University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

'Sassanidischer Koenig': Hans Henny Jahnn'S 'Perrudja' In Microcosm

(USC Thesis Other)

'Sassanidischer Koenig': Hans Henny Jahnn'S 'Perrudja' In Microcosm

PDF

Download

Open document

Flip pages

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 69-19,404 SMITH III, Henry Adelmon, 1942- "SASSANIDISCHER KONIG": HANS HENNY JAHNN'S PERRUDJA IN MICROCOSM. [Portions of Text in German]. University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1969 Language and Literature, modern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan cA Henry Adelmon Smith III 1969 © ALL RIGHTS RESERVED "SASSANIDISCHER KONIG": HANS HENNY JAHNN'S PERRUDJA IN MICROCOSM by Henry Adelmon Smith III A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (German) June 1969 UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N CALIFO RN IA T H E G R A D U A T E S C H O O L U N IV E R S IT Y PA R K L O S A N G E L E S , C A L IF O R N IA 0 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by ....... under the direction of //-is... Dissertation C om mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Gradu ate School, in partial fulfillment of require ments for the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean JUNE 1969 PREFACE This study is one result, and certainly not the last, of a relatively brief but intense involvement with the works of Hans Henny Jahnn. I first became-acquainted with this remarkable writer during the course of a seminar on Expres sionism held by Dr. John M. Spalek at the University of Southern California in the Spring of 1965. The early drama Pastor Ephraim Magnus stood on the reading list for the seminar; I read it, and despite its length, its bombast, its often crass naivete, sensed a spark of genius and unusual potential. Jahnn's artistic vision was unlike anything in my previous experience of German literature. I was en couraged to investigate his other works, and when, J.n the summer of 1965, I finally encountered the novel Perrudja. I became thoroughly convinced that Jahnn was a neglected mas ter of German prose. The novel was a revelation to me, an unparalleled experience, and remains to this day the single work of modern literature I most respect and enjoy. The fact that Jahnn was almost completely unknown to German literary scholarship seemed inconceivable, but, in one sense, fortunate for me. The subject for my doctoral dis sertation was, at least in general, decided. By the summer of 1966 I had read all of Jahnn's published works, compiled a considerable amount of bibliographical material, and even begun an English translation of Perrudja, a labor of love which still preoccupies me. Even more important for the content of my present study, I had received a scholarship from the Deutscher Akademischer Austauschdierist, and in August, 1966 embarked for Hamburg, Germany to devote an entire year to university study and to research in the Jahnn archives of the Staats- und Universitatsbibliothek. A small portion of the invaluable knowledge I gained while working in Jahnn's immense "NachlaB" comprises the basis for the study to follow. Indeed, so much information per tinent to Perrudja was available among Jahnn1s unpublished papers that unusually strict limitations on my subject were necessary, lest the dissertation become unmanageably large. Thus the project shrank from an analysis of Perrudja to an analysis of the novel's opening third, and eventually to the present study of a mere thirty-five pages : the single chapter "Sassanidischer Konig"— including, of course, all the many relationships to the entire novel. For the successful completion of this project I would, above all, like to thank the following individuals: Dr. Rolf Burmeister, director of the Handschriftenabteilung of the Hamburg library, for his kind advice and assistance in using the NachlaS material; Dr. John M. Spalek, the chairman of my dissertation committee, for his constant encouragement and valuable guidance; the other members of my committee, Dr. Harold von Hofe and Dr. Rosario P. Armato, for their kind expense of time and effort in evaluating my work; Herr Thomas Ayck, Hamburg, for his friendly advice and the loan of invaluable bibliographical material; FrSulein Ingeborg Leuthauser, Kiel, for her knowledgeable assistance in solv ing several scholarly problems; and finally Herr Jochen Meyer, Uslar, for whose bibliographical work all Jahnn scholars must be grateful. TABLE OF CONTENTS page PREFACE................................................. ii Chapter I . INTRODUCTION . . , ........................... 1 II. CHRONOLOGY AND CONSTRUCTION ................. 18 The Genesis of Perrudja The Genesis of "Sassanidischer Konig" Ernst Herzfeld Herodotus Sigurd Mathiesen James Joyce Aristotle Arthur Ungnad "Die Familie der Hippokampen" The Arabian Nights III. FORM: MODES AND M U S I C ..................... 148 IV. STYLE: MODES AND METAPHOR................. 190 V. MOTIVES, MYTH, AND MATERIALISM............ 242 VI. CONCLUSION................................. . 296 APPENDIXES Appendix A: Manuscript Versions of Perrudja Pre served in the Jahnn-NachlaB, Staats- und UniversitStsbibliothek Hamburg . . 306 v Page Appendix B: Perrudja (Geschichte Khosros II.) . . 311 Appendix C: "Die liebenswiirdige Leidenschaft" . . 334 Appendix D: "Gott und Gottin"............ 338 Appendix E: "Die Familie der Hippokampen" .... 341 BIBLIOGRAPHY.......................... 347 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The pages to follow are devoted to the study of a sin gle, remarkable chapter in a remarkable novel. The novel is Hans Henny Jahnn's Perrudja, a work which, since its first publication in 1929, has been damned and praised with such intensity that little doubt is left as to its unique sig nificance within German literature.’ * ' The chapter is i Paul Fechter, in 1931, called Perrudia "ein Machwerk," "ein Wirrsal, " "ein schauerliches Dokument fiir Verwiistun- gen," etc. Even an admirer of Jahnn such as Heinrich Schirmbeck felt obliged to confess (twenty-five years after the novel's first appearance): "Dieses barocke Sprachgebrau . . . ist asthetisch ungenieBbar." Examples of opposing opinions: Klaus Mann, who in 1930 called Perrudja "das starkste Erlebnis . . . aus der Literatur der letzten Zeit"; Ludwig Pesch, who, in his book Die romantische Rebellion in der modernen Literatur und Kunst (Miinchen, 1962), p. 160, makes this immodest statement concerning Perrudja: "Seit Jean Paul war in Deutschland kein Prosawerk von solcher Kraft und Originalitat des Wortes mehr erschienen." Walter Muschg, as is well known, has often expressed his opinion that Jahnn was "without any doubt the greatest German prose- writer of our time." 1 "Sassanidischer Konig," in its own way equally unique within the novel as well as within Jahnn's entire work. Walter Muschg gives this succinct statement of the chapter's un usual character: "[Jahnns] Phantasieren uber einen sassa- nidischen Konig hat in deutscher Sprache kaum seinesglei- 2 chen." Edgar Lohner has judged the chapter "eines der 3 groftartigsten und gelungensten des Romans." It is a diffi cult chapter, perhaps the most difficult of all in a very difficult novel. And just as the novel has been so often received with bewilderment and misunderstanding, so its second chapter has remained even more a mystery to the reader and has contributed in no small measure to the nov el's reputation of difficulty. "Sassanidischer Konig" has stood like an imposing wall at the beginning of the novel, warding off the over-cautious reader with its strangeness and barring entrance to the exotic realms that lie beyond. The intent of this study is to resolve some of the difficulties inherent in "Sassanidischer Konig," ^Walter Muschg, ed., Hans Henny Jahnn. Eine Auswahl aus seinem Werk (Olten und Freiburg i. Br., 1959), p. 30. Hereinafter referred to as Muschg, Auswahl. 3"Hans Henny Jahnn," Expressionismus. Gestalten einer literarischen Bewecpjnq. ed. H. Friedmann and O. Mann (Hei delberg, 1956), p. 333. difficulties which are unusually concentrated in the chap ter, and which, without research, cannot be entirely re solved even by the most sympathetic and perceptive reader. Indeed, it must be emphasized from the beginning that strangeness and unintelligibility are essential underlying principles of the entire chapter, and that Jahnn attempted to transcend a "lucid" and "solved" reality through the intentional use of mystery. Thus the very presentation of "solutions" such as are found in this study unavoidably tends to impoverish and deflate an important dimension of the work. The information and interpretation which follow can only in exceptional cases enhance the aesthetic exper ience of the novel, whose riddles were never intended to be resolved. Instead, however, a considerable insight into Jahnn's whole artistic nature (and his creative process in particular) has been gained. And it is hoped that this insight will contribute to a better understanding of the man and his entire work, as well as to the store of knowledge about Perrudja and "Sassanidischer Konig." Also, this study presumes to be the first truly detailed, close analysis of all aspects of a Jahnn text, and it is hoped that some new understanding of the word-by-word fabric of his prose has thereby been established. Nevertheless, as pointed out before, the author of this study is completely aware that his collection of facts and commentary cannot pretend to actually "comprehend" the text of "Sassanidischer Konig." The reader and the analyst are, and must be, independent of each other, if only because their goals and their methods of experiencing are so different. An analyst's view of Per- rudja is represented in the study below, whereas a reader's perspective is well expressed in the following refreshingly naive statement by the twenty-six-year-old Wolfgang Koeppen: Was will Jahnn? Es scheint unmoglich diesen aufier- ordentlichen Roman zu deuten. Man muli ihn lesen und lieben, um ihn zu erfassen.4 The difficulties facing the reader in "Sassanidischer Konig" are manifold. The first alienating factor is the chapter's apparent lack of relation to the preceding narra tive. Both in style and theme the chapter constitutes a radical break with the relatively conventional "Norwegian 5 tale" which precedes it. The transition to the ^"Der mehr schwache als starke Mensch. Ein Versuch iiber Hans Henny Jahnn und seinen Roman Perrudja," Berliner Borsen-Courier, July 15, 19 32, Morgenausgabe, Nr. 325, 1. Beilage, pp. 5-6. ^As will be seen, this reveals a real break in the chronology of composition. subsequent chapter "Ein Knabe weint" takes the reader even farther from the conventional narrative of chapter I, which by this time no longer seems to be the central narrative level of the novel. In "Sassanidischer Konig" the reader is confronted with a bewildering collection of disjointed bits of unrelated narrative, of story-fragments, time-levels, perspectives, and stylistic manners. The chapter often seems to be constructed like a collage: various scraps of text interlocked and superimposed on each other by an artist working with scissors and paste. Coherent lines of narra tive appear suddenly replaced by others, then resume unex pectedly and continue, only to be broken off once more by a continuation of a previous interruption, then appear again. Sentences are broken off and then completed several lines later. Settings, images, motives, points of view shift seemingly at random, type-face changes, vertical columns of strange names appear, unidentifiable quotations abound. This disjunctive nature of the text, while especially char acteristic of "Sassanidischer Konig," is a compositional principle of the whole novel and has inspired reviewers to comments such as these: Das Ganze ist derart verworren, dafi selbst ein verhalt- nismaSig aufmerksamer Leser sich beim besten Willen durch das Wirrsal nicht hindurchfindet. . . . Es lauft standig eins in das andere hinuber. . . . Jede Sub- stanz, jeder Halt, jede sichere Linie ist zum Teufel g e g a n g e n __ Und all die eingestreuten Episoden, die zur urspriing- lichen Handlung in loser oder gar keiner Beziehung stehen.? . - . der logische Fortgang der Dinge wird immer wieder unterbrochenj die Form nahert sich dem verwilderten Homan der Romantiker The reader is left with a unique impression of the work's form: as if it had been a musical composition with several voices and themes, or a piece of graphic art (e.g., collage) or even a three-dimensional structure. The simple linearity of a conventional narrative has clearly been lost. Another problem confronting the reader involves the variety of unfamiliar historical settings which appear in the chapter. Never before and never again did Jahnn use history to such an extent in his writing. And the history he selected was by no means that familiar to most ^Paul Fechter, "Peinlichkeiten," Die Neue Literatur, XXXII, Heft 1 (January 1931), 23. .^Klaus Mann, "Der Roman der dritten Generation. 'Per rudja' von Hans Henny Jahnn," Deutsche Literaturkritik im zwanziqsten Jahrhundert, ed. Hans Mayer (Stuttgart, 1965), p. 693. ®Lutz Weltmann, "Hans Henny Jahnn," Die Literatur, XXXII (October 1929-September 19 30), 447. Europeans. The reader is transported into the unknown past of a little-known region: Persia and the Near East. Names of kings, generals, prophets, servants, animals, palaces, cities, battles, provinces come forth in bewildering abun dance. The objects of an exotic, unknown past fill the pages: monuments, treasures, art works, weapons, idols. All is part of a history so strange that the reader's imagi nation is free to create the most exotic visions, unencum bered by restrictive preconceptions. Yet how can this be related to the story of a young man living alone in a woo<|en cabin, deep in the forests of the Norwegian mountains? A definite answer does not immediately present itself to the reader. A third difficulty facing the unprepared reader of "Sassanidischer Konig" is found in the enigmatic, visionary passages of the chapter. A peculiar, dreamlike mysticism seems to develop in certain segments of sub-chapter X. A kind of synaesthetic meaning transcending reality seems to 9 arise in the sensual dreams of Khosro II (e.g., EVA 87-90), ®"EVA" preceding page numbers hereafter refers to the standard 1958 edition of Perrudja published by the Euro- paische Verlagsanstalt, Frankfurt am Main. Where confusion with other texts cannot occur, page references to this edi tion follow "p." dreams whose ineffable significance is heightened by actual notes of music accompanying a strange, unrelated text. Even the course of Persian history takes on a kind of mystic significance; the portentous combination of Khosro's indi- vidual tragedy, the decline of the ancient Persian Empire and its gods, the victory of Christianity, the rise of the prophet Mohammed in Arabia, all lend the story of Khosro and his monument an emblematic quality which transcends actual events. The following study is in large measure an attempt to resolve the above dilemmas for the average reader. Before beginning the actual analysis, however, it might be well to point out a number of additional factors which make the study of "Sassanidischer Konig" relevant and necessary, beyond considerations of the problems confronting the reader. Paradoxically, "Sassanidischer Konig" deserves par ticular attention because it is both highly exceptional as well as very representative of Jahnn. Many aspects of the chapter are completely unique, while others typify the ever- repeated patterns found in Perrudja and throughout the rest of Jahnnfs work. The independent character of the chapter alone makes it worthy of a separate study. Like many other chapters irr Perrudja, "Sassanidischer Konig" is largely made up of ele ments which can be (and have been) treated as independent narratives. Particularly the sub-chapters IX (the Darius episode) and X (the Khosro episode) are easily isolated from the rest of the novel. Not only are the themes of these episodes unique, but their unusual style seems to belong to an entirely different level than that of the novel's central narrative. As is demonstrated in the following analysis, such stylistic contrasts were primarily caused by the juxta position of segments written at widely separate times. The fact that "Sassanidischer Konig" appears certain to have been conceived at a much later date than the central narra tive of Perrudja is still further evidence to justify a separate consideration of the chapter. In the later stages of composition, Jahnn showed a much greater concern for "experimental" prose techniques, and "Sassanidischer Konig" stands as one of the best examples in the entire novel of a tour de force in avant-garde prose style. Additional styl istic anomalies are the result of Jahnn's unprecedented use' of outside source material. Herein lies perhaps the greatest significance of "Sassanidischer Konig." Nowhere else in Jahnn’s entire work do we find such a consistent and exten sive use of direct borrowings and inspirations from outside 10 texts. Indeed, this technique itself is a central principle underlying the whole chapter. "Sassanidischer Konig" could well have been given the title "Perrudjas Bucher" or "Per rudja liest" (were these not so banal), for it is entirely devoted to the presentation of several reading experiences of Perrudja. It is this characteristic which makes the chapter truly unique. Jahnn's systematic use of source books (at least six or seven in number) in attempting to recreate Perrudja's reading is, I believe, without precedent in German literature. The combination of literal borrowings from actual texts with visionary passages inspired (in Per rudja' s imagination) by those texts results in an unparal leled "image" of the reading experience. The profound im plications of this experience are revealed as they develop in all dimensions of the conscious and unconscious mind. In a very real sense, Jahnn manifests his own creative re sponse to reading by reproducing this process in Perrudja. As a result, "Sassanidischer Konig" offers an incomparable opportunity to observe Jahnn’s artistic method of processing reality, since the actual sources of his inspiration can be determined with absolute certainty. A final important proof of the chapter's significance as an independent unit is the fact that its main sub- 11 chapter (X) has been published separately on several occa- 10 sions. Despite its exceptional qualities, "Sassanidischer Konig" cannot be considered atypical of Jahnn,, nor is it completely isolated from the rest of the novel. As will be shown in the final section of this study, the chapter has extremely important functions in Perrudja, among these the exposition of Perrudja's mind through his reading experi ences, the development of a myth surrounding the horse Shab- dez, the development of the theme of kingship, the fore shadowing of Perrudja's exotic life as "Mohrenkonig" (cf. EVA 242), and the development of various oriental themes used throughout the book. Perhaps most important of all is the multi-level form of "Sassanidischer Konig" which is representative of (and perhaps even the original model for) a "contrapuntal" technique employed systematically in ■^"Die liebenswiirdige Leidenschaft, " Die Lupe, Nr. 5 (Winter 1927), 12-14, uses elements from the Khosro episode (cf. Appendix C); "Das Bild der Stute Shabdez. Eine Chronik aus Perrudja," Hamburger Anzeiger, May 3, 1930; "Sassani discher Konig," 13 nicht geheure Geschichten (Hamburg, 1954; reprinted Berlin and Frankfurt am Main, 1956), pp. 42- 62 (= section X with a few stricken passages); "Sassanidi scher Konig," Hans Henny Jahnn. Eine Auswahl aus seinem Werk, ed. Walter Muschg, pp. 297-314. 12 Perrudja. Finally, "Sassanidischer Konig" provides an excellent representation of the important themes which combine to form Jahnn's unique character as an artist. Perhaps no other modern writer has so faithfully and obstinately clung to a specific set of themes and ideals throughout his life. In terms of these motifs, which reappear again and again in his work like the great basso ostinato of a Baroque passacaglia, Jahnn never went through "transitions in thinking" or "stages of development." The crucial points of his philoso phy were essentially the same in 1919 as in 1 9 5 9 . Thus it is not surprising to find almost all of Jahnn's important themes expressed in the few pages of "Sassanidischer Konig." The following list surveys the most important of these: 1. Horses. The core of Jahnn's interest in the Khosro Hjahnn himself discussed this characteristic in his 1933 conversations with Walter Muschg: "Ich habe in letzter Zeit viel dariiber nachgedacht, worin das eigentlich Unter- scheidende des schopferischen Menschen liegen konne, und komme immer wieder auf den gleichen Gedanken: es beruht auf seiner Fahigkeit, bei einer einmal gefaflten Idee auszuhar- ren. Wir bedenken und ermessen viel zu wenig, was das heifit. Das Lebenswerk des Genies ist monoton, es kreist im Grund um wenige Gedanken, die es in immer neuer Form wieder aufgreift." Walter Muschg, Gesprache mit Hans Henny Jahnn (Frankfurt am Main [1967]), p. 35. Hereinafter referred to as Muschg, Gesprache. 13 episode is, of course, the horse Shabdez. Jahnn1s love for animals is well known, and to him the noblest of all animals was the horse. His esteem for the horse, a creature often represented as being much more admirable than man, reminds one of Jonathan Swift's idealization of the Houyhnhnms. Jahnn's devotion to the species, which is manifested in practically everything he wrote, deserves a lengthy study of its own. 2. Monuments. Jahnn felt profoundly committed to the art of building (cf. his organ-building career) and had a particular interest in the massive stone structures of an cient times (pyramids, temples, Romanesque churches, etc.). His concern with Khosro's grotto and the giant stone relief- carving is therefore not accidental. Jahnn believed that structures of stone held remarkable qualities: the strength of their physical presence, their century-long durability, 12 the aesthetic influence of their density on the beholder. 3. Music. Not only the musical notes in the chapter but also its musical (contrapuntal) form reveal Jahnn's deep involvement with music. Jahnn's great love in music Jahnn believed the density of a massive structure could exert a strong effect upon the "sixth sense" of the beholder. 14 was the clearly-structured, "architectural" art of poly phony. This is clearly related to his involvement in "Bau- kunst" as is revealed in his life's work: organ-building, the synthesis of music (i.e., the great organ tradition of the past— Baroque contrapuntal music) and architecture. 4. Archaism. Jahnn's feeling of alienation from the world of modern civilization helped establish his fascina tion with the culture of the ancient world. In antiquity Jahnn found a purer form of existence where man had not yet been cut off from primeval forces of life, where art, liter ature, and religion has not yet been polluted or destroyed by the intellect: Christianity, technology, and the state. Khosro's tragedy is more than the story of a man; it is the story of the end of an age and a life-form. 5. Exoticism. Part of Jahnn's escape from European civilization took the form of an involvement with extrava gant foreign themes. The sensuousness of many strange cus toms illustrated in Perrudja is evidence of the greater proximity to life Jahnn saw in African and Asian culture. 6. Religiosity. Jahnn, although decidedly anti- Christian, had a deeply religious nature. In "Sassanidi scher Konig" he presents the tragic conflict of the (to him) meaningful ancient religion— a religion filled with nature 15 worship, animal deities, horse-loving gods, etc.— against the rise of the new religions of the intellect, Christianity and Islam. 7. The Flesh. The fact of Jahnn*s overwhelming in volvement with themes of suffering and sexuality does not 13 need to be established here. The Khosro story offered Jahnn a wealth of material in this respect. The cruelties expressed in the text— war, torture, slavery, crucifixion, murder— all deeply affected Jahnn, for whom the suffering of living things was more important than any "historical" event. Also the exotic setting of Khosro*s court with its thousands of concubines gave Jahnn ample opportunity to develop sexual themes. A particularly significant theme in all of Jahnn's work, the sexual crises of adolescents, is also developed within the chapter (cf. the story of the five I O XJToo many (indeed, perhaps most) people see this— very real— obsession as Jahnn's only important characteristic. Certainly in German literature (but by no means in others) Jahnn's concern with the flesh is almost unprecedented and therefore tends to elicit unwarranted bewilderment or suspi cion. The novelist Heinrich Schirmbeck has given a more realistic appraisal of Jahnn's "carnality": "Wir mochten im Gegensatz zur landlaufigen Meinung sagen, dafi er die Keusch- heit des Fleisches wiederhergestellt hat, weil er den Blick fur seine GroBe und seine Tragik von allem nur Lusternen und AnstoBigen reinigte." Die Formel und die Sinnlichkeit (Miin- chen, 1964), p. 2 30. 16 boys, Khosro's childhood memories). 8. Death and Fate. Jahnn1s most universal concern in all his works is death. No few words can express the over riding significance of death themes in Jahnn's work. In "Sassanidischer Konig" death is presented not only in terms of the flesh, but also as the death of an age and an ethic. "Die Macht des Schicksals," the helplessness of• man in the face of life forces, also plays an important role in the tragic themes of the chapter. In conclusion it must be noted that the preceding in ventory of themes creates a misleading impression in one important respect. Jahnn1s great concerns cannot really be so conveniently isolated and labeled without a certain amount of falsification. In truth, they are inseparable and most intimately interrelated. There is, in a sense, no "death theme" in Jahnn, nor a "sexual theme," nor an "archi tectural, " nor a "religious theme." All are inevitable variations on a single, remarkable consistent and obsessive concern: the material world, the "physical" itself, and, perhaps paradoxically, the entire "spiritual" reflex thereof. ^ ^It might be remarked in conclusion, that one notable 17 feature of Jahnn1s "thematic catalog" is lacking in "Sassa nidischer Konig": the natural, elemental world in the form of landscape. Considering, however, that the chapter is completely introspective, this lack is not surprising. Jahnn's landscapes were always "experienced." Cf. the pale descriptions in Fluft ohne Ufer of places Jahnn had never visited. CHAPTER II CHRONOLOGY AND CONSTRUCTION The Genesis of Perrudja The reader of Perrudja, whether his purpose be pleasure or analysis, is likely to discover an obvious dualism in the work's character. The novel seems to unfold on two levels: a conventional narrative level common to most novels and an unconventional one which often appears to bear little or no relationship to the former. On the "conventional" level we find the narrative core of the novel: the story of Perrudja with its clearly defined setting in the Norwegian mountains, the plot centered about the acquisition of the horse Shab- dez, Perrudja's courtship of Signe Skaerdal and the rivalry with Thorstein Hoyer. One might define this conventional narrative level as that component of the novel which lends itself to being summarized. A plot summary such as that by Friedrich Neumann in the Romanfuhrer^ presents almost 1(Stuttgart, 1953), II, 362-363. 18 nothing but the conventional level of Perrudja and ignores perhaps half of the novel, including its most remarkable aspects. The simple resources of a summary are incapable of dealing with the heterogeneous nature of the second level. One might conveniently refer to this second narrative mode as the "advanced" level, since it is often characterized by a consciously experimental prose technique, an avant-garde style sometimes resembling the manneristic prose of such innovators as James Joyce and Alfred Doblin. It might also be called the "interior" level (as opposed to the "exter ior," conventional narrative), since it can be considered to originate almost entirely within Perrudja's mind in the form of memories, dreams, and reading experiences. Con spicuous examples of this "advanced interior" level are the dream segments of chapter V with their lengthy word cata logs, and the many separate, story-like episodes and chap ters : the fantastic historical excursion of "Sassanidischer Konig," the technological mystery of "Ein Knabe weint," "Die Geschichte des Sklaven" with its Arabian Nights quality, the tales of the twins, of Ragna and Nils, of the boy and the leopard, "Die Marmaladenesser," and countless shorter seg ments which set themselves apart, in language and content, from the conventional narrative. 20 In general one finds the most striking stylistic and thematic contrasts in the first half of the novel, a fact which tempts one to draw conclusions regarding the chronol- 2 ogy of the novel’s creation. It seems obvious that the conventional, Norwegian Perrudja story is the oldest element of the novel. Rudiger Wagner finds this point self-evident enough to deserve mention without supporting evidence: "Der Anfang des Romans und das reine Handlungsgeriist um Perrudja und Signe scheinen die friihsten Bestandteile des Romans zu 3 sein." Proceeding a step further, one suspects that the sections representing the advanced interior level, especi ally those found early in the novel, were additions inserted at a later date. This becomes a particularly attractive hypothesis when one considers the emerging influence of 4 James Joyce in the late 1920's. And bearing in mind ^In general, the work's first half presents the best evidence of its dualistic character. As has often been ob served, the second half of the novel, with its expanded per spective, is fundamentally different from the first. Part of this difference is, I believe, a lessening of distinction between narrative levels, a fact which suggests a more uni fied period of composition. %ans Henny Jahnns "Perrudja." Sprache und Stil (diss. Miinchen, 1965), p. 126, n. 2. ^Ulysses was published in German translation in 1927. Jahnn's affinity for the "art of building,it would also be quite appropriate if part of his novel had been "assem bled" by fitting together blocks of chronologically inde pendent text. The result would be not simply a narrow bridge of linear narrative, but a kind of multi-dimensional, architectural construction. 0 An examination of the available Perrudja manuscripts proves the above conjectures to be well-founded. Indeed, the manuscripts themselves fall into two general categories which reflect the thematic and stylistic duality of the novel, especially of its first half.^ The older portion of the manuscript (and the more extensive) is made up of two bound, log-type notebooks measuring 17 x 22 cm. The first book (catalogued in the Hamburg library as Hs 162a^) con sists of 400 pages of continuous, (apparently) first-draft text of the conventional narrative through the chapter "Die Ich habe das innerste Gefiihl, daS ich zur Baukunst berufen bin— was bedeutet mir daneben schon meine Dichtung, mein Verhaltnis zur Musik." Muschg, GesprSche. p. 119. p . See Appendix A for a complete list of Perrudja MSS in the archives of the Staats- und Universit&tsbibliothek Ham burg . •7 As will be shown, this section contains both the ear liest and latest writing to be found in the novel. * I 22 Bergpolizei." The general content of the conventional narrative in this first draft is identical to the published version, but the language shows that extensive stylistic 8 revisions were made before publication. Most important of all, the early form contains not one example of writing on the advanced level. All the examples just mentioned (in cluding, of course, "Sassanidischer Konig") plus many more are lacking in the first manuscript book. The second bound notebook (Hs 162a2) consists of 190 pages of first-draft text continuing through chapter XXXIX, as well as eighty pages of text from the unpublished second 9 part of Perrudja. Several inserted pages complete the contents of the manuscript. It is obvious that the second book contains much material which was written at a consid erably later date than most of Book I. p For example, the first sentence of the MS reads: "Perrudjan [n stricken] hatte die letzten Bissen seines Abendbrotes gemachlich, beinahe vorsichtig in den Mund ge- schoben." (The form "Perrudjan" exists only in the title and the first sentence of the MS. Although Jahnn was quick to drop the final "n," it gives an interesting insight into the relationship Perrudja-Jahnn.) Jahnn reports in Ge- sprache, p. 12 3: "Den ersten Satz des 'Perrudja1 habe ich bestimmt mindestens fiinfzig Mai geschrieben. " ^The existing fragments of which were published by the Heine Verlag, Frankfurt, in the fall of 1968. 2 3 To the second over-all category of manuscripts belongs a collection of various fragments and complete chapters written on loose quarto sheets (mostly onionskin typewriter paper and Jahnn's "Ugrino" letterhead paper). The most im portant of the larger segments are: 3 Hs 162a , "Das Hohelied des Gesetzes" g Hs 162a , Part I, "Ein Knabe weint" g Hs 162a , Part II, "Alexander" g Hs 162a , Part III, "Sassanidischer Konig" Tr 47, "Die Geschichte des Sklaven" These manuscripts and others of their type belong, without exception, to the "advanced" class. And, as would be ex pected, all of them prove to have been written at a late date. Indeed, as will presently be shown, they constitute some of the last work done on the novel. The earliest date which can be connected with the novel Perrudja is the fifth of December, 1922. The title page of the first draft (Hs 162a^) bears this date, and one must assume that it was then that Jahnn began writing the novel.^ Without the isolated evidence of this date, ■^This is a logical date for Jahnn to have begun a larger prose work. His previous novel project, Ugrino und Ingrabanien. was begun about 1916 and not broken off until 24 however, entirely different assumptions would have to be made regarding the novel's beginnings. Jahnn, in his 1933 conversations with Walter Muschg, gives a contradictory account: ^ Zur Zeit, als die "Medea" in Berlin aufgefiihrt wurde [i.e., May 4, 1926], zeichnete mich eine Verwandte von Dr. Elias (Ullstein-Verlag) fur eine illustrierte Zeit- schrift. WMhrend der Sitzung erschien Dr. Elias kurz unter der Tiir und kniipfte ein Gesprach mit mir an. Er forderte mich auf, doch einmal einen Roman fur die "Berliner Illustrierte" zu schreiben, er biete mir 20 000 Mark dafiir. Da dies fur mich eine amerikanische Summe war, versprach ich, mir die Sache zu iiberlegen. Ich fing an, ein Anfangskapitel zu schreiben (es war die Urform des ersten Kapitels des "Perrudja"), sah aber rasch ein, da(5 daraus nie ein Roman fur die "Ber liner Illustrierte" wurde, und warf es weg. Erst spa- ter nahm ich es wieder vor. Daraus wurde der "Per rudja . M^2 It would seem that either Jahnn's statement or the manu script date must be considered incorrect. In order to reconcile the two in any way, it would be necessary, for example, to assume that Jahnn wrote a very brief beginning at least 1921. Thus it would seem that Jahnn was almost continually involved in some sort of prose work from his first attempts (1908) until his death. •^It must be noted that Jahnn's truthfulness in these conversations occasionally leaves something to be desired. He is sometimes guilty of "improving" on past reality. l2Gesprache. p. 26. 25 to the novel in 1922, set it aside, then completed the major portion of the first chapter in 1926 (hoping to earn the 20,000 Marks), only to set it aside once again. This would still be an unsatisfactory way of complying with the sen tence, "Ich finq an. ein Anfangskapitel zu schreiben." Also, the manuscript shows no convincing evidence that the writing of the opening pages was interrupted for any length * 4. • 13 of time. Judging from Jahnn1s report, however, it does seem likely that the writing of Perrudja was interrupted for some extended period of time ("Erst spater nahm ich es wieder vor"), probably between 1923 and 1926. In support of this conjecture, it should be noted that: 1. Only one bit of evidence is available (the manu script title page) to date the work before 1926. 2. Several references to the novel occur between 1926 ^•3The only even slightly plausible signs of a break early in the first chapter are: (1) a change of ink between the sentences "Er weinte, weil er die Dummheit aller Ge- danken und Taten begriff" (and without a new paragraph) "Es begann ihn zu frieren" (cf. EVA 18); (2) a change of pen and ink between the sentences "Ein entfernter Verwandter" (later changed to "Ein kaum gekanntes Mitglied der Familie") "des Verstorbenen zog ein" and "kein fsic] kluger aber ein sehr korrekter Mensch" (cf. EVA 24). The handwriting and train of thought in both examples shows no evidence of an inter vening pause of more than three years. 26 and 1929. 3. Jahnn twice stated that the novel had been the work of four years (i.e., perhaps mid-1926 to mid-1929, plus 14 several months following December 5, 1922). In any case, by the beginning of November, 1926, Jahnn felt sufficient;ly.committed to the novel to hold a reading from ' 15 it during a Hamburg writers' and book week. From 1926 on it appears that Jahnn wrote more or less continuously until 16 the work's publication in 1929. Three months after the ■^"Mein bestes Werk, der 'Perrudja,' vier Jahre Arbeit, war ein schlechtes Geschaft." "Ordnung und Unordnung," Berliner Tageblatt, December 25, 1931, Morgenausgabe, Nr. 607, Beiblatt 4. "Ich habe vier Jahre mit dem Schreiben der ersten beiden Bande verbracht." "Kleine Selbstbiographie," Die literarische Welt, March 18, 1932. Quoted from Muschg, Auswahl, p. 551. •^Reported by L-Th.: "Die Schriftsteller- und Buch- woche. Hans Henny Jahnn," Hamburger Anzeiger, November 3, 1926. ■^The following quote from the Jahnn-Muschg conversa tions, although of little help in establishing chronology, sheds some light on the circumstances surrounding this re newed and continuous effort: "Ich stand wieder vor dem Nichts. In dieser Situation beschlofi ich, den 'Perrudja' fertig zu schreiben. Es wurde mir moglich, diesen Plan aus- zufiihren, weil es mir gelang, den Verlag Gebriider Enoch zu einer Zahlung von 300 Mark monatlich zu bewegen— dafiir hatte ich ihnen das Manuskript zu liefern. Unter diesem Druck wurde der zweite Band fertig gemacht. Ich habe z.B. das Kapitel 'Der Zirkel’ in einem Tag geschrieben, indem ich mich nach Mittag hinsetzte und bis tief in die Nacht sitzen blieb. Als das Ganze abgeliefert war, schickte mir der 27 public reading Jahnn published the episode "Der Sturm" (EVA 33-36) in the Hamburger Anzeiger for January 22, 1927. In the following month two more selections were published: "Perrudjas Werbung" (Der Kreis, IV, Heft 2 [February 1927], 93-107; cf. EVA 242-261) and "Unser Zirkus."^ These pre publications suggest that an advanced stage of progress had already been reached with the novel, the extent of which is indicated by Jahnn in an unpublished letter to Oskar Loerke Verlag eine groBe Liste der Stellen, die abgeSndert oder gestrichen werden sollten— ich habe sie noch, sie ist ein Dokument. Ich kriegte einen Wutanfall und schickte das Manuskript zu alien moglichen Verlegern— da trat eine zweite gliickliche Fiigung ein: auf Betreiben Benninghoffs von der 'Hamburger Bvihne1 , der von dem Roman gegeistert war, wurde die Lichtwarkstiftung gegriindet, und zwar von vornherein halbwegs in der Absicht, mit ihrer Hilfe die Drucklegung zu finanzieren" (Gesprache, p. 166). Jahnn's mention of the "second volume" refers to the original two-volume edition of 1929. He seems to imply that the first half of the novel was written before the interruption. This may have been only the conventional narrative, since Jahnn admits to writing the chapter "Der Zirkel" (which belongs to the first volume) during the second phase of composition. "Der Zirkel" be longs to the second stylistic level and is found nowhere in the first manuscript book. ■^The latter is an early form of the circus episode in the last chapter. Its publication (in Zuckerbrot und Peit- sche. Zeitschrift fur Dampteure und verwandte Berufe. Festalmanach fur das Kostum-Kiinstlerfest Curioser Cirkus, ed. 0. A. Palitzsch and L. H. Lorenz [Hamburg, 1927], pp. 17-21) does not necessarily indicate that the novel was nearly com plete by February, 1927. It may have been written solely for the artists' festival and later modified and "montaged" into the last chapter. 28 (then "Lektor" at S. Fischer Verlag) written February 21, 1927. Jahnn enclosed the two prepublished excerpts, re quested Loerke's opinion, and reported on the progress of the novel: v Leider war ich mit Angelegenheiten nicht angenehmen Geldverdienens so beschaftigt, daB der erste Teil-*-® immer noch nicht ganz vollendet ist, sondern noch einige kurze Abschnitte zuriickgeblieben sind. In 1927 Jahnn actively sought to convince Loerke's employer to publish Perrudja. Jahnn wrote to Loerke on August 11, 1927: "Es hat den Anschein, als ob es mir nicht gelingen sollte, mit Herrn Fischer wegen meines Romans zu einer 19 Einigung zu kommen." 1927 also seems to be the year in which Jahnn's "advanced" style was developed. The impor tance of Georg Goyert's Ulysses translation which appeared in this year should not be overlooked as. a probable influ ence. Jahnn was, at the very latest, involved in writing ^He may mean the entire novel as published in 1929 (vs. Perrudja II) or simply the first section thereof (con sidering the many "advanced level" passages which were late additions to the first part of the MS). -^After his rejection of the Verlag Gebriider Enoch? In any case, Jahnn had great difficulty securing a publisher. He reports in "Kleine Selbstbiographie": "Der VollstSndig- keit halber mochte ich erzahlen, daft es beinahe unmoglich war, einen Verleger fur den Roman zu finden" (Muschg, Aus- wahl. p . 551). 29 on the advanced level by the end of 1927. The article "Die liebenswiirdige Leidenschaft*" published in the Winter 1927 edition of a jewelers' trade magazine* uses motives and excerpts from an unquestionably advanced chapter* "Sassani- 20 discher Konig.1 ' Another datable example of avant-garde writing is found in chapter V (EVA 51) of the published text. The vast catalog of soups is based on a handwritten sketch made on the reverse side of a letter* a birthday greeting from Jahnn’s parents dated December 17* 1927 (Hs g 162a * part 6). On January 8* 1928 Jahnn reported the completion of the novel to Oskar Loerke: 21 Der erste Teil meines Romans ist vollendet, und ich mochte Sie bitten* ob Sie mir einen Gefallen erwei- sen konnten. Wegen des auBerordentlichen Umfangs des Romanes* ist es fur mich schwer, mit meinem V e r l e g e r ^ zu einer Einigung zu kommen. Es wiirde mir eine Erleich- terung bedeuten* wenn Sie sich entschlieBen konnten* den Roman im Schreibmaschinenmanuskript zu lesen und ihren Eindruck von dem Werk mir mitzuteilen. Indem ich dies schreibe glaube ich* daB Sie an dem Werk als Ganzem ^ Die Lupe, V* 12-14. Sketches for the festival alma nac Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim (published January, 1928)* parts of which were used in "Sassanidischer Konig*" must also have been written during the winter of 1927-1928. ^Here* he must mean the entire "Perrudja I." 22probably Gebriider Enoch. 30 einigen Gefallen finden werden. Ich bin so aufdring- lich und sende ich Ihnen sogleich ein Exemplar. Dazu mochte ich bemerken, daB es nur oberfISchlich und noch nicht auf Ausdruck korrigiert ist. Die ersten einige hundert Seiten, die Sie seinerzeit in veranderter Form schon kennengelernt haben, sind bei dem Exemplar nicht enthalten, da ich sie nicht besitze. In view of this letter* several conflicting possibilities suggest themselves: 1. The novel was finished and (though not "auf Aus- druck korrigiert") essentially in the form published in 1929. 2. The typed manuscript submitted to Loerke was merely a first version which was considerably altered and enlarged before publication. 3. "Die ersten einige hundert Seiten" may have been withheld from Loerke, not because he had already seen them (he had apparently only read "Der Sturm" and "Perrudjas Werbung"), but because they represented the only unfinished portion of the novel. Several advanced passages (e.g., "Sassanidischer Konig," "Ein Knabe weint") may not yet have been added. A number of relevant factors render one or both of the last two possibilities most likely: 1. The novel was not published for another one and one-half years. 31 2. Jahnn claims to have worked four years. 3. Jahnn1s friend Ludwig Vofi has stated that the "lar gest part" (1) of Perrudja was written while Jahnn resided at VoS ' s house in Ollsen between the summer of 1928 and 23 Easter 1929. One must nevertheless assume that the greater part of the novel was completed by January, 1928. Exactly how much additional work was done after that date is 24 difficult to determine. Aside from manuscript- and proof- revisions, there is no section demonstrably written after 2 3 Reported by Karin Meister in "Hans Henny Jahnn und Ludwig VoB. Briefwechsel aus den Jahren 1926-1958," unpub lished examination project of the Hamburg Bibliothekschule (Hamburg, 1966). Voft, who may actually be referring to the period 1927-1928 (which would conflict less with other data), relates further: "Nach den Mahlzeiten trug mir Jahnn regelmafiig das Niedergeschriebene vor. Er brauchte einen Widerhall, priifte durch lauten Vortrag die Wirkung bei sich und dem Horer" (letter to K. Meister, November 11, 1965). 24 We do find the following information in Jahnn's col lection of novel excerpts, 13 nicht qeheure Geschichten; "Die Marmaladenesser. (Geschrieben 1928)." Although this note suggests that the chapter was among the very last addi tions to the novel, it is not very helpful in establishing the date of the novel's completion. If written, for exam ple, in January or February, 1928, "Die Marmaladenesser" would belong to the group of advanced chapters apparently written during the winter of 1927-1928 ("Sassanidischer Konig," "Ein Knabe weint"). If written at the end of 1928 it would seem to stand in unique isolation from other chap ters for which some chronological evidence exists. 32 25 early 1928 (Vofi1s statement notwithstanding). By early 1929, Jahnn was able to report to Loerke (in a letter of February 24) that publication of the novel had been made possible: In letzter Stunde nun hat sicn ein giinstiger Umstand ergeben, der wahrscheinlich die Drucklegung des Romans ermoglichen wird. Die neugegriindete Hamburger Licht- warkstiftung (ich bitte Sie, diese Mitteilung vertrau- lich zu behandeln) ist bereit, von einem Privatdruck 250 Exemplare zu ubernehmen. Obviously seeking to "promote'1 his novel, Jahnn wrote fur ther : Ich habe nun die gro&e Bitte an Sie: Mochten Sie die beiden anliegenden Kapitel des Romans Alfred Doblin geben mit der Bitte, sie zu lesen, und wenn er sie fur wert halt, einige Zeilen dariiber zu s c h r e i b e n . ^In November, 1928 the chapter "Ein Knabe weint" was published in Der Kreis under the title "Die anderen Tiere." This in no way indicates the date of composition, since, according to MS evidence, "Ein Knabe weint" was written at the same time as "Sassanidischer Konig" (i.e., probably dur ing the winter of 1927-1928). 2®It is interesting to note Jahnn1s choice of a "re viewer" likely to appreciate his work. Doblin (who did not respond to this request) had once written a positive review of Pastor Ephraim Magnus. Also, Jahnn seems to have re spected Doblin as the greatest contemporary German prose writer. As early as 1917 Jahnn reports having read Wang- Lun, and in August, 1927 he requested Berge. Meere und Gi- ganten und Manas from Loerke. The latter book still stands in the Bornholm library. Jahnn also published an early re view of Berlin Alexanderplatz (Der Kreis. December, 1929). 33 The exact date of the novel's publication has been impossible to determine. Apparently the work did not reach its readers {in the meager edition of 1,020 copies) until late in 1929. The first newspaper notice concerning it ap peared in the Hamburger Anzeiger on December 13, 1929 and was followed shortly thereafter by several others. Jahnn seems to have had difficulty in obtaining a publisher to work in commission for the Lichtwark Foundation. Although Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag was eventually commissioned, Jahnn wrote to Loerke as late as April 1, 1929 attempting to se cure S. Fischer for the job. Considering the length of the novel and the amount of proof work that must have been necessary, the book is unlikely to have appeared before November, 1929. The following are my hypotheses regarding the chron ology of Perrudja: 1. Part or all of the conventional narrative in the first half of the novel was written from December, 1922 until abandonment sometime in 192 3. This span of time falls conveniently between the writing of Der Arzt, sein Weib, sein Sohn (finished 1922) and Der gestohlene Gott (published 1924). Intensive involvement with the "Glaubensgemeinde Ugrino," with organ-building (Jakobikirche) and with 34 dramatic projects (Der gestohlene Gott, Medea— written 1925) may have caused the interruption. 2. Work on the novel was renewed in 1926, perhaps as the result of an offer by the Berliner Illustrierte. This was a year of change and renewal in Jahnn's life. Medea was completed, and, most important, "Ugrino" had failed for lack of funds. Jahnn confided to Walter Muschg (Gesprache, p. 161): "Januar und Februar 1926 brachten die Zeichen der Auflosung und die Einleitung zu einem vollkommenen neuen, dem Ugrino-Dasein entgegengesetzten Lebensabschnitt." 3. The majority of the "advanced" passages of the first half, as well as most of the second half of the novel were written in 1927 and early 1928. A change in Jahnn's style and direction had been influenced by (1) his confron tation with avant-garde prose, particularly that of James Joyce, and (2) his growing social consciousness (cf. the award of the Kleist prize to Anna Seghers in 1928) which seems to be reflected in the second half of the novel. 2 4. The second manuscript book (Hs 162a ) containing most of the novel's second half as well as the beginning of "Perrudja II'1 was written between late 1926 and late 1927 . 5. The sections written on loose quarto sheets, ap parently the last additions to the novel, were written in late 1927 and early 1928. 6. The novel was essentially complete by mid-1928. 7. Work on Perrudja I during late 1928 and early 1929 consisted of detail revisions. Perrudja II, begun as early as 1927, may also have received some attention during this period. 8. The novel was published in November, 1929. 9. Work on "Perrudja II" continued, with long inter ruptions, until after the move to Bornholm (April, 19 34). As late as November, 1934 Jahnn mentions working on the novel (letter to Walter Muschg). The Genesis of "Sassanidischer Konig1 1 The chapter "Sassanidischer Konig" is not present in the original manuscript of Perrudja (Hs 162a^), and was obviously written at a later date than the surrounding "con ventional" narrative of "Das Pferd" and "Die anderen Tiere. Also missing from the original manuscript is the adjoining chapter, "Ein Knabe weint." The two chapters, both clearly of the advanced level, and seemingly written at the same 27 time, were inserted (perhaps as a unit) into an earlier, 27 Apart from obvious stylistic similarities (contra- 36 continuous stream of conventional narrative. In the origi nal manuscript we find the following two sentences written in unbroken succession: Auf dem weiten Laufplatz, den Perrudja hatte herrichten lassen aber wurden die Sehnen und Muskeln zum Laufen und Springen geiibt. Es war ein gro&er und herrlicher Tag, in dem der Duft schweren Weines war, als Perrudja zum ersten Mai das gesattelte Pferd bestieg. These are, with minor variation, the sentences immediately preceding "Sassanidischer Konig" and following "Ein Knabe weint" in the published text (EVA 58 and 107). It is evi dent that the two advanced chapters played no part in the 28 original concept of the novel, even though Jahnn may have puntal form, etc.) we find that both MSS are written on similar paper in similar script. Even more important is an encircled note referring to "Sassanidischer Konig" located on the reverse side of the second sheet of the "Ein Knabe weint" MS (Hs 162a^, part 1): "Khosro ISBt den Leichnam Saens salzen und schinden, weil er 626 von Theodorus (Bruder Herakleios) geschlagen." Jahnn must have discovered this information in a history book (it is one of the few histori cal facts in section X not traceable to Herzfeld) and writ ten it down for later use. Thus Jahnn seems to have been involved in planning (if not writing) "Sassanidischer Konig" at the time he wrote "Ein Knabe weint." The Saens passage is not a later addition to the "Sassanidischer Konig" first draft, which therefore must have been written— at least par tially— after the note. ^®This fact virtually refutes Rudiger Wagner’s thesis concerning transition between chapters. On p. 172 he points out what he considers to be a conscious stylistic element: the shift from long, hypotactic to short, paratactic 37 had early intentions of interrupting the narrative at this point. A slip of paper bearing the words "Verrate es spa- ter" marks the page in the manuscript book. It is impossible to determine exactly when Jahnn began to conceive "Sassanidischer Konig." The sine qua non of the chapter, Ernst Herzfeld's book Am Tor von Asien, was pub lished in 1920, yet there is no evidence that Jahnn con sulted Herzfeld before 1926 at the earliest. As will be shown, the chapter's initial draft appears to have been written at the end of 1927. There are, however, indications that Jahnn had worked with elements of the Khosro story at 29 an earlier date. No doubt Jahnn's primary purpose in selecting the Khosro episode was to provide a legendary name for constructions which serves to emphasize the transition from one chapter to another. He supports this assertion by quot ing the end of "Ein Knabe weint" (EVA 106) and the beginning of "Die anderen Tiere" (107). Rather than a conscious de vice, however, the evident contrast in style between the two chapters is clearly the result of their having been written at widely separate times. 29por example, Jahnn's first published prose work, the Chinese fairy tale "Polarstern und Tigerin," appeared early in 1927 (Die silbergriine Dschunke. Ein Almanach zu dem chinesischen Feste der Hamburger Gruppe 1927, ed. Hans Leip (Hamburg, 1927). The story is clear evidence of Jahnn's involvement during this period with oriental exoticism. Perrudja's horse. The name Shabdez does not occur in the first manuscript book, where the mare is consistently re ferred to as "das Pferd." In describing Perrudja's first 30 journey to the Skaerdal house, for example, Jahnn origi nally wrote: "Das war miihselig fur Reiter und Pferd” (Hs 162a^). We next find this sentence in the fragment "Per- 31 rudjas Werbung," published in February, 1927 . Already it has been revised to the form used in the published version, EVA 248: "Das war miihselig fur Shabdez und ihren Reiter." Evidently by the beginning of 1927 Jahnn was already famil iar with some form of the Shabdez-Khosro story— probably as 32 found in Herzfeld — and may well have formulated plans to write a chapter on the Sassanian king. In view of other evidence, however, it seems unlikely that this chapter had already been written at the time "Perrudjas Werbung" was published. First of all, Jahnn's letter to Oskar Loerke of 3^Now in the chapter "Werbung und Vorholle,” but in the MS under the heading "Die Bergpolizei." 31Per Kreis. IV, Heft 2, 96. 33The following references in "Perrudjas Werbung" may also be derivations from Herzfeld: "einer persischen Zeich- nung nachgebildet" (p. 94; cf. EVA 244); "verschlungene Ornamente in tausend Abarten des Akanthus gewebt" (p. 95; cf. EVA 244); "ein Fabeltier" (p. 95; cf. EVA 245). February 21, 1927 reported that "the first part" of the novel was not yet finished for lack of a "few short sec tions." These may well have included the planned chapter "Sassanidischer Konig." Second, we find two passages re ferring to "Sassanidischer Konig" in the published chapter "Werbung und Vorholle" which are not present in "Perrudjas Werbung": (1) "Die Tiere hockten auf schwarzem Grund in goldenen Kreisen. (Traum von Khosro Parwez, dem Gluck- reichen.)" (EVA 242), and (2) "Er war kein Dareios” (EVA 260). Third, the primary manuscript version of "Sassani discher Konig" appears to have been written no earlier than the fall of 1927. This manuscript, the longest and most important prototype form of the chapter, consists of twenty quarto pages containing a preliminary version of the text 33 between pp. 61 and 94 of the published version. The manu script is replete with stricken passages and corrections, and appears with little doubt to be the first draft of "Sassanidischer Konig." Only one small but essential por tion of the text was drawn from Jahnn's previous writing: the four-sentence poem on p. 94 ("Wie eines Maultiers Nus- tern ..." etc.) which was copied without change onto the - a o See Appendix B for the complete text. 40 last page of the manuscript. This poem was originally writ ten as part of the speaker's text for the pantomime "Der Raub der Europa" and was published in the 1928 almanac of 34 the Hamburg artists' festival, Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim. Records show that the pantomime was performed in the Hamburg Curio-Haus on the 20th., 21st, and 2 3rd of January, 1928. The handwritten sketches for "Der Raub der Europa" are pre served in the Hamburg archives (under "Tr. 51b") including . 35 the first-draft version of the poem used m Perrudia. It is improbable that these sketches were made long before the performance of the pantomime, and certainly were not written as early as February, 1927 (at the time of the previous year's artists' festival). Thus, if the poem does, as it seems, predate the first draft, one is forced to assume that this draft could not have been written before about November, 34 The poem m Perrudia consists of lines 4-8 of a twenty-nine-line composition entitled "Gott und Gottin" (see Appendix D). The poem relates to a Babylonian hymn of crea tion found in Arthur Ungnad's Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer (Jena, 1921), p. 25. The four lines excerpted were originally the words of the god Apsu to the goddess Tiamat. •^With the following corrections: "Dich" stricken after "hat," "verschont" stricken after "WeiB." 41 36 1927. Considering the many differences between the first draft of "Sassanidischer Konig" and the final text, it seems clear that Jahnn wrote one or more revised versions of the chapter before publication. Although no such manuscript has yet come to light, there is some evidence suggesting that a second draft was written soon after the first. In the win ter of 1927 (probably December) Jahnn published a short 37 article, "Die liebenswiirdige Leidenschaft, " based on ele ments of the Khosro story. Written for a jewelers' maga zine, the article concerns the passion for precious gems and relates (rather gratuitously) several facts and episodes from the history of Khosro's reign (after Herzfeld). Con tained in the text are certain elements present in the pub lished version of the chapter, but not in the first draft. Most important of these is a quotation from the Arabian Nights ("groB wie StrauBeneier ..." etc.; EVA 84) which appears in somewhat altered form in the final text. On this evidence one seems justified in assuming that the first 3®Which would have given Jahnn ample time to read Georg Goyert's 1927 Ulysses translation before beginning either "Ein Knabe weint” or "Sassanidischer Konig." 37pie Lupe, V (Winter 1927), 12-14. See Appendix C. 42 draft of "Sassanidischer Konig" was written before "Die liebenswiirdige Leidenschaft" (i.e., before or during December, 1927) and a second version sometime thereafter. Along with the previously mentioned text for "Der Raub der Europa," Jahnn contributed a second piece to the festi val almanac Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim (published January, 1928). This article, entitled "Die Familie der Hippokampen" (pp. 12-16), discusses various types of mythical animals (hippocampi, centaurs, harpies, griffons, etc.), and con- 38 tains several passages which can be traced to Perrudia. Jahnn professes to have drawn his information from two old sources (one of which appears to have been invented). These borrowings (real and imaginary) include a number of elements absent from the first draft but which later found their way into the published version, primarily on pp. 68 and 69. The evidence of both pieces from Das Mondhaus zu Bim belim suggests that a second draft of the passages in ques tion, and perhaps the entire chapter, was written during the winter of 1927-1928, probably in January or February of the latter year. Beyond this assumption, however, it is not possible to associate any later date with the creation of 3®See Appendix E . 43 "Sassanidischer Konig." Nevertheless, it is virtually certain that there were, in fact, several later stages of composition. Even a super ficial comparison of the first draft with the published ver sion of "Sassanidischer Konig" reveals that the final text was arrived at only by combining a number of separate con structional elements. Analysis of the resulting structure not only reveals much about the composition of the chapter, but also discloses a great deal of its formal breakdown. Where this is of aesthetic consequence it will be discussed later under the heading "Form: Modes and Music." Here, I will first attempt to enumerate in outline form the indi vidual "building-blocks" of the chapter before turning to a detailed discussion of each element. Since it is impossible to determine the chronological relationships between these elements, each is treated in the list as a separate entity. The only section which is unquestionably a single unit is the first draft itself— the foundation upon which the other parts of the structure were assembled. Although it is con ceivable that all these parts were written simultaneously into a single second draft, their independent nature sug gests instead a multi-level process of composition. Except for the first two elements whose chronology seems 44 verifiable, the following list arranges each element accord ing to its order of appearance in the chapter. Only major, independent elements are included which do not merely revise 39 or enlarge upon themes already present in the first draft. The final stages of composition, the revisions, cannot be reduced to separate levels. One cannot know how many detail modifications (or how many drafts) were made before publica tion. Yet at least two final revisions, of the complete typescript and the galley-proofs, are virtually certain. Ernst Herzfeld In "Sassanidischer Konig" we behold a unique and fas cinating example of a poetic work whose origin can be traced with certainty to a specific point in the real world beyond the author. Rarely can one observe the germ of an artistic thought in such isolation. Rarely does one hefve such an excellent opportunity to observe the creative process as it selects and transforms the substance of exterior reality. The chapter "Sassanidischer Konig" would never have been written were it not for a single work by a German ■^The hundreds of small additions to the first draft (especially in the Khosro episode) cannot be considered in dividual blocks of composition. MAJOR CONSTRUCTIONAL ELEMENTS OF THE CHAPTER "SASSANIDISCHER KONIG" Page/line (EVA) Subject Sources 1. 94/18-21 ( Concluding poem i "Raub der Europa" 2. 61/35-94/21 Perrudja's reading (first draft) Herzfeld, Herodotus 3. 59/1-61/34 62/2-4 62/16 Philosophical formulation, word play, etc. Joyce, Aristotle 4. 6 3/5-64/30 65/3-18 65/29-35 66/37 "Junge Seelen," story of five boys who kill each other Mathiesen 5. 66/ 6- 8, 22-25 Poem variants (related to No. 4) 6. 68/13-16 Transition* on simile 7. 68/24-28 Mythical animals, Pazuzu "Familie der Hippokampen 8. 69/7-38 Birth omens Ungnad, "Hippokampen" u i Page/line (EVA) Subject Sources 9. 70/6-73/17 75/3-16 Darius of Persia, second version Herodotus 10. 73/18-75/2, 19 Slave's tale, first part Arabian Nights 11. 77/25-79/32 Arab chronicles Herzfeld 12. 79/38-80/5 Khosro's sensual pleasures9 13. 80/16-21 81/28-32 Khosro's childhood memories 14. 84/21-27 Three jewels Arabian Nights 15. 88/2 3-90/1 Music and Gilgamesh text Ungnad aSections 12 and 13 are listed as borderline examples of the type of addition found throughout the Khosro episode— independent in character yet not without precedent in the first draft. • f i e r i oriental scholar. This booh, Am Tor von Asien by Ernst 40 Herzfeld, was not only the initial source of inspiration for the chapter but also the origin of textual borrowings so extensive that they comprise nearly 10 per cent of the en tire chapter. Nowhere else in all of Jahnn's writing do we find an even remotely comparable example of such dependence on a published source. Even Jahnn's beloved Gilgamesh epic which appears in so many forms throughout his work was never exploited to such a degree in the creation of so large a text. Besides many literal borrowings, the chapter contains a wealth of general material directiy inspired by Am Tor von Asien. Almost all of the Persian lore and-history which abounds in the chapter was derived from Herzfeld. Indeed, the borrowings are so extensive that one wonders at not 41 finding an acknowledgment in any edition of Perrudia. One might be tempted to suspect actual plagiarism in view of so ^°(Berlin, 1920). 4-1-Such credit was actually given in some copies of the first edition, although I have never discovered it in exam ples I have inspected. Rudiger Wagner provides the follow ing footnote on p. 128 of his dissertation: "In die Erst- ausgabe des 'Perrudja' von 1929 wurde ein Zettel mit fol- gender Notiz nachtraglich eingeklebt: 'Beim Zitat der En- zyklopadie 1228 folgte ich mit wenigen Abweichungen der Ubersetzung Ernst Herzfelds. HHJ.'" 48 much borrowing, but a closer analysis of the text proves this term to be inapplicable. The borrowed passages in question (the Arab chronicles, EVA 77-79) are neither pla giarisms of Herzfeld's original prose or thought, nor do they pretend to be original writing. They simply represent a realistic device which is used throughout the chapter: the literal depiction of Perrudja's reading through the use of quotations. One would not be very wrong to imagine (as Jahnn may have) Perrudja actually bent over an open copy of Am Tor von Asien. As section X unfolds, the reading exper ience is reflected on two levels : partly as an objective reproduction of the text (as on pp. 77-79) and partly as the subjective fable of Khosro created by Perrudja's imagination as it absorbs and transforms the account in Herzfeld's 42 book. The book Am Tor von Asien is a large volume which is to be found, even today, among many similar works on art and architecture in Jahnn's personal library on Bornholm. Herz feld 's work is a rarity (its 1920 publication produced only ^Here we see an example of an unusually close parallel between the writer and his protagonist: the former repro duces his creative process in the latter. 49 43 315 copies) and only a bibliophile or specialist would be likely to use or own it. One of Jahnn's primary interests was, of course, the art of building— particularly as evi denced in the monumental stone architecture of antiquity: pyramids, temples, and graves. And his library is filled with various works on the ancient buildings and monuments of 44 Egypt, Persia, Babylonia, and Assyria. Therefore it is not at all surprising to find Jahnn making use of a book subtitled "FelsdenkmSler aus Irans Heldenzeit.1 1 Herzfeld's text of 164 pages deals not only with Khosro's monument but also with several other Persian cliff reliefs, graves, and 45 inscriptions. By far the most important and extensively covered subject in the book, however, is king Khosro Parvez, his grotto, and the story of his reign. Practically none of Herzfeld's information on the Sassanian king was left unused by Jahnn. Numerous facts from all aspects of the Khosro A *3 J0n p. 164 we find the following note: "Auflage vom 315 Stuck, wovon 300 zum Verkauf gelangen." ^For example, shelved next to Herzfeld: Borchardt, Das Grabdenkmal des Koniqs Ne-User-re; Andrae, Der Anu-Adad Tempel in Assur: PreuSer, Nordmesopotamische Baudenkmaler. etc. AC We find, for example, chapters such as "Die Fels- graber der medischen Stammeshauptlinge" and "Achaemenidisch- persische Denkmale." 50 story, Persian history, and Sassanian art, were appropriated and synthesized with marvelous variety to become the ulti mate fabric of the chapter. The analysis which follows attempts to illustrate the many ways in which Jahnn trans formed and transcended Herzfeld's text in creating ''Sassa nidischer Konig." Whereas the published text of "Sassanidischer Konig" exhibits direct influences from several published sources, the first draft was based on one book alone, Herzfeld's Am Tor von Asien. To be sure, an episode indirectly drawn from Herodotus is found in the manuscript, but it is clear that Jahnn's original intention was to write a chapter based on 46 a single source-book. This is verified in the following sentence from the first draft (omitted in the final text) : "So war es ihm willkommen, daB er die heitere Geschichte der Wahl des Dareios zu Konig in dem gleichen Buch fand in dem die Erzahlung des Hengstes Rakhsh aufgezeichnet." This sentence introduces the original Darius episode based loosely on Herodotus. Mention of the stallion, however, 46 As opposed to six or seven books in the final ver sion. The growth and diversification of this chapter on Perrudja's reading was essentially caused by a simple multi plication of books. 51 occurs only in Herzfeld (pp. 87-88) as does every other borrowing in the first draft. The implication seems obvi ous: that Jahnn wished to portray Perrudja's reading of a single book only— that book being (perhaps even in "fic- 47 tional reality") Ernst Herzfeld's Am Tor von Asxen. The reference to the stallion Rakhsh is the first bor rowing from Herzfeld in both existing versions of the chap- 48 ter (EVA 68/7-11, B/133-139). Herzfeld writes (pp. 87- 88): "Von Belang ist auch die Schilderung von Rustams Rie- senhengst Rakhsh, dem beriihmtesten Rofl der iranischen Sage, bei Firdosi." Herzfeld then quotes a passage from the great Persian national epic, the "Shahname" by the famous poet 49 Firdosi. Jahnn adopted this text without change into the first draft and left it unaltered in the final version. Jahnn's purpose in quoting the reference to Rakhsh is part of an apparently well-planned preparation for the story of 47In the first draft the book is called a "Sagenband" (B/228), possibly suggesting von Schack's Heldensagen des Firdusi (see note below) . 48"b/133-139" and all subsequent similar references relate to line numbers in the first draft of "Sassanidischer Konig" reproduced in Appendix B. 49jahnn's library contains a translation of this epic: Adolf Friedrich Graf von Schack, Heldensagen des Firdusi, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1877). Shabdez and Khosro. This preparation is developed as fol lows: Perrudja's reading first reveals to him only the stories of famous stallions (Alexander's Bucephalus, Rakhsh, Darius' horse) which are of no use to him in naming his mare. In the original version mention of the three stal lions is followed immediately by the sentence: "Leisen An- stoB nahm er nur daran, daB die Geschichte der Menschen die Namen so vieler edlen Hengste iiberliefert, kaum aber eine Stute fur wert befunden, daB ihr Name unsterblich wiirde" (B/214-217; cf. EVA 75). All of this is followed, according to plan, by the discovery of the Shabdez legend and leads directly into the Khosro episode. This logical, uninter rupted sequence of events in the first draft has become virtually obscured in the final version. The introduction 50 of later additions has rendered the original development unrecognizable to the reader. This is an excellent example of the process of complication which characterizes the nov el's composition: simplicity and relative conventionality in the first draft become constructed complexity in the final text. * SOfhe passages on hybrid creatures and birth omens (EVA 68-69), a chapter break (IX), the revised and lengthened Darius episode, and the slave's tale (EVA 73-75). 53 Apart from its place in the original development of the narrative, the Rakhsh quotation has additional significance in the chapter. Firdosi's mention of Mount Bistun is rele- vant, for it is this mountain which is named at the very beginning of the Khosro episode (EVA 75/37). Mount Bistun (= Behistun) is also the location of the great inscription of Darius which Herodotus alludes to (cf. below) and which is quoted at the very end of Perrudja (EVA 649-650). Also, the Rakhsh quotation, with its animal similes, serves as an inspiration for a following section concerning mythical creatures: "Welche Nahrung waren diese Vergleiche fur seine Vorstellungskraft" (b/139-140). The digression on mythical animals is only a short paragraph in the original manuscript (B/141-159) but is expanded to nearly two pages in the final text (EVA 68-69). In its original form this passage is essentially inspired by Herzfeld. Jahnn's highly imagina tive vision of mythical creatures wandering by night down a road to China is nothing less than a poetic version of the following report by Herzfeld concerning a process of inter- cultural influence (p. 52): Tritt man in Einzelheiten ein, so fallen die Verwandt- schaften der chinesischen, indischen und altmorgen- landischen Fabeltiere und Mischwesen auf, deren Wande- rung aus Babylonien iiber Iran in die indischen Provinzen des Achaemenidenreiches, von da nach Mittelindien, und 54 51 endlich nach China nicht bezweafelt werden kann. Other passages in Herzfeld no doubt contributed to the image of the road: Wir stehen mitten auf der groBen und einzigen naturli- chen StraBe, die seit der Morgendammerung der Geschichte vom Mittelmeer iiber die babylonischen Ebenen nach dem Hochland von Iran und weiter viber den Pamir und Tibet, das Dach der Welt, oder durch Ost-Turkistan nach dem fernen China fiihrte. Wo der Weg Hiigel iiberschreitet oder in die wie Mond- gebirge kahlen Berge eintritt, da hat der Huf geduldi- ger Saumtiere tiefe Rillen in den Felsboden gefurcht. (p. 1) Finally, the reference to "Seidenweber" may well have been inspired by Herzfeld's photographs of Persian silks woven with many designs depicting hippocampi and other hybrid creatures. Also, Herzfeld includes an entire chapter en titled "Der Taq i Bustan [i.e., Khosro's monument] und die sassanidische Seidenweberei." In section IX (the Darius episode) only one reference is drawn from Herzfeld: the account of the god Ahuramazda hunting on horseback. For reasons of continuity this is discussed in the following section on Herodotus. ^Herzfeld adds this footnote: "Fliigelpferde, Fliigel- lowen, Hippokampenahnliche Tiere an den Grabern der T'ang Kaiser." 55 The details of Persian history in section X can be traced almost without exception to Herzfeld. Since most of these derivations can be reduced to individual facts, I shall make use of the following abbreviated system in illus trating borrowings and influences: the words and phrases on the left refer to the Perrudja text (EVA), while the passage on the right represents the entire source in Herzfeld. In the case of literal borrowings of longer passages, the first and last words of the quotation are given on the left, while only the page number in Herzfeld is supplied at the right. 1. Bistun (75/37)52 2. Sarpul (75/37) 3. Qarasu, Tacitus (75/38) 4. Araber, Weltwunder (7 5/39) Im Rucken (d.i. nordlich) des Berges von Bahistun (82) Shabdez ist ein Ort zwischen Hulwan (d.i. Sarpul) und Qarmisin (d.i. Kirmanshahan) (82) Dann folgt die Uberschrei- tung der Qarasu, wohl Taci tus' "Cormas" (57) Man weiS von diesem Werke, das die Araber unter den Weltwundern nicht unterlas- sen, in Europa seit langerer Zeit (57) ^^In the first draft and the 1929 edition: "nicht un- weit des Berges Bistun." The incorrect "nicht" was dropped in the 1958 edition. 56 5. Buch der Lender (76/l) 6. "Dort . . . Grotte" (76/2-6) 7. die Nachtliche (76/10) 8. gliicklichsten aller Konige (76/26) 9. 1228, Yaqut, Namenbuch (76/29-30) 10. Vorzeichen, Uberschwem- mungen, Mohammed (77/4-5) 11. Quellen, heilige Statte, Anahit (77/17-20) Ibn Hauqal berichtet nach dem alteren "Buch der Len der " des Amru b. Bahr al- Djahiz (82) (82) Shabdez (d.i. nachtfarben, also Rappe) (82) (Khosro gilt) . . . als Typus des glucklichen Herr- schers (84) Zusammenfassend hat der grofle erdkundliche^ Enzyk- lopadist Yaqut aus Hamah, der in den Jahren unmittel- bar vor Djingiskhan, 1228, sein grofies Namenbach vol- lendete, darviber geschrieben (82) trotz der schwarzen Vorzei- chen, die auf des Reiches Ende und das Auftreten des neuen Propheten hindeuten (84) finstre Vorzeichen, Uber- schwerranungen, Erscheinungen . . . , die den Ausbruch einer neuen Weltepoche ange- kiindigt hatten (140) Zugleich war der Ort . . . von altersher eine Statte der Gottesverehrung. . . . Die groBen Quellen, plotz- lich aus den Felsen C O Only once in Herzfeld is Shabdez identified as a mare (p. 85): "Die Stute Shabdez, das im Taq i Bustan darge- stellte RoB." ^First draft: "begabte . " 57 12. Shapur III (77/22) 13. "Shabdez . sind" (77/26-79/32) hervorbrechend, waren im be- sonderen Heiligtumer der Anahit (58) Seventh chapter heading: Die kleine Grotte der beiden Shapure (66) (82-84)55 C C Apart from punctuation differences (frequent changes from comma to period, clause to sentence) the following variations from Herzfeld's text are noteworthy (Jahnn's "wenige Abweichungen," see n. 41, p. 47 above): in der dies Bild steht in welcher dies Bild ist (77/35-36) grabe (78/l) unter seinen FiiBen hervor (78/1-2) ihr Stallmeister (78/17-18) daB er dann nicht wiirde umhin konnen (78/18-19) Darum (78/20) besessen (78/24) Es ist dir bekannt, was der Konig dem angedroht hat, der ihm ihren Tod meldet (78/27-28) Jener (78/29) dem (78/31) Darauf sprach der Konig (78/33) (82) grabt (83) unter seinen FiiBen heraus. (Dieser Mann vor der Grotte ist das Rundbild Khosros.) (83) sein Stallmeister (830 daB er dann nicht uirihin- konne (83) Daher (83) besaB (83) und du weiBt, was der Konig angedroht hat, wer ihm sei nen Tod meldet (8 3) Der (83) welchem (83) Darauf sagte er ihm (8 3) Dieser bildete es . . . ab, Dieser stellte es . . . dar, so daB es zwischen den bei- so daB man zwischen ihnen den beinahe keinen Unterschied beiden beinahe nicht 58 14. Jagdgriinde (79/34f.)^ 15. Beginn seiner Regierungs- zeit, Bahram Tschobin, Mihran, Vernichtung, Hor- raizd (80/6-10) So ist der Ort geschaffen fur die Anlage eines Para- dieses, eines persischen Tierparks, der der Jagd und der Erholung gewidmet war (58) Trotz der unheilvollsten Ereignisse, mit denen Khos- ros Herrschaft begann, der Emporung Bahram Tscobins, des letzten groBen Mihran, die das Reich der Vernich- tung nahebrachte, trotz der gab (78/36-38) das hinweist _(_79/4-5) gegeben (79/16) iiber sie in Verwunderung zu geraten (79/20-21) unterscheiden konnte (83) welches hinweist (83) gesehen (83) sich iiber sie zu wundern (84) In the first draft Jahnn separated the concluding chronicle paragraph (EVA 79/16-24) from the rest of the account in the "Enzyklopadie 1228," placing it later in the narrative (cf. b/462-466). The last sentence of Herzfeld's quotation from Yaqut is omitted by Jahnn: "Darauf hat der Kvinstler die Shirin, Parwez' Sklavin, in der Nahe des Shabdez abgebildet und ihn selbst ebenfalls, reitend auf einera behenden Rosse." Jahnn rejected this sentence because it contains an error (besides the redundancy Shabdez-RoB). The goddess Anahit, not Shirin, is depicted in the grotto. As Herzfeld explains (p. 82): "Die Volksanschauung halt Anahit fur Shirin und sieht in Ohormizd [= Ahuramazda, pictured beside Anahit above the sculpture of Shabdez and Khosro] ihren Geliebten Farhad." In the first draft the sentence "Man findet Shirin nicht abgebildet" follows closely after the aforementioned concluding paragraph (B/471). ^This section (79/33-80/5) is not present in the first draft. Immediately following the Yaqut quotation in both Herzfeld and Jahnn's first draft is a section dealing with the beginning of Khosro's reign (cf. b/292). 59 16. Maurikios, Bahrain besei- 57 tigt, Herrschaftsrechte, Der Kaiser fiel (80/11-26) 17. "Pforten, " Reichtiimer (81/6-7) . 58 18. Nach Juwelen gierig (81/7-8) 19. Panzerreiterei (82/10) 20. 614, Shahrbaraz, Jeru salem, Kreuz, Zacharias, Yazdin, "Haus der Fins- ternis" (82/25-83/13) Blendung und darauf Ermor- dung seines Vaters Hormizd (84) Es kommt soweit, daB der Groflkonig nach Byzanz zum Kaiser Maurikios fliichten und erst von diesem wieder in seine Herrschaftsrechte eingesetzt werden muB. Nach Bahrams Beseitigung und Mau rikios ' Ermordung entbrennt der ewige Byzantinerkrieg von neuem. (139-140) Wahrend der Konig in seinen "Pforten" Ktesiphon, Dasta- gerd und Gandjak seines Gliickes und Reich turns ge- nieBt (140) Dabei war er gieriger als sonst jemand nach Juwelen, kostlichen GefaBen und der- gleichen. (84) die sassanidische Panzer reiterei (87) Im Jahr 614 zieht Khosros groBer Feldherr Shahrbaraz Farrukhan ins eroberte Jeru salem ein. Das Heilige Kreuz, das Wahrzeichen der Stadt und des Christentums, haben die Christen, nach dem C7 In the first draft we find: "Der byzantinische Kai ser setzte Khosro in seine Herrschaftsrechte ein" (B/299- 300). In the final text this sentence has been interrupted by an inserted childhood memory of Khosro (EVA 80/15-22). This is perhaps the most radical example in the chapter of such interruption of a previous continuity. ^®Given in quotation marks in the first draft. 60 21. wie ein Fabeltier ge- schrruickt (83/30) 22. Dreitausend Weiber, acht- tausend Madchen (84/10- 13) 23. 12 Kleinodien, Attribute, etc. (84/15-85/3) Vorbild, das ihnen die alte Kreuzlegende gab, vergraben. Auf der Folter aber muB der Patriarch Zacharias den Ort des Heiligtums verraten. Das Kreuz wird gefunden und 614 von den Persern fortge- schafft. Ein Stuck von ihm erhalt Khosros christlicher Finanzminister Yazdin fur seine persischen Glaubens- genossen. Das Kreuz selbst wird in Ehren im neuen Schatzhaus und Staatsgefang- nis von Ktesiphon, dem "Haus der Finsternis" aufbewahrt (140) Der groBe Johannes Chryso- stomos schreibt in einem Brief, daB der GroBkonig bei seinen Audienzen einen ver- goldeten Bart trug und auch sonst "aufgetan war wie ein Wundertier" (61) Nach einem anderen Bericht- erstatter waren in seinem Palaste 3000 Konkubinen und tausende von Madchen. (84) Er (Al-tha'alibi) widmet Khosros "Attribute und Pre- tiosen" ein besonderes Kapi- tel und fiihrt auf: (1) Ewan i Mada'in, den Palast von Ktesiphon, (2) Takht i Taq- dis, Khosros Thron, eine Kunstuhr, die nach den mor- genlandischen und byzanti- nischen Schilderungen und nach der Abbildung eines ihrer Teile auf einer Sil- berschale vorstellbar ist, (3) die Krone mit den groB- ten Juwelen, (4) ein Schach- spiel mit Figuren aus 61 24 . 25 . Er baute das Denkmal (85/17) Rechnungspergamente, Safran, Rosenwasser (85/29-31) geschnitzten Smaragden und Rubinen; mittelalterliche Schachfiguren aus Carneol und Achat gibt es, (5) wie Wachs knetbares Gold, (6) den Gandj i badhaward und kanz al-thaur, zwei Schatze, der erste nach morgenlandi- scher Uberlieferung vom Sturm auf einem verschlage- nen Schiff aus Konstantino- pel herbeigefiihrt, in Wahr- heit die bei der Belagerung Alexandreias durch Khosro von den Griechen auf Schiffe geretteten SchStze dieser Stadt, der andre beim Pflii- gen gefunden; (7) die Koni- gin Shirin, den "Garten der Schonheit", (8) Die Stute Shabdez, das im Taq i bustan dargestellte RoB, (9) die SMnger Sardjis und Pahlbadh, (10) einen weiBen Elefanten, neben dem als Besonderheit auch ein kadhazadh "hausge- borener", in Iran zur Welt gekommener Elefant erwShnt wird, (11) die uralte heili- ge Fahne Irans, den Leder- schurz des mythischen Schmieds Kawa, (12) den wei- sen Pagen und Kochkiinstler Khosharzu. (84-85) Dieser Hahepunkt der Erfolge Khosros muB der Zeitpunkt sein, wo er den Taq i bustan schaffen lieB. (140) Urn den Geruch des Pergaments zu verdecken, befahl Parwez, die Berichte auf Blatter zu schreiben, die mit Safran gefarbt und mit Rosenwasser getrSnkt waren. (85) 62 26. Farhad (86/3-87/4) Farhad liebt Shirin. Um sie zu gewinnen, wird ihm aufge- geben, einen Tunnel durch ein groBes Gebirge zu boh- ren. Er macht sich ans Werk und ist im Begriff, die un- mogliche Aufgabe zu erfiil- len. Da lafit ihm Khosro er- schreckt die falsche Nach- richt vom Tode Shirins ein- flustern, und der verzwei- felnde Kiinstler sturzt sich vom Gipfel des Berges herab. (11) (Photographs of reliefs on the side-walls of the grotto depicting Khosro hunting on horseback and in a boat.) (This paragraph is inspired by several photographs of the two carved pillars which flank the entrance to Khos- ro's grotto. Compare also the following text:) So verdienen die beiden ver- zierten Wandpfeiler des Taq ^The phrase "zu Pferde, im Boot, umringt von Elefan- ten," not present in the first draft, is one of the few evi dences that Jahnn may have consulted Herzfeld during the process of revision. (The chronicles, EVA 77-79, were of course copied into a later draft.) f i n DUThis is an unusual example of a highly poetic passage whose source can be traced to a specific (and reproduceable) visual experience. The abstruse mysticism of the paragraph hardly allows the reader to suspect the reality which lies behind it. This is as it should be. The physical referent of the passage is irrelevant, having been transformed and transcended by the creative imagination of the author. Cf. No. 33 below. 27. Er jagt . . . Weiber. (87/12-13) Hinter den Pfeilern . . bewundern. (83/33-35)^ 28. Pfeiler, Akanthus60 (87/21-32) 63 29. Seide (88/lf.) 61 i bustan die hochste Beach- tung. Tafeln XXXVIII-XLI . . . Man sieht einen Baum von drei Gliedern. Er er- wSchst aus einer festen, trapezformigen Wurzel. . . . Das Trapez schmiicken zwei sich nach innen lehnende Akanthos-HalbblStter. Aus dem FuB erhebt sich ein fleischiger Stamm, rohren- haft, in drei Gliedern, wachsend wie die Glieder eines Schachtelhalmes. Den Anfang jedes Glieds umfaBt ein Blattkelch von drei nie- derfallenden AkanthosblStt- chen, uber denen die Aste abzweigen, darauf ein ste- hender Kelch wieder in Form eines Akanthosblattchens, liber dem die groBen Akan- thoswedel abzweigen [etc.] {76) Sicher wurde auch noch den BSumen am Taq i bustan ein symbolisch-magischer Sinn unterlegt. (81) (References to silk-weaving and the patterns for the clothes of Khosro's concu bines are probably inspired by many photographs of Sassanian textiles in Herz feld. Silk-weaving is con sidered one of the most im portant forms of Sassanian 61 In the MS of the first draft the margin next to this paragraph (B/552-561) contains sketches of circular patterns obviously intended to represent the "Erkennungszeichen." One wave-shaped pattern is labeled "Gluckswolken" (sic). 64 30. 31. 32 . 33. 34. 35 . Sie harfen . . . (90/6-7) Goldmunzen, Schatzhausern (90/14) Pfauen . . . Wolken (90/23-24) Ornamente, Weber (90/4-5) Provinzen (91/4-5) Gandjak, Herakleios, Kohlenorakel, Hauptstadt Mediens, Winterquartier, babylonische Ebene, etc. (91/6-15) art.) (Harp-playing concubines are depicted on the side-walls of the grotto.) [Khosro hatte] . . . die fruchtlosen Summen in seinen Schatzhausern verdoppelt und vervierfacht. (14 3) (These are common motifs in Sassanian art. Herzfeld's plates show examples of Sassanian coins.) (This, once again, refers to patterns in Sassanian silk- weaving. Fabrics depicting mythical animals such as "beflugelte Schafe" and "be- krallte Pferde" are to be found illustrated in Herz feld ' s plates . ) In Jahrzehnten ununterbro- chener Kriege, in denen das wirtschaftliche Leben der Volker brach lag, (14 3) Die persischen Heere sind noch weit im Westen in Kleinasien, als Herakleios im Jahre 624 bei seinem zweiten Feldzug vor Gandjak, der medischen Hauptstadt erscheint. Ein Vorposten- gefecht des Kaisers mit dem in Eile gesammelten 40000 Mann starken Heere des GroBkonigs geht zu des Kai sers Gunsten aus, und ent- setzt flieht Khosro mit den groBten Schatzen, dem Geld, dem Heiligen Feuer und dem Kohlenorakel von Gandjak, selbst das ganze Land hinter sich verheerend, urn dem 65 36. Nachtlich, Dastagerd, Mauern Ktesiphons, Seleu- keia, Brief an den Senat, Elefantenreiterei, etc. (91/16-32) 37. Rechtfertigung, Haupt- bilanz, ProzeB, Verteidi gungsrede (91/33-92/22, 93/1-7) Kaiser das Nachriicken zu erschweren. (140) [Herakleios] riickt diesmal unaufhaltsam durch die iranischen Randgebiete wei- ter in die babylonischen Ebenen hinab. (140-141) Bei Nacht und heimlich, nur mit seinen nachsten Ange- horigen, entweicht Khosro aus seiner fur uneinnehmbar geltenden Hauptstadt und Festung Dastagerd, und glaubt sich nicht einmal hinter den starken Mauern Ktesiphons, sondern erst in Seleukeia jenseits des Tig ris sicher. Wie ein Blitz erhellt diese Flucht den schon abwartenden Arabern die Schwache des Reichs. Herakleios aber erwarb un- beschreibliche Beute, fei- erte Weihnachten 627 im ver- lassenen Dastagerd und schrieb wieder an den Senat seinen von der Kanzel der Hagia Sophia verlesenen Brief. "Wer hStte das ge- dachtl" Vor Ktesiphon aber kehrte er wiederum ange- sichts der an einem Kanale aufgestellten persischen Elefantenreiterei Khosros um. (141) In der gro&en Verteidigungs- rede Khosros nach seiner Entthronung und kurz vor seiner Ermordung, die sowohl das Shaname wie die prosai- sche Geschichtsiiberlieferung ausfiihrlich erzahlen und die aus der Zeit der endgultigen Abfassung des sassanidischen C ' 66 "Konigsbuchs" unter dem letzten Konig Yazdegerd 633- 37 stammen und von einem ganz Eingeweihten verfaBt sein muB, sagt der Konig, als am Ende seines 13. Jah- res, d.i. nach einjahrigem Kriege gegen den Kaiser Pho- kas, gepragt wurde, haben sich in seinem Schatze 400,000 Beutel gemunzten Geldes nach Abzug der ganzen Truppenlohnung und sonstiger Ausgaben befunden; als am Ende seines 30. Jahres aber- mals gepragt wurde, habe sich nach alien Abziigen ein Betrag von 800,000 Beuteln oder 1600 Millionen Mith- qai62 0aer Dirham, Silber- drachmen ergeben; bis zum 38. Jahr sei dies Vermogen unablassig angewachsen. Aus dem 18. Jahre, also in wah- rendem Kriege, ist die Suirane von 420 Millionen Mithqal iiberliefert. (85-86) In den ersten Jahren Yazde- gerds, also kurz nach Khos ros Ermordung, schrieb ein Eingeweihter eine Verteidi- gung gegen Sheroes Anklagen. In dieser Rede gibt der Ko nig selbst einen erschiit- ternden Beweis fur die Ge- rechtigkeit der vom Volk gegen ihn erhobenen Klagen. (143) 38. FriedensprSliminarien Der neue Herrscher, der nur f i 0 First draft, "Mithqal." Published text misprinted, "Nithqal." 67 (93/14-15) ; Sheroe, Pest (94/6-7) 39 . Shahrbaraz (94/8-9) Boran (94/10) Ardashir III (94/11) 40. Fest der Exaltatio Sane- tae Crucis (94/12-13) sechs Monate am Leben blieb, und dann vergiftet oder an der Pest starb, beeilte sich, die Friedensverhand- lungen mit Herakleios zu er- offnen. (141) Es ist nicht ganz klar, wel- cher der kurzlebigen Herr- scher Irans den Frieden schlieBlich abschloB, ob der gekronte und vier Wochen darauf ermordete Feldherr Shahrbaraz, ob Khosros Toch- ter Boran, oder Ardashir III, ein Kind, das den Namen des Reichsgriinders trug. (141) Am 14. September 629 fand das groSe, in der katholi- schen Kirche verewigte Fest der Exaltatio Sanctae Crucis in Jerusalem statt. (141) A few historical facts in section X are not traceable to Herzfeld. These can be listed as follows, whereby only the first and last seem likely to be Jahnn's own invention. 1. Hormizd and Khosro "speared" (EVA 80, 94) 2. Rebellion of Phokas against Maurikios (EVA 80) 3. Phokas' dismissal of Narses, provincial governor (EVA 80) 4. Beginning of Persian-Byzantine war, A.D. 605 (EVA 81) 68 6 3 5. Names of provinces (EVA 81) 6. Fate of Saens (EVA 81) 7. Defeat by Theodoros, A.D. 626 (EVA 82) 8. Son of Khosro and Shirin (EVA 87) 9. Tschintamani (EVA 88) 10. Abdication in favor of Shirin's son (EVA 92) 11. Opposition by Sheroe and other sons to succession (EVA 92) 12. Son murdered before Khosro's eyes (EVA 93) 13. Ardashir III swept away by flood (EVA 94) It has not been possible to determine what source or sources Jahnn used to obtain these facts. Any number of various 64 historical works may have been consulted. A representa tive example, Ferdinand Justi's Geschichte des alten Per- siens (Berlin, 1879), gives the following account which sub stantiates the general historical accuracy of numbers 6, 8, 10, 11, and 12 above : Der Feldherr Sais belagerte sogar Chalkedon, suchte aber, von Heraklius bestochen, Frieden zu vermitteln 6 3 These are likely to have been taken from a map. ^Not, however, the most important German work on Sas- sanian history available in the 1920's, Theodor Noldeke's Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sassaniden (Leyden, 1879). 69 und ging, wahrend die Stadt cernirt blieb, mit ost- romischen Gesandten zu Khosro. Dieser erfuhr was ge- schehen, lieS Sais schinden, die Gesandten einkerkern und als einer entfloh, die iibrigen zu Tode prugeln. (pp. 2 36-2 37)65 Mittlerweile erkrankte er, und da er einen jlingeren Sohn, Merdasesj den er von einer Christin aus Susiana nainens Sira oder Shirin hatte, zum Nachfolger desig- nirte, emporte sich der alteste Sohn Kobad Schiruje (Siroes) und warf seinen Vater in den Kerker; seine Briider, denen er habhaft werden konnte, brachte er um, den Merdases vor den Augen seines Vaters. Dieser wurde zum Hungertod verurteilt, man gab ihm aber nach 5 Tagen den Rest: der Sohn eines Statthalters von Sistan, den Khosro wegen eines unbegriindeten Verdach- tes hingerichtet hatte, erschlug ihn mit der Streit- axt (February 628). (p. 237) Obvious differences in detail between the above passages and • their counterparts in Perrudja make it unlikely that Justi 66 was the source of the information m question. Herodotus Jahnn's account (EVA 70-75) of the events surrounding the coronation of the Persian king Darius is derived en tirely from the third book ("Thalia") of Herodotus' f t R This could hardly be the source of the note in Hs 162a^, part 1: "Khosro ISBt den Leichnam Saens [sicj salzen und schinden, weil er 626 von Theodorus [Bruder Herakleios] geschlagen." ^Extensive research, which did not seem justified in the case of such minor borrowings, should easily bring to light Jahnn's exact source(s). 70 Histories. This fact was first mentioned by Rudiger Wagner (p. 167): "Die Dareios Geschichte der Seiten 70-75 ent- 67 stammt dem Geschichtswerk Herodots III 72-111 87." A comparison of Jahnn's Darius account to any German transla tion of Herodotus clearly demonstrates that some of the actual text, not merely the general subject matter, is bor rowed from the Greek historian. Wagner, unable to determine the exact source of these derivations, surmises: Vielleicht liefi sich Jahnn den griechischen Text von einem Freund ubersetzen, da Jahnn selbst nicht Grie- chisch konnte, eine Anlehnung an eine deutsche Uber- setzung vor 1929 nicht festzustellen war. Upon further investigation, however, it seems virtually certain that Jahnn did indeed consult a published transla- 68 tion— specifically that of Friedrich Lange. Lange's ver sion, one of the oldest "modern" translations (first edi tion, 1810-1813), was published in-a popular Reclam edition and would- have been easily available to Jahnn in the 1920's. Most important, as will be seen, the language of this trans lation closely resembles and often duplicates the language 6 7 'This is incorrect. Essential information is con tained in sections III 65-88. ^ Die Geschichten des Herodotos (Leipzig [1919]). 71 69 of the Herodotus passages in Perrudja. Evidence indicates that Jahnn made his Herodotus bor rowings no earlier than the winter of 1927-1928. Indeed it was probably not until 1928, after the writing of the first draft, that the translation was consulted at all. The first draft contains only an imaginative account of Darius1 elec tion and lacks any of the quotations and factual references which link the published version so clearly to Herodotus. In writing the first draft Jahnn was obviously most inter ested in the "horse story" provided by Herodotus. Darius' horse is the third famous stallion of history (after Buce- phalos and Rakhsh) encountered by Perrudja in his search through literature for a legendary name worthy of his mare, a search which eventually leads him to the story of Shabdez and Khosro. Details of the Darius episode found in the first draft indicate that Jahnn worked with no more than a vague memory of the Herodotus text, or (as Wagner might 70 prefer) with information supplied by a friend. The fact, 69 In his bibliography, Wagner cites only the Goldhagen, Horneffer and Braun translations, all of which show consid erable divergences from Jahnn's text. ^See the text of the first draft (Appendix B). In this first version Perrudja is supposed to have found the story "in dem gleichen Buch . . . in dem die Erzahlung des 72 however, that the entire first draft Darius account is pre sented as a quotation introduced by the words: "Sie soil hier stehen, wie er sie las:" shows that Jahnn wished, from the first, to create the illusion of the authentic text. Thus in the final version it is not surprising to find this "illusion" replaced by actual borrowings from Herodotus. In its published form, Jahnn’s Darius story begins appropriately enough. The name of the Persian king is the first of twenty-one words printed in bold capitals which comprise the last sentence of section VIII (EVA 70): dareios, sohn des hystaspes, hat durch die tugend SEINES HENGSTES UND DAS VERDIENST SEINES STALLMEISTERS OEBARES DAS KONIGREICH DER PERSER ERWORBEN. The "Schriftbild" of this sentence, its archaic tone and its lack of connection to the preceding context may seem puzz- 71 ling at first encounter. But the possibility of a Hengstes Rakhsh aufgezeichnet." Jahnn, of course, read about Rakhsh in Herzfeld (pp. 87-88), who quoted from Fir- dosi's Shahname. Perhaps Jahnn hoped to find both stories in the Shahname1 (The "Sagenband" of the first draft is perhaps von Schack's Heldensagen des Firdusi.) The first draft also contains two glaring inaccuracies: the candi dates for the throne are anachronistically called "die groBen des sassanidischen Reiches," and Oebares is not named and is falsely identified as Darius’ "friend." ^For the musical implications ("fanfare" to the fol lowing chapter, etc.) see "Form: Modes and Music." Like 73 borrowing is at once evident. The content and typography of the sentence suggest an inscription. The informed reader, upon seeing the name Darius, is likely to be reminded of that king's most lasting achievement: the great Behistun (= Bistun) inscription, in which Darius proclaims (among other things) his defeat of the "false Smerdis" and attain- 72 ment of the Persian throne. Indeed, on the face of the great cliff above the trilingual inscription is a relief depicting Darius in a victorious gesture, his foot upon the chest of the vanquished Smerdis. Facts such as these, al though perhaps not intended associations, can only reinforce the effectiveness of the sentence as an introduction to the entire Darius story to follow. Regardless of the possible implications of the Behistun inscription, the sentence in question is derived exclusively 7 3 from Herodotus. In Book III, section 88 we learn that the quotation is, in fact, supposed to be an inscription (Lange, most of the "musical" elements of "Sassanidischer Konig," this sentence is not present in the first draft. ^Jahnn knew the inscription well. Part of it is quoted at the very end of Perrudja (emphasizing the great importance of the novel's Persian motives), EVA 649f. ^The Behistun inscription, for example, makes no men tion of Oebares or the horse incident. 74 p . 280): Als nun seine Macht ganz fest war, liefi er ein stei- nernes Bild errichten, darauf war ein Reiter abgebildet und daran standen folgende Worte geschrieben: "Dareios, Hystaspes Sohn, hat durch das Verdienst sei nes Pferdes (nun kam der Name) und seines Stallmeisters Obares das Konigreich der Perser erworben."^^ Here, Jahnn's deviation from the Lange translation can be seen to be minimal. It is interesting to note that this quotation which summarizes and concludes the Oebares story has been transferred from the end of the Herodotus account (used by Jahnn) to first position in Perrudja. Proceeding from the introductory "inscription" to the actual Darius episode (section IX), we find that it begins 75 with a vertical column of seven (or better, eight) names. These are the seven conspirators who deposed the eighth man, Smerdis, from the throne of Persia. The names of the con spirators are also mentioned in the Behistun inscription, a ^4Herodotus1 inscription is probably based upon vague knowledge of several Persian monuments. Neither the words nor an equestrian image are part of the Behistun inscrip tion. Here Jahnn could hardly have avoided relating this image to the relief of Khosro and Shabdez. Also, his re placement of "Pferd" with "Hengst" reveals the emphasis placed on developing the "stallion stories" which lead to section X. ^Musical implications are discussed under "Form." Note Jahnn's incorrect spellings: "Itaphernes," "Hydarmes." 75 fact of which Jahnn was no doubt aware. Thus an intended connection to the preceding "inscription" cannot be ruled out. The order of the list is that given by Herodotus (Lange, p. 269): Otanes fiihrte nun den Intaphernes zu, Gobryas den Megabyzos, Aspathines den Hydarnes. Als sie nun sechs waren kam nach Susa Dareios. The subsequent paragraph is a distillation of a number of passages in Herodotus. The first sentence has a particu larly diffuse origin: "Smerdis, der nicht des Kyros Sohn war, vielmehr der Ohrlose, von Kambyses bestrafte, herrschte als Konig in der Burg von Susa." A short summary of the Persian history involved is necessary for a real understand ing of this sentence. Kambyses and Smerdis were sons of the 7 6 Persian king Kyros. Kambyses became king after Kyros' death (Herodotus, II, 1) and, out of fear and jealousy, had his brother secretly murdered (Herodotus, III, 30). Another man who bore both the name Smerdis and a close resemblance to the murdered brother later claimed to be Kyros1 son and usurped the throne in Susa while Kambyses campaigned in Egypt (Herodotus, III, 61). This "false Smerdis" had lost ^The usual English spellings are "Cyrus" and "Camby- ses." 76 his ears as the result of an earlier offense against Kamby ses (thus: "der Ohrlose, von Kambyses bestrafte"; cf. Her odotus, III, 69). Kambyses died before he could challenge the false king who ruled unopposed until the nobleman Otanes grew suspicious. This suspicion eventually led to the re volt of the seven. The origin of the next sentence is easier to define: Milde Befehle liefi er ins Land tragen, um die Gunst seiner Untertanen zu gewinnen. (EVA 70) In dieser Zeit bewies er sich iiber die Maflen milde ge- gen alle seine Untertanen. (Herodotus, III, 67; Lange, p. 267) The following paragraph dealing with the discovery of the “false Smerdis" is also of diverse origin and shows little dependence on Lange's wording. In the following comparison Jahnn's text is divided into the smallest units traceable to a single coherent passage in Herodotus: Die Tochter des Otanes, Phatyma, die dem Kambyses zum Weibe gegeben worder war, wohnte, wie alle iibrigen Frauen des verstorbenen GroBkonigs, dem falschen Smer dis bei. (EVA 70) Kambyses hatte seine [Otanes'] Tochter zum Weibe ge- habt, deren Name war PhSdyma; dieselbe hatte dazumal der Mager [Smerdis] und wohnte ihr bei, so auch alien anderen Weibern des Kambyses. (Herodotus, III, 68; Lange, p. 267) 77 Auf GeheiB ihres Vaters . . . (EVA 70) [Otanes speaks] Wenn er bei dir liegt und du merkst, daB er eingeschlafen ist, so fiihle ihm nach den Ohren (Herodotus, III, 69; Lange, p. 268) . . . erkundete sie mit ihren zarten Fingern, als die Reihe wieder an ihr war, daB sie bei Smerdis schlafe, daB er ohrlos, . . . (EVA 70) Als die Reihe an sie kam, daB sie zu dem Mager ging . . . kam sie und schlief bei ihm. Und als der Mager ganz fest schlief, fuhlte sie ihm nach den Ohren. Und als sie leicht und ohne Miihe inne ward, daB der Mensch keine Ohren hatte, sandte sie zu ihrem Vater, sobald es Tag ward, und sagte es ihm an. (Herodotus, III, 69; Lange, p. 268f.) . . . also nicht der Sohn des Kyros, der, wie man wuBte, niemals seine Ohren verloren hatte, . . . (EVA 70) [Otanes speaks] Und hat er Ohren, so kannst du sicher glauben, daB Smerdis, des Kyros Sohn, die beiwohnt; hat er aber keine, so ist es Smerdis, der Mager. (Herodotus, III, 69; Lange, p. 268) . . . also in Wahrheit, gemaB dem Ausspruch des ster- benden Kambyses . . . heimlich ermorder sein muBte— durch eben den Kambyses, der es vor seinem Tode ge- beichtet und als entschuldigende Erklarung ein fehler- haftes Orakel, das ihm in Palastina77 geworden, ange- fiihrt. (EVA 70) [Kambyses1 confession] . . . als ich in Agypten war, sah ich ein Traumgesicht. . . . Da furchtete ich, mein Bruder mochte mir das Konigreich entreiBen. . . . Und ich Tor schickte den Prexaspes nach Susa, den Smerdis umzubringen. (Herodotus, III, 65; Lange, p. 265) 77According to Herodotus, Egypt. Here, in synthesizing his memory of the text into a single complex sentence, Jahnn seems to have confused or forgotten this detail. In any case, absolute faithfulness to Herodotus' text was of no great consequence in Jahnn's artistic procedure. . . . (den man fur eine Luge gelialten hatte) . . . (EVA 70) [die Perser] glaubten, Kambyses hStte das, was er iiber des Smerdis Tod gesagt, nur aus Bosheit gesagt. (Her odotus, III, 6 6; Lange, p. 266) In the next paragraph, Jahnn moves on to the actual con spiracy of the seven, bypassing the section (Herodotus, III, 70) in which Otanes calls together the seven conspirators— in the order given in the list described previously. Die sieben verschworen sich gegen den Usurpator. (EVA 70) Die sieben nun kamen zusanunen und verschworen und be- redeten miteinander. (Herodotus, III, 71; Lange, p. 269) Dareios aber war es, der mehr als die iibrigen die Ausfiihrung der Ermord'^ng des falschen Smerdis . . . im Plan entwarf und zur Eile trieb. (EVA 70-71) [Darius speaks] . . . tun wir es alsobald und ver- schieben nicht lange, denn das taugt nicht. (Herodo tus, III, 71; Lange, p. 269) . . . des falschen Smerdis, gegen den sich das Ora- kel hatte wenden wollen, , . (EVA 71) [Kambyses' confession] Denn der Mager Smerdis war es, von dem mir die Gottheit im Traum offenbarte, daB er sich wider mich emporen wurde. (Herodotus, III, 65; Lange, p. 265) The following paragraph, though not immediately identifiable as such, is a speech given by Darius to the assembled 79 conspirators. In contrast the foregoing passages, this paragraph is borrowed almost word-for-word from Herodotus (III, 72; Lange, p. 270): J: Denn wo du liigen muBt, da luge. H: Denn wo du liigen muBt, da luge. J: Beide haben das gleiche Ziel vor Augen: H: Denn dasselbe Ziel haben beide vor Augen, J: der da liigt und der die Wahrheit sagt. H: der da liigt und der die Wahrheit sagt. J: Der eine liigt namlich dann, H: Namlich der eine liigt dann, J: wenn er durch seine Falschheit etwas einreden H: wann er durch seine Liige etwas einreden J: und Vorteil daraus ziehen will; H: und Vorteil daraus ziehen will; J: der andere sagt die Wahrheit darum: H: der andere sagt die Wahrheit darum, 78 These words of Darius were of considerable signifi cance to Jahnn. The sentence "Wo es notwendig ist zu liigen, da liige" appears again on the last page of the novel (EVA 650). Jahnn had been obsessed by the problem of truth and falsehood since his youth, and this passage may well have been his initial interest in Herodotus. Just how important the Darius quotation was to Jahnn is revealed in a biograph ical essay by Heinrich Christian Meier, a one-time Ugrino member who knew Jahnn at the time of Perrudja1s composition: "Mindestens dreimal zitierte er mir gegeniiber den Konig Da reios der Perser, der eine kuriose Formulierung iiber das Liigen gefunden habe: 'Wer die Wahrheit spricht, hat damit nichts anderes im Sinne, als wer liigt, nSmlich seinen Vor teil! ' " "Hans Henny Jahnn. Zu seinem 70. Geburtstag," Sinn und Form, XVII, Heft 1/2 (1965), 46. 80 J : daB er durch die Wahrheit Vorteil gewinne H: daB er durch die Wahrheit Vorteil gewinne J: und die Leute um so mehr an sich fessele. H: und die Leute um so mehr an sich ziehe. J : Wiewohl auf verschiedenen Wegen, H: Also, wiewohl auf verschiedenen Wegen J: trachten beide nach dem gleichen Ziel. H: trachten wir beide nach demselben Ziel. J : Sollte nicht verbunden sein Vorteil, H: Sollten sie keinen Vorteil davon haben, J: so konnten sie gleichermaBen beide, H: so konnten sie gleichergestalt beides, J: der Wahrhaftige ein Liigner, der Lugner wahrhaftig sein. H: der Wahrhaftige ein Lugner und der Lugner wahrhaftig sein. Certainly the above comparison leaves little doubt concern ing Jahnn's use of the Lange translation. On the whole, Jahnn's changes are minor and serve to modernize or regu larize expression, smooth rhythm or remove redundancy (e.g., "Falschheit" for "Luge"). The single radical change: "Sollte nicht verbunden sein Vorteil" is a good example of the "primitive grammar" Jahnn often used to achieve an anti quated, quasi-biblical tone. Jahnn now passes over Herodotus' lively and extensive account of the actual revolt: the invasion of the castle, the resulting battle and the eventual killing of Smerdis by 81 Darius (Herodotus, III, 76-79) . In Perrudja we are led directly from Darius' speech to the aftermath of the revolt: Als der Plan der sieben gelungen war, und das Ge- tummel ihrer Tat wegen sich gelegt hatte, fung Tage verstrichen seit ihrem blutigen Aufstand, kamen sie iiberein, daB sie berieten, wer zukiinftig Konig sein solle. (EVA 71) Als sich aber das Getiimmel gelegt hatte und fiinf Tage um waren, hielten die, welche sich wider die Mager emport, Rat iiber die Reichsverfassung. (Herodotus, III, 80; Lange, p. 274) Herodotus then goes on to report the discussions which take place regarding the form of government to be established. Otanes, in a long speech, supports democracy (Herodotus, III, 80): "Otanes sagte, sie sollten die Regierung der Ge- meinde der Perser iiberlassen." Megabyzos follows with a speech favoring oligarchy (III, 81): "wir aber wollen einen AusschuB der besten MSnner auswahlen und denen die Herr- schaft iibertragen." Darius concludes the discussion by extolling the virtues of monarchy (III, 82). In section 83 the vote is taken: "Diese drei Meinungen wurden vorgetra- gen; aber die vier von den sieben Mannern traten der letzten bei." Here we have the obvious source for Jahnn's next passages (EVA 71): Als sie auf einem verabredeten Treffpunkt versammelt waren und ihre Reden vorbrachten, kam ein Streit auf. Die einen wollten als Regierungsform 82 die Demokratie die andern die Oligarchie die dritten endlich die Monarchie. Als jeder die Vorziige der von ihm angepriesenen Regie- rungsform vorgetragen, schritten sie zur Abstimmung, und es erwies sich hierbei, daB viere fur die Monar chie gewonnen waren. The next paragraph is based on Herodotus, section 83 (Lange, p. 278), relating Otanes* withdrawal from candidacy. Lit eral borrowings by Jahnn are as follows: J: also weder herrschten noch beherrscht wiirden H: denn ich will weder herrschen noch mich beherrschen lassen J: unter der Bedingung, daB er und sein Haus auf ewige Zeiten frei von der Last der Unterwiirf igkeit bleiben H: unter der Bedingung, daB ich keinem von euch unter- tanig werde, weder ich selbst, noch meine Nachkommen auf ewige Zeiten Jahnn continues following the sequence of Herodotus exactly: J: Nachdem die sechse ihm die Bedingung zugestanden (EVA 71) H: als . . . die sechs anderen ihm diese Bedingung zugestanden (Herodotus, III, 83; Lange, p. 278) J: fiihrten sie fur sich selber, sofern sie nicht zum — Konig gemacht werden wiirden, gewisse Sonderrechte ein, dem Monarchen gegeniiber, wie auch immer er hieBe; namlich, daB sie freien Eingang haben sollten in die konigliche Burg ohne vorherige Anmeldung, es 79Here Jahnn, without direct borrowing, attempts to imitate the quality of the Lange translation. 83 sei denn, der Konig schliefe gerade bei seinem Weibe. (EVA 71) H: gemeinschaftlich aber fiir alle machten sie aus, daB jeder von den sieben freien Eingang haben sollte in die konigliche Burg, ohne Anmeldung, wenn der Konig nicht gerade bei seinem Weib schliefe (Herodo tus, III, 84; Lange, p. 278) J : Er selbst, der noch ungewahlte Herrscher, miisse sich verpflichten, kein anderes Weib zu freien, als aus der Sippe der Genossen der Emporung. (EVA 71- 72) H: und freien sollen der Konig keine andere durfen, als aus den Genossen der Emporung (Herodotus, III, 84; Lange, p. 278) The remainder of this paragraph is essentially Jahnn's own invention. "Treffliche Reden, 1 1 of course, refers to the speeches of Otanes, Megabyzos, and Darius. And the refer ence to Otanes' criticism of the monarch derives from his speech (III, 80) in which he warns of the wickedness that grows from absolute power. Reference to the god Ahuramazda 80 occurs nowhere in Herodotus, although this god was indeed the central figure in the Zoroastrian religion of Darius' time. In the paragraph devoted to Ahuramazda and his love for horses Jahnn digresses momentarily from the Herodotus account which he has followed so closely. The paragraph ®®The phrase: "den Gott Ahuramazda um die Segnungen eines Orakels anzuflehen" is adopted almost literally from the first draft (B/178-179). 84 in question was inspired by a passage from Tacitus para phrased in Ernst Herzfeld's Am Tor von Asien. I discuss it here only for reasons of coherency. Tacitus does not men tion Ahuramazda at all, but rather the god Hercules. Re ferring to Mount Bistun (the location of Khosro's Taq i bus- tan) Herzfeld reports (p. 18): . . . nach Tacitus war der Berg ein Kultort des Hercu les, d.h. des iranischen Verethragna, und er berichtet von einem seltsamen Brauch, der auf das hohe Alter diese Kultortes schlieSen laBt: zu bestimmten Zeiten namlich mahne der Gott die Priester wahrend des Schla- fes neben dem Tempel zur Jagd geriistete Rosse hinzu- stellenj sobald die Rosse die mit Geschossen beladenen Kocher empfangen haben, streifen sie durch die Waldun- gen hin und kehren erst in der Nacht mit leeren Kochern heftig schnaubend heim. Interestingly enough, this passage was not simply taken directly from Herzfeld and worked into the Darius chapter. The first draft contains a more lengthy account of Ahura- mazda's hunting on horseback in the guise of a revery of 81 Khosro, remnants of which can be found in the published ®^First draft, B/561-574: "Da haben unter dem Fenster die Rosse des Ahuramazda gestanden in den Nachten. Ahura mazda. Das Kohlenorakel. Ein Mensch, ein Prophet, Mohammed hatte ihm ein Brief geschrieben. Er hatte nein, nein ge- antwortet. Es war nicht zu leugnen. Ahuramazda war Gott, der Gott der Berge, seines Paradieses, seiner Quellen. Die Traumszeichen hatte er sich selbst Khosro gezeigt nicht nur den Priestern. Nach Rossen verlangt, nach Rossen, gesat- telt, ausgestattet mit Bogen und Pfeilen. Nachtlich am 85 text (EVA 88). It seems almost certain that Jahnn, after striking this section during a later revision, found a new use for it as a plausible enlargement upon Herodotus' sparse account: "Sie sollten sich zu Pferde setzen und wessen Pferd zuerst wiehern wiirde bei Sonnenaufgang vor der Stadt, der sollte das Konigreich haben" (III, 84; Lange, p. 278). In any case, the results are clearly evident in the para graph (EVA 72): Da dieser Gott, wie man wuBte, die Rosse, die schons- ten der Tiere, liebte, zu nachtlichen Zeiten selber zu reiten begehrte, durch Zeichen kundtat, wann, an die Pforte des Tempels gebunden, zur Jagd ausgeriistet, ge- sattelt Er edle Hengste erwarte, beschlossen sie fol- gendes: Am n&chsten Morgen bei anbrechendem Licht soil- ten die sechse sich wieder versammeln, doch reitend, auf einem freien Platz vor der Stadt. Wessen Pferd als erstes der neuen Sonne entgegen zu wiehern begSnne, sollte gewahlter Konig sein. Now Jahnn returns to Herodotus and takes up his main concern in the Darius story (and his original cause for writing it): the account of Oebares and the stallion. Much of this ac count is literally drawn from Lange's translation. In the following comparisons I restrict myself to citing only the Tempel standen sie wartend, bis der Gott erschien, davon- ritt. Am Morgen die Pferde, schweiSnaB, mude, die Kocher geleert. In den Bergen finden Hirten das gottlich erlegte Wild. " 86 most evident borrowings: 8 2 Dareios hatte einen Stallmeister. Oebares. Zu ihm sprach Dareios, nach dem die sieben auseinander gegangen, . . . (EVA 72) Dareios aber hatte einen Stallmeister . . . und sein Name war Obares; zu diesem Manne sprach Dareios, nach- dem sie auseinandergegangen (Herodotus, III, 85; Lange, p. 278) "Wenn du ein kluger Mensch bist, . . . so richte es so ein, daB Wir die Wiirde erlangen, und nicht ein ande- rer." (EVA 72) "... wenn du nun ein kluger Mensch bist, so richte es so ein, daB wir diese Wiirde bekommen und nicht ein anderer." (Herodotus, III, 85; Lange, p. 279) Oebares gab als Antwort: "Wenn es, o Herr, auf meinen Verstand nur ankommt, so gib dich zufrieden und sei guten Mutes. Der Verstand findet den Weg zum Mit- tel." (EVA 72) 8 3 Antwortete Obares also: "Wenn es, o Herr, darauf ankommt, daB du Konig wirst oder nicht, so gib dich dariiber nur zufrieden und habe guten Mut. . . . da habe ich schon meine geheimen Mittel." (Herodotus, III, 85; Lange, p. 279) "Wenn du ein Mittel kennst, so ist es Zeit, daB du es anwendest, und nicht verschiebst, was morgen als Ver- lust offenbar wird." (EVA 72) ®^In the first draft Oebares is not named, but called simply "Stallmeister," "Freund," or "Kamerad" of Darius. A blank space left for the name (B/196) proves that the first draft was written without Herodotus at hand. 8 3 Here we have a possible source of inspiration for the slave's language in "Die Geschichte des Sklaven." 87 "Wenn du wirklich so ein Mittel kennst, so ist es Zeit, daB du es anwendest und nicht verschiebst, denn am kommenden Morgen wird es entschieden." (Herodotus, III, 85; Lange, p. 279) Following his preference, Jahnn reverses the order of the two versions of Oebares' story given by Herodotus, relating the one from section 87 before that given in section 85. Both versions are separated by the unexpected beginning of the slave's tale (EVA 73). Jahnn's account of the first (Herodotus' second) version is based much more on the "in- 84 dependent" first draft than on Herodotus. Herodotus' re counting of the story is minimal (III, 87; Lange, p. 279f.). Nach einigen hat es Obares also gemacht (denn die Per- ser erz&hlen es auf beide Arten) : Er faBte jenes Mut- terpferdes Scham mit der Hand an und versteckte die Hand in seinen Hosen, und als bei Sonnenaufgang die Pferde wollten abgehen, zog Obares seine Hand hervor und hielt sie dem Pferde des Dareios unter die Niistern, und das schnob dann und wieherte bei dem Geruch. In contrast, Jahnn gives a relatively extensive account, devoting sixteen lines (EVA 72/38-7 3/15) to this first ver sion of the story. Jahnn's second version bears a much closer relationship to Herodotus : Danach sollte, als Oebares die Rede seines Herrn ver- nommen, in der Nacht er der Stuten eine, der Dareios' 84Cf. first draft, B/184-202. 88 Hengst am meisten zugetan war, vor die Stadt gefiihrt, auf dem freien Platz, der zur Konigswahl ausersehen war, angebunden und den Hengst danach herangebracht haben, um ihn die Stute belegen zu lassen. Als dann er Morgen gedSmmert, und die sechse, der Verabredung gemafi, vor das Tor geritten und an die Stelle gekommen, wo in der vergangenen Nacht das Mutterpferd war ange bunden gewesen, ware des Dareios Pferd hinzugelaufen und hatte gewiehert, erregt durch die Erinnerung an das Erlebnis.®^ {EVA 75) Als Obares das vernommen, tat er also: Als es Nacht war, fiihrte er der Stuten eine, der Dareios Pferd am meisten zugetan war, vor die Stadt und band sie an und fiihrte Dareios Pferd zu ihr. An erst fiihrte er den Hengst ofters nahe bei der Stute herum und brachte ihn an sie; endlich aber liefi er ihn die Stute belegen. Und als der Morgen dSmmerte, stiegen die Sechs nach der Verabredung zu Pferde, und ritten bin und her vor der Stadt, und als sie an die Stelle kamen, da in der ver gangenen Nacht das Mutterpferd war angebunden gewesen, da lief Dareios Pferd hinzu und wieherte. (Herodotus, III, 85-86; Lange, p. 278f.) Thus ends the section of Perrudja based on Herodotus. It should be noted, however, that the significance of the Darius episode goes far beyond the limits of the chapter "Sassanidischer Konig." Mention of the Persian king recurs at two different places later in the novel, most signifi cantly on the closing pages of Perrudja I (EVA 648-650). The importance of such themes from ancient history ®^First draft (b/205-209): "Danach sollte am Abend zu- vor der Freund des Dareios den Hengst auf dem Versammlungs- platz eine Stute bespringen lassen. Die Erinnerung an das schone Erlebnis solle dann am Morgen den Hengst zum freudi- gen Wiehern bewegt haben." 89 (especially regarding kings Khosro, Darius, and Alexander) is discussed below in the section "Motives, Myth, and Materialism." Sigurd Mathiesen The first reading experience of Perrudja which Jahnn presents in detail is the story of the five boys which is 86 found on EVA 63-65. The story is intended to represent "poetic" literature ("Er griff zu den AuSerungen der Dich- ter"j EVA 62 and b/29-30) as opposed to the philosophy and history that comprise the remainder of Perrudja's reading ("In einem enttauschten sie ihn mehr als alle Philosophie und Geschichte, ..." EVA 62 and B/30-31). Beginning on 87 EVA 63/5 with a column of five names, the story is pre~ sented in three separate sections (EVA 63/5-64/30, 65/3-18, 65/29-35), all of which were inserted into a previously continuous passage from the first draft (B/l-60). Jahnn's choice of location for this insertion was an obvious one intended to satisfy and illustrate the words: "Er griff zu ®^The only previous "reading experience" in the chapter (concerning Aristotle, EVA 59ff.) lacks clear reference to a specific source book. ®^Cf. similar columns in subchapters IX and X. 90 den AuBerungen der Dichter" already present in the first draft. The character of the story also corresponds to other 88 passages in the first draft (B/l-60), indicating that Jahnn may have had this specific tale in mind from the be ginning . The three subdivisions of the story can be summarized as follows: section one (the longest) relates the actual events of the story. The five boys named at the beginning are led away by the eldest to a remote pond. One of the boys who is disliked by the others is pushed in and drowns. Then the youngest, who has no understanding for the older adolescents, is weighed down with stones and dropped into the pond where he too drowns. The orgy of murder is con tinued as a third boy submits to being slain with a heavy stone. Finally the two survivors go to a hidden cave, wherein both find death from a single knife. The latter two sections are made up of the words of the last boy to die (Arthur Eumert Liebe). This gruesome tale, although quite conceivable as Jahnn's own creation, shows definite signs of "Die Menschen qu&lten und vernichteten einander mit ihren Leidenschaften" (b/37). "Die Tranen nach der Lektiire eines Buches(B/47) . "Er sah nur noch das Leid der Men schen" (B/66-67), etc. 91 being a borrowing. The unusual Scandinavian names, the ages given for the boys, and the quoted passages all create the impression of a foreign work. Certain unmistakable "Jahnn- ian" elements (e.g., "safrangelben Sonnenkeilen," EVA 63/36) 89 might, however, tend to weaken this impression. Jahnn's "NachlaB" at the Hamburg library contains a three-page typed version of the story in isolated form (Hs 116). The text, which is identical to the Perrudja ver sion, does not reveal whether the typescript was made before 90 or after the story's inclusion in the novel. Most impor tant of all is the title: "Junge Seelen. Nach einem Thema von Sigurd Mathiesen." Here, at once, we have the author and the title of the book in which the story is found. A second indication of origin is given in the following inter esting excerpt from a short essay written when Jahnn was in his sixties: Im Jahre 18 38 ereignete sich in einer kleinen norwegischen ®^This, and some other details, turn out to be Jahnn's own contributions to the story. Q A ^Only one textual difference exists: a new paragraph after the word "Dornen" (cf. EVA 65/8). Next to the mono logue of Arthur Eumert Liebe is a handwritten note: "Diese Stelle kurzen." Several similar typescripts exist of other independent "stories" from Perrudja. 92 Stadt etwa folgendes: Ein reichlich funfzehnjahriger Junge strolchte mit vier Kameraden in einer Klippen- gegend vor der Stadt umher (so wiirde man geringschMt- zig sagen) . Die fiinf kamen an einen Teich. Der Funf- zehnjahrige trieb einen Burschen, den er nicht gern hatte, der ein Jahr j linger war als er selber, iiber die Klippen in das schlammige Wasser. Gleich darauf, als jener sich retten wollte, wurde ihm ein FuBtritt gegen den Kopf versetzt, so daB er untersank. D3nn, in einer Art Raserei, verfolgte der Alteste den Jiingsten, einen reichlich Zehnjahrigen, der davongelaufen war, packte ihn und zwang einen gleichaltrigen Kameraden, die Bluse des Kleinen mit Steinen zu fiillen. Die zwei versenkten ihn an der gleichen Stelle des Teiches. Ein Zwolfein- halbjahriger, der dem Altesten blind ergeben war, wurde wahrscheinlich mit einem Stein erschlagen. In einer Grotte aus riesigen Felstriimmern, ziemlich weit von der Mordstelle entfernt, verkrochen sich die beiden fast Gleichaltrigen. Mit einem Dolchmesser (Tollekniv) brachten sie sich am Hals tiefe Wunden bei, an denen sie verbluteten. Alle fiinf waren aus sogenannten bes- seren Familien. Dies ist in auBerster Kiirze der Zeitungsbericht, den Sigurd Mathiesen als Stoff zu einer seiner Novellen ver- wandte.91 92 Jahnn's source was the book Unge Sjaele by the Nor wegian author Sigurd Mathiesen (1871-1958). Unge Sjaele is Q T "Fruhere Generationen im gleichen Alter, ' * in Eric Godal, Teenagers, ed. Rolf Italiaander (Hamburg, 1958), p. 95. This, once again, testifies to the remarkable consis tency of Jahnn's thought. Even forty years after his first reading of the story, Jahnn faithfully remembers it and con siders it important (or unavoidable) enough to mention. Surprisingly, this account is truer to the original than the Perrudja version, perhaps due to Jahnn's improved profici ency in Dano-Norwegian. 92(Copenhagen and Kristiania, 1903). A note explains the scarcity of the book: "Oplag 1250 Eksplr." 93 a collection of seven stories written between 1899 and 1903, the third of which was used in Perrudja: "Blod-Tirsdagen (Desember 1901)” (pp. 57-74), literally translated "(The) ' Blood-Tuesday." The book is, of course, written in the "literary Norwegian" of 1901 (riksmSl» bokmcil) . i.e., essen tially Danish with slight differences in spelling and vocab ulary. Jahnn was, as is well known, a fluent speaker of Danish, having lived on the Danish island of Bornholm for a large part of his life after 19 33. He also became familiar with Norwegian during his exile years from 1915 to 1918— spent primarily in the towns of Aurland and Romedal, Norway. Yet the language of Unge Sjaele is simple enough to have been read by Jahnn even before he had gained extensive 93 knowledge of Norwegian. There is good reason to believe that his first contact with Unge Sjaele was during 1917 while he resided at Romedal. A letter of July 28, 1917 to Friedrich Lorenz Jiirgensen (Jahnn1 s friend and patron) con tains what appears to be Jahnn's first recorded reference 9 3 According to Jahnn's own statements, this knowledge must have been considerable. In Gesprache, Walter Muschg reports: "er sei einer der wenigen Nichtskandinavier, die das Landsmaal sprachen" (p. 6); "iibrigens denke der tatsach- lich oft norwegisch und iibertrage daraus ins Deutsche" (p. 34). Cf. also the Norwegian dialect verse on EVA 56. 94 94 to Mathiesen. Years later, when writing Perrudja. Jahnn returned to Unge Sjaele as a likely addition to Perrudja's library. This may well be another example of Jahnn's often surprising concern for realism in a novel so filled with fantasy. The Norwegian Perrudja is supplied with a Norwe gian book. Yet simple considerations of realism were cer- taintly not the main reason for Jahnn's selection of "Blod- Tirsdagen." The theme of the story, the crises of puberty, had obsessed Jahnn from the time of his own difficult adol escence. Other reasons for Jahnn's choice are not hard to find. As a narrator, Mathiesen shares peculiar qualities with other Norwegian artists (e.g., Hamsun or Edvard Munch) who seem to represent a special kind of "northern" tempera ment. Men of this temperament inhabit a world of brooding pessimism: gray skies, barren landscapes and sober people— a bleak surface behind which lie demonic forces and feverish carnality. It is a world of raw colors: doom-laden blacks splashed with blood-reds and vivid flesh tones. These very qualities must have attracted Jahnn, whose similar, and 94 Reported by Stephanie Nippelt, "Hans Henny Jahnns Briefwechsel mit Friedrich Lorenz Jiirgensen 1914-1925, " un published examination project of the Hamburg Bibliothek- schule, presented August 10, 1967. 95 decidedly "northern" temperament was so profoundly influ enced by Scandinavia. Even the specific influence of Mathiesen himself cannot be discounted as a factor in 95 Jahnn1s development. The portion of "Blod-Tirsdagen" utilized by Jahnn is, however, so small that almost no trace of the original style or the strange dreamlike atmosphere is detectable in Perrudja. Thus, before turning to an analysis of the individual borrowings it might be well to present a brief characterization of Mathiesen's entire story. "Blod-Tirsdagen" is a conventional "Rahmenerzahlung" narrated by Arthur Eumert Liebe— the nephew of the boy of the same name in the story. Writing on the 27th of December 1901, Arthur recounts a strange nightmare he had which had taken him back of a horrifying incident in the year 18 38. In this year the narrator's uncle (the original Arthur Eu mert Liebe, then fourteen years old) had disappeared without a trace along with four friends. As the "frame" of the story, Mathiesen presents all the nephew knows about the ^At least two names (Hein and Ingar) are possibly de rived from Unge Sjaele. Name-sources for Perrudja deserve a special study. Names such as Lina, Signe, and Ragnvald are those of actual people mentioned in letters and diaries. In Hamburg's St. Pauli district one finds a surprising street name: "Hein-Hoyer StraBe . " incident: a newspaper clipping reporting the boys' dis- 96 appearance and a few memories of older townfolk. Enclosed by the frame is the actual story of Arthur's dream: time is rolled back to 1838 and the narrator has suddenly become his own uncle, Arthur Eumert Liebe, who describes the events of Bloody Tuesday— essentially the same events which Jahnn re tells in Perrudja. The murders are, however, described in ghastly detail and much of the narrative is devoted to a presentation of Arthur's morbid state of mind. Mathiesen evokes his demonic atmosphere almost to excess as he fills the story with ghostly landscapes, weird hallucinations, symbols of death and sexuality: bloody meat, poplar trees, a spectral vulture, moonlight-filled eyes, gleaming moon stones. Jahnn has not only abbreviated the story but has removed much of its naive pathos (e.g., victims pleading for mercy, cries for help, etc.). Nonetheless the "Blod- Tirsdagen" episode remains one of the most hauntingly mem orable in Perrudja, and it is not surprising that it is mentioned twice more in the novel (EVA 292, 414) and that it provides the model for Jahnn's own similar story: the q/ : 4 ?°Not the entire incident, as implied m the 1958 article. 97 "Pete" episode in chapter XXXIX. The following comparisons relate Jahnn's text to source passages in Mathiesen. Where Jahnn's translation is faulty or incomplete my own English translation is provided in footnotes. The opening paragraph listing the names and ages of the lost boys is taken directly from the following passage which Mathiesen presents as part of the newspaper report (p. 59): De Bortkomnes Navne og Alder ere: Otto Heinrich Leopold Ulfers, 13 3/4 Aar gammel, naest- aeldste s/n af Capitainelieutnant i Land-Etaten Ulfers; Richard Budde, 10 Aar og 4 Maaneder, tredje S/n af Sorenskriver Budde; Odd Torbj/rnson, 12 1/2 Aar, yngste s/n af Toldskriver Torbj/rnson; Edgar William Duus, 15 Aar og 1 Maaned, eneste Sfdn af Fru Eleonore Duus, Enke efter Krigscommisaire Duus; Arthur Eumert Liebe, 14 Aar og 3 Maaneder, Kj/bmand Liebes aeldste S/n.^ The next paragraph presents a composite of two separate statements by Edgar Duus (p. 6 3): 98 "Korn, vi gaar til Byhavnen og finder paa noget moro?" "Kom Otto og Richard! Kom gutter^— jeg ved et rart ^Bortkomne— lost ones, Landetaten— national service, Sorenskriver— chief magistrate, Toldskriver— customs in spector, eneste— only, Enke— widow, Kj/bmand— merchant, "Kaufmann." QQ Dictionary definition— town pasture (not "Stadt- forst")? 98 sted ..." The next paragraph is based on various passages such as the following. The references to "safrangelb" and "Sonnenkei- len" are Jahnn's own contribution. Over bl^de mosetuer og hvidlysende stene. Gjennem brant, bladl^st bj^rnebaerkrat. Og videre mellem nogle tr/^stesl^se fjeldknauser.^00 (p. 65) The following paragraph has several sources. Many of the elements, however, are not drawn from Mathiesen (references to "Bulle mit Nasenring," "Schweine," "violetter Hinunel, " "zitronengelbe Sonnen," "Burgersteigen"). Compare the fol lowing passage from Mathiesen, the only extended excerpt used to compose the paragraph: Her ved dammen stod de andre tause. De havde ^jensynlig ikke taenkt at lege. Blot den lille lyshaarede Richard Budde med det blaa jzfjensmil kylte stundom stene ud i vandet. Han syntes ikke at forstaa noget.^-01 (p. 66) Again in the next paragraph a single passage from Mathiesen 10°Over soft tufts of moss and white-shining stones. Through brown leafless bearberry thickets. And farther be tween some disconsolate hillocks. ^■*-Here by the pond the other boys stood silently. Obviously they were not thinking of playing. Only the little, light-haired Richard Budde with the smiling blue eyes tossed some stones into the water. He seemed not to understand anything. 99 was.the main source: Jeg samlede nogle tunge maanestene, som her er saa rigelig af. Jeg ser endnu tydelig disse fugtige, sort- glinsende maanestene, som mine skjaelvende fingre pluk- kede op her og der af den rtfde myrmuld.^*-02 (p. 69) The subsequent sources follow without need for explanation. "Ta mig. Jeg er ligeglad. Men lad ham der slippe. . . ." "Nej . . . du skal draebe mig sidst. Kom Odd! det er din Tur."!®2 (p. 70) Odd Torbj^rnson var knaelet ned. Han . . . aabnede ikke sine laeber. (p. 70) Blodet steg en gang op i hans marmorhvide og sarte kind.104 (p. 70) 105 Der var en taus hengivelse over hans spinkle person. (p. 70) Jeg skimtede igjen det tyzfje, ulykkelige lys om hans pande.106 (p. 70) 1 09 I gathered some heavy moonstones that were so plen tiful here. I still so clearly see these damp, black- gleaming moonstones that my trembling fingers picked up here and there on the reddish swamp-soil. 103"Take me. j don't care. But let him go." "No . . . you must kill me last. Come Odd! it's your turn." 104i<he blood rose up all at once in his marble-white delicate cheeks (not Jahnn's "Kinn"). 105There was a mute submissiveness about his slender figure. 106Dimly 1 again perceived the high, unhappy light around his brow. 100 107 Edgar 1/zfftede en sort maanesten. (p. 70) Hans hjerne var slaaet ind. Der fl^d noget blod. Det var ikke saa meget. Den anden fyldte hans bluse med sten. Saa tog vi liget og kastede det ud i dammen.-^O® (p. 70) 109 Og jeg bed trodsig i min laebe. (p. 71) "ASsj, vi vil ikke ligge her. Komi" Han la' armen over min skulder. (p. 71) Vi gik rask til. . . . Jeg vidste, hvor han vilde hen. Det var en klipperevne, som vi gutter kjendte. Den var ganske skjult af nypetorn og slaapekrat. . . . Et klip- pestykke var gledet ned inderst. Det dannede en hule.^^® (p. 71) Derind krjzfio vi paa maven— f^rst Edgar, saa jeg.'*'^^ (p. 71) 112 Herinde var det m^rkt og fugtigt. (p. 71) 1 07 Edgar lifted a large moonstone. (Not "Granit- brocken"). 108His brain was crushed in. Some blood flowed. It was not so much. The other filled his shirt with stones. Then we took the body and threw it out into the pond. lO^And x bit my lip stubbornly. H^We went quickly . . . I knew where he wanted to go. It was a crevice in the cliff that we boys knew about. It was all hidden with sweet-briar and sloe-weed. . . . A rock fragment had slipped down to the bottom. It formed a cave. lllWe crawled into it on our stomachs— first Edgar, then I. H-^xt Was damp and dark inside. 101 113 Vi file plads ved siden af hinanden derinde. (p. 71) 114 Edgar Duus rakte mig taus sin tollekniv. {p. 72) Han . . . grab mig i armene og spaendte sine ben om mig. Han knugede mig over sig. Jeg kjendte hans braendende aande mod mit bryn.H^ 7 3) "Draeb mig, draeb." . . . "Nej. Du skal draebe mig. Jeg gidder ikke leve."H- 8 (p. 7 3) Da tog han min haand og rendte den heftig ind mod sin strube.H? (p. 7 3) En varm blodstraale sprojtede ind i mit ansigt. Mit jz^jelaag klaebede sig til. Jeg rejste mig i vildelse, men slog mit hode mod klippestykket. Og jeg sank atter over ham.l^8 (p. 7 3) 119 Og jeg vovede ikke laenger at vaere alene. (p. 74) 1 1 o We settled down side by side. 1^4Edgar Duus silently handed me his sheath-knife. H^He . . . grabbed me in his arms and wrapped his legs around me. He hugged me on top of himself. I felt his burning breath against my brow. 116"Kin me, kill." . . . "No. You must kill me. I don't want to live." 117rI r j 1en he took my hand and ran it violently into his throat. warm stream of blood sprayed into my face. My eyelids stuck shut. I sat up deliriously, but struck my head against a piece of rock. And I sank back over him. H^And I did not dare to be alone any longer. 102 120 Da for kniven ind mod min strube- (p. 74) The last two paragraphs are direct translations of various passages from Mathiesen and are accurate except for the repeated (and understandable) mistake: Kinn for kind (in stead of Wange). Jeg kjendte Edgars legeme. En underlig gysen rislede gjennem mig. Og bevidstheden om mit eget legeme jog for f^rste gang op i mig. Det var, som om denne orga- nisme skj^d op af den fugtige, vaarraaette jord. Og det var, somom vilde safter gjaerede hos os begge. . . . Af mulden jord, af syrligt, pippende aprilgraes, af nypens harpiskncpper. . . . Jeg maerkede nu ogsaa hans ansigt. Det forekom mig ikke mere saa spodsk og rov- fugleagtigt. Det syntes mig skj^nnere og mere stolt. Hans kind lyste som matgylden bronze. Og hans ^jne havde igen det blege maaneskin. (pp- 71-72) Da kom denne besynderlige lyst til igjen at stikke min finger gjennem hullet paa hans str/mpe. (p. 7 3) En hvid, haaret hud skinnede frem. (p. 71) Jeg satte virkelig min finger ind paa hans haarede, njzfcjne hud. (p. 7 3) Jeg havde en selsom f^lelse. (p. 7 3) Min ven, Edgar William Duus, var d^d. (p. 7 3) Han ventede paa mig. (p. 7 3) Og saa frygtelig var dette legemes magt over mig, at jeg trak mig hen langs det og lod mig falde ned paa dets d/de arm. (p. 73) 120 Then the knife ran in against my throat. 103 Jeg laa og taenkte paa alle vore legepladser- Paa min d^de moder, som jeg ikke kunde huske . . . Og jeg vo- vede ikke laenger at vaere alene. (p. 74) James Joyce One of the most interesting questions raised by the novel Perrudja concerns the possible influence of James Joyce's Ulysses. Although it has recently been relegated to 121 minor importance, this issue was once considered of great relevance in any critical discussion of Jahnn1s novel. Like many other pioneering works of art, Ulysses has long been used as a standard of measurement for subsequent works employing similar stylistic methods. Critics were quick to perceive a developing "Joycean school" of the novel. This was especially true in the Germany of the late twenties and early thirties when critics could hardly avoid comparing certain avant-garde German novels to the just- l^lcf. Walter Muschg's introduction to his Auswahl vol ume (p. 27), where he points out Perrudja1s greater affinity to a subjective German tradition (e.g., Wolfram, Jean Paul) than to the witty worldliness of Joyce. Jahnn's friend Werner Helwig is less convincing when he states: "Der Ver- gleich mit Joyce ist hinfallig, da . . . 'Perrudja' zum groSen Teil wahrend der Jahre des ersten Weltkrieges im norwegischen Exil konzipiert wurde." (Merkur, XI [1957], 997) Even if it is true that Jahnn planned the work while in Norway, the possibility of Joyce's stylistic influence is thereby hardly refuted. 104 published Ulysses translation of Georg Goyert (Basel, 1927). This was an especially fruitful period for the modern German novel, a kind of last gasp drawn before the smothering onset of Fascism, in which a truly advanced prose technique ap peared to be developing. This technique was then seen to be unmistakably "Joycean." Advanced novels of the time such as Doblin's Berlin Alexanderplatz (1929), Jahnn's Perrudja (1929), and Broch's Schlafwandler (1931/32) were accused of appropriating devices from Ulysses such as "montage," "cata- 122 loging," or "stream of consciousness." If not actually accused of lacking originality, such works were at least met with "knowing" critical comments regarding stylistic influ- 12 3 ence and the development of the modern novel. Perrudja, published two years after Goyert1s transla tion, was naturally greeted with its share of Ulysses- 122 None of which, of course, were "invented" by Joyce. Ulysses was, however, the first novel in which such tech niques so completely replaced conventional patterns of prose style. 123Aifred Doblin, for example, when called upon to explain similarities between Berlin Alexanderplatz and Ulysses, denied any basic influence ("ich habe Joyce nicht gekannt, als ich das erste Viertel des Buches schrieb") but had to admit: "es war ein guter Wind in meinen Segeln." Berlin Alexanderplatz (Olten, 1967), p. 495. 105 oriented criticism. In his review of 1930, Klaus Mann writes of Joyce's influence on Jahnn (and Doblin) in posi tive terms: Der EinfluB eines so enormen, isolierten, unwiederholbaren Phanoraens wie James Joyce kann verheerend werden. Begeben sich erst kleine und mittlere Geister in seine Nachfolge, mussen Monstrositaten an UnmaB, Unflat, Formlosigkeit zu- tage kommen. Bis jetzt taten es in Deutschland nur Zweie groBen Formats [i.e., Jahnn and Doblin]. . . . So wie bei Doblin iiberstiirzen sich bei Jahnn die Anekdoten und die Aufzahlungen, die Liederrefrains, medizinischen Konsta- tierungen, alten Sprviche, Kochrezepte, Obszonitaten, Le- genden; die Namen von Edelsteinen, spanischen Generalen, Fleisch-, Gemiise-, Marmaladesorten, Siidseeinseln, Tierar- ten, Blumenformen, technischen Einrichtungen wirbeln, ja- gen sich durcheinander. Es ist die gleiche epische Urge- walt. (Nieder der Roman, es lebe der Epos!)— Es ist die gleiche Schule: der groBe Ire. . . . [Perrudja] bedeutet fur mich mit "Alexanderplatz" zusammen, das starkste Er- lebnis, das mir aus der deutschen Literatur in letzter Zeit gekommen ist. Other reviewers also found it convenient to compare Perrudja to Ulysses. A view opposite to Klaus Mann's is found in the 125 indignant (and fascist-oriented) review of Paul Fechter, who does not hesitate to introduce an element of personal insult: Uber seinen fPerrudja'si Anfangen steht das Urbild des 124"Der Roman der dritten Generation. 'Perrudja' von Hans Henny Jahnn," Deutsche Literaturkritik im zwanzigsten Jahrhundert, pp. 691-696; first published in Neue Freie Presse, Wien, August 3, 19 30. 125"Peinlichkeiten," Die Neue Literatur. I (January 1931). 106 "Ulysses" von James Joyce. . . . Aber Joyce ist ein beinahe gesellschaftsfahiger und feiner Mann, und vor alien Dingen ein Mann, gemessen an den schwachlich femininen Phantastereien der Literatenseele, die sich hier mit prinzipieller Schamlosigkeit enthiillt. A third example, Lutz Weltmann's discussion in Die Literatur (XXXII [1929/30], 445-448) declares Jahnn's dependence on Joyce in a most unqualified way: Zwischen Jahnn's Dramen und seinem Roman liegt das Er- scheinen der deutschen Ausgabe von James Joyces "Ulys ses". . . . Joyce hat Jahnn zu sich selbst gefiihrt. Wenn anders bei irgendwem ist die Nachfolge dieses Iren bei Hans Henny Jahnn zwingend gewesen. As far as can be determined, Jahnn never discussed the question of James Joyce's influence on his own writing. Only once does he relate Joyce's name to his work. In the essay "Aufgabe des Dichters in dieser Zeit" (1932), while discussing two types of modern novel (viz., "exterior" and "interior") he defines the path, "den etwa Joyce, Bernanos und ich selbst zu gehen bemiiht sind. (Die drei Namen be- 126 deuten keinen QualitStsvergleich.)" There is, however, no mention of influence by or indebtedness to the Joycean model. This is indeed characteristic of Jahnn, who never ^•^iiber den Anlafi und andere Essays (Frankfurt a.M., 1964), p. 99. 107 claimed to have "learned" from any living writer. In 19 30 Jahnn wrote a brief discussion (hardly a re view) of Ulysses for the Hamburg magazine Der Kreis (VII, Heft 7/8 [July/August 1930], 472-473). This article, an unqualified recommendation of the novel, concerns the 1929 subscription edition of the Goyert translation. One might be led to conclude that, since Jahnn reviewed this edition (and presumably read it) he was unaware of Ulysses before the completion of Perrudja. Such an assumption is quickly disproven by inspecting the list of books in Jahnn's own library, where we find a copy of the firs^t subscription edition of the translation published in 1927. In addition, Jahnn mentions Joyce at least twice prior to the completion of Perrudja. The first is a veiled reference to Ulysses in the article "Die Familie der Hippokampen" (January, 1928): "man denke an den Pegasus, der im Augenblick in Irland stationiert ist." The second occurs in the speech given before "Der deutsche Schriftstellerverband" on September 9, 1928: Eines der grofiten Werke der heutigen Literatur . . . ist der Ulysses des James Joyce . . . James Joyce, der Dichter mit fast iibermenschlichem exakten Wissen . . .127 127 Glossen zum Schicksal gegenwartiger Dichtkunst," 108 The question of Joyce's influence upon Perrudja is indeed difficult to answer. One must admit that concrete evidence of direct inspiration is not easy to find. The one indisputable borrowing from Ulysses was noted by Paul Fech- ter in 1931: "die einzige Stelle aus Joyce, die Jahnn wort- 128 lich zitiert, ist die Stelle von der 'snotgreen sea'." This reference occurs on EVA 297 and is clearly part of an "advanced" passage, i.e., one written during 1927 or later. 129 Other influences appear to be of a more general nature. In a novel so essentially different from Ulysses it is ob vious that only a superficial kind of influence is possible. The outward similarities which do seem to exist are matters of style and technique. The apparent break in Jahnn's style which occurred around 1927 might well be attributed to the experience of Ulysses: Joyce is likely to have encouraged Jahnn to abandon still further any commitment to the con ventions of novel writing. The qualities of the second level suggest this strongly; the characteristic Mitteilungen des Deutschen Schriftsteller-Verbandes, Sep tember/October 1928, pp. 16-19. 128"peiniichkeiten," p. 23. 129unless the phrase "Seele, Form der Formen" was de rived from Joyce and not Aristotle. See the next section. 109 disjointedness, the mixture of styles, the tendency toward manneristic word-play, the catalogs of names, the musical notes, all are reminiscent of Ulysses and represent a de velopment in Jahnn's prose which can hardly have been acci dental. Curiously enough, one of the strongest evidences of outside influence upon Perrudja is the fact that the "Joycean" linguistic mannerism found there does not seem to 130 have come naturally to Jahnn. In his next novel, Das Holzschiff (completed May, 19 36) he returned to a compara tively conventional narrative method. Joyce's influence, if indeed it existed, was a passing phenomenon. Never again, after Perrudja. could Jahnn's style really be termed avant- garde . Aristotle In expanding his first draft concept, Jahnn chose to Certain developments do seem to have been indepen dent, however. Some noun catalogs, for example, clearly predate any experience with Joyce. The catalog of foods on EVA 245/27-29 is also found in "Perrudjas Werbung" published in February, 1927. More extravagant catalogs were added later (e.g., EVA 51— written after December 17, 1927), per haps with encouragement from Joyce. Finally, it would be foolish to assume that Joyce was the only possible influence upon Jahnn's innovations. The prose style of Alfred Doblin as well as the language of Expressionism must also have played some part. Still, it must be said that Jahnn's style before 1927 was remarkably free of "influences" and cannot be relegated to any movement. Cf. the section on style. 110 open "Sassanidischer Konig" with an advanced passage which would introduce and, in a sense, justify the reading ex periences to follow. The passage in question (EVA 59/1- 61/34) is strongly philosophical in nature. Generally it describes a search for laws, definitions, formulations and words, while its primary subject is an attempt to provide a definition of the soul. Like the rest of the chapter it is concerned (although not explicitly) with books. That Per rudja should have read philosophy books is especially plau sible considering the following sentences from the first draft (B/30-31; cf. EVA 62/32): "Er griff su den Auflerungen der Dichter. In einem enttauschten sie ihn mehr als alle Philosophie und Geschichte ..." Thus Perrudja is involved with three types of literature: poetry ("Dichtung") (e.g., Mathiesen, the Arabian Nights), history (Herzfeld, Herodo tus), and, to complete the scheme, philosophy (represented, in all probability, by Aristotle). This opening passage of "Sassanidischer Konig" consists of an extended, quasi-philosophical speculation concerned essentially with the relationship of thought (or soul) to the physical world. With the exception of two paragraphs in the third person (59/1-5, 13-20) which link the passage to its surroundings, the perspective is restricted to the flow Ill of Perrudja's own thoughts. This accounts for the unusual form of the passage: the fragmentary succession of freely associated ideas. The inward turn of perspective in the narrative serves to introduce the entire chapter, a chapter involved exclusively with the inner world of Perrudja's reading and imagination. "Real" (i.e., exterior) action in "Sassanidischer Konig" is completely lacking, with the in consequential exception of such sentences as "Er griff zu Buchern und las." While the speculative nature of the opening section is plainly evident, the average reader would hardly suspect that the concepts involved were derived from a specific source. Yet in a single, unobtrusive sentence, Jahnn ap pears to allude to an outside work, and it is this sentence which provides the key to discovering the source (or sour ces) used in composing the opening passages of the chapter: "Jemand hatte geschrieben: Seele, Form der Formen" (EVA 59/19-20). The problem is, of course, to discover the identity of "jemand." And indeed, one finds that not only "someone" wrote these words, but that two possible authors must be considered. These two are, surprisingly enough, James Joyce and Aristotle. In the early chapters of Ulysses we encounter the following references to the soul as "form 112 of forms-" The first is part of Stephen Dedalus1 recollec tion of his reading in a Paris library: Aristotle's phrase formed itself within the gabbled verses and floated out into the studious silence of the library of Saint Genevieve where he had read, sheltered from the sin of Paris, night by night. . . . Thought is the thought of thought. Tranquil brightness. The soul is in a manner all that is: the soul is the form of forms. Tranquillity, sudden, vast, candescent: form of forms.^31 Somewhat later in Ulysses we find a similar passage: "My soul walks with me, form of forms" (p. 44). From the be ginning of the former passage ("Aristotle's phrase," etc.) it is evident that we are not dealing merely with an inven tion of James Joyce. This is confirmed by Weldon Thornton in his useful book The Allusions in Ulysses (Chapel Hill, N. C., 1968): Joyce's words are based upon several state ments in Aristotle's investigation of the soul, De Anima 132 (III, 431b, 432a). The problem, thus, is to decide ^•^Ulysses (New York, 1961), pp. 25-26. 132i»he Works of Aristotle Translated into English, ed. W. D. Ross (Oxford, 1931), III, "De Anima," ill: 431b "The soul is in a way all existing things, for existing things are either sensible or thinkable, and knowledge is in a way what is knowable, and sensation is in a way what is sensible." 432a "It follows that the soul is analogous to the hand; for as the hand is a tool of tools, so the mind is the form of forms and sense the form of sensible things." 113 whether Jahnn arrived at the words of Aristotle ("the soul [mind] is the form of forms") independently or through Ulysses. On the basis of what little evidence is available it seems reasonable to assume that the passages from Joyce— even though Jahnn may well have read them and recognized their source— were of no importance in the composition of "Sassanidischer Konig." Following the sentence "Seele, Form der Formen" is a somewhat unsystematic but nonetheless obvious attempt to define the soul according to Jahnn1s own "materialistic" 133 concepts. Here several of Jahnn's theses bear an unmis takable resemblance to ideas expressed by Aristotle in De Anima: Auch die Seele erweist sich erst am Geschaffenen. Ohne Betatigung am Stofflichen ist sie Hypothese . . . Sie muS . . . Form sein, in die, welcher Stoff auch immer, hineingegossen. (EVA 59) (Seele— mein Leib) (EVA 61) Eure Gestalt, das ist eure Seele. (EVA 61) Compare the following extracts from De Anima: There seems to be no case in which the soul can act or be acted upon without involving a body. (I, 403a) jahnn's material philosophy is discussed at length in the chapter "Motives, Myth, and Materialism." 114 The thinking part of the soul must be . . . capable of receiving the form of an object. (Ill, 429a) It was a good idea to call the soul "the place of forms." (III, 429a) The following passages may also be related: Die Seele— Absud einer guten Ern&hrung. (EVA 61) The nutritive soul. . . . is the most primitive and widely distributed power of soul. (II, 415a) [Die Seele] der Hauch Gottes in uns. (EVA 61) Diogenes (and others) held the soul to be air . . . Heraclitus too says that the first principle— the "warm exhalation" of which, according to him, everything else is composed— is soul. (I, 405a) Although it seems clear that Jahnn was familiar with Aris- 134 totle's De Anima and that some Aristotelian ideas found their way into Perrudja. one cannot accord Aristotle any great importance as a source work. Of all the sources for "Sassanidischer Konig," Aristotle was of least consequence in the creation of the text, and one could well imagine that Jahnn did not even have De Anima at hand when he wrote the opening section of the chapter (no more than did Joyce in creating his comparable passages in Ulysses). Regarding the question of Joycean influence, it seems most likely that in ^■^And probably other works, in view of the affinity of Jahnn1s thinking to Aristotle 1s. 115 the "Form der Formen" passage we behold a unique example of coincidental selection by two great novelists of the twen tieth century. Arthur Unqnad Unlike most writers, Hans Henny Jahnn was never greatly concerned with contemporary literature. His library con tains no large collection of modern belles lettres, the number of recent works mentioned in his writing is small, and smaller still is the number of his published book re- 135 views. The few representatives of modern European lit erature whom Jahnn did read and admire become thereby all the more important: names such as Klopstock, Lessing, Buchner, Kafka, Brecht, Doblin, Seghers, H. Lange, Joyce, J. C. Powys, Bernanos, Duun, Hamsun. Yet, important as they are, it would be misleading to assume that such names define Jahnn's literary taste. Jahnn's nature was too supra- European to allow a commitment to "Western" literature alone, too timeless to be involved in fashions of the day. Considering his basic distrust of modern civilization and his deep involvement with archaic culture, it is not 135Ninej to be exact— four of which concern non- fictional works. 116 surprising to learn that Jahnn1s greatest love in literature 136 was the poetry of ancient times. The earliest literary monuments, particularly the hymns of ancient Egypt, the myths of Babylonia and Assyria, and the Old Testament, were to Jahnn the purest essence of man's literary expression— unencumbered by convention, still rooted in a unity of life and religion and expressed in a language whose symbolic power had not been misused and lost. About these ancient texts Jahnn wrote: Es ist erkennbar geworden, dafl die ausdruckvollsten Uraussagen in geschichtlich fruhen Zeiten anzutreffen sind. Das Anheben fast jeder menschlichen Kultur ist voll dichterischer Weisheit, Kiihnheit, und unerbitt- lichkeit.137 Die friihesten Dichtungen der Menschheit sind ihre ver- lafilichsten. Sie sind noch Schopfungsmaterie, die sich wie ein Kristall bildet oder wie eine Wo Ike. Geist von uniiberbietbarer Zuverlassigkeit. 1 36 It should be noted that all of the literary sources for the chapter "Sassanidischer Konig," with the single ex ception of Sigurd Mathiesen's story, are texts of an "ar chaic" nature. Even Mathiesen's example is hardly "modern" in any important sense. As has been shown, the influence of James Joyce is doubtful. 1 37 "Vereinsamung der Dichtung," in Muschg, Auswahl. p. 567. ^3^Klopstocks 150. Todestaq am 14. Marz 195 3, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, Abhandlungen der Klasse der Literatur, Jg. 1953, Nr. 1 (Wiesbaden, 1953), p. 19. 117 Of all the ancient texts Jahnn valued the epic of Gilgamesh most highly. This work had a unique significance in Jahnn's personal world and its influence can be found throughout his 139 writing. First mention of the epic occurs in the novel- fragment Uqrino und inqrabanien where Jahnn quoted a lament of Gilgamesh (tenth tablet) which was to reappear several times in later works. The text of this quotation was clearly a literal borrowing from the Gilgamesh translation of Arthur Ungnad appearing in the book Die Religion der 140 . . . Babylonier und Assyrer. Besides the Gilgamesh epic this work contains numerous other mythical and religious texts translated from the cuneiform monuments of the ancient Near 1 Especially in Die Niederschrift des Gustav Anias Horn. The epic (originally Sumerian, c. 2400 B.C.) is possibly the oldest preserved literary work of mankind. In the relationship of the two main characters, Gilgamesh and Enkidu, Jahnn saw the archetype of his own friendship with Gottlieb Harms. Cf. Hans Wolffheim in his Hans Henny Jahnn. Der Tragiker der Schopfung (Frankfurt a.M. [1966]), p. 20: "Das Werk von Hans Henny Jahnn hat sein Grundmuster vom al- testen mythologischen Menschheitsepos, dem Gilgamesch-Epos empfangen." 140^6 fragment Uqrino und Inqrabanien was originally thought to have been completed in 1917. It is now clear, however, that at least the Gilgamesh quotation (and thus the surrounding last chapter) was not written before the publi cation of Ungnad*s book. Uqrino und Inqrabanien has been recently published (along with the later novel fragments Perrudja II and Jeden ereilt es) by the Heine Verlag in Frankfurt am Main. 118 East: legends, prayers, hymns, elegies, rituals, charms, omens. These, too, have an important place in Jahnn's work. Indeed, Ungnad's book (a copy of which is found in the Born holm library) reveals itself to be one of the most important sources of influence and borrowing in all of Jahnn's writ ing. Certainly, whereas the Gilgamesh epic alone deserves 141 a separate study of its relevance to Jahnn's work, the entire contents of Ungnad's book might well be investigated as the source of considerable stylistic influence. The great significance of the Ungnad translation has not hitherto been recognized by students of Jahnn's work. Thus, before turning to the specific case of Perrudja, I believe it necessary to enumerate some of the more important influences which the Babylonian texts have had on Jahnn's entire output. 1. All the quotations from the Gilgamesh epic (in Ucrrino und Ingrabanien. Perrudja, FluB ohne Ufer. and es says) are taken from Ungnad's translation. This loyalty to a single translation (considering that several others were available) attests to Jahnn's esteem of the Ungnad book. 141 As is evidenced by the forthcoming dissertation of August Stengel (UniversitMt Munster): "Wirkungen des Gilgamesch-Epos auf Hans Henny Jahnn." 119 2. A Babylonian prayer to the moon-god Nannar (Ungnad, pp. 165-167, "Herr, Herrscher der Gotter," etc.) is quoted 142 almost verbatim in Medea (1926), and again as late as 1953 in the essays "Vereinsamung der Dichtung" and Klop- stocks 150. Todestag am 14. MSrz 195 3. 3. The Babylonian poem of creation (Ungnad, pp. 25ff., "Es wuchsen die Zeiten und wurden lang," etc.) has inspired passages in Perrudja (EVA 164/13-14 and 380/5), in the pan- 143 tomime "Der Raub der Europa, " in Neuer Liibecker Toten- 144 tanz, and in the essays "Der Dichter und die religiose 145 Lage der Gegenwart" "Die Aufgabe des Dichters in dieser 146 Zeit," and Klopstocks 150. Todestag am 14. MSrz 195 3. 4. A section on Babylonian omens and augury (Ungnad, ^42Jahnn, Dramen I, ed. Walter Muschg (Frankfurt a.M. [1963], pp. 603-604. - * - 43pas Mondhaus zu Bimbelim. Almanach, ed. Ludwig Beil (Hamburg, 1928), pp. 5-11. The poem "Gott und Gottin" (cf. Appendix D), which was inspired by the creation poem, is also the source of the last four lines of "Sassanidischer Konig." 144jahnn, Dramen II. ed. Walter Muschg (Frankfurt a.M. [1965]), p. 128. ■^^Aufzeichnuncren ejnes Einzelgangers, ed. Rolf Itali- aander (Miinchen [1959]), pp. 111-132. l4^In Muschg, Auswahl, pp. 266-275. 120 pp. 312-337) was the inspiration for EVA 69 in Perrudja and the source of a long borrowed passage in Flufl ohne Ufer (Niederschrift I, 335-338). In "Sassanidischer Konig" (as well as the rest of Per rudja) the influence of Ungnad's book is relatively minor. Only two passages can be conclusively traced to specific Babylonian texts in Ungnad: the reference to birth omens on EVA 69 and the Gilgamesh texts to the music on EVA 88 and 147 89. Since both the passages in question were added to the chapter after completion of the first draft, each will be considered as a separate constructional element. The first passage (which I shall refer to as the "birth-omen passage") found on EVA 69/7-38 is a fantasy excursion dealing with monstrous births. It consists of an introductory paragraph concerned with the rational (Baby- 148 Ionian casuistic literature) and irrational basis for belief in the creation of hybrid monsters, a group of six 147 Another reference to Babylonia (also lacking in the first draft) is found on EVA 66/17: "Palast von Babylon." Also, the name "Labartu" occurs several times in Ungnad's texts. 148«jihe reference to: "Kreuz der vier Richtungen, die da heiSen: positiv, negativ, rational, irrational," etc., is developed from a similar passage in the first draft (B/715-716). 121 short transitional sentences, and a lengthy catalog of birth defects: children with deformed or animal-like features. The entire passage seems to have been written shortly after completion of the first draft. Considerable similarities to the essay "Die Familie der Hippokampen" (discussed in the following section) suggest an approximately simultaneous composition of the two, i.e., during December, 1927 or January, 1928 just before publication of the essay. The initial inspiration for the passage was not neces sarily Ungnad alone. Although the exact sequence of influ ence cannot be established, the original nucleus of the birth-omen passage, or the references to mythical animals and perhaps even of the essay "Die Familie der Hippokampen" appears to have been the "Rakhsh" passage in Herzfeld's Am Tor von Asien. The similes in the description of the stal lion Rakhsh (EVA 68/7-12, "Ein Elefant an Kraft, ein Kamel an Wuchs," etc.) inspired in the first draft a short di gression on mythical animals. ("Welche Nahrung waren diese Vergleiche fur seine Vorstellungskraft," B/139-159.) This section deals, in its original version, only with artistic motifs: the composite creatures depicted on woven silks which were mentioned in Herzfeld's book. Only later did associations with the birth of such fanciful creatures arise 122 in Jahnn's imagination, associations which were probably inspired by the Babylonian birth omens found in Ungnad's collection. This undoubtedly led to: (1) insertion of references to the "birth" of the mythical creatures in the 149 East (EVA 68/39, 69/l), (2) the composition of the birth- omen passage (EVA 69), and (3) the writing of the "Hippo- 150 kampen" essay. The source of the birth-omen passage is a group of Babylonian texts concerned with augury and divination found in Ungnad, pp. 312-327, specifically the segment entitled "Omina auf Grund von Geburten" (pp. 325-327). Of the many prophetic abnormal births mentioned in the omens, the fol lowing are typical: Gebiert eine Frau ein Kind, das ein Lowenkopf hat, so wird ein starker Konig im Lande walten. (p. 326/16) Originally (B/156-158): "Die Menschen ahnten ihr Koiranen, denn fleiBige Seidenweber hatten ihre Gestalt schon auf die Tiicher gebannt." This was changed to: "die Men schen ahnten ihr Kommen, weil sie den Samen, der sie er- zeugt, geahnt, Wollust und Schmerz eines Beischlafs, die manchen unter ihnen nicht erspart geblieben waren. Fleiflige Seidenweber ..." etc. (EVA 68/38-69/2). Thus the motive of procreation and birth is introduced. The appearance of hybrid creatures in the East is no longer merely the result of artistic influence (as in Herzfeld) but also a genetic process. * 1 Cf) The influence of Gottlieb Spitzel is also relevant here. See the next section. 123 Gebiert eine Frau ein Kind, das einen Vogelkopf hat, so wird das betreffende Land zugrunde gehen. (p. 326/18) Gebiert eine Frau ein Kind, das zwei Kopfe, zwei Munder, zwei Riickgrate, vier H&nde und vier Fiifie hat, so bedeu- tet es Zerstorung des Landes. (p. 326/19) Gebiert eine Frau einen D&mon mit menschlichen Glied- mafien, so wird der Konig und seine Familie zugrunde gehen. (p. 327/22) Gebiert eine Frau ein Schwein, so wird ein Weib sich des Thrones bemachtigen. (p. 327/24) Gebiert eine Konigin ein Kind, das sechs Finger an seiner rechten Hand hat, so wird den Konig der Feind gefangen fiihren. (p. 327/31) A key word for the development of Jahnn's birth-omen passage is contained in the first draft (B/161): "Jahr- tausendelang." Its context was developed in the final text into a statement which provides the one convincing clue to the source of the entire birth-omen passage (the underlined portion is not present in the first draft): Schwer nur loste Perrudja sich aus der Umklammerung jener Wirklichkeit, die jahrtausendelang fur jedermann giiltig gewesen, und die im Rationalen unterbaut war durch die beispiellos qroBe kasuistische Literatur der Geburtsomina in Alt-Babylon; . . . (EVA 69) We find a surprisingly similar passage in "Die Familie der Hippokampen" (p. 13) which testifies to the close relation ship existing between the essay and the birth-omen passage. Note the recurrence of the word "Jahrtausende," which links 124 both passages to the first draft: "aus der ungeheuren sich iiber zwei Jahrtausende erstreckenden kasuistischen Literatur 151 der Babylonier." Even more surprising is the following passage, written years later, which provides convincing proof that the concepts involved are derived from Ungnad: Jahrtausende lang hat die Menschheit die Wissenschaft der Omina betrieben. Die Babylonier haben ein unfaBbar grofles Archiv der Kasuistik zusammengetragen. This passage is found in the novel FluB ohne Ufer (Part II, Vol. I, 335) and was written sometime between the years 19 35 and 1939. The relationship to Ungnad is irrefutable here, since the above lines are followed (pp. 335-338) by an ex tensive borrowing from the omen translations on pp. 312-327 of Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer. The catalog-like enumeration of strange births in the Babylonian omens is the obvious source of Jahnn's own cata log, which comprises the major portion of the birth-omen passage (EVA 69/21-38). This catalog, one of many in Per- rudja and the lengthiest example in "Sassanidischer Ko- 152 nig," is more, however, than a mere borrowing from 1C] This helps prove the fictitiousness of "Thomas von Ramsgate." See the next section. l52See "Style: Modes and Metaphor." 125 Ungnad. Jahnn has conjured up a frightening fantasy of birth defects, only part of which is inspired directly by the Babylonian omens; for example: "Menschenleiber mit Tierkopfen. Vierbeinig, zweibeinig. Tauben. Adler. . . . Schweine . . . Lowen," etc. As in all the lengthy catalogs of "things" in Perrudja, this inventory of deformities is a concrete confirmation of the real world— a revelling in existence. Here Jahnn has created his own "birth omens" as testimony to the astounding variations of the living flesh. Two separate portions of the Gilgamesh epic are set to music on EVA 88 and 89. Both pieces are duets for voice composed by Jahnn himself. The first is an imperfect 15 3 / Cf. EVA 89/1: "der Zwiesang, e m Mann und e m Knabe." In the Muschg conversations (p. 91) Jahnn reports: "Die Musik in Perrudja II S. 244/5 ist aus meiner Gilga- mesch-Komposition (Gesang)." "Perrudja II" refers to vol. 2 of the first edition and the pages cited correspond to EVA 504 and 505. The music on these pages ("Der Gesang der gelben Blume") is for three voices and has no text. It, as well as the duets on EVA 88, 89, and 552 (which are much more clearly "Gilgamesh compositions"), are probably part of the same musical work. Or it may be that Jahnn was refer ring to the duets alone as "meine Gilgamesch-Komposition" and that editor Muschg supplied the wrong page references. Norbert Virgens gives the following report concerning Gilga mesh music he found while examining Jahnn's "musikalischer NachlaB": "[Es] existieren die zweistimmige Vertonung der 11. Tafel [actually, twelfth tablet] des Gilgamesch-Epos (N. II. 686ff., auch in 'Perrudja1 abgedruckt) sowie eine fragmentarische Vokalfassung der 1. Tafel. . . . Dariiber hinaus liegen von weiteren Tafeln ebenfalls fragmentarische 126 canon (or bicinium) in d minor using the text: "Die da ruht, die da ruht, die Mutter Ninazus." This line is taken from the twelfth (and last) tablet of the epic (Ungnad, p. 115/29 and 115/52) which describes the attempted journey of Gilgamesh to the underworld and his conversation with the spirit of Enkidu. Although some disagreement exists as to the interpretation of the twelfth tablet, it is safest to restrict our discussion to the interpretation provided by 154 the Ungnad translation. The words of the first duet are (presumably) spoken by an unidentified deity who informs Gilgamesh about the underworId. "The mother of Ninazu, (she) who rests there" is the goddess of the dead. This fact adds to the associations of tragedy and death which both duets introduce into the narrative of Khosro's dreams Vertonungen vor." ("Die musikalischen Komponente innerhalb der 'Niederschrift' Hans Henny Jahnns," unpub. seminar paper prepared for Professor Hans Wolffheim's "Hauptseminar Hans Henny Jahnn," Universitat Hamburg, Wintersemester 1965/66, p. 23.) l^All "readable" translations of Gilgamesh are inter pretations, since they must provide completions for many lost or illegible portions of the text. This is especially true of the twelfth tablet. 155"Giigamesch . . . erhalt von einer Gottheit Ver- haltungsmaSregeln" (Ungnad, p. 114). 127 156 and sensual pleasures. A possible erotic connotation (related to the surrounding, highly erotic context) may also be found in the reference to the mother of Ninazu. In Ung nad's text, the following two lines comprise the complete reference to the goddess (p. 115/29-30): Die da ruht, die da ruht, die Mutter Ninazus, die da ruht, Deren reine Hiiften mit einem Gewande nicht bedeckt sind. Another parallel between the Jahnn and Ungnad texts is a repetition of the line "Die da ruht," etc. within the text (Ungnad, p. 115, lines 29 and 52). In the same way, the words of the first duet are repeated as a kind of after-echo in the text following the musical sections (EVA 90/8) . This "echo" was inserted between two previously connected sen tences in the first draft (B/589-590). The second duet in f minor is also a bicinium with much less canonic imitation than the first. The text, a dialogue between Gilgamesh and the spirit of Enkidu, is also taken from the twelfth tablet of the epic. Ungnad's complete text of the dialogue reads as follows (pp. 117-118, lines 92- 104) : 156 See "Motives, Myth, and Materialism" for a further discussion of the function of the duets within the narrative. 128 "Sag1 an, mein Freund, sag an, mein Freund, Die Ordnung der Unterwelt, die du schautest, sag' an!" "Ich will es dir nicht sagen, mein Freund, ich will es dir nicht sagenj Wenn ich die Ordnung der Unterwelt, die ich schaute, dir sagte, MiiBtest du dich den ganzen Tag hinsetzen und weinen!" "So will ich mich den ganzen Tag hinsetzen und weinen!" "Siehe den Leib, den du anfaBtest, daB dein Herz sich freute, Den friBt das Gewiirm, wie ein altes Kleid! Mein Leib, den du anfaBtest, daB dein Herz sich freute, 1st dahingeschwunden, ist voll von Staub! In Staub ist er niedergekauert, In Staub ist er niedergekauert!" This deeply tragic and pessimistic passage is clearly in dicative of the element of doom which the music injects into the Khosro narrative. Jahnn attached a profound signifi cance to these lines, as is evidenced by the fact that the entire duet was used again in Perrudja as well as in a later work. On EVA 552 we find the duet functioning as a kind of other-dimensional illumination of a text spoken by Hein containing themes of homosexuality and death. And toward the end of Die Niederschrift des Gustav Anias Horn (II, 686-689, written c. 1940) the duet is reprinted (without change, except for a larger format) as part of Gustav Anias Horn's Gilgamesh composition. The deep significance of the text is, especially in Flufi ohne Ufer, intimately related to Jahnn's personal world. Jahnn's close friend Gottlieb 129 Harms had died in 1931, thus fulfilling the parallel Jahnn had long before seen between his own life and the Gilgamesh . 157 epic. "Die Familie der Hippokampen1 1 Certain passages in "Sassanidischer Konig" concerned with mythical animals (hippocampi, griffons, Babylonian demon-figures mentioned on EVA 68, 69, and 83) contain numerous facts which suggest a common origin in a specific source-work. As we have seen, many of Jahnn's references to Babylonian mythology were inspired by Arthur Ungnad's Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer. This book alone, however, does not account for several details in the Per rudja text. The demon Labartu, for example (cf. EVA 83), is named in several of Ungnad's translations, yet none of the descriptive details used by Jahnn are to be found. A second Babylonian demon, Pazuzu (cf. EVA 68), is not even mentioned by Ungnad. We must therefore assume that Jahnn 157 In considering the Gilgamesh epic and the duet in particular, four closely related masculine friendships be come apparent: Gilgamesh-Enkidu, Perrudja-Hein, Gustav Horn-Tutein, and Jahnn-Harms. In many ways "Die Nieder- schrift" is a monument to Gottlieb Harms (cf. Gustav Horn) . And the Gilgamesh composition, presented in the "Nieder- schrift" as a lament for Alfred Tutein, had no doubt become a lament for Jahnn's own lost friend. 130 consulted a separate, as yet unidentified source. The probability that, indeed, only one source was involved seems even greater in view of the fact that Jahnn included the very same information on mythical animals (particularly Labartu and Pazuzu) in a separate article written during the winter of 1927-1928. This article is significant not only in regard to Jahnn's source-material, but also in terms of the composition and chronology of "Sassanidischer Konig." In January, 1928 the almanac Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim was published in conjunction with the annual Hamburg ar tists 1 festival. This almanac, which was supposed to re flect the exotic theme of the festival, contained several short contributions by members of the "Hamburger Gruppe" (Hans Leip, Ludwig Beil, Hans Friedrich Blunck, Jahnn, etc.), among these Leip's pantomime "Der Raub der Europa" with verses written by Jahnn (cf. Appendix D) and Jahnn's article on mythical animals, "Die Familie der Hippokampen" (Appendix E). The latter piece has considerable relevance to "Sassanidischer Konig" since it contains passages almost identical to sections of the chapter added after the writing of the first draft. 158 If, as it seems, the article indeed served as a 131 As is indicated in the article's complete title, "Die Familie der Hippokampen. Kurze Anleitung zu ihrer Erken- nung, neu bearbeitet auf Grund alterer Quellen." Jahnn claims to have gathered his information from certain "old 159 sources." These he identified as: (1) "ein Buch liber die medizinischen Erdgeister" written by "der sehr weise Herr Thomas von Ramsgate," and (2) "DE RE LITERARIA SINEN- SIUM KOMMENTARIUS [sic], IN QUO SCRIPTURAE PARITER AC PHILO- SOPHIAE ETC. ETC." by "der gelehrte Doktor Theophili Spi- zelii" (sic). Judging from the character of the "quota tions" from these works Jahnn provides, as well as from the .sometimes flippant tone of the article, one is tempted to suspect that both "sources" are products of Jahnn's imagina tion. Further investigation does indeed reveal that no "Thomas of Ramsgate" ever existed and that the information 160 attributed to him was gathered from modern sources. model for a second draft of the chapter, one can assume that: (1) the first draft was not written later than about December, 1927; (2) a revised second draft was probably written shortly after the article, i.e., about January, 1928. •^^Writing texts based on other texts seems to have been a habit with Jahnn during this period. •^^Ramsgate•s information agrees with the findings of modern scholars. According to Jahnn, however, he lived 132 Surprisingly, however, the Latin work by "Theophili Spi- zelii" not only exists but can even be found in Jahnn's X6 X personal library. The complete title of the book betrays its Baroque origin: Theophili Spizelii de re literaria Sinensium commentarius; in quo scripturae pariter ac philo- sophiae Sinicae specimina exhibentur, et cum aliarum gen tium. praesertim Aegyptorum, Graecorum et Indorum reliquorum 162 literis atgue placitis conferuntur (Lugduni Batavorum, 1660). The work was written by the Augsburg scholar Gott- f lieb Spitzel (16 39-1691) who, under the latinized name Theo- philus Spizelius, wrote several works concerned with the prior to the sixteenth century, since his "book" : "dem Meister Thomas Moore als Anleitung diente." The idea for the fictional Ramsgate was inherited from one of Jahnn's own works, although the original source is unknown. The follow ing passage occurs in the early play Die Kronung Richards III (1917-1920) (Hamburg, 1921), p. 44: Pulter: Einen ahnlichen Fall berichtet auch der beruhmte Thomas von Ramsgate in seinem Buch uber die medi- zinischen Erdgeister. In this case Ramsgate's book is supposed to report, not on mythical animals, but on cannibalism. •*-61it may indeed be the same book as mentioned in the Muschg Gesprache (p. 27): "Ich habe aus der Familienbib- liothek einen Fruhdruck in Kleinformat fur mich gerettet, er behandlet die Symbolik der chinesischen Schrift." The format of Spizelius' book is listed as "duodecimo" in the British Museum catalog. 162Leyden. 133 supernatural. In the "Hippokampen" article Jahnn includes 16 3 two translated excerpts from Spitzel. Jahnn seems to have made no use of either excerpt in "Sassanidischer Ko nig, " with the possible exception of the following sentence: "Die Zeugung dieser Geschopfe kann auf mannigfache Weise geschehen, wiewohl es feststeht, da£ sie ohne Unterschied vom Menschenweibe geboren werden" (p. 12). This reference to the birth of hybrid creatures seems closely related to the so-called "birth-omen catalog" on EVA 69. The long list of birth deformities is introduced and concluded with the words: "Vom Weibe geboren," perhaps revealing the influence of Spitzel's text. The remaining passages in the article which relate to "Sassanidischer Konig" are all attributed to the authorship of the fictional Thomas of Ramsgate. The first such rele vant passage has already been discussed. For reasons of completeness I repeat the phrase here, which relates to a similar passage on EVA 69; "aus der ungeheuren sich uber zwei Jahrtausende erstreckenden kasuistischen Literatur der JIt is unlikely that Jahnn made the translation him self. He was, it appears, not even able to recognize the form "Theophili Spizelii" as a genitive (e.g., "der gelehrte Doktor Theophili Spizelii"). 134 Babylonier." This reference to "Babylonian casuistic liter ature" (which we find repeated in a work as late as Flufl ohne Ufer) seems likely to have originated in the "Hippo kampen" article. It, as well as most other passages to be discussed, relates to material not present in the first draft of "Sassanidischer Konig." One must therefore assume that: 1. The article (written before January, 1927) was based on an already completed second draft of the chapter, or 2. The second draft was based, in part, on the ar ticle. Since, as we have seen, the first draft was appar ently written about November-December, 1927, it seems un likely that a second draft was made so soon thereafter that it could have served as a model for the "Hippokampen" ar ticle. Let us therefore assume the second possibility to be the more likely in considering the following passages. * - The most important relationship between the article and the chapter concerns the Babylonian demon-figure Labartu described in detail on EVA 83: Wie die Labartu, die Pestgottin, die benachbart dem heiligen Kreuz gefangen gehalten wurde. Sie war alt, sehr alt und mMchtiger als das Kreuz. Aus Babylon oder Ninive war sie gekommen. Lowenkopfig mit spitzen Eselsohren. Weib, Briiste vom Weib, Weib, 135 das geboren hat und ein Schwein und einen Wolf saugt. In den Handen Schlangen; aus ihrem SchoBe wachsen Adler- beine, mit denen sie auf einem Esel hockt; ihr Buhle bei ihr, der sich in ein Schiff gelagert, das dieses Liebespaar durch die Flusse fahrt; das mit seiner Fruchtbarkeit Eiter sat. In "Die Familie der Hippokampen" Jahnn (in the guise of "Thomas of Ramsgate") gives a very similar account of the demon (pp. 15-16): Die Labartu, Pestgottin, die, soviel bekannt wurde, im Jahre des Heils 614 durch Khosro II., sassanidischem fsic] Konig, im Staatsgefangnis zu Ktesiphon gefangen- gesetzt wurde, die Eselsgeliebte, lowenkopfig mit spit- zen Maultierohren, Briiste vom Weib, an denen Schwein und Wolf saugen; in den Handen halt sie Schlangen, aus ihrem SchoBe wachsen Adlerbeine. Mit ihrem Geliebten dem Esel, fahrt sie in einem Kahn, in den stillen Buch- ten der Flusse, Lotosblumen schwimmen, Fieber kocht aus dem Sumpf— ihr Werk,— A nearly identical description can be found in the article "Die liebenswurdige Leidenschaft" (Appendix C). This ver sion was almost certainly written after the first draft, at about the same time as the "Hippokampen" article: Aus den Ruinen Babylons hatte man die Labartu, die Pest gottin in seine Gewalt gegeben. Sie war alt, sehr alt, machtiger als das Kreuz nach dem Vermeinen Khosros. Lowenhauptig, mit spitzen Eselsohren, Korper eines Weibes, das an seinen Briisten ein Schwein und einen Wolf saugt. In den Handen halt sie Schlangen, Greifsklauen an ihren FxiBen. So hockt sie auf einem Maultier. Auch diese entsetzenerregende Gottheit der Unterwelt kam ins Staats gef angnis. (pp. 13-14) The description of Labartu given in "Die Familie der 136 Hippokampen" seems, on the surface, to be patterned after the text of the first draft (B/380-390) where the demon is described in nearly identical terms. Detail differences, however, reveal a clear relationship to the chapter's final text: 1. The expression "Jahr des Heils" appears only in the published version. 2. The word "lowenkopfig" is used in the article and in the final text. In the first draft: "Lowenkopf" (b/ 383). 3. The reference to "stille Buchten" resembles the following passage present only in the final text (EVA 84/7-8): "Kein Geruch in den stillen Buchten der Wasser." 4. The phrase "Fieber kocht aus dem Sumpf" resembles the following passage present only in the final text (EVA 84/1-2): "sonst kocht die Sonne daraus Eselssamen der Labartu." A second Babylonian demon described in the article is the storm demon Pazuzu, mentioned as follows in "Sassani discher Konig": "Pazuzu, vierbeschwingter Mensch mit Hor- nern an der Stirn, Siidoststurm, die Stimme der Schweig- samen." To this reference (found only in the final text) compare the following description in "Die Familie der 137 Hippokampen" (p. 16): . . . der Siidsturm Pazuzu, ihr [Labartu’s] Verwandter, Krankheitsbringer, vierf liigelig, iiberwiegend menschlich, doch mit fratzenhaftem Hundskopf mit langen Hornern, Lowenvordertatzen, Adlerhinterbeinen, Skorpionsschwanz. As stated previously, Jahnn's actual source of information 164 regarding Labartu and Pazuzu could not be determined. Whatever book Jahnn may have used, however, is of minor im portance, since the ultimate source of his information can be identified with some certainty. Jahnn's description of the appearance of the demons at once suggests that his knowledge was based on a graphic portrayal. Further evi dence of this is found in the Perrudja text itself, where Jahnn describes the imprisonment of Labartu by Khosro (EVA 83/28-29 and 84/3, emphasis mine): "Grinsend hatte er vor dem Steinwerk gestanden . . "Dann wurde der Stein in die Grotte des Gefangnisses versenkt." This is the only indi cation given the reader that Labartu is actually a stone 165 image and not a surrealistic figure in the Khosro legend. 1 64 Jahnn's only other mention of either demon is of little help in tracing his source. In the article Klop- stocks 150. Todestag am 14. MSrz 1953 he quotes a Babylon ian text concerning Pazuzu (not from Ungnad) (p. 19). 165a kind of mythical surrealism is achieved, however, and, I believe, intended. A first reading of the text 138 Stone images of Labartu do, indeed, exist. In fact, without the graphic representations of both Pazuzu and Labartu on Babylonian reliefs, nothing would be known of their appear ance. Jahnn's specific source of information about the demons seems, however, to be traceable to a single bronze tablet which contains not only the Clearest depiction of Labartu in existence, but. also a portrayal of Pazuzu— the only tablet known on which both figures exist side-by-side. This tablet, located in the de Clercq collection in Paris, depicts Labartu in exactly the same way as described by Jahnn on EVA 83. Morris Jastrow gives the following de scription of a photograph (Plate 25) depicting the bronze tablet: In the centre is the demon Labartu holding a serpent in each hand, a swine at each breast,-*-6^ and resting with one knee on an ass— the symbol of Labartu. The ass is lying on a ship, the water being indicated by swimming fishes .^7 leaves a definite impression of Labartu's "reality." Jahnn himself may have forgotten that the demon was actually made of stone when he writes (EVA 9 3) "Er wurde . . . gezwungen, den Hauch aus dem Munde der Labartu . . . zu atmen." More likely, the ambivalence was intentional. 166 According to other authorities, a swine and a dog or a swine and a wolf. •^^Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Baby lonia and Assyria' (New York, 1911), p. 309. 139 Other scholarly works provide much more detailed interpre tations of the tablet. Among the most important of these is Karl Frank's book Babylonische Beschworungsreliefs (Leipzig, 1908), in which the tablet is described in terms which agree almost exactly with Jahnn's description of Labartu. Most importantly, Frank identifies a figure directly to the left of Labartu as Pazuzu, the demon of the southern storm wind. (It is apparently this figure of Pazuzu which Jahnn de scribes on p. 16 of the "Hippokampen" article.) Neverthe less, aside from superficial similarities, there is no evi dence to suggest that Jahnn consulted Frank's book. The final passage of interest in "Die Familie der Hippokampen" describes the "road to China" which we have already encountered in the discussion of the Herzfeld bor rowings : Es ist berichtet worden, daB bei dem FluB Qarazu nahe dem Taq i Bustan, eine StraBe beginnt, die iiber die Passe bei Kabul durchs Gebirg in die Wusten Asiens fiihrt, die noch heute von den Fabeltieren benutzt wird, und der Vogel Greif briitet seine Eier in den chinesi- schen Wusten aus Quarz und Korunth, in denen taubenei- groBe Saphire liegen wie Kiesel. (p. 16) The aforementioned relationship to Herzfeld is plainly evi dent (Qarasu, Taq i Bustan, etc.). The passage seems, how ever, not to be a direct adaptation from Am Tor von Asien, 140 but is based on the following passage in the first draft (B/143-149): Durch Wusten, an den Quellenf liissen entlang uber Passe aber zwangte sich ein Weg, den Menschen gebahnt. Des Nachts aber, wenn er leer wanderten Fabeltiere den wei- ten Weg nach China, das unermeBlich im Osten lag. Halb Pferd, halb Tiger, der groBe Vogel Greif, das Geschlecht der Hippokampen, 8 zogen die StraBe, . . . Once again, however, Jahnn appears to have used details from the article in creating a revised version of the text. Thus the reference to "Korunth" must have inspired the addition "schwarze korunde Wuste" (EVA 68/20). Interestingly enough, other passages of similar content can be found outside "Sassanidischer Konig," namely in subchapter V. In the section devoted to Perrudja's fantasy excursion on geography 169 (EVA 48ff.), a section filled with "montaged" additions, the following passages show a clear relationship to the "Hippokampen" article and to "Sassanidischer Konig": 1 Here we have the obvious source for the title of the article. -1-69subchapter V, as the first section of Perrudja to be constructed of many contrasting elements, is formally a small preview of "Sassanidischer Konig." The first draft of the section comprises only a small part of its final text. Most of the additions (catalogs, etc.) were probably written during the same period as "Sassanidischer Konig." The soup catalog on EVA 51 is known to have been written in December, 1927 . 141 Das ist Persien. . . . Land, das ich nicht kenne. Schwarze Wiiste . (EVA 48-49) Unbekanntes China. Dort lebt noch der Vogel Greif. Edelsteine aus unbekanntem Stoff. GroB wie StrauBen- eier. (EVA 49) Er sah Ebenen, grobsandig, rot, blau, Kristalle undurch- sichtigen Korunds. (EVA 49) China. Wusten aus Quarz und Korund. Hippokampen brii- ten ihre saphirblauen Eier. (EVA 51) The Arabian Nights Among the most notable formal characteristics of Per- rudja are the digressions into storytelling which occur so 171 frequently throughout the novel. These stories, whether products of Perrudja's reading (as the slave's tale), of his memory (as the Haakon episode), or of his own narration (as "Ragna and Nils") have a proverbial, legendary quality which leads one to think of the great story collections of the past: from Boccaccio to Chaucer to the brothers Grimm. This cyclic-narrative quality of the novel was noted by 172 Klaus Mann m his excellent review of Perrudia. Mann saw l^^If written after "Sassanidischer Konig," this may mean "Land, das ich noch nicht kenne." 17lThe "riihrseligen Erzahlungen und alltaglichen Mar- chen" mentioned in Jahnn's introduction, EVA 10. 172First published in the Neue Freie Presse of Vienna, 142 the habit of storytelling as one of the many oriental quali ties of the novel., and was led to draw a comparison with the most famous collection of tales from the Orient: "man denkt an Tausendundeine Nacht, so unersattlich verschranken sich 17 3 die Geschichten ineinander." Jahnn himself mentions the "Tales of the Arabian Nights" only once with reference to Perrudja. In the arti- 174 cle "Die liebenswiirdige Leidenschaft" he mentions the treasures of precious metals and gems owned by Khosro Par- 175 vez. In discussing the "crown wxth the three largest 176 jewels in the world," he writes: Es sind’offenbar die gleichen Steine, von denen im Buch der ErzMhlungen der 1001 N&chte in der Geschichte des Konigs 'Omar ibn en-Nu'-man und seiner Sohne Scharkan und Dau-el-Makan berichtet wird. Sie waren "grofl wie StrauBeneier, aus feinstem reinen und weiBen Edelge- stein, dergleichen sonst nie gefunden wird." Auf jedem war eine geheimnisvolle Inschrift eingegraben, die der Schlussel zu nutzbringenden Kraften war, die ihnen August 3, 1930. ■'■^"Der Roman der dritten Generation. 'Perrudja' von Hans Henny Jahnn," p. 693. •^4gee Appendix C . l^5Taken from Herzfeld, pp. 84-85, with some elabora tion . ■^^In Herzfeld and the first draft, simply "Die Krone mit den groBten Juwelen." 143 innewohnten. Einem neugeborenen Kinde, dem man eins der Juwelen umhangte, konnte kein Ubel zustoBen. Die drei Steine waren wahrscheinlich durch Alexander den GroBen aus Indien mitgebracht worden. In Perrudja itself (EVA 84) we find the following passage within the list of Khosro's treasures: 3. Die Krone mit den drei groBten Juwelen der Welt, die einst Alexanders Hengst Bukephalos aus dem Sand Indiens hervorgescharrt,von denen spater die Araber erzahlten; groB wie StrauBeneier, aus feinstem und reinem Edelgestein, dergleichen sonst nie gefunden wird. Geheimnisvolle Inschriften in griechischen Zeichen, die der Schlussel zu nutzbringenden KrSften waren, steiger- ten der Steine Wert iiber den jedes Dinghaften hinaus. Jahnn's source for this information was indeed the "Arabian 178 Nights." In Richard F. Burton's literal English trans- 179 lation we read: 1 77 This is a motif found m folk mythology. Also com pare the previous reference to Bucephalos on EVA 67/39- 68/3. This mention of the stones as well as the one on EVA 84 postdate the first draft, which thus predates "Die lie- benswiirdige Leidenschaft." A third reference is to be found as early as EVA 49: "Edelsteine aus unbekanntem Stoff. GroB wie StrauBeneier." l^®He probably consulted one of the following transla tions: Tausendundeine Nacht. trans. Gustav Weil, ed. Lud wig Fulda (Berlin, 1923), or Tausendundeine Nacht. trans. Max Henning, 8 vols. (Leipzig, 1924). 179"The Tale of King Omar bin al-Nu'-uman and His Sons Sharrkan and Zau al-Makan," The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night (n.p., 1885-1886), II, 82. 144 One of the kings of the Arabs in past times, during certain of his conquests, chanced upon a hoard of the time of Alexander, whence he removed wealth past com pute] and amongst other things, three round jewels, big as ostrich-eggs, from a mine of pure white gems whose like was never seen by man. Upon each were graven caracts in Ionian characters, and they have many virtues and properties, amongst the rest that if one of these jewels be hung around the neck of a new-born child, no evil shall befal him and he shall neither wail, nor shall fever ail him as long as the jewel remain without fail.1^0 There is nothing in this tale to relate the gems to king Khosro of Persia, although he is mentioned incidentally here as well as elsewhere in the Nights. Jahnn is no doubt 181 responsible for placing the stones in Khosro's treasury. 180 owJahnn’s general interest in jewels and their magical properties (cf. Signe's "Wunschring," EVA 151) must have attracted him to this passage. •*-®-*-An unexpected relationship between Khosro and the stones is revealed in a passage on EVA 88: "Fugt er drei Kugelchen hinzu, das Symbol des Tchintamani, will er sich tiefer erinnern, nicht nur tasten." The enigmatic name "Tchintamani" turns out, quite surprisingly, to be a pho netic rendering of the Sanskrit word cintamapi. The two elements comprising this word are: f*ur (cinta) thought, care, anxiety, and (mani) jewel or gem. The com pound cintamani designates a legendary "thought gem," which is defined as "a fabulous gem supposed to yield its posses sor all desires." (Quoted from Sir Monier Monier-Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary [Oxford, 1899], p. 398.) Thus the "drei Kugelchen" must refer to the gems mentioned in the Arabian Nights. These also possess magic powers and were supposedly (according to Jahnn) "durch Alexander den Groflen aus Indien mitgebracht worden." Apparently Jahnn seeks to achieve absolute psychological realism by using the name 145 Also, there is nothing else in the tale which can be con- 182 sidered a specific source for Perrudia. The general atmosphere of this tale and the others in the Nights (sen suous splendor, cruelty, suffering, erotic pathos) does, however, harmonize extremely well with that of "Sassanidi- scher Konig" and many other episodes. Most of the tales (which few people know in their original form) are anything but children's stories and bear considerable affinity to Jahnn*s world of thought. It is thus not surprising that he was attracted to them. Several bits of evidence in the novel point to the fact that Jahnn was more than once in spired by the tales. The clearest proof of this kind is to be found in the "slave's tale" which begins in "Tchintamani." In quoting Khosro's thoughts Jahnn uses the term which Khosro himself probably would have used for the stones— a name brought with the stones from India. This type of authenticity could only have satisfied Jahnn him self, for the word must remain a mystery to the reader, a mystery intentionally included to heighten the ecstatic "verbal magic" of this visionary passage. Where Jahnn dis covered the word has not been determined, but it may well have been cited in a footnote to his edition of the Arabian Nights. Regarding Jahnn's fascination for precious stones, see the chapter "Motives, Myth, and Materialism." jJq iearn (Burton, p. 2 34) that saffron was con sidered a powerful aphrodisiac in the East. This adds an interesting dimension to the recurring motives of saffron and the color yellow. 146 "Sassanidischer Konig," continues in "Die anderen Tiere," and concludes in "Die Edelimitigen oder die Geschichte des Sklavens." Almost everything about this tale suggests the Arabian Nights. The following are the most important points of similarity: 1. The relationship of narrator (slave-Shahrazad) to listener (master-King Shahryar). 2. The antique, elevated language, e.g.: "Verwundert Euch deshalb nicht, o Herr, wenn Ihr wahr- nehmt, daB ich trotz des tSglichen Brotes so vielen Ungliicks, . . . sofern Euer Ohr meiner Rede geduldig, es nicht verlernt habe, zu lacheln." (EVA 73) The expression "o Herr" resembles a formula used continually 183 by Shahrazad. 3. Verses interspersed throughout the text, an unmis takable characteristic of the Nights; e.g.: Es paBte auf mich das Wort des Dichters : Es gibt eine Lotosblume, die auf dem Teiche schwimmt. — Doch auch ein anderer Vers war nicht im Widerspruch zu mir: Wenn der Mond scheint, schleicht die Tigerin uber die Felder. Ihr Fell ist gestreift mit den Flammen des Feuers; aber es ist das Schwarz der Nacht hineingewebt. (EVA 119) 1QO It may also be taken from Herodotus. 184The fact that these "verses" are not written in verse seems to reflect the practice of most translators in merely providing a prose paraphrase of the difficult Arabian stanzas. 147 4. Various references to slaves, slave markets, ba zaars, porters, courtesans, Allah, etc., all of which clearly suggest the Nights. 5. Themes of loyalty, jealousy, sexuality, mental and physical suffering as well as the subject of a fall from high station into utmost degradation— all are common in the Arabian Nights. Since most of the slave's tale lies beyond the bounds of "Sassanidischer Konig," I shall not discuss it further here. It does, however, show that the Arabian Nights were of some considerable importance to Jahnn in composing the novel. It is not impossible that the whole manner of story telling so characteristic of Perrudja was inspired by the Arabian tales. In any case, these tales are typical of the kind of oriental influence that can be found throughout the novel. They also comprise one of the work's important "source books"— works used by Jahnn in composing his novel 18 5 and reflected on a fictional level in Perrudja's reading. 185perhaps also in Signe's reading! This is implied near the end of the novel (written at nearly the same time as the slave's tale) where we read: "Ragnvald, der in den Buchern Signes gelesen und an ihnen seinen Sprachschatz er- weitert hatte, antwortete mit weicher Formelhaftigkeit: 'Ich hore und gehorche.'" (EVA 623) This formula is used almost to excess in the Nights. CHAPTER III FORM: MODES AND MUSIC "Dieses ungeheuerliche und formlos gewaltige Werk ..." Edgar Lohner^ Judging from the standard critical reaction to his works, it would seem that Hans Henny Jahnn had very little 2 concern for literary form. To most reviewers Jahnn was, at worst, a "confused mind," unprincipled and anti-literary, or at best a kind of biological romantic for whom all form was dissolved into a boundless world-consciousness or a mystical vitalism. Consistently critics have found it all too con venient to identify the form of Jahnn's works with their content. Themes concerned with the physical world and natural processes have implied related principles of form. ^Lohner, p. 331. ^This situation is well illustrated with examples in Wilhelm Emrich's recent study Das Problem der Form in Hans Henny Jahnns Dichtungen (Wiesbaden, 1968), pp. 3-6. 148 149 Thus JaTmn's novels might be termed “organic, " "amorphous," or "monstrous," and their development compared to the growth of "rank vegetation." Most of all, the length of Jahnn's works, his "unplayable" plays and never-ending novels seemed the best proof that Jahnn had no interest in formal matters. This "formless" expansiveness was Jahnn's greatest "defi ciency" and the most important factor barring him from true "greatness." It is not surprising, therefore, that we find the following opinion expressed by a prominent "Formkiinst- ler" of modern prose, Thomas Mann: Wenn Jahnn einen Roman von vierhundert statt von tau- send Seiten schreiben wiirde Oder ein Stiick, das drei Stunden und nicht sechs Stunden dauert, dann ware er vielleicht der unbestritten groBte aller heutigen Schriftsteller. So indessen sprengt er alle Rahmen und darf sich nicht wundern, wenn er platterdings hier und da Schwierigkeiten, ja Widerstand ausgesetzt ist.^ Perhaps the most important factor in Jahnn's reputation for indifference to form is the common critical adherence to a kind of "classical" aesthetic which assumes that "form" implies mechanical order, rigidity, restriction, and a cer tain smallness of scale. In terms of these specifications •^Quoted by Rolf Italiaander in "Freundschaft mit Hans Henny Jahnn," Neue Deutsche Hefte, VII, Heft 80 (March 1961), 1093. 150 Jahnn is* admittedly, no great master of form. (His in ability to adapt himself to the lines, rhymes, and meters of lyric poetry is perhaps the best evidence of this.) Never theless, a thorough understanding of Jahnn*s artistic nature (obviously lacking in most reviewers) reveals that Jahnn was by no means indifferent or hostile to form in literature. On the contrary, his concern for form is all-consuming and at times even obsessive. Yet this form-consciousness is not restricted to literary form alone. Jahnn's concept of form has implications which go far beyond the written word: "Ich habe das innerste Gefiihl, dafi ich zur Baukunst berufen bin— was beudeutet mir daneben schon meine Dichtung, mein 4 Verhaltnis zur Musik." This statement reveals at once the two central concepts essential to Jahnn*s attitude toward form: music and architecture. In recent research the importance of strict musical and architectural forms in Jahnn*s writing has finally been realized. Wilhelm Emrich states a, by now, generally ac cepted fact when he points out dafi Hans Henny Jahnn einen hoch entwickelten Sinn fur strengste architektonische und musikalische Formen hatte ^Muschg, Gesprache, p. 119. 151 und sie auch in seinen dichterischen Werken in Gestalt genau berechneter und durchkonstruierter Proportion realisierte. (p. 6) Jahnn1s affinity to the "art of building" is manifested throughout his life and work: his early theories on build ing, his architectural drawing in search of perfect propor tions, the fantastic temple plans of Ugrino, and finally his career of organ-building. As an organ-builder Jahnn com bined his two great loves, architecture and music. Indeed, music to him was architecture: architecture in time; and his interest was devoted solely to the sober, solidly built structures of strict polyphony. This music was a kind of cosmic architecture that transcended everything merely hu man. For Jahnn there was no place for emotionalism in music; Beethoven held no attraction for him and Wagner was an anathema. Only the cool constructivism of contrapuntal music with its inevitable laws held fascination for him— as the revelation of harmonic principles beyond the human 5 sphere, of a universal order. Among the many declarations ^The essence of Jahnn's musical-architectural philoso phy is an abstruse "theory of harmony" (much of which re lates to the work of the Swiss musicologist Hans Kayser) ' wherein the universe is conceived of as a harmonic organiza tion of proportions and relationships reduceable to mathe matical quantities. The "laws of harmonic numbers” are seen to underlie all creation: organic and inorganic growth 152 of Jahnn's musical aesthetic (many of which are to be found in the trilogy FluB ohne Ufer) the following excerpt from a letter to Peter Huchel of September, 1953 is representative: Das Sinnliche, das Rauschhafte im Bereich der musikali- schen Komposition hat mich sozusagen niemals beriihrt. Ja, ich empfinde den Versuch zum Pathos, zum ausge- stellten Gefiihl so abwegig, als Kitsch, nicht aber als erregend oder auch nur belangvoll. Denn die Tone haben keine Kategorie und sind hochstens magisch. Musik ohne kontrapunktische Steigerung verfehlt auf mich ihre Wir- kung, so daB die sogenannte leicht geschiirzte, von rhythmischem Feuer befliigelte Muse mir so wenig ver- fiihrerisch erscheint, daB es mich nicht geliistet, mit ihr davonzutanzen oder— ich will das Bild nicht ab- schwachen— mich ihr hinzugeben. Die Musik, als Kunst- art verstanden, ist fur mich die abstrakteste und in ihren Formmoglichkeiten die vollkommenste. Sie umfaflt zudem eine Dimension die alien anderen Kunstarten (auch der Dichtkunst) abgeht: die Zeit. Die Polyphonie, als schonste Steigerung musikalischer Gedanken verstanden, nimmt in der Gegenwart die Zukunft voraus. Jeder Kanon schon verdeutlicht jene vierte Dimension, die im Leben Schicksal bedeutet— und fiir den gelehrten Physiker einen langen Weg miihsamer Betrachtungen ohne doch ihm, auBer in hypothetischen Formeln, faBbar, gestaltvoll zu wer- den. Die Musik hat der Philosophie den Rang abgelaufen. Es ist nicht grundlos, daB polyphone Werke, wie die der (e.g., crystals), art works (e.g., architectural propor tions), and principles of physics (e.g., musical scales, planetary motion). In all the organs Jahnn built he strove to organize pipe measurements, materials, and registration according to the immutable laws of harmonic numbers. This entire direction is clearly an attempt to escape the realm of human fallibility through reliance on eternal principles (i.e., a kind of religion). Facts such as these are of ex treme importance in understanding Jahnn's true nature, and deserve the attention of those careless enough to judge him merely as a kind of eccentric pornographer. 153 niederlandischen Schule, ein Ockeghem oder Josquin des Pres, ein paar Moderne, meinen Empfinden naher stehen als die musikalischen AuBerungen des 19. Jahrhunderts It is clear that Jahnn saw a definite relationship between literature and music, especially in regard to form. Both arts exist in time (the one single-, the other multi dimensional) and both, Jahnn felt, were capable of sharing specific formal characteristics. Among many expressions of this belief is the following statement made in 1952: "Ich mochte behaupten, daB auch komplizierteste Forraen der Musik sogar in einem epischen Werk ihre Entsprechung finden kon- 7 nen." Especially m the novel FluB ohne Ufer Jahnn devel- g ops conscious parallels between literature and music and has admitted to a direct relationship between musical forms and those developed in the novel. In an exchange of letters with Werner Helwig during 1946, Jahnn answers Helwig's question: "... ob sich im 'FluB ohne Ufer' Konstruktions- geheimnisse verbergen, die das chaotische Gef&lle Deiner zum ^"Ein Brief," Sinn und Form, XI, Heft 5/6 (1959), 646- 647 . ^"Uber den AnlaB, " jjber den AnlaB und andere Essays (Frankfurt a.M. [1964]), p. 45. ®Well summarized by Henning Boetius in Utopie und Ver- wesunq. Zur Struktur von Hans Henny Jahnns Roman "FluB ohne Ufer" (Bern, 1967), pp. 4-31. 154 9 Vortrag gebrachten Anschauungen regeln" in the following manner: Ich habe im "FluB" versucht, musikalische Formen, die urspriinglich der Dichtkunst entstammen, durchzufiihren. Ich bin selbst vor Imitationen und Engfiihrungen nicht zuriickgeschreckt. In the remainder of the letter Jahnn gives several examples of formal parallels to (contrapuntal) music exhibited in FluB ohne Ufer. Yet he reveals these relationships only with reluctance, fearing that he be accused of self-con scious artificiality: Aber das ist nichts AuBerliches, und am liebsten mochte ich davon schweigen, weil ich nicht selbst den Vorwurf des Gekunstelten vorbereiten mochte. . . . Ich mochte nun keinesfalls bei Dir den Eindruck erwecken, daB das sich nicht ganz zwanglos aus dem FluB des Werkes er- gibt. Es soil dem Leser nicht einmal bewuBt werden— es soil nur magisch auf ihn einwirken. (pp- 61-62) Jahnn constantly emphasized that his creative process was a natural one, not one conditioned by planned objectives or preconceived ideas of a work's form. As he states in an earlier letter to Helwig: ^Helwig to Jahnn, April 18, 1946. "Briefe um ein Werk, " liber den AnlaB und andere Essays, p. 59. lOjahnn to Helwig, April 30, 1946, Uber den AnlaB. p. 61. 155 . . . die oft sonderbare Form meiner Werke ist nicht das Produkt pfiffiger Uberlegung wie bei Thomas Mann, sondern ein Teil des Wachsturns meiner Gedanken. Wenn ich in letzter Zeit uberhaupt mit Vergnugen geschrieben habe, so deshalb, weil ich mir mit unerbittlicher Kon- sequenz vorgenommen habe, nicht im Voraus zu wissen, was meinen Menschen geschieht. (pp. 54-55) It therefore seems proper to assume that the individual musical forms evident in Jahnn's writing (and particularly in FluB ohne Ufer) do not represent a coherent framework of musical concepts imposed from without. Musical forms were an organic development of Jahnn's ingrained musical think ing, and as such cannot well be related to strict musico- logical definitions of form, especially not to large multi- facted forms such as sonata or symphony. As I hope to demonstrate, comparisons between musical and literary form in Jahnn are most appropriate in terms of the texture and technique of individual passages, not in terms of broad, over-all design. Unfortunately there exists no commentary to Perrudja comparable to the Jahnn-Helwig letters. We have no defini tive statement by Jahnn concerning the form of Perrudia. not to mention any reference to musical parallels in the work. Yet it seems that Perrudja, perhaps even more than FluB ohne Ufer (admittedly a "Musikerroman"), exhibits unmistakable musical characteristics. Nowhere else in Jahnn1s work do 156 we see evidence of such widespread and deliberate formal constructivism, and nowhere else can so many parallels to musical form be discovered.^ Although Perrudja cannot be considered to embody any specific, large musical form, it does contain innumerable passages whose formal texture is 12 determined by musical concepts and techniques. The dis cussion to follow is an attempt to define the musical forms Perrudja as they are exemplified in the most musical chapter of all, "Sassanidischer Konig." The most obvious musical feature of Perrudja is the actual printed music on pp. 88, 89, 504, 505, 552, and 559. Significantly, the first of these scores (the Gilgamesh duets) appear in "Sassanidischer Konig," the chapter which ^ 1 do not mean to imply that the novel is in any sense "contrived," but rather that it was not created "aus einem Gu&, " as, for example, Das Holzschiff and other works. Al though Perrudja (especially in its first half) was willfully assembled from many distinct elements, this does not mean that it was artificially "crafted" to result in a "grand design." 1 ? x^It should be noted that, in essence, polyphonic music is characterized by a greater concern for "technique" than "form" as such. Fugue is, for example, more a contrapuntal procedure (repetitive treatment of one subject by several voices) than a prescribed form. Only in later homophonic music do large established forms develop (sonata, etc.) with their movements, prescribed harmonic changes, recapitula tions, etc. 157 is also the first to exhibit a clearly "musical" formal structure. Not only does "Sassanidischer Konig" introduce the important musical component of Perrudja. but it contains representative examples of all types of musical form used in the novel. The chapter is thus well suited to illustrate the underlying formal principles of the work. What, indeed, is "musical" about "Sassanidischer Ko- nig"? The reader could answer this question by citing a number of subjective impressions of the chapter. Aside from the musical notes themselves there are other direct refer ences to music, e.g., the chorale "0 Lamm Gottes, unschul- dig," references to "Harferinnen," "die Sanger Pahlbadh und Sardjis," "der Zwiesang," etc. Even more important are cer tain rhythmic and lyrical elements of the chapter. Lines and words are often repeated in a way reminiscent of musical rhythm and form. Particularly the long word catalogs in the chapter (and throughout the novel) have strong, pulsating rhythms which create the impression of a musical passage— an interlude in which a single note or figure is steadily re peated with growing intensity. Especially the rhyming non sense catalogs on pp. 61 and 62 have a metronomic regularity similar to a heavily accented march meter: 158 Tisch, Stuhl, Bett und Haus, Mond und Sonne, Saus und Braus, Wind, Regen, Miihle, Trog und Stall, all iiberall, Knall und Fall, Rauch und Asche, Schall und Flasche, Stock und Tasche, Buhl und Blasche, Kemp und Tremp und Blemp und Kotz und Kater, Mutter, Amme, Kind und Vater, Suppenloffel, Reichsberater— . . . Himmel, Fimmel, Bimmel, Bam, Ritze, Zitze, Kitze, Stamm, Mehl und gehl, weiB und fehl, fahl und fuhl, messing muhl, Stange, Stuhl, Mahl, Saal, Tal. Potz und Blitz, Rotz und Schlitz. Just as the catalogs stand out from their context as sepa rate formal units, other musical elements of the chapter seem equally distinct from their surroundings. Often these elements distinguish themselves not only thematically and stylistically, but visually. Thus, among the formal ele ments of the chapter, one would have to include a kind of "graphic form" made up of visually distinct musical ele ments. The poems in "Sassanidischer Konig" (lyrical, i.e., musical elements) on pp. 60, 61, and 66 are clearly set apart from their context. The concluding poem on p. 94 also seems to have a definite musical function as a kind of final 13 cadence for the entire chapter. Although not indented, 1 *3 XJRudiger Wagner makes the following comment in his dissertation (p. 104): "Drei spruchartige SStze, die wort- lich schon im Verlauf der Geschichte vorkamen, werden gleich abschlieBenden Akkorden widerholt." Aside from correctly noting the musical and epigrammatic nature of the lines, 159 this poem is visually distinctive since it consists of four single-line paragraphs. This is a particularly important element of graphic form in the novel: the vertical align ment of several short, one-line paragraphs. Examples of this characteristic "column formation" (which has a strong, rhythmic, interruptive quality similar to a trumpet fanfare) are found on pp. 61, 69, 70, 71, 76, and 82. Another visu ally distinctive, "musical" feature is the large type used in the Darius "inscription" on p. 70. This paragraph is musical in the sense that it forms a distinct cadence pas sage (like the poem on p. 94) to conclude subchapter VIII, and that it contains a thematic anticipation of the follow ing Darius episode, a technique not uncommonly used to link 4 - 14 musical movements. Finally, the average reader would probably find the Wagner is in error here. The poem (whose verse-character he fails to mention) consists of four lines instead of three. And only one of these (the third) is to be found anywhere in the preceding text (EVA 85). ^4Among many examples of this kind of transition, one might compare the juncture of the two middle movements in Schumann's first symphony in B flat Major, Op. 38. The second movement (larghetto) ends with a slow trombone pas sage introducing a new theme which is taken up, in modified form, as the main theme of the next movement (scherzo: molto vivace). general character of the whole chapter to be musical. On the surface, "Sassanidischer Konig" seems unmistakably musical, not because of the individual qualities mentioned above, but because of its over-all disjointed, rhapsodic, often ecstatic ..character. The bewildering multitude of styles and themes, the ecstatic-lyrical passages (especially pp. 87-90), the ever-changing rhythm, the sharp contrasts, in short, the very diversity of the chapter makes it musi cal. And here, I believe, we have located the formal prin ciple underlying the entire chapter. The form of "Sassa nidischer Konig" is characterized by its multiplicity. It is a form consisting of many brief and contrasting styles and themes, a diverse form made up of hundreds of indepen dent formal fragments, a form which might be called "com- 15 partmentalized" or "capsulized" or even "cellular." Each formal unit is opposed or related to those around it so that the entire structure can be resolved into a system of 15 It might also be termed "atomized," as is suggested by Edgar Lohner in this noteworthy comment on the meaning of Perrudja' s fragmented form: "Die Uniibersichtlichkeit des Lebens, das Fliefiende der Schopfung wird in der Auflosung der Sprache und im bestandigen Wechsel der Perspektive sichtbar. Die Atomisierung der Welt, das Fehlen eines um- greifenden Sinns findet sprachlich seinen Ausdruck" (p. 337). 161 alternation and contrast, of unit versus unit, point against point, punctus contra punctum: a system of counterpoint. Counterpoint is the formal principle underlying the composition of "Sassanidischer Konig" as well as the entire novel Perrudja. The importance of counterpoint in Jahnn1s concept of music hardly needs to be proven. Nevertheless it might be well to repeat a single line of Jahnn1s musical credo as expressed in the letter to Peter Huchel: "Musik ohne kontrapunktische Steigerung verfehlt auf mich ihre Wirkung." Could one, then, go so far as to maintain that Jahnn was equally disinclined toward literature "ohne kont- 16 rapunkt.ische Steigerung"? In any case it seems clear that in Perrudja Jahnn quite definitely attempted to add a con trapuntal enhancement to the narrative. The "homophonic" one-dimensionality of usual prose did not satisfy him. He therefore chose to make his novel "polyphonic." The formal objective which Jahnn seems to have pursued in Perrudja (and particularly in "Sassanidischer Konig") can be stated as follows: to transcend the simple linearity of conventional narrative. •^The role of counterpoint in all Jahnn1s works merits special study. 162 It is clear that a direct analogy cannot be drawn be tween contrapuntal form in music and in literature. Musical counterpoint involves the simultaneous progression of two or more independent melodic lines. Literature, on the other hand, is by nature limited to a single line of narrative. Unlike the ear, the reading eye is incapable of comprehend ing several lines of text at once. If this were not so, literature would no doubt long ago have developed "multi voiced" works written in "scores" with simultaneous lines 17 of text for soprano, alto, tenor and bass parts, etc. The situation which faced Jahnn when he attempted to write a contrapuntal narrative is similar to that facing a composer who wishes to write contrapuntal music for an instrument capable of producing only one sound at a time (e.g., a solo wind instrument). Language, as a product of the human voice, is a naturally "monophonic" instrument, just as is, 18 for example, the flute. And, like the composer, Jahnn was 17 An idea of what such "polyphonic" literature might be like can be obtained from the score of a choral work in which several distinct lines of text are meant to be sung simultaneously. The impossibility of comprehending any but the most primitive relationships is evident in reading as well as hearing such a work. l®The roots of music in spoken language are clearly revealed here. Most primitive music is monophonic (i.e., 163 forced to make use of a common device in order to provide his instrument with several "voices." This device might be termed "false counterpoint" and was used extensively during the polyphonic period (Renaissance and Baroque) in solo music for voice, for monophonic instruments such as re corders, oboe, and flute, and for instruments capable of a 19 very limited degree of polyphony such as lute and viol. In practice, the various "voices" of the composition are presented, not simultaneously, but in succession, and are differentiated by fairly wide separations in pitch. Thus the performer might play a figure in the treble, drop down an octave to repeat the same figure in a "lower voice," then return to a continuation of the treble part or another al ternative voice. The entire composition is therefore a succession of contrasting phrases at different levels of pitch. In a similar manner, Jahnn composed "Sassanidischer derived from the human voice). Form in music is thus orig inally developed from spoken (i.e., sung) forms. Basic forms of narrative (introduction, digression, repetition, conclusion, etc.) became the first musical forms when, for example, a story was sung instead of recited. ■^Perhaps the best-known examples of this kind of com position: J. S. Bach's sonata for unaccompanied flute, the sonatas for unaccompanied violin, the suites for unaccom panied cello. 164 Konig" as a succession of short elements which are con trasted^ not by means of pitch, but by the use of different narrative modes. These narrative modes, as will be seen, consist essentially of distinctive levels of perspective. In terms of composition, Jahnn's counterpoint in Per- rudja can be divided into two categories: (1) "constructed" counterpoint, i.e., a contrasting montage of separately com posed text segments (cf. "Chronology and Construction"), and (2) "organic" counterpoint, i.e., a narrative written on several levels during the initial process of creation. Of the two types, the first is responsible for the most strik ing examples of contrapuntal form in the novel. As was shown in "Chronology aind Construction, " entire chapters were 20 inserted into previously continuous passages of the novel. ^Foremost among these: "Sassanidischer Konig," "Ein Knabe weint," "Die Edelmutigen oder die Geschichte des Sklaven," "Der Zirkel," and "Alexander." Besides the con trasts resulting from montage, another kind of counterpoint is evident in chapter relationships. Perrudja contains forty-two subchapters headed by Roman numerals and twenty- three chapters headed by titles. A varying interplay exists between these two types of chapter: a "titled" chapter can consist of only one subchapter (e.g., XI— "Ein Knabe weint") or of several (e.g., I-VII— "Das Pferd"). As a constant reminder of what has gone before, the names of previous chapters are successively added to a growing list at the head of every new chapter. Thus each chapter is linked to all others preceding it in the novel. The concluding chap ter, "Das Hohelied des Gesetzes," is headed by twenty-two 165 Within chapters, and especially in "Sassanidischer Konig," various elements written at separate times were combined and superimposed to result in a highly disjunctive structure. This "constructed counterpoint" provides the best evidence of conscious formal organization in Perrudja. "Organic counterpoint," on the other hand, seems to be a natural development of Jahnn's musical formal sense. As will be shown, this type of counterpoint is expressed most often in the form of brief parenthetical comments inserted into the narrative. Examples of this type are found in the first draft of the Khosro episode and most particularly in the chapter "Ein Knabe weint," a highly contrapuntal text whose first draft is essentially identical to the published ver sion . The compositional factors involved in the structure of the chapter are, however, of only secondary interest here. Form in literature can be truly significant only insofar as it is meaningful to the reader. Thus the formal breakdown titles resembling the bricks in an architectural construc tion.. Like the word catalogs in the novel, this catalog of chapters is an attempt to represent Perrudja as a physical presence— and as a single unit independent of its successive development in time: as a "Nebeneinander" as well as a "Nacheinander." of "Sassanidischer Konig" must be analyzed using criteria intrinsic to the text itself. This type of analysis reveals three basic principles underlying the contrapuntal form of the chapter; these might be designated contrast, alterna tion , and repetition. "Contrast" is the most important principle of Jahnn's counterpoint, and represents the con stant changes of style and theme which characterize the chapter. "Sassanidischer Konig" contains few extended pas sages with unified style and theme. Instead, the narrative consists of many small segments of varying quality which constantly interrupt each other. The principle of contrast might therefore also be defined as interruption. Contrast or interruption is achieved in the following four ways in "Sassanidischer Konig": (1) change of theme or subject, (2) change of perspective and tense, (3) use of graphic irregularities, and (4) use of brief parenthetical comments. "Alternation" (which might be termed more exactly "alterna tive succession") refers to the very musical way in which thematic or stylistic elements progress in alternation with contrasting elements. According to this principle, "themes" can be, in a sense, overlapped so that two independent suc cessions, AA and BB, become the alternating combination ABAB. "Repetition1 1 simply refers to the literal recurrence 167 of specific verbal elements (words, phrases, etc.) at vary- ing distances throughout the text. As a contrapuntal device this principle (restatement of subjects) bears a close rela tionship to the technique of the fugue. Using the analogy of musical counterpoint, one might divide the formal qualities of "Sassanidischer Konig" fur ther into "vertical" and "horizontal" components. "Hori zontal" forms in music are subdivisions of the chronological progression of a piece (themes, expositions, developments, movements), whereas "vertical" forms involve simultaneous segments of the musical scale (single notes, chords, voice- ranges, etc.). In "Sassanidischer Konig" the horizontal 21 form is usually determined by changes of theme or subject. "Vertical" form involves, as was pointed out before, sepa rate narrative levels analogous to pitch levels on the musi cal scale. These "narrative modes" consist of independent levels of perspective. Most prose narratives contain only two essential levels of perspective in the first person and the third person. "Sassanidischer Konig," however, with its unique concern for Perrudja's books, can be said to 9 * 1 I.e., a literary work with several themes is not con trapuntal in the same sense as "Sassanidischer Konig" (no "vertical" contrast). 168 utilize a third perspective level: that which presents the content of Perrudja's reading directly, without the media tion of a narrator. With specific application to "Sassanidischer Konig," I have chosen to define the three basic levels of perspective in the following way: I. The "conventional" narrative level. Narrator beyond Perrudja. Third person, past tense. II. The "interior" level. Narrator is Perrudja. All persons and tenses. III. The "literal” level. No narrator. Direct quo tations of other texts. Due to the unusual importance of level II in "Sassanidischer Konig," I have expanded the interior level (the level of Perrudja's thought) into five subdivisions: Ila. Classical interior monologue. First and second person. Primarily present tense, lib. Subconscious thought. Usually fragmentary images or comments appearing as "subliminal" interrup tions to other thought levels, lie. Perrudja as narrator. Third person, past tense. Perrudja relates his reading experience with imaginary elaborations. 169 lid. Perrudja as narrator. Third person, present tense. Perrudja creates an imaginary elaboration of his reading equivalent to immediate experi ence . lie. Khosro as imaginary narrator. First and second person. Primarily present tense. (Khosro's in terior monologue, cf. Ila.) Perrudja imagines Khosro's thoughts. With the above concepts in mind, one can now proceed to a formal analysis of the chapter. The following discussion attempts to illustrate the most important examples of con trapuntal form in "Sassanidischer Konig," i.e., passages involving contrast, alternation, and repetition of verbal units within the framework of the seven narrative modes described above. The chapter begins with an excellent example of alter nation between the first four paragraphs on p. 59. The con ventional third-person narrative of the first paragraph gives way to an interior monologue in the second, then re turns in the third paragraph. The fourth paragraph rein troduces the "stream of consciousness" level which continues until the return of the conventional narrative at the 170 bottom of p. 61. One could reduce the first four para graphs to the following schematic "score" (p. 59/1-28; x = 1 line) : I. xxxxx xxxxxxxx Ila. xxxxxxx xxxxxxxx The text which follows gives abundant evidence of Jahnn's "will to organize" in terms of horizontal form. The fourth paragraph on p. 59 is followed by a three-word paragraph: "Die erste Stufe." which serves as its label as well as its punctuation. The next paragraph is also "labeled" ("Zwi- schenfrage") as a clear thematic digression from the fore going. "Die zweite Stufe" is announced in the subsequent paragraph by its first two words (p. 59/33). Examples of parenthetical interruptions— a device characteristic of both "Sassanidischer Konig" and "Ein Knabe weint"— are found atop p. 60 (lines 1, 7, 8, and 9). These might best be classi fied in level lib. Their function is generally to provide a commentary to the preceding text and to introduce associ ations linking them to other elements in the chapter or ? 2 I am well aware of the mechanical artificiality of the entire formal analysis and, most particularly, of these diagrams. Nevertheless, they provide a convenient illus tration of the chapter's contrapuntal form and allow a di rect comparison with actual music. 171 2 3 entire novel. Thus most parenthetical comments belong to the repetitive structure. Another horizontal organization is evident on pp. 60-61 in the form of four thematic units, each of which is divided into three elements: preface, word, and commentary. The entire structure represents a search for verbal, poetic expression. On p. 60/17 Perrudja expresses a wish (= preface) for words. They appear ("RoB- maulige Schenkel einer Gottin") on p. 60/19, and then, in the following paragraph, are commented on ("Im Wort soviel Milde," etc.). The next paragraph beings a repeat of the same series: Preface: 60/22-24 ("Gib eine Klarheit deines Geistes," etc. ) Word: 60/25 ("Wir sind Masse Mensch," etc.) Comment: 60/26 ("Nicht das.") This series is repeated twice more: Preface: 60/27-29 Word: 60/30-32 (poem) Comment: 60/33-36 Preface: 60/37 ^"Gelb" (p. 60/7) is a reference to the novel's pri mary leitmotiv which first emerges on p. 45 and later devel ops into the concept of the "gelbe Blume." 172 Word: 60/38-61/6 (poem) Comment: 61/7 Graphic form on pp. 60-61 is particularly important; the three verses, the three-line "column" (p. 61/12-14) based on Aristotle, and the many short paragraphs all com bine to create a varied, "multi-celled" structure with con trapuntal contrasts. 24 On p. 61/35 the conventional narrative reappears, providing another opportunity for contrapuntal alternation. On p. 62/2-4 and 16 two segments are inserted into level I which continue the rhyming passage on p. 61/21-28. The following diagram illustrates p. 61/21-62/22 ("o" = level II material unrelated to the rhyming passage) : I. xxxxxx xxxxxxxxxxx xxxxxx Ila. xxxxxxxxoooooo xxx x On p. 63/5 the conventional, first-draft narrative is again interrupted by the Sigurd Mathiesen story. The column of five names provides a sharp visual punctuation for the be ginning of the story, which then proceeds on level lie. The apparent end of the tale (p. 64/30) is marked by a return to level I, but once again Jahnn interlocks the two modes 24 At this point the first draft begins. 173 through alternation, inserting two direct quotations from Mathiesen into the first level- Yet these are not the last echoes of the Mathiesen story. On p. 66 Jahnn inserts two poems and a line of prose (p. 66/37) into the conventional narrative, all of which refer back to the story. Another insert on p. 66 ("Schif fbriichig. Wein im Becher— Palast von Babylon. Zeichen an kalkiger Wand.") referring to the bib- 25 lical legend of Belsazar completes the contrapuntal struc ture of pp. 63-66 (62/38-67/2; x = 3 lines): I . X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Ila. x x x lib. x lie. xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx I I I . X X X X X X X Pages 67-70 (concerned with Perrudja's experience of history and legend) also have a complex contrapuntal struc ture. Of considerable importance is the graphic form of pp. 69 and 70. Both visual elements on these pages (the column of short paragraphs, p. 69/15-20, the capitalized Herodotus quotation, p. 70/6-9) serve as punctuation: the first as an introduction to the birth-omen catalog, the second as both 25 Perhaps a reference to Heine's poem. 174 the conclusion of subchapter VIII and the beginning of sub chapter IX. Among the narrative modes of pp. 67-70 are: Iia. The paragraph on simile, p. 68/13-16 lie. The story of Alexander and Bucephalos, pp. 67/35- 68/3; the account explaining the presence of mythical creatures in China, pp. 68/38-69/4 lid. The vision of mythical creatures, p. 68/17-36; the birth-omen catalog, p. 69/15-38 (framed by the repeated words: "Vom Weibe geboren") III. The "Rakhsh" quotation from Herzfeld, p. 68/9-12; the Herodotus quotation, p. 70/6-9. The following diagram illustrates pp. 67/32-70/9 (x = 3 lines) : I . X X X X X X X X Iia. x lie. xx xx IId. X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X III. X Thus ends subchapter VIII, a segment whose formal prin ciple appears to be— lack of unified form. Unlike the sub sequent sections of "Sassanidischer Konig," subchapter VIII has no single theme and therefore no coherent formal struc ture. The very diversity of the section seems, in fact, to 175 define its function in the chapter: the revelation of Per rudja's mind in all its complexity as it confronts the read ing experience. Here the possibilities of Perrudja's imagi nation are developed, all of which are used extensively in the culminating section of the chapter, the Khosro episode. Here, too, the nature of Perrudja's reading is explored as he experiences Philosophy, Poetry, and most important of 26 all, History. From a compositional standpoint it is easy to account for the formal disunity of the section. The first draft of "Sassanidischer Konig" comprises only a small part of VIII, revisions and additions playing an unusually important role in the creation of the text. Thus subchapter VIII provides the best examples of the montage technique (especially where large, separately composed text segments are concerned) in the entire chapter . Subchapter IX has, in contrast to sections VIII and X, a comparatively simple formal makeup. One can divide it conveniently into three basic elements: 1. The Darius episode narrated on level lie (pp. ^Note the key words: "Philosophen" (p. 59/18), "Dich- ter" (p. 62/32), and "Historie" (p. 67/32) which act as la bels for the three thematic subdivisions of section VIII. 176 70/22-7 3/15) 2. The conventional narrative, level I (pp. 73/16-17, 75/3-18, 21-31) 3- The slave's tale, level III (pp. 73/18-75/2, 19). Within the initial Darius story (narrated after Herodotus by Perrudja) contrapuntal contrast is created by the two col umns on pp. 70 and 71, as well as the direct quotations from Herodotus. The first column serves, once again, as a punc tuating device introducing the episode and stands as a veritable list of "dramatis personae" before the beginning of the "play" surrounding Darius. The second column appears to have no such punctuating function but does serve a very musical purpose as a vivid reminder of the seven conspira tors (first column) who are proposing the three types of government listed. By far the most surprising element of subchapter IX is the (apparently) unwarranted intrusion of the slave's tale into the Darius narrative. Here Jahnn has created the most radical contrapuntal formation of the entire novel by en compassing sixty-nine pages (pp. 7 3-142) with a single theme in alternation with other narrative levels. The slave's tale, which begins on pp. 7 3-75, is continued again much later in the chapter "Die anderen Tiere" (p. 119): "Er las 177 die Fortsetzung einer Geschichte, die zufallig abgebrochen worden war . . ." Once again the story is interrupted on p. 126, only to be resumed in the next chapter, which bears the actual title of the story: "Die Edelmiitigen oder die Geschichte des Sklaven." Here, read by Hjalmar, the tale is finally completed (insofar as it is revealed in the novel) between pp. 136 and 142. The slave's tale is excellent evidence of Jahnn's commitment to what might be called "con trapuntal montage," and provides the best example of willful formal constructivism in all of Perrudja. The last three pages of section IX can be diagrammed in the following way. Note the recurrence of the last line spoken by the slave (p. 7 5/19)^ (pp- 7 3/10-75/31; x = 3 lines) : I. X xxxxx xxxx l i e . XX X I I I . X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Section X, the core of "Sassanidischer Konig," provides 2 7 This device is common in "Sassanidischer Konig" and might be termed a kind of musical echo. It is psychologi cally realistic in illustrating how the mind often retains and repeats elements of prior experience. Also it shows Jahnn's desire to destroy the linear progression of time when dealing with psychology. 178 us with the chapter1s most striking examples of contrapuntal form. Unlike the preceding sections, the Khosro episode tends to be unified instead of diversified by its form. Especially toward the end of the chapter counterpoint and repetition combine to heighten and, in a sense, even create the aesthetic effectiveness of the episode. The formal breakdown of the Khosro episode is so com plex that only the most essential passages can be discussed here within reasonable limits. Suffice it to say, however, that every passage in section X exhibits a highly contra puntal texture based on a large variety of contrasting de vices. This can be verified by any reader applying the principles presented above. The discussion to follow must, for reasons of space, be conducted in the most abbreviated manner. The opening segment of the episode is notable for the interaction of literal quotation (level III), conventional narrative (I), and interior monologue (Iia). A narrative section (probably level lie) introduces a direct quotation from Amru ben Bahr al-Djahiz which is followed by the closely focused third-person narrative describing Perrudja's reaction to the name Shabdez. This is followed by a visible column (p. 76/15-19) in which the conventional narrative 179 gives way to Perrudja’s thought. Note the subtlety of this transition: Zwar— das Fiillen war tiefbraun. Es ist in der Nacht geboren. Ich werde es nachtlich reiten. The last line of the column ("Wohl das schonste an Bildern") "echoes" a passage from the Djahiz quotation above. The subsequent paragraph returns to the conventional narrative before the actual account based on Herzfeld begins (p. 76/ 29). This account (on level lie) comprises the perspective- norm of the episode, since conventional narrative is seldom used. On p. 77/25 the long quotation from the encyclopedia of Yaqut begins, the most extensive use of the third narra tive mode in "Sassanidischer Konig." On p. 79/33 the Yaqut quotation yields once again to Perrudja's narration (lie). Shortly thereafter, however, the more immediate narrative level lid (present tense) is introduced, once again with a subtle transition (p. 79/38): "Er weinte mit einem Auge. Seine wollustigen Lippen trinken gegorenen Wein, ..." This paragraph describing Khosro's sensual pleasures is not 28 found in the first draft. Its conclusion (p. 80/5) marks 28 This paragraph change is omitted in the 1966 Fischer Biicherei edition, as are all similar paragraph changes a return to level lie as well as to first-draft material. The next paragraph concerning Bahrain's revolt and the death of Hormizd introduces a typical contrasting feature of the episode: semi-parenthetical interruptions by images without grammatical context (i.e.* of uncertain mode): "Toll nach Macht. Herrschen, unterdrucken* in Blut waten" (p. 80/8-9); "Eisen und Fleisch" (p. 80/13-14) . Jahnn next makes use of a radical contrapuntal device by splitting a first-draft sentence in half (b/299-300) : "Der byzantinische Kaiser setzte Khosro in seine Herrschaftsrechte ein") and inserting a childhood memory of Khosro narrated on an entirely new level (lie* a first-person narrative by Khosro). This in serted section (p. 80/17-21) is introduced by another "echo" from a previous passage (level lie): "Sein Vater gespeert. Eisen und Fleisch." The next paragraph (describing Phokas1 murder of Mau- rikios) contains the first element of the "fugal" or repe titive structure of the episode. This "fugue subject*" an epithet describing the usurper Phokas, appears first in this form: ". . . Sohn einer Hiindin— ein Weib* von sieben- zig Mannern begattet— " (p. 80/26-27). If is then repeated which occur at the margin of the EVA edition. 181 with slight variation five times throughout the remainder of the text, wherever the name Phokas occurs: "Sohn einer Hiindin" {p. 80/31) ; "Sohn einer Hiindin, der Siebenzigvat- rige" (p. 80/37); "des Sohns einer Hiindin" (p. 81/9); "Sohn einer Hiindin, der Siebzigvatrige" (p. 90/12-13) ; "Sohn einer Hiindin, der SiebzigvStrige" (p. 92/10-11) . Somewhat later in Perrudja's continuing narrative of the history of Khosro's reign (level lie) another fragmen tary parenthetical element appears: "(Heiliges Kreuz. La- bartu)" (p. 81/26-27) which provides an unusual example of thematic anticipation in the chapter. Following this is a paragraph on level lie (first person = Khosro) which virtu ally repeats the childhood memory on p. 80/18-21. Level lie soon reappears, however, in a different form. Within Per rudja's narrative of the Saens incident we find the follow ing direct command of Khosro: "Er soil in Salz gelegt wer- den, daB sein Leichnam nicht fault!" (p. 81/35). Graphic form again becomes evident in the column, p. 82/6-9, which stands as a kind of exclamatory fanfare pro claiming Khosro's "sensual" involvement in the war. Its ecstatic character is established by the last line, which 182 29 hails Khosro: "Lang lebe der Konig." The paragraph relating the capture of the Christian cross (pp. 82/25-83/7) is characterized by the use of in terrupting parenthetical elements (epithets, comments, asso ciations), the most important of which are the following: "(neunzigtausend Menschen in Sklaverei verschleppt)," re peated twice as an association of the suffering of the peo ple with the torture of Zachariasj and " (0 Lamm— Gottes — unschuldig)," the title of a Lutheran hymn, repeated four 30 times toward the end of the chapter. Narrative level lie reappears in a short passage on pp. 83/38-84/2 ("Ich befehle!" etc.) located, as usual, in a context of "core narrative" (lie). Note, however, the brief transition preceding the Khosro quotation, where level lid (present tense) is used in two sentences ("Diener und Feld- herren miissen ..." etc.) followed by two sentence-frag- ments without defined perspective. The list of Khosro's twelve treasures (essentially 29 Cf. the conventional first-draft version (B/352-354): "Gab es nur die Augen des Konigs, nur noch seine Sinne, nur noch sein Gluck?" Of) J See "Motives, Myth, and Materialism" for a discussion of this important leitmotiv. level III, pp. 84/17-85/3) is still another radical change of narrative mode. It is followed by a brief return to conventional, third-person narrative (p. 85/4-10) describing Perrudja's reaction to the list. The presence of level I, however, is short-lived, and by the end of the paragraph the narrative has returned to level lie. Soon thereafter mode lid appears in a paragraph (p. 85/26-33) depicting Khosro mounted on Shabdez— a living image of the stone monu ment. This paragraph is concluded by a single line in quo tation marks: "'E>er Saphirstift der Nacht hat blau dein Wei& gelautert.'" This mystical phrase is, of course, the third line of the poem which concludes the chapter. Its function here is to express the ineffable quality of the previous passage ("das Unsagliche," p. 85/33) as well as to establish a relationship of the monument (with erotic over tones) to the concluding poem ("Ich stand versteint," etc.). The following passages are characterized by the in creasing predominance of level lid. It appears first briefly within the context of lie: "Die Existenz des Konigs sickert durch seine Maske . . ." etc. (p. 85/37)] "Eine Probe verlangt der Zweifler," etc. (p. 86/15-16). Then on p. 86/28 it takes over completely, creating a significant intensification of the Khosro story as it approaches its 184 climax. The narrative becomes increasingly subjective and visionary, culminating in the surrealistic description of the pillars flanking Khosro's grotto, in Khosro's erotic fantasy, and ultimately in the music on pp. 88 and 89. Im portant elements of the contrapuntal structure in this sec tion (aside from the most obvious contrasting features: the musical notes) are several images to be repeated at the 31 chapter's conclusion: "Gemartertes Wild" (p. 87/19); "Es bliihen zwei Pfeiler" (p. 87/20); "Akanthus" (p. 87/22); "Spiralen" (p. 87/23); and "Lotosblume . . . siebengefaltet" (p. 87/26). Significant also is the "echo" of the musical text: "Die da ruht, die da ruht, die Mutter Ninazus" on p. 90/8. The following paragraphs revert to the core narrative (lie) which is then interrupted by three paragraphs of level 32 lid (p. 91/6-28). The second of these paragraphs is 31 The prophetic nature of the passage is indicated by the twice-repeated sentence: "Man wird ihn belehren" (p. 87/17, 19). *51 # # # At this point the first draft reveals an interesting example of visual organization which Jahnn attempted, then abandoned. In the MS, following the sentence: "Es kam die Zeit wo er Rechenschaft ablegen sollte" (cf. EVA 9l/l with B/621) Jahnn wrote the following indented column: Die Generale Die Sohne 185 followed by a single line of level lie (p. 91/21): "Bin einst durch Kleinasien geflohen. Fliehe wieder." This is the third and last repetition of Khosro*s childhood memory, which by this time has taken on the nature of a leitmotiv. The past-tense narrative (lie) returns on p. 91/29, continuing for two paragraphs (the second of which contains two parenthetical interruptions) until it is replaced by level lie in the form of Khosro*s financial statement. This statement, presented in ledger form, is a further example of graphic organization, this time striving to imitate the visual reality of its objective referent (p. 92). Herakleios Herakleios Herakleios Khosro Then, attempting to create a kind of acrostic, he filled in the following lines: Die Generale wurden geschlagen Die Sohne der Soldaten kampften gegen die Soldaten, waren Herakleios ja ihrer Mutter Sohne. Die Provinzen waren miide, Herakleios mager zu werden am Gluck des GroSkonigs. Herakleios; der Nachfolger Khosro, der Kriegsunkundige, muB vor Gandjak [etc.] Finding this solution unsatisfactory, he subsequently crossed out the last four names in the column plus "der Nachfolger." In the published text no new paragraphs appear (since the original justification for the column has been obviated) between "ablegen sollte" and "Der Kriegsunkun dige . " 186 Following the financial statement, the core narrative resumes and continues until the end of the chapter, with the exception of the seven final lines. The final passage of "Sassanidischer Konig" is perhaps the most "musical" of all and makes intensive use of counterpoint. The account of Khosro's abdication, arrest, trial, and execution (p. 92/ 30-) contains no less than sixteen parenthetical interrup tions. Dozens of other interruptive elements (clauses, phrases, words) without parentheses are also present; for example: . . . erliefi gegen die beiden, die einander liebten, Vater und Sohn, einen Haftbefehl, er, der Hassende, der neue Konig, Sheroe, um dessentwillen Khosro nicht ab- gedankt war. (p. 92/38-9 3/1) . . . und auf diese legten sie, lebend, entkleidet, gefesselt, wie sich versteht, den Sohn der Shirin, eben- falls weiland Konig, Usurpator, wie gesagt wurde, Ver- brecher, . . . (p. 93/29-31) To heighten the ecstatic, multi-level significance of these final pages, Jahnn created a multi-level form of great con centration serving to transcend as well as summarize the form and content of the preceding text. Most important of 33 all is the climactic, stretto-like character of the final JJStretto: the repetition of fugue subjects at a close distance. "This device brings about an increase of density * 187 passage. Motives from throughout the episode are brought together in an intense, musical distillation of meaning. The most significant of these repeated elements are: "Mit Safran bestaubt, mit Rosenwasser ubergossen" (p. 93/4-5); "Eselsgeliebten" (p. 93/10); "positiv, negativ, rational, irrational" (p. 93/13); "0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig" (pp. 93/13-14, 35-36, 94/13-14); "dem Unbegreiflichen, Gliick- reichen" (p. 93/22). Among these is a group of five motives with highly mystical significance which together form an unmistakable "stretto": "Gemartertes Wild! Siebenblattrige Lotosblume. Paradeisgrotte. Bluhende Pfeiler. Spiralen des Akanthus" (p. 93/38-39). The concluding "coda" of the chapter consists of a column of short paragraphs describing the fate of the suc ceeding monarchs and the celebration of the recovery of the cross. Two scripture-like maxims then lead up to the final cadence of "Sassanidischer Konig," the poem whose third line had appeared earlier on p. 85. and intensity and is therefore often employed for a climac tic conclusion of a fugue." The Harvard Brief Dictionary of Music. ed. W. Apel and R. T. Daniel (New York [1961]), p. 285. Compare Jahnn's statement: "Ich bin selbst vor Imita- tionen und Engfiihrungen nicht zuriickgeschreckt." Ober den Anlafi und andere Essays. p. 61. As a final summation of this formal analysis of "Sassa nidischer Konig" it seems appropriate to discuss a single remaining problem. We are left with the question: Why did Jahnn use contrapuntal form in Perrudja? This can, I be lieve, best be answered by referring to a statement made earlier in this study: "The formal objective which Jahnn seems to have pursued in Perrudja can be stated as follows: to transcend the simple linearity of conventional narra tive ." The contrapuntal form of the chapter was not arbi trarily selected merely because it was musical. Jahnn's motives, conscious or otherwise, go much deeper, I believe. In transcending the linearity of the narrative, Jahnn has, in a sense, transcended linear time as well. "Sassanidi scher Konig" is a chapter of the "interior" level. Its environment is the mind of Perrudja; its content, psychol ogy. And in terms of the isolated human mind, linear chron ology is an illusion— if only because thought is essentially neither linear nor verbal, nor regulated. Instead it is complex, multi-leveled, fragmented— in short, a "Nebenein- ander," not a "Nacheinander." It was, I believe, Jahnn1s conscious or unconscious attempt to represent this complex image of psychology as a simultaneous whole (not as a stream of time) that led to the unusual form of "Sassanidischer 189 34 Konig." If there is a "sichere Linie" (cf. Paul Fechter) in the chapter, then it is to be found in the linearity of the texts Perrudja reads. Yet only a shadow of this is evi dent. What is evident is the complex counterpoint of Per rudja's thoughts surrounding his reading. "Sassanidischer Konig" is, in fact, an immense contrapuntal variation on the "melodic line" of Perrudja's reading. 34 Compare the accumulation of chapter headings at the beginning of each new chapter. CHAPTER IV STYLE: MODES AND METAPHOR The preceding chapter of this study was largely con cerned with a structure of "narrative modes" considered as an essential principle of form in "Sassanidischer Konig." Upon analyzing the nature of these modes or "levels of per spective" one cannot fail to discover that they have more than purely formal significance. Narrative modes, as they were defined, are units of prose distinguished by changes in perspective or point-of-view. Implicit in these dis tinctions of perspective are corresponding distinctions of style. This relationship provides an excellent illustration of the ultimate unity of all components of a literary work. The substance of "Sassanidischer Konig" (or of any other work) is composed of elements unable to exist in isolation: form, language (or style), and theme. Thus the chapter's form is found to be largely a structure of perspectives; yet each change in narrator brings with it a necessary change 190 191 in language (i.e., perspective = style) as well as a prob able variation in theme. Each change in style is a change in form, as is each change in theme. Similarly, each change in form is either a change in style or in theme or both. An obvious law of equivalence in literature is clearly demon strated by Jahnn's prose in "Sassanidischer Konig": F = ST, form = style x theme. In a very real sense, neither side of this equation can be altered without affecting the other.* Any consideration of style as a separate entity necessarily involves the imposition of certain mechanical principles of classification which ignore the true character of the work as a whole. It is, therefore, only with reser vations and for reasons of convenience and convention that I proceed to discuss the style of "Sassanidischer Kc5nig" in •*-This "law" could hardly be more self-evident. Since form is recognizable only as contrast (a universe consisting of one element would have no form— an ink-spot is given form only by the white paper surrounding it), then any recogniz able contrast in style or theme must affect form. It might even be possible, on certain grounds, to expand the formula F = ST into a complete tautology: F = S = T; One could, of course, immediately object that (1) several themes can be treated in one style, and (2) one theme can be treated in several styles. The possible rebuttal: (1) Separate themes require appropriate styles. Can one describe a calm day and a thunderstorm in the same style? (2) A change in style brings a change in theme, however so slight. A tree seen through red glasses is not the "same" as a tree seen through yellow glasses. 192 such artificial isolation. As we have seen, the form of "Sassanidischer Konig" is characterized by its multiplicity. And in view of the es sential unity of form and language it is therefore only natural that the style of the chapter should reveal itself 2 as equally diverse. In relating formal criteria to the style of the chapter, let us recall the three "narrative modes" presented earlier: I. "Conventional" narrative II. "Interior" narrative III. "Literal" narrative Using this pattern, one can assign the stylistic variations of the chapter to three similar levels: I. A conventional narrative style II. An "interior," subjective style III. A "literal" chronicle style, of "antique" character In general these three stylistic levels coincide exactly with the corresponding levels of perspective. Some varia tion does, however, exist, as the following analysis will In his discussion of Perrudja, Edgar Lohner expresses this situation concisely: "Jahnns Stil ist nicht einheit- lich" (p. 331). 193 demonstrate. The conventional narrative style is found exclusively within the first level of perspective: the third-person, past-tense narrative whose object is Perrudja. This narra tive mode, which serves as a link to the largely third- 3 person text of the foregoing chapter, does not comprise any major part of "Sassanidischer Konig." It is conventional in the sense that it does not violate the norms of grammar and syntax and proceeds to develop ideas in clear and logical sequences. In contrast to other stylistic levels it is generally objective, often employs complex syntax, and makes use of a much more abstract vocabulary. Jahnn's prose is usually highly subjective, emotional, and in "Sassanidischer Konig," often ecstatic. It avoids abstraction and, in Per- rudja. generally avoids stylistic conventions of any kind. It is therefore almost surprising to find sentences such as 3 The conventional narrative of "Das Pferd" is, however, quite different from its counterpart in "Sassanidischer Ko- nig." Jahnn's original draft of the novel (Hs 162a^) which comprises most of "Das Pferd" was written entirely in the third person with "author perspective" and thus was required to serve a complete range of descriptive and emotive func tions. In "Sassanidischer Konig" (written much later) the addition of the interior level has allowed the third-person narrative to assume a generally more sober, objective tone. 194 the following which appear relatively cold and abstract due to their regularity and objectivity: Dabei war er einsichtig genug, nicht an eine UnfMhig- keit zu exakten Formulierungen bei sich zu glauben. Er entbehrte, bei aller Bereitschaft zu ihnen, die An- lasse, die gliickliche Konstellation, die dem Werk des Philosophen erst die Geburt geben. (p. 59) Even in more intense, image-filled passages of the conven tional narrative we find style characteristics which are most unusual in Jahnn's prose— long sentences in a reserved, somewhat laborious, even "learned" tone: An diesem Riickzug in die Festung der Wahrheit hinein entstand die Anerkenntnis der historischen und vitalen Notwendigkeiten, deren MiBbrauch durch teuflisch Ehr- geizige er nicht abgrenzen konnte, denen er als Ein- samer somit ausgeliefert wurde wie ein Verbrecher dem Tribunal, (p. 66) Such a sentence (not among Jahnn's best) is notable for its use of rather colorless, abstract verbs (entstehen, abgren zen, ausliefern), derivative nouns which could be more ef fectively used as verbs (Riickzug, Anerkenntnis, MiBbrauch), the vapid adverb "somit" and a succession of two similar relative clauses. Even more uncharacteristic is the some what nebulous train of thought expressed by the sentence. All of these characteristics are repeated and magnified in a similar sentence appearing some lines later: 195 Hatte er sich iiber seinen Biichern abgefunden mit dem Ablauf der Existenzaufierungen in ihren Mannigfaltig- keit, Widerspriichen, sprungbaften Gluten, mit Tiefen und schalen Formeln, mit ihren Normierungen der Begriffe und Reagenzen, mit typischer Gliederung nach physio- logisch bedingten Varianten.^ (p. 66) Here Jahnn's style is not merely learned, but almost "scien tific "; and, it appears, quite intentionally so. Whereas the lack of clarity in the previous example might be con sidered accidental, here Jahnn is evidently deliberate in his use of abstraction. This collection of vague multi syllabic nouns is an obvious attempt at "word magic," a technique Which abounds in the novel. Here, as elsewhere, Jahnn seeks to present an inexpressible reality (the be wildering variety of Perrudja's reading experience) in terms which resist clear understanding. Nevertheless, despite the obscure vocabulary of such passages, they, like all repre sentatives of the conventional narrative level, are ex pressed in logical and generally objective terms which can be understood. If ambiguity exists it is the result of that which is stated, and not of that which is omitted— as is often the case on the interior level. ^In the first draft this sentence is merely a condi tional clause. As in many other instances, Jahnn revised the text by making a separate sentence out of a dependent clause. 196 The final examples from the first stylistic mode once again illustrate the regularity which characterizes this mode, but also shows the passionate subjectivity which it is sometimes called upon to express: Er versuchte eine freundschaftliche Kritik, die allmSh- lich, gemaS seinem Temperament, in Milde umschlug. Das Leid der Menschheit quirlte durch tausend Schleusen in seine Brust. (pp. 65-66) Perrudja wurde tief angeruhrt durch diese Beschreibung. Der Wunsch sengte sich in ihn hinein, von dem Denkmal mehr zu erfahren. (p. 76) The "antique" chronicle style is represented both by texts borrowed from ancient authors and by Jahnn's own imi tations of such texts. Without exception, all passages in this archaic style are intended to represent the content of Perrudja's reading. Most important among these are Jahnn's actual borrowings from various antique texts. These are: 1. Firdosi's "Rakhsh" quotation on p. 68 (from Ernst Herzfeld) 2. The Darius "inscription" on p. 70 (from Herodotus) 3. The Darius quotation on p. 71 (from Herodotus) 4. The Darius-Oebares conversation on p. 72 (from Herodotus) 5. The Djahiz quotation on p. 76 (from Ernst Herzfeld) 6 . The Yaqut quotation on pp. 77-79 (from Ernst 197 Herzfeld) 7. The Gilgamesh text on pp. 88-89 (from Arthur Ungnad) Since these borrowings have already been discussed in detail they need not concern us here. More important than, and no doubt inspired by the texts listed above are Jahnn's own attempts at archaic style: 1. Nearly all of subchapter IX, including: a. The paraphrase of Herodotus, pp. 70-73 b. The slave's tale, pp. 73-75 5 2. A few passages with biblical character. As pointed out earlier, Jahnn's paraphrase of Herodotus often followed its model (Friedrich Lange's translation) so closely that a similarly antique style inevitably resulted. Even in passages more freely adapted from Herodotus, Jahnn's use of language is so unique that it is clear he wished to create the impression of a "foreign" text. The following passage from p. 70 provides a condensed exposition of ^One other "antique" element deserves mention here. The poem which concludes the chapter (p. 94) appears to have been written in a consciously antique meter. Notice the Alexandrine quality of these two lines: Des Safrans iibergelb umschattet deine Briiste. Der Saphirstift der Nacht hat blau dein Weift gelautert. 198 information pertinent to the Darius story, and stands as one of the longest and most complex sentences in "Sassanidischer Konig": Auf GeheiB ihres Vaters erkundete sie mit ihren zarten Fingern, als die Reihe wieder an ihr war, dafl sie bei Smerdis schliefe, daB er ohrlos, also nicht der Sohn des Kyros, der, wie man wuBte, niemals seine Ohren ver- loren hatte, also in Wahrheit, gemSB dem Ausspruch des sterbenden Kambyses (den man fur eine Luge gehalten hatte), heimlich ermordet sein muBte— durch eben den Kambyses, der es vor seinem Tode gebeichtet und als entschuldigende Erklarung ein fehlerhaftes Orakel, das ihm in Palastina geworden, angefuhrt.^ Such a sentence is not unique in section IX. On p. 72 we find a similarly complex example whose character is even more antique: Da sie trotz vieler trefflicher Reden und gegenseitiger VertrauensantrSge aus ihrer Mitte nicht eins werden konnten, wen sie als den besten unter sich anzusehen hStten, sie bei dem einen wohl ein Ubergewicht an Klug- heit erkannten, bei einem anderen aber ein UbermaB an Gute, der dritte fur gerechter gait als alle, uber den Monarchen von seiten des Otanes aber auch bose Eigen- schaften ins Treffen gebracht, sie wiederum die Wahl dem Volke nicht anvertrauen wollten, weil bei dem Mei- nungsaustausch viel schlimme Absichten der Allgemein- heit hervorgehoben worden waren, verfiel man darauf, The contrapuntal "capsulization" of this sentence (and the example to follow) is clearly evident. It should be noted that such complex structures involving subordination (hypotaxis) are inherent in the German language— a factor which may have contributed to Jahnn's "natural" use of con trapuntal form. 199 den Gott Ahuramazda urn die Segnung eines Orakels anzu- flehen. By employing complex syntax and antique vocabulary in mon ster sentences such as these, Jahnn, in effect, attempts to become a different author— in this case an ancient like Herodotus. And indeed, these passages are so dissimilar from Jahnn's usual stylistic habits that the reader could easily suspect a direct borrowing from another text. Such impressions are even more likely in the case of the slave's tale, where Jahnn's use of quotation marks underscores his intention that the text be considered a literal reproduction 7 of Perrudja's reading. As was indicated earlier, this text 7 At this point I feel obliged to point out a scandalous misuse of this intentionally "foreign" text which occurred in a well-known history of modern literature: Curt Hohoff's revised edition of Dichtung und Dichter der Zeit (Diissel- dorf, 1963), Vol. II. Hohoff cites a brief passage from the slave's tale in Perrudja (EVA 137/13-25) as a representative example of Jahnn's style (which alone is a serious mistake), then compounds this error by describing the passage as a sample, not of Perrudja, but of FluB ohne Uferl His text introducing the quotation manages to achieve a total mis representation of Jahnn's style. According to Hohoff, who obviously never read the novels he describes, the style of FluB ohne Ufer has lost "den Glanz des 'Perrudja'; auf lan- gen Strecken hin liest sich 'FluB ohne Ufer' wie eins der vielen fur die Literatur belanglos gebliebenen Erzahlwerke der Jahrhundertwende." Finally he declares: "die sprach- liche Fiihrung ist durchweg konventionell," then follows with an illustration of the supposed conventionality of FluB ohne Ufer: the quotation from the slave's tale! 200 bears considerable resemblance to certain tales from the Arabian Nights; such a relationship to these medieval tales alone imparts an ancient and exotic quality to the style of the text. Aside from the previously mentioned similarities to the "Nights," the following characteristics appear un mistakably antique: 1. The epigrammatic quality of the slave’s speech: a. "Wer die Haltung aufgibt,“ etc. b. "trotz des taglichen Brotes sovielen Ungliicks, " etc. c. "Nur der Feige verkriecht sich," etc. 2.,. The use of the pronoun "Ihr" 3. The consistent use of the imperfect tense and avoidance of the present perfect 4. The use of antique words and expressions, for example: a. sich verwundern b. wahrnehmen c. .sofern d. "die gewolbte Lippe, die Euch zuspricht und ermunternd einladt zur Frohlichkeit des La- chens" e. einkehren f. "jenen, achj so bestandigen Gast" g. "gliche ich dem Bettler" h. “den Schimpf ernten" i. rechtmSSig j. "wert zeigen des Preises" k . vorubergehen 1. "wohlwollendes VerstMndnis fur die Zusammen- setzung" m. unniitz n. "es sei zu viel des Lachelns gewesen" o. entstalten p. bangen q. "wenn nicht lastig Euch" Another aspect of archaic style in "Sassanidischer Konig" should be mentioned in conjunction with the slave's tale. That is the biblical style of certain passages in the chapter. From what is known of Jahnn's biography it seems certain that he knew Luther's Bible fairly well. In his youth Jahnn was a fervent believer and, by his own admis sion, carried a copy of the New Testament with him wherever g he went. Later, when his belief had changed to a violent g "Mein 15. oder 16. Geburtstag war gewesen. . . . Ich 202 antipathy toward Christianity, he still maintained a great fondness for certain biblical texts, especially those in the Old Testament such as the Song of Songs and the Lamentations of Jeremiah. Thus it is perfectly logical to find scrip ture-like passages in "Sassanidischer Konig." The entire slave's tale is written in a language not unlike that of the Old Testament. Particularly the reference to "tMgliches Brot" is unmistakably biblical (Luther's "Vaterunser": "Unser taglich Brot gib uns heute"). Also the use of the verb "vorubergehen" ("als Ihr zum erstenmal an mir voriiber- ginget," p. 74) may well have been motivated by a passage in the Lamentations of Jeremiah which is, with little question, one of Jahnn's favorite biblical passages: Euch sage ich alien, die ihr voriibergehet: Schauet doch und sehet, ob irgend ein Schmerz sei wie mein Schmerz der mich getroffen hat.^ (1 :12) war ein glaubiger Christ, ein Frommer von jener unbedingten Art, die die Umwelt beunruhigt. Ich trug eine Diinndruckaus- gabe des Neuen Testaments in meiner Tasche, nicht um darin zu lesenj den Text wuBte ich iiber breite Strecken auswen- dig." In "Ein Schiffbruch und noch einiges mehr, " liber den AnlaB und andere Essays, p. 111. ^This passage is quoted in Pastor Ephraim Magnus (Dra- men I. 15), Perrudja (pp. 103, 358), and FluB ohne Ufer (Niederschrift, II, 2 32). 203 Other passages in "Sassanidischer Konig" with biblical char acter are the following 1. "Ich laute die Schopfung mit tonenden Erzen ein, . . . " (p. 59). Cf. I Corinthians 13:1. 2. "Ich sage euch, ich sage euch; Eure Gestalt, das ist eure Seele" (p. 61). Resembles a formula attributed to Jesus throughout the New Testament— "Wahrlich, ich sage euch," etc. 3. "Die Seele des Menschen hat ewiges Leben. Die Seele des Tieres verwest wie des Tieres Leib" (p. 94). This relates to the discussion of the soul early in the chapter. Although not traceable to a specific biblical origin, it has a clearly scriptural character reminiscent of theses in a catechism. By far the greatest portion of the chapter is made up of passages of the "interior" level, i.e., the level of Perrudja's thought. It is only here that we encounter Jahnn's style in fully representative form and can survey the complete range of his capabilities as a stylist. Unlike the other two stylistic categories, no limited number of -*-^The passage "Wein im Becher— Palast von Babylon, Zeichen an kalkiger Wand" (p. 66), although not biblical in style, is unquestionably a reference to Daniel 5. precise characteristics is applicable to level II. In fact, the only rule that seems to govern the style of "interior" passages is their very lack of regularity and restriction. Every form of stylistic feature appears to be present in those passages which reflect Perrudja's mind, from con trolled normalcy to the utmost freedom. This situation is reflected in the five subdivisions necessary to encompass the perspective levels of mode II. The most conventional passages are, of course, those wherein Perrudja acts as narrator in reformulating the substance of his reading (e.g., level lie), and the most radical where Perrudja's imaginary processes become immediate: in the first-person passages (Ila, d, e), and in the brief subliminal interrup tions which appear throughout the narrative (lib). In terms of style, one can best divide the psychological level into four categories: I. Narrative II. Versified III. Ecstatic IV. Serial The "interior narrative" style is most consistently repre sented in perspective level lie, although it is often pres ent in levels Ila (interior monologue) and lid (present- 205 tense narrative). Its definition is most easily stated in terms of what it is not, i.e., as that portion of text con cerned with Perrudja's psychology which is neither versi fied, nor ecstatic, nor serial. Thus the narrative level might be considered the stylistic norm of the chapter— the background against which versified, ecstatic, and serial elements of Perrudja's thought become visible. The verse component of "Sassanidischer Konig" is easily identified as possessing stanzas, rhymes, and meter; the ecstatic passages are defined by their fragmentary, ungrammatical nature, their use of short sentences, their freely associated im ages, and their visionary quality; the serial style is simply that represented by passages composed of "word cata logs"— i.e., by series of related words, usually nouns. One can best discuss these four interior levels by con sidering the basic stylistic features which they exhibit. One of the most commonly used designations for Jahnn's style in Perrudja and elsewhere has been the term "primitive." Walter Muschg refers to Jahnn's "exotische Primitivenspra- che"^ and discussed the "grammatische Eigenwilligkeiten" of Perrudja, among others, "jene charakteristischen ^ Auswahl, p. 30. i primitiven SStze" (p. 53) . Rudiger Wagner defines the pri mary stylistic quality of Perrudja as "PrimitivitSt.1 1 This primitive quality of Jahnn's style is attributed to certain peculiarities of grammar and syntax, all of which involve some sort of exaggerated simplicity, brevity, or fundamen tally. In terms of vocabulary, primitivism is seen in Jahnn's preference for concrete words and his avoidance of abstraction. Most essential to this concept of primitivism are two principles exhibited in Jahnn's sentence structure: ellipsis and parataxis. Although these two stylistic fea tures are generally characteristic of Jahnn's entire work, they are especially prominent in Perrudja, where Jahnn shows a decided preference for truncated constructions and co ordinate relationships. As we have seen, the form of "Sas sanidischer Konig" is characterized by its multiplicity, by its fragmentation into a myriad of "cellular" units. Jahnn does not seek to create large forms with "symphonic" pro portion and balance or expansive periodic sentences filled with subordinate elements. He works in detail and con structs a narrative texture characterized by an often rhyth mic succession of concise statements, each of which stands as an independent unit, a separate image in a mosaic of meaning. His universal building-block is the short 207 12 sentence. Jahnn's representative sentence is a statement whose language has been reduced and distilled to the point where only a fundamental, almost physical essence remains. All superfluous rhetorical decoration is pared away to leave an absolute core of meaning. It is for this reason that so much of Jahnn's writing appears as a succession of epigrams, absolutes, and dogmatic theses. His ideal in creating prose was not a logical development of related ideas but the rep resentation of actual truths in a form intended to approach the concrete reality of these truths. In this form of ex pression, connection to surrounding ideas need not be ex plicit, and Jahnn's short sentences often stand in total 13 isolation from their context. Truth, Jahnn seems to say, - * - 2Henning Boetius comments pejoratively: "Der Roman Jahnns verdankt seine stilistische Monotonie dem endlosen Fries von Kurzsatzen ..." Utopie und Verwesung, p. 136. ^Edgar Lohner relates this aspect of Jahnn's style to the fragmented nature of modern consciousness and to the ideals of futurism and expressionism: "'Nur der unsyntak- tische Dichter', behauptet Marinetti in seinem futuristi- schen Manifest, 'der sich der losgelosten Worter bedient, wird in die Substanz der Materie eindringen konnen und die dumpfe Feindlichkeit, die sie von uns trennt, zerstoren'. Benn driickt in seinem Aufsatz fiber den Expressionismus den gleichen Gedanken mit dem Begriff der 'Wirklichkeitszer- triimmerung' aus. Der futuristische und expressionistische Angriff auf die Ratio muftte sich notwendigerweise auch auf den Satz auswirken. Es geht nicht einmal darum, kurze Oder lange Satze zu bilden, sondern den Satz als Gefiige logischer 208 cannot be subordinated. It must exist alone or be submerged in a mass of relativism. In the following paragraph we find an excellent example of Jahnn's elliptical, paratactic style: Shabdez ist tot. Sie hat sterbend gemistet. Die Gene- rale siegen. Khosros Sxeg ist klein, unheldenhaft. Er jagt. Hirsche, Schweine, Enten. Die Weiber schauen ihm dabei zu. Auch Tiere haben Blut in sich. Aber sie schreien nicht. Stummer Schmerz. So fiihlen sie nicht. Er glaubt es. Weil er schreien kann. Ihre Eingeweide sind nicht Khosros Eingeweide. Er glaubt es. Weil er sich noch nicht von innen gesehen hat. Man wird ihn belehren. Ihr Zeugen ist nicht sein Zeugen. Ihre Nachkommen sind nicht seine Nachkommen. Man wird ihn belehren. Gemartertes Wild. Gemarterter Konig. (p. 87) This collection of short statements belongs to the "ecstatic mode" and is characterized by its great economy of language, its lack of logical transition between sentences and its prophetic, almost scripture-like tone. This tone is the result of the relentless dogmatic certainty inherent in such brief absolute statements. Henning Boetius comments on this quality of Jahnn's prose in the following way: "Die Formel 'Es ist wie es ist' scheint sich in jedem der Kurzsatze zu Bindungen zu zerstoren, um durch artistisch-assoziatives Bemiihen die Identifikation des Wortes mit dem Grund des Gegenstandes zu erreichen. Jahnn versucht dies, indem er die Lange des Satzes in ein syntaktisch vollig ungebundenes Hintereinander von kurzen Ausdriicken, zerfetzten Wortver- banden auflost” (p. 336). 209 verbergen" (p. 136). This "verabsolutierende Sprache," Boetius continues, is indeed a kind of "Kultsprache," a language in which religious profundities arise from the lack of logical connection between statements (pp. 146f.). Jahnn employs a number of elliptical techniques in "Sassanidischer Konig." One is so common in Perrudja and other works that it can hardly be termed a technique, but 14 rather an unconscious stylistic habit. That is the use of past participles without the usual auxiliary verb in dependent clauses. Examples of this procedure are to be 15 found in works both earlier and later than Perrudja. The following passage is from the drama Der Arzt, sein Weib, sein Sohn (1921-1922): Menke: "Was wir gesprochen, wird nicht Tat, was wir ■^Rudiger Wagner holds that all ellipsis in Jahnn is intentional: "In primitiven Sprachen mag sich dieser Stil- zug unbewuBt einstellen, in einem heutigen Dichtwerk ist er immer rational durchdacht und gemacht" (p. 197). In the sense that Jahnn was aware of another stylistic norm, this may be true. It is, however, difficult to consider exam ples of a longtime stylistic habit to be "gemacht." •^The absence of verbs in dependent clauses is most common in Jahnn's writing between 1920 and 19 30. The great est concentration of this type of ellipsis (as well as of other grammatical irregularities) is to be found in the drama Medea (1925). In earlier and later works the device is seldom encountered. 210 gedacht, kein Laut, was wir getraumt kein greifbarer Sinn."16 A later example is this from the Neuer Lubecker Totentanz (1930) : Wanderer: "Sie der ich floh, die viel verzieh, mog' auch verzeihen, dafi ich sie verlassen."17 Similar constructions which can be found everywhere in Per- rudja are numerous in "Sassanidischer Konig": . . . Kambyses, der es vor seinem Tode gebeichtet, und als entschuldigende Erklarung ein fehlerhaftes Orakel, . . . angefiihrt. (p. 70) Was an Schonheit gewachsen und gebildet, nahm er zu sich, . . . (p. 81) 18 . . . ehe er zu sprechen begonnen. (p. 82) Als einer der Feldherren des Groftkonigs diese wilde Kraft der Zerstorung gefunden und herbeigeschleift, hatte er aufgeatmet. (p. 8 3) Und er baute das Denkmal, den Taq i Bustan, als Shabdez gestorben. (p. 85) . . . die Kristen, die die Hauptstadt Mediens bewundert und zerstort, . . . (p. 91) 16Pramen I, 395. 17Pramen II. 120. 1®This is the only example not present in the first draft. But, like the others, it is a complete piece of original composition and not the product of a later revi sion . 211 This form of ellipsis clearly reveals Jahnn's desire to eliminate superfluous elements of expression. Auxiliary verbs in dependent clauses are indeed unnecessary, since the presence of the past participle at once announces the verb which must follow. In a similar manner Jahnn creates an even more radical stylization of syntax by often omitting the verb "to be" after predicates in dependent clauses. This procedure, too, is found outside Perrudja: Menke: "Er weiB nicht, da£ die Erde rund, die Sterne fern."19 Jason: "Gold wird nicht triibe, sofern es nicht falsch, nicht dunkelt das Glas, wenn kein Zauber in ihm."29 In "Sassanidischer Konig" the following examples are repre sentative : Er spiirte gleichzeitig die Luge und Wahrhaftigkeit seiner ungewohnlichen Lebensfuhrung, . . . weil sie ohne Humor, ohne leuchtende Entspannung. (p. 70) Auf Geheifi ihres Vaters erkundete sie . . . , da£ er ohrlos, also nicht der Sohn des Kyros, . . . (p. 70) . . . sofern Euer Ohr meiner Rede geduldig, . . . (p. 7 3) . . . nur begleitet von den wenigen Menschen, die sei nem Herzen am nachsten, . . . (p. 91) ^ Der Arzt, sein Weib. sein Sohn, in Dramen I. 312. 20Medea, in Dramen I. 588. 212 Er berief sich darauf, . . . daft er ein guter Administ rator , ein noch besserer Kaufmann. (p. 92) The above types of ellipsis, while causing a definite styli zation of language, do not really contribute to the forma tion of Jahnn's many short sentences. Only single-clause constructions can be considered as belonging to the category of the short sentence. These are arrived at by several methods in "Sassanidischer Konig." In general, Jahnn re duces wordage to a minimum and neglects all sentence ele- 21 ments in favor of nominal forms. Often sentences with several clauses are broken up into successions of individual sentences in which dependent clauses have become sentence fragments. Sometimes this is the result of revision, as in t the case of these examples, originally dependent clauses in Herzfeld: Dessen Panzerhemd sichtbar ist. (p. 77) 22 Dessen Natur am offenkundigsten. (p. 78) 21 This tendency to ellipsis is sometimes illustrated in revisions of the first draft: "Wir belugen uns" changed to "Luge" (p. 77)j "Er ist kein Held" changed to "Kein Held" (p. 86). ^Herzfeld follows with "war." Thus we see a further example of the omission of understood verbs in dependent clauses. 213 Other short sentences, although appearing to be revised dependent clauses, are either original components of the first draft: . . . nach dem Hinschlachten seines Lieblingssohnes wurde er gespeert. Wie sein Vater. (p. 94) or separate additions to the first draft; Diener und Feldherrn fsic] miissen Eselinnen begatten. Daft sie l&chle. (p. 83) Er glaubt es. Weil er schreien kann. (p. 87) Often, too, co-ordinate clauses are transformed into sepa rate sentences, many of which omit the subject pronoun. The following example is a modification of the first draft: Mit Zorn wandte er sich von ihnen ab. Und war ihnen doch verfalien. (p. 62) Several similar examples are modifications of the Herzfeld borrowings: Und er ist in der Mitte gegiirtet. (p. 77) Und schnaubte und schaumte nicht. (p. 78) Still other co-ordinate constructions are characterized by the omission of conjunctions and pronouns. As in these examples, the verb is usually initial: Der Altere reichte dem Jiingeren stumm sein Dolchmesser. Packte ihn bei den Armen, . . . (p. 64) 214 Die Sohne . . . kampften, . . . gegen die Soldaten. Waren ja ihrer Mutter Sohne. (p. 91) Finally, a few sentence fragments are nothing more than short phrases separated from the sentence to which they obviously belong. In the following example a prepositional phrase set off by commas in the first draft has become a separate sentence: "Sie reiten ins Gebirge. Zu dritt" (p. 86). In the story based on Sigurd Mathiesen we find a model example of ellipsis illustrating two types of "sentence fragmentation" {involving both clauses and phrases) as well as omission of an auxiliary verb. Note the probably acci dental similarity to the previous example: Sie versenkten ihn. Etwas feierlicher als sie den Leopold Ulfers hinabgestoBen. Und standen dann zusam- men. Zu dritt. (p‘ . 63) Another of Jahnn's elliptical techniques involves omission of understood verbs in main clauses. Such under stood verbs are usually equivalent to the verb "to be," as in the following examples: Im Hintergrund der Grotte, . . .: der GroBkonig, rei- tend auf der Nachtlichen. (p. 85) 23 In den Handen Schlangen; . . . (p. 83) ^^First draft: "In den Handen erhebt sie Schlangen"; 215 Some elliptical "sentences," however, omit verbs other than "to be" which have been established in the preceding con text. On p. 63, for example, "Vom Wege ab" refers back to the phrase "Sie gingen . . Nevertheless, most elliptical sentence fragments simply imply the existence of whatever is stated. This brings us to the most important aspect of Jahnn's elliptical technique: the use of an object lan guage . Jahnn's shortest "sentence," his most concentrated statements, have been reduced in most cases to the ultimate core of verbal expression which I term the "object lan guage, " a designation employed by Bertrand Russell. Russell defines this most primitive form of language as consisting of "words having meaning in isolation" or as "words which have been learnt without its being necessary to have previ- 24 ously learnt any other words." The object language is thus devoid of all merely logical and syntactic elements (e.g., conjunctions, negatives) to which no "object" can ever be related. Essential to the object language is actual the revised version, however, must mean: "In den Handen sind Schlangen." 24ftn Inquiry into Meaning and Truth (Baltimore [1962]), p. 62 . 216 experience of the world through the senses. Each object word therefore can conceivably be learned by direct experi- 25 ence of a specific thing, quality, or state. Indeed, all our words denoting things, qualities, and states, no matter how abstract, must be based upon a fundament of experienced object words if they are to be understood. Abstract words are understandable only to the degree that they can be made ^Language learning is at first exclusively restricted to the object language. In the Muschg Gesprache (p. 18f.) Jahnn gives us a remarkable account of his own language learning as a child. Here, the unusual importance of the object language in formulating his idiomatic style cannot be overlooked: "Ich lernte sehr spat sprechen, deshalb nam- lich, weil ich es nicht mechanisch lernte, sondern ein Wort immer erst dann beherrschte, wenn ich den Begriff erlebt hatte. So war ich weit zuriick, als ich in die Schule kam. Dort lernte dann wie alle schlecht und recht die grammati- sche Sprache, aber eines Tages war eine Katastrophe da: die alte Verfassung brach wieder durch, die Begriffe bekamen von neuem die Oberhand und zerstorten das ganze kiinstliche Ge- fiige. Ich konnte plotzlich nicht mehr begreifen, warum es fur ein Ding zwei Worte geben sollte. Ich fing also an zu schreiben: Dashaus, Dastier; sobald es zwei Hauser waren, konnte ich mich zu der Trennung verstehen. Der ganze Satz- bau, die ganze Denkweise in meinen Aufsatzen wurde davon ergriffen. Die Sprache stiirzte wie ein Spiegel zu Boden und zerbrach in tausend Stiicke, sie war mir zerstort wie beim Turmbau zu Babel. In den Augen meiner Umgebung verlor ich plotzlich wieder meine ganze Sprachvernunft. Ganz langsam, Schritt fur Schritt, eroberte ich mir dann die Sprache wie der, aber nun war es meine eigene Sprache, mit eigenen Ge- setzen und mit eigenem Brauch. So ist es bis heute geblie- ben, und noch immer kenne ich in orthographischen, gramma- tischen Fragen eine gewisse Unsicherheit, die ein Rest die- ser Entwicklung ist." 217 concrete . ^ The most obvious and commonest type of "object word" is the noun, particularly the concrete noun. Any word, how ever (abstractions included) can be an object word if it fits Russell's definition and can be related to an "object" within experience (i.e., has meaning in isolation from other words). Thus actions (run, fly, fall) expressed by verbs, qualities (long, heavy, fast) expressed by adjectives or adverbs, as well as situations (in, under, behind) expressed by prepositions are all part of the object language. In Jahnn's case, any combination of such words without gramma tical mediation constitutes "object language." In "Sassani discher Konig" this language is primarily used in passages of high expressive density, i.e., the "ecstatic" and "seri al" modes. The many word catalogs in Perrudja are perhaps the most convincing examples of object language. These inventories of the existent are usually composed of nothing but "ob jects" in the form of concrete nouns. Their function is essentially twofold: (1) to express the actual nature of 9 ^°Cf. the etymology of abstract words. All are ulti mately derived from simple "object words." See the discus sion below of Jahnn's "materialized" abstractions. 218 reality by enumerating its "contents," and (2) to establish 27 unexpected associations between the things listed. Using relatively liberal criteria, one can classify twenty-four different "catalogs" in "Sassanidischer Konig" within the 28 serial mode. Among the catalogs illustrating the "con tent" of reality, those which appeal directly to the senses 29 are particularly important. To conjure up the decadent luxury of Khosro's feasts, Jahnn creates the following brief catalog of the exotic flavors which spice the king's wine: "Seine wolliistigen Lippen trinken gegorenen Wein, gewiirzt. Muskat, Honig, Nelken, chinesischen Ingwer, Zimt" {pp. 79- 80). The objects of Khosro's riches also appeal strongly to the senses: "Zu ihm stromten Gold, Edelsteine, mechani- sche Wunderwerke, Statuen, Weiber" (p. 81). The following characterization of Khosro's army seeks to provide a ^ T h i s relates to Boetius ’ comment on "Kultsprache." Lack of logical connection between parts of a catalog cre ates a mystery often demanding a profound "religious" solu tion. ^®The essential criterion: possession of more than three similar elements in succession. 29 Perhaps the best example of this type in all of Per- rudja is the catalog of marmalade flavors on p. 4 35. Here Jahnn uses magic-synesthetic word monstrosities to evoke the taste of each marmalade. 219 "physical" image using the fewest possible words: "Panzer- reiterei, Instrument des Krieges, Menschen, Pferde, Leder, Metall" (p. 82). Colors, too, provide a brief visual cata log : Fiinf Grundtone: rot, grun, blau, gelb, weifl, dazu die Erhdhungen, der Bogen Abraxas, die Sonne und der Nacht- himmel, gold und schwarz. (p. 83) Other catalogs of a highly "sensual" nature are the list (from Herzfeld) of Khosro's twelve treasures (pp. 84-85), as well as the painful enumeration of stages in the slaughter of Khosro's son (p. 93).^ Many catalogs simply reflect the content of Perrudja's thought (e.g., the rhyming catalogs on p. 61), especially when it concerns his reading. The lists containing names of "characters" in Perrudja's books (pp. 62, 6 3, 7 0) are typi cal. Also representative of Perrudja's reading are the geographical catalogs (pp. 67, 81, 82) which evoke the 30 . . . . This latter is unusual m that it consists of verb forms rather than substantives. A certain mystical signifi cance seems also implicit in these words, as if Jahnn wished to demonstrate that deeper meaning must underlie such in tense agony. In general, Jahnn's constant strong appeals to the senses (sexuality, suffering, revulsion) seem motivated simply by the desire to make objective reality "felt"— in "visceral," not "cerebral" terms which can be rationalized away. 220 31 reality of towns and provinces in the same way a map does. Animals, too, comprise" several catalogs in the chapter. These lists attempt to recreate the pictorial reality of the animal motifs so important in Babylonian and Sassanian art on stone reliefs, textiles and coins (pp. 68, 87, 90). The unique significance of animal themes in the chapter is dis cussed fully in the next section of this study. The final and perhaps most important type of catalog is mystical and symbolic in nature. The contents of such catalogs resemble the ritualized elements of a prayer or % exorcism, each possessing a magic quality heightened by the unspoken relationships within the series. The first such catalog, as we have seen, owes its origin to the ritual omens of old Babylon. The birth-omen catalog (p. 69), like its ancient counterparts, is a prophetic statement of the possible in terms of human flesh. This endless list of child deformities is an attempt to represent physically the limitless variations of the flesh. Not only do these de fective births symbolize the "reality" of the mythical ani mals mentioned in preceding passages but also express the O 1 Geographical catalogs are prevalent outside "Sassa- nidischer Konig"; cf. pp. 48, 49, 476, 477, 647, 648, 649. 221 ineffable significance of all human birth. Another "mystical" catalog is found on p. 83: . . . das Holz eben, dies Henkerwerkzeug, romischer Galgen, Richtblock, Beil, Rad, Schlachtbank (0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig). Here, certain associations surrounding the Christian cross are evoked, parallel with the capture of the cross by Khos ro's army. In a context of war and suffering, this list of "attributes" relates the cross as a symbol to other instru ments of torture and execution. Finally the chorale title "O Lamm Gottes, unschuldig" ("am Stamm des Kreuzes ge- schlachtet") conjures up a final image, the slaughter and suffering of innocents, which Jahnn sees as the symbolic 32 essence of the cross. The symbol is both temporal, as the representation of the human suffering inherent in the Persian-Byzantine war, as well as universal, as an image of the eternal suffering of man at the hands of his spiritual ideologies. In addition, the word "Schlachtbank" antici pates the slaughter of Khosro's son at the end of the chap ter— a direct result of the Christian conquest (Schlachtbank ^Here Jahnn alludes to the suffering caused by Chris tianity, as well as to the suffering of Christ which forms the center of Christian belief. 222 = Kreuz). The ecstatic description of the pillars at the entrance to Khosro's grotto contains the following "mystical" series: . . das Labyrinth der Staubgefafte, Safran, Same, Knospe, Frucht. Zeit und Ewigkeit" (p. 87). The entire passage dealing with the acanthus and lotus designs on the pillars is highly "magical" in nature. The catalog above enumerates the symbolic content implicit in the image of the lotus flower. Here Jahnn sees the miracle of procreation and birth, a symbol with individual temporal significance, as well as eternal meaning as the key to the endless renewal * i 33 of life. The final mystical catalogs are both found on p. 93. The second of these has already been mentioned in relation to form: "Gemartertes Wild] Siebenblattrige Lotosblume. Paradeisgrotte . Bliihende Pfeiler. Spiralen des Akanthus . " This "stretto"-like passage refers back to a single page of the previous text (p. 87): the ecstatic presentation of Khosro's hunting and the description of the "acanthus- pillars." In these references a world of symbolic 33Notable is the word "Safran" (i.e., pollen), a sexual symbol in Perrudja which relates to the leitmotiv "gelb." 223 significance is related to the moment of Khosro's death. The first element combines two statements from p. 87: "Ge- martertes Wild. Gemarterter Konig" while the others, all highly symbolic in their original context, suggest the transitoriness of life and the inescapable natural laws of birth and death which defy rational expression. Also on p. 9 3 is the following "inventorial descrip tion" of the Christian cross. Many associations are iden tical to those in the similar catalog on p. 8 3, but here the cross is considered also as an abstract symbol with spatial, geometric implications, as the graph-like intersection of perpendiculars, the juncture of opposites in space and time, the center of rational orientation: Das Symbol der ewig marternden Gerechtigkeit, Kreuz, Spinnweb, Zeichen des Universums im Raumlichen, im Zeit- lichen, in der vierten Dimension (positiv, negativ, ra tional, irrational, 0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig— ), . . . Jahnn's most characteristic use of the "object lan guage" does not, however, occur within the serial mode. Practically all of the short sentences in Perrudja are object statements involving simple images presented with a minimum of grammatical apparatus. Often verbal elements are completely lacking, as in the following examples: 224 Raupe. Schmetterling. . . . Kot ins Grime. (p. 59) Bulle mit Nasenring. (p. 63) Dunkelheit in der Hohle. Feucht. (p. 64) Toll nach Macht. . . . Eisen und Fleisch. (p. 80) Geiles Vergewaltigen, Vollerei, . . . (p. 82) Lowenkopfig mit spitzen Eselsohren. Weib, Briiste vom Weib, . . . (p. 83) Bunt. Seide der sieben Farben. (p. 83) Nachtliche Lotosblumen, geschlossen, halb offen, reif fleischig wie Sirupstrank. (p. 88) Uber die Berge der Zwiesang, ein Mann und ein Knabe. Hirten bei ihren Hiirden. (p. 89) Runde Miinzen. Totes Gluck. Gluck. (p. 90) Stoffe wie knetbares Gold. (p. 90) Even in Jahnn's few verses we find examples of pure object language. The following lines are also without verbs: Safrangelber Wein, amethystenes Glas; schwarze sterbende Lippen, mondsteinfettig und nafi. (p. 6 6) Occasionally, these verbless object statements can comprise a lengthy main clause in which the verb "to be" is clearly implied, as in the example from p. 85 cited earlier. Even lengthy continuous passages can be created using several short, descriptive sentences without verbs, as in the 225 following example of the "ecstatic," visionary style: Kleine feine schaumige Gliickswolken, wie Wellen. GenuB bei geschlossenen Augen. Nichts weiter. Kein Wort. Bruste und Schenkel. Kein Wort. Goldene Gliickswolk- chen auf schwarzem Grund, wie Nacht und samtene Haut. (p. 8 8) When verbs are present, they commonly take the form of par ticiples, so that no complete sentence results: Schweine kochend in Schlachttrogen. (p. 63) . . . Schauspiel nachtlich verbrennender Menschen- wohnungen und Walder. (p. 82) Gemartertes Wild. (p. 87) Viergeteilte Lotosblumen, vier Blatter wie Herzen. (p. 8 8) Normal verb forms are often graphic and generally clarify a specific "objective" situation: Du hast gezittert. Du hast gefiirchtet. Du hast ge- weint. Rittest auf Pferden. (p. 80) Sie raubten, mordeten. (p. 82) Er jagt. Hirsche, Schweine, Enten. (p. 87) Sie harfen ihm seinen Traum.- (p. 90) Der Stein begann zu knospen, zu bluhen. {p. 90) As a general rule, all sentences in Jahnn tend to use the object language in inverse proportion to their length. Yet even longer sentences are often composed, in effect, of 226 several short "sentences," such as the following example where every clause could easily have been written as a separate "object statement": In den Handen Schlangen; aus ihrem Schofle wachsen Adler- beine, mit denen sie auf einem Esel hockt; ihr Buhle bei ihr, der sich in ein Schiff gelagert, das dieses Liebesparr durch die Flusse fahrt; das mit seiner Frucht- barkeit Eiter sat. (p. 83) In conclusion, I believe one can make the following statement with some justification: that Jahnn's use of the object language is primarily responsible for the quality of his literary style. All of the stylistic features we have just reviewed, and all the characteristics discovered by earlier analysts (primitivism, nominal style, - ellipsis, parataxis) become fully meaningful only when related to the concept of the object language. This object language is primitive, not only because it is simple, but because it forms the basis for language learning by children and shares 34 many qualities with the dialects of "primitive" peoples. Jahnn1s tendency toward ellipsis is the tendency to elimi nate words which are unnecessary to the object language; ^"Pidgin English," for example, is made up almost entirely of object words without grammatical logic: "Man in house. Big fire. Man run." 227 understood verbs, subjects, purely functional elements of grammar. His often mentioned "nominal style" is a natural characteristic of the object language, since all objects of experience (including actions, qualities, and situations) can be expressed by nouns. The use of paratactic relation ships is implicit in the object language where only a juxta position of "objects" is possible, never their interaction 35 and subordination through grammatical devices. And when Henning Boetius speaks of Jahnn's "verabsolutierende Spra- che" or of the maxim "es ist wie es ist" which he perceives in Jahnn's short sentences, he is referring to the object language, a language which, in essence, can only express the fact of existence. Another essential aspect of Jahnn's style which is inseparably related to the object language has yet to be discussed: the principle of metaphor. Figurative language •^The object language re-creates the world as a "Neben- einander." ^fi Even Jahnn's speech habits were characterized by the same "objective" tendencies found in his written language. In Gesprache, Muschg describes Jahnn's conversation as "kon- zentriert, hochst konzis und substantiell, beladen mit Stoff und Sinn" (p. 34). 228 is richly used throughout Perrudja, but is unusually preva lent in "Sassanidischer Konig." Not only does the chapter contain numerous examples from which to establish a theory concerning Jahnn's use of metaphor, but this very theory is expounded in explicit terms at the beginning of the chapter. But before beginning an analysis of the imagery in "Sassa nidischer Konig,1 1 let us first examine several pertinent statements made by Rudiger Wagner in his extensive study of style in Perrudja. In general, Wagner finds metaphoric de vices to be uncharacteristic of the novel: Die Sprache des ‘ 'Perrudja1 1 ist relativ arm an Meta- phern, Verbalmetaphern und Vergleichen. Viele Seiten weisen oft keinen bildlichen Schmuck auf; nur die ver- blafiten sprachlichen Metaphern, die in jeder Sprach- form anzutreffen sind, kommen vor. . . . Im Durch- schnitt aller Seiten findet sich eine dichterische bildliche Form auf einer Seite des Romans. (p. 277) Whereas this statement may be an accurate appraisal of cer tain passages of the novel, it is most certainly inappro priate to "Sassanidischer Konig" where, as will be seen, one often encounters as many as seven original figures of speech per page. Misleading, too, is the implication that metaphor plays no significant role in the style of Perrudja. Para doxically, however, Wagner himself has discovered the very features of Jahnn's style which reveal the true importance 229 of metaphor in Perrudja. These features are, without ex ception, aspects of the object language. First, Wagner recognizes the importance of object words in the novel, specifically concrete nouns: liber die Halfte aller Substantive sind den Konkreta zuzurechnen. . . . Freude an den Dingen, an der Nen- nung von Sachen aus der Sinnenwelt, fordert den Ge- brauch der Konkreta. (p. 126) He then points out the corresponding lack of abstract ter minology: "Die relative Armut an Abstrakta und Abstraktem ist ein nicht zu ubersehendes Stilmerkmal" (p. 127). Having recognized these factors, Wagner goes on to formulate a significant theory regarding Jahnn's use of abstraction: Jahnn . . . konkretisiert, aktiviert, und vitalisiert das Abstraktum und den abstrakten Begriff. Er hebt auf diese Weise die umfassende Anschauung, die das Abstraktum vermittelt, wieder in die Gebundenheit und Begrenztheit der konkreten Anschauung zuriick. (p. 254) This "Versinnlichung von Abstraktem," although not identi fied as such, is a purely metaphorical process. In it we see a characteristic function of the object language at work: the expression of reality in terms directly related to experience. As mentioned before, all abstract words have an "objective" basis and can only be understood with refer ence to some form of objective experience. They are 230 meaningful only to the extent that they can be made con crete. Most abstract words, however, are not learned by direct confrontation with reality, but are "interpreted" through other words (ultimately object words) and thus are made objective only in an indirect way. Jahnn seeks to avoid the vagueness inherent in most abstractions by meta phorical means— by translating the general into the speci fic . It is paradoxically true that metaphor achieves a greater directness by expressing meaning indirectly. The direct statement of a meaning through words commonly asso ciated with it is vague and ineffective since such a state ment relates only to other words and generalized concepts, not to specific experience. The poet, therefore, who seeks to represent his specific reality to the reader often avoids direct statement in favor of metaphorical "translations." All experience is unique, but the meanings of words commonly used to express experience are not. In using figurative language the poet returns to the language of childhood (i.e., the object language) where all words were learned with a single referent. To the learning child, the word "house” signifies only one specific house of his experience and cannot be applied to other objects. It is therefore 2 31 the goal of education to teach the child to generalize his use of language so as to apply words not to specific ex periences but to intellectualized images of various cate gories. Communication demands a generalized language, a de-sensualized language. Least specific of all words are the abstractions, most of which have no direct sensual referent and are thus useless as statements of specific experience. Thus, in order to re-create his unique artistic vision in the reader, the poet must reverse the direction followed in language learning (i.e., toward greater gener- 37 alization) and return to greater specificity. This, I believe, is the principle underlying all metaphor: not simply the statement of one thing in terms of another, but the unexpected expression of one concept in terms of a re lated concept, so that the former is experienced anew as a 38 specific, original event. With this new experience comes •^Or, as Wagner states in regard to Jahnn's "Versinn- lichung von Abstraktem," he must return to "die Gebunden- heit und Begrenztheit der konkreten Anschauur.^ ^®A unique experience can obviously be characterized as one in which the subject is aware of certain differences in the object he beholds as compared to previous experiences of that object. Words, however, define their objects with out regard to "subjective" differences. Metaphors, unlike "definitions," can reproduce experience by injecting new qualities into an object from a second object. This 2 32 a new consciousness of the concept's quality, an insight achieved by perceiving the features shared by the concept and its "image." In "Sassanidischer Konig" Jahnn uses metaphor primarily for the purpose outlined by Rudiger Wagner: "die Versinn- lichung von Abstraktem." The importance of this process is outlined by Jahnn himself in a highly significant passage at the beginning of the chapter. This section, as we have seen, is largely concerned with an Aristotelian definition of the soul. The formula "Seele, Form der Formen," which is the central concept in this definition, has clearly meta phorical implications. The soul, it is reasoned, can only be conceived of in terms of a physical manifestation: the body which owns and expresses that soul. Abstraction, therefore, is revealed through reality, and can only be understood in concrete terms. We need look no further than the following lines to understand Jahnn's metaphorical treatment of abstraction. The first sentence stands as the basic rule governing this kind of procedure: "illuminating" ability of metaphor is of central impor tance. In addition, metaphor excels lengthy descriptive techniques (which can also "illuminate") because of its concise immediacy— which approaches actual experience. 233 39 Klarheit gewinnen mittels der Metamorphose zum Realen. Auch die Begriffe erharten sich am Existenten. Auch die Seele erweist sich erst am Geschaffenen. Ohne Be- tatigung am Stofflichen ist sie Hypothese wie der Raum, wie der Ablauf der Zeit. Sie muB sich betatigen. Form sein, in die, welche Stoff auch immer, hineingegossen- (p. 59) Later in the chapter we find a similar reference to abstrac tion expressed as a metaphor itself: ~ "Ohne das—lebendige Fleisch des Einzelnen ist die kuhnste und geistigste Ab- straktion ein Totengebein" (p. 77). Jahnn1s metaphorical search for the soul at the beginning of the chapter becomes a literal search for poetic metaphor. He expresses this search itself in figurative terms that transform abstraction (word, concept) into concrete reality: "DaB das Wachs deiner Zunge ein Wort findet, nach dem du mit Handen greifst wie nach reifem schonen duftenden Obst!" (p. 60). Per rudja's wish is then answered with the following metaphor: "RoBmaulige Schenken einer Gottin" (p. 60). A second wish expresses, once again, Jahnn's desire to remake abstraction into physical reality: "Gib . . . ein Wort, das wie ein Gotze aufgestellt werden kann!" (p. 60). The metaphors which Perrudja seeks in this passage (e.g., "RoBmaulige 39 Cf. the simxlar etymology of "metaphor." 2 34 Schenkel") are conventional poetic figures of speech from which the verses on pp. 60 and 61 are composed. These con ventional similes and metaphors (relating one concrete ob ject to another) are not, however, characteristic of the prose of "Sassanidischer Konig," but comprise only about one-third of all the figures of speech in the chapter. Metaphors involving abstract concepts are far more common, as the examples to be presented should clearly demonstrate. To express this process in English I have chosen the term "realization" of abstraction, although one might also apply such designations as "materialization," "substantiation," or "sensualization." Rudiger Wagner divides the "Versinn- lichung von Abstraktem" (his term) into three subcategories, namely "Konkretisierung," "Aktivierung," and "Vitalisie- rung." This hypercritical classification turns out to be of questionable value in actual application. "Konkreti sierung" can, of course, be applied to anything which is active or alive. Also, much of "Aktivierung" could equally well be defined as "Vitalisierung" and vice versa. Wagner provides a selection of fifty-four examples illustrating all 40 three supposed principles. Under "Konkretisierung" ^This selection is unusually random and ignores large 235 (denoting non-active, non-vital materializations) he lists the following examples containing obvious elements of life and activity: Er fiirchtete, in einer unnatiirlichen Kampf mit seinem Ich zu kommen, das unerlost, gefangen in dem Netz seiner Tatenlosigkeit zuckte. )p. 166) Similarly, under "Aktivierung" we find examples which clearly involve "Vitalisierung": Alle Krankheit, die heimlich in Perrudja schlummerte, wurde angeriihrt und proklamierte ihre Herrschaft. (p. 130) and "Konkretisierung": Irgendein langsamer Bauer, ein leidenschaftsloser, einer, der ihr voiles Leben in Diirftigkeit vermauerte. (P- 159) Under "Vitalisierung" as well we find examples where the "active" element seems to predominate: Das Wachsen kletterte die Berge hinauf gegen den ewigen Schnee der Gletscher und Finnen. (p. 36) Therefore I have chosen to employ the single term "realiza tion" which is capable of expressing any of the above portions of the novel. Not one example is drawn from "Sassanidischer Konig." 2 36 41 situations. Abstract concepts are "realized" metaphor ically in "Sassanidischer Konig" so often that only the most characteristic examples can be listed here. As a general rule, the majority of realized abstractions are found in passages describing psychological states within Perrudja, primarily in the third-person conventional narrative. On the other hand, the least metaphors of any kind are found in passages which reproduce Perrudja's reading. Among the abstract qualities of Perrudja's thought and emotion which Jahnn "realized" in metaphor, the following are representa- 42 tive : Ich laute die Schopfung mit tonenden Erzen ein; ich bespeie ihre peinigende Unvollkommenheit. (p. 59) Er fiihlte das Bediirfnis nach Definitionen. Aber die Ansatze zu ihnen schwammen ihm fort mit den Fluten seines warmen Herzens. (p. 59) Die andere Welt stieB ihn in eine Einsamkeit, . . . (p. 62) Vergebens wehrte er sich gegen den Ansturm der Frem- den mit der Uberlegung, daB sich ja nur kraftlose Worte zu einer Fabel geschlossen, daS nur der Nimbus anderer ■^The only possible value of terms such as "activation" or "vitalization" would be in indicating the prevalence of metaphors drawn from the realm of the living {men, animals, etc.) . 42A11 of these, it should be noted, originated in the first draft. 2 37 Lebensformen sich so beharrlich gegen die seinen drangte, daB im freien Wettkampf sein eigenes Leben nicht arm versickern wiirde wie ein Rinnsal im Wiisten- sand. (p. 62) . . . in seinem verzweifelten Sich-anklammern . . . (p. 62) . . . all das warme Blut, das sich helfend vergieBen wollte. (p. 64) Diese Saat, die aufging: MiBtrauen, Verschweigen, Befangenheit. (p. 64) Weil er hineingestoBen werden wiirde in die zertriim- mernde Logik des Allgemeinen. (p. 65) Das Leid der Menschheit quirlte durch tausend Schleusen in seine Brust. (pp. 65-66) An diesem Riickzug in die Festung der Wahrheit hinein . . . (p. 66) . . . Notwendigkeiten, . . . denen er als Einsamer ausgeliefert wurde wie ein Verbrecher dem Tribunal. Er verfing sich in dem Kreuzverhor. (p. 66) . . . dann mischte er eine nicht nennbare Liebe unter die gedruckten Zeilen; seine Phantasie verdeutlichte fast iiber Gebiihr den Sinn, machte ihn of fen, selbst roh und entbloBt. (p. 66) Sein Herz aber tauchte den Buchstaben nicht nur in eine Farbe; . . . (p. 67) Aus den dunklen Ahnungen, aus den blanken gebrochenen Flachen geschliffener Edelsteine, die das Licht veran- derten, schaffte er— (p. 67) Schwer nur loste Perrudja sich aus der Umklammerung jener Wirklichkeit, . . . (p. 69) Er fiihlte sich wieder hineingeworfen in einen Zwiespalt, der nichts Besseres zu beabsichtigen schien, als ihn zu zerfetzen. (pp. 69-70) 2 38 Der Wunsch sengte sich in ihn hinein, . . . (p. 76) Subchapter X contains a number of "realization metaphors" / referring to Khosro which are among the most radical and the most successful of the entire novel: . . . Herakleios, . . . der ausersehen worden war, den letzten Becher Erfullung dem Gliickreichen aus der Hand zu schlagen, zu schleifen den Prunkbau einer beispiel- losen Meistbegiinstigung durch das Schicksal. (pp. 76-77) Die Trauer um den Tod der Stute wiinschte er hineinzu- mischen in die Flutwelle an Lust, mit der er seinen schweren Korper in den riesenhaften Garten treiben lieft. (p. 79) Die Existenz des Konigs sickert durch seine Maske und sammelt sich wie Wasser in einem Becken. Becken aus Silber, aus Granit, aus Bronze, aus Lapis-Lazuli, aus Zinn, aus Basalt, aus Kupfer, aus Diorit, aus Gold, aus Ton. Scherben und Beulen sind das E n d e . ^ (pp. 85-86^ Perhaps the most extensive and unusual example of realized abstraction is the following surrealistic description of Khosro transforming imaginative visions into reality: A . JThis remarkable passage might well be called an "archeological metaphor." The existence of the doomed king is gradually being lost to the artifacts whose many materi als symbolize his earthly riches. Such vain wealth is more durable than the man or his fame. Yet even these relics are broken and dented by time, ultimately to be collected by later ages as the only real remnant of Khosro's reign, the poor echo of a life in flesh and blood. (Note: Among the more important remains of Sassanian art are numerous plat ters— mostly of silver— often with equestrian portraits of the kings in relief. Several of these depict Khosro II.) 2 39 Etliche gab es, fur die dichtete er mit Muhe aus dem Erinnern an seine Leidenschaft in ihrer Gegenwart die Sprache wortloser Pracht. Sein Geist suchte Betatigung, wirbelte Brocken sehnsiichtigen Schaffenseifers iiber die Stoffe hin. Die Vergleiche mit den Tieren des Feldes, den Tieren der Traume griindete er tiefer mit dem SchweiB seines Suchens. Er lieB das Wirkliche und Unwirkliche aufflammen in Katarakten brennender Farben. Stoffe wie knetbares Gold. Ertiiftelte Gesetze fur das Wachstum der Pflanzen, von innen, wie ein Gott im Gehause. MuB- ten sich in Rauten verschlungen zu Ornamenten pragen, selbst zum Gerank und Gitterwerk der Rauten sich ver- dichten, urn einzurahmen die Tiere des Feldes, die be- flvigelten Schafe, die bekrallten Pferde, die krausen und stolzen Vogel. Kunstreiche Weber folgten seinen Planen. Der Gedanke iiberwucherte den Stein. Der Stein begann zu knospen, zu bliihen. (p. 90) Other types of metaphor, i.e., those involving only concrete phenomena, are present in comparatively small numbers. Some, such as this bold personification, are unusual in character: Erz schamt sich nicht, einzuflieBen in dunkle Lehm- mantel. Erstarrt in Geduld. (p. 59) Many metaphors of this type, however, are of a more conven tional nature : . . . Gesang einer geordneten Sprache . . . (p. 62) . . . zitronengelben Sonnen . . . safrangelben Sonnen- keilen. (p. 63) . . . Narses, . . . die Fackel, . . . [die] gegen Per- sien brannte. (p. 80) Sie waren der Augenblick, den niemand behielt, . . . (p. 82) 240 Der Konig war der Pels. (p. 82) Still more take the form of similes. We sometimes find groups of similes comprising entire passages, such as in the description of mythical animals on p. 68: . . . abwechselnd wachsen Felsen auf wie glasern und Marmor. . . . Mann, Rind gleich, vom Bauche an, . . . Voran ein Kopf, schwer wie die Horner eines Widders, gewunden, spiralig nach der Form riesiger Ammoniten, gekornt wie Erz, das in der Form verbrannte, umrahmt von brauner Wolle, dick und zottig, die wie Mahne eines Lowen flieBt, bebandert, mit einem Fliigelpaar wie einer Taube Schwingen; schmal fallt der Leib dann ab, wie einer Katze Leib; doch als Zeichen, daB der Kopf nicht nur ein Prunkstuck, prangt zwischen den schmalen Schenkeln die Last der Hoden wie von einem Stier. or the "pillar vision" on p. 87: . . . wie Spiralen. . . . wie . . . Facher. or the erotic fantasy on pp. 88 and 90: . . . wie Wellen. . . . wie Nacht und samtene Haut. . . . wie Herzen. . . . wie Sirupstrank. . . . wie ein Dickicht, . . . wie auf den Feldern des Schachbretts. Others appear in isolation: "Wie Same" (p. 61); "tief wie Nachthimmel" (p. 76); "wie durch einen Schleier" (p. 76); "wie ein Stier" (p. 80); "wie Vieh" (p. 80). The most radical simile is this one describing Khosro: Er glich einer iippigen blxihenden goldgelben Wiese, die dampfend mit dem Geruch ihres Paarens den Himmel fiillt. (o. 84) 241 The examples we have just reviewed are not merely in dications of Jahnn1s personal linguistic habits. The style of Perrudja is a manifestation of Jahnn's entire nature, of his view of the world, and of his artistic principles. The essential unity of style, theme and form is clearly demon strated here, for all three categories reveal Jahnn's ad herence to a single, all-important principle. That prin ciple is the attempt to approach physical reality in liter ary form. We find this principle exhibited in the contra puntal form of "Sassanidischer Konig" with its almost "spa tial" constructivism, and in the style of the chapter— the object language with its inherent features of ellipsis, parataxis, and realized abstraction. And as we shall see in the section to follow, this principle has profound implica tions for the thematic structure and ultimate meaning of the chapter. chapter V MOTIVES, MYTH, AND MATERIALISM Preface: Art and Interpretation In considering the themes and motives of "Sassanidi scher Konig" one must sooner or later come to terms with the most difficult problem of all literary analysis: the inter pretation of meaning. Whereas the origin, form, language, and theme of a work can each be described in "objective" isolation (i.e., in terms of concrete, demonstrable facts), its meaning as a unity must remain a matter of subjective speculation. Despite many scholarly attempts to eliminate error in interpretation, the ultimate relativism of this process has never been refuted. Each work of literature (or of any other art) can be likened to a sign, a symbol which exists in two separate dimensions. Such a symbol resembles a concrete artifact whose physical properties can be agreed upon by all observers, but whose "spiritual," sym bolic content must originate within individual experience if 242 243 it is to exist at all. A literary work can, indeed, be measured, weighed and dissected according to scientific principles, but such science is helpless to understand the collective nature of its object. The meaning of a work of art is, for better or worse, inseparable from experience: fallible, personal, changeable experience. So then is in terpretation the equivalent of experience as soon as it attempts to do more than describe the objective qualities of an art work. To go beyond these qualities, to deduce mean ing from them necessarily involves a personal contribution from the observer. Such a contribution can be no more abso lute than any individual experience. Such relativism, no doubt, explains the ability of so many interpreters to pro claim the infallibility of their own commentaries while at the same time having little use for the findings of others. If the history of art criticism has done nothing else, it has shown the utter instability of all judgments and inter pretations. Peculiar prejudices seem to grip critics of every period and persuasion. Through the years they have practiced criticism called romantic, positivist, theoreti cal, practical, formalist, absolutist, relativist, impres sionist, Freudian, Marxist, textual, historical, "new," etc. And all, in turn, have been dismissed with condescending smiles by their opponents and successors. Must, therefore, all attempts at interpretation be abandoned as hopelessly 244* subjective? In seeking an answer to this question, let us further examine the nature of the literary experience. The "symbolic" content or meaning of a work of art cannot be demonstrated in the way its objective properties can be. This meaning can, of course, be described, but assuming that all experiences are different, no two de scriptions will coincide. When asked to justify his inter pretation (i.e., his experience) the critic can only return to the art object and point out those objective features which stimulated his experience, hoping to maintain that his interpretation is the necessary result of those fea tures. He has, however, in no way proven his interpretation to be "correct," nor can he explain the process by which the substance of an art work was transformed into an interpre tation. He has neglected (as unscientific) an essential, subjective component of interpretation: the alterations, additions, and associations brought about by his own senses and psychology. How then does one determine whether one interpretation is more "correct" than another? In terms of the isolated individual, of course, all interpretations (in sofar as they are not deliberate lies) are "correct," just as are all experiences. Thus, if all interpreters were iso lated, one can well imagine that no two interpretations would be exactly alike. And, indeed, at one point all in terpreters are completely isolated: during the act of 245 experiencing the work. In the case of literature one must > then assume that all readers arrive at different interpre tations of the works they experience (the act of interpre tation being, of course, an involuntary "organization" of experience). Only later, in contact with related experi ences (especially other interpretations) do individual views change and begin conforming to conventional patterns. This occurs in a number of ways. One can assume that whenever one critic's interpretation is accepted by another observer, it is for one of the following reasons: 1. The interpretation is stated in such general terms (i.e., expressing only part of the entire experience) that the observer finds little or no contradiction to his own interpretation. 2. The superior knowledge of the critic is so unques tioned that the observer is willing to consider his own ex- perience irrelevant and accept the "expert" interpretation on faith. (This probably occurs all too often, especially in academic situations. It has, of course, no more to do with aesthetics than dogma has to do with religion.) 3. The critic, who may have a more extensive complex of experiences surrounding the work, appeals to the reason of the observer and convinces him to modify his interpreta tion in view of "logical" new evidence. 246 Most would no doubt agree that the last process is the pref erable means of approaching the ideal of "correctness" in interpretation. There is, however, ultimately no way to guarantee such correctness. So long as literature must be experienced, we are forced to accept the fact that every reader comes away from a work with his own privately cor rect, collectively false "interpretation." We can, in the end, only approach truth in interpretation as an ideal on the intellectual plane. Where, indeed, does the value of literary interpreta tion lie? Does literature require interpretation in order to fulfill itself? Many literary scholars have attempted to justify their activity by pointing out the ultimate neces sity of interpretation. Among Jahnn's analysts, Henning Boetius (in his excellent study of Flufl ohne Ufer) has main tained that a work of art requires interpretation "urn aus der es gefahrdenden Zone der Subjektivitat, der spontanen Anteilnahme zu gelangen" (p. 2). Only through interpreta tion, he maintains, can one hope to determine "die wahren Intentionen des Kunstwerkes" (p. 2). Yet does any art work exist whose "true intentions" have been established with finality? And does not a theory of interpretational neces sity imply a basic denial of aesthetics and the nature of art? Must we, for example, assume that literature exists, not to be read, but to be interpreted? The absurdity of 247 such an assumption is, I believe, obvious. Literary science is, of course, a very recent development. One could hardly maintain that the "true intentions” of all literature prior to the nineteenth century had been overlooked. Clearly, the artist is involved in creating experience. His art is no more "intended" to be scientifically analyzed than an or ganism is "intended" to be vivisected. He must express his meaning in sensual terms, for, had he intended a purely ob jective, intellectual analysis of meaning he would have himself created a scientific interpretation thereof. No interpretation would then be "required." Those who argue for the primacy of interpretation seem to imply that all artists are misguided essayists or inept scientists unable to express their "true intentions" (i.e., objective state ments) except in confused, poetic terms requiring profes sional reorganization and clarification. The interpreter of literature similarly appears to suggest that all reading experiences are somehow "incorrect." To resolve this conflict, one must, I believe, maintain a certain degree of separation between aesthetic experience and interpretation. The aesthetic experience should and must assume the position of foremost importance. It will always remain the one and only source of access to any work of art, the only way a work can come to exist within the 248 beholder. Interpretation, on the other hand, OTL11 forever remain a secondary process: an intellectual activity no different from other scientific processes: unable to eval uate experience, unable, by itself, to separate the valuable from the worthless, to recognize genius, to respond to ethi cal principles. It could be a difficult task indeed to justify isolated interpretation as anything more valuable than an intellectual exercise. Nonetheless, I do believe that interpretation can be justified and does have an im portant function. The two spheres of experience and inter pretation must, to be sure, remain autonomous— neither may pretend to substitute or account for the other. Yet both must undergo mutual interaction and influence. Experience imposes, or should impose, a set of values upon a scientific analysis, just as intellectual constellations expand and deepen subsequent modes of experienced The ultimate value of interpretation, I believe, is not to "improve upon" any given aesthetic experience, but to integrate the work of art into a broad intellectual complex— into a "world view" in the largest sense. Interpretation does not affect art, it ■^This interaction, I believe, resembles and indeed re flects the ideal relationship between life and intellect discussed below under "Materialism." 249 relates art to the world, or to our consciousness of the world's meaning. And insofar as man's life is governed by- intellectual principles, the rational analysis of art can, in a real sense, change life. Any investigation of themes and motives in "Sassanidi- scher Konig" immediately confronts the analyst with what may well be the central problem raised by the chapter. Of all the difficulties inherent in "Sassanidischer Konig" perhaps none is so puzzling to the reader as that concerning the function of the chapter within the novel. Why did Jahnn write the chapter? What relation does it have-”to"its dis similar surroundings? Does it serve a specific purpose in the novel's development? Does it have a convincing reason for existence? All of these questions are likely to arise in the mind of the reader. "Sassanidischer Konig" does indeed have little parallel in the rest of the novel. No other chapter is so extensively concerned with Perrudja's reading; no other chapter has a setting so far removed in space and time from Perrudja's present-day Norway. And since the chapter unfolds almost exclusively on a psycho logical level there is little if any connection to the 250 exterior "plot" of the conventional narrative. One is cer tainly justified in wondering what relationship could pos sibly exist between the exotic tales from ancient Persia and the rustic atmosphere of the Norwegian mountains. In attempting to determine the exact function of "Sas sanidischer Konig" in the novel one cannot, I believe, place too many demands on conventional realism and credibility. For all its archaic content and its implied rejection of the modern world, Perrudja is a thoroughly "modern" novel whose only thematic boundaries are the far-flung limits of human consciousness. The content of the novel need be no more consistent, organized, or restricted than the content of Perrudja's thought and experience. Jahnn's novel has the character of a fantasy in realistic surroundings: it is the "Phantasie," the entire psyche of Perrudja within the actuality of his Norwegian environment. Even that environ ment itself is often fanciful with its mythical dimension filled with spirits, trolls, and natural forces, and with the wildly improbable plot concerning Perrudja's wealth and power. Thus one may no more object to Perrudja's unusual erudition in "Sassanidischer Konig" than to the existence of his mysterious benefactor, his "castle," or his utopian plans for the world. 2 51 In one sense, "Sassanidischer Konig" actually has no function in the novel. It is not a purposeful element de signed to further the development of any exterior "plot." Instead the chapter contributes to an inner unity of the novel, a psychological dimension which is manifested in re current themes and motives. As the chapter reveals Per rudja's reading it also reveals his mind, the character of his thought, the attitudes and ideas which appear as motives again and again throughout the novel. It is in this motive- structure that we discover the true significance of "Sassa nidischer Konig" for the entire novel. The following dis cussion attempts to define the function of primary motives both within and beyond the limits of the chapter. Among the most obvious characteristics shared by "Sassanidischer Konig" and the rest of the novel are the musical notes on pp. 88, 89, 504, 505, 552, and 599. In each case these musical examples serve to expand the meaning of their context into a mystical, supra-verbal sphere. The Gilgamesh duets in "Sassanidischer Konig" transcend the al ready highly mystical content of the extended passage on pp. 87-90. This rhapsodic, visionary passage combines two essential thematic elements: fate and sexuality. The seg ment begins with the hunting description on p. 87 in which Khosro's inevitable doom is prophesied ("Gemarterter Ko nig"). This is followed by the surrealistic depiction of the carved pillars located at the entrance to Khosro's grotto. Here, themes of fate and sexuality are symbolized by the acanthus plant and the lotus flower. These images appearing in relief on the pillars have a magical signifi cance which was explicitly mentioned by Jahnn's source, Ernst Herzfeld. Jahnn sees in the acanthus a manifestation of sacred mathematical harmonies in nature ("Rhythmus des Akanthus," the numbers three and seven), as well as probable erotic-phallic connotations ("Der Stamm ist rund und steht gegen den Himmel"). Jahnn also employs the lotus flower explicitly as a symbol of procreation on a temporal and eternal scale ("Safran, Same, Knospe, Frucht. Zeit und Ewigkeit"). The lotus has, of course, a deep mystical sig nificance as one of the most potent and widespread symbols in oriental religion and folklore. A dictionary of myth ology lists the following basic meanings associated with the lotus in Hindu, Buddhist-, Chinese, and Egyptian tradition: (1) female principle, womb; (2) fertility; (3) earth and creation; (4) divinity; (5) immortality; (6) purity and 253 2 spirituality. From the grotto with its pillars and the reliefs de picting Khosro's hunting Jahnn turns his attention to an explicitly erotic subject: the king's harem. The core of the harem passage (which extends to the bottom of p. 90) consists of Khosro's dream amidst the sensual pleasures enjoyed with his concubines ("Genufi bei geschlossenen Augen . . . Khosro schlaft zwischen den Schenkeln der Frauen. Sie harfen ihn seinen Traum"). Throughout this "coital•fantasy" we find intensely symbolic motives similar to those in the preceding context: portents of the empire's doom (Muhammed, Herakleios) are combined with mystical symbols ("Tchinta- manij " "Lotosblumenknospen, dreigespalten, fiinfgespalten, 3 siebengespalten") as well as related erotic images ("der 2 Maria Leach, ed., Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend (New York, 1950), II, 645-657. 3jahnn attached great significance to the numbers three, five, and seven. In the essay "Von der Wirklichkeit" (written August, 1924) he speaks of "die heiligen Zahlen 3, 5 und 7" upon which he based his ideal of architectural proportions. "Die Zahlen . . . sind auch eingegangen in die Musik . . . in den Klangleib, in den Baustein, der im Funda ment ruht. . . . Der Oktavenbau beruht auf ihm, wahrend die heiligen Zahlen uns Quint, Terz und Septime geben." Das Neue. Auswahl zeitqemafier Stimmen, ed. H. C. Meier (Ham burg, 1947), pp. 50-70 (quoted from the galley-proofs, col umn 6). In the Muschg conversations of 1933 we find a simi lar statement: "Ich . . . verfiel auf das Verhaltnis 5:7, 2 54 Knospen zweie"). This lyrical, mystical, almost musical prose is then transformed into music itself in the form of the Gilgamesh duets. These duets pose an even greater mys tery for the reader than the preceding text. Here too, how ever, the same themes of sexuality and doom are developed. There are the sexual implications of "die Mutter Ninazus" (discussed earlier) as well as the erotic connotations im plicit in the quasi-homosexual relationship between Gilga mesh and Enkidu. Far more important are the elements of death and tragedy which the duets inject into the Knosro story. Even at the moment of his greatest pleasure, Khosro cannot escape the tragic fate which approaches him. Similar associations surround the second appearance of the Gilgamesh-Enkidu duet on p. 552. In this case the music is inserted into a speech delivered (in Jahnn's elevated, archaic language) by Perrudja's friend Hein. Preceding the duet Hein's words are devoted to the subject of homosexual ity (note also the musical metaphor): Seit Jahrtausenden hebt die Liebe damit an: die das mich jetzt noch beherrscht und fur mich den Inbegriff der architektonischen Schonheit darstellt. . . . Das Ver- haltnis 5:7 spielt auch in meiner Orgel-Harmonik eine grofie Rolle." Muschg, Gesprache. pp. 121-122. 255 Ungespaltenen kiissen einander die Lippen. Und es ge- schieht doch keine Geburt des Leibes danach. Es ist nur ein Gesang und Takt, die durch die Raume der Zeiten klingen. {p. 551) Following the duet, Hein relates a dream in which he con fronts a symbolic figure of death. Once again we find the central motive expressed in musical terms: "Die unhorbaren Trompeten des Weltschopfers durchbrausten den Nebel des Funktionslosen: 'Das ist der Tod'" {p. 553). Motives of sexuality and death seem therefore unquestionably associated with the Gilgamesh duet. The two presentations of the music differ in that the latter on p. 552 is introduced without comment in the text, whereas the former in "Sassanidischer Konig" is preceded by the following words: "Uber die Berge der Zwiesang, ein Mann und ein Knabe. Hirten bei ihren Hiirden. Unendlich traurig. Traurigkeit der Welt" (p. 89). Strangely enough in the midst of such extravagant fantasy, these lines appear to have a purely realistic function. Jahnn seems to imply that the duets are actually part of Khosro's dream. How could Khosro have known the much older Gilgamesh epic of Babylonia? Perhaps, Jahnn may be suggest ing, through the songs of shepherds "iiber die Berge" (from Babylonia?), songs which preserve as folk-legend the story of the ancient hero Gilgamesh. 256 Still another example of printed music in Perrudja is directly related to "Sassanidischer Konig." The four-voice composition on p. 599 is an arrangement in triple time of the well-known Lutheran chorale "0 Lamm Gottes, unschuldig." This chorale is, of course, the same one whose title serves as a leitmotiv in "Sassanidischer Konig" (see "Form"). Without mentioning the source of his information, Rudiger Wagner identifies the piece as a composition by Samuel 4 Scheidt (1587-1654). Wagner considers "0 Lamm Gottes, un schuldig" to be a "Nebenleitmotiv" in Perrudja (even though it appears verbally only in "Sassanidischer Konig") with one specific association: war. Als das Schlachten und Morden vorbei ist, als die Glvick- lichen von einst ermordet sind, heiBt es mit einer in- haltlichen Beziehung des Kirchenliedes zum Kontext: "Boran, Khosros Tochter, Regentin, starb. Ardashir III., das Kind, die Flut trieb ihn davon. Die katholische Kirche feierte das Fest der Exaltatio Sanctae Crucis (o Lamm— Gottes— unschludig am Stamm des Kreuzes geschlachtet— )" ^Scheidt was indeed one of Jahnn’s favorite composers. The Ugrino Verlag (which Jahnn helped to found in 1921) is still publishing a complete edition of Scheidt1s works. Judging from its form and style the piece on p. 599 could well be by Scheidt. I have, however, been unable to locate the composition in any volume of Scheldt's works. Formally, the piece is a "Choralbearbeitung" with the hymn tune ap pearing in the uppermost voice. Such arrangements were com mon during the Baroque period as organ compositions (cf. "0 Lamm Gottes" by Pachelbel, Bach). 257 Das Nebenleitmotiv taucht nach diesem letzten Zitat (S. 94) nicht mehr in sprachlicher Form auf. Auf S. 599 erscheint es wieder, der Sprache entkleidet, er- klingt es in der Komposition Samuel Scheidts. Der Kontext in den Scheidts Vertonung gestellt ist, sagt etwas Ahnliches aus, wie der Kontext, als das Neben- ■ leitmotiv noch Sprache war. In der Khosro-Geschichte brachten die geschilderten Kriegsgreuel das Nebenleit motiv zum Erklingen, hier ist es die Vision eines zu- kiinftigen Krieges. Auch in Jahnns spateren Werken ist diese Melodie Samuel Scheidts,^ der im 30-jahrigen Krieg Frau und Kinder verloren hat, immer Ausdruck des Jammers und Elends, das der Krieg iiber die Menschen bringt. (pp. 54-55) In order to verify his claim that the chorale symbolizes war, Wagner cites another instance where Jahnn purportedly used Scheldt's chorale arrangement: Da es sich bei der Komposition [i.e., on p. 599] urn Samuel Scheidts Vertonung des Kirchenliedes "O Lamm Gottes unschuldig [sic], am Stamm des Kreuzes ge- schlachtet ..." handelt und gerade dieses Lied als Notenbeispiel, nur in moderner Notenschrift in der Niederschrift (I, S. 191) wieder erscheint, erfahren wir die Beweggrunde Jahnns, gerade dieses Kirchenlied als Vision des Krieges zu sehen. (pp. 27-28) Wagner's example from the Niederschrift is indeed a compo sition by Scheidt (for organ) but is in no way related to "O Lamm Gottes, unschuldig," regardless of notation. Thus the cited passage preceding the composition (concerning Scheldt's loss of his family in the Thirty Years' War) ^The melody is not Scheldt's, but was anonymously handed down in collections from 1542 and 1545. 258 cannot be used to support the war symbolism of the chorale. Ignoring the question of Samuel Scheldt's authorship* the composition of p. 599 unquestionably contains the melody g "O Lamm Gottes* unschuldig." In "Sassanidischer Konig" the chorale's title appears five times* on pp. 83* 91, 93* and 94. Aside from these cases* the chorale is mentioned (to the best of my knowledge) in none of Jahnn1s other published 7 works. In the first draft of "Sassanidischer Konig" the chorale title appears only four times* the reference on p. 8 3 having been added later. Thus Jahnn's first use of the title is actually the second example in the published text: Der Krist riickt ohne Kampf in Dastagerd ein* schreibt An additional bit of evidence: in Jahnn1s NachlaB among the partial collection of galley proofs for the 1929 Perrudja is the page equivalent to EVA 599. At the end of this page is a blank space with the following note as a direction to the printer: "Hier die Noten des Korales!" ^One mention of the chorale is made in an undated* unpublished fragment from the NachlaB (Tr 61). The frag ment* entitled "Vision," consists of two handwritten pages, the second of which contains a segment of the drama Per Arzt, sein Weib, sein Sohn (and is thus datable around 1922). On the first page we find: "Mehr und mehr erloschen die Lichter in dem unformigen Kirchenraum, wie unter einer dumpfen Decke erstickt* bejammerte ich die ZusammenklMnge. Ich war nicht mehr wach, nicht mehr zornig* dumpf nur. Ver- gessen der Kantus firmus iiber dem Text 0 Lamm Gottes un schuldig* unter dem Instrumente und Singstimmen die Kontra- punkte me iBe1ten." 259 einen Brief an den Senat nach ByzanZj der geflissentlich von fleifiigen und patriotischen Dienern eines Nationen feindlichen Glaubens (0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig) von der Kanzel der Hagia Sophia verlesen wird, . . . (p. 91) This sentence, which is written from the oriental standpoint (Christianity is termed a "hostile faith"), appears to be another expression of Jahnn1s anti-Christian feeling (cf. the spelling "Krist"). Not war, not even the suffering of innocents seems to be the primary implication of the chorale title here. Surprisingly, Jahnn's first use of the title appears to be essentially ironic. The "Nation feindlichen Glaubens," the Christians with their symbol of the lamb are anything but "unschuldig." It is they who have destroyed Persian cities and brought about great suffering. The other uses of the chorale title occur in contexts where the suf fering of innocent victims is emphasized. _Still, in each case Christianity can be linked in some essential way to this suffering. The remaining four examples: 1. p. 9 3, relates the chorale to the cross— "das Sym bol der ewig marternden Gerechtigkeit"; 2. p. 93, relates the chorale to the slaughter of Khosro's son; 3. p. 94, relates the chorale to the Christian cele bration of the cross's recovery; 260 4'. p. 83, relates the chorale to the torture of Zacha- rias, the suffering of war victims ("neunzigtausend Menschen in Sklaverei verschleppt") and the discovery of the cross. Finally, the words which introduce the printed notes on p. 599 can be added to the complex of meaning: "Und die Erde seufzte. Und war gierig nach Blut. Unersattlich wie im- mer." Clearly, the primary association to be made with the chorale is one of sacrifice and suffering. Not to be for gotten is the liturgical origin of the text: the Agnus Dei portion of the mass with its associations to the passion of 0 Christ. In "Sassanidischer Konig" each use of the chorale title has definite Christian implications combined with the universal associations of suffering and death. Within this scope of meaning the fact of war is of incidental, not pri mary importance. Of all the motive-complexes in Perrudja, none is more important or extensive than that concerning the concept "yellow." This cluster of motives is most often represented by the image of the "yellow flower," particularly in the phrase "ich bin eine gelbe Blume." Rudiger Wagner discusses Q Jahnn, although originally a Protestant, was certainly aware of the tragic, emotional content of the Agnus Dei, if only through musical works, e.g., Bach's b minor Mass. this all-important leitmotiv in some detail, as does Horst Petri in his book Literatur und Musik. Form und Struktur- 9 parallelen. Petri considers "ich bin eine gelbe Blume" to be an unusually good example of a literary leitmotiv having a "zweite, verschliisselte Aussageschicht. In his analy sis he gives a partial list of passages containing the mo tive, mentioning only those on pp. 45, 51, 84, 161, 208, 212, 348, and 42p. Having thus sketched the development of the motive's "verschliisselte Aussageschicht," he then enu merates (with some redundancy) the concepts which make up the "deciphered" metaphor: "Sexualitat, Geilheit, Paarung, Briinstigkeit, Neid, Feigheit, Schweifi, Harn, Samen und Zeu- gungsorgan" (p. 62). I would expand this list by including the important concept "Safran" and the more generalized idea "Fleisch," the latter in a specific sense as well as the universal meaning "mortality." In "Sassanidischer Konig" references to the color yel low as a symbol of sexuality and procreation occur nine times. Particularly significant in the chapter is the use of the word "saffron" (i.e., pollen— or the dried stigmas 9 (Gottingen, 1964), pp. 61-62. l®I.e., a metaphorical leitmotiv. Petri, p. 61. 262 of the crocus flower) which extends the meaning of the con cept "yellow" into the non-human sphere of plant procreation (i.e., toward an absolute).^ Jahnn first introduces saff ron as a sexual symbol on p. 51: "Der Himmel ist Safran- gelb. Krokos. Violett, weifl. Safran ist Same. Safran- 12 same." Among the following occurrences of the motive "gelb" in "Sassanidischer Konig" note the predominance of references to saffron: . . . weil er meine Seele nicht kennt (gelb), . . . (p. 60) . . . zitronengelbe Sonnen . . . (p. 63) . . . safrangelben Sonnenkeilen. (p. 63) Safrangelber Himmel (p. 66) Safrangelber Wein, (p. 66) Er glich einer . . . goldgelben Wiese, . . . (p. 84) . . . Safran, Same, Knospe, Frucht. (p. 87) Goldene Gluckswolkchen . . . (p. 88) Des Safrans Ubergelb umschattet deine Bruste. (p. 94) •^In the Orient saffron is reputed to have a variety of aphrodisiac and magical properties; cf. Dictionary of Folk lore , Mythology and Legend. II, 965. 12 Note the recurrence of the colors yellow and violet in "Sassanidischer Konig": "Nichts vom violetten Himmel und den zitronengelben Sonnen" (p. 63); "Safrangelber Himmel / Violetter Amethyst" (p. 66). 263 Another significant motive-cluster of the novel which is well represented in "Sassanidischer Konig" is concerned with precious stones. Jewels held an unusual fascination for Jahnn, who attributed magic properties to them. Part of this magic was no doubt related to the simple material den sity of crystalline forms. Jahnn1s love for jewels can be related to his love for stone; their solid permanence sym bolized eternal existence in the material sphere. Henning Boetius in his analysis of Flufi ohne Ufer defines Jahnn's understanding of the most durable of all natural materials: "... der vom Ablauf der Zeit nicht mehr erreichte Diamant, die unverwesliche Form . . . gestaltgewordene Utopie ewigen Daseins" (p. 82). In the article "Die liebenswurdige Lei- denschaft" (Appendix C) he reveals something of his personal passion for precious gems. Their magical powers, he writes, are related to the secret laws of their formation: "... das Gesetz ihrer Kristallform . . . ein Geheimnis ihres fruheren Verborgenseins. . . . Sie verschweigen uns etwas." Their essence is mystery: Sie blinken, und wir erinnern uns, daft ihr Auge mit dem zuckenden Sternenlicht an purpurdunklen Himmeln zu schaffen hat . . . Die symbolischen Krafte der Steine wuchsen aus ihrer Farbe, ihrer Form, ihrer Schwere. . . . Sie dunken uns plotzlich ein Schlussel zu starkeren Kraften in uns, 264 denen wir nicht entgehen. Wir fiihlen, daB sie uns ein Tor der Liebe sein konnen. Die gewachsenen Kristalle gemahnen uns, daB wirksara in uns tellurische Krafte, die sich betatigen wollen. Die leuchtenden Sterne ziehen Bahnen, von deren Wirkung wir nur Ungewisses erahnen. Besides expressing this irrational love for jewels, Jahnn fills out the article with elements from the story of Khosro, whom he describes as "einer der groBten Anbeter von Kleino- dien." Of central importance among Khosro's treasures are the three charmed gems ("grofl wie StrauBeneier") which Jahnn found described in the Arabian Nights. These are mentioned in "Sassanidischer Konig" on three separate occasions: p. 68, p. 84, and indirectly on p. 88. This latter reference takes the form of the word "Tchintamani," the magical Indian "thought gem" whose identity is apparently the same as the three stones supposedly discovered by Alexander's stallion. Other passages in the chapter refer to two of Jahnn's fa vorite gems, amethyst and sapphire. Sapphires are con sistently associated with the color dark blue. In the poem on p. 61 we find "blau Saphirenstein," related to the pre vious "saphirnes Dunkel" (p. 60). In another poetic image, Jahnn characterizes the night as a dark blue sapphire: "Der Saphirstift der Nacht" (p. 94). Outside "Sassanidischer 265 Konig" we find similar references such as the following: "Hippokampen bruten ihre saphirblauen Eier" (p. 51). Also, Signe's wishing-ring, the "Ring mit blauem Stein" (p. 151), 13 is probably intended to be set with a sapphire. The color of the amethysts in the novel is consistently described as violet, e.g., in "Sassanidischer Konig": "vio- letter Amethyst" (p. 66). In the chapter "Die anderen Tiere" Jahnn describes Perrudja's new saddle for Shabdez "mit zwei groUen hellvioletten Amethysten verziert" (p. 107). The three dodecahedrons Perrudja has made for him self, Hein, and Signe are also violet amethysts: "Einen grofien prachtigen violetten Stein. Einen Amethyst. Einen Zwolfflach. Einen Zauberstein, . . ." (p. 320) . And on p., 370 Jahnn mentions the "Lila der bliihenden Amethyste." The traditional significance of the amethyst was probably well known to Jahnn. Throughout the ages amethysts have 14 been used by many cultures as talismans. Only after "Sassanidischer Konig" does the true sig nificance of precious stones become apparent in the novel. 13 . See Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend, II, 972 for many magical properties attributed to the sapphire. l^See Dictionary of Folklore, Mythology and Legend, I, 49. 266 Each new mention of gems emphasizes their mysterious, magi cal properties; for example: 1. Signe's "Wunschring" (described on p. 151 and else where) was termed a "Zauberring." 2. The three dodecahedron amethysts: "... einem so geformten Stein wohnen Zauberwirkungen inne" (p. 294) . 3. The remarkable collection of gems Perrudja bestows on Signe before their wedding (pp. 369ff.). A bowl filled with topaz is, for example, described as follows: In milchweiSer Schale. Wie Eingeweide in einem ratsel- haften Bauch. Nicht absto&end. Wie ein Geheimnis son- nenloser Schonheit. Wie nachtliche Sinnlichkeit. Wie unbegreifliche Handlung des Opferns. (p. 370) Perhaps the single most important theme of "Sassanidi scher Konig" for the rest of the novel is that concerned with horses. Jahnn's intense love for horses is reflected throughout Perrudja in the unusual amount of attention given the mare Shabdez. Perhaps no other major novel of the mod ern period has shown so much concern for a non-human char- 15 acter. It would not be difficult to interpret the entire chapter "Sassanidischer Konig" as a-glorification, almost a ■^On p. 56, for example, we find a passage written from the horse's perspective. r & - 267 deification, of the horse Shabdez. And indeed, Jahnn’s original interest in writing the chapter was almost cer tainly the story of Khosro's horse. As the first draft in dicates, Jahnn!s early plan of the chapter was built around the story of the famous stallions of history (Rakhsh, Bu- cephalos, Darius' horse) which was then developed into the story of the mare Shabdez— whose place in history made its name worthy of Perrudja's foal. One of the most important functions of the chapter is the creation of a myth surround ing Perrudja's mare. Jahnn can only suggest the heroic perfection of this horse and its importance to Perrudja by making it legendary, larger than life, or as Walter Muschg 16 has described it, "ein Marchengeschopf." The central importance of the horse theme throughout the novel hardly needs to be established here. During the first half of the novel (up to the chapter "Hochzeit") Per rudja's constant attachment to his mare can only be de- 17 scribed as obsessive. Shabdez accompanies him on every ^ Auswahl, p. 30. ■^In terms of composition, the oldest portions of the novel (i.e., the conventional narrative of its first half) are most concerned with the horse theme. "Sassanidischer Konig" appears, in fact, to be the latest portion of the novel written which employs the theme to any extent. 268 adventure during the long courtship of Signe, and even his dreams are filled with horses. In "Sassanidischer Konig," for example, Perrudja's mind transforms his impression of Khosro's overwhelming wealth into the image of 50,000 horses: "An seinem Ohr, wie durch Nebel das Stampfen von fiinfzigtausend Rossen" (p. 85). Throughout the novel, horse metaphors and visions of horses appear and reappear in Per rudja's reveries. An excellent example of such imaginative usage of the horse theme is quoted by Walter Muschg in his Auswahl introduction (p. 31): Die ausschweifenden Phantasien des Einsiedlers Perrudja sind oft mit erlesenen Worten aus der meditierenden Versunkenheit heraufgeholt: "Wie die edelsten Rosse, deren Stimme, schnaufende Niistern, weite Lungen an unser Ohr kommen im Sturm. Deren Leiber uns durchwehen. Deren Hufe in unsere Nacken fassen." Perrudja's obsessive and often overtly erotic relation ship to Shabdez has been described by Muschg as an "ab- gottische Verbundenheit," a kind of "Pferdekult" shared with other artists of the Expressionist era, particularly Ernst Barlach and the painter Franz Marc. This exaltation of the horse represents, according to Muschg, a true "nordischer 18 Mythus." Yet not only Nordic myth is reflected in I Q Auswahl, p. 30. One is reminded of the horse-head 269 Perrudja's relationship to his horse. Several times in the novel, Jahnn employs the image of•the centaur to symbolize Perrudja's intense identification with his mare. On p. 44 Perrudja reflects: "Wenn ein Mensch eine Stute nimmt, ge- biert sie? Kentauren." Later, the image of Perrudja on horseback is monumentalized, as if transformed into the ancient figure of Chiron: Die Kraft seiner unbekannten Abstammung schwoll an. Ein zorniger Gott, festgewachsen auf dem Riicken eines Tieres. Die Scholle erzitterte unter den Hufen. Die Augenblicke des Kentauren wurden diinn in dem Meer der leeren und toten Sekunden. (p. 171) We are reminded, from among the countless references to horses in Jahnn's other works, of the following remarkable description of Kebad Kenya's nocturnal ride in Das Holz- schiff: Und er ritt dahin zwischen den zwei Finsternissen und zerschund sich die Schenkel bis an den Bauch heran. Und der Riicken des Pferdes wurde wund und blutig wie decorations on farmhouse roofs throughout northern Europe— remnants of a pagan horse worship (e.g., Balder). Perhaps the clearest example of Nordic horse mythology in modern German literature is to be found in the (justifiably) little-known novel Eisbrand. Die Kinder der Allmacht by Alfred Brust (Berlin, 1933). Brust consciously employs elements of Germanic mythology and, like Jahnn, is obsessed with horses. His novel, however, cannot be considered an artistic success. 270 seine eigene Haut. Ware die Nacht nicht zuende gewesen, hStte die Sonne einen Tag gezogert, heraufzusteigen, er ware eingewachsen in den Riicken des Pferdes. Das Tier- herz und das Menschenherz hatten ihren Saft ineinander gegossen zur graftlichen Bruderschaft eines Zwitters, eines Hippokentauren.^ Yet Jahnn's idealization of the horse is not merely a function of irrational, mythological thinking. Such re spect for the horse as the noblest and most beautiful of all creatures, as the superior of man, is found in the works of 20 some of the most rational minds. Probably the foremost of these is Jonathan Swift's "Voyage to the Houyhnhnms" in Gulliver's Travels. Similar idealizations of animal versus man are found in the misanthropic writings of numerous thinkers (e.g., Schopenhauer). If there is any single symbol associated with the char acter Perrudja, it is certainly the horse. Perrudja, re gardless of his utopian excursions toward the end of the novel, is presented as a man in communion with nature— a relationship in which the horse is never lacking. Just how ^ Flufi ohne Ufer. Part I, pp. 118-119. In the Muschg Gesprache (p. 26) Jahnn attempts to rationalize his reverence for the horse: "Wir leben in ganz unhaltbaren, unbewiesenen Annahmen. Zum Beispiel von der zentralen Stellung des Menschen in der Natur. Alles spricht dafiir, daft das Pferd ein alteres, edleres Geschopf ist als der Mensch." 271 closely Perrudja is identified with the horse is demon strated in the last lines of the novel (Part I) where the following passage serves as a kind of closing signature, the final appearance of Perrudja's "musical theme": An einem Herbsttage gewahrte sie im Gartensande die Abdriicke von Pferdehufen. Sie verbarg das Angesicht. Tranen tropften durch ihre Finger. Closely allied to the horse theme in Perrudja is the theme of kingship. Both themes appear side by side in "Sassanidischer Konig" and attain a kind of mythical eleva tion in the story of Khosro and Shabdez. In the chapter Jahnn develops a mythical archetype (Shabdez) for Per rudja's horse. At the same time he creates a legendary precedent (Khosro) for the exotic splendor of Perrudja's life as "king" in his own castle. In the published sequence of the novel this luxurious existence develops much later than the Khosro chapter, i.e., after Perrudja's castle has been built (chapter XVII). In the actual sequence of com position, however, it is evident that Jahnn had character ized Perrudja as king long before the writing of "Sassani discher Konig." In the earliest draft of Perrudja (Hs 162a^) we find the following passage (cf. EVA 108): "Man nannte ihn plotzlich "kongen," und es war kein Hohn darin. 272 Er war ein Konig, ein Konig ohne Untertanen." In the pub lished text only one reference to Perrudja's "nobility" precedes "Sassanidischer Konig." This occurs on p. 32: "'Perrudja wird ein Pferd bekonunen.' Und iiber die Worte hinaus glitten Gedanken. Ein Konigssohn jagte iiber die Hochebene." This reference is, however, not present in the original draft. In Hs 162a^ we find instead: "Er sah Per rudja iiber die Hochebene davonjagen." A repetition of the scene on p. 32 occurs on p. 166, where Perrudja questions his previous vision: "Perrudja wird hinreiten iiber die Granitglasinseln und ein Konig sein?" It is only after the completion of Perrudja's fortress-like "home" that elements of the Khosro story become explicitly involved in the habits of Perrudja's life. In fitting out his castle Perrudja is strongly influenced by the opulent style of ancient Persia: Der Name, dies Persien— Schauplatz der Geschichte Konig Khosros— haftete in Perrudja. Wurde ihm wiedergegeben, als er schaffend an der inneren Ausstattung in den feuchtkiihlen Hauptgangen von Kuppelraum zu Kuppelraum schritt.^l . . . Er beschloB, die Wande mit reichen Teppichen zu behSngen. Glitzernde Ger&te aufstellen. Mobel aus fettigem duftenden Holz, geflammt in runden schweren SSulen. (pp. 217-218) 21 Perrudja's castle is constructed as a ring of twelve domed cylinders. Just as are the twelve tablets of the Gilgamesh epic, this form is no doubt intended to represent the circle of the zodiac. 273 Perrudja's adoption of oriental life forms is most explic itly presented in the opening lines of the chapter "Werbung und Vorholle." Here, Perrudja has become a virtual "Mohren- konig," in an attempt, Jahnn suggests, to duplicate his dream of king Khosro: Perrudjas hMusliche Kleider begannen sich mehr und mehr denen eines Mohrenkonigs zu nahern. . . . Bunte Seidentiicher, iibersat mit dem Muster der fiinfblSttrigen blauen Lotosblume, hing er sich iiber den entbloBten Korper. Da gab es eine fast karminrot gewirkte Seide, die mit goldenen Fasanen bestickt war. Die Tiere hockten auf schwarzem Grund in goldenen Kreisen. (Traum von Khosro Parwez, dem Gliickreichen) . (p. 242) A description of the castle's tapestries contains further echoes of "Sassanidischer Konig": Andere Gewebe, bei denen auf einem schweren, filzig weifien Grund verschlungene Ornamente in tausend Abarten des Akanthus gewebt waren. Wieder andere, da wuchs aus einer Blume, die namenlos war, ein Fabeltier, ein Lowe. (pp. 244-245) Perrudja's life as "Waldbesitzer" in Norway, in a richly furnished castle amidst vast forests, attended by servants and an African valet, such a life cannot be de scribed as anything but regal. Yet this kingship takes on new dimensions in the novel's later chapters when Perrudja grows aware of his limitless power as director of the world's largest holding company. Like Khosro, Perrudja is 274 "ein Auserw&hlter," fated to enjoy immense wealth and 22 power. Having become a "world leader," Perrudja once more receives the^title of king with a new meaning: "Perrudja war der ungekronte Konig" (p. 508). As the first part of the novel approaches its indecisive conclusion, Perrudja is 2 3 no longer "ein Konig ohne Untertanen." One more important theme of "Sassanidischer Konig" found throughout the novel is represented by the countless references to the Orient. In general, "Sassanidischer Ko nig" is the most important element in a large complex of themes dealing with the non-European, "non-civilized" con tinents of Asia and Africa. Jahnn's fascination with these areas and their black- and yellow-skinned inhabitants need not be elaborated upon here. Like many others who were 2 7 And like Khosro, he is fated to die. In the intro duction to the novel Jahnn states his plans for Perrudja II: "Ein zweites Buch wird von den spaten Monaten des Lebens dieses Perrudja berichten" (p. 13). 23jahnn gave Perrudja these vast, "regal" powers in order that he might save the world. The planned utopian conclusion of the work (characterized by Jahnn as "Krieg und Errettung") seemed no longer plausible or possible after the Third Reich and the Second World War. Referring to himself in the third person, Jahnn writes: "Die Atombombe erledigte seine Phantasie— und zugleich die Hoffnung, daB die Mensch- heit als solche dauernd davonkommen werde" (Introduction to EVA, p. 7). 275 alarmed by the destructive power of Western technology, Jahnn turned to Africa and the East, to the "pagan" nations, where he found humanity closer to nature and where his com passion was aroused by the spectacle of dark skins submit ting to white— the suffering of those less well equipped 24 with machines. This battle between East and West, between Christianity and "paganism," is symbolized in "Sassanidi scher Konig." It will be discussed in the following section of this study as an example of myth. Here I wish only to outline the important aspects of the African and Oriental themes in Perrudja. Aside from "Sassanidischer Konig" we find, for example: 1. The Asiatic and African geographical catalogs in subchapter V . 2. The slave's tale (XII, XIII). 3. The African poems (from "Der Raub der Europa") on p. 135. 4. References to Perrudja's "oriental" life-styles, 2^In Jahnn's Nachlali we find a commentary on Perrudja entitled "Selbstanzeige/Tagebuch" (Hs 163). In it Jahnn writes: "Die schwarzen MSnner Afrikas und die gelben Asiens werden nicht den Affen gleichgesetzt, urn das Ausgebeutet- werden zu rechtfertigen.'' In the introduction to Perrudja Jahnn defines the novel as "kein Roman nur fur weiBhautige Menschen" (p. 10). 276 his African valet* etc. (XVIII* XX, etc.). 5. References to Indians* South Sea islands* etc. (XXX). Perhaps the most important formal link to "Sassanidi scher Konig" in all of Perrudja is the concluding passage of the novel's first part (pp. 647-650). Here* Persian themes from the chapter are revived in a remarkable "coda" to the novel. Signe's dream is transformed into a dream of Alexan der the Great who recounts the progress of his Asian con quests. The geographical stations of this campaign were already mentioned in "Sassanidischer Konig": Alexanders Hengst Bukephalos. Jener lange Ritt: Tyros* Arbela* Babylon* Susa* Persepolis* Ekbatana* Herat* Kabul* Samarkand* Tal des Indus. (p. 67) In the closing passage, Jahnn uses Alexander's glorious but ultimately futile conquest to symbolize the final victory of the weak over the strong* of the anti-hero over the 25 hero. The inexorable power of human procreation yields the conquerors only more enemies: the women raped by vic torious armies repopulate the land. The enormous fertility 2 5 Perrudja is, of course* "Die Geschichte des mehr schwachen als starken Menschen" (Introduction* p. 10). Per rudja himself is "der Nichtheld." Khosro* too* is repre sented as "kein Held" (pp. 86, 91). 277 of Asia defeats the cunning and heroism of the West: Die Hochzeit des Ostens und des Westens. Zehn Jahre lang. Ich sterbe. Was ist von dir geblieben, Alexan der? Dein Name. Ein Dichter singt, ob du verwest. Vergebens dein Mord. Die schwachen Weiber gebaren ihre Kinder. Sie erhielten das Land ihren Nachkommen. Wie die Weiber vor ihnen getan, wie die Weiber nach ihnen tun werden. DreiBigmal erschlug man die Manner Meso- potamiens; die Weiber vergewaltigt. Und die UberwMl- tigten siegten zuletzt. . . . Siegten mit dem ohn- machtigen Fleisch ihrer Becken. Gebaren ihre Kinder; Kinder ihres Stammes; die nicht vom Samen ihrer Vater wuftten. So ist die Welt noch nicht zertrummert, weil es unheldenhaften Menschen gibt. Manner, die sich ver- kriechen, Weiber, die schwanger von den Feinden ihrer Manner werden, ohne zu sterben. (p. 649) Finally, the vanity of all earthly glory is proclaimed in the closing section of the passage— a direct quotation of Darius' Behistun inscription. Only Darius' name remains, not his deeds: "Dareios, dein Name nur. Kam eine Ahnung dir, als du in den Stein schreiben lieSest: . . ." {p. 649). Then follows the text of the inscription, with the futile admonition: "Glaube was durch mich getan worden ist!" (p. 649). Not only does this inscription remind one in general of the Herodotus inscription on p. 70 and the entire Darius story in subchapter IX, but it is concluded with an actual 26 quotation from Herodotus: "Wo es notwendig ist zu lugen, 2^Also, coming as it does at the conclusion of Per- rudja, the inscription may be intended as a comment on 278 da luge" (p. 650) . This is found in "Sassanidischer Konig" on p. 71 (according to Friedrich Lange's slightly different translation): "Denn wo du liigen muBt, da luge." i "Sassanidischer Konig" not only functions as an inte gral part of the novel, but also has profound significance as a separate entity. As is witnessed by its separate pub lications (see "Introduction"), the Khosro episode is clearly capable of existing as a meaningful piece of liter ature in isolation. In creating the story of Khosro, Jahnn was not merely concerned with developing a "Shabdez legend," a "theme of kingship," or even with recounting a fascinating chapter of history. Jahnn saw the fate of Khosro and his empire not as an exotic adventure, nor as a collection of relevant motives, but as a symbolic revelation of truth. Just as in religious scripture or in great didactic litera ture, the story of the Sassanian king represents an arche typal situation of universal significance. Jahnn has Jahnn's own work— the novel itself: "Der du spater diese Inschrift sehen wirst, die ich geschrieben habe, Oder diese Bilder, zerstore sie nicht; soweit du kannst, erhalte sie," etc. In such a way, Jahnn projects his novel into the realm of the archaic and the eternal. 279 « . created from the fragments of history and legend a tragic myth of fate on an individual and a collective scale. In deed the very essence of "Sassanidischer Konig" is myth. Two important motives of Perrudja (king and horse) assume mythical proportions in the chapter. And even more impor tant, the individual tragedy of man as well as the universal tragedy of his spiritual development find mythical repre sentation in the story of Khosro's decline. Two tragic myths are developed in "Sassanidischer Ko nig." These are outlined in essence by the first two para graphs on p. 77. The one concerns the "Kampf, Sieg und Niederlage der groBen Maxime," the other "das lebendige Fleisch des Einzelnen." On the one hand, the chapter em bodies a tragedy of individual fate. Jahnn1s concept of tragedy was rooted in his recognition of the inevitable fate of man at the mercy of his environment and his own constitu tion. Khosro's tragedy, like that faced by many of Jahnn's characters, is a tragedy of the flesh, a tragedy whose sta tions are pleasure, pain, death, and decay. Throughout the chapter's development Khosro is described as "der Gluck- reiche," one chosen by the gods (p. 85), a man elected by fate to enjoy immense pleasure and riches. His life is termed "Prunkbau einer beispiellosen Meistbegvinstigung 280 durch das Schicksal" (p. 77) . The war waged by Khosro is characterized as a single act of gratification, an immense orgy of pleasure among the vast riches supplied him by his armies. To Khosro, the war with Byzantium creates "Mog- lichkeiten eines unermeli lichen Gliickes, ..." (p. 81) . His generals have but one duty: Beute zu erwerben, um den Groflkonig unermeBlich an Reichtum und Zufriedenheit zu machen. . . . Zu ihm stromten Gold, Edelsteine, mechanische Wunderwerke, Statuen, Weiber. Was an Schonheit gewachsen und ge- bildet, nahm er zu sich, nie ermudend am GenieBen. (p. 81) Khosro, the tragic figure, does not realize the vanity of his earthly pleasures. He does not realize that the un avoidable companions of sensual pleasure are pain, death, and decay. He, like all men, deludes himself into believing in the permanence of the flesh: Der Konig war gefeit gegen Krankheit, gegen die Anfech- tungen eines wandelbaren Korpers. . . . Er trat in die GewiBheit ewiger Jugend und ewiger Kraft ein. Dreitausend Weiber wahlte er sich aus, daS sie die unermefiliche Fiille seiner Lenden faBten. (p. 84) Amid such pleasures the king sees himself as immortal. Jahnn comments with irony: "Er glaubte kein Schicksal zu haben" (p. 81). Inevitably, the tragedy takes its course. Khosro is saddened by the loss of his horse Shabdez, and 281 defeated in love by the hero Farhad- We begin to see Khosro in terms of mere flesh, a man who, without his wealth, is no different from the animals he hunts: "Der Konig ist kein Held. Er kann Schatze sammeln, Geld haufen. Er ist dem Stier gleich im Zeugen" (p. 8 6). Khosro the hunter slaugh ters animals and thereby presages his own doom: Auch Tiere haben Blut in sich. Aber sie schreien nicht. Stummer Schmerz. So fiihlen sie nicht. Er glaubt es. Weil er schreien kann. Ihre Eingeweide sind nicht Khos- ros Eingeweide. Er glaubt es. Weil er sich noch nicht von innen gesehen hat. Man wird ihn belehren. Ihr Zeugen ist nicht sein Zeugen. Ihre Nachkommen sind nicht seine Nachkommen. Man wird ihn belehren. Gemartertes Wild. Gemarterter Konig. (p. 87) The king begins to sense his impending downfall. He sees his fate presaged in natural events: Es dammern Gefahren. Er weiB ihren Namen nicht. Es verlautet, an die Grenzen seines Reiches dringe die Pest. Er lMflt im Schatzhaus die Labartu strenger be- wachen. Doch Kometen jagen am Himmel. Er kennt ihre Namen und ihre Bahn nicht. (p. 87) Then come the victorious campaigns of Heraclius, Khosro1s abdication and finally his arrest and imprisonment. With deep irony Jahnn once again uses the epithet "der Gliick- reiche" to refer to the dying, imprisoned king (p. 93). The king dies, no differently from the animals he hunted, and decays as all flesh: "Und begann die Verwesung wie sein 282 Sohn, wie Farhad, wie Shabdez sie begonnen hatten" (p. 94) . In the chapter's closing lines Jahnn presents the final irony of this tragedy of the flesh. Two proverb-like sen tences proclaiming eternal life for the soul of man— the separation of body and soul— and the death and decay of the 27 anxmal soul with the body. Here, as on so many other occasions in his works, Jahnn points out man's monumental conceit in reserving an eternal life for himself while denying anything but physical existence to other creatures. As revealed in the Aristotelian discussion at the opening of the chapter, Jahnn considers the spirit inseparable from physical form, and thus regards both body and soul as one in 28 man and animal. More unique within Jahnn's work is the mythological treatment of collective "history" in "Sassanidischer Konig." o 7 In the Muschg Gesprache (p. 115) Jahnn states: "Ich behauptete, entweder habe auch das Tier eine Seele oder der Mensch keine, ja gewisse Tiere diirften wohl mehr Seele, eine bessere Seejje haben als er." And in the 1930 essay "Der Dichter und die religiose Lage der Gegenwart" we read: "Es gab eine Zeit, wo der Mensch dem Tier neben sich Mitbesitz- recht sogar einem fernen Himmel und ewiges Leben einraumte. Heute, in seiner Allgemeinheit, bestreitet er die Moglich- keit der Seele, der Gottglaubigkeit, der vitalen Existenz- berechtigung des Tieres." (Aufzeichnunqen eines Einzel- ganqers. p. 113.) 28Cf. "Materialism" below. 283 The chapter is a tragedy on the universal as well as the in dividual level, it is a tragedy of the spirit as well as the flesh. Jahnn saw the decline of Khosro and his empire as an historical tragedy, a decisive and symbolic moment for the spirit of man. Khosro's defeat was the defeat of the an cient world by the modern world, of Asia by Europe, of the "natural" by the "intellectual." To Jahnn, the most impor tant aspect of this tragedy was the religious conflict: the destruction of ancient beliefs by Christianity and Islam. Khosro's defeat in the Persian-Byzantine wars brought on the downfall of the Sassanian dynasty and the last empire of "old Persia." In these wars, Khosro's armies had overrun the entire Eastern Roman Empire in Asia and recaptured the Persian realm as it had been under the great Achaemenid kings centuries before. But the sudden victory of Heraclius marked the end of the ancient Persia of Cyrus, Darius, and Xerxes. The old culture of Persia disappeared and with it the monumental art whose roots went back to Babylonia and Assyria. Lost, too, was the Zoroastrian religion, the last ancient faith to seriously rival the development of Christi anity. Heraclius, the new savior, carried the recaptured "True Cross" through the gates of Jerusalem, an auspicious sign for a Christianity which would flourish in the 284 centuries to come* But defeated Persia, its dynasty in chaos, disintegrated before the onslaught of Mohammed and his zealous followers. Islamic religion and culture domi nated the Persia of later years, and the glories of the Sassanian empire vanished, kept alive only in Moslem leg ends, poems, and the chronicles of scholars like Yaqut. To a thinker like Jahnn, such a history could only appear an enormous tragedy. Christianity and Islam, the two "imperialist" modern religions of the intellect, had crushed a last remnant of the archaic Near East'. The religion of 29 Ahuramazda, the horse-loving god, of Mithra, the rival of Christ among the Romans, this fire-worship of Zoroaster had been vanquished by the Christianity Jahnn so despised. The archaic attitude toward life, the unified, affirmative, sensual relationship between earth, man, and animal had been exterminated by the dualistic faith which would soon give its blessing to technology and war. Though not so important as Christianity, the threat of Mohammedanism to Khosro’s empire is clearly evident in "Sassanidischer Konig." Only in the first draft, however, is Islam treated explicitly as an opponent of the Persian ^According to Jahnn, p. 72. 285 gods. On the bottom of one manuscript page (cf. B/5 37) we find the following note, obviously written as a reminder for a subsequent development: "(gegen Mohammed die Gotter)." Then on the next page of the manuscript Jahnn includes these lines, later stricken from the text of Khosro's revery: Ein Mensch, ein Prophet, Mohammed hatte ihm einen Brief geschrieben. Er hatte nein, nein geantwortet. Es war nicht zu leugnen. Ahuramazda war Gott, der Gott der Berge, seines Paradieses, seiner Quellen. Jahnn1s attitude toward Christianity and Zoroastrianism is clearly revealed in a religious "confession" to Walter Muschg. Muschg reports: Er selbst sei ein Heide, er sehe im Christentum die Ur- sache der Katastrophen, die Europa heimsuchten, und halte es fur ein weltgeschichtliches Ungliick, daS der Mithraskult im Wettlauf mit der Christusreligion unter- legen sei.^® Jahnn's antipathy toward Christianity is documented in nu merous places among his writings. The following statement (in a letter to Werner Helwig of April 30, 1946) is repre sentative of his religious convictions: Ich mochte Tempel bauen, sehr gern, etwas Zweckloses, aber doch nicht diesem Gottessystem, nein, der Null, einem Wald von Lichtern, dem Schmerz, dem Tod, der 30 Gesprache, p. 6 . 286 Musik, dem unerbittlichen Gesetz, einer Stutengottin, einer Quelle31— aber einem Gott, der dem Menschen gleicht, einem Verantwortlichen, der seine Sache so schlecht macht? Nein. Schon deswegen nicht, weil diese Masse der Frommen das Tier nicht achtet, die Natur nicht achtet, aber die Technik, die Bomben und das Eisengeriist bejaht.32 Jahnn1s anti-Christian bias is evident throughout the Khosro 33 episode. The spelling "Krist" used consistently is obvi ously an intentional irreverence, as is the designation of Heraclius as "jener unkluge Krist" (p. 76). The reference to Zacharias' "sinnvollere Frommigkeit" (p. 83) is also hardly complimentary. Other references to the Christians are equally uncomplimentary and sometimes ironic: . . . die Kristen, die die Hauptstadt Mediens bewundert und zerstort, . . . Der Krist riickt ohne Kampf in Dastagerd ein, schreibt einen Brief an den Senat nach Byzanz, der geflissentlich von fleifiigen und patriotischen Dienern eines Nationen feindlichen Glaubens (0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig) von der Kanzel der Hagia Sophia verlesen wird, in dem das Erstaunen, die Unwahrscheinlichkeit, die groBe Hure Bestandigkeit angekiindigt wird in dem reifen Satz: "Wer hatte das gedachtl" (p. 91) 3^Cf. the description on p. 77 (after Herzfeld) of Mt. Bistun and its sacred springs of Anahit. 3^Uber den AnlaB und andere Essays, p. 6 6. 33in the first draft: "Christ." 287 Also, Jahnn1s association of the cross with other instru ments of cruelty as the "Symbol der ewig marternden Ge- rechtigkeit" (p. 93) emphasizes the bloody history of Christianity: Keine andere Religion hat eine so blutige, furchtbare Geschichte aufzuweisen wie die christliche, die den ganzen Erdball verwiistet hat. 34 The final blow against Christianity in the chapter occurs in the ironic passages concerning the soul on p. 94. The religions of antiquity, Jahnn seems to say, would never have proposed so unreasonable a doctrine. The final subject to be considered in this study is one which must inevitably confront all serious students of Jahnn's work. In view of the text we have just examined (or any other Jahnn text, for that matter) one is justified, and indeed compelled, to seek the ultimate philosophical / * - foundation upon which it rests. Philosophical questions of this nature are unusually relevant in the case of Hans Henny Jahnn. Few writers of the twentieth century have shown themselves so unswervingly committed to a fixed set of 34 Muschg, Gesprache. p. 27. values, to an unchanging, absolute view of the world throughout their lives. It would, therefore, not be diffi cult to establish a canon of "Jahnnian philosophy" as con sistently represented throughout his entire work. This "philosophical" content of Jahnn's work has been evident to his critics from the beginning. Julius Bab provides us with an excellent example of critical response to Jahnn's phi losophy in his 1921 review of Pastor Ephraim Magnus. Bab, who was deeply shocked by the play, felt nevertheless obliged to attempt a serious (though aesthetically purist) interpretation. He writes: "[Es] scheint mir vollig klar, dafi wir es hier mit einem— sagen wir vorlaufig: philoso- 35 phischen Schriftsteller . . . zu tun haben." Bab defines the essence of Jahnn1s philosophy, not surprisingly, as materialism. He accuses Jahnn of making the physical world, and especially the human body, an absolute: "... das tragische Problem dieser grauenvollen Diskussion ist die Verselbstandigung des Korpers" (p. 171). According to Bab, "dieser radikalste Materialist" (p. 171) invites chaos and nihilism with his "denial of the human spirit": 3^Chronik des deutschen Dramas (Berlin, 1926), V, 171f. 289 . . . ich will allerdings behaupten, daS in dem Augen- blick, wo wir . . . mit dem Materialismus wirklich ernst raachen— so ernst wie in der mir bekannten Welt freilich bisher nur Hans Henny Jahnn gemacht hat!— unsre ganze Kulturwelt in einen' Haufen greulich grinsender Verwesung auseinanderfallt. (p. 171) As a result of this supposed "radical materialism," Bab judges Jahnn's play to be ultimately destructive. It should remain as an example of a philosophical extreme, never to be imitated: "Dieses Buch mag im Giftschrank der Menschheit als eine starkste Arzenei aufbewahrt werden" (p. 177). Is Jahnn indeed a materialist, radical or otherwise? Many aspects of his works tend to confirm the opinion of Julius Bab. An all-consuming involvement with the physical world is undeniably present in the themes of Jahnn's novels and plays. The human body, its pleasure, its pain and its material decay are Jahnn's inescapable preoccupations. An obsession for the material seems also implicit in his con cern for architecture— the most physical of all arts. And as this study has pointed out, even Jahnn's prose tends toward concreteness of expression. The form of Perrudja is constructed, architectural, and at times even graphically concrete. Its language is characterized by the "materi- * alization" or total avoidance of abstraction and strives toward the use of completely object-related words. 290 There are, however, obvious contradictions in Jahnn's work to any theory of absolute materialism. Even Julius Bab was not unaware of these, and was forced to admit that Jahnn was "eine durch und durch metaphysische Natur . .”. ein Mensch mit dem Willen zum Absoluten. . . . Er will das Bleibende, das absolut Giiltige, das Ewige" (p. 171f.). Such apparently "metaphysical" concerns become even more evident in Jahnn's work after Pastor Ephraim Magnus. His deep in volvement with eternal values and principles can hardly be called materialistic. One can list many aspects of Jahnn's will to the spiritual absolute: his archaism, the respect for ancient wisdom, his love for "absolute" music, his in volvement with the eternal processes of nature, his search for absolute truth in the mathematical rhythms of creation, his entire theory of harmony. To Julius Bab, the two poles of Jahnn's philosophy were irreconcilable and led to the creation of an "insane," nihilistic work: . . . ich halte dieses Buch fur durchaus wahn-sinnig: freilich in einem Sinne der Tieferes als eine grobe Ablehnung oder einen medizinischen Befund bedeuten soil. Es ist die Negation alles Sinnes. (p. 170) It is possible, I believe, to resolve the contradiction be tween spirit and matter in Jahnn's philosophy without such 291 implications of schizophrenic anarchy. One can arrive at this resolution by examining several of Jahnn's own state ments regarding materialism. First, it should be made quite clear that Jahnn's materialism, if indeed it can be so called, had nothing whatsoever to do with the petty desire for "objects," the passion for tangible possessions commonly termed "material ism." In the essay "Vergessen und Freuen" from the year 19 32, Jahnn condemns the bourgeois materialism which then gripped Germany, a materialism which was in reality an in tellectual greed, a cold passion for the barren ideas of prosperity and status: Man erkennt nur noch ein Jagen nach den Dingen. Die Sehnsucht nach Erlebnissen e r s t i r b t . 3 ® Wohlstand, und Fortschritt, jedem sein Auto, Wasser- klosett und bessere Wohnung, was sind sie vor der ein- fachen, erschutternden Tatsache, dies alles als Neben- sachliches vergessen zu haben und sich einer Freude hinzugeben, die entspannt! . . . Im Kleinen und im Groflen: Front gegen den totenden materialistischen Ernst des Geistes, der nicht mehr weiB, daB er in einem lebendigen Korper erzeugt wurde und unter einem Dach -* 4nit alien Lustigkeiten der Schopfung wohnt.3^ Jahnn's concern for the material world was a sensual one. His materialism was a kind of religious experience of a world to which he felt an intimate relationship. In the "Selbstanzeige" to Perrudja (1929), Jahnn writes: "Und Einzelganger, p. 106. 37 . Einzelganger, p. llOf. 292 diese Welt hat AuBerungen, wo sie briiderlich und fromm wird. In der Landschaft, in den Elementen, in den Wirkungen der 38 Materie." To Jahnn, the ideal, the abstract, the purely metaphysical had no meaning in isolation. Everything, whether spiritual or material, could only be understood in terms of real existence. This, it appears, was the true essence of Jahnn's religion. Walter Muschg, in discussing Perrudja, has defined the nature of this religion: "Das Irdische ist ihm das Heilige, er predigt eine monistische Religion, die keine Transzendenz, keine Trennung von Geist 39 und Materie anerkennt." Jahnn rejects the spiritual ideal as an element of religion. For him, existence is absolute, and he maintains: DaB wir grofi unrecht tun, indem wir einen MaBstab auf- richten, der nur die Gestalt abbildet, die wir sein mochten, eine Puppe, ein Gotze, auch wenn wir ihn Gott nennen. DaB wir notig haben uns zu bekennen, nicht zu Seiner Gestalt, sondern zu Seiner Existenz.^® A conflict between spirit and matter in Jahnn's philosophy can only exist for those, such as Julius Bab, who are unable to escape from the dialectic thinking fostered by Christian ity and German Idealism. Spirit and matter, soul and body, materialism and metaphysics are a unity to Jahnn— one cannot ^®Hs 16 3 (NachlaB). ^ Auswahl, p. 32. ^Qperrudja. Introduction, p. 10. 293 exist without the other. Jahnn found this unity in the philosophy and religion of ancient times. Echoing Aris totle, Jahnn writes in "Sassanidischer Konig": . . . die Seele erweist sich erst am Geschaffenen. Ohne Betatigung am Stofflichen ist sie Hypothese wie der Raum, wie der Ablauf der Zeit. (p. 59) (Seele— mein Leib) (p. 61) In the essay "Vom Sinn des Essens und Trinkens" (1932) he expresses a similar thought: . . das Fleisch . . . ist 41 . . . das Haus des Geistes, das Abtastbare der Seele." Abstraction, Jahnn believes, cannot exist without substance: "Ohne das lebendige Fleisch des Einzelnen ist die kiihnste und geistigste Abstraktion ein Totengebein" (Perrudja. p. 77). Jahnn considers any abstraction, any idea, any truth to be unproductive, indeed dangerous, in the absence of a sensual referent. He was fond of quoting Leonardo da Vinci's statement: "Das Geistige, das nicht durch die Sinne gegangen ist, ist nichtig und erzeugt keine andere Wahrheit 42 als die schadliche." The common dualistic schism between intellect and matter was thus an anathema to Jahnn. And he saw the greatest purveyor of this fatal concept in the Christian church, in the "leib- und schopfungsfeindliche 41 Einzelqanger. p. 102. ^ Einzelqanger, p. 102. 294 43 Religion der Verneinung." Referring to the Gothic period, Jahnn gives the following account of the devastating effect wrought by Christian dualism: Ein ernster, fanatischer Glaube wuchtete sich in das Leben hinein. Geistigkeit fesselte, Dunkelheit brach herein. Marter, Schuld, Nacktheit, als ob sie erst jetzt erfunden waren. Mann und Weib wurden geschieden in Unreinheit, Mensch von Mensch. Alle Sinnlichkeit wurde verbannt in Geschlechtlichkeit. Mann und Weib muSten sich fremd werden, sich hassen lernen, ohne Ver- mittlung vor einander stehen. Der eine mufite Herr wer den, Knecht der andere. Und gespalten ward der Leben- dige, gespalten der Tote. Gespalten in Gutes und Schlechtes, in Verdammtes und Erlosenwertes. . In Tier und Glaubigen, in Leib und Seele, in Blut und Geist. Saat des Geistes, vom Korper getrennt, ward gesat. The same dualistic tyranny, Jahnn writes, was responsible for destroying the monistic world-view of ancient times, the religions in which the "here" and the "beyond" were both understood in sensual terms: Die gewaltigen geistigen Krafte, die jenseits der Dinge noch eine sinnliche Welt sahen, muBten zerschellt sein oder doch jetzt zerschellen an dem UbermaB der Verach- tung der offenbaren Welt. Agyptischer Glaube, dem Gott und Tier und Stein und Mensch Licht war, dessen Taten und Werke stets mit dem Nachbarn Geschopf waren, nicht gegen ihn, Vergewaltigung: hinab. (p. 305) Thus the conquest of the old religion by the new as "Der Dichter und die religiose Lage der Gegenwart" (1930), Einzelqanger, p. 114. ^"Spatgotische Umkehr," Der Kreis, IV, Heft 6/7 (June- July 1927), 305. 295 represented in "Sassanidischer Konig" was to Jahnn a tragedy with the most profound philosophical implications. Jahnn's pessimism regarding the future of man was an awareness of man's hopeless inadequacy when split into estranged compart ments of mind and body. He saw that only minds become abso lute were capable of behaving like machines and of creating machines to destroy the substance of life around them. The only hope, Jahnn proclaims, is to be found in a unity of mind and body which denies neither. The pernicious intel lect could become a savior capable of miracles when coupled to a physical consciousness of human suffering, a compassion for life. Such a unity is nothing less than— love, eros become ethos^ and this is Jahnn1s true religion: Der vollkommen hoffnungslosen Lage, wie sie allmahlich geworden, steht nur eine rettende Kraft entgegen, die Gewalt des menschlichen Herzens, die allein auf dem Boden gesunder und gerechter Sinne wSchst. Sie ist die einzige AuBerung des Menschen, die man als reli- gios bezeichnen konnte. Aus dem Labyrinth, geschaffen durch unerhorter Geistesverfehlungen, hat bis jetzt nur die Rettung mittels ethischer Forderungen heraus- gefiihrt .^5 A S "Der Dichter und die religiose Lage der Gegenwart," Einzelqanger, p. 113. ” chapter VI CONCLUSION The goal of this study has been to investigate the chapter "Sassanidischer Konig1 ' in as thorough a manner as possible. This goal, it is hoped, has been achieved at least to the extent that no important aspect of composition, form, style, or meaning of the text has been ignored. It goes without saying, of course, that the entire story of "Sassanidischer Konig" has not thereby been told. The greatest service this study can hope to perform is not to "dispose of" the problems discussed, but to provide a basis and instigation for still more serious, more productive in volvement with the works of Hans Henny Jahnn. The findings presented here would best serve the intentions of their author if they could hope to escape the fate of most disser tations and have the good fortune to be examined, expanded, modified, questioned, and even refuted by better, more per ceptive studies to come. 296 297 As a brief review of the more important facts and con clusions presented on the foregoing pages, let us summarize the essential content of each of the four major chapters. "Chronology and Construction" is concerned with the origin and development of both Perrudja and its second chap ter, "Sassanidischer Konig." The entire novel is shown to consist of two basic narrative levels— a conventional, ex terior level concerned mainly with plot development, and an advanced, interior level which reflects Perrudja's psychol ogy through the medium of "modernist" prose. This narrative duality has its counterpart in the two types of manuscript which make up the novel's first draft: bound notebooks and loose quarto sheets. In the case of the novel's first half, these two varieties of manuscript correspond directly to the two narrative levels and reflect a two-stage process of com position. The conventional narrative, it is demonstrated, was written much earlier (beginning December 5, 1922) than "advanced" portions of the novel such as "Ein Knabe weint," "Sassanidischer Konig," etc. In view of all available evi dence, a hypothetical chronology of Perrudja1s composition is then attempted- The genesis of "Sassanidischer Konig" is also discussed in respect to evidence for dating the chapter's first draft (reproduced in Appendix B) as well as 298 later revisions. The probable time of composition is set during the winter of 1927-1928. The bulk of the chapter "Chronology and Construction" is devoted to the "building blocks" of "Sassanidischer Konig," i.e., the various thematic units combined in con structing the chapter. Here Jahnn's unusually extensive use of sources for the chapter is treated in detail. The fol lowing published sources are discussed separately in terms of their contribution to the text of "Sassanidischer Konig": 1. Am Tor von Asien by Ernst Herzfeld, the primary source for the Khosro story. 2. Herodotus' History (Book III), the source of the Darius episode. 3. Blod-Tirsdagen, a short story by Sigurd Mathiesen, upon which Jahnn based the episode concerning the murder of five Norwegian boys. 4* Ulysses by James Joyce, which may have several in direct influences on Perrudja, and one possible direct in fluence on "Sassanidischer Konig." 5. De Anima by Aristotle, which appears to have in fluenced Jahnn's discourse on the soul at the beginning of the chapter. 6. Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer by Arthur 299 - Ungnad, Jahnn's source for the Gilgamesh text as well as the inspiration for the "birth omen" passage on p. 69. 7. Jahnn's own essay "Die Familie der Hippokampen," which contains material concerning mythical animals probably derived from Gottlieb Spitzel (Theophilus Spizelius) and an unidentified historical or archeological scholar. 8. The Arabian Nights, the source of a passage on magic gems (p. 84) as well as the inspiration for "Die Ge- schichte des Sklaven." The chapter "Form: Modes and Music" demonstrates the highly organized "musical" form of Perrudja and "Sassanidi scher Konig." Far from neglecting form, as his critics have sometimes maintained, Jahnn was extremely conscious of strict architectural and musical forms. The musical forms of "Sassanidischer Konig" are, however, not constructed according to an over-all design, but appear as part of the narrative texture of the chapter. The formal principle of the chapter is shown to be counterpoint, achieved by means of contrast, alternation, and repetition of narrative ele ments, and sometimes realized as visually organized page form. Most important of these elements are the perspective modes of the chapter, which are three in number: "conven tional, " "interior," and "literal." The complex interior 300 level is further broken down into five sub-elements of per spective (within Perrudja's mind), each having a character istic use of grammatical person and number. Graphic "scores" are employed to illustrate the contrapuntal inter play of narrative modes in the chapter. Finally, Jahnn's use of contrapuntal form is defined as an attempt to trans cend narrative linearity, to achieve a "Nebeneinander" of thought content replacing simple chronological progression. "Style: Modes and Metaphor" discusses Jahnn's use of language in terms of three basic stylistic modes evidenced in the chapter: "conventional" (narrative), "interior" (subjective), and "literal" (chronicle). Each of these modes (corresponding generally to the modes of perspective) is again subdivided into several categories: interior nar rative, versified, ecstatic, and serial. Jahnn's style is examined from the standpoint of "primitivism," a term often applied to his prose because of the frequent use of ellipsis (short sentences) and parataxis (co-ordinate syntax). The principle of the object language is defined and applied to Jahnn's style. The use of object-related vocabulary is seen as basically responsible for the character of Jahnn's "primitive," idiomatic style. The related subject of meta phor is then discussed, whereby the consistent "realization 301 of abstraction" is shown to be the underlying principle of Jahnn's figurative language. The final chapter, "Motives, Myth, and Materialism," which is prefaced by an inquiry into the nature of inter pretation, concerns itself with the ultimate meaning of "Sassanidischer Konig" as an independent work of literature and as a functional part of the novel. The primary connec tion between chapter and novel is shown to exist in the thematic and motive structures common to both. The most important of these are discussed individually: 1. The printed music on pp. 88, 89, 504, 505, 552, and 559. These compositions, it is maintained, serve to expand the meaning of their context into a non-verbal, mys tical sphere. The Gilgamesh duets on pp. 89 and 552 bring_ out associations of sexuality and death. 2. The chorale "0 Lamm Gottes, unschuldig," with its relation to the Catholic Agnus Dei, symbolizes the suffering and sacrifice of innocents. It appears verbally five times in "Sassanidischer Konig" as well as in purely musical form on p. 599. 3. The motive complex "gelb." The most important motive in Perrudja, with symbolic associations of sex and mortality, is shown in relation to the important concept 302 "saffron" in "Sassanidischer Konig." 4. Themes involving precious gems. Jewels to Johnn are an embodiment of mysterious telluric powers and are capable of magic effects. 5. The horse. Jahnn's obsession with horses is dis cussed as the original motive for writing "Sassanidischer Konig., " a chapter which develops the horse as Perrudja's personal symbol and creates a legend surrounding the mare Shabdez. Implications of the horse theme as both a mythical and rational concept are also brought out. 6 . Kingship. "Sassanidischer Konig" is shown to pro vide a legendary precedent for Perrudja's luxurious life as a "king" in his own castle who ultimately becomes the pos sessor of great worldly power. 7. Asia and Africa. "Sassanidischer Konig" is the most important element in a complex of themes concerning the non-Western world. The battle between East and West is exemplified in the chapter. As an independent entity, the chapter can be considered to be a mythological expression of eternal truth. Two tragic myths are developed in "Sassanidischer Konig": (1) the fate of the individual man (Khosro), inescapably bound to the flesh and to the inevitable progression of pleasure, 303 pain, death, and decayj (2) the fate of an archaic life form and religion: the ancient spirit symbolized by Persia and the Zoroastrian religion is defeated by the religions of the modern intellect, Christianity and Islam. Finally, the question of Jahnn's philosophical orienta tion is raised. Elements of a radical materialism seem im plicit in his work as well as a definite concern for spiri tual absolutes. This apparent conflict in Jahnn's philoso phy can be resolved only by abandoning habits of dualistic thinking. Jahnn professed a monistic, religious view of life in which spirit and matter are inseparable. Dualism, i.e., the implied primacy of the spirit, was to Jahnn.a destructive doctrine incapable of incorporating ethical principles. A P P E N D I X E S 304 A P P E N D I X A MANUSCRIPT VERSIONS OF PERRUDJA PRESERVED IN THE JAHNN-NACHLAB, STAATS- UND UNIVERSITATSBIBLIOTHEK HAMBURG 305 APPENDIX A In the preliminary catalog of Jahnn's unedited Nachlaft, the Perrudja manuscripts are listed under "Handschrift 162" (Hs 162), which is divided into subcategories "a" and "b" (i.e., handwritten and typed manuscripts respectively). Under "a" are found the following materials: a^. One hard-bound notebook, 17 x 22 cm., 200 leaves = 400 pages of continuous text. Content: first draft of conventional narrative from beginning of novel through "Die Bergpolizei." On the title page the date "5.12.1922." a^. One hard-bound notebook, 17 x 22 cm., 95 leaves = 190 pages of continuous text. Content: later portions of the novel through chapter XXXIX. Also 40 leaves = 80 pages of continuous text. Content: "Perrudja II." In addition, several inserted loose sheets. a . Fifty loose quarto sheets = 50 pages (1-45, 306 "Ugrino" letterhead, 46-50 onionskin typewriter paper). Content: "Das Hohelied des Gesetzes." One notebook including 12 leaves = 24 pages plus 2 inserted sheets . Content: fragment of the chap ter "Die durchsichtige Mauer" (Perrudja II). Fragments of Perrudja II. (1) 5 leaves = 10 pages of a paper-bound notebook plus one inserted sheet with notes. (2) 16 loose quarto sheets = 16 pages ("Ugrino" letterhead). Complete chapter entitled: "Das vollkommene Gluck oder die indische Ernahrung." (3) 32 folio sheets = 35 pages (musical note- paper). Complete chapter entitled: "Der Traum." Later chapters and sketches for "Perrudja I." (1) 8 numbered quarto sheets = 10 pages (1-2, "Ugrino" letterhead, 3-8, white onionskin typewriter paper). Title: "XI. Die ander'en Tiere." Content: "Ein Knabe weint." (2) 11 numbered quarto sheets = 11 pages (brown onionskin typewriter paper). Title: "Alex ander (Siehe Kapitel Bergpolizei)." Content: 308 "Alexander." (3) 20 numbered quarto sheets =20 pages (1-9 white onionskin, 10-16 brown onionskin type writer paper, 17-20, "Ugrino" letterhead). Title: "Perrudja (Geschichte Khosros II.)*" Content: "Sassanidischer Konig," first draft. (4) One sub-quarto sheet = one page ("Ugrino" letterhead). Content: "Zehn Gebote." (5) One folio sheet ("Mensur-Tabelle" for organ analysis). Content: list of English firms— oil, coal, shiplines, railways, chemicals, etc. (6) One lined quarto sheet. Birthday letter from Jahnn's parents dated "17.12.27." On reverse side, sketch to p. 51 (soup catalog). (7) One folio sheet ("Mensur-Tabelle"). Content: fragment beginning: "Grigg war verzweifelt." Plus sketch of Perrudja's house. An additional group of materials was more recently acquired by the Hamburg library and has been temporarily catalogued under tfye designation "Tr" (= Trede). The 309 Perrudja manuscripts in this group are: Tr 47. Manuscripts of "Die Geschichte des Sklaven." a. 6 numbered quarto sheets (letterhead: "Kartell Hamburger Kiinstlerverbande " ) . Title: "Roman Perrudja. H. H. J." Con- . tent: first draft of pp. 137-142. b. 7 numbered quarto sheets (letterhead: "Kartell Hamburger Kiinstlerverbande" ) . Content: first draft of pp. 142-146. Very legible script with note to typist on last sheet. Tr 55d. 3 leaves 6 pages of a ledger book. Content: "Unser Cirkus" (sic), early form, published February, 1927. Book also includes: "Die Konterfei des dritten Richards" (published April 12, 1926) and "Polarstern und Tigerin" (published February, 1927). In addition to the above manuscripts, the NachlaB con tains a number of typewritten pages, some obviously intended for the publisher. These typescripts, many of which are heavily corrected, represent widely scattered fragments of the text. Some random examples of the galley proofs for the 1929 edition are also present. A P P E N D I X B PERRUDJA (GESCHICHTE KHOSROS II.) 310 APPENDIX B PERRUDJA (GESCHICHTE KHOSROS II.) The following is a reproduction of the first-draft ver- g sion of "Sassanidischer Konig" (Hs 162a , part 3). This reproduction is intended solely for use in relation to the present study and, while all possible care was exercised in transcription, no claim can be made that the resulting text meets the high standards of textual criticism. Spelling and punctuation are reproduced unchanged. Words and phrases stricken by Jahnn are listed following the text. An aster isk placed between words indicates the break between pages of the original manuscript. Nach den Tagen voll kleiner siiBer ZSrtlichkeiten, an denen liebkosende GebSrden in erschSpfender Mannigfaltig- keit von seinen HSnden gekommen fanden sich bin und wieder Abende, an denen Perrudja sich von sich selbst zuruckzog. Er war satt an einem unaussprechbaren Gliicksgefiihl; aber 5 eine Sucht von der er kaum wuBte, daB sie in ihm war trieb ihn an Kenntnisse zu suchen, die auBer ihm standen. Er griff zu Biichern und las. Die Tatsachen, die er so auf- nahm brachten ihn in eine fast unnatiirlicke Erregung. Er 311 312 empfand alles Geschehen, alle Leidenschaften, von denen 10 die Bucher erzShlten als in unuberbriickbaren Gegensatz zu seinem Leben und zu seinen Sehnsuchten und Trieben. Die andere Welt stiefl ihn in eine Einsamkeit, die einer unermeSlichen Katastrophe gleichkam. Vergebens wehrte er sich gegen dan Ansturm der Fremden rait der (Jberlegung, 15 daB ja nur tote Worte zu einer Fabel sich geschlossen, daB nur die Fremdheit anderer Lebensformen sich so be- harrlich gegen die seinen drangten, daB im freien Wett- kampf sein eigenes Leben nicht arm versickern wiirde wie ein Rinnsal im Wustensande. 20 Er wuBte, daB er die harten Leidenschaften, an denen drauBen die Geschichte der Menschheit sich bildete, nicht liebte. Die Grausamkeit, die Unerbittlichkeit stieB ihn ab. Er klammerte sich an den Ethos groBer und erhabener Ideen, leugnete von sich., daB auch sie erst 25 an die Erfahrung des Weltgeschehens sich erhMrten muB- ten, urn segensreich werden zu kSnnen. So verfiel er ganz in den Trotz der Jugend. Aber die Unheimlichkeit der nicht zu leugnenden Tatsachen bedrSngte ihn sehr. Er griff zu den XuBerungen der Dichter. In einem ent- 30 tSuschten sie ihn mehr als alle Philosophie und Geschich te, daB sie die Leidenschaften noch heftiger, unvermit- telter, klarer beschrieben. So erregten sie ihn tiefer noch als die Sagen des Lebens. Mit Zorn wandte er sich von ihnen und war ihnen doch verfallen. Es gab die 35 eine Wahrheit, die er mit TrSnen in den Augen leugnete. Die Menschen quSlten und vernichteten einander mit ihren Leidenschaften. Sie waren blind. Und keine Liebe, keine SeelengroBe bewahrte sie vor dem Verbrechen an anderen. Da gab es eine kalte Geistigkeit, die er vermeinte ver- 40 abscheuen zu miissen, die erschien segensreicher fur das Leben als all das warme Blut, das sich helfend vergieBen wollte. — Daneben— das MiBverstSndnis, das die Menschen gegeneinander trieb. Schier unfaBbar war seine Macht, so irreparabel seine SchSdigungen. Diese Saat des MiB- 45 trauens, Verschweigens, Befangenseins. Die TrSnen nach der Lekture eines Buches konnte er nie auf einfachen Grund zuriickfuhren. Vergebens ver- suchte er sein Bejahen und seinen Widerspruch zu formu- lieren. Die Tatsachen entwaffneten * ihn. Sie waren 50 folgerichtig, wenn auch von abscheulicher Deutlichkeit, von beleidigender Strenge. Auf Sekunden dSmmerte es in ihm, daB seine TrSnen ihm selber galten, einem Mitleid fiir sich selbst entsprangen, weil ja sein Leben ungewiB 313 vor ihm lag, er selbst hineingestoflen werden wiirde in die zertriimmernde Logik des Allgemeinen. Auch gegen seine Tiir wiirde, vielleicht nach Jahren erst der Tod pochen. Bis es soweit gekommen, wiirde er Bitternisse kosten miissen, und sei es auch das eine nur quSlender, einsamer Krankheit. Nun lieB er die Geschichte an sein warmes Herz heran. Sein Zorn gegen die Dichter verlor die Emporung des blinden Entriistetseins . Er versuchte eine freund- schaftliche Kritik, die allmShlich, gemaB seinem Tem perament, in Milde umschlug. Das Leid der Menschheit stromte durch tausend Schleusen in seine Brust. Er sah nur noch das Leid der Menschen. Ihre Freude schien so kurz, weil ihr Leben kurz war. Es schien ihm keine Er- fiillung Hilfe zu geben, weil jeder neue Tag den vorauf- gegangenen mit anderem Lichte ausloschte. Er muBte die Leidenschaften der Menschen als be- rechtigt zugeben. An diesem Riickzug in die Festung der Wahrheit hinein entstand die Anerkenntnis der histori- schen und vitalen Notwendigkeiten, deren MiBbrauch durch teuflische Ehrgeizige er nicht iibersah, denen er als Ein- 75 samer somit ausgeliefert wurde wie ein Verbrecher dem Tribunal. Er verneinte das Gute und bejahte das B<5se. Es verkehrten sich ihm die Begriffe. Es gab fur ihn nur eine Rettung: Ermiidung, Feigheit, Luge, und sein Herz, das zwar keine Worte wuBte, keine Sinne, keine Formu- 80 lierungen, das aber doch nach schon und hMBlich entschied. Hatte er sich viber seinen Biichern abgefunden mit dem Ablauf der LebensSuBerungen in ihrer Mannigfaltig- keit, Widerspruchen, sprunghaften Gluten, mit Tiefen und schalen Formeln, mit ihren Normierungen der Begriffe und 85 Reagenzen, mit typischer Gliederung nach physiologisch bedingten Varianten, war also vor ihm das geistige Bild des Menschen von der Kraft bis zur Hysterie wach gewor- den, vom Kind bis zum Greis, vom Liebhaber bis zum Kast- raten, von der Schwangeren bis zur Morderin, dann misch- 90 te er eine nicht nennbare Liebe von sich aus unter die gedruckten Zeilen, seine Phantasie verdeutlichte fast uber Gebiihr den Sinn, machte ihn offen, selbst roh und entbloBt. So erkannte er, der abgeschlossen von den Menschen, ihr Wesen oft ungeschminkter als andere, die 95 an der Vielheit ihrer Nachbarn fast blind wiirden an den Liigen, die als Kleider dienten. Sein Herz aber * tauchte die Buchstaben nicht nur in eine Farbe, und leitete seine Aufmerksamkeit vor allem zu solchen Ereignissen, d.ie fur 55 60 65 70 314 ihn selbst erhohte Bedeutung besaBen. — Alle Liebes- geschichten nahm er mit ganz unsachlicher Anteilnahme hin; er war Partei und wunschte wie nichts so sehr die Vereinigung der Liebenden, deren Eigenschaften im K3r- perlichen und Geistigen er sich von heldenhafter Voll- kommenheit dachte. Er war ihren SchwSchen gegeniiber nachsichtig. Sie muBten schon groBe Vergehen gegen den Rhythmus seiner Gesinnung begehen, ehe er leicht zu ziir- nen begann, wenn sie nur unentwegt mit weiten Segeln in gutem Winde einer nicht wetterwendischen Liebe segelten. SelbstverstSndlich hatten die ubertriebene Milde, Fiir- sorgej Mitleiden eine gute ErklSrung darin, daB er fern der Wirklichkeit, ohne Erfahrung, ohne personliche Er- lebnisse, in dem sich das Fremde spiegeln konnte. Die Vereinigung zweier Menschen in Liebe war ihm wie ein MMrchen, in dem kraft einer Grundgesinnung der Helden es nicht als VerstoB empfunden wird, wenn sie durch die Wunder geheimer RealitSten siegen; als Unverwundbarkeit, nicht welkende Jugend, geheime SchStze, Tarnkappe, Schwerte, Schilde, Panzer, die gefeit. Die Gesinnung der Liebenden schien sich anzuklinden in der ubermensch- lichen Schonheit, die seine inneren Augen ihnen andich- teten. Aus Bildern, dunklen Ahnungen schaffte er die Menschen. In der Geschichte fand er Episoden, die noch hefti- ger als die menschlichen Handlungen zu seinem Leben in unmittelbare Beziehung traten. Alexanders Hengst Buke- phalos muBte stundenlang vor seinen Augen stehen. Tau- send Geschichten um alle Taten von Alexanders Gewalt erfand er, um sich zu beweisen, daB der Held nicht der makedonische Reiter, sondern das Pferd. Er hatte sicher lich sein geliebtes Fullen nach dem Helden seiner Traum- bilder genannt. Es hinderte ihn nur, daB es im Ge- schlecht unterschieden. Beim Lesen erlangte er auch Kenntnis von dem berGhmtesten Pferd der iranischen Sage, dem Hengste Rakhsh, den der Dichter Firdosi also be- schrieben hat: "mit einer Brust wie ein LiSwe, kurzer Kruppe, fetter Brust und Beinen, aber schmalen Flanken, ein Elefant an Kraft, ein Kamel an Wuchs, aber an Mut ein Panther vom Berge Bistun." Welche Nahrung waren diese Vergleiche fur seine Vorstellungskraft. Aus Quellreichen Wiesen und Wusten abwechselnd sah er Fel- sen aufwachsen wie * glSsern und Marmor. Nicht weiB nur rot durchzogen von wilden Adern. Durch Wusten, an den Quellenflussen entlang iiber PSsse aber zwSngte sich ein 100 105 110 115 120 125 130 135 140 315 Weg, den Menschen gebahnt. Des Nachts aber, wenn er 145 leer wanderten Fabeltiere den weiten Weg nach China, das unermeBlich im Osten lag. Halb Pferd, halb Tiger, der groBe Vogel Greif, das Geschlecht der Hippokampen, zogen die StraBe, voran ein Kopf, schwer wie die Horner eines Widders, dort riesenhaft, umrahmt von brauner 150 Wolle, die wie MShne eines Lowen, schmal fiel der Leib dann ab wie einer Katze Leib, doch wie zum Zeichen, daB der Kopf nicht nur Symbol, prangte zwischen den schmalen Schenkeln die Last der Hoden wie von einem Stier. Nach Osten iiber die schneeigen PSsse in das Reich der viel- 155 gestaltigen Geister dringen sie. Und die Menschen ahnten ihr Komraen, denn fleiBige Seidenweber hatten ihre Gestalt schon auf die Tucher gebannt in Rot und Gold auf schwarzem Grund. Schwer nur loste Perrudja sich aus der Umklamme- 160 rung jener Wirklichkeit, die Jahrtausende lang giiltig war fur jedermann und jetzt nur noch bestand fur Irre— nach dem Spruch der anderen, die nicht lMnger sehen. Die Klebrigkeit seines Speichels im Munde nahm zu. Er fuhlte sich wieder hineingeworfen in einen Zwiespalt, der 165 nichts besseres zu beabsichtigen schien, als ihn zu zerfetzen. Er fuhlte gleichzeitig die ungeheure Luge und Wahrhaftigkeit seiner ungewohnlichen LebensfGhrung, mit der er tSglich kollidierte, weil sie ohne Humor und ohne leuchtende Entspannungen. — So war es ihm willkommen, 170 daB er die heitere Geschichte der Wahl des Dareios zu Konig in dem gleichen Buch fand in dem die ErzShlungen des Hengstes Rakhsh aufgezeichnet. Sie soli hier stehen, wie er sie las: "Die groBen des sassanidischen Reiches waren zusammengekommen, nicht unweit Sarpuls, um aus 175 ihrer Mitte den Konig zu wShlen. Da sie nicht einig werden konnten, wer unter ihnen beYhfen, die Wiirde zu tragen, beschlossen sie, den Gott Ahuramazda um die Seg- nungen fur ein Orakel anzuflehen. Da dieser Gott, wie man wuBte, die Rosse liebte, bestimmte man Folgendes. 180 Am nSchsten Morgen, bei aufgehender Sonne sollten alle Fiirsten sich wieder versammeln. Wessen RoB als erstes zu wiehern begann, dessen Reiter sollte zum KcSnig aus- gerufen werden. * Als nun der Morgen gekommen, zogen alle AnwSrter auf den ebenen Platz, den man als Ort 185 ausgew&hlt, begleitet von Freunden, LehensmSnnern, Knappen, die zu FuB gingen. Des Dareios Hengst wurde von dem Stallmeister und Kameraden des spateren Konigs am Ziigel gefiihrt. Eine Hand hielt er verborgen. Als 316 sie sich den Platz genShert, zog er die Hand hervor 190 und hielt sie dem Hengst unter die Niistern. Da zog er ein paarmal mit heftigen Ziigen den Atem ein, hob dann den Kopf und begann freudig und sehnsiichtig zu wiehern, wie man meinte, der erwachenden Sonne entgegen. So war es denn entschieden, daB Dareios KSnig sein sollte. 195 aber ha<-te das Wiehern dadurch bewirkt, daB er zuvor im Stall einer rossigen Stute die Hand in die Schamoffnung gefuhrt, daB sie ihren Geruch annMhme. Als er an den Versammlungsplatz sie dem Hengste entbloBt, erkannte der den lieblichen Duft und wollte die unbe- 200 kannte Geliebte begruBen, deren Sehnsucht stark zu ihn hingeweht." Der Waldbesitzer erinnerte sich, eine Variante zu dieser schonen ErzShlung zu haben, die weniger wahrhaf- tig und doch kaum moralischer war. Danach sollte am 205 Abend zuvor der Freund des Dareios den Hengst auf dem Versammlungsplatv' eine Stute bespringen lassen. Die Erinnerung an das schone Erlebnis solle dann am Morgen den Hengst zum freudigen Wiehern bewegt haben. Perrudja wuBte nur zu gut, daB Hengste begehren, nicht aber im 210 Erinnern traumen. Er vermutete, daB nach der Wahl seines Herrn man ihn die Stute zur Lust gegonnt. Er schloB das Buch befreit. - Leisen Ansto3 nahm er nur daran, daB die Geschichte der Menschen die Namen so vieler edlen Hengste iiber- 215 liefert, kaum aber eine Stute fur wert befunden, daB ihr Name unsterblich wiirde. Die Kaiser und Konige hatten sich nur reitend auf Hengste dargestellt gewiinscht, die SQldnerfiihrer selbst, er dachte an die Bilder des Col- leoni und Gatamelata— er dachte weiter an die rosse- 220 bSndigenden Riesen des Monte Cavallo und weiter an die griechischen Hengste mit krummem Hals und beifienden Niis- tern, an die Pferde der Han-Dynastie. Diese befangene Feststellung konnte er tun, weil seine Kenntnisse in der Geshichte nur bescheiden und 225 er bis zu einem gewissen Zeitpunkt keine Nachricht da- von erhalten, daB nicht unweit des Berges Bistun und der Stadt Sarpul * die schon in dem Sagenbande, den er ge- lesen, erwMhnt war, in der NShe des Flusses Qarasu, den schon Tacitus gesehen ein Denkmal in den Felsen gehauen 2 30 ist, das die Araber zu den Weltwundern zShlen, von dem in seinem Buch der LSnder der Dichter Amru ben Bahr al- Djahiz gesagt hat: "Dcrt ist das Bildnis eines Rosses, wohl das schcSnste von Bildern, das es gibt. Man 317 behauptet, es sei das Bildnis von Kisras Rofl mit Namen 2 35 Schabdez. Auf ihn sitzt Kisra, aus Stein gehauen, und das Bildnis seiner Gemahlin Shirin ist im ObergeschoB dieser Grotte". Dieses Zitat begegnete Perrudja. Es ruhrte ihn tief an, es brannte plotzlich als heiBer Wunsch aus ihm, von 240 dem Denkmal zu erfahren und von der Geschichte des Pfer- des, das, so hatte er gelesen, "die NSchtliche" hieB, also wohl schwarz von Farbe und eine Stute gewesen sein muBte. Noch ehe er nSheres in Erfahrung gebracht, taufte er sein eigenes Fiillen Shabdez, entzundet an dem Wort: 245 "wohl das schonste von Bildern, das es gibt". Seine Zuneigung zu dem jungen Tier hatte einen neuen Inhalt ge- nommen, herrlich Zukiinftiges schien ihn aus der Bedeutung des Namens entgegen zu prangen. Die Fiille seiner Hoff- nungen aber wuchs an, als er daran ging, Kenntnis von 2 50 den Lebensschicksalen des Konigs Khosro II. zu nehmen, der der Besitzer der schwarzen Stute gewesen. Freilich, was an Gluck auch diesem gliicklichsten aller Konige be- schieden gewesen, vor seinem Tode noch ward es ausge- loscht. Ohne bange Ahnungen sollte auch diese Lektiire 2 55 den Waldbesitzer nicht lassen. Um das Jahr 1228 vollendete der begabte Enzyklo- pSdist Jaqutaus Hamah sein groBes Namenbuch und begann das GedMchtnis an den letzten groBen sassanidischen Kcinig mit dem Namen seiner Lieblingsstute. Er beschrieb den 260 Ort des Denkmals, eben das lebendige Zeugnis, ohne des- sen Vorhandensein man die Geschichte des gliicklichsten Mannes nur erkennen wiirde wie durch einen Schleier. Man wiirde sie betont finden nach den SuBeren Bewegungen sei ner letzten Regierungsjahre, die erfiillt waren durch die 265 Kriege mit Herakleios. Die Idee des Krieges um das hei- lige Kreuz Jesu, der finsteren Vorzeichen von Leichen, Uberschwemmungen, Kometen, die das Wirken des Propheten Mohammed in Mekka und Medina in den LSndern auBer Ara- bien ankiindeten, wiirden das Leben des einzelnen ver- 270 wischt haben. Mit Beharrlichkeit * wollen wir toren Menschen daran festhalten, daB es der Kampf und Sieg der groBen Ideen sei, der unser Herz bewegt und sich entscheiden ISBt. wir beliigen uns. Ohne das lebendige Fleisch des Einzelnen ist die kiihnste und geistigste 275 Abstraktion ein Totengebein. Die Vollerei eines erd- haften Kindes trSgt immer noch mehr Vernunft als die fromme Charitas einer Ausgebrannten, die nicht mehr den Mut zum kleinsten personlichen Wunsch. 318 Der Ort selbst, den die Muslime oft beschrieben 280 haben wird gekennzeichnet durch einen marmornen Berg, aus dem starke Quellen hervorbrechen. Seit undenkli- chen Zeiten war er eine heilige StStte der Iranier, die an den klaren, steingeborenen Wassern glaubten die G8t- tin Anahit verehren zu mussen. In den Felsen aus dich- 285 tem Kalkstein sind zwei Grotten gebrochen, eine kleinere die kurz nach dem Jahre 281 Shapur III raeifteln lieft, und unmittelbar benachbart eine grSBere, eben das Denkmal Shabdez und ihres Herrn. Horen wir an, was Yaqut dariiber zusammengetragen hat: 290 "S. 82-84" Der Beginn seiner Regierungszeit war von heftigen Erschutterungen begleitet gewesen. Bahram Tchobin, der letzte grofte Mihran, hatte das sassaniden Reich der Ver- nichtung nahe gebracht. Der Vater Khosros, Hormizd 295 war geblendet und danach gespeert<wcrden, der junge Groftkonig selbst hatte nach Byzanz zum Kaiser Maurikios fluchten mussen. Aber Bahrams Gluck ging zuende. Er wurde durch einfachen Mord beseitigt. Der byzantinische Kaiser setzte Khosro in seine Herrschaftsrechte ein. 300 Der Iranier war zum Gluck berufen. Seine Stunde kam. Der Kaiser fiel, wie sinnlos. Der unfMhige Phocas machte eine Rebellion, die gelang, und die gekrSnt wurde damit, daft Maurikios mit seiner ganzen Familie geschlachtet wurde. * Vielleicht gab es nach diesem blutigen Ereig- 305 nis einen Augenblick, in dem Khosro sich berufen fiihlte, als RMcher seines Wohlt&ters gegen Phocas zu ziehen. Vielleicht sandte er die ersten Heere gegen Ostrom in blutendem Schmerz und Zorn iiber den Verlust eines Freun- des. Phokas inzwischen tat alles, um die Besinnlich- 310 keit des Iraniers auszunutzen. Er beseitigte den Nar- ses, den Verwalter der ostlichen Provinzen, die Fackel Byzanz, die gegen Persien brannte, so daft die ersten aus- gesandten Generale des Groftkonigs schon ungetrubte Siege berichten konnten. Das war im Jahr 604. Im folgenden 315 Jahr durchzogen die sassanidischen Reiterei in wilden Streifziigen die 5stlichen Provinzen des Reiches Byzanz. In den "Pforten" des Konigs, in seinen StSdten, waren seine Wiinsche nach Reichtumern entflammt, "nach Juwelen wie kein andrer gierig x" befahl er Raubziige in das 320 ostrSmische Reich. In diesem Augenblick gewift hatte er seinen WohltSter Maurikios vergessen. Der Anlaft seines Todes war verstoben vor den neuen Moglichkeiten eines unermeftlichen Gliickes, das er auf eine Person, auf sich 319 selbst konzentrieren wollte. Mit fanatischer Beweg- lichkeit wuBte er seinen Generalen zu iibermitteln, daB sie nur eine Verpflichtung, nur ein Ziel, nur einen Wunsch haben diirften: zu siegen. Zu siegen, um Beute zu erwerben; Beute zu erwerben, um den GroBkonig uner- meBlich an Reichtum und Gluck zu machen. Zwanzig Jahre lang trieb seine Heere durch Mesopotamien, Syrien, Palas tina, Phonizien, Armenien, Kappadozien, Galatien, Paph- lagonien. In seine StSdte stroraten Gold, Edelsteine und Weiber. Was an Schonheit gewachsen und gebildet nahra er zu sich, nie ermudend am GenieBen. Die erste Niederlage seiner Heere nahm er als personliche Beleidigung seines Feldherrn, nicht als Schicksalsfiigung. Er sieht kein Zeichen darin, daB sein Gliick im Schwanken. Den ge- schlagenen Feldherrn, den Krankhe.it befSllt und auf dem Riickzuge stirbt, laBt er in Salz legen, daB sein Leich- nam nicht fault. Der Tote muB vor * dem GroBkonig er- scheinen. Dem Toten nach wird das Urteil gesprochen, geschunden zu werden. Deshalb wurde der Leichnam der Verwesung entrissen, daB er vor den Augen des KSnigs zerfetzt, zerschlitzt, aufgebrochen wurde wie ein Vieh, denn Khosro fiihlt sich beleidigt. Das war das Ende des Toten, Saens, nachdem der lebende General 626 durch den Bruder des Kaisers Herakleios, Theodoros geschlagen wor- den war. Die zum Krieg getriebene Panzerreiterei, bestand sie nicht aus Menschen? Konnte sie gejagt werden, nur um Gold und Weiber fiir den Konig einzusammeln? Gab es nur die Augen des KSnigs, nur noch seine Sinne, nur noch sein Gliick? Sie nahm auf Augenblicke, was er iiber Jahre ausdehnte: Rauben, Morden, geiles Vergewaltigen, Volle- rei, das Schauspiel nMchtliche verbrennender StSdte, das war die Lust die sie nahm, ungeachtet der TrSnen der- jenigen, deren Los es war zu leiden. x Mit Ekel fast glaubte Perrudja sich abwenden zu mussen von diesem UnersSttlichen an Gliick. x Im Jahre 614 war Khosros groBer Feldherr Shahr- baraz Farrukhan in Jerusalem eingezogen. Die Christen hatten das groBte Heiligtum der heiligen Stadt, das hei- lige Kreuz vergraben, daB es nicht in die HMnde der Un- glSubigen fiele. Aber es gab kein Schweigen, daB nicht gebrochen werden konnte. Die Eroberer nahmen den Patri- archen Zacharias, nahmen seinen frommen Leib und folter- ten ihn. Es gab kein Ende der Schmerzen, die sie ihm bereiteten, keine Erfindung, die sie ausschlugen, um ihn 325 330 335 340 345 350 355 36 0 365 320 zu versuchen, die Tradition der zehntausend Morde zer- 370 fetzte seinen lebenden Leib, der nun eine sinnvollere Frommigkeit erfand und den Platz verriet, wo das Symbol vergraben. Shahrbaraz wollte seinen Herrn lScheln sehen, auch uber seine Taten. Er entfuhrte das Kreuz. Der Un- begreifliche zerspellte das Holz, schenkte ein Stuck 375 seinem christlichen Finanzminister Yazdin, und sperrte unter Enfaltung von Pomp und Ehren fiir den Inhalt eines fremden Glaubens das MartergerSt im neuen Schatzhaus und StaatsgefSngnis von Ktesiphon, dem "Haus der Finsternis" ein glaubend, daB er nun, in dem schon die Labartu die 380 Pestgottin als Gefangene saB, seinen Willen sicherte. Sie war alt, sehr alt, und m&chtiger als das Kreuz. Aus Babylon oder Ninive war sie gekommen. Lowenkopf mit spitzen Eselsohren * Weib, Briiste vom Weib, Weib, das geboren hat und ein Schwein und einen Wolf saugt. In 385 den HSnden erhebt sie Schlangen, aus ihrem SchoBe wach- sen Adlerbeine, mit denen sie auf einem Esel hockt, ihr Buhle bei ihr, der sich in ein Schiff gelagert, das diese Buhlschaft durch die Fliisse fShrt, um mit ihre Fruchtbar- keit Eiter zu sSen. 390 Als einer seiner Feldherren diese wilde Geilheit gefunden und dem Konig herbeigeschleift, hatte der GroB- fiirst aufgeatmet. Grinsend hatte er vor ihr gestanden, war wieder davon geeilt, hatte sich selbst wie ein Fabel- tier geschmuckt, den Hof auch angepeitscht zu einer un- 395 erhSrten Feier. Vor ihrem Antlitz muBten Diener und Feldherren sich mit Eselinnen begatten. Dann hatte er den Stein in eben jenes Gefangnis versenkt, wissend, daB er gefeit gegen Krankheit, gegen die Anfechtungen eines wandelbaren Korpers. Seinen LSndern verkundete er Ge- 400 sundheit. Er trat in die GewiBheit ewiger Jugend und ewiger Kraft ein. Dreitausend Weiber wShlte er sich aus, um die unermeBliche Fiille seiner Lenden zu fassen. Fiir die Augenblicksregungen seiner sinnlichen fiuBerungen standen 405 8000 MSdchen zu seiner Verfiigung. Er glich einer uppi- gen bliihenden goldgelben Wiese, die dampfend mit Geruch ihres Paarens den Himmel fiillt. Er wuchs heran zum Besitzer der zwolf unvergleich- lichen Kleinode, der Attribute und Machtrequisite. 410 1. Der Palast von Ktesiphon. 2. Khosros Thron. Eine Kunstuhr, ein uniiberbietbares Werk der Geschicktheit, Genauigkeit und Berechnung. 3. Die Krone mit den grciflten Juwelen. 321 4. Einen Schachspiel mit Figuren aus geschnitzten Smaragden und Rubinen. 5. Wie Wachs knetbares Gold. 6. Den Gandj i badhaward und kanz al-thaur, zwei Schatzsammlungen von unvergleichbarer Kostbarkeit. 7. Die Geliebte Shirin, der Garten der Schdnheit. 8 . Die Stute Shabdez. * 9. Die SMnger Sardjis und Pahlbadh. 10. Ein weiBer Elefant. 11. Die heilige Fahne Irans, der Lederschurz des sagenhaften Schmiedes Kawa. 12. Der Page und Kochkiinstler Khosharzu. Perrudja uberlas die Liste der zwolf Kleinode wie- der und wieder. Er horte an seinem Ohr, wie durch einen Nebel das Stampfen von 50 000 Rossen. Herden von Ele- fanten schoben sich durch eine unermeBliche Welt. 4 30 12 000 schone Frauen. Eine [illegible word] kannte er nicht. Der nackte Existenz von Tausenden wollte sein Herz zerspringen machen. Er verdichtete seine unruhigen Gedanken immer wieder zum Hersagen der Liste. Er fiihlte sich zerschmettertj er fragte toricht, woran unter- 4 35 schied Khosro die Lebenden? Kannte er sie alle? Er behielt ein inneres Bild von ihnen. Er machte in sich ein Zeichen, er gab das Zeichen nach auBen. Er dichtete ihnen unterschiedliche Seidengewander. Seine Geliebte aber war Schirin, der unermeBliche 440 Garten, die flieBende Quelle. Und Schabdez, die Stute. Und er baute das Denkmal, den Taq i Bustan, als Shabdez gestorben. Der Tod des Pferdes war das Ende seiner Zuversicht 445 und der AnlaB zu traurigen Worten. Wie durch TrSnen sah er vor dem Leichnam der Stute noch einmal sein Gliick. Es schwemmte ihn durch die Worte der verletzten Seele. In den Marmor gehauen eine Hohle; man sieht darin die vielen Grade des Lebens, die Khosro 450 bestimmten und reich machten. Im Hintergrund der Hohle, sozusagen in ihrem unteren GeschoB, Der GroBkonig reitend auf der NMchtlichen. Er ist eingehiillt in den Duft des Tieres und verwachsen. Ihr SchweiB ist ihm nicht l&stig, der Empfindliche, der 455 den Geruch der Rechnungspergamente nicht gut ertrug und ihn durch Safrari und Rosenwasser vernichtete traumt die Sage seines Lebens, die nur deshalb warm in ihm ist, weil damit seine Schenkel warm, aus den Haaren (Geschichte 415 420 425 322 Schirins in Zusammenhang mit Khosros Tod.) * des Tieres, 460 Blut, Verdauung pulsen. Der Stein hat sich hergeben zu einer Form, die Ahmad b. Muhammad al-Hamadhani mit folgende-n Worten ver- sucht hat einzufangen: Zu den Wundern dieser Gestalt ge- hort es, daB keine Form gesehen wird wie ihre Form 465 S. 83/84 (Akanthos) Es ist das Bild eines Panzerreiters von iibernatur- lichen MaBen. Moslemische Bildersturmer haben es um 1740 zu zerschlagen versucht, verstiimmelt rund des Pferdes HinterfuB, 470 [lacuna] Man findet Shirin nicht abgebildet. Die 3000 Nebenfrauen sind auf dem Denkmal abgebildet. Shirin ist dem Bildhauer verborgen worden. Die Existenz des Konigs sickert durch und sammelt sich wie Wasser in einem Becken. Die Leidenschaft des Bildhauers Farhad hatte ihn un- 475 sicher gemacht. Man hat die Geschichte spSter erzShlt, belastet mit Umschreibungen. Shirin fand Gefallen an Farhad, sie iiberantwortete ihn nicht dem Zorn des Khosro, als sein Werben um sie ihr bekannt wurde. Sie schmeichelte ihn bei dem Konig 480 ein, erfand Tugenden an ihm, lieB durchblicken, daB er als Mann in ideale VerhSltnisse mit dem GroBkonig treten konne. Sie vergaB nicht, seine GroBmut, seine Bereit- schaft zur Freiheit, seine Selbstlosigkeit, seinen Opfer- mut hervorzuheben. Wollte Khosro nicht klein werden, 485 nicht der Gefahr, Tyrann zu werden, den nicht einmal Shirin liebte, erliegen, muBte er sich zu den Eigen- schaften bekennen, die jenem nachgeruhmt wurden. Unter einer Bedingung muBte er ihm das Bett der Geliebten frei- stellen. Eine Probe verlangt der Zweifler. Der konig- 490 liche Zweifler verlangt eine harte Probe. Sie reiten ins Gebirg, zu dritt, die Frau, die beiden M&nner, der KSnig, der Bildhauer. Khosro begriff vielleicht die Kleinheit seiner Rolle, und daB nicht nur die Probe gegen jenen Liebhaber erfunden sein wurde, sondern ge- 495 gen ihn selbst. Vor einem Berge schlossen sie einen Vertrag. Der Konig, l&chelnd, * nicht ganz erniedrigt, nicht ganz in eine Eule verwandelt, noch GroBkonig mit Rechten an seiner eigenen Frau, der Gegener strahlend, weil er am Leben blieb, weil von seiner Mtihe der Preis 500 abhMngt: Farhad soil durch den Berg einen Tunnel graben. Gelingt es ihm, hat der Konig mit ihm das Ehebett zu 32 3 teilen. Er beginnt zu meiBeln. Khosros Ruhe ist dahin. Ihm wird berichtet, Farhad hat die HSlfte des Weges im 505 Stein zuruckgelegt. Der KcSnig ist kein Held. Er kann SchMtze sammeln, Geld hSufen. Er ist dem Stier gleich im Zeugen. Er ist kein Held. Seine Generale sind Helden. Der Bildhauer ist einer. Der Thronende genieBt. Er fuhlt sein Herz. Er sucht nach Vertrauten, scheint 510 sich verlassen. Ein Mensch, ein Prophet, Mohammed schreibt ihm einen Brief. ---------- Er glaubt an die Liebe des andern, an seine eigene nicht. Er sendet einen Boten zu Farhad, der Bote spricht: "Shirin ist tot". Es ist die Luge aus dem 515 __Munde des Konigs. Farhad sturzt sich vom Felsen hinab, stirbt. Die Ruhe des Konigs ist dahin, er muB an die eigene Liebe zu Shirin glauben. Es dSmmern Gefahren. Er weifi ihren Namen nicht. Ein Mensch, ein Prophet, Mo hammed hat ihm einen Brief geschrieben. Es verlautet, 520 an die Grenzen seines Reiches dringe die Pest ein. Er ISBt im Schatzhaus die __________ stSrker bewachen. Shabdez ist tot. Sie hat sterbend gemistet. Die Generale siegen. Khosro versteht nichts von Krieg. Sein Krieg ist klein, unheldenhaft, er jagt. Hirsche, 525 Schweine, Enten. Die Weiber sind um ihn. Auch Tiere haben Blut in sich. Aber sie schreien nicht. Stummer Schmerz. Sie ftihlen nicht. Er glaubt es. Ihre Einge- weide sind nicht Khosros Eingeweide. Man wird ihn be- lehren. Ihr Zeugen ist nicht sein Zeugen. Ihre Nach- 5 30 kommen sind nicht seine Nachkommen. Man wird ihn be- lehren. Gemartertes Wild! Gemarterter KSnig! Es bluhen Blumen, es bliihen zwei Pfeiler, zwei Marmorsteine bluhen. Sie bluhen im Rhythmus des Akanthus, sie duften rosig weiB wie Spiralen, in den BlSttern liegt ein Hauch und 535 breitet sich aus wie ein FScher. Wo man FMcher * (gegen Mohammed die Gotter) denkt, da knospet es, wo es knospet, wird es drei, wo die Drei geworden, schwimmt die Lotosblume, blau, bleich, siebengefaltet, wo sie sich siebenfach entblSttert, schieBt das Labyrinth der Staub- 540 gefSBe, Same, Knospe, Frucht. Zeit und Ewigkeit. Links und rechts der Grotte bluhen Marmorpfeiler. Akanthus- blStter ordnen sich wie ein FScher. Die Spirale ist eine Kurve dritten oder vierten Grades, sagen die Mathemati- ker. Der Stamm ist rund und steht gegen den Himmel. 545 Hinter den Pfeilern, in der Tiefe der Hohle jagt Khosro. Dreitausend Weiber sind um ihn, um sein seichtes 324 Heldentum zu sehen. Shirin ist nicht unter ihnen. Sie liegt im Kindbett, sie hat einen Knaben geboren. Armer Knabe, Kind Khosros, seinen Eingeweiden entsprungen und denen Shirins, die er liebt. Der Konig dichtet seine Ereknnungszeichen. Er ordnet die Weiber nach dem Grade des Wohlgefallens, das sie ihm bereiten. Er sagt es ihnen nicht, er dichtet es nur, ISBt es einweben in Seide. Kleine feine schaumige Gluckswolken, wie Wellen. Er darf sich verlieren, nichts weiter, kein Wort. Briis- te und Schenkel, kein Wort, goldene Gluckswolken auf schwarzem Grund, wie Nacht und samtene Haut. Fugt er drei Kiigelchen hinzu, das Symbol des Tchintamani, will er sich tiefer erinnern, nicht nur traumen. Da haben unter dem Fenster die Rosse des Ahuramazda gestanden in den NSchten. Ahuramazda. Das Kohlenorakel. Ein Mensch ein Prophet, Mohammed hatte ihm einen Brief geschrieben. Er hatte nein, nein geantwortet. Es war nicht zu leug- nen. Ahuramazda war Gott, der Gott der Berge, seines Paradieses, seiner Quellen. Die Traumszeichen hatte er sich selbst Khosro gezeigt nicht nur den Priestern. Nach Rossen verlangt, nach Rossen, gesattelt, ausge- stattet mit Bogen und Pfeilen. NSchtlich am Tempel standen sie wartend, bis der Gott erschien, * davon- ritt. Am Morgen die Pferde, schweiBnaB, mude, die Kocher geleert. In den Bergen finden Hirten das gott- lich erlegte Wild. Die Generale siegen. Die Steuer erdriicken das Land. Viergeteilte Lotosblumen, vier BlStter wie Herzen. NSchtliche Lotosblumen, eine schon wie die andere. Sie alle haben in der Mitte des Kelches eine Tiefe. Ver- streut iiber die Gewander, was bedeutet es, Konig? — DaB sie Bruste haben wie Apfel. Und daB die NSchte tief werden und lang, deshalb webt einen Saum aus Lotosblumen, aus Knospen, aus Lotos- blumenknospen. Die Knospen zwei, es sind die Bruste, schc5ner als der SchoB. Und dichter kann die Nacht werden, dichter die Sufligkeit webt durcheinander Bluten und Knospen dicht wie ein Dickicht. Man spielt wie auf den Feldern des Mushbretts. Khosro braucht keine Lagerstatt, Khosro schlaft zwischen den Schenkeln der Frauen. Sie harfen ihm seinen Traum, sein Traum heiBt Shirin. Shirin hat einen Sohn geboren. Er ist sein Sohn, den er liebt, weil er Shirin liebt. Er ist nicht Farhads Sohn. 550 555 560 565 570 575 580 585 590 325 Farhad ist tot. Shabdez ist tot. 50 000 Rosse. Die Goldmiinzen mehrten sich in SchatzhSusern. Runde Miinzen, totes Gluck. Er wuBte nicht, daB es tot war. Er lieB es einweben in Seide. Gliicksstunden, tote Glucks- stunden. Er wufite es nicht. Die Gegenspielerinnen wuBten es . Sie waren Miinzen. Sie gingen durch seine Hand, dann ruhten sie wie im Schatzhaus, und waren sie begnadet, wurden sie schwanger, selbst rund, wie Niisse, die rund, wie Bruste. In das Rund der Scheibe aber konnte geschrieben werden, was Khosro an ihnen gestalten wollte, bei welchem AnlaB er sie zum ersten oder letzten Mai gesehen. Pfauen, Eberkopfe, Blumen, Steine, * Rei- her, Widder, Sonnen, Wolken. Etliche aber gab es, fiir die dichtete er mit Miihe aus dem Erinnern an seine Leidenschaft in ihrer Gegen- wart die Sprache wortloser Pracht. Wirbelte Brocken seeliger Geschichte iiber die Stoffe hin. Sein Geist suchte Bet&tigung an ihnen. Er suchte Vergleiche mit den Tieren des Feldes und mit den Tieren der TrMume. Er lieB das Wirkliche und Unwirkliche aufflammen in Farben, ertiiftelte Gesetze fiir das Wachstum der Pflan- zen, die Rauten zu verschlungeneri Ornamenten sich prSgen muBten, selbst zum Gerank und Gitterwerk der Rauten sich verdichten, um einzurahmen die Tiere des Feldes, die befliigelten Schafe, die bekrallten Pferde, die krausen und stolzen Vogel. Kunstreiche Weber folgten seinen PlMnen. Die Gedanken iiberwucherten den Stein, der Stein begann zu knospen und zu bluhen. Es kam die Zeit, wo er Rechenschaft ablegen sollte. Die Generale wurden geschlagen. Die Sohne der Soldaten selbst kSmpften gegen die Soldaten, waren ja ihrer Mutter Sohne. Die Provinzen waren miide, mager zu werden am Gliick des GroBkSnigs . Der Kriegsunkundige muB von Gandjak vor dem Heere des Herakleios fliehen, zerstSrt fassunglos sein Land, brennt nieder, verwiistet die Xcker, ver- schleppt die Menschen. Nur die unentbehrlichsten Kleinodien denkt er in seinem Entsetzen vor dem Un- gliick, an die Attribute und Machtrequisite, an das Geld, an das heilige Feuer, an das Kohlenorakel von Gandjak. Das B6se wurde schlimmer. Aus den albanischen Winterquartieren riickten des Herakleios Truppen, die Christen, die die Hauptstadt Mediens bewundert und 595 600 605 610 615 620 625 630 635 326 zerstort, in die babylonische Ebene. Khosro zittert. Er ist kein Held. NMchtlich, heimlich, nur begleitet von den wenigen Menschen, die seinem Herzen am nSchsten macht er sich davon aus der Festung, dem uneinnehmbaren Dastagerd. Die starken Mauern Ktesiphons diinken ihm nicht Sicherheit genug. Nach Seleukeia. Bin einst durch Kleinasien geflohen. Fliehe wieder, Der Christ riickt ohne Kampf in Dastagerd ein, schreibt einen Brief nach Byzanz * an den Senat, der geflissentlich von fleiBigen und patriotischen Dienern eines Nationen feindlichen Glaubens (0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig) von der Kanzel der Hagia Sophia verlesen wird, in dem das Erstaunen, die Unwahrscheinlichkeit, die groBe Hure BestSndigkeit angekiindigt wird in dem reifen Satz: "Wer hStte das gedacht!" Vor Ktesiphon muBte Herakleios umkehren. Entlang den Ufern eines Kanals schob sich die Elefantenreiterei Khosros vor. Graues gespensterhaftes Stampfen. Die Schatten seiner glvickhaften Existenz. Der Wille seiner Generale. Der Konig selbst schrieb eine Rechtfertigung sei nes Lebens. Er tat darin kund, daB er eine Art Mensch sei, die unter gewissen Konstellationen verworfen werden. Er beruft sich darauf, was niemand zu sch&tzen verstand, daB er ein guter Administrator. Er machte die Haupt- bilanz in Zahlen. Am Ende meines 13. Jahres, nach einjShrigem Kriege mit dem Kaiser Phokas (Sohn einer Hiindin, der 70v3t- rige) lieB ich prSgen. Nach Abzug aller Lohne und sonstigen Ausgaben verblieben im Schatz 4 . 400 000 Beute1 gemunzten Geldes Am Ende meines 30. Jahres lieB ich abermals pra- gen. Nach Abzug aller Lohne und sonstigen Ausgaben ver blieben im Schatz 800 000 Beutel gemunzten Geldes, die gleichzusetzen sind 1600 millionen Mithqal oder Dirham Bis zu meinem 38. Jahr ist dies Vermogen unab- IMssig angewachsen. Nur einmal, in meinem 18. Jahr, 640 645 650 655 660 665 670 675 680 327 war der Schatz nach Abzug aller Unkosten und Spesen bis auf 420 millionen Mithqal heruntergekommen. * Er fiihlte, trotz des Sieges seiner Elefantenherde, daB er wurde abdanken mussen. Geflohen bis Seleukeia. Es muBte hochgestellte Personlichkeiten geben, die ihm das nicht verzeihen konnten. Und er entschloB sich, dem Thron zu entsagen. Er entsagte zugunsten seines Sohnes, den er am meisten liebte, der nicht der Mlteste seiner SShne war, zugunsten des Sohnes der Shirin, die nur, wie gesagt wurde, seine Geliebte war. Aber sein Wunsch war eine stMrkere Beleidigung als seine Flucht. Sein freiwilliger Verzicht wurde nicht erhort. Die friiher geborenen Kinder fuhlten sich betro- gen. Ungeliebt. Schimpf gegen ihre Mutter. Sheroe, ein alterer Sohn (Miter als Shirins Knabe) wurde ihr Wortfiihrer. Er diktierte die Abdankung. Sein HaB zet- telte einen ProzeB an gegen den eigenen Vater und den geliebten (von Sheroe gehafiten) Nachkommen (von Khosro geliebt, von Sheroe gehaBt) des Gliickreichen (Parwez), erlieB gegen die beiden, die einander liebten, Vater und Sohn, einen Haftbefehl, er, der Hassende, der neue Ko nig, Sheroe, um dessentwillen Khosro nicht abgedankt war. In dem ProzeB, der im Namen des Volkes gefuhrt wurde, brachte der weiland Konig die genauen Auszuge aus seinen GeschMftspergamenten bei (einst, wegen der LMstigkeit des Geruchs mit Safran bestMubt, mit Rosen- wasser iibergossen) und lieB eine groBe Verteidigungs- rede darin zuende gehen, daB er behauptete, er habe sein Land gut verwaltet. (Die Hauptbilanz ist mitgeteilt worden.) Er wurde (im Namen des Volkes) im Hause der Finsternis eingekerkert, atmete den Hauch aus dem Munde der Labartu (Eselsgeliebten), das Symbol der ewig mar- ternden Gerechtigkeit, Kreuz, Spinnweb Zeichen des Uni- versums im RMumlichen, im Zeitlichen, in der vierten Dimension (positiv, negativ, rational, irrational) (0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig), Warum Perrudja Signe vergessen mit 13 Jahren, weil er dem Schlachterburschen nachgelaufen iiber das FriedensprMliminarien verhandelt wurde (Hera kleios— Sheroe)— das Holz bedrMngte ihn mit Gesichten der daran Genagelten, der daran Gestorbenen (100 000. 1 000 000. Aufstand des Spartakus. Alle, die man ge- fangen nahm, wurden gekreuzigt). * Einige Tage lang iiberlegte Sheroe einen Plan, eine 685 690 695 700 705 710 715 720 725 328 Vergeltung, die Tat eines Hasses, den ungehemmten Lauf einer Gerechtigkeit. Da3 Fieber begann schon in dem weiland Konig Khosro Parwez (dem Unbegreiflichen, Gliick- reichen) mSchtig zu werden, dann sagte er schuldig, was bekanntlich leichter sich sagt als unschuldig, denn es ist zweisilbig, gegeniiber dem anderen, welches drei- silbig. Und es erschienen Henker, Leute, die ihr Hand- werk verstanden, mit einer gewissen Weisung. Sie schafften in die NMhe, vor die Augen des weiland Konigs, jetzt in Ketten gefesselt, eine Schlachtbank, und auf diese legten sie lebend, und fesselte, ganz entkleidet, den Sohn der Shirin, weiland KSnig, Usurpator, wie ge- sagt wurde, Verbrecher und begannen, vor den Augen des Vaters, ihn aufzuschneiden, beim Bauch beginnend, aus- zudMrmen, den Sterbenden zu entmannen, zu entherzen, zu enthirnen, zu blenden, zu entzungen, zu entlungen, zu entnieren. (0 Lamm— Gottes— unschuldig). Mit einer viehischen Attitude der Unterwelt platzte das Fieber der Labartu in den Adern Khosros zu eiternden SchwSren. Gemartertes Wild! Siebenblattrige Lotosblume. Para- deisgrotte. Bluhende Pfeiler. Spiralen des Akanthus. Gerechtigkeit und Henkerbeil dem Gegenteil und dem Widerteil weil sie blind der Richterhacken bestSndig feil Koitus— Ammus Warum nicht Koitus mit Kind? Und von seinen Backen Das Los Shirins, Hure in fremden Betten, erfuhr der Konig nicht mehr, weil er keiner Worte mehr erfuhr, denn sein Ohr verweigerte die Annahme von Lauten. We- nige Stunden nach dem Hinschlachten seines Lieblings- sohnes wurde er gespeert. Wie sein Vater. Und begann die Verwesung wie sein Sohn, wie.... (Bildhauer), wie Shabdez, wie auch dereinst beginnen wurde Shirin. Sheroe wurde vergiftet oder starb an der Pest. Feldherr Shahrbaraz, ebenfalls Kc5nig, vier Wochen Regent, dann ermordet. Boran, Khosros Tochter, Regentin, starb. Ardashir III., das Kind, die Flut trieb ihn davon. Die katholische Kirche feierte das Fest der Exal- tatio Sanctae Crucis (0 Lamm— Gottes— Unschuldig am 7 30 735 740 745 750 755 760 765 329 Stamm des Kreuzes— geschlachtet). Die Seele des Menschen hat ewiges Leben. 770 Die Seele des Tieres verwest wie des Tieres Leib. Und kann gefressen werden wie des Tieres Leib. herrscht das Verb zerhacken Der Rest ist Masse fiir den Wind * Wie eines Maultiers Nvistern weich sind deine 775 Schenkel. Des Safrans Ubergelb umschattet deine Bruste. Der Saphirstift der Nacht hat blau dein WeilS ge- lautert. Ich stand versteint wenn ich geheimen Wunsch nicht 780 wiiftte. Correction Index ■ In the following list, words stricken from the manu script are keyed to the line numbers of the preceding text. A word given in parentheses to the right of the stricken passage is the word in the text immediately following this passage. Line 7 nicht ein (auBer) waren (standen) 39 rettete sie (bewahrte) 97 fiihrte (tauchte) 104 mit (von) 110 die (Fiirsorge) 135 Geschichtsschreiber (Dichter) 151 stoB (schmal) 156 wenn (die) 157 schon (denn) 160 Fast schrie Perrudja. (Schwer) 178 urn ein Orakel anzugehen (um) Line 180 185 187 198 206 216 219 224 226 228 239 255 257 261 264 265 266 267 268 269 280 287 292 294 297 301 302 309 315 335 337 330 hoffte man, daft er, (bestimmte) folgendes (Folgendes) der sich vor (den man) des Dareios Hengst hatte seinen Begleiter (die) deren Geruch er (daft) Tage (Abend) die Erinnerung der Nachforscher (daft) wollten es nicht anders (selbst) nur (tun) keine Kenntnis (bis) seinem (dem) Es brannte sich in (Es) , und so daft der (. Ohne) die Fiille (auch) Das Denkmal— Der Name des letzten grofien sassanidi- schen Herrschers— Im Jahre (Um) hat (vollendete) das (dessen) vor allem der ersten (seiner) Lebensjahre (Regierungsjahre) Kampfes (Krieges) Kreuz (heilige) Himmelszei (Kometen) aufle (Landern) So sei denn auch in A + O die (Der) brechen (meifteln) am (und) Aus der Bildung des Denkmals kann ermessen werden, daft Khosro eine Paradiesgrotte hatte schaffen wol- len, daft um den heiligen Berg mit seinen heiligen Quellen sich Jagdgriinde ausbreiteten, daft er die Trauer um seine Stute hineinmischte in die Flut- welle der Lust mit der er seinen schweren Korper in den riesenhaften Garten treiben lieft.— Die Geschichte (Der) Reich der (sassaniden) Konig (Groftkonig) Wie (Der) ihn sturzte (wie) Phokas (den) noch (berichten) k " Khosro— In dem Fol— Das folgende Jahr (Im) , nie belastet, (Die) Er, der sich (Er) 331 Line 340 salzen (in) 347 nach (Saens) 365 Freitag, 11 l/2 Uhr, Kunstgewerbeschule (daB) 376 lachelnd (und) 377 den fremden (den) 380 glaubend (glaubend) 388 daB mit (das) 402 , Wohlstand— so wuchs er zu dem Besitz— so begann er zu wachsen zu dem Besitz der 12 Kleinode (Er) 407 in dem (mit) 420 Konigin (Geliebte) 431 Khosro auf Jagd (12 000) 433 woran erkannten (zerspringen) 435 erkannt (unterschied) 445 Es ist eine Hohle, in den Marmor gehauen, und man sieht darauf die vielen Grade des Lebens, daB den Khosro bestimmten und reich machten. Nicht die, die ihn arm machten. (Der) der (des) 470 Maul und B— Kopf und Beingelenke (lacuna) 475 Sangers (Bildhauers) 480 den L (ihn) 483 ver (vergaB) 495 ihn (jenen) 499 S (strahlend) 501 -hing (-hMngt) 504 Des (Khosros) 509 ein Held (einer) Er ist GenieSer (Der) 510 fiihlt (scheint) 547 Die (Dreitausend) 552 in Seide (Er) 556 Lotosblumen laBt er bluhen (Kleine) 567 Gott (seiner) 601 als (der) 602 welcher Vergleich mit den Tieren ihm am gemaBesten wurde, Pfauen (was) 603 wo er (bei) 605 Hirsche (Widder) 606 Rautenmuster (Etliche) 609 der Schopfung (seeliger) 610 Die kunstreichen Weber kamen zu seiner Hilfe. Er machte (Er) 615 zu (Rauten) 332 Line 621 Dann (Es) 624 Herakleios (ja) 625 Herakleios (mager) blank line following line 626: Herakleiosj der Nachfolger (Der) 627 Khosro (Der) flieht entzetzt (muS) 628 ihm (fassungslos) 629 und (brennt) 6 30 Nur seine SchMtze, die Kleinodien, die Kostbarsten (Nur) 634 Herakleios, der Christ, der in die Hauptstadt Mediens eingezogen ist, bewundert Bauten und SchStze des (Das) 638 Sieg (Er) 640 ihm am (seinem) 642 keine (nicht) mehr (genug) 643 Seleukeia (Nach) 645 Der Christ schreibt: (Der) 660 Nach meinem 13 Jahr— Er wollte beweisen (Er) 66 3 hatte (machte) 680 ergeben (Bis) 694 Slteren (friiher) 702 den (einen) 706 und bewies (einst) 720 einen FriedensschluB (Friedenspraliminarien) 7 39 auszudarmen (beim) 743 sprang (platzte) das eiternde (das) 745 Armes (Gemartertes) 746 Pahlbadh (Bliihende) 7 57 weil (denn) keine Worte horte (verweigerte) 774 gilt's nur kurzen kacken (Der) A P P E N D I X C "DIE LIEBENSWURDIGE LEIDENSCHAFT" 333 APPENDIX C "DIE LIEBENSWURDIGE LEIDENSCHAFT" The following short prose piece was written in 1927 for the publication Die Lupe, a company magazine of the jewelry firms M. H. Wilkens & Sohne in Hamburg and Carl M. H. Wilkens G.m.b.H. in Baden-Baden. "Die liebenswiirdige Leidenschaft" was published on pp. 12-14 of issue no. 5 (Winter 1927) under the auspices of the Broschek & Co. Ver- lag in Hamburg. This first publication, now a great rarity, remained hitherto the only appearance of the piece in print. Die bunten Steine, unsere Kleinodien, wuchsen im Ver- borgenen. Sie wuliten ihre Farbe nicht, die doch ihre Seele war; sie wufiten im Dunklen das Gesetz ihrer Kristallform nicht, obgleich sie doch ihren Leib bildete. Ans Licht ge brochen, enthiillt, kapselten die Gewachsenen in ihrer reinen Offenheit ein Geheimnis ihres friiheren Verborgenseins ein, das wir nicht entratseln konnen, weshalb wir sie lieben. Sie verschweigen uns etwas. Sie blinken, und wir erinnern uns, dafi ihr Auge mit dem zuckenden Sternenlicht an purpur- dunklen Himmeln zu schaffen hat und vermogen leise zu erah- nen, dafl sie uns begleiten konnen wie unser guter Stern. 334 335 Die Liebe zu Steinen kann Leidenschaft werden, wie das Grvi- beln in den Bezirken der Astrologie, der Alchimie. Khosro II., der im ersten Viertel des 7. Jahrhunderts GroBkonig des sassanidischen Reiches war, dessen Heere By zanz, die Provinzen Mesopotamien, Syrien, Palastina, Pho- nizien, Armenien, Capadozien, Galatien, Paphlagonien ent- rissen, war einer der groBten Anbeter von Kleinodien. "Nach Juwelen wie kein anderer gierig", berichtet ein muslemischer Chronist. In den Schatzhausern von Ktesiphon und Dastagerd hatte er den grenzenlosen, unvergleichlichen Besitz aufge- hMuft, der spater durch den Christen Herakleios und glau- benstolle Araber verstreut wurde. Es befanden sich in sei ner Sammlung Kleinodien von fast sagenhaftem Wert. Ein Schachspiel, dessen Figuren aus Smaragden und Rubinen ge- schnitzt waren. Gold, das wie Wachs knetbar. Zwei SchStze: den Gandjibadhaward, der den ganzen Reichtum Alexandreias ausmachte, bei der Belagerung der Stadt von Griechen auf Schiffe verladen und dann gekapert; der andere, kanzwal- thaur, beim Pflugen im Boden gefunden. Endlich die Krone mit den drei groBten Juwelen der Welt. Es sind offenbar die gleichen Steine, von denen im Buch der Erzahlungen der 1001 NSchte in der Geschichte des Konigs 'Omar ibn en-Nu'-man und seiner Sohne Scharkan und Dau-el-Makan berichtet wird. Sie waren "groB wie StrauBeneier, aus feinstem reinen und weiBen Edelgestein, dergleichen sonst nie gefunden wird". Auf je- dem war eine geheimnisvolle Inschrift eingegraben, die der Schliissel zu nutzbringenden Kraften war, die ihnen inne- wohnten. Einem neugeborenen Kinde, dem man eins der Juwelen umhangte, konnte kein Ubel zustoBen. Die drei Steine waren wahrscheinlich durch Alexander den GroBen aus Indien mit- gebracht worden. Konig Khosro glaubte zu ahnen, daB er mit den harten Kristallen und ihren Farben Macht bekomme iiber die Kraft- strome der Erde. Eine Welle unerhorten, bis dahin unge- kannten Gliickes hatte ihn erfaBt. Aus dem Harem seiner 3000 Konkubinen bliihte ihm Shirin, der "Garten der Schonheit" entgegenj die "nachtliche" Stute Shabdez, das schonste der Pferde, trug ihn hinaus ins Land, das sein war. Die Sanger Sard j is und Pahlbadh wiirzten mit der Anmut ihrer GebMrden und Stimme die zitronenfarbenen Nachte im Palast von Ktesi phon . Des Konigs Wunsch war es, wie die Krafte der Erde, so auch die Gewalten des Geistes zu regieren. Da zog im Jahre 614 sein groBer Feldherr Shahrbaraz Farrukhan in Jerusalem ein und entfiihrte das heilige Kreuz, das Symbol der 336 Christenheit. Wie ein Rausch kam es uber Khosro. Er sperrte die Reliquie ins Staatsgefangnis, dem "Haus der Finsternis". Aus den Ruinen Babylons hatte man die Labartu, die Pestgottin in seine Gewalt gegeben. Sie war alt, sehr alt, machtiger als das Kreuz nach dem Vermeinen Khosros. Lowenhauptig, mit spitzen Eselsohren, Korper eines Weibes, das an seinen Briisten ein Schwein und einen Wolf saugt. In den Handen halt sie Schlangen, Greifsklauen an ihren FuBen. So hockt sie auf einem Maultier. Auch diese entsetzenerre- gende Gottheit der unterwelt kam ins Staatsgefangnis. Mit Hilfe dieser Schatztherapie wuchs fast ungehemmt, iiberna- tiirlich Gliick und Gelingen um den GroBkonig. Aber den Zwolfflach, den Amethyst besaB er nicht, den uns Albrecht Diirer auf dem Stich, den er Melancholie nannte, abgebildet hat— der durch Flachen mit je fiinf Kanten be- grenzt wird, die sich auf die fiinf Elemente beziehen: Feuer, Wasser, Lust, Erde, Metall, mit den fiinf Wirkungen auf den Menschen. — So konnte Khosros Ende und Untergang heimlich heranreifen. Die symbolischen Krafte der Steine wuchsen aus ihrer Farbe, ihrer Form, ihrer Schwere. Allmahlich tasten auch wir uns zuriick zu ihrer Bedeutung. Die liebenswiirdige Lei denschaft zu ihnen, von deren Geschichte ich ein kleines Kapitel zum besten gegeben habe, keimt in uns wieder auf. Sie diinken uns plotzlich ein Schliissel zu starkeren Kraften in uns, denen wir nicht entgehen. Wir fiihlen, daB sie uns ein Tor der Liebe sein konnen. Vielleicht ist die Zeit nicht mehr gar zu fern, dafl wir anstatt eines schlichten Goldreifens einem geliebten Men schen einen Ring mit einem Stein schenken von bestimmter Farbe, bestimmter Form und schwere, sein Kleinod, unter dessen Kraften er sich wohl fiihlt und das somit besser Lebensschicksale ineinanderfiigt, als das einerlei Metall. Die gewachsenen Kristalle gemahnen uns, daB wirksam in uns tellurische Krafte, die sich betatigen wollen. Die leuchtenden Sterne ziehen Bahnen, von deren Wirkung wir nur Ungewisses erahnen. A P P E N D I X C "GOTT UND GOTTIN" 337 appendix d "GOTT UND GOTTIN" This poem is excerpted from the pantomime Der Raub der Europa, to which Jahnn supplied a "speaker's text" in ver ses. The pantomime, conceived by Hans Leip, was performed to the music of Hermann Erdlen in the Hamburg Curio Haus on January 20, 21, and 2 3, 1928. The text was published in the festival almanac Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim (see Bibliogra phy), the poem "Gott und Gottin" appearing on pp. 8-9. Als Apsu sich zum erstenmal Am Bett der duftreichen Tifima fand, Sprach er die Verse, die sein Herz ihm eingab: "Wie eines Maultiers Niistern weich sind deine Schenkel. Des Safrans Ubergelb umschattet deine Bruste Der Saphirstift der Nacht hat blau dein WeiB gelSutert. Ich stand versteint, wenn ich geheimen Wunsch nicht wuBte." Und nach dem siiBesten der Schlafe Gab sein entziickter Sinn Befehl, DaB nichts im Wasser, in der Luft, auf Erden Je fruchtbar wiirde und sich mehrte, Ohne den Vorgeschmack hochzeitlichen Rausches. Als nun sein Auge schwanger des Gefiihls Genoss'ner Pracht auf ebne Fluren fiel, 338 339 Da brachen tausendfclltig Farben auf Als Blumen, duftend, wie versteint, doch wiinschend. Und laut ward um ihn her der Vogel Werben Und Rohren* Briillen, und Trompeten, Locken Durchschnitt die Luft in quellenweichem Takt. Und in den Meeresbuchten weiB Vollzog der Fische stumme Hochzeit sich. Nie hatte goldener Gedanke Vollbringen konnen dieses Schaffens Ernte, Als ein Gefiihl, das aus verborg'nen Grotten In Ungeheures wie ein Bildner tastet. Und in der Kraft des gleichen Schicksals Mahnt er uns abermals gerecht zu sein. Der Unterschied, den wir betonen, Ist winzig klein. A P P E N D I X E "DIE FAMILIE DER HIPPOKAMPEN" 340 APPENDIX E "DIE FAMILIE DER HIPPOKAMPEN" This article also appeared in the almanac Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim (January 1928) on pp. 12-16. Kurze Anleitung zu ihrer Erkennung, neu bearbeitet auf Grund alterer Quellen. Der sehr weise Herr Thomas von Ramsgate hat in seinem Buch uber die medizinischen Erdgeister, das, wie wir wissen, keinem geringeren als dem Meister Thomas Moore als Anleitung diente, im Augenblick, da die Finanzen des englischen Staa- tes dank des weiland gegenw&rtigen Konigs verschwendender Tatigkeit in grofite Verwirrung geraten waren, aus unedlen Metallen als plumbum metallicum etc., mit Hilfe der Transmu tation edles Gold zu machen, aus dessen Substanz einige PrMgstiicke bis auf den heutigen Tag im englischen Kronschatz aufbewahrt werden, wahrend die iibrige ungezahlte Zahl der Dukaten dazu diente, des Teufels Machwerke zu bezahlen— Jener sehr weise Herr Thomas von Ramsgate also, als auch der gelehrte Doktor Theophili Spizelii in seinem Buche DE RE LITERARIA SINENSIUM KOMMENTARIUS, IN QUO SCRIPTURAE PARITER AC PHILOSOPHIAE ETC. ETC. haben uns in wiirdiger und griind- licher Weise AufschluB uber das Geschlecht der Hippokampen gegeben, die zu Zeiten noch immer unsere Traume bewohnen. Horen wir also, was der eine oder der andere dariiber zu berichten wissen, deutsch. "Die Zeugung dieser Geschopte kann auf mannigfache 341 342 Weise geschehen, wiewohl es feststeht, daB sie ohne Unter- schied vom Menschenweibe geboren werden. Allein jene selte- nen Exemplare, an denen man nichts Menschliches entdecken kann, also wed^r Kopf, Bein, Bauch, Arme noch Bruste des homo sapiens mii'ssen von Stuten, Eselinnen, Lowinnen, Pan- therinnen, selbst Hundinnen, Kamel-, Rind- und Elefanten- kiihen geboren worden oder den Eiern der Adler entkrochen sein." (Th. S.) "Die Zeugung (gemeint ist der gleiche Gegenstand wie oben) ist entweder eine vorgeburtliche oder nachgeburtliche. Die h&ufigste, die vorgeburtliche, ist so sehr mit den ver- werflichen Akten einer verwirrten Liebe verbunden, was man aus der Gestalt der Geborenen erraten kann, und was aus der ungeheuren sich iiber zwei Jahrtausende erstreckenden kasuis- tischen Literatur der Babylonier auf einwandfrei erwiesen ist, in der uns erzShlt wird, daB vom Weibe mehr denn fiinf- hundertfiinfundfunzigerlei [sic] Gestalt Wesen auBer dem menschlichen geboren wurden— daB die Gebote der Sittlichkeit ein weiteres Eingehen verbieten. Nur ein Hinweis sei ge- stattet, eben darauf, daB der romische Schriftsteller Lukian in seinem "Goldenen Esel" uns berichtet hat, wie ein Weib die Gunst an eine Art Eselhengst verschwendete, von dem wir, um nicht zu sehr betrubt zu werden, erfahren, daB er ein verzauberter Mensch, der durch den GenuB eines Strauches wohlriechender Rosen in die ursprvingliche Gestalt zuriick- verwandelt wird. — Die nachgeburtliche Zeugung geht auf die Weise vor sich, daB eine dem Wochenbett entstiegene Frau an ihren Briisten einen Wolf, ein Schwein, ein Eselsfullen, einen jungen Panther, Lowen, Tiger, Bullen etc. trankt. Wie wir von den Alten erfahren, vor allem aber durch Aqu. Public, lib. XXV, im 16. Absatz, wo von den Kaukasiern erzahlt wird, daB die Blutrache gegen einen Morder erlischt, wenn der mit seinem Munde die Bruste der Mutter des Ermor- deten beriihrt, wodurch er selbst in die Gestalt des Ermor- deten verwandelt wiirde— ist der Muttermilch die gleiche Wirkung beizumessen wie der Kraft des Mannes. (Th. v. R.) "Die Gestalt der Fabelwesen", so fShrt Thomas von Rams gate fort, "muB notgedrungen so vielfSltig sein, wie die Verfehlungen des Menschen, die in der SchwSche seiner Natur sich begrunden. Das bezieht sich sowohl auf die vorgeburt liche als auch nachgeburtliche Zeugung". Er will offenbar das Geschlecht der Hippokampen den Unterwesen zuzahlen und sieht in der Tats&chlichkeit der nachgeburtlichen Zeugung mit Hilfe von Weibsmilch einen besonderen Beweis fiir die dSmonische oder teuflische Natur der Frau, wobei er sich 343 vor allem auf achtundzwanzig heilige Kirchenvater bezieht, die ausgesagt haben, daB ganz im Gegensatz zum Gesang des Mannes die tonende Kehle des Weibes auf nixenhaftes Wesen schlieflen lasse, was schon der blinde Homer gewuflt, als er vom Gesang der Sirenen berichtete. Ganz anderer Meinung iiber die Art der Fabelwesen ist der Doktor Theophili Speze- lii fsic]. Wegen der Haufigkeit ihres Auftretens in der Mythologie, mehr noch aber wegen ihrer Aufstellung, nachge- bildet in Stein, vor den Tempeln und Palasten der Konige Assyriens und Babylons, nicht zu vergessen die pyramiden- benachbarte Sphinx Agyptens, glaubt er sie als gottlich, zum wenigsten doch als halbgottlich ansprechen zu miissen. "Die Familie der Kentauren, gemeinhin Mannpferde ge- nannt, muB in mehrere Spezies geteilt werden. Zum Ersten: eigentliche Kentauren, hier Pferdekentaur, mannlich und weiblich, Pferdeleib, hengstig oder stutig, mit Kopf und Oberkorper von Mann oder Weib. Dieselben zwei- kopfig mit Menschen- und Ldwenhaupt. Dieselben-mit—und ohne Fliigel des Adlers. Dieselben mit auswechselbarem Kopf aller Tierrassen. Zweitens: Stierkentauren, mannlich und weiblich, Rin- derleib, bullig oder kuhig, versehen mit Kopf und Oberkorper von Mann oder Weib. Dieselben zweikopfig mit Menschen- und Ldwenhaupt. Dieselben mit und ohne Fliigel des Adlers. Die selben mit auswechselbarem Kopf aller Tierrassen. Drittens: Lowenkentauren, mannlich und weiblich, Lowenleib, katrig oder katzig, versehen mit Kopf und Ober- korper von Mann und Weib etc. etc. Viertens: Fischkentauren, mannlich und weiblich, Fischleib, Dorsch oder Kabeljau, versehen mit Kopf und Ober- korper von Mann oder Weib etc. etc. Fiinftens: Baumkentauren, mannlich und weiblich, Dat- telpalmleib, Saffran oder Zapfen, versehen mit Kopf und Oberkorper etc. etc. Sechstens: Vogelkentauren, mannlich oder weiblich, befiederter Leib, hahnig oder hennig, mit Krallen oder ohne Krallen, versehen mit Kopf und Oberkorper etc. etc. Siebentes: Schlangenkentauren, nur weiblich etc. etc. Achtens: Gefliigelte M&nner (sogenannte Aviatiker), nur raSnnlich etc. etc. Neuntens: Die nicht vom Menschenweibe geborenen Kreu- zungen, eigentliche Hippokampen, Harpyen, Greife, Drachen mit den Unterarten, gefliigelte Stiere, Pferde, Lowen, Schlangen, Skorpione, Lowen mit Hornern und Stiervorderbei- nen, (das Einhorn gehort auch hierher), Schlangen mit zwei 344 FiiBen, vier Fiiflen, sechs FiiBen, bis zum TausendfuB, Schlangen mit Adlerkopf, Menschen mit Schafskopfen etc. etc." (Th. S.) Dieser nicht unerhebliche Reihe teils schrecklicher, teils humorvoller, teils schoner und erhabener Geschopfe (man denke an den Pegasus, der im Augenblick in Irland sta- tioniert ist) weifl der weise Thomas von Ramsgate Erkleck- liches nicht hinzuzufiigen— bis auf zwei Individuen, die von ausgemachter ScheuBlichkeit. Die Labartu, Pestgottin, die, soviel bekannt wurde, im Jahre des Heils 614 durch Khosro XI., sassanidischem Konig, im Staatsgefangnis zu Ktesiphon gefangengesetzt wurde, die Eselsgeliebte, lowenkopfig mit spitzen Maultierohren, Briiste vom Weib, an denen Schwein und Wolf saugen; in den Handen halt sie Schlangen, aus ihrem Schofle wachsen Adlerbeine. Mit ihrem Geliebten, dem Esel, fahrt sie in einem Kahn, in den stillen Buchten der Fliisse, Lotosblumen schwimmen, Fie- ber kocht aus dem Sumpf,— ihr Werk,— und der Siidsturm Pazuzu, ihr Verwandter, Krankheitsbringer, vierfliigelig, iiberwiegend menschlich, doch mit fratzenhaftem Hundskopf mit langen Hornern, Lowenvordertatzen, Adler- hinterbeine, Skorpionsschwanz. Uber die eigentliche Heimat der Hippokampen haben hun- dert Gelehrte sich nicht einigen konnen. Wenn nicht alle ausgemachte Liigner, schwirren die Existenzen, die oben be- schrieben wurden, zwischen Island, -welches kalt und vul- kanisch, recht eigentlich nach Fischen stinkend ist, und China, das, wie bekannt, das Reich der Geister von je, hin und her. Es ist berichtet worden, dafl bei dem FluB Qarasu, nahe dem Taq i Bustan, eine StraBe beginnt, die uber die Passe bei Kabul durchs Gebirg in die Wiisten Asiens fiihrt, die noch heute von den Fabeltieren benutzt wird, und der Vogel Greif briitet seine Eier in den chinesischen Wiisten aus Quarz und Korunth, in denen taubeneigroBe Saphire liegen wie Kiesel. Uber den Zweck der Bastarde weiB man weniger als uber den aller anderen Tiere. Ware unser Verstand Fiihrerin bei solcher Betrachtung, so miiSten sie zwecklos gezeugt, zweck- los geboren, zwecklos gewachsen, zwecklos schlechthin sein. Ich aber meine vielmehr: Des Menschen Phantasie und seine Sinne sind reich. Vergeben wir darum der Unzucht, denn wir miissen auch unseren TrSumen vergeben. Wer das nicht will oder nicht kann, von dem miiBte man billigerweise verlangen, dafl er den Mut aubrSchte, eine Expedition zu den Fabeltieren auszuriisten, wobei die Labartu und der Pazuzu gern ihre 345 Uterstutzung leihen. Und die lassen nicht mit sich spaBen, was wir menschlichen Schwachlinge leider gezwungen sind zu tun. B I B L I O G R A P H Y 346 BIBLIOGRAPHY The following bibliography lists published material relevant to this study, including all editions of the entire Perrudja text. A complete list of published selections from the novel is, however, not given. This information, along with a large amount of other bibliographical data, is to be found in Jochen Meyer's indispensable, definitive work, Verzeichnis der Schriften von und uber Hans Henny Jahnn (Neuwied und Berlin: Luchterhand, 1967). Works by Hans Henny Jahnn Perrudja - » Part I (all editions to date) Perrudja. 2 vols. Berlin: Gustav Kiepenheuer Verlag, 1929. Perrudja. Munchen: Willi Weismann Verlag, 1948. (Only forty copies printed.) Perrudja. Frankfurt am Main: Europaische Verlagsanstalt [1958]. 347 348 Perrudja. Frankfurt am Main and Hamburg: Fischer Biicherei [1966] . Part II (only edition to date) Perrudja II. Frankfurt am Main: Heinrich Heine Verlag, 1968. Selections (pre-published frag ments, modified versions, etc.) "Die anderen Tiere" (= "Ein Knabe weint"), Der Kreis, V, Heft 11 (November 1928), 627-636. "Das Bild der Stute Shabdez. Eine Chronik aus 'Perrudja,'" Hamburger Anzeiger, May 3, 1930. "Die Familie der Hippokampen. Kurze Anleitung zu ihrer er- kennung, neu bearbeitet auf Grund Slterer Quellen," Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim. Almanach., ed. Ludwig Beil. Hamburg: Kreis Verlag, 1928. "Die liebenswurdige Leidenschaft," Die Lupe. Halbjahres- Zeitschrift der Firmen M. H. Wilkens & Sohne, Hamburg, und Carl M. H. Wilkens G.m.b.H., Baden-Baden, Nr. 5 (Winter 1927), 12-14. "Perrudjas Werbung," Der Kreis, IV, Heft 2 (February 1927), 98-107. "Sassanidischer Konig, ^ : . JL3. nicht geheure Geschichten. Ber lin and Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1963. "Sassanidischer Konig," Hans Henny Jahnn. Eine Auswahl aus seinem Werk, ed. Walter Muschg. Olten and Freiburg i. Br,: Walter Verlag, 1959. Speaker's text to the pantomime "Der Raub der Europa" by Nleh Pasi (= Hans Leip), Das Mondhaus zu Bimbelim. Almanach., ed. Ludwig Beil. Hamburg: Kreis Verlag, 1928. 349 "Der Sturm. Aus dem Roman Perrudja," Hamburger Anzeiger, January 22, 1927. "Unser Zirkus," Zuckerbrot und Peitsche. Zeitschrift fur Dampteure und verwandte Berufe. Festalmanach fur das Kostum-Kunstlerfest Curioser Circus, ed. 0. A. Palitzsch and L. H. Lorenz. Hamburg: Johannes-Asmus Verlag, 1927. Other Works of Narrative Fiction "" Rlufl ohne Ufer. Part I: Das Holzschiff. Miinchen: Willi Weismann Verlag [1949]. FluS ohne Ufer. Part II: Die Niederschrift des Gustav Anias Horn nachdem er 49 Jahre alt geworden war. 2 vols. Frankfurt am Main: Europaische Verlagsanstalt [1959] - "Polarstern und Tigerin," Aufzeichnungen eines Einzel- gSngers. ed. Rolf Italiaander. Miinchen: Paul List Verlag [1959]. Dramatic Works Dramen I. ed. Walter Muschg. Frankfurt am Main: Europai sche Verlagsanstalt [1963]. Dramen II, ed. Walter Muschg. Frankfurt am Main: Europai sche Verlagsanstalt [1965] . Die Kronung Richards III. Hamburg: Konrad Hanf Verlag, 1921. Essays "Aufgabe des Dichters in dieser Zeit," Uber den Anlafi und andere Essays. Frankfurt am Main: Europaische Ver lagsanstalt [1964] . "Edn Brief," Sinn und Form, XI, Heft 5/6 (1959), 646-648. 350 "Briefe urn ein Werk," Uber den AnlaB und andere Essays. Frankfurt am Main: Europaische Verlagsanstalt [1964] . "Der Dichter und die religiose Lage der Gegenwart," Auf- zeichnungen eines Einzelgangers, ed. Rolf Italiaander. Miinchen: Paul List Verlag [1959]. "Friihere Generationen im gleichen Alter," in Eric Godal. Teenagers, ed. Rolf Italiaander. Hamburg: Broschek Verlag, 1958. "Glosse zur siderischen Grundlage der Dichtkunst," Die literarische Welt. Ill, Nr. 2 (1927), 6 . "Glossen zum Schicksal gegenwartiger Dichtkunst," Mittei- lungen des Deutschen Schriftsteller-Verbandes, Sep tember/October 1928, pp. 16-19. "Kleine Selbstbiographie," Hans Henn.y Jahnn. Eine Auswahl aus seinem Werk, ed. Walter Muschg. Olten und Freiburg i.Br.: Walter Verlag, 1959. Klopstocks 150. Todestag am 14. Marz 1953. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur in Mainz, Abhandlungen der Klasse der Literatur, Jg. 1953, Nr. 1. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1953. "Ordnung und Unordnung," Berliner Tageblatt, December 25, 1931, Morgenausgabe, Nr. 607, 4. Beiblatt. "Ein Schiffbruch und noch einiges mehr," Uber den AnlaB und andere Essays. Frankfurt am Main: Europaische Ver lagsanstalt [1964] . "Spatgotische Umkehr," Der Kreis. IV, Heft 6/7 (June/July 1927), 305-311. "Uber den AnlaB," Uber den AnlaB und andere Essays. Frank furt am Main: Europaische Verlagsanstalt [1964]. "Vereinsamung der Dichtung," Hans Henny Jahnn. Eine Auswahl aus seinem Werk, ed. Walter Muschg. Olten und Freiburg i.Br.: Walter Verlag, 1959. 351 "Vom Sinn des Essens und Trinkens," Aufzeichnunqen eines EinzelgSngersj ed. Rolf Italiaander. Miinchen: Paul List Verlag [1959]. "Von der Wirklichkeit," Das Neue. Auswahl zeitgemafier Stimmen. ed. H. C. Meier. Vol. IV. Hamburg: Robert Molich Verlag, 1947. Secondary Sources Concerning Hans Henny Jahnn Bab, Julius. "Hans Henny Jahnn," Chronik des deutschen Dramas. Vol. V. Berlin: Oesterheld & Co., 1926. Boetius, Henning. Utopie und Verwesunq. Zur Struktur von Hans Henny Jahnns Roman "Flufi ohne Ufer". Bern: Ver lag Herbert Lang & Cie., 1967. Emrich, Wilhelm. Das Problem der Form in Hans Henny Jahnns Dichtungen. Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Lite ratur in Mainz, Abhandlungen der Klasse der Literatur, Jahrgang 1968, Nr. 1. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Ver lag, 1968. Fechter, Paul. "Peinlichkeiten," Die neue Literatur. XXXII, Nr. 1 (January 1931), 22-25. Italiaander, Rolf. "Freundschaft mit Hans Henny Jahnn," Neue Deutsche Hefte. VII, Heft 80 (March 1961), 1090- 1102. Koeppen, Wolfgang. "Der mehr schwache als starke Mensch. Ein Versuch tiber Hans Henny Jahnn und seinen Roman Perrudja," Berliner Borsen-Courier, July 15, 1932, Morgenausgabe, Nr. 325, 1. Beilage, 5-6. Lohner, Edgar. "Hans Henny Jahnn," Expressionismus. Ge- stalten einer literarischen Bewegung, ed. H. Friedmann and 0. Mann. Heidelberg: Wolfgang Rothe Verlag, 1956. L-Th. "Die Schriftsteller- und Buchwoche. Hans Henny Jahnn," Hamburger Anzeiger, November 3, 1926. 352 Mann, Klaus. "Der Roman der dritten Generation. 'Perrudja' von Hans Henny Jahnn," Deutsche Literaturkritik im zwanzigsten Jahrhundert, ed. Hans Mayer. Stuttgart: Henry Goverts Verlag, 1965. Meier, Heinrich Christian. "Hans Henny Jahnn. Zu seinem 70. Geburtstag, " Sinn und Form, XVII, Heft 1/2 (1965), 21-48. Meister, Karin. "Hans Henny Jahnn und Oskar Loerke. Brief- wechsel aus den Jahren 1921-1932j und Hans Henny Jahnn und Ludwig VoB. Briefwechsel aus den Jahren 1926- 1958." Unpub 1. examination project of the Hamburg Bibliothekschule, presented October 1, 1966. Muschg, Walter. Gesprache mit Hans Henny Jahnn. Frankfurt am Main: EuropMische Verlagsanstalt [1967]. ________________. "Uber Hans Henny Jahnn," Hans Henny Jahnn. Eine Auswahl aus seinem Werk, ed. Walter Muschg. Olten und Freiburg i.Br.: Walter Verlag, 1959. Neumann, Friedrich. "Perrudja," Der Romanfuhrer. Vol. II. Stuttgart: Hiersemann Verlag, 195 3. Nippelt, Stephanie. "Hans Henny Jahnns Briefwechsel mit Friedrich Lorenz Jiirgensen 1914-1925." Unpubl. exami nation project of the Hamburg Bibliothekschule, pre sented August 10, 1967. Petri, Horst. Literatur und Musik. Form und Struktur- parallelen. Gottingen: Sachse & Pohl Verlag, 1964. Soergel, Albert and Curt Hohoff. Dichtung und Dichter der Zeit. Vol. II: Vom Naturalismus bis zur Gegenwart. Rev. ed. Dusseldorf: August Bagel Verlag, 196 3. Virgens, Norbert. "Die musikalische Komponente innerhalb der 'Niederschrift' Hans Henny Jahnns." Unpubl. semi nar paper prepared for Prof. Hans Wolffheim's Haupt— seminar "Hans Henny Jahnn," UniversitSt Hamburg, Win — tersemester 1965/66. Wagner, Rudiger. Hans Henny Jahnns Roman "Perrudja". Spra- che und Stil. Dissertation, Miinchen, 1965. 35 3 Weltmann, Lutz. "Hans Henny Jahnn," Die Literatur. XXXII (October 1929-September 1930), 445-448. Wolffheim, Hans. Hans Henny Jahnn der Traqiker der Schop- fung. Frankfurt am Main: Europaische Verlagsanstalt [1966] . Other Sources Apel, Willi and Ralph T. Daniel, eds. The Harvard Brief Dictionary of Music. New York: Washington Square Press [1961] . Aristotle. Works. Vol. III. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1931. Brust, Alfred. Eisbrand. Die Kinder der Allmacht. Berlin: Grote Verlag, 1933. Burton, Richard F., trans. The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night. 10 vols. N.p. : Burton Ethnological Society [1885-1886], Doblin, Alfred. Berlin Alexanderplatz. Olten und Freiburg i.Br.: Walter Verlag, 1967. Frank, Karl. Babylonische Beschworungsreliefs. Ein Beitrag zur ErklSrung der sog. Hadesreliefs. Leipzig: J. C. Hinrich'sche Buchhandlung, 1908. (Leipziger Semitische Studien, III, 3.) Henning, Max, trans. Tausendundeine Nacht. 8 vols. Leip zig: Philipp Reclam Jun. [1924]. Herzfeld, Ernst. Am Tor von Asien. Felsdenkmaler aus Irans Heldenzeit. Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, Ernst Vohsen Verlag, 1920. Jastrow, Morris. Aspects of Religious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria. New York: Knickerbocker Press, 1911. Joyce, James. Ulysses. New York; Random House, 1961. 354 Joyce, James. Ulysses. trans. Georg Goyert. Basel: Rheinverlag, 1927. Justi, Ferdinand. Geschichte des alten Persiens. Berlin, 1879. Lange, Friedrich, trans. Die Geschichten des Herodotus. Leipzig: Verlag von Philipp Reclam Jun. [1919]. Leach, Maria, ed. Dictionary of Folklore. Mythology and Legend. 2 vols. New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1950. Mathiesen, Sigurd. Unge sjaele. Syv fortaellinger. Kgfben- havn: Det nordiske forlag Ernst Bojesen, 1903. Monier-Williams, Sir Monier. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1899. Noldeke, Theodor. Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sassaniden. Leyden, 1879. Pesch, Ludwig. Die romantische Rebellion in der modernen Literatur und Kunst. Miinchen: C. H. Beck'sche Ver- lagsbuchhandlung, 1962. Russell, Bertrand. An Inquiry into Meaning and Truth. Baltimore: Penguin Books [1962]. Schack, Adolf Friedrich Graf von, trans. Heldensagen des Firdusi. 3 vols. Stuttgart, 1877. Schirmbeck, Heinrich. Die Formel und die Sinnlichkeit. Miinchen: List Verlag, 1964. Spit^el, Gottlieb. Theophilii Spizelii de re literaria Sinensium commentarius in quo scripturae pariter ac philosophiae Sinicae specimena exhibentur, et cum aliarum gentium, praesertim Aegyptorum, Graecorum et __ Indorum reliquorum literis atque placitis conferuntur. Lugduni Batavorum, 1660. Thornton, Weldon. The Allusions in Ulysses. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968. 355 Ungnad, Arthur. Die Religion der Babylonier und Assyrer. Jena: Eugen Diederichs Verlag, 1921. Weil, Gustav, trans. Tausendundeine Nacht. Arabische Er- zShlungen. Berlin: Neufeld und Henius, 192 3.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

A Selected Bibliography Of German Literature In English In Translation, 1956-1960

PDF

The Function Of The Symbol In The Modern German Kurzgeschichte

PDF

Die Formulaische Komposition Im "Herzog Ernst" Epos Und Lied (Fassungen B Und G): Eine Vergleichende Studie. (German Text)

PDF

Das Sozialkritische In Den Werken Leonhard Franks. (German Text)

PDF

The Image Of The Artist In The Works Of Frank Wedekind

PDF

The Patriot In Exile: A Study Of Heinrich Mann'S Political Journalistic Activity 1933-1950

PDF

Strukturstudien Und Werkdeutungen Zur Kunstprosa Moritz Hartmanns. (German Text)

PDF

Stilistische Untersuchungen Zum Fruehen Romanwerk Alfred Doeblins Im Lichte Seiner Kritischen Schriften (1910-1929). (German Text)

PDF

The Demise Of The 'New Man': An Analysis Of Late German Expressionism

PDF

Frank Wedekind And The Search For Morality

PDF

A Syntactic Analysis Of Luther'S 'Adventspostille'

PDF

Heimito Von Doderer'S Concept Of The Novel: Theory And Practice

PDF

The Authenticity Of David Of Augsburg'S German Works, With Particular Reference To His 'Paternoster'

PDF

Pater Abraham A Sancta Clara And The Literary Mirror: Reflections Of Reality And Deception

PDF

The 'Quomodo' Manuscript: Historical Introduction, Translation, And Critical Apparatus

PDF

'Seinsarten': An Introduction To Jean Paul'S 'Titan'

PDF

Die Roman-Technik Bei Lion Feuchtwangers 'Jefta Und Seine Tochter' (German Text)

PDF

Formen Der Elegie: Ausgewaehlte Interpretationen Von Goethe Bis Celan. (German Text)

PDF

Educational Theories In The Works Of Georg Christoph Lichtenberg

PDF

Rogelio Sinan: Estudio De Su Obra Poetica Y Narrativa. (Spanish Text)

Asset Metadata

Creator Smith, Henry Adelmon, Iii (author)

Core Title 'Sassanidischer Koenig': Hans Henny Jahnn'S 'Perrudja' In Microcosm

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program German

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Literature, Modern,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format dissertations (aat)

Language English

Advisor Spalek, John M. (committee chair), Armato, Rosario P. (committee member), Von Hofe, Harold (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-373481

Unique identifier UC11361131

Identifier 6919404.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-373481 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6919404.pdf

Dmrecord 373481

Document Type Dissertation

Format dissertations (aat)

Rights Smith, Henry Adelmon, Iii

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA