to them 'pre masticated'." (78:61) It also emphasized corporation: But what a pleasure it is to see a whole class in eager and animated discussion upon a question raised by one of the pupils~for example, why has Sweden so warm a climate while Greenland has a polar climate, both at the same latitude? It was about half an hour before one of them thought of mentioning the Gulf Stream, Then, and not till then, the master took the floor to complete and correct the explana tion that the pupils themselves had put forward [this indicates the encouragement of independence]. We are very sure that not one of these children will in future forget the capital importance of this factor in the European climate (78:61). One important aspect of the work community is that the more advanced children can help the lesser advanced. Adler did not believe that children who are not well pre pared for school, e.g., poor children, "should be placed in slower classes, A well-trained teacher will know how to correct their lack of preparation and they will gain from association with children who are better prepared". (12:71) Similarly, Spiel noted that when a problem child (the "problem child" is a discouraged child striving for personal superiority) (6:10,164) is admitted to a class, 410 He is continually provoked to co-operate, indirectly through the intensive activity of the other pupils and directly through the urge of the comrades who prompt, "Can you tell us what you think about it? Perhaps our new friend can tell us how his former colleagues have handled this subject." At some time the new pupil, driven by his interest, will make some remark, and since the community has been prepared for it, this positive contribution will be immediately appreciated by the collective. Without singing his praise, but purely as a matter of fact, his contri bution is demonstratively acknowledged (386:9). The work community provides its own discipline. Spiel continued: Thus work is the basic element to bring forth order. A class full of interest, working at their own prob lems, does not offer any difficulties in discipline. All guests from here or abroad tell us that our children show a true inner discipline (386:9). b - The Administrative Community P ’ Verwaltungsge- meinscha^t'1) The fact that the work community provides its own discipline shows that the communities of the children are different dimensions of their interrelationships rather than different kinds of societies. For one of the func tions of the second community, the administrative com munity, was to provide self-discipline through self- government: What matters to the Adlerian is that the child should develop its personality and remain true to it while respecting that of its comrades . . . It is only by governing themselves that children gain the per spicacity to distinguish the situations in which 411 they can "give a lead" from those in which their duty is to submit to the community. Taking more pains to understand the actions of the others than to judge them, they will then make the effort needed to put themselves in the place of this or that school fellow, and will explain to him any mistake he may have made, showing him also how he ought to behave in any similar case in the future. A child thus admon ished feels relieved, as it were, of a burden that had oppressed it; and in recognizing its error it feels, perhaps for the first time, what it is to be responsible (78:63-4). Dreikurs told of, and recommended, one form of ad ministrative community that is being used today — the student council, . . . [The] student council meets once or twice a week and [in it, the pupils] . . . may discuss any thing they want to . . . This may be situations which are threatening to them, for example, exams or teach er-parent discussions of student misbehavior. Two or three members are selected by the group for a certain time limit. Usually, it is for two weeks. All grievances and suggestions are brought to them first. They then bring it up for discussion with the entire class. The opinion of the council carries more weight than the opinion of the teacher. If the council discusses the disturbances John creates by tapping on the desk, the problem is invariably solved more satisfactorily than if the teacher had repri manded him. Every two weeks the group elects a new council until all children in the class have had a chance, During the first part of the year the teacher must participate actively as a member of the group. When the discussion strays, the teacher may have to lead it back to its original purpose. The teacher may point out to the student council that some children have not been called upon to express their views, or that they have allowed some child to talk too long. Sometimes the teacher may have to have a special meeting with the members of the council in order to point out specific problems existing in the group, which they can bring up for discussion (65:188-9). 412 Adler pointed out that students need to be prepared before they can become self-governing: "We can allow the children at first to watch what is going on, or to act in an advisory capacity. If children are given complete self-government without preparation, we shall find that they are more severe and strict in their punishments than are the teachers, or even that they use their political functions for personal advantage and superiority." (2:174) c - The Community of Convers ation ("Aussprachgemein- schaft") — Part“7 This community is inseparable from the others. For instance, it has been seen how conversation is neces sary to work and self-government. Ganz pointed up its relationship to the administrative community and the community of mutual aid (to be discussed next): By the community of conversation they [the children] learn how to listen to their neighbor, to judge of his argument while considering all the circumstances which have conditioned his behavior. For it is difficult not to begin by unloading all one has on one's own heart, instead of first helping one's com rade by trying to understand him. , , The child who has learned to discern the motives and the conse quences of its actions will be the most likely also to develop its comrade to do the same. Every child needs thus to find the just measure between the feelings of relief it experiences in these conversa tions and the feelings of responsibility that they also induce (78:74-5). Spiel pointed out one of the major ways in which the community of conversation is identified with the com- 413 munity of mutual aid: children can be encouraged through mutual conversation: The children experience another world when they realize that the children discuss everything; what furthers them, what oppresses and hampers them, what helps their work or hinders it, who or what disturbs them, what they judge should be done and how it could be done better, and how to choose their help ers when difficulties arise. They do control and criticize, but they also suffer criticism because they feel it to be of help. Here, especially, our problem children learn that, "Here, even ! E am allow ed to speak. Here I may have an opinion of my own. Here I am taken seriously. No one laughs at me be cause I am different. Here is consideration and negotiation. Here we think over what could be going on in another child's mind when he does not behave well. Here we learn to understand one another and to help one another. Here we really live together." (386:10-11) d - The Community of Mutual Aid T"S tutzungsqe- meinschaft") This is the community "which prompts the child to be always ready to help its neighbour, as the most natural thing in the world." (78:75) Examples of it have been shown in work (more advanced children helping lesser ad vanced children); see also (78:68-9) and in conversation (encouraging problem children). e - The Community of Life and Experience ("Eriebnisgemein- scKkrt^r ---- By this we mean [Ganz wrote] whatever draws the children together in a bond of feeling, whether it be a spectacle they all admire, a new invention they; have just seen at an exhibition, and so forth. Do j they not from time to time enjoy the incomparable 414 pleasure of a journey together, of acquiring unfor gettable memories in common? . . . A sufficiency of such shared experience constitutes an essential factor in social education. In experiencing the same feelings as their comrades all become aware of a real community of life (78:74), Spiel went one step further: "Only if we experi ence what community is really like are we ready to work for it. " (386:10) Spiel noted that other forms of community experi ence are class projects: Each class forms its own Christmas festival, its Carnival party, its Easter feast. There are also big feasts for the parents, children's teas with their self-made programs, dances with a real polo naise , , , There are performances of modern plays, and musicales such as Hindemith's We Build a Town. . . . Under the exchange program of Vienna's Schul- landheimwerk (summer camps), a group of boys and girls oi: our Hauptschule (higher elementary school) make a trip to England every year for four weeks and live there in the [yecch] English way (386:10), f - The Community of Con versation — Part lT ~ ~ It would be fitting to conclude this section with further observations by Ganz of the Community of Conver sation in the first experimental school: The course of the collective conversations illus trates very clearly how children make progress towards abstract thinking. The questions they dis cuss grow more and more general in character as the children's outlook widens to a more and more ex tensive horizon. At first it is predominantly points of order, that arouse discussion, for it is the deepening of the notion of discipline that is the starting point for that long interior travail which leads from anarchy to autonomy. Later on come such questions as the legible writing, the combative instinct, and religion, until one day there awakens, 415 in the already ripening minds of the children, a sense of the illimitable indebtedness and duty of the individual to the community. Other questions recur regularly; that of econo mizing, for instance, which renews its urgency every year in view of the school excursion. Thus when the time comes for leaving school, these child ren will have worked out a kind of practical philo sophy, inspired by the principles of the Adlerian psychology. Dr, Adler was once present at the last collective conversion of a class that was on the point of leaving school. The discussion turned upon the mean ing of life, and the children arrived of themselves at this most characteristic Adlerian conclusion: the meaning of life is to make a contribution to the community. Dr. Adler was so surprised and moved at this time that he felt unable to add a word (78:106-7). c) Techniques to Avoid Adler warned against giving children too much work: "Burdening a child with things that make too great a demand on his physical or mental resources may easily lead him to take up an attitude opposed to contact with life, by causing him pain or exhaustion." (9:227). Disparagement of the child creates the greatest difficulties (12:165); "If we constantly tell a child that he is bad or stupid, he will become convinced in a ! short time that we are right and will not have sufficient: courage thereafter to tackle any task presented to him. He does not understand that the environment originally ¥ destroyed his self-confidence and that he is subcon sciously arranging his life to prove this fallacious 416 judgment correct," (2:126). Another thing to be avoided is the placement of lower achieving students into slower classes: "If they are placed in slower grades, they are generally quite aware of the fact; and the children in the quicker grades know it too, and look down on the others. This is fertile ground for discouragement and strivings for personal superiority," (12:173) Punishment should be refrained from. First, it "serves no purpose: the style of life is fixed after the fourth or fifth year and cannot be modified except by the subject's own recognition of his mistakes and errors. What can one change by verbal means? Only errors." (6:13) Punishment only reinforces the child's way of liv ing, For pampered children, it confirms their opinion that others are against them (12:17). Punishment of lazy children helps them, in a sense: they are punished for not working up to capacity. This intimates to them that their capacity is high, thus allaying their very great anxiety that their capacity is really low. Thus their attempt to allay their anxiety is given a boost (2:66; 6:92), Perhaps punishment will fulfill the children's purpose of aggression: "Certain children will take thrashings willingly because they can then experience the triumph of having irritated their fathers." (6:92-3). Also, Adler referred to a discouraged child, saying, ___ "punishment would only be a confirmation [in his mind] of his inability , . ." (6:9 8) In a similar vein, children who do not like school and are therefore having difficulty in it should not be scolded or criticized: this would only show them that they were right to dislike school. The result: truancy, poor performance, becoming "difficult to handle". (12:160-1) Finally, problem children, "like criminals, are intoxicated with the idea of being strong". (12:214) And, actually, in a sense, they are stronger than the educator: "They do not take any responsibility. And he who assumes responsibility is never the stronger one." (6:172) Therefore, the educator should not fight with them — i.e., have a sort of tug of war with them over who is the stronger. For they will win out, thus rein forcing their sense of strength (6:172; 12:214). d) Tools and Characteristics of the Educator (1) Understanding and Social Interest In encouraging the child, the educator's first duty appears to be a two-fold phenomenon: to understand the child's original error in regards to the meaning of life and to have social interest in him (12:19). This is a single phenomenon: one aspect of social interest is understanding (see supra, Chapter IV). Therefore, 418 social interest is basically at work in the following description of how understanding is acquired. Adler re fers to the necessity of being able to feel with the child, to think with him, [i.e., have empathy with him], and conclude that under the same conditions [that the child experienced], and with the same mistaken goal of a personal superi ority, we would have acted in mucn the same way. With such an approach, a good deal of what pre viously appeared to deserve punishment disappears, which is by no means to be regretted. Our under standing and knowledge are increased, and, most important, we can recognize the connection between the innermost essence of such a child or adult, and his style of life (6:1). Social interest has been referred to as a motiva tor. Thus to say that an educator needs social interest is to say that he needs not only understanding, but also adequate motivation. But understanding and motivation cannot be separated, as indicated in a previously-quoted sentence by Spiel: "Only if we experience what community is really like are we ready to work for it." (386:10; 216:6;12:22) Adler has pointed out that teachers need to be trained to fulfill the task of education -- teaching children how to become "equal, independent and responsible collaborators in the common work of culture." (12:157) This means that, as far as discouraged children are con cerned, teachers should be trained to help the children overcome discouragement (12:158) . In effect, teachers should be trained to become, 419 to understand the behavior of their children as psycho logists. "Indeed, it would be our hope, if all the teachers could be trained, that psychologists would become unnecessary." (12:180). (2) . Clues to Understanding Full understanding of the child does not come right away, and would appear to be delayed by the fact that the educator cannot spend much time with the child alone, as he has all his other pupils to consider. But even in an over crowded class, understanding of each student is possible (2:181). [Adler recommended,] If a teacher could be with the same children for two, three, or four years, it would be a great advantage all around. Then the teacher would have an opportunity for knowing all the children intimately. He would be able to know the mistakes in each one's style of life and correct them. (2:18) There are many clues which reveal the child's mis taken interpretations to the teacher. The best one is the degree of the child's (present) ability to cooperate (12:48) This ability is seen most clearly when the child is con fronted with new situations (2:156). For example, When the child first goes to school, he is 'facing a new test in social life; and this test will reveal any mistakes in his development* Now he must cooper ate in a wider field than before, and, if he has been pampered at home, he will perhaps be unwilling to leave his sheltered life and join in with the other < children. In this way we can see in~his:very fii&t day at school the limits of social feelings in a pampered child. He will perhaps cry and wish to be taken home. He will not be interested in school tasks and in his teacher. He will not listen to what is said, because he is thinking of himself all the time. (12:159). 420 (Another important clue is] the characteristic made [sic] in which the individual strives for superiority [security, power, perfection, depreciation of others]. [Other symbols are] The degree of . • . common sense that is manifested, [and] the individual manner of looking at the world. (6:viii) A major clue is the child's background (6:171;2:101). In the last chapter it was noted how various background sit uations (neglect, organ inferiority, poverty, chronological status relative to other siblings, etc.) encourage the children to adopt certain negative ideas. Dreams and memories are valuable indicators: Dreams and associations may prove useful: the person ality is the same in dreaming life as in waking life, but in dreams the pressure of social demands is less acute and the personality will be revealed with fewer safeguards and concealments. The greatest of all helps, however, in gaining a quick comprehension of the meaning an individual gives to himself and to life comes through his memories. Every memory, however trivial he may think it, represents to him something memorable. It is memorable because of its bearing on life as he pictures It, it says to him, "This is what you must expect," or "This is what you must avoid," or "Such is life." Again we must stress that the exper ience persists in memory and is used to crystallize the meaning given to life. Every memory is a momento. (12:19) . Everything about the child is expressive of his phil osophy of life (it was noted earlier that all of one'>s be havior is direct towards the achievement of his goal): . . . every expression will lead us. . . towards the one motive, the one melody, around which the person ality is built. . . Every word, thought, feeling, or gesture contributes to our understand. . . We cannot finally decide the meaning of one expression until we can see its part in the whole; but every expression is saying the same thing, every expression is urging us towards the solution. (12:71). 42i The interpretation of gestures and unostentatious forms of expression is an almost unexplored field* Probably no one is in so good a position as the teacher to arrange all these forms into a scheme and to examine their connection with each other and their origin. (2:153). (d). Child Guidance Clinics? An Approach (1) History The first child guidance clinic was founded by Adler before World War I, but it was closed during the war (4:392-3). In 1920 a new clinic was established in Vienna (78:109). "By 1934 the number of clinics had increased to over thirty, when they were closed by the semi-dictatorship of Schuschnigg which preceded the coming of Hitler"(4:393). In 1939 an Adlerian Guidance Clinic was opened in Chicago; today there are four in that city (366:70), as well as a few other clinics through the United States. These clinics, from time to time, have also been called advisory councils and child guidance centers. "Advisory council" connotes the more informal, less insti tutionalized setting with an emphasis on educating parents, teachers and psychologists in regards to Individual Psy chology's techniques and philosophy of life (261:171; 209:490-1). (2) Method The procedure for treatment in a clinic may vary in details from clinic to clinic (78:111), but basically they 422 operate as follows. Parents, teachers and other inter ested persons gather together to watch, and perhaps to participate in, a therapy session which is led by a psychologist, and which is also attended by the teacher of the child to be treated. At first, the child and his par ents are not present before the group. The psychologist analyzes what he knows of the child's case before the audience. Then the parent (usually the mother) is brought in, and the psychologist finds out what he can about the child's situation from her. The parent leaves and the child is brought in. The psychologist wins his confidence, explains to him his mistakes and encourages him to change his attitudes. The psychologist asks the child to return in a couple of weeks or perhaps a month. This is intended partially to express to the child the psychologists' faith that the child can improve. The child leaves and the mother returns. The psychologist tactfully, conveys to her his interpretation of the case, and indicates ways in which the family may help. In the child's second visit, the psychologist gives him further insight and advice. Outside of the therapy sessions, a lay assistant, appointed by the council, may look after the child during certain periods of the day (261:171; 78:114). In the public session, the audience may and fre quently does participate actively. In Chicago, after the 423 parent . . . tells his story and the psychologist offers an explanation of the problem, The other members of the group begin to participate in the discussion. They ask questions referring to the case as presented by the mother. The counselor (psychologist) leads the discussion, explaining to the mother the difficulties of the particular family constellation and also answering questions which other mothers or teachers ask. The questions of sib ling rivalry, of punishment and reward, social inte gration, overprotection of the child, school problems, etc., are discussed. The parents of the child begin to see an entirely new approach to their problem. They are encouraged; they feel that they are not alone with their diffi culties, since many other parents seem to be having the same or similar problems (366:71). The mere presence of the audience induces another feeling in the parents: that they have the "confidence and support of society." For from the psychologists approach, they know that they have his confidence and sup port, and consciously or unconsciously, they conclude that the audience feels the same way (4:394). Because of the public nature of the sessions, the child is given the same feelings that the parents are given -- that he is not alone, that he has the support of others (4:394). Adler indicated that the child's social interest may be better awakened because of this (6:52). In 19 31, Adler wrote: "After the experiences of these fifteen years, I think I may say that these Advisory Councils have proved a complete success and offer us the best instrument we possess for dealing with the problems 424 of childhood and educating children to be responsible fellow men." (12:178) (Also, see Adler's interest in councils not based in Individual Psychology ~ 12:178,) f) Parents "Often the parents are completely discouraged and have no faith whatsoever in their child," Grunwald has pointed out (293:141). Thus the task of the educator, who often seeks the help of the parents, becomes more difficult. But he still can secure their help, and even help them. The advisory council affects the parents positively. Their feelings of not being alone and being supported have been referred to. In Chicago, The mother is asked to come every week [to the coun cil's sessions], even if she has no individual inter view. By sitting in the audience, listening, and taking part in the discussions, she is engaged in the training process of re-education (366:73). In the Alfred Adler Consultation Center and Mental Hygiene Clinic in New York City, The mothers [of problem children] are assigned to group discussions . . . Fathers occasionally are drawn into the counseling process, siblings rarely, and even grandparents, if available, because we have found that problem children can best be helped if a change in the relationship of the whole family is brought about. • • * [The mothers] become so deeply involved that their discussions branch out from educational into other intra-and interpersonal spheres (261:172). The Vienna Experimental school also seeks the aid 425 of the parents: The parents of the pupils form parents' association which meet once a month and discuss subjects of com mon interest such as: "Why co-education?"; "Pro blems of Education in Puberty"; "Modern History Teaching"; "Why a school Parliament?": "Kindness and Severity Both Ineffective"; and "School Once and Now." More effective in their pedagogical value are the meetings of the parents of one class. Nearly every month the teacher calls the parents of her class to a meeting. In the Elementary School nearly 100 per cent rarely under 75 per cent, follow this invitation. In these class meetings there is a close contact between parents and teacher, with a most favorable result. All the problems of the class can be discussed and many a clever teacher conducts group-therapy. It is understood that parents may attend class lessons occasionally. We have open doors (386:11). For Adler, the educational process was one which involved all aspects of life, and all of the individuals with whom the child interacted. He strongly urged that all community institutions assume a greater role in the function of educating children. Also, Adler urged that children be given responsibility in determining how their lives were to be governed, so that "cooperation" and "choice" became integral parts of daily living. B. Evidence Showing the Efficacy of Individual Psychology's Educational Techniques 1, Introduction The following presents evidence, outside of the Adlerian experimental schools and child guidance clinics, that Individual Psychology's educational techniques over come discouragement and permit children to learn. These 426 techniques have been particularly useful for disadvantaged children, whose discouragement tends to be extreme. In general ., the following points out how disadvantaged children are helped and how discouragement, taken as a pattern in itself, may be overcome. Most of the following studies and programs prove the validity of more than one of Adler's techniques. They do not conveniently fall into groups which are distinguish ed by certain kinds of techniques. Therefore, they are presented in accordance with an alphabetical listing of their authors' names. At the conclusion of the examina tion of each study, the techniques utilized are summarized. Following is a list of all the techniques discussed by the evidence. After each technique is the number(s) of the study or program in which it is utilized. Actually, any technique listed is only a rough guide to what actual ly occurred. This is because the techniques are so inter dependent, Therefore, for instance, the techniques, "utilizing interest""stimulating interest," and "widening interest and participation" all involve characteristics of one another. The teacher stimulates or utilizes the child's interest in one area to widen the sphere of his interest and participation. The techniques chosen to be in the summary concluding each report on evidence are dictated by the emphasis the report gives to the methods used. A reportt of course, may imply the existence of certain techniques which it does not mention. For in stance, one report may show that the explanation of mis takes is a valuable tool; however, the report will not say that the person explaining first wins the child's confi dence . The following are techniques with the appropriate report numbers: a) General encouragement: 11, 14_, 1£, 20_, £2, 32. b) Enlightenment (1) General enlightenment: 1, 9_, 1£, 19, 29, 30. (2) Explaining the child's mistakes to him: 14_, 20, 28' 32. (3) Natural consequences: 13^ 20. (4) Explaining to him that he can have hope: 16. c) Improving the child's faith in himself, so that he gains courage to participate in more activities. (1) Helping him to improve his self-concept and self-confidence: 9_, 3J2, 1£, 2£, 2! 5 , 33. (2) Stimulating his interest: 3^ £, 1£, 16. (3) Utilizing his interests: 2£, 33. (4) Widening interest and participation: 2, 10_, 16, (5) Encouraging independence: £, 5 £ , 1£, 19_, 20, 27, 28, 29. d) Encouraging cooperation: 1^, 5_, 10_, 1£, 19, 2£, 21, 22, 23, 31a, (1) Encouraging occupation: 3^ (2) Work community: 31b. (3) Administrative community: 1^, 1£, 23. (4) Community of conversation: 19_, £3, 3£, 32, 34. (5) Community of mutual aid: jj, 8, 31b, 32. e) The educator's social interest, which entails under standing: £, (6, 11, 1^, 21, £2, 32. f) The help of parents: 3_* Z' Zr ii.» ZZ' iZ' Zi.' ZZ' 34. 2, The Evidence Study #1. Ametzian (469:105-A) Purpose: ", . .to determine the degree to which early in tervention in the lives of lower-class children would make a difference in their intellectual and social development." (469:105-A) Sample: "60 three-and four-year old children . . . Each subject was . , . randomly assigned to either the experi 429 mental or control group. The former consisted of 24 sub jects? the latter consisted of 36 subjects." (469:105-A) Method; The experimental treatment consisted of a full day six-month pre-school program with special emphasis on development of language and social skills, and good patterns of health . . . The criterion measures included the Stanford Binet Intelligence Scale and the San Francisco Social Competency Scale, which were used as pre and post test measures, and a Language Test devised by the investigator (469:105-A), The control group remained at home. Results; The experimental group scored significantly higher on intelligence and social competency (p< .01), It also scored higher on the Total Language Test (p<, .05). Techniques: Encouraging cooperation; possibly enlightenment, as language and thought are correlated (see supra, Chapter II). Study #2. Anderson (220:123-131) Definition of Terms; Dominative behavior; The use of force, commands, threats, shame, blame, attacks against the personal status of an individual j are called dominative techniques of responding to others. Domination is characterized by a rigidity or inflexibility of purpose, by an unwillingness to admit the contribution (emphasis added) of another's experience, desires, purposes or judgment in the determining of goals which concern others . . . Domination is self-protective; it is behavior of one who is so insecure that he is not free to utilize new data, new information, new experience (220:123) . I 430 Integrative behavior: In this sort of behavior, • , . one asks the companion and by explanation makes the request meaningful to the other so that the other can voluntarily cooperate . . , such behavior is said to be an expression not so much of pursuing one's own unique purposes as attempting to discover and get satisfactions through common purposes . . . The per son who can change his mind when confronted with new evidence which has grown out of the experience of another is said to be integrating differences. . , . With the integration of differences something new is created that never has existed before . . . Integra tive behavior is thus consistent with concepts of growth and learning (220:123-4), Purpose: To test hypotheses, among which were: "Domination in one child incites dominative techniques in the com panion . . . in integrative behavior induces cooperation or integrative behavior in the companion," (220:124) Subjects: 49 kindergarten children from two schools, "Most of the children came from homes of superior socio-economic; status and practically all were of normal or superior intelligence as measured by the revised Stanford-Binet mental tests," (220:125) Methods: "Children were taken at random in pairs- and given opportunities to play." (220:125) Most — perhaps all — of the children were paired more than once. Two observers watched each pair at play. "The coefficients of the reli ability of simultaneous and independent recordings by . 431 (the) observers were .98+,02 for the domination/scores on seventy-eight pairings and .90+.02 for the integration scores on seventy pairings (220s125), Results; The evidence supported the hypotheses, Additional Evidences A previous study by Anderson, in which the subjects were preschool children, also supported the hypotheses (220s130) . Finally, Amidon and Flanders pointed out findings of Anderson and others, which were . . . based on the study of preschool, primary, and elementary school classrooms involving five different teachers and extending over several years, Taken al together, their imaginative research has produced a series of significant findings. First, the dominative and integrative contacts of the teacher set a pattern of behavior that spreads throughout the classroom; the behavior of the teacher, more than any other individual, sets the climate of the class. The conclusion is that when either type of contact predominates, domination stimulates further domination, and integration stimulates further inte gration. It is the teacher's principal behavior pattern that spreads among pupils and is taken over by them even when a teacher is no longer in the room. Furthermore, the pattern a teacher develops in one year is likely to be continued by him the following year with different pupils. Second, when a teacher establishes a higher pro portion of integrative contacts, pupils show more spontaneity and initiative, voluntary social contri butions, and contributions to problem solving. Third, when a teacher has a higher proportion of dominative contacts, the pupils are more easily dis tracted from school work and show greater compliance 432 to, as well as rejection of, teacher domination (15:51-2), Flanders and Cogan supported Anderson and his co workers. Amidon and Flanders reported on Cogan's finding. In a large cross-sectional study, which did not use observation of spontaneous teacher behavior, Cogan administered a single paper-and-pencil instrument to 987 eight-grade students in 33 classrooms. The in struments contained three scales: (a) a scale assess ing student perceptions of the teacher, (b) a scale on which students reported how often they did re quired schoolwork, and (c) a scale on which students reported how often they did extra nonrequired school- work. Cogan's first scale assessed traits that he developed in terms of Murray's list of major person ality needs. There were two patterns in this scale. The items of one pattern were grouped as "dominative," "integrative," "affiliative," and "nurturant." These are close to Anderson's dominative and integrative patterns. Cogan found that students reported doing more assigned and extra schoolwork when they per ceived the teacher's behavior as falling into the integrative pattern rather than the dominative pat tern (15:53-4), Comment: The teacher, by winning the students' confidence, was able to interest them in school work. This recalls Adler's point, "Concentration on school subjects is largely dependent upon the child's interest in the teacher," (2:167) Finally, Flanders' findings agreed with those of Cogan and Anderson et al.: Flanders created laboratory situations in which one pupil at a time was exposed to contrasting patterns of teacher behavior. A sustained dominative pattern was consistently disliked by pupils, reduced their ability to recall the material studied, and produced disruptive anxiety as indicated by galvanic skin 433 response and changes in heartbeat rates. The oppo site trends were noted in pupil reactions to inte grative contacts (15:53). General Comment: The closeness of the above investigators to Adler is striking, Anderson noted that dominative behavior was self-protective, and that integrative behavior permitted growth. The above experiments proved the validity of this last point: integrative behavior resulted in people be coming more cooperative, and of producing more work. Techniques: Widening interest and participation. Study #3. Brazziel and Gordon (239:137-141) Purpose: To help disadvantaged children in school. Sample: The entering 7th grade class of a junior high school in Norfolk, Va, "The class totalled 301 [Negro] students." (239:137) The majority of the students in this school are disadvantaged. Methods: Were applied during the school year of 1961-2. Four features of the Higher Horizons Program of New York were adopted: 434 I# "A reading program where each teacher learned reading skills in-service and used them in reading exer cises in the classroom. The program also utilized the library and parent support," (239:137) The children were pre-and post-tested with the California Achievement Test in Reading. 2. "A program of increased direct teacher-parent relationships designed to [enlist parents' aid] ..." (239:137) 3. "A program of increased group guidance designed to heighten occupation awareness on the part of the stud ents and to life self-concepts..." (239:137) 4. "A program of intra-school cultural enrichment designed to lower aesthetic sensory thresholds and deepen the need for self-expression." (239:137) A museum, an iron factory, a department store, Richmond, Va,, etc. were visited. "Occupations were stressed in these visits." (239:139) Results: The students, who were retarded in reading by an average of 1,8 years, advanced 1.5 years. There were modest overgains in arithmetic, . . . as measured by the California Achievement Test. , • , The general consensus [of the faculty] was that a favorable change had transpired, that the students were much more alert than former groups, and that the material was grasped more readily. Per haps the best index of faculty opinion was the 435 unanimous vote to continue the project for the pre sent group in the eighth and ninth grades and for the entering seventh grade. Subjective evaluations of parent response also indicated a favorable change in their attitudes and approaches to child rearing habits. The program seemed to serve as a rallying force for the PTA. The attendance of this group improved and many of the motivational aspects of the project were undertaken by the body as a whole (239:141). Comment: The objective of the enrichment program, to lower aesthetic thresholds and deepen need for self-expression, could be transplanted into Adlerian terms as follows: to develop children's interests, and hence to motivate them. Techniques: Parents, encouraging occupation, stimulating interest, improving the self-concept. Study #4. Brazziel and Terrell (238:4-7) Purpose: ... to test the hypothesis that a guidance approach to registration and school induction and an intensi fied teacher-parent approach to the creation of read ing and number readiness would overcome the ravages of the cultural heritage of a disadvantaged group of first grade children (238:4). Sample: Twenty-six Negro first grade children in the E. A. Harrold School of Millington, Tennessee were used as an experimental group and three first grade section of 25, 21, 20 children respectively were used as the control groups, . . . The majority [of the children] 436 could be classified as culturally disadvantaged (238:4) . Methods: 1. The teacher participated "in the pre-school physical examinations of the children ..." He thus had "the use of the knowledge gained therefrom to plan with parents and to do classroom planning." (238:4) 2. "The pupils spent . . .[registration] day in orientation and socialization. . .. a spirit of ease and fellowship was achieved," (238:4) "A 30-minute education al television program commercially sponsored was watched daily by the children in the homes. The program was of an enrichment nature consisting mainly of travelogues. The children were given the experiences of the Scott Foresmen Readiness Series consisting of six weeks of in tensified activity to develop perception, vocabulary, word reasoning, ability and will to follow instructions." The children were also given readiness and intelligence tests (238:4,5). 3. The parents had their own registration day. They spent it "going over the rhyme and reason of the readiness period, the first grade school work and the school generally. • , . [They] met weekly for the six weeks of the readiness period in an hour or so of group work on the progress of the program plus personal confer ences on problems." (238:4,5) 437 Results; "The experimental group scored at the 50th per centile, the national average, on the readiness test which was given at the end of the readiness period." (238:5) Its score was significantly greater than those of the control groups at the .01 level of confidence. The experimental group's score was significantly higher than that of the four groups taught by the same teachers the previous year. "The experimental group scored slightly above the national average on the intelligence test which was ad ministered in the spring." (238:5) Conclusion: "An efficacious combination consisting of a direct parent-teacher partnership, permissive regimentation, test wisdom development, excellent materials and ener getic uninhibited teaching seems to have been the main discovery of this study." (238:6) Techniques: Parents, teachers' understanding-social interests from pre-school registration, encouragement of independ ence (only slightly indicated by "permissive regimenta tion") • 438 Study #5. Carlton and Moore (245s13-14) Purpose; To show that schools can help disadvantaged children. Sample; Experimental group; "Classes [of disadvantaged children] in each of the first four grades of a school in . . , Joliet, Illinois, , , Control group; Each child in the experimental group was matched with a child "from other classes in the same school and from classes in an other [similar] . , , elementary school ..." (245;13) Methods; The teachers of the experimental group "used self selection and self-directive dramatization of stories by pupils to teach reading," (245;13) • , . books on many different reading levels were made available in the classroom(s) of the experiment al group. As a preliminary step to self-directive dramatization, the children selected their own stories, and read alone. Gradually they began to work in pairs and in small groups and to take turns reading to each other. The groups were formed according to each child's preference for a story to read and dramatize. After the children in a particular group had read the story cooperatively, they agreed upon which character each would portray in the complete dramatization. . . . The groups dramatized the stories they had selected, . , , The dramatizations were spontaneous and com pletely unrehearsed.- (245:13-14) 439 Two assessments were made of the children before and after the study. One resulted from pre-and post testing of reading achievement. The other resulted from the experimental group's teachers' answers on a question naire regarding their pupils' self-concept. The authors administered the questionnaire "on the supposition that a child's behavior reflects his concepts of himself ..." (245:13-14) Results: Self-Concept: The teachers' answers on the ques tionnaires indicated that desirable changes did occur in the self-concept of the pupils. The following shows the total number of indications of poor-self concept reported by the teachers for each grade level before and after the program: Grade 1: 519 to 204; Grade 2: 280-82; Grade 3: 318-104; Grade 4: 558-105 (245:14), Reading: "In all four experimental groups, the mean gains in reading exceeded those of the control groups. In addition, the gains of all the experimental groups were greater than would be considered 'normal' for the length of time involved," (245:14) Cooperativeness: had increased. In various ways, , . , [many of the children] showed that they felt more kindly not only toward their classmates but toward the adults who worked with them , , , Now, too, the children talked with visi tors or strangers who came to the school. They 440 smiled occasionally and had lost much of their look of fear, hostility, or suspicion (245:14. Conclusions: . . . self-directed dramatization seems to be parti cularly effective for a number of reasons. On the basis of the study, we feel that it can contribute to the improvement of self-concept of pupils and can help to develop their skills in reading. It provides pupils with a chance to express themselves in the guise of somebody else and gives them a chance for physical activity — almost a necessity because these deprived youngsters are inclined to be excit able, restless and unable to concentrate on desk work for any length of time (245:14). Comment: The authors subscribed to an Adlerian concept: behavior springs from ideas (viz., one's self-concept). In their experiment they actually encouraged independence (self-directiveness) and social interest (empathy through role-playing), among other things. Techniques: Encouragement of independence, stimulating social interest (and hence understanding), general cooperation. Community of mutual aid (children reading to one another), Study #6. Clinchy (250:106-7. 118^19) The model demonstration subsystem in Boston. It involves schools in disadvantaged areas. 441 Methods: Clinchy cited examples from various schools, indi cating that they represent the norm. In Boardman Elementary School, the children, through out most of the day, choose their own activities, using materials available in the room. They can read, work with another child on the balance beam, take care of the animals, work out problems on the Cuisentaire rods, or type out a story on the typewriter. The teacher moves about the room helping children to do what they have themselves chosen to do. At times, because the teacher keeps track of what each child does, she will suggest a certain activity for a certain child or group of children. If a few of the children have not chosen to do any math of late, she may pull several of these together into a small group and get them started on some math work." (250:107) The children are expected to be responsible for what they do. At Boardman, If they embarked upon a scientific experiment with their microscopes, they were now encouraged to keep at it until the question they had started with was answered, until they actually got the bulb lit up or why a human hair had all those different parts. ... In short, they were expected to ask themselves ques tions and find the answers on their own (with help from the teacher)," (250:107) Results: 1. " . . . in the one or two years that these schools have been in operation (the article was written in Nov., 1968), there has not been any large, across-the- board jump in the scores on standardized reading and achievement tests, . . . the subsystem students do not fall further behind each year on the tests," (250:118) 2. Clinchy indicated that the children were ex tremely interested in their work, and were continually asking the teachers questions and thinking up ideas and projects, 3, "We feel that the attitudes of the children, especially the younger ones, have been almost magically transformed," he wrote (250:119) In a high school, after the assassination of Martin Luther King, the atmosphere was tense. The toughest students becatne the leaders of the student body (although they were not the elected ones). They and classroom representatives "drew up a list of demands for changes in the operation of the school . ." (250:118) One of the demands was to have a say in the suspension of students. It included a provision that when a student was informed of his suspension, both his parents and a board member must be present. The function of the board member was to speak in behalf of the school staff; i.e., to tell and defend the school's side of the story. Thus the students' social interest had extended to the school personnel. 4. Clinchy indicated that the children became more self-disciplined. They became more interested in, and more occupied with, their school activities than aggres sion, 5, "As for teachers, there is little doubt now in 443 their minds that these black ghetto children can learn (250:119) At the above-mentioned high school they are beginning to develop a tremendous respect for the "tough" students• Comment: The emphasis on independence and hence responsi bility appears to be of a highly Adlerian nature. The fact that the children did not fall behind appears to be extremely significant, as it is the rule that disadvan taged children fall behind with each succeeding year (see supra, Chapter III) , Thus there is improvement, despite the unchanged scores on standardized tests. Technique: Stimulating interest, encouraging independence, teachers' understanding-social interest. Study #7. Cloward and Jones (43:190-216) B, Goldstein (81) summarized Cloward and Jones' study: Purpose: "To examine the problem of differences in attitudes toward education by social class and to see whether in volvement in educational activities influence these atti tudes." (81:168) 444 Sample: "Random selection of 1250 households in the lower East Side of Manhattan, Within each household, random selection of one person twenty years or older as respond ent." (81:168) Method: "Interviews were conducted with 988 of the 1,250 potential respondents. . . . Measure of school involvement was developed for those with children in school, based on PTA activity and school visits." (81:168) Results: included the tentative finding: , . . our data suggest that participation in educa tional activities does influence evaluations of the importance of education, and attitudes toward the school as an institution. The tendency of participa tion to heighten the emphasis on education is es pecially pronounced in the lower class (43:215). Comment: An indirect indication that students can be helped by parents when the latter's involvement in school in creases, The parents would become more supportive of the school, and hence encourage their children more to parti cipate in it. Techniques: Parents, 445 Study #8, Edmiston and Benfer (275:547-548) Purpose: " , , , to determine the relation between groups' achievement and ranges of abilities within the group." (275:547) Sample and Method: "The fifth and sixth grades of four elementary schools were selected for this study. There were sixteen class groups with a total of 462 pupils." Half of them had a wide range in pupil IQ; the other half a narrow range (275:547). "The average range of the wide range group's IQ's was 41.24; that of the narrow range group's 29.00. The average intelligence of the wide range group was 104.7 and of the narrow range group 104.4." (275:548) The groups were equated for teacher and size. The children were pre-and post-tested on the Stanford Achieve ment Test in Reading. Results: "The average of the progress in months from the Stanford test results were 8,54+,07 for the wide range group and 8.02+.10 for the narrow range group. The re sulting critical ratio of 4.33 favors the wide range group." (275:548) 446 Techniques: The community of mutual aid is indicated. Study #9. Engel (278:534-535); Research Council of the Great Cities Program for School Improvement (432i3-7). Engel reported on a program for preschool dis advantaged children: The Baltimore Early School Admission experimental project [a program instituted in 1963--(432:3) ] was an attempt to learn whether early school admis sion would be helpful in overcoming any of the •barriers to learning' which seemed imposed by en vironmental factors. Seven hundred and twenty children in four elementary schools of depressed areas were to be involved over a period of three years. Goals centered on the development of com munication skills,quantitative relationships, esthetic values, good health and physical develop ment, understanding of self and wholesome self- concept, and awareness and understanding of the environment. These skills were to be developed through the media of interesting vital experiences, mainly in the areas of science and social studies. Findings indicated that the children who entered the project in February 1963 and stayed in Baltimore entered kindergarten in September 1963 . . . The kindergarten teachers reported no adjustment problems and superiority in language development and usage (278:534-5) . Another technique used in the program was the pro motion of ". , , parental understanding of the growth and development of children and the roles of parents." Chan nels of this promotion included home visits and parent meetings. The promotion has helped: "Comments and re sponses of children indicated that parents were attempting to follow-through at home as a result of suggestions 447 proposed by staff members during the conferences or parent meetings." (432:6) Other results have been reported. The 60 children who first entered the project were distributed in two centers. Twenty-eight of them remained in each center during the first five months. At the beginning and end of these five months, the children were given the Columbia Mental Maturity Test and a Verbal Maturity Scale. "Group gains on both tests were highly significant. . ." (432:3) Mean differences between initial and post-test scores on the Columbia Mental Maturity Scale showed a 20- point gain in one center and a 17-point gain in the other. Corresponding mean differences for scores on a Verbal Maturity Scale showed a 15-point gain in one center and a 9-point gain in the other. All of these differences were reported to be significant at the 0.001 level. No comparisons with control groups were reported (400:435), Techniques: General enlightenment, improving self-concept, parents. Study #10. Flanders (460) Definition of Terms: Indirect teacher influence: Such influence "en courages participation by the students and . . , [gives him] the opportunity to become more influential." (460:19,20) The influence is divided into four categories: 1). "Accepts feeling." This means to accept and clarify 448 "the tone of feeling of the students in an unthreatening manner. . . . Teachers with this ability can often mobi lize positive feelings in motivation and successfully control negative feelings that might otherwise get out of hand." (460:20) 2). "Praises or encourages," "To praise or encourage student participation directly. . . is to solicit even more participation by giving a reward." (460:20) 3). "Accepts or uses ideas of student." "When the teacher accepts, clarifies, or uses constructively the ideas and opinions of students. , ., they are encour aged to participate further," (460:20) 4). "Asks ques tions." "To ask a question is an invitation to partici pate and express ideas, opinions, or facts." (460:20,19) Direct teacher influence: This influence "increas ed the active control of the teacher, tends to establish restraints on student behavior, and often stimulates student compliance. The categories of this influence are: 1). "Lecturing." "The lecture . . . focuses the atten tion of the students on ideas chosen by the teacher," (460:21) 2). "Giving directions." "To give directions or commands. • , is to direct the activities of the class with the intent of obtaining compliance." (460:21) 3). "Criticizing or justifying authority." This "refers to criticizing student behavior or justifying the teacher's use of authority. These actions concentrate authority in the hands of the teacher." (460:21) J 449 Goal; The student's goal of learning certain skills, understandings, or facts (460:12). Ambiguous goals: "Having ambiguous goals is de*- fined as a condition in which a student is not sure of the steps necessary to reach the goal and has an uncer tain picture of the end product." (460:13) Purpose: To test three hypothesis: "Indirect teacher in fluence increases learning when a student's perception of the goal is confused and ambiguous. . . . Direct teacher influence increases learning when a student's perception , of the goal is clear and acceptable. . . . Direct teacher influence decreases learning when a student's perception of the goal is ambiguous." (460:16) Sample and Methods: "Sixteen [8th grade] mathematics teachers and 16 [7th grade] social studies teachers, each of whom taught a 2-week unit of study, were engaged in the project. Teacher influence was observed by measuring spontaneous interaction patterns; the data were tabulated separately for different class formations and purposes. Achievement of the students was an outcome variable measured by pre- and post-tests. Our staff supplied the materials of instruction in order to assure their constancy." (460:66) Prom tests, the authors concluded, "that our sample is 450 representative of urban teachers in the two subject areas at their respective grade levels." (460:70) Also, the students were given attitude tests. Results: The hypotheses were supported. The achievement of the students in the indirect classes was significantly higher than that of the students in the direct classes (460:94,96), "... the students in the indirect clas ses scored higher class averages on a , . , test of student attitudes. The difference between a mean of 248 and a mean of 277, , , . yields a C.R, = 5,33 in social studies. The same critical ratio in mathematics .. . is 4.98, These scores indicate that the students perceived the total classroom situation in a more favorable light." (460:96) The attitudes tended to reveal whether or not one regarded the class as a community, one's willingness to cooperate with classmates, one's interest in the teacher, one's independence, one's motivation, etc. (460:50,53). Techniques: Widening participation, encouraging cooperation and independence. 451 Study #11. Frost (283;271-2) Project: An enrichment program in personality development of disadvantaged children. Sample and Method: Two rural Arkansas elementary schools were chosen. The teaching staff of School A was trained in child development and subsequently oriented toward a developmental approach .. . An enriched program — individualization of instruction, specific provisions for meeting the needs of disadvantaged children, multi-level classes, home visitation, parent-teacher conferences ~ was operative. Special food, health, and counseling personnel and facilities were provided. School B was oriented toward a subject matter-grade level standards approach and provided few 'non- essentials .' The California Test of Personality was administered to all children enrolled in both schools. Only the results for the welfare recipient children are report ed here (283:271), Results: The scores of the School A children were signifi cantly higher than those of the control children, "Data from tests administered to 40 migrant children enrolled in a summer school [all were Caucasian; most attended Arkansas schools during the regular school year] were compared with data from School A, Again, a significant difference favor ing School A was found." (283:272) Conclusions: The school environment that stimulates desire, builds upon successes rather than failures and consequently strengthens self-image and total personality struc ture provides the 'long puli' essential to those children who have been deprived of the "headstart" provided by enriched living at home or in kindergar ten and nursery school. (283:272) Techniques: Teachers' understanding-social interest, parents, general encouragement. Study #12. Goldstein (488) Project: According to Engel, Goldstein reported on a program for children in selected Harlem public elementary schools. The program involved a specific curriculum which was sub- tituted for the regular school curriculum through the third grade. The programs" curriculum emphasizes language de velopment of a positive self-image, socialization, order liness ana general enhacement of conceptual and cognitive abilities. A batter of individual standardized tests near the beginning and end of the school year, interview tech niques with child and parent, and a series of observa tional techniques were used as evaluation procedure." (278:535) . . . for both post-tests, the average scores of the experimental children who had received the enriched curriculum wege significantly higher than those of the control children who had no pre- 453 kindergarten expenses and who subsequently enrolled in regular kindergarten classes. . .Only those chil dren who have had the enriched curriculum are able to maintain or to increase their achievement level. (488:6) Techniques: Probably general enlightenment and improving self- concept. The connection between these techniques and the results are directly pointed out. Study #13 Grunwald (293:131-141) Project: Grunwald discussed the application of the concept, "Natural consequences:" Natural consequences should be discussed with, under stood, and accepted by the child before their appli cation can be most effective. . . .In a compara tively short time, most children understand the general rule. . . If the teacher does not permit Johnny to draw during the period when other children are drawing because he was dawdling when he should have been working on his arithmetic, he may well feel upset, because he will consider himself deprived of his just right without any reason. If, on the other hand, during the council meeting, the group accepts the principle that anyone who chooses to dwadle during arith metic time must do the arithmatic assignment during art time, Johnny no longer can feel resentful toward the teacher who is only putting into application the very principle that he supported. . . (293:139) The concept of natural consequences if readily acceptable by the children and they tend to apply it to their out-of-school lives, Grunwald provided an example: Susan's younger sister had to be coaxed and helped 454 to dress in the morning in order to be in time for the school bus. One day Susan said to me, "May I have permission to be late to school for a few days? I have finally convinced my mother that she should let my sister take the consequences and miss the school bus if she doesn't get ready in time. She will then have to walk to school, and I would have to walk with her. I don't mind, but my sister won't like that long walk. I'm sure that afteiL a few days she will be ready in time." Susan's plan it may be interesting to know, worked exactly as she planned. (293:139-140) Techniques: Natural consequences, administrative community. Study #14.______Hauser (296?53-8) Project: Hauser described a technique that is used in Adler ian child psychotherapy: "Our aim is to use drawing as a means: 1. To awaken in the child an unemployed and blocked capacity: to orient this capacity afterward toward a useful goal. 2. To explain to the child his style of life. Through the drawing, with the help of the therapist, he can become aware of his present subjective state. • • 3. To provide the child with encouragement by letting him observe his own progress through successive steps of accomplishment. (296:53) Hauser pointed out that these methods work. 455 Comment: These methods would appear to be utilizable in the school situation. Techniques: Stimulating interest, increasing self-confidence, explaining mistakes, general encouragement. Study #15 Jackson (472:1073-4) Purpose: ". . .to determine the value of two preventive pro grams for emotionally handicapped children in public ele mentary schools." (472:1072) Sample and Method: Thirty-four disturbed cases were. . .followed for a period of four years. Various measures and ratings were secured for intelligence, achievement, and personality on two small experimental and control groups. . .One experimental group of eight children (a) was placed in an adjustment class while their parents attended weekly group counseling sessions. The second experimental group of nine (b) remained ' in regular classes while their mothers were given group counseling. . .Control groups Cl and C2 were emotionally handicapped children. . .not placed in the above programs. • • .an Advisory Committee helped make judgments about assignments of classes, planning for the program, and whether improvement took place. (472:1073) Results: "(1) In the judgment of the Advisory Committee, the case studies showed that a program for emotionally handicapped children could be successful in a public 456 school. (2) The Advisory Committee judged most of Group A to have made significant improvement after four years. (3) Both experimental groups showed greater gain in achievement than their con trols; however, achievement test findings were significant only for Group A. (4) At the end of the experimental period, both groups A and B showed significantly fewer problems on the teacher-rating instrument. ... (5) On a self-concept inventory, Group B displayed a significant gain over the con trol group on a sociometric device. (6) No signifi cant correlations were found between achievement and self concept. (7) Group A parents made a signi ficant gain on the Parent Attitude Scale after counseling, whereas Group B did not. . .(8) Seven of sixteen parents of Group A were judged as showing improved mental health by three clinicians. (9) Significant correlations were found between parent attitudes and their children's sel^-concept [empha sis added]. (10) A questionnaire showed tne parents felt they gained from the counseling and, with time, became more personally involved." (author's numbers) (472:1073) Conclusions: The behavior and scholastic achievement of children seems to improve when a school and parent special education program is provided. . . .a program can be successfully operated for emotionally handicapped children in a public school. (472:1073) Techniques: Parents Study #16 Krugman, etal. Research Council of the Great Cities Program for School Improvement. (324:25=7 ; 442:15E =I7 g7 351774=5 ; 432:17=5; 455:426-8) Project: To "identify and stimulate able students from a cul turally deprived area to reach higher educational and vocational goals."(432:47) _____ 457 Participants t The sources vary as to the number of students in volved. Two figures have been given: 375 (381:94) and 365 (432:47). These were the most promising pupils of Harlem's Junior High School No. 43. They were involved in the program as they continued all the way through George Washington High School (432:47; 381:94). "The first group was graduated from high school in June, 1960; the last group in June, 1962." (432:47). A control group was designated: "pupils who entered George Washington High School from Junior High School 43 Manhatten in the three years preceding the project." (432:47) Methods: 1. Remedial services, including remedial reading (324:24; 381:94). 2. Expanded counseling services. "At junior high school level, ratio increased from 1:1400 to 1:235; high school, 1:100. Supportive services included: social worker, psychologist, consultative psychiatric services." (432:47) Bpth individual and group counseling were em- j ployed. The chief purpose of the latter "was to raise the j students' levels of aspiration by impressing on them the fact that they could finish high school, enter college, and get decent jobs." (381:94) ! 3. "Teachers, constantly reminded that group intelli- < I J .. ' 458 gence tests could not be taken at face value with these children, began to search for clues of ability and to lose their morbid outlooks about the children, who, in turn, tended to live up to higher expectations." (324:23) 4. Cultural enrichment in the form of trips to "museums, libraries, industrial plants, concerts, the ballet, the theater, and colleges. . ." (381:95). The students' "own cultural backgrounds were carefully woven into these activities. . .Classroom work was correlated with these activities." (324:23) 5. Counselors tried to encourage parents to help the students. "School personnel spent considerable time in parent interviews, parent meetings, parent workshops, and even trips for parents." (381:94) Results: There were 71 dropouts from the high school— *" a record about 1/3 better than might normally have been anticipated." (432:47) Various areas of achievement will be listed. Each area will be followed by the number of experimental and control students succeeding in it. The experimental number will be first. Academic diplomas received: 108:43. No failures, all terms: 44:14. Averaged 80% or more: 37:11. Averaged 85% or more: 15:2. Went on to higher education: 168;47. (432:47) However, Wilkerson indicated 459 that the findings resulting from the comparison of the experimental and control groups may not be entirely re liable , as the experimental group contained upper ability children and the specific characteristics of the children in the control group were apparently not defined (400:426- 28). "As students succeeded where they had formerly failed and as they sensed greater acceptance by the school per sonnel, they displayed greater pride in themselves and improved their behavior markedly." (324:24) Interests widened as a result of the cultural enrichment; and it was not thought sissy to be interested in music and books. As a result of the correlation of culture enrich ment with the pupils' own cultures, the pupils gained more pride in themselves and in their groups. (442:170) For the most part, the parent program increased the participation and appreciation of parents considerably. Techniques: Explaining to the children that they can have hope, understanding-interest; stimulating interest; widening interest and participation; parents. Study #17 Matteoni (477:967-A-968-A) : 460 Purpose: To test whether "the use of TV cartoon programs and related materials in a language-experience approach during initial reading instruction would result in greater read ing achievement for [first graders] ..." (477:967A-968A). Sample: First-grade children in two separate schools were matched on reading readiness and chronological age* At the end of the experimental period, 25 matched pairs of boys and 25 matched pairs of girls were randomly selected for statistical analysis* * •" (477:967-A) Method: The first-grade classes in each of two schools follow ed different reading programs. In one school, the conventional reading program as developed in the Scott, Foresman and Company Primary Grade Reading _ Materials were used. In the other school, teachers followed a reading program which used TV cartoon programs and related materials in a language-exper ience approach rather than the reading readiness books and primary grade readers used intthe control school. These experimental conditions continued until mid-year. At that time, Gates Primary Reading i Tests were administered to all children. All classes ; then followed the conventional Scott, Foresman and Company Reading Program for the remainder of the year." (477:967-A) Results: i Boys in the experimental group did show significantly j greater growth in reading at mid-year than boys in the control group. There was, however, nossignifi- cant difference between girls in the experimental and control groups. Within the experimental group, there was not significant difference between the reading achievement of boys and girls. (477:968-A) I At the end of the year the first two of these patterns! j 461 remained. However Matteoni indicated that at the end of the year the experimental boys had improved significantly more than the experimental girls. (477:968A). Comment t There is an indication, but not a definite statement, that the utilization of interests was operative here. Perhaps, since TV cartoons center anund male heroes, the girls were less interested in them, and were therefore not stimulated by them. Technique: Widening interest and participation. Study #18______McBride (475;4135-A-4136-A) Purpose: n. . .to determine if exposure to counseling or motivation techniques or enrichment activities or a com bination of these caused changes in the self-concepts <5f disadvantaged children." (475:4135-a) Sample: Fifty 7th graders in Phoenix, Arizona Method: The children were divided^into 5 groups. One— the control— was not treated. Each of the other four received 462 a different kind of treatment: 1) personal participation in a Neighborhood Youth Council, 2) "twelve sessions of motivation and enrichment activities such as listening to career speakers, taking field trips to places of work and attending concerts, plays, museums, and cultural events (475:4135-A). 3) Twelve 1-hour sessions of group counsel ing. 4) A combination of the above three. The children were pre-and post-tested on self-concept. (475:4135-A) Results: "On the basis of the data . . . it would seem that enrichment techniques can and do effect the self concepts of pupils who participate, and that the effect was in the direction of increasing feelings of being adequate." The groups receiving only one kind of treatment had no signi ficant improvement of self-concept. The remaining exper imental group "... seemed to have shown the most signi ficant changes." (475:4135-A) Conclusion: "The investigation justified the belief that exper iences such as a combination of group counseling, motiva tion and enrichment activities will aid disadvantaged chil dren in developing more positive self-concepts." (475:4136A) Comment: It may be that the extreme discouragement of disad- 463 advantaged children accounted for their lack of response to relatively less intense treatment. Also, the group counseling may have been based on a less effective psy- chology than Adler's. Techniques t Encouragement of cooperation, widening interest and participation, general encouragement. Study # 19 McCleary, L. (336:346-354) Project: A restructuring of the interpersonal relations of a junior high school class. Participant; A junior high school English class. From the beginning of the school year it was appar ent that one class was not a harmonious group. . . a sociogram was prepared which identified three distinct groups and five [female] isolates within the class. One group of girls viewed the teacher and the work ahead as not directly or deeply involving them. [They provided disciplinary problems.]. . . Another group of girls seemed to be task-oriented.. • The third group, consisting entirely of boys and task-oriented when it could work by itself, but it viewed as a threat any intrusions by the girls. (336:346) The groups were in conflict with one another. Methods: A 5-step prodecure: 464 1. Each student was asked to read two biographical sketches of well-known persons. The sketches from which the students had to choose were of people who had served others and who appeared to be psychologically secure. Examples were Lou Gehrig, Clara Barton, Ralph Bunche and Will Rogers. The aim was to find out what kind of personality the person had, why he had the personality he seemed to have, and.what traits he possessed which the class member felt to be important to the person's success. The class was told that each member would later be asked to write a biographical sketch of some other student. . .(336:348,49) 2. The class and the teacher discussed personality— how it is developed, whether it can be changed, etc. Books on personality development were made available to the children. McCleary indicated that the children dis cussed personal problems and the teacher provided advice. 3. "The members were paired off for interviews to gain information for writing their sketches. . • Using choices listed by students," the teacher organized the pairing, "taking care to cut group lines as much as possible" (336:348,9). The students then wrote biographies of their partners. 4. Each pupil wrote an autobiographic sketch, based on his biography and on an evaluation of his own personality written by him. He also turned into the teacher an account of "his personality problems and the difficulties he felt in trying to work with others." 465 (336:348). This account may have been his autobiography, his evaluation of his personality, or another item— it is not clear from the context which it is. The teacher "com piled a list of problems common to more than one member" and discussed them with the class. 5. "After summarizing those things about which a definite verbal consensus had been reached, the teacher asked if the class would be willing to try to apply these agreements to its next piece of group work. The class was told that discussion groups were to be organized to read, discuss, and analyze a full-length biography." (336:350) It was left to the class to decide how this final piece of work should be organized and accomplished. The devices used to measure the changes that were induced included sociograms, objective and subjective observations, an attitude scale, and self-evalua tion of the subjects. (336:351) Duration: About two and a half weeks. Results: "Sociograms showed 'that groups were more closely integrated into the total class. Isolates were able to assume roles in the resulting role system [i.e., they were no longer isolates]. . ." (336:351-2) All these changes occured among the girls only. The attitude scale revealed: 466 . . . the members' perception of group attractive ness was increased. . . a wider sharing of group frames of reference [was indicated. There were also indications]. . . that the group had become more task-oriented." (336:351). One of the sttitudes which significantly changed for the better was: "I am interested in the group projects and enjoy working on them." Comment: A very Adlerian approach was taken here. It should be noted that the changes occured in the course of only two and a half weeks add that, as the author pointed out, the teacher kept to the curriculum. Thus helping students personally need not be done at the sacrifice of curri culum (although it should be admitted that a biography unit lends itself very easily to children's enlightenment). Techniques: Enlightening children, encouragement of independence and cooperation, community of conversation, administrative community. Study #20 Mock (444:152-165) Project: A program for disadvantaged children. Participants: Fifteen junior high schools in Houston, Texas Methods: 467 1. There was in-service training for the teachers. 2. Academic activities: The children are taught what appears to be interesting and useful to them. The instructional program in the English class is built around situations in which students practice language activities rather than learn a body of rules and principles. The communication-centered English program requires less exercise-doing and more actual expression of ideas in oral and written form than often occurs." (444:159) Students are given instruction and experience in neatly and legibly completing bank deposit slips, checks, receipts, contest forms," etc. (444:160) Each morning the dally newspaper is delivered to the project class. A regular time is designated for skimming the front page and discussing the news of national and international importance. Word attack study is regarded as more meaningful and practical when pupils learn how to unlock and pro nounce the names of important places and people. Even a limited knowledge of current events "lifts the lid" for these pupils. . . Cartoons, pictures, fillers, jokes, human interest stories tempt the reluctant reader to test hid read ing power. . . The feature articles of the society section provide motivation and reference material for daily stress on good grooming and etiquette. . . Classified ads are used to reinforce the "stay-in- school" campaign. The absence of employment oppor tunities for youth of limited training is regularly invited to their attention." (444:161-2) 3. Enrichment activitiesMotivational approaches which have been most successful are the carefully planned excursions which students have taken to points of local interest. The captain of the vessel lectured to the students about the history and construction of the channel, the foreign ships in the port, the grain elevators and methods for loading ships, and the various industrial plants 468 along the channel. Teachers report that after this ex perience the daily shipping reports became another avidly read section of the newspaper. Students also requested a unit of study about State history. "Visits to dairies, milk plants, bakeries, and supermarkets motivated units of study on diet and nutrition." (444:161-2). Mock indicated that the weekly visit of college stu dents to the class [they came to assist the teacher] in spired hope in the children that they would be able to attend college. 4. Personal encouragement: Among the objectives of the project were to culti vate a more positive attitude on the part of a stu dent toward his limitations; to attempt to improve the student's damaged self-image and elevate his aspirations; to prepare students who do leave school at the 16th birthday to become a constructive force in American society. (444:154) Among the guidelines which "have been most satisfac tory in establishing wholesome teacher-pupil rapport" are "Allow students freedom from pressures, whatever the source; seek insight into the pupil's problems and inter ests demonstrate a sincere concern for the student's wel fare; stimulate through encouragement and sincere praise (444:157). To relieve the heretofore ever-tightening, self- enforcing pressures, to improve the students' atti tudes toward the world and their peers, a carefully planned counseling program has been pursued. (444:156) It includes having literature available to the stu- 469 dents on how to live successfully. Also, films are fre quently shown. Among the most effective have been: The Show Off, The Bully, Vandalism, How Friendly Are You? Every possible effort is made to help these students think of themselves as individuals who are a neces sary and useful part of the school population. Each student is encouraged to participate in some phase of extracurricular activity. (444:157) Results: The effectiveness of the [school program[. . . may be judged by the percentage of dropouts. During the first year of the project 1.9 percent of the 556 project students left school. The daily atten dance of students is another indication of the strength of the holding power [of the methods used]. Attendance in junior high has improved. Average daily attendance for a 6-week period has been as high as 95.7 percent. . . (444:163) * For the majority of the youngsters this is the first year they have experienced a sense of belong ing and the simulant of success. * . Principals, assistant principals, counselors, and teachers have been quite successful in inculcating a sense of group and individual pride. Students frequently comment, "For the first time in my life I enjoy school." Many believe that because of the project they have learned more this year than at anytime in the past. Assistant principals report very few disciplinary problems with the project students. (444:157,163) Further indications of the program's efficacy have been mentioned in the section on methods. Among them: the children's gaining hope that they can go to college; their becoming interested in other things, such as reading and new subjects. Comment: 470 This is a highly Adlerian approach. The greatest indication of its efficacy may be the statement that the children, for the first time in school, have developed a sense of belonging. For Adler has said, "A human being has courage only when he feels that he belongs." (6:71) Technique: General encouragement, widening interest and parti** cipation, encouraging independence (in the English classes) and cooperation, improving the self-concept, explaining the children's mistakes (through film), being told about proper living, natural consequences (pointing out the ab sence of employment opportunities, as revealed by the newspaper). Study <21 Ojemann and Wilkinson (351:143-147) Purpose; To test the assumptions, "that learning becomes more effective and that the development of personality can be more adequately controlled if a careful analysis of behavior is made by the teacher. . ." (351:143) Sample: Sixty-six 9th graders from a larger sample of approx imately 135. Method: 471 The subjects were divided into an experimental and control group of 33 members each. The two groups were matched for age, intelligence, and school achievement, during the previous year. They were pre- and post-tested on . . . school achievement, selected attitudes, per sonality conflicts [as measured by a revision of Luria's method], and certain ratings [made by teachers] of pupils' adjustment. (351:144) At the beginning of the experimental period person ality and environmental data were obtained [from the attitude tests and from interviews with par ents] for the experimental subjects. These data were made available to the teachers who were given rather extended suggestions as to their meaning and use. . .[Each] teacher then proceeded to apply her knowledge in planning the child's daily work and in the conduct of her classes. (351:144) Duration: From fall to spring of a school year. Results: 1. ". . .the experimental group made a signifi cantly greater academic gain. • • it should be pointed out that the teachers were not aware that academic achievement would be used as one measure of comparison." (351:145) 2. . . . the experimental and control groups differed significantly in their attitude toward school. The experimental group was significantly more willing to ascribe achievement to planned work rather than to change factors [independence]. The experimental group felt that careful work in the long run would bring its reward and that an education can be made worthwhile [hope; lack of depreciation]• The exper imental group felt significantly less the need of 472 cheating. They felt that their work during the ex perimental year had been more pleasant than that of the preceding year. The experimental group also evidenced a more favorable attitude towards their school companions and gave fewer indications of feelings of inferiority than did the control group. On the whole these data seem to indicate a happier and more logical attitude toward the school and school work on the part of the experimental group than the control group. (351:145) 3. . . . the experimental group [but not the control group] gave a significant reduction in the scores on the voluntary disturbance portion of the mental con flict test. (357:146) Results indicate . . . that the subjects making up the control group are finding it relatively more difficult to make ad justments and consequently in their normal life tend to be more occupied with personal difficulties pro ducing a more personalized type of response. The experimental group on the other hand seems to be extending in the direction of more impersonal, ob jective , and logical type of mental life (351:146) 4. ". . .[in the area] of general adjustment, . . . the experimental group showed a significant change over the control group. . ." It is realized that ratings made by teachers who participated in this study may have a sub jective bias (351:146). Conclusion: The data obtained in this study are consistent in showing that when teachers learn to know their pupils as personalities in their respective environments, teachers tend to become more effective guides for learning— the pupils achieve more in academic areas— and teachers also become more effective personality developers. (351:147) 473 Comments : Little is said as to the connection between the teachers' understanding and the students' improvement. Much can be inferred, however: with greater understanding, the teachers became more interested in the students. Furthermore, their understanding entailed a realization of the students' discouragement. The results of all this was that th$y tried to encourage the students. Three comments from teachers indicate that this is what happened: I welcomed the information concerning H.D. He always appeared to me to be well-mannered but very inde pendent and resentful. So independent in fact that I hadn't bothered very much with him. Naturally I was surprised to learn that in reality he was un- happy. At every opportunity that presents itself I am now endeavoring to assure him by my attitude that all of us have a personal interest in his wel fare. I am trying to make him feel that he is definitely a part of the group. (351:147) After your account of L.M. I see her as an unhappy child rather than an insolent one. I find it easier to accept her. After discovering it was shyness and nervousness rather than sulkiness which prevented L.C. from reciting I made a special effort to see what could be done to help him overcome the difficulty. I seated him so he could be centrally located, praised him at every reasonable opportunity, encouraged him not to do things alone but in company with his class mates such as asking him along with others to pass papers and occasionally to read aloud. (351:147) Techniques: The teacher's understanding-interest, encouragemeht to cooperate. Study #22 Ojemann et. al. (352:95-114) Levitt ^2, ii'44$-458----- Project and Purpose: This was a "learning program designed to help the child develop a 'causal' orientation toward his social en vironment. . . We wish to help the child to understand and appreciate more about how his social environment oper ates. He is taught that there are many ways in which a given behavior pattern may developm that causes are com plex, that people ace faced with many different situations which they are trying to work out, that they may use a variety of methods for this,. . . and that all the methods may be considered in terms of the effects they have [empha sis added[." (352:95) Sample: "... four teachers and their pupils, each class room matched with two control groups. One of the teachers was from the fourth grade, one from the fifth and two from the sixth grade. All were from the school system of a midwest industrial town of about 75,000 population. (352:95) Method: 1. A teacher training program. Among the subjects included in the teacher training program were "Develop mental Problems of the Normal Child" and "Meeting Classroom Problems." In the lattee, . . .'Typical' classroom situations were presented to the teachers to give them some experience in 475 understanding what would be surface ways of handling these situations as opposed to causal methods, i.e., methods proceding from an understanding of the causes of behavior . . . Our concern was with individual needs, but it was our feeling that most would be accomplished if group and individual needs were met jointly. Many previous attempts to encourage the teacher to take individual needs of children into consideration have failed to consider that this can only be accomplished, or at least accomplished most affectively, within the framework of good group control. In this mnnner the constructive forces of the crrouy are at the disposal of the teacher in meeting Individual problems [emphasis added](352:97) 2. A casually oriented curricular content (i.e., one that explains the causes of human behavior) was prepared for the experimental group. For example, stories would be read by or read to the students. The reading of a story . . . is followed by a discussion designed to guide the pupils into thinking of the "reasons for the behavior" which were [sic] described in the story. (352:98) Another example was the use of the room council as described by Stiles. In the council the students discuss problems of behavior in the class and jointly institute ways of solving them. Ojemann et al. indicate that the curricula was based at least in part on the pupils' interests. The purpils were encouraged to think beyond themselves. "Since every child is engaged in working out his own problems, it was felt that if the [teaching] materials dealt only with school and community situations of children like themselves, they may become so engrossed in their immediate problems that they miss the larger more objective appreciation. Accordingly, situations 476 involving children older and younger than themselves, and children from quite different environments as well as some situations involving children like themselves are included" (352:99). 3. The children were pretested in September 1964 and post-tested the following April; they were given addi tional tests in May. The first set of tests consisted of: a. The Problem Situations Test (PST), "... a measure of the punitiveness of the child, that is, his willingness to be immediately punitive in a hypothetical situation where no retaliation is anticipated. . . The PST has been shown to be related to authoritarianism and parental disciplinary methods and to extra-punitiveness and intra- punitiveness as measured by the Rosenzweig Picture-Frus- tration Study.” (352:101) b. The Causal Test (CT), which "attempts to tap the child's awareness of the dynamic, complex, variable nature of human motivation, though it does not require that he have any specific knowledge of the causes of behavior themselves." (352:101) The tests administered in May were the Children's Anti-democratic Tendency Scale (CADS), which is a measure of authoritar ianism, and "the Minnesota 'How I feel about Citizenship' Test, an index of responsibility :(R) in children." (328:450) This last test "was administered to only the 5th and 6th grade classes since it was felt that the vocabulary bur den of the test was excessive for the 4th grade." (328:450) 477 Results: The classes of the experimental teachers showed distinctly significant changes on the [PST and CT] . . . when compared with the classes of the control teachers. (352:113) When mean scores are adjusted for intelligence, the experimental classes show significantly less authoritarianism [and "significantly more respon sibility] than the controls. (328:457 Conclusion: It thus appears that when we bring children of the upper elementary grade levels under the influence of the causally oriented teachers teaching causal content we bring about significant differences in the child's growth in the aspects measured [by PST and CT]. . . (352:183) . . . the decrease in authoritarianism and increase in responsibility are functions of the training of teachers in a "causal" approach to the class room. (328:457) Comments: It can readily be seen that the program was based on several concepts which are found in Individual Psychol ogy: an items' value is found in its practical effect; individual and group needs are met best through inter action; children's own interests should be utilized in study; they should be encouraged to think of others; and, above all, behavior is based on ideas, and the sounder the ideas, the better the behavior. Adler would say that all ideas are essentially interpretations of the meaning of life; in the present study, the authors encouraged children and teachers to understand the meaning of behavior 478 --i.e., what motivates it and hence its purpose. The chil dren, having gained such understanding, improved. The meaning of behavior and the meaning of life would appear to be very close, since behavior would appear to be "acts" of life— that which life does. Techniques: The teacher's understanding— social interest; gen eral enlightenment of children; utilizing interests; the encouraging cooperation. Study #23 Porter (360:128-132) Purpose: To determine whether there were any establish- able relationships between amount of member parti cipation [in small group discussions] . . . and stated member satisfaction. (360:131) Method: The Ss were divided into discussion groups averaging 7 to 9 persons each. "Questionnaires administered at the end of each session measured stated member satisfaction with the meeting." (360:1131) Pearson product-movement correlations were com puted between the average member score made on the satisfaction questionnaires and (1) the average num ber of member interactions noted by the observer and (2) the average number of member interactions per minute per category [i.e. type of participation] noted by the observer. (360:131) Results: The findings indicated a statistically positive 479 correlation between stated member satisfaction and group-oriented types of participation (seeking group position and direction, giving group position and dir ection, suggesting and demanding group action). This relationship exceeded the one percent level in the case of the first-named category. Findings were in conclusive in respect to the overall amount of parti cipation and to individually-oriented types of parti cipation [giving and seeking suggestion-opinion in formation, agreeing, disagreeing, accepting, rejecting, releasing and showing tension]. No statistically sig nificant correlations were obtained. (360&131) Comment: Stated satisfaction appeared to correlate positively with cooperation. In Adlerian terms, this might mean that inferiority feeling was lessened through cooperation. Techniques: General cooperation, community of conversation, ad ministrative community. Study #24 The Research Council of the Great Cities Program £or School Improvement (432:15-23) Purpose: To assess the efficacy of a home visitor program , . which was part of a project to help the disadvantaged stu dents in Cleveland. The project was the Ford Foundation Great Cities Areas Project, instituted in 1960. Methods: Home visitors and principals were given depth inter views. Home visitors were also administered a questionnaire. Findings: Different home visitors may interpret their roles differently. Among the interpretations: administrative 480 assistant to principal, guidance counselor, pseudo-social worker, family relations counselor, educational consultant. Other findings were: The home visitor appears to represent tangible evi dence to teachers that someone is trying to help, , , Home visitors make communications with the home possible in instances where communications were not possible in the past. . . Home visitors appear to in fluence attitudes and understandings of teachers toward childrn by bringing first-hand information re lated to the home conditions that are influencing be havior at school. . . The presence of a home visitor appears to be producing a positive psychological effect on teachers * , . According to the responses of the principals, home visitors appear to have improved the total school in the following ways: a. Change image of schools in eyes of parents, b. Improve adjustment of individual stu dents (specific cases can be cited), c. Improve achievement of individual students (specific cases can be cited). d. Communications between school and home have improved, e. Improved attendance. Attendance figures can be obtained for each school, f. Provide another body and mind to carry the total load. g. Provide an immediate means of getting at and solving problems. (432:18) Techniques: Winning confidence, parents Study #25 Rosenthal and Jacobson (178:219-253) Project: Effective encouragement was demonstrated in Rosenthal and Jacobson's experiment which is described in Chapter!III. They (falsely) told teachers that, according to tests, some of the teachers' lower class students were quite promising. The result was that these students performed better than the others. The implication was that the teachers en couraged the students out of a belief in the students' 481 capability: the former communicated this belief to the latter, who therefore also adopted it. This resulted in the students' improved achievement. Techniques: Improving self-concept. Study # 26 Sacadat and Liddle (375:323-327) Purpose: ". . .to help the disadvantaged children attending school in Quincy, Illinois." (375:323) Sample: One of the elementary schools in this program is dis cussed. In this school the experimental group consisted of 42 children who were to enter kindergarten in 1961, by 1964-5, it had been reduced to 29. The control group entered kindergarten in 1960. Method: Parents were visited at their homes, workers tried to get parents to help their children, some parents were helped with such things as financial difficulties and meal planning. "Parent meetings were held bimonthly to increase the family's interest in the education of their child." (375:325) A monthly newsletter was sent to parents. It told of their children's school activities, gave information about local happenings that might be 482 useful to children and asked parents to write in their opinions about such subjects as handling bed-time pro blems. Results: As a result of good feeling developed among the par ents, they organized one excursion for themselves and their families during each of the first two years. "The parents do not feel they have been selected because they are poor or culturally deprived. . . Some families have made only a little progress. Others have made giant strides in changing their attitudes toward school and in striving for better family goals." (375:327) The children appear to have improved, too. e.g., "The city librarian reports a noticeably larger group of children from this school coming to the library regularly." (375:327) Comment: This does not reveal the program's full influence on the children. But perhaps since family life appears to have been improved in a number of instances, it may be that many children have been helped significantly. Techniques: Parents. Study #27 Schwartz and Musella (377:52-53) 483 Project: A six-week summer school program in New York's Little Falls School District. Sample: Three hundred and twenty seven children from all grades. Methods: Mathematics was taught. The children were put on their own: "homework was voluntary; . . . no bells rang, and the students were encouraged to attend the class which best fitted in with other summer activities;. . . students . . . were told that a special feature of their classes was the honor system. They would be left to work alone while the teacher worked with individuals, and there would be no scolding or punishment to insure their working busily throughout. Whether or not they worked was up to them." There was no "pressure to conform to the level and speed of others." (377:52,53) The authors indicated that the classes were hetero geneous in regards to grade level and ability. Individualized instructions were used. The teacher dealt with each pupil individually while the other class mates worked by themseives. Results: 484 The individual instruction was helpful: "fast learning pupils were able to carry on alone for most of the period after initial guidance from the teacher, thus leaving more time for the slower pupil. Neither was held back." (377:53) Teachers noted that "individual progress is greater through the individual approach. Some students completed one year of math work during this six-week per iod." (377:53) The students, in their evaluation of the program, stressed most "the fun and ease of learning in an environment of freedom and individuality." (377:53) Also, "students. . . gained increased skill in working indepen dently." (377:53) Teachers also noted: "Students are more receptive to learning in an atmosphere of freedom and individuality . . . interest was exceptionally high, as was cooperation. Absenteeism was negligible." (377:53) Comment: The students were not encouraged to cooperate: but, also, they were not encouraged to be divisive. They were encouraged to be independent, and, as has been noted above, independence is vital to cooperation. Also, it improves one's self-concept. These factors may explain the stu dent's increased responsibility and learning, their cooperative attitude, and their high interest and enjoy ment. 485 Technique: Encouraging independence. Study #28 Smilansky (382:68-81) Purpose: To test a series of pedagogical methods which might help the disadvantaged child. Sample: One hundred and thirty-six five year olds and 67 four year olds in Israel. Method: The experiment was carried out in special kindergar tens. One of the teaching techniques to be tested was "verbal control of performance." Smilansky describes it and its importance: Children were asked to "describe verbally all the various stages involved in the task [given to them]... This requirement obliges them to detach themselves to some extent from their specific situation, to rearrange the facts of the problem, and organize their actions within a clear, meaningful and plausible frame work. The kindergarten teacher should take an active part in this process, carefully tracing the concepts and ideas formed by the child, carefully withholding support from errors and fallacies while encouraging the emergence of correct ideas and assisting in their assimilation. Immediate 486 reinforcement is of special importance in that it helps to maintain motivation and to provide current information on the results attained. . . It is our view that even at the age of four or five, disadvantaged children should have their mistakes pointed out to them, but at the same time an attempt should be made for explaining the correct solution. There is no point in encouraging such children to try once again to solve the problem on their own. They should be taught to apply their energies towards solving the problem by a different and superior method, rather than to repeat in stereotyped fashion an experience which has obviously led to failure." [emphasis added] (382:71, 2,3) . "Each of the two age groups. . .was divided into five [matched] groups. . ." (382:73) Group A was taught through one pedagogical method; groups B, C, D, and E were taught through various combinations of other methods. The method of verbal control was used for groups D and E. The groups were given two tasks, "selected because of their close resemblance to the first steps of learning reading and arithmetic at school. In the 'letter and word* task the children had to match every letter or word presented on a wooden tablet with two identical or similar letters or words from a scrambled heap of tablets, [in the 'picture' task] the children had to match every picture 487 presented to them with two.additional pictures which had certain aspects in common. (382:74) Results: "All findings fully confirm the effectiveness of [ver bal control] . . . The achievements of Group D were signi ficantly ( P .05) higher than those of Group C. , . Sim ilarly the achievements of Group E were significantly higher (P .05) than those of Group B. . ." (382:79) Comment: "Verbal control of performance" appears to include two Adlerian techniques— encouragement of independence and enlightment of children (in this case, as to their mis takes and as to the proper procedure). It is true that the enlightenment was not concerned with behavior (in the narrow sense of the term), but the same principle appears to operate regardless of what the subject is enlightened about. Techniques: Encouraging independence; explaining mistakes; ex plaining the right way. Study #29 Sprigle et al. (387: 332-3) Purpose: This was an experimental learning program with three aims; "(D to help the child learn to learn, (2) to ex 488 I pose the child to a curriculum based on continuity of learning experience and developmental tasks and (3) to provide tools and techniques with w-ich to stimulate movement from one phase of development into another." By "learn to learn" is apparently meant "learn to learn on one's own"; for the authors apparently believe that a person comes to know things only when he finds them out for himself. This is indicated by the statement, "The program's aim is to get the child to become active in the learning process and to make his own discoveries; formu late his own questions; and learn from his own activities, observations, and formulations." (387:333) Item (3) above refers to an idea that was formulated on the basis of past research. The idea is that "the se quence [of an individual's cognitive growth and develop ment] proceeds from motor to perceptual to symbolic as pects of cognitive functioning." In other words, the child first learns to manipulate the world through actions, then to identify the various things around him, and then to perceive relationships among things. Each of. the first two types of learning provides the stepping stone to the succeeding type. (387:333) Sample: An experimental group of 24 disadvantaged 5 year olds and 2 two matched control groups. 489 Methods; The experimental group took part in a specially de signed learning program. One control group "was exposed to a 'traditional' program." (387:332) The other control group was given no preschool program. The newly developed materials for the experimental program were made to meet the following criterion: (1) they had to appeal to the child to evoke some curiosity to get him to try them; (2) they had to be interesting enough to the child to keep him playing; (3) the child had to understand the mater ial so that he could feel sure of what he was doing and working toward, and (4) the goal that the child was working toward had to be clear to him, and he had to know when and if he were making progress toward it. (387:332-3) The children were divided into equal-ability groups. "About nine months after the experiment began 19 different developmental measures were obtained from each child." (387:333) Results: "Data analysis indicated that the performance of the experimental group on all of the developmental measures was significantly superior to that of the controlled group." (387:333) Comments: With the exception of the division of the children into equal-ability groups, this program appeared to be quite Adlerian. Principles underlying it appeared to be that one acts on the basis of one's ideas (the children 490 had to understand their goals); that a child's interests and strengths should be used as the point of departure for learning; that the focus should be on the child rather than on simply subject matter (Adler's aim in education was to help people to become fellow men); and that inde pendence should be encouraged. Techniques: Enlightening children, widening interest and parti cipation , encouraging independence. Study #30 Stiles (392;516-524) Project: To develop an understanding of human behavior among elementary school students. Sample: One hundred and seventy-two 4th 5th and 6th graders from Ka consolidated school in a small town and farming community in Iowa." (392:519) Method: The program was administered through one-hour dis cussion periods on six consecutive school days. During the first five discussion periods the teacher and the children analyzed behavior patterns. » • {Theppatterns were] (1) behavior toward school play ground rules; (2) teasing or bullying(one or the other presented for discussion), (3) trespassing; (4) behavior toward property; and (5) audience behavior. . .The last or sixth day of class discussion in each grade was taken over by the investigator. 491 At this meeting a sample problem drawn from the group was analyzed and the ideas developed in the preceding discussions were applied. The effects of the learning program were measured by the degree to which each child demonstrated an analytical approach to the behavior problems which confronted him for solution in the room council situation. In the room council meetings held in this school, problems affecting the children were introduced for discussion. They were discussed by the Ohildren with a child as a leader and the teacher as just another participant, and procedures were selected by vote. The vote was more than some thing theoretical to the child. It was something that actually was carried out, and the child knew that similar decisions might be applied to himself as well as to others." (392:519) Stiles rated the children's votes for four weekly sessions before, and four weekly sessions after, the pro gram. In addition to a vote, the child had to write, on the back of his ballot, "why he thought the way he voted was a good way." (392:519:20) Results: After the program the children had improved signifi cantly beyond the 1 percent level of confidence. This means th&t in voting, their recommendation of action was based on an improvement in understanding human nature. An example of poor recommendation was, "Vote for staying after school because it serves them right." A good recommendation was, "Vote for having the best ball players teach those boys (who lack skill) how to play so they will help us to have a better team instead of annoying us to get attention." (392:520-21) 492 "The evidence points consistently in the direction of a significant change in the actual approach to the behavior of others." (392:523) Intelligence, reading skills and the councils themselves were found not to be responsible for the improvement: the cause was the dis cussions on behavior. Techniques: Enlightening the child, community of conversation. Study # 31 Taba et al. (437) Taba et al. have provided examples of encouragement in schools: Study # 31a Taba (437:145-6) Project: . . .[An elementary school] was disturbed about the silly behavior between boys and girls by the petty complaints girls made about the boys. Their first sociograms showed a conspicuous lack of choices between boys and girls, which began in the second grade and increased steadily. The analysis of reasons for choices indicated that an immature self- conscious teasing was the main reason for rejection of boys by girls. Analysis revealed that separation of boys and girls in many activities seemed to be the most likely cause of this premature sex cleavage. The school began by changing the recess arrangements. Until that time boys and girls had been sent to different playgrounds. . . Now girls and boys. . . were allowed to go anywhere they wished. The next step was to compose gym squads of boys and girls together. The competition formerly existing between the boys' add girls' squads was eliminated, and a pattern of games was established that could easily be transferred to the playground. Finally, the 493 traffic patrols were reorganized in the same way. The improvement in relations between boys and girls was so marked in the course of the year that parents commented upon it. (437:145-6) Techniques: Encouraging cooperation. Study # 31b. Taba (437:146-8) Project: Taba seported on an experiment in a number of ele mentary and secondary schools which entailed "composing work groups and committees." (437:148) Advantage was taken of the information yielded by sociometric tests to group children according to their psychological affinities and to compose committees according to psychological needs, as well as for their members' capacity to supplement each other in skill and in temperament. Sociometrically composed work groups in which the psychological relations among members facilitated their functioning as a group became the rule in many classrooms. These work groups functioned much better than usual when the psychological networks were both maintained and extended. Each person was placed in a group with at least one of his choices. The groups were linked by choices leading from one person to the next, to provide for channels of communication. To cultivate new relationships, highly chosen chil dren were groupdd with those who had chosen them, but whom they had not chosen. The group size was kept appropriate to the developmental levels, and ranged from four. . . to . . . ten. . . However, because work groups need more than psycholo gical affinity to succeed, other criteria such as balance of skills, leadership qualities, and tem peramental factors were also applied to composing the groups and setting their tasks. For example, readers were mixed with map-makers if the job required both skills. Children who needed a lot of 494 social space were placed with those who were willing to give it. (437*148-9) Taba provided an example: In one elementary school it was the- practice to put the less able children into what were called oppor tunity groups. This arrangement apparently dis possessed the "opportunity students", who made all kinds of efforts to get out of the category. On a sociometric test, they gave the bulk of their choices to girls and boys of the regular groups, who paid them no attention. Unable to eliminate the division because of school policy, the teacher composed small working committees so that, while each child was with at least one or two others of his choice, opportunity and regular students were put together. After one experience in these small groups, the pupils voted to choose companions again and try groups in discussing books. This time choices between the regular and the opportunity students were more frequent, and the choice reasons revealed that it was no longer an approved thing to deride the "opportunity" children. (437:148) Comment: This shows an Adlerian technique being applied despite restrictions of the school. The teacher conformed to what appeared to be a damaging school policy, but apparently was able to counteract it without causing antagonism. Taba has recorded a second example— an experience in a slum area school: The first two grades in the school were divided according to whether or not children had attended kindergarten. . .[The children with no kindergarten] had no group skills to speak of. They did not know what it was to do anything in groups. It was diffi cult to induce them to share anything. They were unable to distinguish between a scrap paper and a book. They were shy in verbal expression. . . They communicated everything— anger, affection, and wanting attention— by shoving, which, to the teacher looked like fighting. 495 This group was extremely difficult to teach* Being so homogenous in their lack of skills and imagery, they could learn little from each other* (437:146-7) The teacher of one group of these students was able to help them to some extent. But she wanted experiment with a method which she hoped would give better results. She suggested that the following year each class be mixed of those who had the kindergarten exper ience and those who had not. In this class she set up small groups by distributing the more skilled and the less skilled, and by making teams of chil dren who were important to each other by their socio metric choices. Then she set them to their various tasks of redding, painting, playing, add construct ing. She was amazed what this grouping did to speed learning. When one child started painting boats, the rest in the group followed suit, but this imitation was soon broken and each child began to paint some thing different. Story hours developed expression much faster, the shy ones or verbally underdeveloped ones being stimulated by those who were not. Play was much more varied and mature. Reading could be tackled early in the year instead of late in the spring as had been the case with the preceding class. Teaching the few social amenities they needed was oo trick at all. They taught them to each other, [emphasis added]. But above all, the disorganized initial group soon became a social unit in which the suggestions were given and taken readily, in which feelings were shared and understood, and which would make quite a few decisions about them selves, their work, and their conduct (437:147-8) Techniques: The work community, the community of mutual aid, widen ing interest and participation. Study #32 Thoma (394:96-100) Project: Group therapy for girls within a public high school. 496 Sample: Thirty-seven underachieving girls with IQs of 115 and over. Purpose: Thoma wrote that from her point of view, "the aim of the group discussions was to clarify each girl's goal, of which she might or might not have been aware; to help her understand something of the reasons for this choice; and to enable her to find more useful and appropriate com pensations for her feeling of inferiority." (394:97). Later, Thoma added, "Our underlying assumption was that failure to find satisfaction in school had its origin in the student's failure in finding her place in the family group, and further, that changing her relationships with other (surrogate) authorities [viz., the therapist and the teachers] would in turn lead to more satisfying rela tionships in the family." (394:99) Thus one of Thoma's basic objectives appears to have been to enable the girls to develop a sense of belonging with their families "A human being has courage only when he feels that he belongs, " Adler has written (61:71). Methods: Thoma's methods were to enlighten the girls about the meaning of life and to give them experiences of be longing (viz., with the therapist [Thoma], each other, 497 and their teachers), so that the girls would have the courage to develop better relations in the families. The girls were divided into four groups of "approx imately equal size." The groups had A-hour sessions every week for 30 weeks. The subjects discussed were relation ships with teachers, parents, peers and the opposite sex, "Following the third session and again at the end of the year,. . .[Thoma] held group conferences [with the girl's teachers]. . . The purpose of the first conference was to explain the place of the therapy groups in a high school. Some of the personality and group dynamics were discussed, and the value of giving each girl an oppor tunity to understand the critical reactions of her peers was brought out. The teachers were encouraged to find ways of protecting certain students against excessive demands of the environment. . . The second conferences were used to record changes [in the girls] noted by the teachers. . ." (394:98) Results t 1. Attitudenal changes, [sic] Evaluation of the group experiences by each girl, and the changes observed in her by both group members and teachers pointed to improvement in three areas. (a) Feelings of strength and worth seemed to have replaced anger. (b) Awareness of the causes and effects of con flicts with authority was achieved, accompanied by increased tolerance of differences in values. (c) Understanding the analogy between sibling re lationships and relationship with other peers led 498 led to some realization that cooperation does not mean submission. (394:98) 2. School Achievement. . . The grade improvement was from [of the previous year] to 87,4 which is significant at the .01 level. (394:98-9) Comment: Thoma appears to have succeeded in helping the girls, although no mention is made of the teachers' contribution (if any) and of any change in the family situation. But Thoma does demonstrate that group therapy can be of use in the public schools. Techniques: Community of mutual aid, community of conversation, widening interest and participation, explaining mistakes, explaining the meanings of life, teachers' understanding- interest and encouragement (apparently). Study #33 Whipple (202:301-304) Pooject: This was the test of the efficacy of new preprimers "in the Detroit City Schools Reading Program, which was begun in 1962. The preprimers were "prepared with the culturally deprived child in mind." (203:301) They are referred to as the City Schools 6eries. 499 Methods: The efficacy of the preprimers was compared with that of "another widely used series, considered one of the best of its kind on the market [referred to below as the "Stan dard Series"]. (202:302) The preprimers were illustrated with multi-racial characters. Words and speech patterns of disadvantaged children were used. Each story is designed to satisfy the child by develop ing suspense, which is resolved on the last page in a surprise or humorous ending. . . The books are shorter and more numerous than the corresponding books of other series. . . The Teacher's Manual for the series places emphasis on social objectives as well as skill objectives, since it is urgent tRat all children develop proper attitudes toward others." (202:301-2) [second emphasis added]• Apparently the books emphasize "sharing and cooper ating among friends." (202:304) Results: The multi-raciality of the books appeared to be irre- . 1 levant to the children: evidence indicated that they were generally not race-conscious, and that they were more interested in the exciting stories than in race. "With all pupils, the City School Series was significantly more effective than the Standard Series in-.promoting'word recognition. . . The new series was much more successful in promoting verbal ability among boys— an encouraging result since remedial-reading classes include many more boys than girls." (202:302,303) Statistical data showed 500 that students were greatly interested in the City School Series. This Series was far more interesting than the Standard Serees. One "teacher reported that during the experiment with the City Series, the children flocked to the library tables searching for further reading." (202:303) There were indications that because of the relatively short length of the new preprimers, the children were able to complete them and complete them in a relatively short time. This resulted in their gaining self-confidence. One teacher held, "The children were aided in developing feeling for and understanding of others. (202:304) Techniques: Utilizing interests, widening interest and partici pation, improving self-concept (by permitting self-confi dence to be gained). Study #34 Wynn (406:40-7) Sample: Three first grade classes consisting of a total of 83 urban disadvantaged children. One class became the experimental group; the other two, control groups. "The degree of deprivation experienced by these children was reflected in their behavior; they were primarily quiet; unquestioning and generally apathetic." (406:45,46) 501 Method: 1. ". . . a program of parent education and in volvement was designed. Home visits were made the first three weeks of school followed by organization of a First Grade Parents' Study Group with the stated objectives of helping the children make better progress in school. • . 75 percent of the parents followed through, which was viewed as a major breakthrough for thfct community." (406:46). Many parents took part in the children's field trip, "and were active supporters of the program through out the year." (406:46) 2. "The program of instruction consisted of a variety of experiences including tours within the school, walks in the immediate community, and trips to places of interest in the larger community, and a classroom environment rich in stimulating materials. The experience approach to reading was employed as numerous activities and trips in and out of the school were discussed." (406:46) (By "experience approach" is meant the planning of experiences for the children, and then basing the children's reading and class dis cussion on experiences.) Results: As a result of the experience approach, "the chil dren were eager to help develop stories and delighted in 502 hearing them read. As the number of stories increased, using many of the same words, the children began to reco gnize words and read parts of the stories independently. The usual reading skills, of course, were taught. . . The children read, with ease and understanding, stories of their own experiences; this zest was transferred to other reading materials in the first grade program." (406:46) "The children participating in the experiment were much better readers than previous classes with similar backgrounds and read a larger number of books with greater understanding. . . Their achievement in reading as com pared to the control groups was significantly higher. » These children enjoyed reading and seemed to have under stood its value. . ." The 'vocabularies of the children were extended and enriched. They knew a wide frariety of words learned in connection with trips to places of interest and other experiences . .. The dictionary was used more extensively [and more skilfully] by the pupils involved in this study than in previous classes. . » The ]experimental children] . • . expressed them selves better orally and in writing. . . Their output of creative stories was prolific and they were eager talkers. There were more things to talk about and more things to write about; plans for trips and other activities, sharing of experiences, collecting data for map construction, letters of permission and thanks, [etc.] . . . The classroom was no longer quiet; many activities were conducted concurrently with the attendant buzz of conversa tion. (406:46,47) 503 Techniques: Widening interest and participation, parents, commu nity of conversation. C. Summary Alfred Adler developed a methodology for educating children. The scope of this methodology includes enabling children to learn, to become psychologically healthy, and to become equal, independent and responsible colla borators of the common work of the culture. The principle upon which the methodology is founded is as follows: man acts in accordance with what he be lieves to be the meaning of life. When he believes the meaning is that he should prevent his (supposed) infer iorities from being found out, he spends his time trying to conceal them. When he believes the meaning is to con tribute to others, he so contributes. The results are that he is able to learn more readily, that he acquires or maintains psychological health, and that he helps to accomplish the common work of the culture. Thus the educator's basic task according to Adler is to enlighten children as to the fact that life means contribution. (Most children are not fully aware of this, and discouraged children are barely aware of it.) The basic method for doing this is to enable the child to cooperate successfully on his own (independently) in a 504 given situation. The child's success will encourage him to cooperate in new situations. As he continues to succeed, he will widen the circle of his cooperative participation Eventually, he will understand adequately that life means contribution. Kinds of situations in which the child may cooperate successfully include: talks with the teacher, in which the teacher seeks to explain the truth about life; work ing on assigned tasks, such as homework; and interacting creatively with his classmates. The forms of such inter action are: working on a project together, self-admin istration by the class, conversation, giving each other help on problems, and sharing experiences together. It is important that the educator does not disparage the child; for then the child will internalize this judg ment and become discouraged. Also, if the child is dis couraged, the educator must not punish him; for the effect will be only to reinforce the child's style of life. According to Adlerian methodology, the educator must have social interest in the child (this entails having a personal interest in, and an understanding of, the child). For when the educator has such interest, he will be adequately motivated to help the child, and will know the best techniques for helping him. Other aspects of Adlerian methodology are enlighten ing parents and enlisting their aid, and giving problem 505 children help through special guidance clinics. Such clinics have been established in different parts of the world by Adler and his followers. Also, in 1931, Adler established i- Vienna an experimental school which employed his techniques. The school was closed in 1934 because of Fascist oppression. In 1946 a new experimental school was founded. Both schools serviced poor children. Several experimental studies and school programs (including the programs of the Adlerian experimental schools) have provided evidence that Adlerian educational tech niques have validity. These programs, some of which were instituted to help disadvantaged children, success fully utilized Adlerian methodology. CHAPTER VII AN ADLERIAN MODEL FOR EDUCATING THE DISADVANTAGED The following model seeks to identify and schematize the fundamental factors involved in the education of dis advantaged children through the use of Adlerian methodology. It will be presented in two parts: (1) a prose-outline overall view of these factors and (2) a graphic representa tion of their interaction. A. The Prose Model 1. The Disadvantaged Child's Problem a) Overview: The literature has indicated that the essential problem of disadvantaged children is their discouragement. Life appears so hard that they have given up hope that they can ever succeed in it— i.e., lead useful, productive, gratifying lives. This situation has three basic factors— the hardships presented by life, the discouragement itself, and the behavior which discouragement leads to. b) The hardships of life may be classified according to two basic categories— poverty and the enmity of others. 506 507 (1) Poverty entails the following difficulties: (a) Lack of financial resources. (b) Disease. (c) Discomfort. (d) Malnutrition. (e) Lack of enriching positive experi ences . (f) Lack of opportunity. (2) Enmity is expressed by the following groups: (a) The family. Its enmity takes the forms of neglect, harsh discipline and lack of respect. (b) The school, in the forms of disparagement and poor teaching. (c) Fellow disadvantaged, in such forms as aggressive repartee and crime. (d) The society in general, in the forms of prejudice and discrimina tion. c) The aspects of discouragement are as follows: (1) The discouraged child feels incapable of solving life's problems (excessive inferiority feelings). (2) He gives up hope that he can solve life's problems. (3) He is primarily concerned with con cealing his incapability. 508 (4) He fears that if he tried to solve the problems of life he would fail and consequently have his incapability revealed. (5) As a result, he lacks motivation to solve them. (6) He believes that the world is his enemy. (7) He is hostile towards it and himself. (8) He feels as if he is an outsider. d) The behavior of discouraged disadvantaged children may be described as follows: Discouraged disadvan taged children are afraid that the horrible inferiority which they tend to believe about themselves will be proven to them to be an actual fact. Thus they detach themselves (withdraw) from any situation in which they might fail and hence have their inferiority proven to them. They run away from life artd constantly to have others care for them— or in Adler1s terms seek to be pampered. Each act of detach ment involves all of the following behaviors: (1) They use their felt inferiority as an excuse to avoid the dreaded situations. That is, they say they are too lazy or otherwise too incapable to engage themselves in the situations. And they often try to prove their incapability by becoming over-dependent or over submissive. They spend their energy seeking to be cared for by others. 509 (2) They seek to prove that they are so superior that they cannot possibly fail. They are therefore above participating in the situations. Proving superiority involves seeking power over all and recognition, proving that one is manly, and trying to acquire feelings of self esteem and superiority. (3) Both of the above types of behavior entail living under false pretenses. The children may express their falseness through the telling of lies. (4) Detachment involves giving up working for future goals. (The children have lost hope that they can ever succeed in the future.) Thus the children seek immediate satisfactions: they live for the present. (5) Every act of detachment is also an act of aggression. Sometimes the aggression may be quite overt, as in the case of crime and aggressive repartee. Often the aggression is covert. Since the children detach themselves from life, they often produce little and this usually results in low level of scholastic achievement. 2. Adler's Recommendations for the Solution of This Problem: a) Adler felt that the aim of education is to help enable children to become "equal, independent and 510 responsible collaborators in the common work of the culture." b) The Basic Principle of Adlerian Methodology. Adler believed that all of man's behavior— physical actions, emotions, perceptions, etc.— springs from his conception of the meaning of life. He felt that the discouraged child's meaning of life was: "I must avoid facing the unbearable truth that I am hopelessly inferior;" and believed that the child must come to believe that life really means contribution. Indeed, all children must under stand this, so that they will become the kind of collaborator described above. Thus the educator's task is, basically, to enlighten the child as to the meaning of life. c) Identification of the Child's Educators; Necessity for Cooperation. - i .Among the child's educators are not only the members of his school's staff, the administrators of the school system, and those who design the child's text books and other<learning materials; but also the child's parents, psychologists whom the school may bring in, people who make recommendations for education, the child's class mates, and community organizations which can provide learning experiences through field trips, youth days, and so forth. If these educators were to be classified, the classification would apparently have to be in accordance with the degree 511 of supervision they have over the child's education. At the top of the list would be the parents, for the school is the prolonged arm of the family. Then would come the school (staff, system administrators, etc.), psychologists, people who make recommendations for education, classmates (it would be difficult to tell if these last three are in the proper order; their order depends, perhaps, on the school), and community organizations. But this classification is not fully accurate. For all of the above parties cooperate with one another. The parents have the prime responsibility of the child's educa tion, but the school often seeks to encourage parents to assume more fully this responsibility through helping child ren at home and encouraging their school efforts. The school informs the outside psychologist of the problem child's troubles so that the psychologist is better able to help the child, but the psychologist teaches the school his techniques, so that he (the psychologist) eventually will not be_needed. The teacher collaborates with her more mature students to help problem children. In the end, it appears that the child's education is the responsibility of the entire community— not simply because the resources of the entire community are necessary, but also because the community is interested and wants to help. Teachers, class mates, community organizations, etc., have a personal interest in children and feel that it is a personal task to 512 help them. But they, and the family, realize that education requires cooperation. Thus all interested parties find ways of working together. This is not to diminish the importance of or deny the primacy of the family. Rather, it is to note that the true "educator," the individual who enlightens the child because he has a personal interest in him, may be anyone, and that these educators, in Adlerian methodology work together. d) The first step in applying Adlerian methodology in school is to train the school educator: ( . 1 ) He must be enlightened to the extent that he develops his own social interest which would entail true understanding. For only when the educator sees with the child's eyes, listens with his ears, feels with his heart, is he able to help him. Only then does the educator understand the child's style of life. (12:19,72; 2:96) (2) The educator must learn the most effective ways of teaching subjects, e.g., methodology which capitalizing on children's interests, teaching separate subjects as related subjects as they exist in the reality context. (3) The educator must also learn techniques for helping children psychologically. This means not only 513 "curing" discouraged children, but also providing the guidance that all children need, because of their immaturity and inexperience. Items (2) and (3) cannot be separated: through learning subjects (i.e., making them his own), the child becomes more mature; and increased maturity permits better learning. e) The Basic Means for Enlightening the Child. The educator enables the child to be in a position in which the child cooperates on his own success fully. In such a situation the child begins to acquire an improved self-concept— i.e., greater self-esteem, more self- confidence, and an increased awareness and feeling of belongingness. Hence he becomes less worried about himself, and his social interest can become "released." As one aspect of social interest is true understanding, the child's greater social interest entails a greater realization that life means contribution, and through contribution personal movement obtains. (It is true that an improved self-concept permits the release of more social interest; but it also appears that the improved concept, as its content is greater self- understanding, is itself a part of greater social interest. Thus it may be that greater social interest and an improved self-concept are inseparable and that every enlargening of 514 the unit they form stimulates greater social interest, per mits a better self-concept.) Under these conditions, the child is stimulated to cooperate in new situations. The educator makes sure that the new situations are those in which the child can be successful. Thus the child does succeed in them, and he is stimulated to widen the circle of his participation even more. The process continues until the child comes to realize fully the meaning of life; at that point he is able to rid himself of discouragement and to become a more positive contributor to his and society's development. The situations in which the child cooperates on his own fall into three categories: (1) A simple discussion with the educator. The educator first wins the child for cooperation— i.e., makes the child so comfortable that the latter willingly becomes receptive to the educator and lets the educator help him. The educator then explains to the child his mistakes, the fact that he can have hope, and other useful things. (2) Again, first enabling the child to be comfortable enough to cooperate with him, the educator provides a project on which the child can work by himself successfully. An example is the child doing lessons on his own. The child is cooperating in that (a) he is giving himself to the task at hand, rather than seeking to have 515 things go his way; and (b) he is fulfilling a "pact" between himself and the educator— to do his work is to contribute to the educator who has faith in him. (3) This category involves the same elements as (2), with one exception: instead of working on a task by himself, the child is asked to cooperate with other children. The forms of such cooperation are: the work community, the administrative community, the community of conversation, the community of mutual aid, and the community of life and experience. Thus the child, made comfortable by the educator, is cooperating with classmates and cooperating with the educator by fulfilling his side of the "pact." 3. The Anticipated Outcome of Utilizing Adlerian Methodology in the Education of Disadvantaged Children. a) Discouragement is overcome: (1) Excessive inferiority feelings give way to an improved self-concept and self-confidence (see supra, Chapter VI, research reports #5, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 32, 33). (2) Children become more hopeful about the future (20, 21). (3) Fear of trying to succeed is eliminated (2) . 516 (4) The result of item (3) is that motiva tion is no longer blocked (6, 16, 19, 20, 27, 33, 34). (5) The children no longer feel that the world is against them [5, 22; see also the reports listed infra, in item (7). They reveal the same change; however, they are put in terms of conceiving the world to be friendly.] (6) The children feel as if they belong to the group (20). (7) They are gladly self-accepting and friendly towards the world (5, 6, 10, 16, 20, 21, 22, 30, 31b, 32) . b) The children become creative, cooperative, successful, and happy. Thus their achievement in school is greater and the dropout rate is lower. (1) Creativity [2, 6, 13, 21, 31b, 34; see also infra, item (4)]. (2) Cooperativeness (1, 2, 5, 6, 19, 27, 30, 31a, 31b). (3) Happiness (19, 20, 21, 23, 27, 34). (4) Improved achievement (1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 12, 16, 17, 21, 24). (5) Lower dropout rate (16, 20). 517 B. The Tabular Representation of Adlerian Methodology THE PROBLEM: 1. Difficulties encountered; a’ . Disease, malnutrition 1 1 1 1 ' I V • - . ; . J . ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY1 1. Interest the child in things outside himself. 2. Help the parents relieve financial difficulties, if this is a factor. 3. Help the parents to pro vide the child with proper diets and medical care. The basic form of all Adlerian techniques is: the child is enabled to gain social interest (this entails attaining an understanding of the meaning of life and a true self-concept) and to cooperate on his own successfully. These two elements exist in a circular and spiral relation ship: each permits the development of the other. Furthermore, for each of the child's problems, it is necessary to use all or nearly all of the techniques. What will be listed are the first and major techniques to be used. Naturally, many items should be explained to the child (his enemies' motivations, the fact that he can have hope, etc.). Below, explanation is often noted as a first and major technique. The explaining may be done by the teacher, and/or by fellow classmates, and/or by a psychologist. Generally, in the following, no particular explainer(s) is recommended, for who the explainer(s) is depends upon the particular child's personality and on opportunities for explanation; e.g., if the class begins a discussion, the teacher might find this an excellent opportunity to have laziness discussed, in order to help a member of the class. Finally, the community of life and experience perhaps has a more subtle effect than all the other techniques. It , is always present, since all techniques require cooperation, \ ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF .UTILIZING METHODOLOGY He will not concentrate on himself too much, and con comitantly develop social interest. It should be possible to effect an easing of the difficulties. 518 ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY Provide advice and in formation about agencies which could assist. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY b. Others' enmity: (1) The Society at Large. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to the child the stupidity and moti vations of his persecutors. 2. Point out to the child that he should still cooperate and help him see value in cooperation. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY The child would be able to laugh at the situation and people would not enjoy attacking him any more. Only through cooperation can the child develop social interest. Understanding the situation (above tech nique) is one way of cooperating. (2) Teachers. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to the teachers human behavior, and the problems of disadvantaged children; teach them techniques for making studies interesting and meaningful, and for helping children psycho logically. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY The teachers will develop social interest in the children. They will enable them to become fellow men, responsible collaborators in the work of the culture. 519 (3) Parents. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Win the parents 1 con fidence; help them to feel that they belong. 2. Explain to them the rea sons for their children's actions and help them to seek solutions. 3. Enlist their aid in en couraging the child. 4. Help the parents with personal problems that de tract them from .helping the children (including advice on sources of help for them). ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY They will become more will ing to cooperate and to help the child. Their social interest in, and desire to help, their children will increase; they will know better how to help them. The children will improve; the parents' social interest will increase as a result of their creative effort. Less preoccupied with their own problems, parents will be "freer" to help the children. 2. Behavior engaged in because of discouragement; a. Detachment: (1) The child does not mix with his class mates or participate in discussions. 7 . ri TT,r ) T 3, . T mmlIAn,Tn.v ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY „t1liZING METHODOLOGY 1. Have him sit with friendly The children will attract children. his interest and win his It will be remembered that each act of detachment is comprised of several kinds of behavior, but is identified in accordance with the one or two behaviors that predominate in it. The following is a list of acts of detachment, but each act has a predominant behavior pattern. The first act, called simply "detachment," refers to an act in which lack of participation is the most obvious element. 520 ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY Have him cooperate with other children on a project. cooperation. The child will see that he can succeed in cooperation, and hence he will be stimu lated to participate even more. Have a personal talk with the child about his style of life, the fact that he can have hope, etc. Enable him through this talk to see the illogic in his thinking. Provide ex perience for him to exercise new patterns. The child will start to see the true meaning of life, and hence base his actions on it. He will become more independent. (2) The child breaks school rules, e.g., makes trouble in class, is always tardy. Therein he avoids engaging in situations— mixing with children, doing lessons, etc.— which he fears. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to the child his mistaken beliefs. Provide him with alternative possibilities. 2. Interest the child in something outside himself. 3. The administrative communi ty could also be used. The child will start to see the true meaning of life, and hence base his actions on it. He will develop an inner discipline. Since classmates are very influential, the child will "shape up." Since he is part of the class govern ment, he will learn when it is right to "take a lead" and when it is right to go 521 ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 4. Explain the natural consequences of the child's actions to him. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY along (not conform) with the group. The child will understand the uselessness, self- defeating character, and danger of his behavior, and so stop it. b) Using one's inferiority as an excuse not to participate; (1) Laziness. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to the child the illogic behind attempts at laziness. Provide him with an example. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY He will see the absurdity of laziness and hence try to overcome this pattern. (2) Over-Dependency. (3) Over-Submissiveness. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to the child that he can have hope. 2. Have the child participate in a work community. For such a community, he must share responsibility. 3. Encourage independence with the eventual aim of creating interdependence. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY The child will learn that he can cooperate on his own, and hence he will find, dependency and submissive ness unappealing. Conse quently, he will cease to engage in them. 522 c) Proving one1s superiority; (1) The child seeks to be the center of attention. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to him the reasons he seeks attention. 2. Show him "useful" ways in which he can get it and that he can have hope. 3. Place him in a situation in which he cooperates successfully. 4. Explain to him that all men are equal and what positive effects his behavior can have. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY Seeing that he can achieve recognition by striving on the useful side of life, he will be encouraged to so strive. He will receive deserved recognition which will satisfy him. He will not feel that he is insignificant in relation to other people. (2) The child seeks to dominate others. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to him his mis taken beliefs and what his behavior actually means. 2. Explain to him the meaning of life. Try to interest him in others so he will have an opportunity to work on the useful side of life. 3. Place him in situations in which he can cooperate successfully. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY He will see the absurdity of his action, and so stop it. He will see that an attempt to assert power is incom patible with what is really desirable. He will want to cooperate with others, rather than dominate them. He will see that he is cap able, valuable and a part of the whole after all; thus he will feel no need to assert power. 523 d) Lying. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to the child the stupidity and moti vations of his enemies; point out to him that all men are equal. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY The fear which prompts the lying, and hence the lying itself, will be abandoned. e) Living for the present. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Explain to the child why he can have hope. 2. Explain to him the meaning of life. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY The child will develop courage to orient himself to the future. 3. Encourage him to consider and choose an interest to develop and an occupation. f) Aggression. Utilize same techniques and outcomes as noted after item l.a)(2) in "The Problem" column. g) Poor achievement: (1) The child is so discouraged that he has given up trying to achieve. Further more, he does not see the relevance of curricula to his present or future life. This also decreases his motiva tion to study. 524 ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Relate the curricula intimately to his inter ests and to those capacities of his which he has trained. 2. Explain to him the meaning of life. ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY His motivation will be so great that his achievement will be greatly improved. (2) The child is usually not ready for the curricula, because of lack of training at home and failure in school. ADLERIAN METHODOLOGY 1. Provide remedial experi ences. Allow more capable students to assist him in his development (work community; community of mutual aid). (This means desegregation.) ANTICIPATED OUTCOME OF UTILIZING METHODOLOGY The more advanced students will teach the less advan ced students needed skills; the former will also stimu late the latter to work well and creatively. All the children will develop the capacities for social interest and cooperation; nor will retardation con tinue. i i CHAPTER VIII THE TEACHER CORPS PROGRAM AT THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA A. Introduction The following is an attempt to demonstrate that the Teacher Corps program at the University of Southern California, although developed independently of any specific Adlerian framework, does utilize many Adlerian concepts in its day-to-day operations. The information about Teacher Corps comes from two major sources: (1) an unpublished Teacher Corps proposal submitted to the Office of Education in the Department of Health, Education and Welfare by the University of Southern California Teacher Corps program (49 8), and an unpublished monograph (484) sent to the aforementioned government office enumerating accomplishments of the University of Southern California Teacher Corps program upon the gradua tion of its first group; and (2) the author's involvement with the University of Southern California Teacher Corps program since the summer of 1966, serving first as Counselor- Coordinator, and then as Assistant Director. B. Background Information on Teacher Corps at the University of Southern California After passage of enabling Congressional legislation 525 526 in 1965, Teacher Corps became operational in the Spring of 1966. At that time proposals were submitted to the national officeoof Teacher Corps which then funded thirty Teacher Corps programs throughout the United States. The University of Southern California program became operation al in June, 1966. The Teacher Corps program is a graduate program accepting candidates with Bachelor's degrees in fields other than education. It is a two-year program which seeks to train individuals who have had no previous course- work in professional education to become specialist teachers of disadvantaged youth. At the end of the two-year work- study program inter-teachers who have successfully completed the program receive a valid Teaching Credential and a Master of Science degree in Education from the sponsoring university. The Teacher Corps program at the University of. Southern California is a joint endeavor with the University and a cluster of school districts located in the greater Los Angeles area. These economically impoverished school districts are autonomous and work primarily with inner- city youth populations with the exception of one district which is located in Riverside County and is somewhat rural in composition. The communities in which these districts are situated in "pocket ghettos" and "ports-of-entry" for in-migration 527 to urban areas for Mexican-Americans from Mexico and the migrant stream, Negroes from the South, and low-income whites from Appalachia. The first phase of the program is the pre-service phase. It is during this time that Corpsmen are given fundamental background information as well as experiences within the poverty community setting to help them better grasp the reality context in which they will eventually be working. These experiences include university course work which includes a community study requiring original investigation by speaking with residents, social service agency representatives, merchants, and city officials. "Live-in" experiences with disadvantaged families are also included in this period, as well as visitations to community groups and community meetings. At the end of the pre-service phase, Corpsmen enter into the.? in-service phase of the program. This consists of being on the University campus for one or two days per week to receive specialized training through coursework and special workshops. The remaining days of the week are spent in the schools and communities in which the Corpsmen serve. The University of Southern California Teacher Corps program works primarily with elementary age youngsters in grades K-6/8. Initial efforts for each Corpsman tend toward experiences which help them better understand the 52 8 school district operations, meet the personnel available to help them learn more about youngsters, and working with youngsters individually or in small groups in order to better understand disadvantaged children. Thus, as teams become more sophisticated and proficient in understanding the needs of children they begin to take on more teaching responsibility. In many cases they also move into the development of specialized programming to meet the needs of the child. These efforts include the development and establishment of English as a Second Language classes, math laboratories, and science laboratories. An unusual aspect of the Teacher Corps program is that Corpsmen work in teams of four or five inexperienced interns under the leadership of one experienced teacher who is called the team leader. The team concept offers an opportunity to work both individually and as a unit, and the team concept is stressed and maintained throughout the program by both the University and the school district efforts. C. The Teacher Corps Model Based on the University of Southern California Program In order to demonstrate theuutilizationw6f:imany Adlerian concepts in the Teacher Corps program at the University of Southern California, a model has been con structed in the following manner: Adlerian concepts pre viously discussed have been outlined; Teacher Corps 529 objectives as stated in the University of Southern California proposal have then been matched with the correlated Adlerian Concepts; and Teacher Corps activities which support the listed objectives are then listed in support of the Teacher Corps objectives in the University of Southern California program. ADLERIAN CONCEPT 1. Developing social interest in prospective teachers who will teach disadvantaged youngsters: en1ightenment of these teachers about the disadvantaged with an interest in improving the lives of the disadvantaged. TEACHER CORPS OBJECTIVES TEACHER CORPS ACTIVITIES a. For intern-teachers to have a clear understanding of the significance of social stratification, social mobility, accept ance and resistance to social striving, and the overall dynamics of the . . disadvantaged community. Required community study of the communities in which Corpsmen will be serving. (This includes meeting with children, parents, city officials, social service agency representatives, and businessmen to determine their concerns as well as ideas for community betterment.) University classroom discussions which fre quently include repre sentatives from dis advantaged communities. Also media presentations (slides, films, tapes) which have been prepared by previous Corpsmen and teachers from dis advantaged areas aimed at developing understand ing of the community. 530 b. An understanding of the relationship of poverty to education disadvan- tagement. c. Understanding the nature of educational disadvan- tagement among minority and poverty children— its causes and forms. d. Helping Corpsmen develop a receptive attitude toward change. Reading and discussion of current formal and informal studies to determine model charac teristics of the dis advantaged and the results of disadvantage- ment. Discussions of the different community studies in which Corps men themselves were the original investigators. Corpsmen observations are required in the schools in which they serve and are discussdd on a team basis as well as in class-discussion groups. Reading and discussion of current formal and informal studies to de termine model character istics of the disadvan taged and the results of disadvantagement. Discussions of the different community studies in which Corps men themselves were the original investigators. Providing experiences where interns can read about and discuss educa tional objectives and ways in which these objectives can be used to provide greater edu cational opportunity for the disadvantaged student. Conducting T-groups where the task at hand is an innovation one and where Corpsmen must seek ways to implement the new approach. Included in the process: 531 e. Develop in Corpsmen a sensitivity to themselves and others— especially the disadvantaged community. f. That Corpsmen function effectively as a team. developing a rationale as well as strategies to introduce the concept and actually use it in the reality setting. Communication skills laboratories are conduct ed, often with community representatives present: the goal being to pro duce greater communica tion and sensitivity. T-group sessions are conducted in which the tasks center about how one becomes more attuned to the students and parents in the disadvan taged community. Actual working in the community facilitates this objective. Also, Corpsmen are encouraged to participate in community events. Many university assign ments as well as tasks undertaken in the schools must be performed as a team unit. T-groups are conducted with the emphasis on team cooperation toward task completion Teams conduct regular meetings to share infor mation as well as deter mine ways to best work through team responsibi lities . A full-time staff counselor is available to work with teams in team development and problem solving. 532 2. The development of specific techniques which would help disadvantaged students both psychologically and academically. TEACHER CORPS OBJECTIVES a. For inter-teachers to develop an understanding of how children learn, how environment and status effect learning, and how motivation may be developed within the culture of the dis advantaged . b. For inter-teachers to develop basic competence in general and selected teaching skills applic able to the classroom and to the special situations in school district assignments. TEACHER CORPS ACTIVITIES The required community study facilitates the development of under standings . -problem-solving exercises such as filmed and video-taped "critical incidents" are given to Corpsmen to "solve" through discussion and ■written exercises. -Corpsmen make visita tions to classrooms which offer exemplary approaches to helping disadvantaged students. -lecture and discussion sessions are conducted with instructors and specialists in an attempt to devise relevant strategies. Methods and curriculum classes and workshops are taught by specialists who have worked success fully with disadvantaged children. Specialists teach only in their area(s) of proficiency. Visitations are made to schools which are noted for their achieve ments in meeting the special needs of the dis advantaged student. Interns are encouraged to develop their own strategies and discuss them with the entire Corpsmen group. 533 c. Intern^-teachers are encouraged to adapt theo retical models of learning to their reality situa tions . (This includes the integration of teach ing concepts into teach ing strategies.) Instructors present theoretical models and ways in which others have applied them. Concepts are presented and Corpsmen seek ways to use them in a problem solving approach. University administra tive and instructional personnal make regular visitations to Corps men in their assignments in the field to observe and discuss their pro gress in translating theoretical models into teaching strategies. Exemplary projects are visited in order to ob tain additional practical approaches and discuss them with teachers actu ally employing them. 3. Enlightening the Student and the community as to the purpose of education and creating a cooperative rela tionship with the entire community in the educational process. TEACHER CORPS OBJECTIVES TEACHER CORPS ACTIVITIES Enlarging the concept of the school in the lives of the Corpsmen, the disadvantaged children and their families, and exploring the relation ship of the larger community towards developing greater and more relevant involvement in the educational process. Visiting with parents on a "no-problem" basis just to become acquainted and understand one an other . -initiating events (which may or may not be school oriented) in which children, their families, and school personnel participate together. -encouraging parents to take interest in their children's school acti vities. Offering sugges tions as to how parents may involve themselves with their children in meaningful ways. Helping educators develop social interest and enlighten ing them as to the purposes and dimensions of education. TEACHER CORPS OBJECTIVES TEACHER CORPS ACTIVITIES Developing in teachers a concept of teaching in which one performs various pro fessional functions as well as the teaching role. Individual involvement in the conducting of a community study. Visiting the homes of children to meet with their parents on a "no- problem" basis. Becoming familiar with social service agencies and their functions so they (Corpsmen) can assist the families in their communities. Enlightening the student as to the purpose and dimen sions of education and encouraging him to become an independent and responsible collaborator in the common work of culture with hope for the future. TEACHER CORPS OBJECTIVES TEACHER CORPS ACTIVITIES a. Improving the student's performance of basic skills. Emphasis on understand ing the student and his needs in order to deter mine strategies which will be most stimulating and meaningful for the student to learn basic skills. Providing individual attention for students in order to meet their unique educational needs. b. Increasing the educa tional aspiration level of disadvantaged students. Helping students learn and succeed in mastery of basic skills. Providing general educational experiences 535 in which the children can be successful. Using unusual techni ques to help "bring-out" children— e.g., role playing, making their own 8mm films, building, stories around snapshots of meaningful things in their environment, etc. 6. Enlightenment of students as to their own worth and becoming receptive toward learning, and become a contributor on the useful side of life. TEACHER CORPS OBJECTIVES a. Helping disadvantaged students develop a posi-. tive self-attitude. b. Cultivate a positive and receptive attitude toward learning for the dis advantaged student. TEACHER CORPS ACTIVITIES Providing experiences in which students can succeed. Utilization of strate gies which help children develop positive self- concepts; e.g., group communication series by Drs. Uvaldo Palo-mares and Harold Bessell. Use of media which allow children to create their own original works. (Art materials, 8mm film, cameras to take their own snapshots, etc etc.) Acknowledge successes of the child and encourage him to continue his development. Helping the student become involved in ex periences in which he will become successful. Making materials, methods, and content of the school curriculum more stimulating and relevant to the child. 536 7. Enlightening the intern-teachers and helping them utilize social interest in their own interrelationships. TEACHER CORPS OBJECTIVES TEACHER CORPS ACTIVITIES Having Corpsmen in Teacher T-groups are conducted Corps function effectively as with the emphasis on a team. team cooperation toward completion of tasks. A full-time staff counselor is available to work with teams in team development and problem-solving. Many University assignments as well as tasks undertaken in the school district must be performed as a total team. Teams conduct regular informal meetings to share information as well as determine ways to best work through team responsibilities. CHAPTER IX SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS A. Summary Poor people in the United States suffer from the enmity of the majority of people with income levels higher than their own. This is expressed through prejudice, discrimination, disparagement, and the refusal to provide help with problems. The impoverishment and enmity are collectively termed "disadvantagement.1 1 These people also suffer from the enmity of fellow disadvantaged; this enmity evolves as crime, aggressive repartee, and dis paragement. The number of disadvantaged in the United States constitutes at least 15 percent of the population, and possibly as high as 25 percent, the exact figure dependent upon specific researchers and the criteria selected. The disadvantaged in the United States have a dis tinct culture (the culture of poverty). The enmity and poverty which they experience affects most of them in the same way— i.e., with their establishing many of the same mores, and in living a certain way of life regardless of subcultural ties. At the same time, most of them belong to certain ethnic and racial sub-societies having subcultures 537 - 538 of their own. These sub-societies include: Negroes, the Appalachians, Mexican-Americans, migrant farm workers and sharecroppers of the South; Indiana; many orientals, the Spanish Americans of the Southwest; Mexican, Cuban, Puerto Rican and European immigrants; and poor native whites. Disadvantaged children comprise at least 20 percent of the child population in the United States. Their poverty frequently results in widespread malnutrition and disease. They experience enmity from other disadvantaged people including their families, adults in general and other racial or ethnic societies. They also suffer from the enmity of their teachers and other school authorities in addition to personnel connected with social service agencies with whom they must relate. These children tend to have good relations with their peers; but even their peers often combine hostility with affection. As a result of experiencing so much enmity and poverty, most disadvantaged children become so discouraged they give up hope of being able to live full creative, gratifying lives. The elements of discouragement include: strong inferiority feelings; lack of hope (the idea is that one's inferiority precludes him from ever achieving what he desires); fear that if one tries to succeed, he will fail, and hence have his inferiority revealed; a consequent lack of motivation to try; the belief that the 539 world is an enemy; hostility against it and oneself; and the belief that one is an outsider in the larger setting of society. The discouraged, disadvantaged child engages in behavior motivated by his interpretation of life and his view of himself as a living being. Feeling inferior, he makes excessive efforts to seek recognition in class and to prove that he has "manly" qualities. Giving up hope for the future, he lives for the present. Fearing to try to succeed, he detaches himself from any situation in which he might be challenged to succeed. Thus he may withdraw from life into illness; from the general society into his sub-society; from his family into his peer group; and from school. This last form of detachment creates the dropout (both psychologically and physically), absence, and truancy. As a result of his lack of motivation to try, the child does not try, and therefore fails in school. His hostility against the world is expressed in such behavior as crime, aggressive repartee or almost absolute withdrawal. His hostility against the world and his teacher's enmity often clash; life in school often tends to become a battle between teachers and their classes. Some disadvantaged children are not discouraged; rather, they are independent/., creative and cooperative. But disadvantaged children, because of the severity of 540 their environments often interpret life as discouraging, with the end result being useless activity. The necessary stop-gap measures bridging useful and useless behavior is a feeling of personal value, the development of a personal value system. It is through the interception of a significant other or a moving experience and encourage ment that a child is assisted in the development of a positive and useful value system. 1. The Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler Alfred Adler proposed the theory of human behavior and its development known as Individual Psychology. The concepts and methodology of Individual Psychology have been shown to have direct applicability to understanding and remediating the problems frequently found among dis advantaged children. Individual Psychology's basic tenet is that life is a continuous striving toward perfection. Man is universally engaged in this striving. Furthermore, each man strives to achieve perfection as he conceives it. Each man is an individual and he has a unique concept of perfection; however, all men's concepts fall into two general non-dichotomous categories— "perfec tion is the perfection of myself only" or "perfection is the perfection of all, including myself." Although man never achieves perfection; he is continually striving i towards and approaching it. j 541 What motivates all men is an awareness of their lack of perfection (inferiority), and an interest in over coming all imperfections (striving). Under normal circumstances, awareness takes the form of an inferiority feeling, which is not severe or depressing, and which may be described as attention which stimulates striving. The interest takes the form of "social interest," a phenomenon that includes a personal, affectionate interest in, and an understanding of, oneself and others. In normal circum stances, the individual's interest in overcoming inferiority is called "social," because he realizes that he and all others are interdependent (social embeddedness), and that to overcome his inferiority really means to overcome the inferiority of all. This individual also recognizes that this can be done only through cooperation with others. When man has social interest, he has the courage to cooperate with others. Cooperation, which Adler calls "striving on the useful side of life," in turn leads to improvement in himself and others— to becoming nearer to true perfection. In other words, improvement is achieved only through cooperation. In abnormal circumstances, the awareness of inferio rity takes the form of a terribly painful idea that one is hopelessly inferior, and the interest is primarily an interest in trying to avoid any situation in which it would be proved that the idea was actually true. There is very 542 little interest in others; rather, there is a large degree of mistrust of, and hatred for, them. The situations which a man in these circumstances seeks to avoid are those in which he must interact with others on the useful side of life. Under these conditions, man is discouraged from cooperating with others. Rather he shuns his fellows and tries to prove that he is not deficient in any way, that is, he is perfect, thus avoiding the need for any useful striving. Also, mistrusting others, he aggresses against them, and no improvement is effected. Such behavior is called "striving on the useless side of life." All of man's activities are purposive and fall into two basic (but non-dichotomous) generalized categories— cooperating with others with the intent of achieving true perfection; or avoiding others with the intent of achieving personal perfection. In both cases, the activities con stitute a striving for perfection; the concept of what perfection is, where one stands in relation to it, and of how it is to be obtained are different. It is these concepts that determine the kind of striving one pursues: the man who believes he is extremely inferior and that perfection means personal perfection strives in a way which complements this view; whereas the man with the "correct" sense of inferiority, and who believes that perfection is the perfection of all, strives in another way. Man's 543 behavior springs from his idea, from his interpretation of life and how he "fits" into life. It is his interpretation of his phenomenological field, his biased apperception. In terms of development, Adler noted that by the time children are four or five, they have developed fixed concepts that determine their form of striving. (There is no "determinism" in this: all people choose their own concepts to live by.) Each person's set of concepts are different, and represent his own unique individuality, but these "sets" do fall into one of the two previously des cribed categories. Unfortunately too many children select wrong concepts, that is, that "they are hopelessly inferior," and they should seek personal perfection only. Among the situations which foster their making such mistaken interpretations are parental neglect, over-pampering, malnutrition, organ inferiority, poverty, prejudice, and disparagement. Children who do make these mistakes become discouraged and seek to prevent the unmasking of their— albeit supposed— extreme inferiority. Once a child has selected a fixed concept of per fection, he "designs" all his behavior so that it will eventuate in his reaching the consequence to be sought in life. It is this unified and goal-directed behavior which Adler termed the "style of life." 544 2. Adler's Relevance to, and Usefulness for Understanding and Assisting Disadvantaged Children Adler^s theories can be easily applied to the pro blems of disadvantaged children. These children suffer from situations, as noted above, which may result in their making interpretations of life leading toward discouragement. The literature on the disadvantaged showed that they become discouraged as a result of these conditions, and what they do (aggress, withdraw, seek recognition in useless ways, give up trying in school, etc.) when discouragement obtains. Similarly, Adler pointed out that these behavior patterns are the outcomes of discouragement. Adler recommended ways in which discouraged children can be helped in school. These ways all have a common basic philosophy and a common basic technique. The philo sophy is that when the children are sufficiently encouraged; that is, when they understand the illogic of their concepts, when they assess themselves and their world accurately, when they acquire an accurate concept of perfection (all of which Adler subsumes under comprehending the meaning and hence purpose of life— viz., to cooperate with others to reach perfection); when the children understand this, they will make life's purpose their own, they will feel it a personal task to cooperate with others in order to reach perfection. With the development of such a value system (social interest), they will have sufficient courage to I 545 work towards universal (and therein personal) perfection. Their task will no longer be survival— no growth— but rather the process of becoming— creativity. The basic technique is to put children into situa tions in which they can cooperate successfully on their own, with the result that they will gain a better self- concept and will develop stronger social interest in (and therein a better understanding of) those with whom they cooperate. Success in this situation entices them to participate in other situations. The circle of participa tion widens until they have become so enlightened that they feel enough courage to work for the perfection of all. Basic patterns of widening the circle of participation are (1) from success in cooperating with himself,(stimulated by a significant other or by personal achievement) , . .then cooperating with another individual (usually the teacher) to success in undertaking a task— such as homework— or success in cooperating with others— such as one's class mates— and (2) from success in performing a task on one's own to success in performing another task and success in cooperating with even larger groups. Adler also recommended that teachers be trained in Individual Psychology theory and application, and come to understand children better, thereby developing greater interest and ability to work with them. He recommended the enlistment of the help of parents and, until the 546 teachers' training is complete, the assistance of a skilled psychologist or consultant. Several schools have employed Adlerian methodology successfully: experimental studies have proven the efficacy of these methods. With few exceptions, the schools and the experimenters in these studies did not realize they were using or testing Adlerian methodology. Most of them did not employ all the techniques involved in the methodology; those that did were the Adlerian Experimental schools, under the direction of Adler himself or his followers. A model of Adlerian methodology was presented. This model when wedded with an understanding of the philosophi cal and conceptual bases of Individual Psychology provides avenues for helping children become contributors on the useful side of life. Although not totally Adlerian, the Teacher Corps program at the University of Southern California has objectives and activities which complement Adlerian con cepts. The Teacher Corps-University of Southern California model does offer a partial exemplification of the Adlerian Model as it could be used in both teacher education and actual public school teaching. In sum, Adler believed that by recognizing the good in each child and valuing and encouraging its development, the educator can help the child to reconsider and, if necessary, alter his goal in life. Initially, the educator ; 547 can contribute by helping the child find useful methods— but the eventual objective must be the development of a useful goal. Many children, as a result of experiencing poverty and the enmity of the majority of those in their environ ment, become discouraged. Individual Psychology explains this phenomenon and provides effective ways of overcoming it. B. Conclusions The findings of this dissertation led to the follow ing conclusions: 1. Adlerian concepts and methodology address the major social and educational issues relating to disadvant aged children. 2. Adlerian educational and psychotherapeutic methods, when employed, are effective in enabling disad vantaged children to succeed in school as well as to lead more creative and useful lives. 3. Training educators in Adlerian techniques would significantly increase their interest in and understanding of pupils and foster a highly professional and enthusiastic attitude toward working with children. 4. With sufficient training, teachers would be able to become psychologists in their own right, thus reducing the need for bringing in "outside" consultant help. The 548 teachers would then assume the main professional responsi bility for education and remediation with their children. 5. The application of Adlerian methodology, because of its emphasis on cooperation, would result in improved relations between students and their teachers and a re duction in children's negative attitudes toward the school and teachers. 6. Adlerian methodology involves the mutual coopera tion of schools, parents, and other sectors of the community. Such cooperation would result in closer affec tive ties and continual increased cooperation among these divergent yet necessarily related parties. 7. The application of Adlerian methodology does not sacrifice the teaching of subject matter. Rather, the methodology can facilitate teaching, and result in greater learning for all students. 8. The Teacher Corps program at the University of Southern California has objectives and methodology which exemplify many Adlerian concepts and could serve as a model program for the utilization of these concepts. C. Recommendations j The following recommendations are made on the basis of the findings of this study: 1. It is recommended that programs be instituted in which the trainers of teachers, and eventually the teachers j 549 of disadvantaged children, would be trained in Individual Psychology and its methodology. 2. It is recommended that exemplary teacher educa tion programs, such as the Teacher Corps, should base their training on the Individual Psychology framework in order to obtain optimal results in their work. 3. It is recommended that schools in disadvantaged ageas which have already adopted educational techniques that are essentially Adlerian adopt Individual Psychology as their philosophical framework so they may systematize their methodology into a unified system. As these tech niques are formed into a system they would have the force of a geometric progression— that is, the relatively strong impact of the entire organized and united system rather than the weaker impact of a loose scattering of individual techniques. 4. It is recommended that research studies be conducted in an attempt to identify additional educational techniques emanating from the Individual Psychology frame work. These techniques should be validated, thus providing teachers with a greater repertoire of Adlerian methodology.> BIBLIOGRAPHY 550 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. BOOKS AND ARTICLES IN BOOKS Adler, Alfred. "The Drive for Superiority." Great Cases in Psychoanalysis. Edited by H. Greenwald. New York: Ballantine Books, 1959. ________. The Education of Children. Translated by Eleanore and Friedrich Jensen, M.D. New York: Greenberg Publisher, 1930. ________. "Individual Psychology." Psychologies of 1930. Edited by Carl Murchison. Worcester, Mass.: Clark University Press, 1930. ________. The Individual Psychology of Alfred Adler. Edited by Heinz L. Ansbacher and Rowena R. Ansbacher. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1956. ________. The Neurotic Constitution: Outlines of a Comparative Individualistic Psychology and Psychotherapy. Translated by Bernard Glueck and John E. Lind. New York: Moffat, Yard and Company, 1917. ________. The Problem Child: The Life Style of the Difficult Child as Analyzed in Specific Cases. New York: Capricorn Books, 1963. ________. Problems of Neurosis: A Book of Case- Histories . London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Truebner & Co., 1929. ________. The Science of Living. New York: Greenberg Publisher, Inc., 1929. ________. Social Interest: A Challenge to Mankind. Translated by John Linton and Richard Vaughan. New York: Capricorn Books, 1964. ________. Superiority and Social Interest, A Collection of Later Writings. Edited by Heinz L. Ansbacher and Rowena R. Ansbacher. Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1964. ________. Understanding Human Nature. Translated by W. Beran Wolfe. Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett Publications, Inc., 1954. 551 12. ________. What Life Should Mean to You. Edited by Alan Porter. Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1931. 13. ________. Guiding the Child on the Principles of Individual Psychology. Translated by Benjamin Ginzburg. New York: Greenberg Publisher, Inc., 1930. 14. Adler, Kurt A. and Danica Deutsch, eds. Essays in Individual Psychology: Contemporary Application of Alfred Adler's Theories7 New York: Grove Press, Inc., 1959. 15. Amidon, Edmund J. and Ned A. Flanders. The Role of the Teacher in the Classroom: A Manual for Understanding and Improving Teachers' Classroom Behavior. Minneapolis: Paul S. Amidon and Associates, Inc., 1963. 16. Amos, William E. and Jean Dresden Grambs, ed. "The Nature of Disadvantaged Youth." Counseling the Disadvantaged Youth. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968. 17.__________. Counseling the Disadvantaged Youth. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1968. 18. Ausubel, David P. "The Effects of Cultural Depriva tion on Learning Patterns." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W, Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 19. Ausubel, David P. and Pearl Ausubel. "Ego Development Among Segregated Negro Children." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. 20. Batchelder, Alan. "Poverty: The Special Case of the Negro." Poverty in America: A Book of Readings. Edited by Louis A. Ferman, Joyce L. Kornbluh and Alan Haber. Ann Arbor, Mich.: The University of Michigan Press, 1965. 21. Bendix, R. and S.M. Lipset, eds. Class, Status, and Power. New York: Free Press, 1953. 552 22. Berelson, Bernard and Gary A. Steiner. Human Behavior; An Inventory of Scientific Findings. New York; Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc., 1964. 23. Berger, Bennett M. Working-Class Suburb; A Study of Auto Workers in Suburbia. Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1960. 24. Bernstein, Abraham. The Education of Urban Popula tions . New York: Random House, 1967. 25. Bernstein, Basil. "A Public Language: Some Socio logical Implications of a Linguistic Form." Seminar Selections on the Disadvantaged Child. Edited by Elizabeth H. Brady. New York: Selected Academic Readings, Inc., n.d. 26. ________. "Social Class and Linguistic Development: A Theory of Social Learning." Economy, Educar tion and Society. Edited by A.H. Halsey, J. Floud, and C.A. Anderson. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1961. 27. Bettelheim, Bruno. "Teaching the Disadvantaged." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Under standing, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Web ster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 28. Blood, Robert 0. and Donald M. Wolfe. The Dynamics of Married Living. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1960. 29. Bloom, Benjamin S.; Davis, Allison; and Hess, Robert. Compensatory Education for Cultural Deprivation. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965. 30. Bonilla, E. Seda. "Social Structure and Race Rela- tions." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 31. Brookover, W.B. and David Gottlieb. "Social Class and Education." Readings in the Social Psychology of Education. Edited by W.W. Charter, Jr., and N.L. Gage. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, Inc., 1963. 553 32. Cahill, Imogene D. "Child-Rearing Practices in Lower Socioeconomic Ethnic Groups." The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education. Edited by Robert Dentler,Bernard Mackler, and Mary Ellen Warshauer. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1967. 33. Carter, M.P. Home, School and Work. The Macmillan Company, 1962. New York: 34. Carter, Wilmoth A. "Negro Main Street as a Symbol of Discrimination." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 35. Cartwright, Dorwin and Alvin F. Zander, eds. Group Dynamics Research and Theory. 2nd ed. Evanston, Ill.’ i Row, Preston and Company, 1960. 36. Catalano, Thelma P. "The Process of Mutual Redefini tion— Counseling and Teaching Children from Urban Slums." The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education. Edited by Robert Dentler, Bernard Mackler, and Mary Ellen Warshauer. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1967. 37. Clark, Erma. "A Nursery School on the Ute Indian Reservation." The Disadvantaged Child: Issues and Innovations, Glenn R. Company, Hawkes. 1966. Edited by Joe L. Frost and Boston: Houghton-Mifflin 38. Clark, Kenneth B. Dark Ghetto: Dilemmas of Social Power. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1965. 39. 40. 41. . "Educational Stimulation of Racially Disadvantaged Children." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. . Prejudice and Your Child. Peter Smith, 1963. 2nd ed. Boston: , and M.P. Clark. "Racial Identification and Preference in Negro Children." Readings in Social Psychology. Edited by T.M. Newcomb and E.L. Hartley. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 19 47. 554 42. Clausen, J.A. and M.L. Kohn. "Social Relations and Schizophrenia: A Research Report and a Perspective." The Etiology of Schizophrenia. Edited by D.D. Jackson. New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1960. 43. Cloward, Richard A.and James A. Jones. "Social Class: Educational Attitudes and Participation." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. 44. Cohn, Werner. "On the Language of Lower-Class Children." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 45. Coleman, James S. The Adolescent Society: The Social Life of the Teenager and Its Impact on Education. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1961. 46. ________. "The Adolescent Subculture and Academic Achievement." The Schools and the Urban Crisis/ A Book of Readings. Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. New York: Holt, Rine hart and Winston, 1966. 47. Coles, Robert. "What Migrant Farm Children Learn." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Under standing, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 19 66. 48. Conant, James B. Slums and Suburbs. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1961. 49. Coopersmith, Stanley. Antecedents of Self-Esteem. San Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Co., 1967. 50. Crosby, Muriel. An Adventure in Human Relations. Chicago: Follett Publishing Company, 1965. 51. Crow, Lester D.; Murray, Walter I.; and Smythe, Hugh H. Educating the Culturally Disadvantaged Child: Principles and Programs. New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1966. 555 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60 . Dai, B. "Some Problems of Personality Development in Negro Children." Personality in Nature, Society and Culture. Edited by C. Kluckhohn and H. A. Murray. New York: Knopf, 19 49. Davis, Allison. "Child Training and Social Class." Child Behavior and Development. Edited by R. G. Barker, J. S. Kounin, and H. F. Wright. New York: McGraw-Hill, 19 43. ________. Deep South: A Social Anthropological Study of Caste and Class. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941. Della-Dora, Delmo. "The Culturally Disadvantaged: Educational Implications of Certain Social- Cultural Phenomena." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Deutsch, Cynthia P. "Environment and Perception." Social Class, Race, and Psychological Develop ment. Edited by Martin Deutsch, Irwin Katz, and Arthur R. Jensen. New York: Holt, Rine hart and Winston, Inc., 196 8. Deutsch, Martin. "The Disadvantaged Child and the Learning Process." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. ________. "Minority Groups and Class Status as Related to Social and Personality Factors in Scholastic Achievement." The Disadvantaged Child: Selected Papers of Martin Deutsch and Associates. Martin Deutsch, et'.'.al., eds . New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1967. ________; Katz, Irwin; and Jensen, Arthur R., eds. Social Class, Race, and Psychological Develop ment. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 196 8. ________, et al. The Disadvantaged Child: Selected Papers of Martin Deutsch and Associates. New York: Basic Books, Inc., Publishers, 1967. 61. Dewey, John, and Bentley, Arthur F. The Knowing and the Known. Boston: Deacon Press, 1949. 556 62. Dinkmeyer, Don C., ed. Guidance and Counseling in the Elementary School; Readings m Theory and Practice. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968. 63. ______and Dreikurs, Rudolf. Encouraging Children to Learn: The Encouragement Process. Engle wood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963. 64. Dreikurs, Rudolf. Children: The Challenge. New York: Duell, Sloan and Pearce, 1964. 65. ________. Psychology in the Classroom. 2nd ed. New York: Evanston, 111.: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1968. 66. Eckert, Ruth E., and Marshall, Thomas 0. When Youth Leave School. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc., 1938. 67. "Educational Problems and Urbanization." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. 68. Elam, Sophie L. "Acculturation and Learning Problems of Puerto Rican Children." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 69. Ellison, Ralph. The Invisible Man. New York: Random House, 1947. 70. Fantini, Mario D., and Weinstein, Gerald. The Disadvantaged: Challenge to Education. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 19 68. 71. Faris, R. E., and Dunham, H. W. Mental Disorders in Urban Areas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1939. 72. Findley, W. G. Learning and Teaching in Atlanta Public Schools. Princteon, N. J.: Educational Testing Service, 1956. 73. Flanders, Ned A. Teaching with Groups. Minneapolis: Burgess Publishing Co., 1954. 557 74. Ford, Donald H. and Urban, Hugh B. Systems of Psycho therapy: A Comparative Study. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1965. 75. Foskett, John M. "The Influence of Social Participa tion on Community Programs and Activities." Community Structure and Analysis. Edited by Marvin B. Sussman. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1959 . 76. Frost, Joe L., and Hawkes, Glenn R. The Disadvantaged Child: Issues and Innovations. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1966. 77. Gans, Herbert. The Urban Villagers. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1962. 78. Ganz, Madalaine. The Psychology of Alfred Adler and the Development of the Child. New York: Humanities Press, Inc., 1953. 79. Glazer, Nathan, and Moynihan, Daniel P. Beyond the Melting Pot: The Negroes, Puerto Ricans, Jews, Italians and Irish in New York City. Cambridge, Mass.: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press and Harvard University Press, 1963. 80. Goldberg, Miriam L. "Factors Affecting Educational Attainment in Depressed Urban Areas." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. 81. Goldstein, Bernard, with the assistance of Steinberg, Barbara, and Bredemeier, Harry C. Low Income Youth in Urban Areas: A Critical Review of the Literature. New York: Holt, Rinehartand Winston, Inc., 19 67. 82. Gondor, Emery I. Art and Play Therapy. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1954. 83. Goodman, M. E. Race Awareness in Young Children. Reading, Mass.: Addison-Wesley, 1952; New York: Collier, 1964. 84. Gordon, Sol. "Primary Education in Urban Slums: A Mental Health Orientation." The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education. Edited by Robert Dentler, Bernard Mackler, and ~ Mary Ellen Warshauer. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1967. 558 85. Gottlieb, David, and Ramsey, Charles. The American Adolescent. Homewood, 111.: Dorsey Press, Inc., 1964. 86. Grambs, J. "The Self-Concept: Basis for Re-education of Negro Youth." Negro Self-Concept: Implica tions for School and Citizenship. Authored by W. C. Kvaraceus et al. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. 87. Grambs, Jean Dresden. Intergroup Education: Methods and Materials. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968. 88. Greene, Maxine. "The Teacher and the Negro Child: 'Invisibility' in" the" School . " .'ThferPisadvan taged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 89. Greer, Scott, and Kube, Ella. "Urbanism and Social Structure." Community Structure and Analysis. Edited by Marvin B. Sussman. New York: Thomas Y. Crowell, 1959. 90. Haggstrom, Warren C. "The Power of the Poor." Poverty in America. Edited by Louis A. Ferman, Joyce L. Kornbluh, and Alan Haber. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 19 65. 91. Handlin, Oscar. The Newcomers. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959. 92. Harris, I. Emotional Blocks to Learning. New York: Free Press, 19 61. 93. Harrington, Michael. "The Invisible Land." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster, San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 94. Haubrich, Vernon F. "Teachers for Big-City Schools." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. 559 95. 96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. Hausknecht, Murray. The Joiners: A Sociological Description of Voluntary Association Membership in the United States. New York: Bedminster Press, 1962. Havighurst, Robert J. "Metropolitan Development and the Educational System." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings'? Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. ________. "Urban Development and the Educational System." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. ________. "What are the Socially Disadvantaged?" The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understand ing, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. ________, and Taba, H. Adolescent Character and Personality. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 19 49. ________, et al. Growing Up in River City. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962. Henry, Jules. "White People's Time, Colored People's Time." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Hickerson, Nathaniel. Education for Alienation. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966. Himes, Joseph S. "Negro Teen-Age Culture." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966 . ________. "Some Work-Related Cultural Deprivations of Lower-Class Negro Youths." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 560 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. Holland, William R. "Language Barrier as an Education al Problem of Spanish-Speaking Children." The Disadvantaged Learner; Knowing, Under standing, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Hollingshead, August B. Elmtown's Youth. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 19 49. Horton, Roy E., Jr. "American Freedom and the Values of Youth." Anti-Democratic Attitudes in American Schools. Edited by H. H. Remitters. Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University Press, 1963. Hyman, Herbert H. "The Value System of Different Classes: A Social Psychological Contribution to the Analysis of Stratification." Class, Status, and Power. Edited by R. Bendix and S. M. Lipset. New York: Free Press, 1953. Jastrow, J. Fact and Fable in Psychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1900. Jensen, Arthur R. "Social Class and Verbal Learning." Social Class, Race, and Psychological Develop ment. Edited by Martin Deutsch, Irwin Katz and Arthur R. Jensen. New York: Holt, Rine hart and Winston, Inc., 1968. Jessup, Dorothy K. "School Integration and Minority Group Achievement." The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education. Edited by Robert Dentler, Bernard Mackler, and Mary Ellen Warschauer. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1967. Johnson, C. S. Growing Up in the Black Belt. New York: Shocken, 1967; Washington, D.C.:: American Council on Education, 1941. Johnson, Kenneth R. Teaching Culturally Disadvantaged Pupils. Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1967-68. 114. Kardiner, Abram, and Ovesey, Lionel. The Mark of Oppression. Cleveland, Ohio: World Publishing Co., 1962. 561 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. ________, and ________. "The Social Environment of the Negro." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Karon, Bertram P. The Negro Personality. New York: Springer Publishing Co., 1958. Katz, Irwin. "Factors Influencing Negro Performance in the Desegregated School." Social Class, Race, and Psychological Development. Edited by Martin Deutsch, Irwin Katz, and Arthur R. Jensen. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968. Kerber, August, and Bommarito, Barbara. The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1965. Kluckhohn, Clyde; Murray, Henry A.; with the collaboration of Schneider, David M. Personality in Nature, Society and Culture. 2nd ed. New York: Knopf, 1953. Knowlton, Clark S. "Patron-Peon Pattern Among the Spanish Americans of New Mexico." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster, San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Lacy, Betty. "Educating the Socially Disadvantaged— A Challenge to Administrators." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966 . Lao Tzu. The Way of Life. Translated by R. B. Blakney. New York: New American Library, 1955. Lasswell, Thomas E. Class and Stratum: An Intro duction to Concepts and Research. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1965. Lee, Dorothy. "Discrepancies in the Teaching of American Culture." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. Edited by 562 125. 126. 127. 128. 129 . 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. August Kerber and Barbara Bonunarito. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Levin, Murray B. The Alienated Voter: Politics in Boston. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1960. Levy, Betty. "An Urban Teacher Speaks Out." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understandr ing, Educating? Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Lewin, Hurt. A Dynamic Theory of Personality; Selected Papers. New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1935. ________. "Time Perspective and Morale." Civilian Morale. Edited by G. Watson. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1942. Liddle, Gordon P., and Rockwell, Robert E. "The Role of Parents and Family Life." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Lipman, Aaron. "Cultural Lag and Masculinity." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings'! Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommaritto New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Lipset, Seymour M. Political Man. New York: Anchor Books, Inc., 1963. ________, and Bendix, Reinhard. Social Mobility in Industrial Society. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1959. Lott, Albert J., and Lott, Bernice E. Negro and White Youth: A Psychological Study in a Border-State Community. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1963. Lynd, Robert S., and Lynd, Helen M. Middletown. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1929 . 563 135. McCloskey, Elinor. Urban Disadvantaged Pupils. Portland, Ore.: Northwestern Regional Educational Library, 1967. 136. McCreary, Eugene. "Some Positive Characteristics of Disadvantaged Learners and Their Implications for Education." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1965. 137. Mack, Raymond W. "The Changing Ethnic Fabric of the Metropolis." The Schools and the Urban Crisis A Book of Readings. Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. 13 8. McKinley, Donald S. Social Class and Family Life. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1964. 139. Mackler, Bernard and Giddings, Morsley G. "Cultural Deprivation: A Study in Mythology." The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education. Edited by Robert Dentler, Bernard Mackler, and Mary Ellen Warschauer. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1967. 140. Magary, James F. "Emerging Viewpoints in School Psychological Services." School Psychological Services in Theory and Practice: A Handbook. Edited by James F. Magary. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967. 141. ________, ed. School Psychological Services in Theory and Practice. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967. 142. Maier, Norman R. F. Principles of Human Relations. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1952. 143. Manuel, Herschel T. Spanish-Speaking Children of the Southwest: Their Education and the Public Welfare. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1965. 144. Margolin, Joseph. "The Mental Health of the Dis advantaged." Counseling the Disadvantaged Youth. Edited by William E. Amos and Jean Dresden Grambs. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 196 8. 564 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153? 154. Maslow, A. H. Motivation and Personality. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, 1954. ________, and Diaz-Guerrero, R. "Delinquency as Value Disturbance." Festschrift for Gardner Murphy. Edited by J. G. Peatman and E. L. Hartley. New York: Harper, 1960. Miller, David R., and Swanson, Guy E. Inner Conflict and Defense. New York: Henry Holt, 1960. Miller, Walter B. "Lower-Class Culture as a Genera ting Milieu of Gang Delinquency." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Morland, J. Kenneth. "Kent Revisited: Blue-Collar Aspirations and Achievements." Blue-Collar World. Edited by Arthur B. Shostak and William Gomberg. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964. Moustakas, Clark. The Authentic Teacher: Sensitivity and Awareness in the Classroom. Cambridge, Mass.: Howard A. Doyle Publishing Company, 1966. The National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders. Toronto: Bantam Books, 196 8. Neff, Frederick C. "Let Them Eat Cake." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Newton, Eunice Shaed. "Verbal Destitution: The Pivotal Barrier to Learning." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Niemeyer, John. "Some Guidelines to Desirable Elementary School Reorganization." The Dis advantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 565 155. Ojemann, Ralph H. "The Human Relations Program at the State University of Iowa." Guidance and Counseling in the Elementary School; Readings in Theory and Practice. Edited by Don C. Dinkmeyer. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968. 156. Orgler, Hertha. Alfred Adler: The Man and His Work. New York: Capricorn Books, 1965. 157. Parker, Seymour, and Kleiner, Robert J. Mental Illness in the Urban Negro Community. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, Inc., 1966. 15 8. Parsons, Talcott. "The Superego and the Theory of Social Systems." The Family: Its Structure and Functions. Edited by Ruth Laub Coser. New York: St Martin's Press, 1964. 159. Pasamanick, Benjamin, and Knobloch, Hilda. "The Contribution of Some Organic Factors to School Retardation in Negro Children." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 160. Passow, A. Harry, ed. Education in Depressed Areas. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. 161. Pettigrew, Thomas F. A Profile of the Negro American. New York: Van Nostrand, 1964. 162. Proshansky, Harold, and Newton, Peggy. "The Nature and Meaning of Negro Self-Identity." Social Class, Race, and Psychological Development. Edited by Martin Deutsch, Irwin Katz, and Arthur R. Jensen. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 196 8. 163. Rainwater, Lee. And the Poor Get Children. Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1960. 164. Coleman, Richard P.; and Handel, Gerald. Workingman's Wife. New York: Oceana Publica tions, Inc., 1959. 566 165. 166. 167. 16 8. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. Ravitz, Mel J. "Effects of Urban Renewal on Community Racial Patterns." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. ________. "The Role of the School in the Urban Setting." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. Reiner, B. S., and Kaufman, J. Character Disorders in Parents of Delinquents. New York: Family Service of America, 1959. Rempson, Joe L. "School-Parent Programs in Depressed Urban Neighborhoods." The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education. Edited by Robert Dentler, Bernard Mackler, and Mary Ellen Warshauer. New York: Freder ick A. Praeger, Publishers, 196 7. Riesman, David. "The Search for Challenge." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Riessman, Frank. The Culturally Deprived Child. New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1962. ________. "The Culture of the Underprivileged: A New Look." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. ________. Helping the Disadvantaged Pupil to Learn More Easily. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1966. ________. "The Slow Gifted Child." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Roberts, J. I., ed. School Children in the Urban Slum. New York: Free Press, 1966. 175. Rokeach, M. The Open and Closed Mind. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1960. 567 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. Rose, A. The Negro in America. Boston: Beacon Press, 1956. Rosenthal, Robert, and Jacobsen, Lenore F. Pygmalion in the Classroom. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968. ________, and ________. "Self-Fulfilling Prophecies in the Classroom: Teachers' Expectations as Unintended Determinants of Pupils' Intellectual Competence." Social Class, Race, and Psychological Development. Edited by Martin Deutsch, Irwin Katz, and Arthur R. Jensen. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1968. Sarason, S. B., et al. Anxiety in Elementary School Children. New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1960. Schaefer, Dorothy. "Prejudice in Negro and Puerto Rican Adolescents." The Urban R's: Race Relations as the Problem in Urban Education. Edited by Robert Dentler, Bernard Mackler, and Mary Ellen Warschauer. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, Publishers, 1967. Schrag, Peter. "The Schools of Appalachia." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Sears, Robert; Maccoby, Eleanor; and Lbvin, Harry. Patterns of Child Rearing. New York: Row, Peterson and Co., 1957. Seidler, Regine, and Zilah, Ladislaus. "The Vienna Child Guidance Clinics," Guiding the Child on the Principles of Individual Psychlogy. Alfred Adler, et al. eds. Translated by Benjamin Ginzburg. New York: Greenberg Publisher, Co., 1930. Sexton, Patricia Cayo. Education and Income. New York: Viking Press, Inc., 1961. Shaw, Frederick. "Educating Culturally Deprived Youth in Urban Centers." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. Edited by August Kerber and Barbara Bommarito. 568 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Shepard, Samuel, Jr. "Working with Parents of Disadvantaged Children." Urban Education and Cultural Deprivation. Edited by C. W. Hunnicutt. Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University School of Education, 1964. Smith, Ernest A. American Youth Culture. New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 19 62. Spiel, Oskar. Am Schaltbrett der Erziehung. Vienna: Verlag fttr Jugend und Volk, 1947. (Unpublished translation: At the Controls of Education. Translated by Howard Fitzgerald, 1952.) Spindler, George D., and Spindler, Louise S. "American Indian Personality Types and Their Sociocultural Roots." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Under standing, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Taeuber, Karl, and Taeuber, Alma. Negroes in Cities. Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co., 1965. Tillich, Paul. The Courage to Be. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1952. ________. Systematic Theology. Vol. I: Reason and Revelation, Being and God. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. Tyler, Ralph W. "Can Intelligence Tests Be Used to Predict Educability?" Intelligence and Cultural Differences. Kenneth Eells, et al. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1951. 569 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. Vaihinger, H. The Philosophy of "As If/" A System of the Theoretical, Practical and Religious Fictions of Mankind. Translated by C. K. Ogden. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1925. Vontress, Clemmont E. "Our Demoralizing Slum Schools." The Schools and the Urban Crisis / A Book of Readings. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965. Wann, Kenneth D.; Dorn, Miriam Selchen; and Liddle, Elizabeth Ann. Fostering Intellectual Development in Young Children. New York: Bureau of Publica tions, Teachers College, Columbia University, 1962. Wayland/.. Sloan R. "Old Problems, New Faces, and New Standards." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. Webster, Staten W., ed. The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. ________. "The Teacher as an Alien: Some Theoretical Considerations Regarding Teachers for Disadvantaged Schools." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. ________. "When Schools and Parents in a Disadvantaged Community Clash: A Proposal." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. Weiner, M. , and Murray, W. "Another Look at the Culturally Deprived and Their Levels of Aspiration." School Children in the Urban Slum. Edited by J. I. Roberts. New York: Free Press, 1967. 570 202. Whipple, Gertrude. "Multicultural Primers for Today's Children." The Disadvantaged Child: Issues and Innovations. Edited by Joe L. Frost and Glenn R. Hawkes. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1966. 203. Whiteman, Martin, and Deutsch, Martin. "Social Disadvantage as Related to Intellective and Language Development." Social Class, Race, and Psychological Development. Edited by Martin Deutsch, Irwin Katz, and Arthur R. Jensen. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 196 8. 204. Willie, Charles V. "Antisocial Behavior among Disadvantaged Youth: Some Observations on Prevention for Teachers." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 205. Wilson, Alan B. "Social Stratification and Academic Achievement." Education in Depressed Areas. Edited by A. Harry Passow. New York: Teachers College Press, 1963. 206. Wolman, Marianne. "Cultural Factors and Creativity." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco, Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 207. Woronoff, Israel. "Negro Male Identification Problems and the Education Process." The Disadvantaged Learner: Knowing, Understanding, Educating. Edited by Staten W. Webster. San Francisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1966. 208. 209. 210. 211. 212. 213. 214. 215. 216. 217. 218. 219. 571 PERIODICAL ARTICLES Abrahamson, Stephen. "Our Status System and S ch o la stic Rewards." Journal o f Educational Psychology# XXV ( A p r il, 1952), 441-450 A d le r, A lfre d . "A Doctor Remakes E ducation." The Survey, September 1, 1927, pp. 490-495 _______ . "The Fundamental Views o f In d iv id u a l Psy ch o lo gy." In te rn a tio n a l Journal o f In d iv id u a l Psychology, I , ( F ir s t Q uarter, 1935), 5-6. _______ . "In d iv id u a l Psychology." Journal o f Abnor- raal and S o cia l Psychology, XXII (Ju ly-S e p t- ember, 192?)711(5=122. * _______ . "Mass Psychology." In te rn a tio n a l Journal o f In d iv id u a l Psychology , I I I (1957) l l l - l 2 o _______ . "The P revention o f D elinquency." In te rn a tio n a l Journal of Individual Psychology, 1^ (Third Quarter, 1935)7 3=13" _______ . "The Prevention o f N eurosis," In te rn a tio n a l Journal o f In d iv id u a l Psychology, I , (Fourth Q uarter, 1935), 3 -T ? : _______ . "Progress in In d iv id u a l Psychology." B r itis h Journal o f M edical Psychology, IV , (January, 1924), 22-31. _______ . "A School G ir l's Exaggeration o f Her Own Im portance." In te rn a tio n a l Journal o f In d iv i dual Psychology, ( F ir s t Q uarter, 1937), 9-12. _______ . "The S tru c tu re o f N e u rosis." In te rn a tio n a l Journal o f In d iv id u a l Psychology, I , (Second Q uarter, 1 9 3 5 ),3 -1 2 . ______ . "T ric k and N eurosis." In te rn a tio n a l Journal o f In d iv id u a l Psychology, I I (Second Q uarter 1956), 5-16. A nastasi, Anne, and Dejesus, C. "Language Development and Non-Verbal IQ o f Puerto Rican Preschool C hildren in New York C ity ." Journal o f Abnormal and S ocial Psychology, XL (J u ly , 1935), 557-566. 572 220. 221. 222. 223. 224. 225. 226. 227. 228. 229. 230. 231. Anderson, Harold H. "Domination and Social Integration in the Behavior of Kindergarten Children in an Experimental Play Situation." Journal of Ex perimental Education. VIII (December, 1939), 123-131. Ansbacher, H. L. "The 'Alienation Syndrome' and Adler's Concept of 'Distance'." Journal of Consulting Psychology, XX (December, 195f>) , 483-484. Asbell, B. "Not Like Other Children." Redbook, October, 1963, pp. 65, 114-120 Ausubel, David P. "The Maori: a Study in Resistive Acculturation." Social Forces, XXXIX, (March, 1961), 218-227. Axelrod, Morris. "Urban Structure and Social Partici pation." American Sociological Review, XXI (February, ls)5(>), 13-16. Battle, Esther S., and Rotter, J.B. “Children's Feeling of Personal Control as Related to Social Class and Ethnic Group." Journal of Personality,XXXI (December, 1963), 482-496. Becker, H.S. "Social Class Variations in the Teacher- Pupil Relationship." Journal of Educational Sociology. XXV (April, 1932), 4^1-465. Becker, Howard. "The Career of the Chicago Public School Teacher." American Journal of Sociology, LVII (March, 1952), 47U-47l 7. Bell, Wendell, and Force, Maryanne T. "Urban Neigh borhood Types and Participation in Formal Associations." American Sociological Review, XXI, (February, l6S£), 23-34. Bene, Eva. "Some Differences Between Middle-Class and Working-Class Grammar Boys in Their Atti tudes Toward Education." British Journal of Sociology, X (June, 1959) , 148?»l£2. Bernard, Viola W. "School Desegregation: Some Psychi atric Implications." Psychiatry, XXI (May, 1958), 149-158. Bernstein, Basil. "Elaborated and Restricted Codes: Their Origins and Some Conseguences. " - * • American Anthropologist, LXVI (December,1964), 55-69. 573 232. 233. 234. 235. 236. 237. 238. 239. 240. 241. 242. _______. "Language and Social Class." British Journal of Sociology, XI (September, 1966), 271-276. _______. "Social Class, Linguistic Codes and Gramma tical Elements." Language and Speech, V (October -December, 1962), 221-246. Bertrand, Alvin L. "School Attendance and Attainment; Function and Dysfunction of School and Family Social Systems." Social Forces, XL (March, 1962), 228-233. Bordua, David J. "Educational Aspirations and Parental Stress on College." Social Forces, XXXVIII (March, 1960) , 2 6 2 -2 W 1 Bossom, J., and Maslow, A.H. "Security of Judges as a Factor in Impressions of Warmth in Others." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LV (July, T557), 147-148.---------------- Boyd, G. F. "The Levels of Aspiration of White and Negro Children in a Non-Segregated Elementary School." Journal of Social Psychology, XXXVI (November, 1552), 191-19S.--- 1----- Brazziel, William, and Terrell, Mary, "An Experiment in the Development of Readiness in a Culturally Disadvantaged Group of First Grade Children." The Journal of Negro Education, XXXI (Winter, i5g?rrT-7.— — : ------ Brazziel, William F., and Gordon, Margaret. "Replica tions of Some Aspects of the Higher Horizons Program in a Southern Junior High School." The Bulletin of the National Association of Secondary School Principals, XLVII (March, 1963) 13^-143. --- ------------ Brodbeck, A. J«, and Perlmutter, H. V. "Self-Dislike as a Determinant of Marked In-Group-Out-Group Preferences." Journal of Psychology, XXXVIII (October, 1954), 271-286. Bruck, Mark Anton. "Enlightening Children." The American Journal of Individual Psychology, XIT 7 'n~ 1 ~ (1SOT," 157-1 73------------ ---------- Burks, H. L. and Harrison, S. T. "Aggressive Behavior as a Means of Avoiding Depression." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXXII, (April,1962) 416-422. 243. 244. 245. 246. 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255. 574 Campbell, Alan K. "Iniquities of School Finance." Saturday Review, January 11, 1969, pp. 44-48. Campbell, Roald F. "Tomorrow's Teacher." Saturday Review, January 14, 1967, pp. 60-64,73. Carlton, Lessie, and Moore, Robert H. "Culturally Disadvantaged Children Can Be Helped." NEA Journal, LV (September, 1966), 13-14. Caro, Francis 6., and Pihlblad, C. Terence. "Aspirations and Expectations: a Reexamination of the Base for Social Class Differences in the Occupation al Orientations of Male High School Students." Sociology and Social Research, XLIX, (July, 1965), 4 6 5 -4 7 5 .----------------------- _______, and , "Social Class, Formal Education, and Social Mobility." Sociology and Social Research, XLVIII (July, 1964), 426-439. Cavan, Ruth S. "Negro Family Disorganization and Juvenile Delinquency." The Journal of Negro Education, XXVIII (Summer, 1959), 230-239. Clark, R.E. "Psychosis, Income, and Occupational Prestige." American Journal of Sociology, LIV (March, 1949), 433-446 Clinchy, Evans. "Good School in a Ghetto." Saturday Review, Nov. 16, 1968, pp. 106-107,118-119. Cogan, M. L. "Theory and Design of a Study of Teacher- Pupil Interaction." The Harvard Educational Review. XXVI (Fall, 1956) 3lS-34i. Cohen, Albert K., and Hodges, Harold M. Jr. "Character istics of the Lower-Blue-Collar-Class." Social Problems, X (Spring, 1963), 303-334. Cohen, Elizabeth G. "Parental Factors in Educational Mobility." Sociology of Education, XXXVIII (Fall, 1965), 464-42^7 Coleman, Hubert A. "The Relationship of Socio-Economic Status to the Performance of Junior High School Students." Journal of Experimental Education. IX, (September, 194b), 61-<>3. Covington, M.V. "Stimulus Deprivation as a Function of Social Class Membership." Child Development. XXXVIII (June, 1967) , 607-«TTn 575 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266. 267. Criswell, J. H. "Social Structure Revealed in a Socio metric Re-test." Sociometry, II (October,1939), 69-75. Davids, Anthony. "Alienation, Social Apperception, and Ego Structure." Journal of Consulting Psychology, XIX (February, 1955), pp. Sl-7 Davidson, Helen H., and Lang, Gerhard. "Children's Perceptions of Their Teachnrs' Feelings toward Them Related to Self-perception, School Achieve ment and Behavior." Journal of Experimental Education, XXIX (December, 1666),107-118. Davidson, Helen H.; Riessman, F.; and Meyers, Edna. "Personality Characteristics Attributed to the Worker." Journal of Social Psychology, LVII (June, 1962), 153-160. Davie, James. S. "Social Class Factors and School Attendance." Harvard Educational Review, XXIII (Summer, 1953), i75-16<). Deutsch, Danica. "A Multiple Approach to Child Guidance" Journal of Individual Psychology, XIII (Novem ber,' 19577, 171-175.------- ---------- Deutsch, Martin. "The Role of Social Class in Lan guage Development and Cognition." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXXV (January, ? ' 1965), 76-86. _______, and Brown, B. "Social Influences in Negro- White Intelligence Differences." Journal of Social Issues, XX (April, 1964), 24-35. De Vos, G., and Miner, H. "Algerian Culture and Per sonality in Chanqes." Sociometry, XXI (Decem ber, 1958), 255-268. Dickens, Sara L., and Hobart, C. "Parental Dominance and Offspring Ethnocentrism." Journal of Social Psychology, XLIX, (May, 1959), 297-303. Dinitz, S.; Kay, Barbara A.; and Reckless, W. C. "Group Gradients in Delinquency Potential and Achievement Score of Sixth Graders." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXVIII (July, 1956), 568-665. Dolce, Carl J. "The Inner City— a Superintendent's vView." Saturday Review, January 11, 1969, p. 36. 576 268. 269. 270. 271. 272. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278. 279. Dotson, Floyd. "Patterns of Voluntary Association Among Urban Working-Class Families." American Sociological Review, XVI (October, 1961), 687- 693. Douglass, J. H. "The Extent and Characteristics of Juvenile Delinquency among Negroes in the United States." The Journal of Negro Education, XXVIII (summer, 1959), 214-229. Downing, Gertrude L. "A Supervision Experiment with the Disadvantaged." Educational Leadership, XXI (April, 1964) 433-435, 455. Drake, St. Clair. "The Social and Economic Status of the Negro in the United States." Daedalus,XCIV (Fall, 1965), 783. Dreikurs, Rudolf, and Mosak, Harold H. "The Tasks of Life: Adler's Three Tasks." The Individual Psychologist, IV (November, 1966), 18-22. Dubin, Robert, "Industrial Workers' Worlds; A Study of the 'Central Life Interests' of Industrial Workers." Social Forces, III (January, 1956), 135. Dyer, William. "Parental Influence on the Job Attitude of Children from Two Occupational Strata." Sociology and Social Research, XL (January/ February, 195*),' 263-20(5.------- Edmiston, R. W., and Benfer, J. G. "The Relationship between Group Achievement and Range of Abilities within the Groups." Journal of Educational Research, XLII (March, 1949), 54*-549. Edwards, G. Franklin. "Community and Class Realities: the Ordeal of Change." Daedalus, XCV (Winter, 1966), 8. Empey, Lamar. "Social Class and Occupational Aspira tions: A Comparison of Absolute and Relative Measurement." American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), 703-*o9. Engel, Rose C. "Curriculum Practice or Research: Which Is Ahead/" Childhood Education, XL (Mary, 1968), 531-540. Fernandez-Marina, R.; Maldonaldo-Sierra, E. D.; and Trent, R. D. "Three Basic Themes in Mexican and 280. 281. 282. 283. 284. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 290. 577 Puerto Rican Family Values." Journal of Social Psychology. XLVIII, (November, 1^8) , 167-181. Flanders, Ned. A. "Personal-Social Anxiety as a Factor in Experimental Learning Situations." Journal of Educational Research, XLV (October, 1951):# i i nr- nu: ------------------- _______; Anderson, J. P.; and Amidon, E. J. "Measur ing Dependence-Proneness in the Classroom." Educational and Psychological Measurement, xxi '(Autumn, 1961) / 575-587.------------- Frazier, E. F. "The Negro Middle Class and Desegre gation." Social Problems, IV (April 19571, 291-301. Frost, Joe L. "Effects of Enrichment Program on Per sonality Development of Disadvantaged Children." Childhood Education, XLII (December, 1965) 211-211.---------- Galler, Enid Harris. "Influence of Social Class on Children's Choices of Occupations."Elementary ’ School Journal, LI (April, 1951), 439-445. Gavin, James M., and Hadley, Arthur. "The Crisis of the Cities; The Battle We Can Win." Saturday Review, February 24, 1968, pp. 30-34, 57. Gibson, G. "Aptitude Tests." Science, August 6, 1965, p. 583 Goetz, wilma Marie, "occupational Aspirations of the Male Students in a Selected High School." American Catholic Sociological Review, IV, (Winter, 1962) Gottlieb, D. "Teaching and Students: The Views of Negro and White Teachers." Sociology of Education, XXXVII (Summer, 1^64), 345-353. Green, Helen B. "Comparison of Nurturance and Inde pendence Training in Jamaica and Puerto Rico with Consideration of the Resulting Personality Structure and Transplanted Social Patterns." Journal of Social Psychology, LI (February, 1960), 27-63 Greenberg, H., and Fane, D. "An Investigation of Several Variables as Determinants of Author itarianism." Journal of Social Psychology.XLIX (February, 1959), i05-lli 578 291. 292. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297. 298. 299. 300. 301. Grier, Eunice, and Grier, George. "Equality and Beyond: Housing Segregation in the Great Society,” Daedalus, XCV (Winter, 1966), 77. Goff, Regina M. "Some Educational Implications of the Influence of Rejection on Aspiration Levels of Minority Group Children."JJournal of Experi- raental Education, XXXIII (December, 195^), 179-163.-------------- Grunwald, Bronia. "The Application of Adlerian Prin ciples in a Classroom." The American Journal of Individual Psychology, XI, No. 2 (1955), 131- i m Hart, I. "Maternal Child-Rearing Practices and Author itarian Ideology." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LV (September, 1957), 232- TTT. Harvey, 0. J. "An Experimental Approach to the Study of Status Relations in Informal Groups." American Sociological Review, XVIII (August, 1953), 357-367. Hauser, Andree. "The Drawing as a Help in Child- Psychotherapy.“ The American Journal of Indi vidual Psychology, XII, No. 1 (1956), 53-58. Heimann, Robert A., and Schenk, Quentin F. "Relation of Social-Class and Sex Differences to High- School Achievement." School Review, LXII (April, 1954), 213-221*: Hill, E. H., and Giammateo, M. C. "Socio-economic Status and Its Relationship to School Achieve ment in the Elementary School.? Elementary 1 3} English. XL (March, 1963), 265-27d. Hill, M. C. "Research on the Negro Family." Marriage and Family Living. XIX, (February, 1957), 25-31. Hollingshead, A. G., and Redlich, F. C. "Schizophrenia and Social Structure." American Journal of Psychiatry, CX (March, 1954), 695-701 Holloway, Robert G., and Berreman, Joel V. "The Educa tional and Occupational Aspirations and Plans of Negro and White Male Elementary School Students." Pacific Sociological Review, (Fall, 1959), 56-671 579 302. 303. 304. 305. 306. 307. 308. 309. 310. 311. 312. 313. Holub, Martha. "Conversations with Parents and Chil dren." International Journal of Individual Psychology, I, (Second Quarter, 1935) 96-112. Ingle, Dwight J. "Racial Differences and the Future." Science. CXLVI (October 16, 1964), 375. Irwin, 0. C. "Infant Speech. The Effect of Family Occupational Status and of Age on Use of Sound Types." Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders, XIII (September, 1948) , 224-226. _______. "Infant Speech. The Effect of Family Occu pational Status and of Age on Sound Frequency." Journal of Speech and Hearing Disorders. XXIII (December, 1§48), 320-323. Jaffe, A. J., and Adams, Walter. "College Education for U. S. Youth: the Attitudes of Parents and Children." American Journal of Economic Socio- logy, XXIII (July, 1364), 269-283. Jenkins, W. A. "An Experimental Study of the Relation ship of Legitimate and Illegitimate Birth Status to School and Personal Adjustment of Negro Children." American Journal of Socio logy, LXIV (September, 1953), 169-173. Jensen, A[rthur] R. "Learning in the Pre-School Years." Journal of Nursery Education, XVIII (January, 1363), 1 3 3 - 1 3 8 . ------------------ John, Vera P. "The Intellectual Development of Slu, Children: Some Preliminary Findings." Amer- ican Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXXIII (October, D C T 7 ----- Jones, L. W. "Social Unreadiness of Negro Youth." Saturday Review, October, 1962, pp. 81-83. Kahl, Joseph. "Educational and Occupational Aspir ations of Common Man's Boys." Harvard Educa tional Review, XXIII (Summer, 1953), 166-203. Karpinos, Bernard D. "School Attendance as Affected by Prevailing Socio-Economic Factors." School Review, LI (January, 1943), 39-49. _______, and Sommers, Herbert J. "Educational Attain ment of Urban Youth in Various Income Classes. I" Elementary School Journal. XLII (May, 1942) 677-6&7• 314. 315. 316. 317. 318. 319. 320. 321. 322. 323. 324. 325. 580 Katz, I. "Review of Evidence Relating to Effects of Desegregation on the Intellectual Performance of Negroes." American Psychologist, XIX (June, 1964),'381-359. _______, and Benjamin, L. "Effects of White Author itarianism in Biracial Work Groups." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology. LXI, (November, 19^0)7 44t}-456. _______, et al. "The Influence of Race of Experimenter and Test vs. Neutral Instructions on Expression of Hostility in Negro Boys." Journal of Social Issues, XX (April, 1964), 54-S9. Kaufman, I; Makkay, E.; and Zehack, J. "The Impact of Adolescence on Girls with Delinquent Char acter Formation." American Journal of Ortho psychiatry. XXIX (January, 19&£), 130-143. Keller, Suzanne. "The Social World of the Urban Slu, Child: Some Early Findings." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXXIII (October, 196 823-831. Kennedy, Robert F., et al. "Ghetto Education." The Center Magazine, I (November, 1968), 45-60. Kimball, Barbara. "Sentence-Completion Technique in a Study of Scholastic Underachievement. Journal of Consulting Psychology, XVI (October 1352)', " 3' gr-35' 8. ---2---1----- Kleiner, Robert J., Tuckman, Jacob; and Lavell, Martha. "Mental Disorder and Status Based on Race." Psychiatry. XXIII (August, 1960), 211-274. Kohn, M. L. "Social Class and the Exercise of Parental Authority." American Sociological Review, XXIV (June, 1959), 352-3Sd. Krauss, Irving. "Sources of Educational Aspirations among Working-Class Youth." American Sociologi cal Review, XXIX (December, 1964), 86^-879. Krugman, Morris. "The Culturally Deprived Child in School." NEA Journal, L (April, 1961), 23-24. Landreth, C., and Johnson, B. C. "Young Children's Responses to a Picture and Inset Test Designed to Reveal Reactions to Persons of Different Skin Color." Child Development, XXIV (March,1953) 63-79. 581 326. 327. 328. 329. 330. 331. 332. 333. 334. 335. 336. 337. Lazarus, R. S.; Oeese, J.; and Osier, Sonia F« "The Effects of Psychological Stress upon Perfor mance." Psychological Bulletin, XLIX, (July, 1952), 2^ - 3 ' n r --------- Leshan, Lawrence L. "Time Orientation and Social Class." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psycho logy, XLvii (J51y ,“I?52)7"583» -?r2.------- 1---- Levitt, Eugene E. "Effect of a 'Causal1 Teacher Train ing Program on Authoritarianism and Responsi- vility in Grade School Children." Psychological Reports I (December, 1955), 449-458. _______, and Lyle, W. H. "Evidence for the Validity of the Children's Form of the Picture-Frus- tration Study." Journal of Consulting Psycho logy, XIX (October, ld&S) , 3{Jl-386. Lewin, Kurt. "Action Research and Minority Problems." Journal of Social Issues, II, No. 4 (November iwg) 7 ' " j r - 4 5 " . ------- Lipset, S. M. "Democracy and Working-Class Authori tarianism." American Sociological Review, XXIV (August, 195^), 482-501. Liversidge, William. "Life Chances." The Sociological Review, X (March, 1962), 17-34, Livingstone, A. Hugh. "High School Graduates and Drop outs: A New Look at a Persistent Problem." School Review, LXVI (June, 1958), 195-203. Lyle, W. H., and Levitt, E. E. "Punitiveness, Author itarianism and Parental Discipline of Grade School Children." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LI (July, l$!>i>) , 4^-46. Maas, Henry S. "Some Social Class Differences in the Family Systems and Group Relations of Pre- and Early Adolescents." Child Development, XXII (June, 1951), 145-152. McCleary, Lloyd E. "Restructuring the Interpersonal Relations of a Junior High School Class." The School Review, LXIV (November, 1956), 346- J5T.------------- McDill, Edward L., and Coleman, James. "High School Social Status, College Plans, and Interest a t ; A ^ L i ^ v a r n e i r t ' s a .v.-. •!-••• i s / " 338. 339. 340. 341. 342. 343. 344. 345. 346. 347. 348. 349. 582 McKee, J. P., and Leader, F. B. "The Relationship of Socio-Economic Status and Aggression to the Competitive Behavior of Pre-School Children." Child Development, XXVI (June, 1955), 135-141 MacKinnon, D. W. "The Nature and Nurture of Creative Talent." American Psychologist,XVII (July, 1962), W ttS T . ----- --- McNassor, Donald. "Barriers and Gateways in School- Community Relationships.1 1 The Journal of Edu- cational Sociology, XXVllTI (September, 1954), 1-10. Maher, Brendan A., and Katowsky, Walter. "The Efficacy of Brief Clinical Procedures in Alleviating Children's Behavior Problems." Journal of Indi vidual Psychology, XVII (November, i96l), 205-211. Mather, William C. "Income and Social Participation." American Sociological Review, VI (June, 1941) , 380-384. Michael, John A. "High School Climates and Plans for Entering College." Public Opinion Quarterly. XXV (Winter, 1961), 585-595. Milner, Esther. "A Study of the Relationship between Reading Readiness in Grade One School Children and Patterns of Parent-Child Interaction." Child Development, XXII (June, 1951), 95-112 Moles, Oliver C. "Training Children in Low-Income Families for School." Welfare in Review, III (December, 1965), 1-19. Morland, J. K. "Racial Acceptance and Preference of Nursery School Children in a Southern City." Merrill Palmer Quarterly, VIII (October,1962) 271-280 Mugge, Robert H. "Education and AFDC." Welfare in Review, II (January, 1964), 1-lTI Mussen, P. H. "Differences between the TAT Responses of Negro and White Boys." Journal of Consult ing Psychology. XVII (October, 195^), 3^3-376 "A Nation within a Nation." Time, May 17, 1968,pp24-32. 350. Ojemann, Ralph H. “Changing Attitudes in the Class 583 351. 352. 353. 354. 355. 356. 357. 358. 359. 360. 361. room" Children, III (July-Auqust, 1956), 130- 134. . and Wilkinson, Frances. "The Effect on Pupil Growth of an Increase in Teacher's Under standing of Pupil Behavior." Journal of Ex perimental Education, VIII (December, 1939), 143-147. _______, et al. "The Effects of a 'Causal' Teacher- Training Program and Certain Curricular Changes on Grade School Children." Journal of Experi mental Education, XXIV (December, 1^5^), 95-1*14 "One-Sixth of a Nation." Time, January 31,1969, p.74. Palermo, D. S. "Racial Comparisons and Additional Normative Data on the Children's Manifest Anxiety Scale." Child Development, XXX (March, 1959), 53-57. Palmore, Erdman. "Factors Associated with School Dropouts and Juvenile Delinquency." Social Security Bulletin, XXVI (October,1963), 4-9. Pavenstedt, Eleanor. "A Comparison of the Child- Rearing Environment of Upper Lower and Very Low Lower Class Families." American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XXXV (January,1965),89-98. Perkins, H. V. "Climate Influences Group Learning." Journal of Educational Research, XLV (October i$5i), iis-ra.---------------- Peters, James Sedalia II. "Attitudes of Delinquents as Measured by the Semantic Differential Scales." Journal of Individual Psychology, XIV, (November lSbS), 162-184.------1 Pettigrew, Thomas F. "Complexity and Change in American Rural Patterns: a Social Psychological View." Daedalus, XC (Fall, 1965), 996. Porter, Robert M. "Relationship of Participation to Satisfaction in Small-Group Discussions." The Journal of Educational Research, LIX (November i9^Tri28-l327 ------------ Preston, M. G., and Bayton, J. A. "Differential Effect of a Social Variable upon Three Levels of Aspiration." Journal of Experimental 584 362. 363. 364. 365. 366. 367. 368. 369. 370. 371. 372. 373. Psychology, XXXIX (November, 1941), 351-369 Radke, M.; Sutherland, J.; and Rosenberg, P. "Racial Attitudes of Children." Sociometry, XIII (May, 1950), 154-171 _______, and Trager, H. G. "Children's Perception of the Social Roles of Negroes and Whites. Journal of Psychology, XXIX (January, 1950), 3-3TI Rainwater, L. "Crucible of Identity: the Negro Lower- Class Family." Daedalus, (Winter, 1966), 172- 217. (Republished in Parsons, T., and Clark, [Kenneth] B., eds., The Negro American. Boston: Beacon Press, 1967.) Record, W. "Social Stratification and Intellectual Roles in the Negro Community." British Journal of Sociology, VIII (September, 1957), 235-255. Redwin, Eleanore. "Child Guidance Work with Adlerian Techniques in Chicago." The American Journal of Individual Psychology, XII No. 1 (1956), 70-77 Reinecke, John E., and Tokimasa, Aiko. "The English Dialect of Hawaii." American Speech, IX (February, 1934), 48-58. Reis, A. J., and Rhodes, A. L. "Are Educational Norms and Goals of Conforming, Truant and Delinquent Adolescents Influenced by Group Postion in American Society?" The Journal of Negro Edu cation, XXVIII (Summer, 193$), 2^2-267. Rexroth, Kenneth. "The Iliad." Saturday Review, March 27, 1965, p. 17. Roberts, Wallace. "Believing Is Seeing." Saturday Review, October 19, 1968, p. 62. Robins, L. N.; Jones, R.S.; and Murphy, G. E. "School Milieu and School Problems of Negro Boys. " Social Problems, XIII (Spring, 1966), 428-436. Robinson, Leonard Harrison. "Southern Urban Commu nities." Journal of Human Relations,III (Summer, 1955), 82-83. Rosen, B. C. "The Achievement Syndrome: a Psycho- cultural Dimension of Social Stratification.: 374. 375. 376. 377. 378. 379. 380. 381. 382. 383. 384. 385. 585 American Sociological Review# XXIV (April, 1956) 203-211. Rosenwald, G. "The Assessment o f A nxiety in Psycholo g ic a l Experim ents." Journal o f Abnormal and S o cia l Psychology, L X II (May, 1061), 600-673. Sacadat, Evelyn, and Liddle, Gordon P. "Reading the Culturally Handicapped." Education, LXXX VII (February, 1967), 323-3271 Schultz, Raymond E. "A Comparison of Negro Pupils Ranking High and Low in Educational Achieve ment." Journal of Educational Sociology, XXXI (NovemberT~r ^ 7^ - T7r: --------- Schwartz, sheila, and Musella, Donald. "Summer School for Individuals," The American School Board Journal, CLIV (February, 1947), 52-53. Scott, John C. "Membership and Participation in Vol untary Associations." American Sociological Review, XXII (June, 1957), 315-32$. Sewell, William H.; Haller, Archie O.; and Strauss, Murray A. "Social Status and Educational and Occupational Aspiration." American Socio logical Review, XXII (February, 1957), 67-73. Shanker, Albert. "What's wrong with Compensatory Education." Saturday Review, January 11,1969, pp. 56-61 Shaw, Frederick. "Educating Culturally Deprived Youth in Urban Centers." Phi Delta Kappan, XLV (November, 1963) 91-97 Smilansky, Sarah. "The Effect of Certain Learning Conditions on the Progress of the Disadwan- taged Children of Kidergarten Age." Journal of School Psychology, IV (Spring, 1966)60-81. Smith, Benjamin F. "Wishes of Negro High School Seniors and Social Class." Journal of Educational Psychology, XXV (April, 1952}, 466-475. Smuts, R. W. "The Negro Community and the Development of Negro Potential." Journal of Negro Education, XXVI (Fall, 1957), 456-405. Spiegler, Charles G. "A Cure for Allergy to Reading." 586 386. 387. 388. 389. 390. 391. 392. 393. 394. 395. Education Digest, XXIX (April, 1964)^36,38. Spiel, Oskar. "The Individual Psychological Experi mental School in Vienna." The American Journal of Individual Psychology. XII, No. 1 (1956)1-11. Sprigle, Herbert A.; Van De Riet, Vernon; and Van De Riet, Hani. "A Sequential Learning Program for Preschool Children and an Evaluation of Its Effectiveness with Culturally Disadvantaged Children." American Journal of Orthopsychia try, XXXVII (March, 1967), 332-33. Steckler, G. A. "Authoritarian Ideology in Negro College Students." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LIV (May, 1951), 396-399. Stendler, Celia B. "Social Class Differences in Par ental Attitude toward School at Grade 1 Level." Child Development, XXII (March, 1951) 37-46. Stephenson, Richard. "Mobility Orientation and Strati fication of 1,000 Ninth Graders." American Sociological Review. XXII (April, 195^), 204- TTT. Stevenson, H. W., and Stewart, E. C. "A Developmental Study of Race Awareness in Young Children." Child Development, XXIX (September, 1958), 399-410. Stiles, Frances Smythe. "Developing an Understanding of Human Behavior at the Elementary School Level." Journal of Educational Research, XLIII (March, 1336), ' STg^S' ZT.--------------- Sundberg, Norman D. "Adler's Technique with Children." Journal of Individual Psychology,XIX (November 1963), 5 2 5 - 5 3 1 . ---------- ---------- Thome., Elizabeth. "Group Psychotherapy with Under achieving Girls in a Public High School." Journal of Individual Psychology, XX (May,1964) 96-160. Thomas, Robert Jay. "An Empirical Study of High School Drop-Outs in Regrd to 10 Possible Related Factors." Journal of Educational Sociology, XXVIII (September, 1934),11-18. 396. 397. 398. 399. 400. 401. 402. 403. 404. 405. 406. 587 Turner, R. H. "Negro Job Status and Education." Social Forces, XXXII (October, 1953), 45-52. Uzell, 0. "Occupational Aspirations of Negro Male High School Students." Sociology and Social Research, XLV (January, 1961), 2o2-264. Weiner, M., and Murray, W. "Another Look at the Cul turally Deprived and Their Levels of Aspir ation." Journal of Educational Sociology# XXXVI (MarcR';"T9ff3T,”5 T ^ m " --------- Wepman, J. M. "Auditory Discrimination, Speech, and Reading." Elementary School Journal, LX (March, I960)", Wilkerson, Doxey. "Programs and Practices in Compen satory Education for Disadvantaged Children.” Review of Educational Research,XXXV (December 1S53T,'“ ft'ePW ir;--------------------------- Wilson, Alan B. "Residential Segregation of Social Classes and Aspirations of High School Boys." American Sociological Review,XXIV (December 1959), 8'36-04'5: ---------- Wilson, D. C. and Lantz, E.M. "The Effect of Culture Change on the Negro Race in Virginia as Indica ted by a Study of State Hospital Admissions," American Journal of Psychiatry,CXIV(1957)25-32. Wright, Charles R., and Hyman, Herbert H. "Voluntary Association Memberships of American Adults: Evidence from National Sample Surveys." Amer ican Sociological Review,XXIII(June,1958)2#4-294. Wrightstone, J. Wayne. "Discovering and Stimulating Culturally Deprived Talented Youth." Teachers College Record, LX (October,1958), 23-27, Wylie, R. C. "Some Relationships between Defensiveness and Self-Concept Discrepancies." Journal of Personality, XXV (September, 1957), 600-616 Wynn, Sammye J. "A Beginning Reading Program for the Deprived Child." Reading Teacher, XXI (October, 1967), 40-47. I 588 Publications of Learned Organizations 40 7. Bessell, Harold, and Palomares, Uvaldo H. Methods in Human Development; "Theory". San Diego; Calif.: Human Development Training Institute, 1967. 408. Clausen, J. A., and Kohn, M. L. "Relation of Schizophrenia to the Social Structure of a Small City." Epidemiology of Mental Disorder. Edited by Benjamin Pasamanick. The American Association for the Advance ment of Science. Publication No. 60. Washington, D.C.: AmericantAssociatibn for the Advancement of Science, 1959. 409. Coles, R. The Desegregation of Southern Schools: A Psychiatric Study. New York: Anti-Defama tion League, 1963. 410. Conference on Economic Progress. Poverty and Deprivation in the United States: The Plight of Two-Fifths of a Nation. Washington, D.C.: The Conference, 1962. 411. Davis, Allison, and Dollard, J. Children of Bondage. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1940. 412. "Detroit, Michigan: A Study of Barriers to Equal Educational Opportunity in a Large City." [Washington, D.C.] National Commission on Professional Rights and Responsibilities of the National Education Association of the United States, 1967. 413. Deutsch, Martin. Minority Group and Class Status as Related to Social and Personality Factors in Scholastic Achievement. The Society for Applied Anthropology. Monograph No. 2, 1960. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University, 1960. 414. Dillon, Harold J. Early School Leavers. New York: National Child Labor Committee, 19 49. 415. Elder, Glenn H., Jr. Adolescent Achievement and Mobility Aspirations. Chapel Hill, N. C.: University of North Carolina, Institute for Research in Social Science, 1962. 589 416. Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry. Psychiatric Aspects of School Desegregation. New York: The Group, 1957. 417. Harlem Youth Opportunities Unlimited. Youth in the Ghetto: A Study of the Consequences of Powerlessness and a Blue-Print for Change. New York: HARYOU, Inc., 1964. 418. Haubrich, Vernon F. "Teachers and Resources in the Slum Complex." Claremont Reading Conference Yearbook. Claremont, Calif.: Claremont College, 196 4. 419. Health and Welfare Association of Allegheny County. Survey of Westinghouse High School Dropouts, 1959-1961. Pittsburgh: The Association, 1962. 420. Human Renewal Program Steering Committee for a Plan for Action. To Open That Door: Summary of a Plan for Action on the Problems of Balti more's Disadvantaged People. Baltimore: n.p., 1964. 421. The Invisible Minority . . . "Pero No Vencibles": Report of the NEA-Tuscon Survey on the Teaching of Spanish to the Spanish-Speaking. Washington, D.C.: Department of Rural Education, National Education Association, 1966 . 422. Kennedy, Wallace A.; Van De Riet, Vernon; and White, James C., Jr. "A Normative Sample of Intelligence and Achievement of Negro Ele mentary School Children in the Southeastern Unitdd States." Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, XXVIII, No. 6. Chicago: University of Chicago Press for the Society for Research in Child Development, 1963. 423. Keyserling, Leon H. Progress or Poverty: The U.S. at the Crossroad. Washington, D.C. : Con ference on Economic Progress, 1964. 424. Kriegsfield, Irving M., and Katz, Lillian G. Curriculum and Teaching Strategies for Non- English-Speaking Nursery School Children in a Family School. San Francisco: Mission Neighborhood Centers, 1965. 590 425. Kvaraceus, W. C. Disadvantaged Children and Youth: Programs of~Promise or Pretense? Proceedings of the 17th Annual State Conference on Educational Research. California Advisory Council on Educational Research. Burlingame: California Teachers' Association, 1965. 426. Jaco, E. G. The Social Epidemiology of Mental Disorder; A Psychiatric Survey of Texas. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 196 0. 427. McKeel, H. S. The Economy of a Modern Teton Dakota Community. Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 6. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1936. 428. Mobilization for Youth, Inc. A Proposal for the Prevention and Control of Delinquency by Expanding Opportunities. New York: The author, 1961. 429. National Education Association, and the American Association of School Administrators. Education and the Disadvantaged American. Washington, D.C.: National Education Association, 1962. 430. National Urban League. Education and Race. New York: The League, 1966. 431. Quick, E. J., ed. New Opportunities for the Culturally Disadvantaged. Toronto: Canadian Education Association, 196 4. 432. Promising Practices from the Projects for the Culturally Deprived. Chicago: Research Council of the Great Cities Program for School Improvement, 196 4. 433. Riessman, Frank. Teachers of the Poor: A Five Point Plan. Proceedings of the 17th Annual State Conference on Educational Research. California Advisory Council on Educational Research. Burlingame: California Teachers' Association, 1965. 434. Sheldon, Eleanor B., and Glazier, Raymond A. Pupils and Schools in New York City: A Fact Book. New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1965. 591 435. 436. 437. 43 8. 439. 440. 441. 442. Survey Research Center. Educational Achievement— Its Causes and Effects. Monograph No. 123. Ann Arbor, Mich.: The Center, 1961. Taba, Hilda. School Culture: Studies of Partici pation and Leadership. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1955. ________; Brady, Elizabeth Hall; and Robinson, John T. Intergroup Education in Public Schools. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Education, 1952. Public Documents Baltimore. Baltimore City Public Schools. An Early School Admissions Project Progress Report, 1963-6 4. Baltimore: Public School System, 1964. New York. New York State Education Department. Project Able: An Appraisal, by Theodore Bienenstok and William C. Sayres. Albany: University of the State of New York, 196 4. U. S. United States Commission ion Civil Rights. "Part 3, Tennessee," by E. Wyatt. Civil Rights U.S.A.--Public Schools, Southern States7 Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1962. U. S. Department of Defense. Department of the Navy. Office of Naval Research. Alternative Classroom Standards Concerning Management of Hostility and Effects on Student Learning, by M. Goldman, M. Horwitz, and F. J. Lee. Office of Naval Research, Technical Report, 1954. n.p., 1954. U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. "The Demonstration Guidance Project and the Teaching of English," by Marion M. Scully. Improving English Skills of Culturally Different Youth in Large Cities. Edited by Arno Jewett, Joseph Mersand, and Doris V. Gunderson. Bulletin 1964, No. 5. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; Office of Education, 1964. 592 443. U 444. U 445. U 446. U 447. U 448. U. . S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. Equality of Educational Opportunity, by James S. Coleman, et al. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1966. (This publication is also known as the "Coleman Report.") . S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. "The Houston Program for Potential Dropouts," by Jozie Mock. Improving English Skills of Culturally Differ ent Youth in Large Cities. Edited by Arno Jewett, Joseph Mersand, and Doris V. Gunderson. Bulletin 1964, No. 5. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; Office of Education, 1964. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. Improving English Skills of Culturally Different Youth in Large Cities. Edited by Arno Jewett, Joseph Mersand, and Doris V. Gunderson. Bulletin 1964, No. 5. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; Office of Education, 1964. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. NDEA Institute for Teachers of Young Disadvantaged Children. Seminar Selections on the Disadvantaged Child. Edited by Elizabeth H. Brady. New York: Selected Academic Readings, Inc., n.d. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. The Preparation of Teachers for Schools in Culturally Deprived Neighborhoods, by Gertrude L. Downing et al. Cooperative Research Project No. 935. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Office of Education, 1965. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. School-Home Partnership in Depressed Urban Areas, by Gene C. Fusco. Office of Education Bulletin No. 20. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1964. 593 449. U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. Social Class Backgrounds of 8th Grade Pupils, Social Composition of Their Schools, Their Academic Aspirations and School Adjustment, by Paul Wallin and Leslie C. Waldo. Cooperative Research Project No. 1935. Washington, D.C.: U. S. Office of Education, 1964. 450. [U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. Agencies and the Migrant: Theory and Reality of the Migrant Condition. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican- Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. 451. [U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. Attitudinal Characteristics of Migrant Farm Workers. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican-Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 196 8. 452. [U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. "Characteristics; Attitudinal Survey of Migrant Farm Workers," by Horacio Ulibarri. Attitudinal Characteristics of Migrant Farm Workers. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican-Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. 453. [U. s. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. "The Education Gap: Why Mexican- American Children Fail in School," by Uvaldo Palomares. The Mexican-American Heritage: Developing Cultural Understanding. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican- Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: i 594 Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 196 8. 454. [U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. "Emergence of the Mexican- American," by Frank Paz. The Mexican-American Heritage: Developing Cultural Understanding. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican- Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. 455. [U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican-Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. 456. [U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. "The Invisible Poor: The World of the Migrant," by Ralph Guzman. The Mexican- American Heritage: Developing Cultural Under standing. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican-Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. 457. [U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. "The Mexican-American Heritage," by Julian Nava. The Mexican-American Heritage:: Developing Cultural Understanding. First Papers on Mi’ grancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican- Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. 595 458. [U 459. [U 460. U 461. U 462. U 463. U . S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. The Mexican-American Heritage: Developing Cultural Understanding. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican- Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. . S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education.] Teacher Corps. Rural- Migrant. "The Most Important Advantage," by Armando Rodriguez. The Mexican-American Heritage: Developing Cultural Understanding. First Papers on Migrancy and Rural Poverty: An Introduction to the Education of Mexican- Americans in Rural Areas. Los Angeles: Teacher Corps: Rural-Migrant; School of Education, University of Southern California, 1968. ■ S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. Teacher Influence, Pupil Attitudes, and Achievement, by Ned A. Flanders. Cooperative Research Monograph No. 12. [Washington, D.C.:] U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare; Office of Education, 1965. . S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. Teacher Influence-Pupil Attitudes and Achievement; Final Report, by Ned A. Flanders. Office of Education, Cooperative Research Program. University of Minnesota, Project 397. Minneapolis, Minn.: University of Minneapolis, 1960. , S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. Thinking in Elementary School Children, by Hilda Taba, Samuel Levine, and Freeman F. Elzey. Cooperative Research Project No. 1574. [San Francisco:] San Francisco State College, 1964. , S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. Motivations dfrYSuthhfor Leaving School, by Paul H. Bowman and Charles V. Matthews. University of Chicago Quincy Youth Development Project. Cooperative Research Project #200. n.p., 1960. 596 464. 465. 466. 467. 468. 469. U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Office of Education. "Working toward More Effective Education: A Report on the Detroit Great Cities Project— After One Year," by Carl Marburger. Programs for the Educationally Disadvantaged: A Report. A Conference on Teaching Children and Youth Who Are Educa tionally Disadvantaged. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1963. U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Vocational Rehabilitation Administration. Joint Commission on Correctional Manpower and Training. Differences That Make the Difference. Edited by Roma K. McNickle. Washington, D.C.: Joint Commission on Correctional Manpower and Training, 1967. U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Vocational Rehabilitation Administration. Joint Commission on Correctional Manpower and Training. "Mexican-Americans," by Philip Montez. Differences That Make the Difference. Edited by Roma K. McNickle. Washington, D.C.: Joint Commission on Correctional Manpower and Training, 1967. U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Vocational Rehabilitation Administration. Joint Commission on Correctional Manpower and Training. "Puerto Ricans," by Joseph Monserrat. Differences That Make the Difference. Edited by Roma K. McNickle. Washington, D.C.: Joint Commission on Correctional Manpower and Training, 1967. U. S. Department of Labor. Office of Policy Planning and Research. The Negro Family— The Case for National Action. Washington, D.C.: Govern- ment Printing Office, 1965. (This publication is also known as the "Mpynihan Report.")^ Parts of Series Ametjian, Armistre. "The Effects of a Pre-School Program Upon the Intellectual Development and Social Competency of Lower-Class Children." Dissertation Abstracts, XXVII, No. 1. 597 470. 471. 472. 473. 474. 475. 476. 477. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1966. Fischle, Mildred. "A Study of Attitude and Behavior Change of Teachers Attending an NDEA Institute for Teachers of Disadvantaged Children." Dissertation Abstracts, XXVIII, No. 10. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms., 1968. Horowitz, E. L. "The Development of Attitude Toward the Negro." Archives of Psychology, No. 194. New York: n.p., 1936. Jackson, Ernest Herman. "A Four-Year Project in the Elementary School for Emotionally Handicapped Children." Dissertation Abstracts, XXIII, No. 3. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Micro-1 ’ m films, 1962. Lantz, Beatrice. "Some Dynamic Aspects of Success and Failure." Psychological Monographs, LIX, No. 1, Whole No. 271. Evanston, 111.: American Psychological Association, Inc., 19 45. Lit, J. "Formal and Content Factors of Projective Tests in Relation to Academic Achievement." Dissertation Abstracts, XVI, No. 8. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1956. McBride, John James. "A Study of Relationships Between the Self Concepts of Seventh Grade Disadvantaged Children and Certain Counseling and Motivation Techniques." Dissertation Abstracts, XXVII, No. 12, Pt. 1. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1967. Mankley, Elaine R. "Social Class Differences in Mothers' Attitudes Toward Child Rearing." Dissertation Abstracts, XIX, No. 2. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1958. Matteoni, Louise. "TV Cartoons in Initial Reading Experiences with Culturally Deprived Children." Dissertation Abstracts, XXVIII, No. 3A. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1967. 598 478. 479. 480. 481. 482. 483. 484. Rayner, Doris. "Individual Psychology and the Children's Clinic." Individual Psychology Pamphlets, No. 7. London: Medical Society of Individual Psychology, 1933. Storey, Alfred Wendell. "A Study of Member Satis faction and Types of Contributions in Discussion Groups with Responsibility-Sharing Leader ship." Dissertation Abstracts, XIV, No. 4. Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1954. Newspapers Southern School News. Nashville, Tenn. [Untitled] IX, Page 11, Col. 2. April, 1963. Unpublished Materials Bloom, R.; Whiteman, M.; and Deutsch, M. "Race and Social Class as Separate Factors Related to Social Environment." Paper read at American Psychological Association meeting, Philadelphia, September, 1963. Bowman, Paul H., and Matthews, Charles V. "Motiva tions of Youth for Leaving School." Chicago: University of Chicago, 1959. (Mimeographed report to the U. S. Office of Education on Cboperative Research Project No. 200.) Brown, B. The Assessment of Self-Concept Among Four-Year-Old Negro and White Children: A Comparative Study Using the Brown-IDS Self- Concept Referents Test. New York: Institute for Developmental Studies, 1967. (Mimeographed)i Cabrera, Patricia, and Gromfin, Annette. "Innovations and Changes Brought About by Teacher Corps at USC with Nine Participating School Districts." Los Angeles: Teacher Corps, University of Southern California, 196 8. (Mimeographed report to the U. S. Office of Education, Teacher Corps.) I 599 485. 486. 487. 488. 489. 49 0. 491. 492. 493. Caro, Francis G. "College and Occupational Goals: A Social Class Comparison of Attitudes of Male High School Students." Abstract, Ph.D. Dissertation. Minneapolis, Minn.: University of Minnesota, 1963. (Dittoed.) Dave, R. H. The Identification and Measurement of Environmental Process Variables That are Related to Educational Achievement. Unpub- lished doctoral dissertation, University of Chicago, 1963. Davis, Allison. "Language and Social-Class Per spectives." n.p., n.d. (Processed.) Goldstein, Leo S. Evaluation of an Enrichment Program for Socially Disadvantaged Children. New York: Institute for Developmental Studies, Department of Psychiatry, New York Medical College, 19 65. (Mimeographed.) Grey, Loren. An Analysis of the Validity and Educational Application of the Eight Basic Concepts of Alfred Adler Concerning the Development of the Child. Unpublished Master's thesis, University ofSouthern California, 1954. ________. Utilization of the Earliest Childhood Recollection in Detecting Maladjustment~Among Junior College Students. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Southern California, 1959. Niemeyer, John H. "Home-School Interaction dm Relation to Learning in the Elementary School." Working Paper presented at the Symposium on School Dropouts held in Washington, D.C., on December 2-4, 1962, under the auspices of the National Education Association's "Project School Dropouts," Daniel Schreiber, Director. 1962. Oklahoma City. Oklahoma City Public Schools. Department of Educational Research. The Pre- School Project, n.p. n.d. (Mimeographed.) Roberts, S. O. "Test Performance in Relation to Ethnic Group and Social Class." Report, Nashville, Fisk University, 1963. (Mimeographed) 600 49 4. Sonoma County, California. The Sonoma County Schools in cooperation with the Sonoma County Guidance Association. "Adlerian Psychology," by Ted Grubbe. Personality Theories; Implications for School Guidance, n.p.: Sonoma County Schools in cooperation with the Sonoma County Guidance Association, 1963-1964. 495. Spiel, Oskar. At the Controls of Education. Trans lated by Howard Fitzgerald, 1962. (Cited by Grey, Loren. An Analysis of the Validity and Educational Applicationnof the Eight Basic Concepts of Alfred Adler Concerning the Development of the Child. Unpublished Master's thesis, University of Southern California, 1954. The original German edition of this book may be cited as follows: Spiel, Oskar. Am Schaltbrett der Erziehung. Vienna: Verlag ftfr Jugend und Volk, T947.) 496. Strodtbeck, Fred L. Progress Report of the Reading Readiness Nursery: Short-Term Social Inter vention Technique. Chicago: Social Psychology Laboratory, the University of Chicago, 1964. (Mimeographed.) 497. Sullivan, John. Speech given at the Electronic Data Processing Conference, held at Teachers College in June, 1962. 49 8. U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Teacher Corps. "Teacher Corps Proposal," Cycle III [by Donald E. Wilson, et al. Los Angeles:] Teacher Corps, University of Southern California, 1968-70. 499. Van Egmond, Peter Elmer. Social Interrelationship Skills and Effective Utilization of Intelligence in the Classroom. Unpublished doctoral thesis. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1960. 500. White Plains, N. Y. Board of Education. "A Study of Educational and Vocational Aspirations of Junior High School Pupils from Two Socio economic Levels," by M. Weiner and W. Graves. White Plains, N. Y.: Board of Education, 1960. (Dittoed.) 601 501. Wilson, Alan B. The Effect of Residential Segregation upon Educational Achievement and Aspirations. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1960.

Asset Metadata

Creator Weithorn, Howard Barry (author)

Core Title The Functional Aspects Of Adlerian Constructs In Understanding And Assisting Disadvantaged Children

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, guidance and counseling,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Advisor Ofman, William V. (committee chair), Lasswell, Thomas E. (committee member), Wilson, Donald E. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-389773

Unique identifier UC11361947

Identifier 7008547.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-389773 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 7008547.pdf

Dmrecord 389773

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Weithorn, Howard Barry

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA