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Creativity And Alienation: An Exploration Of Their Relationship In Adolescence

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Creativity And Alienation: An Exploration Of Their Relationship In Adolescence

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Content This dissertation h as been
microfilmed exactly as received 69-4529
HEUSSENSTAMM, F rances Kovacs, 1930-
CREATIVITY AND ALIENATION: AN EXPLORATION
OF THEIR-RELATIONSHIP IN ADOLESCENCE.
U niversity of Southern California, Ph.D., 1968
Education, general
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
C op yrigh t (£) by
FR A N C ES KOVACS H EUSSENSTAM M
1969 ]
CREATIVITY AND ALIENATION: AN EXPLORATION
i
OF THEIR RELATIONSHIP IN ADOLESCENCE
i by
! Frances Kovacs Heussenstamra
]
\ i
i
I
A Dissertation Presented to the |
|
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL |
! \ !
| UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
I ' !
In Partial Fulfillment of the
|
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY I
I
(Education)
June 1968
U N IV ERSITY O F S O U + H E R N C A L IFO R N IA
THE GRADUATESCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, written by
J?xanicjeLa.I^Q.v.acjs..HfijJLaafij3 LSLtaxnni....
under the direction of h&x.~. Dissertation Com
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by the Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
D O C T O R OF P H IL O S O P H Y
f . ~? Yl o
Dean
Date Junej.,1.968
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter
I. THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CREATIVITY
AND ALIENATION ........................
Introduction: The Cool Rebellion
But I Never Promised You a Rose Garden
Statement of the Problem '
Questions to be Answered
Method
Limitations
Significance of the study
Definitions of Terms
Organization of the Report
II. SIGNIFICANT CONTRIBUTORS TO THE STUDY
OF ALIENATION, 1700-1965 .............
Introduction
Representative Contemporary Spokesmen
Empirical Approaches
Summary of the Chapter
III. THE RESEARCH PROJECT ....................
The Pilot Study
The Major Study
Analyses of the Data
Chapter Summary
IV. FINDINGS .................................
Descriptive Statistics
Discriminant Analysis
Summary
V. SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...........
BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................
APPENDICES......................................' .
ii
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. List of-Variables............................, . 118
2. Descriptive Statistics and F Ratios for
Teacher Nominated, Peer Nominated, and
a Randomly Selected Group .................... 124
3. Summary Table for Stepwise Multiple Disc.
Analysis................................ 132
4. Number of Cases Classified into Group
TCHRNO PEERNO Random— Number of Cases .... 134
j CHAPTER I
I
I |
| THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN CREATIVITY j
| AND ALIENATION
i
Introductions The Cool Rebellion
I What1s Happening!
Americans are familiar with such terms as "teen-age
; \ :
I tyranny,” "the generation gap," "alienated youth,"
"emergence of youth society," "the revolt of the disen-
i franchised," "adolescent rebellion," which have been used ■
by commentators to describe the major tensions which
characterize adult-youth relationships in the mid- |
twentieth century. An occasional observer has even gone j
so far as to say we are on the brink of inter-generational;
war. Americans have, moreover, wrung their collective |
| hands over the development of a new set of ethics, a new
I morality, in the "teen-age underground.” j
| !
While most American adolescents appear to be
1 • j
willing to perform in accepted patterns, large numbers
i v
ate discontented with the present state of affairs in our
i
society. The simultaneous emergence of over 100 "protest" I
|
i
high-school newspapers in widely diverse geographical j
1
locations of Los Angeles county is a recent signal event.
Typical of this student press is The Whole. The editors
succinctly state their purpose as follows:
We, the students of Jqhn Marshall High School can
no longer be satisfied with The Blue Tide . . . THE
| WHOLE is to better communication between the students
! and hopefully, faculty and administration. It is to
bring awareness and understanding to each of us and
freedom to express our thoughts and opinions. . . .
IN ORDER TO EXAMINE A SITUATION CLEARLY, MATURELY,
AND RESPONSIBLY, ONE MUST HAVE THE WHOLE TRUTH.
(139:1)
| i
I The first issue takes up problems obviously important to
readers: identity, apathy, drugs (quoting from LSD
j studies of Drs. Ungerleider and Fisher of the\ UCLA
| Neuropsychiatric Institute Staff), the "human be-in,"
i :
I
j conformity versus non-conformity, and democracy. It also
contains poems entitled "Kill for Peace," "Why?" (an
examination of motives for achievement), and two other
poems concerned with enjoyment of nature. Along with a
quotation from Dreiser, once a notorious radical, the j
paper includes an editorial with the ironical title, j
|
"There is Hope for Our Schools." The one seemingly
innocuous piece gives step by step directions for the
making of a pair of leather sandals. But to the j
discerning reader, even this apparently bland topic is
I
symbolic of the drive for an "organic" life-style which
is characteristic of the hippy subculture; the true hippy j
|
wears his sandals as a symbol of his humility.
The major complaints of the "now" generation are
encapsuled in "It's Happening," a best-selling paperback
3
during the past year. It is the product of the col
laboration of J. L. Simmons, a sociologist whose interests
|
j are alienation and interaction, and Barry Winograd, both
! at the University of California at Santa Barbara. Some
i ■ i
I idea of the directness and force of the hippy assault on
j I
! American values and Zeitgeist can be assessed from the
i . ;
I :
i following collage which the authors have created from |
I many sources:
Look at you, blowing up whole countries for the
sake of some crazy ideologies that you can11 live up
to anyway. Look at you (brain washing) a whole
generation of kids into getting a revolving charge
account and buying your junk (who’s a junkie?). Look ;
at you needing a couple of stiff drinks before you
have the (guts) to talk to another human being. Look
j at you, making it with your neighbor's wife on the
sly just to try to prove that you're really alive.
Look at you, hooked on your cafeteria pills and j
making dirty names for anybody who isn't in your bag, I
and screwing up the land and the air and the water j
for profit, and calling this nowhere scene the Great j
SocietyI And you're going to tell us how to live?
C'mon man, you've got to be kiddingI (57:28)
j
This youthful indictment of American society is a :
statement of the basis for what some believe to be a new
j
ethic. The authors proceed to give a comprehensive view j
i !
of the reactions of the young to a few of the current
|
issues— universal draft laws; theoretic suppression of j
free speech; advertising as a pecuniary philosophical j
system; major biblical pronouncements; and arrests and
\
prosecution for use of LSD and marijuana, to name a few.
The tremendous popularity of this book on American
4
campuses suggests that it is representative and signif
icant to youth. It therefore merits serious attention.
The Lively Many
On a recent visit to Los Angeles, Dr. Harvey Cox,
| author of the influential book, The Secular City (16), j
: states that he was "... forcibly stricken by the
j i
! fantastic growth" of the "hippy” population in California, j
j ' ;
| A Baptist clergyman and Assistant Professor of Church and
| Society at Harvard Divinity School, Cox has suggested that
| it is California's style of morale— the free-swinging,
1 • ;
! looser approach or range of experiences in higher
;
j education— that can stop the "college dropout subculture" j
j
from snowballing. The reason he advances is that students
feel more comfortable and less inhibited in California.
The developing movement out of universities and colleges
into a hippy subculture is not yet so noticeable elsewhere j
in the country as it is in California, he said.
He believes that nationally the college dropout
i
situation may get worse before it gets better, for the j
future society which he envisions can become increasingly
rigid. In such a society, as ". . . the strangulation of
organization gets tighter, more rationalized, more
demanding in competition, and more de-emotionalizing."
(115-.7)
5
He considers that the hippy movement is a reaction
to the trend toward increasing regimentation and sterility
in our society, and that the hippy is ruled by the desire
I to express positive emotion. Major hippy publications,
|about which Dr. Cox says he is often questioned, are the I
|Oracle (San Francisco), Los Angeles Free Press (circulation!
| 56,000), and Village Voice (New York). These newspapers
j !
j reach a large number of readers, disseminating the views
i and aspirations of the underground.
i \
According to Cox, "Something is happening here
| that’s of significance to the whole culture.” (115) Along
with other observers, Cox has been concerned with the
increasing numbers of promising young people who decline j
to go on to college, become generally inactive, elect
i
voluntary poverty, use drugs, and follow a bohemian way j
I
of life. j
The cultural rigidity which Dr. Cox fears may cause '
the dropout subculture to become massive is considered by !
some to be a distinct possibility that portends major
negative consequences for the whole society. An j
increasing number of college students are taking one, two,
three years off to explore on their own, to have "good" j
i
experiences. Students are also markedly discontented with
the limitations' of higher education, except where fear of
being drafted has forced them into acceptance of a
6
variety of programs over which they have little or no
control and which they think are mediocre.
McLuhan's diagnosis of the problem of the hippies
and other dislocated groups of youth in our culture is
s \
I that it is part of the inevitable confusion and despair
| which arise in an era of technological and cultural
| change. McLuhan believes that the present "age of
I
I anxiety" stems largely from our failure to change our
|
! tools and concepts with changing times and conditions.
i
According to him, youth have deeper and more sensitive
perceptions of our predicament than adults have. This
| youthful "intuitive" understanding accounts for the
i
alienation that exists between the older and younger
generations. He also points out that young people are
disillusioned when they find that their education is not
appropriate to their needs (43).
There is evidence on every hand of the restiveness
and displacement of youth. The school drop-out rate in
certain areas resists change in spite of efforts to
reinvolve the young in new programs; adolescent groups,
out of necessity, have constructed their own culture,
complete with spokesmen, communicasters, journalists,
artists, musicians, composers, and couturiers. The
language, manner and appearance of youth in general are
as instantly recognizable as those of the hippy group.
7
That we are in the midst of a social revolution of broad
dimensions and long-range consequences is gradually more v
apparent as the data accumulates.
F. Musgrove in Youth and the Social Order reports
i
a situation in England which is similar to that in the
I United States. Musgrove agrees with Coleman, author of
i the influential study, The Adolescent Society, that the
| contours of adolescence, ’ ’the inefficient years," and
j much of the content, are as largely shaped by adult |
I coercion as by adolescent whim . . . indeed, this
I artificial inactivity or state of abeyance is forced
(50, 14) Both authors find that the rebellion on which
concerned adults look with dismay is a consequence of the
fact that qualified young persons are being deprived of
adult statuses. Another major cause of rebellion is the
absence of opportunities for the young to participate in !
i :
the decisions which affect their lives. Albert K. Cohen,
in his studies of American delinquent youth, also suggests|
that there is a tendency to see ”... young people as a
species apart, unfit for serious concerns, which are j
properly reserved for adults." According to Cohen, young j
\ |
people in our society are forced to grow up only j
gradually, ”... like butterflies from the chrysallis,"
and to emerge only when they are "ready” . . . a
prevaling adult view (14:xi).
8
Musgrove has postulated that in those societies in
which the young, especially males, work in close associa
tion with adults and, consequently, attain high status,
!power, or privilege, one finds stability, maintenance of !
| i
status quo, and little susceptibility to innovation. On
I the other hand, the rate of change in social institutions
!and patterns will be accelerated in those groups or
;cultures which deny adulthood through prolonged education
|and through withholding of apprenticeships and job
opportunities.
One of Musgrove's findings is of particular
; significance to the student seeking connections between
j alienation and creativity. Under the conditions of ,
puberty or adolescence, and of withholding of status, therej
is likely to be within the society ". . .a predisposition |
|
to change and experimentation." In other words, the
alienated or dissatisfied young person may become j
experimental in his behavior. In addition, Musgrove
points out that repressed youth will not only be !
predisposed to experimentation, but may go further to !
j
become deviant.
There are many facets to the problem of American
youth. Michael Harrington, for example, pinpoints the
j
city as the locale of "rootlessness" of the younger
generation; youth suffers along with the older generations
9
facing the crises of the American megapolis. That the
style of the rebellion against.the adult establishment in
i
some instances has changed from aggression and hostility j
I
to a cool detachment is one of Kenneth Keniston's j
I ;
| insights. To many adolescents the experiences of the
j older generation have become simply irrelevant, and the
I V
gap between the generations has widened (84, 39) .
| Those young people who challenge the entrenched
! and traditional order and value system we have come to
i identify as "alienated.” This may be a complete
I misnomer, because the creative human is often assaultive
j I
rather than withdrawn. The concept of "alienation" also
I leaves out the consideration that as youth discover rents
| I
in the social fabric, their perception of failures in the I
i
existing system may be a prelude to a search for new
v !
solutions (41:68). Thus, the so-called "alienated”
individual, in some instances becomes a seeker or an
innovator. Not aggressive revolt then, but disregard for |
j '
| adults, all the more insulting, describes this "cool"
i
rebellion. To be defied is to be noticed; at least, the
i
older generations, when flouted, are still visible. But
i
the most difficult treatment for adults to accept is to j
be ignored, to be considered old-fashioned, or "square."
It would seem that the major problem with which
we are confronted in terms of our relationship with young
10
people is how to offer them roles with inherent positive
i
I
sanctions. Such roles should lead to a commitment to the
E
!
development of society and should provide a basis for
|
positive self-concepts. Albert K. Cohen suggests that ]
i ' j
! \
i adults themselves cannot easily offer these roles to
! youth, for they do not wish to relinquish or share their
| own status and privilege.
| The dilemma is created by the fact that such roles, ;
I relative to demand, are in short supply— that if able
and energetic young people were allowed to compete
| for such roles on an equal footing as soon as they
were ready to do so, they would constitute an
intolerable threat to their elders, and that adults
contrive, in one way or another, to grab off these
roles, to hang on to them, and to deny them to the
| young. (13:256)
i i
| i
I Not only are significant roles in short supply, but many
adults lack the insight into their own insecurity which j
would enable them to take appropriate action to deal with :
the growing rebellion within American society.
The USSR is an example of a modern state which has j
specifically been concerned with creating acceptable roles j
for youth. Gottlieb, Reeves, and TenHouten in The
Emergence of Youth Societies (32:276-277) having drawn on !
the work of Peter Bios (8), suggest that in the Soviet
Union, youth have been given recognized status and that
consequently, "the channels for the expression of j
i
rebellious feelings found in democratic and- capitalistic
society are not needed." Most USSR youth readily identify
11
with the present governing hierarchy and, as heirs, tend
to mature into conservators of the system. On the other
hand, defeat of a regime, such as the fall of Italian
fascism, has led to overreaction in role choice. Youth
who were previously involved "... turned either to new,
| i
| mostly radical political ideologies, to self-deception
! ;
| (denial), to self-degradation, or tq cynicism, delinquency,j
i I
land criminality." (32:276-277)
|Summary
There can be no question that a discrete youth
| society with marked characteristics has emerged in the
| v ' ' I
United States. We see a separation of youth from the
t
older generations with accompanying alienation and j
j
rebellion. Too many adults, the growing number of young j
]
people in the general population and their restiveness are )
potentially threatening to our society. Other adults see j
great potential for social advancement in the energy and j
\ I
creative capacities of youth.
The causes of the present youthful rebellion have
i
been described as "rigidity and regimentation," "lack of
i
correspondence between new problems and old solutions,"
"forced inactivity of the young," and "withholding of !
adult statuses." A major problem is how to offer young
people socially sanctioned roles which will lead to their
12
involvement in the problems of the nation and provide a
basis for positive self-concepts. The American hippy
and his European counterpart are a symbol and a challenge.
But I Never Promised You a Rose Garden
When we survey our emergent, transitional society,
|
; it is obvious that time-worn guides to "the good life" are
i
undergoing change. Some youth may be formulating a new
creed, incorporating part of the existing structure and
discarding or altering other parts. Doctrinal points are
becoming fairly well defined, and a "new" ethic is taking
shape. These points may be summarized as follows:
1. Work is not intrinsically valuable, especially
when it is used to avoid coping with problems of ;
aggression; j
2. There are underlying similarities, rather than
dualisms, in life, and over-drawn distinctions
such as good-evil, right-wrong, masculine- j
feminine, are to be avoided;
3. Combative and competitive approaches to life are
unacceptable; fanaticism, which has been 'furi
ously' enjoyed in previous movements, is denounced;*
i
4. The idolatry of self and extended family, class,
city, race, religion, and nation must be replaced j
with something more than tolerance;
5. Possessions worth having are those which are made
good by giving or sharing rather than by using !
them in traditional ways as status symbols in a I
'conspicuous consumption' society; |
6. Love in all its aspects has enhanced value;
7. Reliance is to be placed on situational ethics
rather than on pre-ordained rules. (106:16)
s
13
This preceding "Manifesto for a Movement in A
Minor" has developed partially out of youthful rejection
of the hypocrisy of contemporary society. Some youth
object, particularly, to American militarism, materialism,
and racism. They react strongly against the pressures of
|law enforcement and against loss of dignity through
i
|inadequate and humiliating educational experiences. In j
i . • !
| i
;general they have examined the lives of many of the adults !
around them and have found them empty, meaningless, and
j corrupt.
| !
| The Young People's Blood
I To June, 1967, more than 13,000 young American men j
j
have been killed in the Vietnamese War, not to mention the
thousands of civilian dead and wounded on both sides. j
j
Many youngsters, but nothing like a majority, are j
i
identifying with the Senate doves, e.g., George McGovern, |
whose ironical remarks have become widely quoted, j
We seem*bent on saving the Vietnamese people, even
if we have to kill them and demolish their country
to do so. I do not intend to remain silent in the
face of a policy of madness. (114:21) j
i
i
Adults sometimes lose sight of the fact that the young are
carrying the physical burden of maintaining our immense
military establishment. There are harsh penalties for
refusing to bear arms. Stokeley Carmichael's invective—
"Hell, no! We ain't gonna go!" is being heard, but the
sentence imposed on Cassius Clay is a clear indication
r
14
that protests are futile. The omnipresence of the draft
and military service pervades the lives of most young
Americans. Donald Duncan graphically depicts the vicious
effects of compulsory service on American morale and
morality:
No other institution outside marriage has
| influenced our society the way the draft has. Were
it to end today, its effects would be with us for at
| least two generations. It has perverted the purpose
j and the intellectual freedom of schools, and made
military definitions of reality acceptable to society, j
. . . During the last fiscal year, 500,000
volunteered for service, 157,000 more than were
drafted. Most of the volunteers signed up to avoid
j being drafted . . . the draft threat prevents students
from dropping out of school to relate assembly line
I education with the 'real world,' and those who must
work their way through school are snapped up as I-A
the /minute they are forced out to earn money. . . .
300,000 gained deferments (psychological). . . .
Other young men study and practice various psychoses
and present themselves to the examiners complete with
'nut papers.'
i
Pressure is put on family doctors to write letters |
testifying to chronic ailments. Others unashamedly
claim homosexuality. . . . Artificially inducing j
high or low blood pressure or smoking ink-impregnated
j cigarettes (to show lung spotting) . . . getting on
| the attorney general's list, showing up for induction
J while on LSD or taking a felony rap . . . a few have
| deliberately contracted venereal disease. The
j scenes at the Induction Examination Centers are
! beginning to approach the Greatest S7 w on Earth. j
(75:32)
i
i
What is the matter with all these young men? Are they
i
merely unpatriotic? Bob Dylan’s "Masters of War" gives j
i
some insight into their thinking. Dylan, one of the most
influential young poets in America, is unknown to most
adults. His albums have sold hundreds of thousands of
\
15
pressings. Ballads like "Masters of War" reach vast and
impressionable young audiences. (144)
Rock n' roll lyrics are just as full of social
i I
import as of innocuity. Increasingly they deal with major j
j
social issues: miscegenation ("I can't see you any j
{ more"); materialism ("You're telling all those lies about
j the good things that we can have if we close our eyes"); ;
I ethics and values ("You don't realize that it's all j
! compromise"); militarism— (". . . even Jesus would never
forgive what you do."); fears of youth in "For What It's
j Worth" by the Buffalo Springfield ("Paranoia strikes
! deep . . . starts when you're always afraid"); and
techniques of coping as in the Rolling Stones' "Sitting On j
i
A Fence." Responses of youth to cultural disjunctures are
identifiable in Merton's typology: retreat in lyrics like
| "lock me away . . .1 won't stay in a world without love";
! I
aggression in "we ain't got nothing yet"; anxiety— "I
can't get no satisfaction"; lack of future orientation— j
"let's live for today"; and an innovative, pervasive
turning away from "the American way of life" in such
songs as "The Flower Children" and "San Francisco."
!
The Affluent Society j
i
Voluntary poverty and austerity are the counter- j
choices of many middle-class American youths to their
parents' dream of affluence in split-level suburbia.
16
"The very best of American youth are rejecting, as
Keynes did forty years ago, the 'money-making morbidity.'"
(84:49) In 1964, the Wall Street Journal reported that
14 per cent of Harvard's senior class entered business as
contrasted with 39 per cent in 1960. In 1966, the Harris
i !
|Poll surveyed college seniors for Newsweek and found that
|this trend away from the business world was accelerating.
!Only 12 per cent of the sample were looking forward to
!business careers— twice as many wanted to be teachers.
i
|Harris, further reported that the acceptance of business
I :
as an institution in American society declines as education
increases; that those students with the most advantages
are also the most alienated from the railing class
\ !
ideology (84:49). j
Surveys show that alienation is a phenomenon which
!
is observable among students in the upper groups socially, j
]
academically, and financially. The Muscatine Report,
Education at Berkeley, indicated that support for the '
spirit of the Free Speech Movement was strong among
scholastically able young people. j
On the whole, support was greater among those |
students with high scholastic records than among those !
with low records. . . . Among graduate students the
figures were even more startling. Only one-fifth of
those with less than 3.0 (B) averages approved, but i
nearly three-quarters of those with over 3.5 averages
did so. (123:25)
17
. . . The high intellectual abilities of many
strongly committed members of the FSM may mark them
for positions of leadership in our society,
particularly in cultural and political fields. The
success of the movement amply demonstrated their
capacity for leadership. Whatever judgment is made of
their behavior, Berkeley can be proud of the presence
I of these militant students. There is a danger,
however, that the effectiveness of their education may ■
be lost through alienation based on antagonism toward
j a culture which they believe to be immoral. (123:26)
|Berkeley student indictments articulate the same dominant j
I I
i themes which recur throughout the collegiate and under
ground press. The animosity with which adults greeted
I Beatnikism in the 1950's resembles current adult responses,;
|although the movement has changed and beatniks as such no
! longer exist. Obscurely threatened by these young men
j |
|with long hair, who did not believe in money or power and j
who could not be bought or bullied, adults responded with
anger, disgust, and contempt.
i
|
! Each country had its name for them: beatniks, Teddy
boys, mods and rockers, blousons noir, nozem, j
stilyyagi— all derogatory. (76:70)
The reactions of adults to the rebellious youth of the
i ;
| 60's, the hippies, has not changed. However, the anger
| v ;
of the beats has largely been replaced with cool with
drawal except perhaps among young Negroes.
i
The cool retreat may prove to be an ineffectual
j
technique for altering the society to which they object,
according to Carl Oglesby, past president of Students for
a Democratic Society. Youth's loss of confidence in
18
"progress" as a major life goal is expressed in Oglesby's
terse commentary but their responses— withdrawal, retreat,
surrender— lead to no real solution.
This disenchantment with progress means most simply
| that the present is no longer to be gambled for the |
future. These (youthful) critics know of too many
dreamers who were martyred in behalf of the perpetually
forthcoming Republic of Virtue— worse, they know of
| too many dreamers who become its Hangmen. (99:93)
| Many adults would agree with the charges made by hippies
j ■ ;
| that "... Rigorous freedom and self-governing community" j
I have been traded for "... supermarkets, superhighways,
j :
] super bombs, and super alienation." (99) They believe,
j however, that a major weakness in the hippy position is
i
I the lack of a program and their failure to act decisively
in attacking current local and national problems which j
j
reflects the traditional "action" orientation of America, i
I
Non-violent and passive approaches to social change are a j
new phenomenon.
Idealism and conviction are not lacking in the |
hippy "philosophy." Robert Black, former student-body I
president at University of California at Davis, who
! recently received national notoriety for completely
severing his relationship with his college in order to j
force his local draft board to rescind his student status
says, "What this country needs is a spiritual revolution."
??We would rather be moral men in a moral society than
successful men in a material society," says another
19
student leader. A main accusation against the older
generation is that there has been a "sell-out" on
principle. "You adults have compromised us away.”— this
from the state president of the chapters of the Student
California Teacher's Association, 1967.
| .
i Pop Culture
i
t
| The bohemians of former years rejected popular
culture, the focal point of their major criticisms. We
i
I now are experiencing a rather unique sociological
| phenomenon in the culture-defining influences of the
i
| young, the hip, the protesters.
|
j What is novel about the "tune-in, tune-on" genera
tion is that our new bohemians are open to the adolescent
society, "where the action is." They have been making the
greatest impact on consumers of popular culture--the
teenagers. An example is the transmuting of Dylan's mode
of expression from folk mUsic to folk-rock, accompanied by
excellent public relations and a controlled image which
immeasurably increased the magnitude of his audience.
Hippy affection for "pop” music is in marked contrast to
the taste of previous bohemian subcultures. Today's
hippies have embraced "pop" culture with light plays and
shows and with psychedelic styles in posters and
publications, in art, in fashions, and in music. Their
influence is evident on all directions. Their search for
20
"beingness" may not withstand the dangers of their
exploitation by the mass media, but the vanguard artist
cannot usually be deflected from the real pursuit of
| revolutionary art (54). American culture has the ability
to absorb "protest," and turn it out like packaged
| sausage. A danger to the hippy movement lies in its
| opening to mass-culture. There is a possibility of
I ' ;
i - i
| engulfment. We are, however, presently witnessing an
! unprecedented enlargement of the bohemian style with no
signs of retrenchment.
The philosophic "style” of the hippy subculture as
it is emerging is characterized by irreverence, pervasive
humanism, emphasis on the pursuit of significant j
.. - i
j
experience, spontaneity, tolerance, and "swinging." j
i
i
(57:14-15) Consciously repudiated and held up to scorn |
are, I
. . . Such cornerstones of conventional society as j
Christianity, 'my country right.or wrong,' the !
sanctity of marriage, and premarital chastity, civil
disobedience, the accumulation of wealth, the right
and even competence of parents, the schools, and the
government to head and make decisions for everyone— in j
sum, the Establishment. (57:12)
i
When adults perceive that the legitimizing institutions j
are being "violated" and challenged, they interpret this
stance as adding insult to moral injuryi Alienation is |
|
manifested often as withdrawal and indifference to the
larger society. Withdrawal has aroused some of the
21
greatest resentment and opposition because not to be
taken seriously is the gravest affront to an established
ethic (57s13). Similarly, the cool ignoring of the older
generation produces enmity and unreasonable conflicts. j
i . ;
S i
I The Flower Children
i — “ ~
The flower has become a symbol of the beautiful
| quest, the aesthetic quest about which Kenneth Keniston
I speaks so eloquently. It is also the symbol of an
i . . • '
: Eastern approach to religion, an unfolding to the light
|
| of enlightenment, and it is an indication of the religious |
! undertones of the hippy movement. Perhaps it is Fromm's
I "X" experience they are seeking.
The flower children are "... not quite hippies.” j
In Robert Goldstein's terms they are monied, defended, andj
loved, and they are bringing the hip philosophy to the j
split-level suburbs. "Their roots are intact, but
! disregarded. They are usually younger, and less hassled
than the hippies.” (117:16) The children themselves have '
defined their "bag" as "just sitting around and grooving” ;
|
while the hippies are in more open opposition to the
i
I
Establishment. Their goal, to manifest love, is __
comparable to the Buddhist Nirvana or Christian grace. j
Here are the lyrics of a current and popular tune which
expresses the mystique of the pre-hippy movement.
22
The Flower Children are blooming everywhere,
Walking up and down the street, headed for somewhere.
They just want to be wanted, they just want to be
free,
Why can't we just love them, and let them be? (145)
I A tendency toward a form of "self-destructive tribalism"
! ' i
i I
i may be a danger within the movement or communal living may j
I serve as a potent antidote to alienation. "Flower
| children don't riot, they just secede." (117:17) Shunning
j the American dream by blotting it out completely is their
| intention. They want to ". . . neutralize the self by
j
: giving away the possessions of the self, assassinating
the self, and denying the system." (117:17) J. R.
j :
j Tolkien is their favorite writer because toleration or a
1 ■ !
high degree of ambiguity is part of their development. j
Art Nouveau is their style. One astute commentator has
! I
| observed that these youngsters are trying "to love us into
j
' submission."
! j
| ' j
! Black Like Me
i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - v j
L ’
j Tearfully Janis Ian bleats:
] Now I could understand your tears and your shame.
She called you 'Boy,’ instead of your name,
When she wouldn't let you inside,
When she turned and said, 'But honey,
He's not our kind.'
She says I can't see you anymore, Baby,
Can't see you anymore. (146)
The plight of the residents of James Baldwin's
"another country" evokes waves of empathy in many young
people. Witness their mass movement to the Southern
states to participate in voter registration drives, job
training, teaching and tutoring, and civic development.
The inspiration of having a significant task or of
participating in a social operation with consequences
which might directly affect the quality-of-life of
| individuals and families who are economically and
i
j socially handicapped has produced efforts of heroic
proportions.
The American Indian is also receiving, albeit
I reluctantly and with resentment, the attention, and
flattering mimicry of youth. At hippy "love-i-ns" and
"be-in," it often does appear that they are all playing
cowboys and Indians, with squaw hair-styles and fashions,
buckskin boots and fringed jackets. Buffy Sainte-Marie,
a popular folk singer, is both writing and singing of
existence "... now that the buffalo's gone."
In one of his first public statements in almost
i
I three years, Baldwin continues his bitter attack on the
1
j
Caucasian community. We have the spectacle of
California's Proposition Fourteen to remind him of the
massive prevailing which dominates America in the 1960's.
When Baldwin broke his almost three-year silence,
optimists were expecting that he would find some glimmer
of hope to elucidate some measure of progress on which to
24
make a positive statement. What he said in March, 1967
was,
A great deal of hysterical and indefensible
nonsense has been written about Black Power. It is a
phrase which refers to an honored (I) canon of Western
thought; the self-determination of peoples. It means
nothing more than that. To limit ourselves only to
the events of the last decade, the Negro in America
has marched, protested, pleaded, sung, put his body
before trucks and tractors, put his body before guns
and hoses and dogs, put his body before billy clubs,
put his body before chains, put his body in prisons
where one would hesitate to house a pig, sent his
children out to be beaten and spat upon and driven
mad, has petitioned Washington, ceaselessly, cease
lessly, has seen his women humiliated, kicked, beaten
(and sometimes they were pregnant women), his hdroes,
who were his hope destroyed, and his children blown
to bits before his eyes. And the result of all this,
the response of the American people? The only resf*
ponse has been panic, rhetoric, and lies. . .
neither the Negro child nor the Negro parent has
anything resembling a future. (85:48) j
Baldwin has been widely read by American young
people for more than a decade. Many of them have been
willing to take upon themselves the collective guilt for
the wrongs suffered by the black race. j
The Long Arm of the Law
i
May, 1967, witnessed an historic, landmark decision!
providing constitutional judicial protections to
juveniles. Significant changes can be expected in the
operation of juvenile courts which are now handling in
i
excess of 100,000 cases per year. The decision grew out j
of litigation, Gault vs. Arizona, in which the high
25
court "... ruled that juveniles should receive many of
the same protections required in adult trials."
They must receive timely notice of the charges
against them; the right to have a lawyer in any case
in which the child might be put in custody; the right !
to confront and cross-examine the accuser and other j
witnesses, and adequate warning of the privilege j
against self-incrimination and the right to remain
silent. (126:1) i
Prior to this time, the child was literally
i
helpless in the machinations of the courts. Though the
I
laws were written with the intent of providing protection j
for the juvenile, they often actually worked to prevent
the best interests of the child from being served. This
; paper is not directly concerned with traditional
criminality, but many largely middle-class youngsters are j
I
(
now being apprehended and arrested through confrontations j
with the police in "crowd control" and "drug use and |
abuse" cases which are different from traffic law |
violation contacts. |
Experimentation with drugs, as a means of j
exploring inner space, relieving anxiety, enhancing j
stamina (for heavy pre-final exam cramming), promoting j
[
I
novel physical and emotional sensations, and just plain
kicks, is on the increase. There has been a limited
amount of worthwhile study of drug users and inadequacy
of modes dealing with offenders has been largely
responsible. The models are: The Official Morality
Model, Medical Motivational Model, and Legal Socio
logical Model. The first, primarily oriented toward law
enforcement, implies that the best way to deal with
I traffickers is to remand them to custodial institutions,
! ' i
i !
i preferably for a long sentence. The second, implies that j
! •
I the personality structure of the user is defective and !
| that he can best be helped by treatment in some sort of
! |
| institution, or closely structured environment— j
curiously a fusion of both the morality and medical
positions. The Legal Sociological Model assigns signifi-
j cance to users as law violaters. Ironically, in practice |
| this pattern has meant that sociologists and criminol-
! ogists passively allow the law to define problems for i
them in an area of their legitimate concern (129). |
James Carey, Assistant professor of Criminology
at the University of California at Berkeley, has j
i
approached the problem of use of the new drugs—
psychedelics— in terms of the development of "committment j
j
to use" (on college campuses) when norms are neutralized j
and drugs available. Value biases are not so obvious
here as in the prior approaches? Carey simply assumes the I
' ' ' j
user of LSD and marijuana to be someone like you or me.
He has studied the problem by interviewing heavy users
and having them make referrals to others. One of the
basic differences which he found in the drug trade is in
27
the organization of the sale of heroin, marijuana, and
LSD. Heroin traffic is highly organized, marijuana, less
so, and LSD least. Carey divided his contacts into vthree
|
groups: beginning, occasional, and regular or heavy-use
stages. "Heads” or heavy users see themselves as more j
open, more spontaneous, freer, more searching, more
interested in change, more tolerant. The differences
i
between groups also relate to the degree of involvement
jwith the "straight” world— "heads" most often being
ex-students, while recreational users are usually still
I attending school. The values espoused or expressed by
"heads" are: mutual aid and responsibility for one
another, a strong non-violent theme, and an attempt to
make one's life a gracious work of art. Focus on the
brain as the center of existence is a significant aspect
of their life style.
Marijuana is seen as a basically friendly drug— "it
relaxes you."Amphetamines, particularly methedrine, are j
I
very cautiously used— they have a reputation for being j
physically debilitating." (129) LSD is seen as quite a j
i
|
serious business, not to be used for "kicks," but for
religious purposes.
This heavy use of drugs by many hippies is a
further repudiation of the dominant "alcohol-and-
cigarette" adult society. They consider:
28
. . . alcohol . . . a drug of violence and insensi
tivity, slippihess,-and lack of-awareness. And it ~~
provides hung-up people with a way to knock themselves
out to forget what ugly people they are. (129)
When thinking of United States behavior patterns, hippies
generally consider themselves members of an immense drugged
i
j society which supports Paul Goodman's thesis that a large j
! i
I proportion of the middle-class are already "turned-on" with;
drugs. The only difference is that middle-class adults
j
get that way with prescriptions. "Teen-agers could do and j
have done considerably worse than to model themselves
|
after hippies," asserts David Matza (137), who believes
that alcohol has a more debilitating effect than marijuana.;
The dangers of drug use for the exploration of the
i
self are, according to him: !
1. The use of substances to produce the desired states
of mind. If they were not using drugs no one
would care.
]
2. They make so much of them. Extreme adult reac- j
tions to abuse of drugs by youth may lead to j
further legal sanctions, e.g., the prohibi- j
tionists activity of the '20's. ;
3. By overemphasizing them they run the risk of
alienating themselves from their own best nature.
They join the larger society that operates on the
conviction that meaningful portions of life can be j
purchased and consumed. j
i
With hippies lending their bodies to radical uses, j
I
I
drawing lines between them and the new left in politics j
may be increasingly difficult. Matza concludes with
tongue-in-cheek, "Opiates may turn out to be the religion
of the people." (137)
29
The Great Lock Out
Recent clashes between teeny-boppers and the
police along the Sunset Strip received national publicity.
Gross exaggerations and distortions characterized the j
coverage of these melees in some of the news media.
I :
i Reputable observations made at the time of the engagements
i ' i
j .report that representatives of the media in some instances j
| j
I actually encouraged, even suggested, actions which
i ' ;
j . ]
I precipitated the use of force by the police.
With the current emphasis in the hippy movement on
’ 'being'’ rather than "doing," and the way this value is
I manifest among the flower children, the attraction of
young people to the strip areas "where it’s happening,” or j
"where it’s at," is not difficult to understand. There is I
a sense of joie de vivre, uncoupled or unaccompanied by j
| j
j the controls which are present at most school sponsored
j "excitement" situations, e.g., mass athletic contests and
rallies, that makes being a part of the "strip scene" a
most desirable condition. No wonder youth are reluctant
to have their emotional nourishment cut off at 10 P.M.; to I
i !
I be locked out of their society at the curfew hour. The i
!
mass enervation which seems to come from this style of |
[ ;
"togetherness" is reminiscent of descriptions of darshan
in which masses of Hindus receive spiritual communion
through being in the presence of revered peers or elders.
30
When community pressures inveighed upon the police
to enforce the curfew laws and clear the hordes of
i adolescents off the streets, the Sheriff's Department often
|
! said they were trying to protect youngsters from pimps, ;
i !
| pushers, and perverts. These corrupters do not limit
! their sphere of influence to the Sunset Strip however.
| County Ordinance 3611.1 provides the legal basis on which
i the Sheriff's Office acts. This ordinance states, "no
j person under the age of eighteen years shall loiter about
! \
| any public street, avenue, alley, park or other public
j place" without adult supervision.
j Among Los Angeles city regulations, a similar
j :
enactment forbids loitering, which is defined as "'to
idle, to loaf, to stand idly by or to walk, drive, or j
ride about aimlessly and without purpose'— a definition |
which may make the entire solar system illegal." (81:10) !
! Youngsters report being roughly treated and being
subjected to humiliating searches by the police, which
naturally leads^to massive resentment.
We have increasing medical evidence which indicates
I j
physical maturation is accelerating in today's teen-agers, j
Dr. S. A. Kaplan, Chief of Endocrinology at Children's
I |
Hospital, Los Angeles, presents statistics which supports
this view. The average age for onset of menarche in girls
was at seventeen only 100 years ago, today it is at age
twelve.
31
Statistics having to do with boys are not so definite
because with boys the events marking puberty, such as
the changing of the voice are not so dramatic or
memorable as they are with girls. . . . Endo
crinologists are sure, however, that boys are maturing
i much younger than they used to, just as girls are.
j (116:4)
Parents trying to understand the new sexual and
| social interests of their children typically try to
I
| imagine themselves at the same age. The changes in
j consciousness and physical vehicle are so gross as to be
; extremely difficult for parents to comprehend. This is
| true of many other changes in adolescent thought and
j style. The enforcement of curfew represents _a custodial
| \
! function that needs re-examination.
t
i
| When youngsers who are in the process of estab
lishing self-concepts and identity seek evidence of adult
faith, some dramatic positive moves may be in order. What
they usually get are such punishing announcements that,
e.g., in California, the age at which one may obtain one's
driver's license has been raised to eighteen, delaying
j
| this febrile rite-of-passage for an additional two years.
! The Gallup Poll indicates that support for lowering
the voting age to eighteen has reached an all-time
national high. Sixty-four per cent of those recently
i
queried said "yes" as compared to 17 per cent in 1939,
but the California State Legislature has just recently
defeated such a proposed enactment. Georgia and Kentucky
32
permit eighteen-year-olds to vote, Alaska entered the
union with voting permission for nineteen-year-olds,
Hawaii extended it to twenty-year-olds. It seems a cruel
I — .
i
! irony that those old enough to be conscripted and to !
| I
I fight or die for their country have no right to a voice '
i ^ :
in its governance.
Teeny-boppers demand at least the freedom to
i
congregate and enjoy each others' company, darshan style,
| and in view of their increasing numbers, such gatherings
I are inevitably going to grow larger. Human be-ins and
I love-ins are evidence of the need to experience and share
j ;
| the spirit of the movement with others.
i j
Life in the Pressure Cooker;
The Early Years
j
The education "bag,” as many youthful critics
prefer to call it, contains an apparently joyless grind
for large numbers of able youngsters. It has been
i
|
described as a cross between a factory and a giant !
\ i
babysitter. We have indications that some students are
so burned out by the time they get through high school j
that they are simply unable to face four more years of |
the same killing pace, and so become part of the college j
drop-out statistics. The suicide rate among maless
between fourteen and nineteen has risen 48 per cent in
the last ten years. The rate is three times that of
33
adult males. "Some experts see a similarity between youths
who commit suicide and others who take drugs or join
university protest groups." (118:2)
Each in his own way is finding a way to avoid the
terrible fear of aggression and competition in the
adult world. . . . One commits suicide to avoid
taking on the responsibilities of becoming a man, and
i another takes drugs to escape that responsibility,
j (118)
j The typical protest group today espouses non-violence,
jwhich may be motivated by a desire to avoid aggression,
I very much feared and also despised. The suicide usually
j ■ !
considers himself already a failure.
As society gets more complex and as the need to
become personally successful intensifies, so does the
degree of personal failure, the shame and the need to
| escape by some means— by suicide, by LSD, or some j
other method. (118)
Children and young adults in our society are judged
successful to a large extent by their work in school. The
importance of the educational institution in the develop-
j ment of adequate self-concepts cannot be over-emphasized.
I i
| ;
| Most parents and educators find that it is difficult'
* \ I
to accept the fact that only 50 per cent of our current
pupils will be accepted by institutions of higher learning j
and that no more than 25 per cent will graduate from them. ;
i
Some children might be more fulfilled and might be happier |
if they could develop balancing skills in the affective
domain but attempts to augment and improve vocational
34
education curriculums are often resisted by both teachers
and parents. v
Parents wear their children's success like status
symbols. Actually, most parents are not opposed to the j
idea of vocational training as long as it is for someone
ielse's children. This training reduces competition in the
academic classes and makes it easier for their own
I children to succeed. Children are caught between their
;own needs and those of their parents. A pediatrician
; addressing himself to the problem of "the middle-aged
I child syndrome" notes an interesting change in illness
I patterns of his young patients. The numbers of patients
i !
| have not declined despite control of communicable
i '
j diseases by vaccination and medication. The current most
j !
j frequently seen symptoms are vague, ill-defined complaints,j
which include headache, abdominal pain, general fatigue, |
and lethargy (62:7). The six to twelve year old is
generally involved in this group— the growth in this age
group is not spectacular, but normal with good general
! I
| health. Anxiety at this age might be natural and the
j j
children might appear to be a little compulsive; under j
stress they are dramatic. They may lack insight into
i
their own problems "even when they recognize the sources
of aggravation, they are unlikely to fight them. Usually
these children do not become delinquent." (62:8)
35
Children whom the doctor is describing have
problems similar to those of middle-aged men. Home,
school, or society make unprecedented demands. Up to this
point little may have been expected of the child. Tension]
j
! and anxiety— the usual components of adult life— are
suddenly thrust upon him and he has no "effective
j mechanism" for dealing with them. If the stress continues
| to be severe, his abdominal pain and minor discomforts
i may become full-fledged disease— peptic ulcer and colitis, j
' which are currently on the upswing according to statistics
on gastrointestinal problems _ -
A significant segment of society feels that time
| is to be used, if not always in a productive manner#
at least in an accountable way. To do 'nothing' is
frowned upon, even though periods of inactivity help
the child to consolidate his gains in growth and j
development and to organize his thoughts. 'Contem- j
| plating one's navel,' therefore becomes a less
i acceptable activity than dancing lessbns. Mothers, j
| in particular, are caught up in this exploitation of j
I the child's extra-curricular time so that it becomes
part of the status-building mechanism of the family.
(62:8)
: Fathers press children to join Little League and Cub-
I ‘ !
I Scouts as well. Not all children react in the same way
I
to these pressures. Many are obviously able to adapt to j
them, but the path to alienation is already clearly j
!
marked at this age. !
I
Robert Fleming, co-author of Children Under
Pressure (19) indicates he has found many young people in
school who are:
36
. . . in a rut, many who are weary and tired, many
who are bored. As the drabness and repetition of
assignments and recitation is continued, as the
emphasis is kept on high grades, competition, and
college admission, fatigue and boredom set in . . .
fatigue yields anxiety and stress. . . . Not all
stress and pressure lead to physical illness, suicide,!
or lack of achievement. Often there is in the child
an attitude of indifference, a lack of concern, or an
'I couldn't care less' viewpoint. (19:70)
All of this sounds to the trained observer like the
beginning of alienation.
One parent who is scrutinizing his adolescent
daughter's current education is William S. White. He
comments tersely:
They go through a series of intellectual forced
marches and obstacle courses which in the physical
sense recall those dreadful overnight bivouacs in the ■
swamps, to which one toted a 90-pound field pack, j
which their fathers endured— but only for a little
while— in validating their claim to be infantry
officers. (19:102)
! White suggests there is not too much education, but
j questions the quality and kind. While getting an educa- j
| tion is a serious business, it ought not "to be a grim
j \
and desperate one." He ends with a disturbing question:
i
| "Aren't we pushing this whole thing a little too hard and j
j '
in the wrong direction so that the really gifted fall in
fatigue and despair and are walked over in the junior j
academic rat race?" (19:103)
|
Helen Hefferman, former Chief of the Division of
Elementary Education of the State of California, lists
some of the pressures on children and adolescents: fear
37
\
of the future; drives to academic and scholastic
achievement; the advance of curriculum into the lower
grades; excessive homework; the competitive race for
college; drives for social success; overcrowded lives;
j
conflicting values; and questionable school practices
(19:22-34).
Mounting Pressure in the Cooker:
The College Years
Children who are the products of the academic and
social burdens imposed on them in grade school and high
school may sound like this when they reach college:
The university, like our society, demands that you
think fast, run fast and write fast.
| Grading seems like a matter of life and death because j
of the war. ;
Most students now equate flunking-out with a one-way i
ticket to Vietnam.
j
We're so obsessed with getting into med. school, that j
we're producing petty people to become our next
| doctors. j
j ;
t ;
| The educational process has been transformed into
; something rather Pavlovian: ring the bell and the
students regurgitate their learning into an exam
booklet. |
i
"Students know,” said Dean Leo Hamalian, CCNY, "that
dropping or being dropped could land them in the draft;
and the punishment, so to speak, doesn't seem to fit the
crime.” (88:82-84) The President of Princeton, Robert
Francis Goheen, has remarked that he has been struck by
\
_ . 38
the number of students falling on their faces "for no
overtly apparent reason other than stress." (88)
The major education critics (24, 36, 35, 31)— j
romantics according to Peter Schrag, who reported their !
viewpoints in a recent issue of Saturday Review (105:
I 1 :
I 80-82), for the past few years have been decrying just
I such pressure problems. Their criticisms range from ;
i unprogrammed diatribe to brilliant insights, but with few
i
j
| remedies suggested. James Coleman's Adolescents and the
i ;
| Schools (14), Jerome Bruner's The Process of Education (9)
i
| and the writings of Marshall McLuhan and James Conant can
be added to the list of major critiques of education.
According to the Saturday Review analysis, "Friedenberg is!
preeminently a sociologist of adolescence; Goodman, the
voice of the alienated college student and elder statesman!
of the New Left." Both lean on David Reisman and Erik
Erikson, "who were among the first to explore the paths j
i !
i \
| of contemporary alienation and conformity." (9:81) They
have all become adept at analyzing the Eric Berne (6) !
style of gamesmanship to which many teachers subject their!
pupils. Goodman indicts the whole process of education
I
as a form of brainwashing; Holt also insists children are
taught to pretend and prevaricate.
We have only to convince ourselves that a lie
will be better for the children than the truth, and
we will lie. We don't always need even that excuse;
we often lie only for our own convenience. (6:81)
39
These formidable thinkers have criticized in areas which
|
simply were not even open to discussion a few years ago.
j
Goodman's roving has aligned him with independent college
students wl^o are busily designing "free” universities and
colleges all over the country.
| Many critics see higher education as a continuance
of the massive sorting and selecting process begun in the
first grade. As Simmons and Winograd have described the I
i
!situations
Young people are needed to meet the demands of the
| social order and the system in turn has devised methods'
| for insuring its continuance, often neglecting the
I needs and potential of the individual student. (57:141);
Paul Heist of the Center for Research and Develop
ment in Higher Education, Berkeley, reports a longitudinal j
|
study of college freshmen whose test performances j
indicated high levels of creative potential. Despite
their enrollment in institutions noted for liberal or j
I j
j stimulating campus climates, most of these youngsters j
. . .... ,
J f i
i joined the ranks of the dropouts instead of matriculating.
i i
(134) Most reported extreme dissatisfaction with the
i
educational opportunities available at the institutions in j
which they were enrolled. Heist's work would tend to j
i
support those youthful subjects in the Watts-Whittaker
study and the Musgrove research who have rejected formal
education as "not attuned to their needs."
40
Among the studies that followed the Berkeley Free
Speech Movement is one particularly relevant to the
problems under discussion. William Watts and David
Whittaker have presented a panoramic view of the para- !
i
university scene in Students of Life; A Study of the
Berkeley Non-Student. One of the most interesting things
|about these campus marginals who are part of the "Berkeley
|fringe," "underground," or "hidden community," is that theirj
! \ ■
jmembers seem to be endowed with a great deal of the
|intellectual stamina and faculties necessary to manage the
I rigorous task of getting a degree from Berkeley, but they
|are unmotivated or unable to make an adjustment to the
business of being a student. They have found a haven,
albeit temporary, in the underground, and they "not j
infrequently drift away from formal education, enter and
help perpetuate the ranks of this subculture." The fact |
i
that the underground exists and accompanies early with
drawal from college, whether the termination be temporary
|or permanent - — Whittaker insists is a "further manifestation;
of alienation and discontent with many contemporary values, j
presumably experienced by large segments of today's j
i
youth." (143:1) j
The anti-adult feelings of youths are attributed j
j
by Watts and Whittaker partially to delayed entrance into j
\ . 1
the adult world of work and the withholding of adult
recognition; partially to the traditional frustrations and
41
uncertainties of the cold-war and post-atomic world.
Watts and Whittaker were in agreement with Priedenberg
(1959), Goodman (1956), Musgrove (1965), and Keniston
(1965). Watts and Whittaker reiterated Erikson's belief
I
| that student feelings may also reflect to some degree a
I ;
I moratorium, or perhaps more appropriately, a prolongation
; of the identity crisis of late adolescence (78).
Quoted in the Watts and Whittaker study is
I ' !
! Goodman's discussion of the "beatnik generation" as young !
i ,
i people who resisted or were unable to stomach the type of
| culture which lets its ad-men become philosophers (35).
| The authors find that though Miller (1965) protests that
| the "Berkeley underground is not analogous to the beats,"
I i
anecdotal observations suggest some strong similarities: I ^
\ _ J
1. Members of the Berkeley underground appear to live !
outside society at large, not only having rejected j
student status (often without having entered the i
parttime work force) but also in their habitat and |
manner of life. '
! j
i 2. Prevalent points of view concerning this group
| range from defining them as anarchists, mentally-
ill, ne'er-do-wells, to those who see them as j
i having great integrity and consequently unable j
| to conform to many of the artificialities and
j inconsistencies of modern society. (113:3)
|
On the basis of their studies Watts and Whittaker _ _ j .
indicate that they are not sure whether they are dealing
with the young people who have rejected formal education
because it is not attuned to their needs, as in the case
of Musgrove's alienated youth in British grammer
42
(secondary) schools, or whether the young people's opinions
should be dismissed as a mere "... howl of rationaliza
tion from individuals who are pathologically unable to
tolerate the discipline of any formal educational system."
(113 s 3)
i Student disillusionment with higher education is
jnot limited to the continental United States. A professor
jof political science at Cambridge writes:
! Historical teaching at the good schools and at the
’University' (Oxford and Cambridge) is absurdly
oriented toward a largely mythical country life. That
is one reason why our cities are so odiously ugly;
| they are second-class institutions where most of the
j population live. A real study of modern England would !
start from the towns, to which the countryside is a
| mere and sometimes excessively expensive appendage.
(67:61)
The irrelevance of the traditional British curriculum is j
disturbing both to students and their mentors. |
The young people feel all this. Their disillu- j
sionment, most marked in the most intelligent section
of the Labor party, may be disastrous. The wisdom of j
their elders no longer impresses them; it is not only
in China that the young may be in revolt. . . . Both
great parties have dismally failed in evoking and
| using the energy and faith of the young. And although !
we have no academic revolt on the Berkeley scale, and
the Mods and Rockers . . . do little more than provide |
copy, there is a gulf between generations, at any rate j
in the 'educated classes,' that is disturbing even the j
dogmatic slumbers of Oxford and Cambridge, not to
speak of Glasgow and the London School of Economics.
There is even a danger that the young will come to I
believe that nothing is well done in Britain. (67:62)
43
Creatives in the Pressure
Cooker —
The great mass of significant work on creativity j
and education dates from the pioneering efforts of J. P.
Guilford in exploring the concept of innovation and the
i I
Imethods of identifying creative potential in children and
I adults. The major reasons for the national research thrust;
|of the past few years in the direction of finding and
!encouraging the creative energy of the American people
are: (1) the international struggle for power? (2) heavy
jpolitical-military demands for innovative weaponry; (3)
|
!economic pressures for new processes and markets; (4)
social changes, in that creative expressions formerly
minimized by class and caste protocols are being released
by the avant garde of minority groups; (5) industrial
discoveries in modern technology; (6) automation-induced ;
boredom that seeks outlets; (7) creative release from j
|boredom caused by increased leisure time away from
I
jemployment; (8) personal recognition that innovation,
invention, and discovery have value in increasing one's
material well-being, (9) rebellion against demands for
conformity and social adjustments, and £10) broad emphasis !
on the "good life" stemming in part from democratic ideals,]
!
which hold that every man is entitled to an opportunity to j
express himself freely and to be his most individual
self (95:618-619).
* 44
Dozens of studies have grappled with the problems
j of definitions, parameters, and measurement of creativity.
I
The definition formulated by Donald MacKinnon, Director of j
1
i
I the Institute for Personality Assessment and Research at
j j
! the University of California at Berkeley is widely
i t ;
iaccepted. McKinnon has summarized his findings in terms
| of the three criteria which significant creativity must j
I exemplify. According to the first criterion responses must;
I be novel or statistically infrequent. The second criterionj
j is that responses must be problem-oriented or fit a
i
I particular situation. The third orientation is that
; responses must include the complete development and appli- '
I ' ■
| cation of the original insight. MacKinnon believes that |
i
the best prediction of "later" creativity is actual, i
identifiable creative behavior, which instructs in a j
solution that meets his criteria (90). Investigators have
described the school experiences of creatives as compared |
with those of intellectually gifted students. Generally',
creatives receive unsympathetic treatment from teachers:
I |
I The teachers exhibited a ’clear-cut' preference for ■
the high I-Q. child over the highly-creative child
in that the rating given the high I.Q. group was
significantly higher than for the total population. |
The ratings given the 'high-creative group' did not
differ from the total group. (95:631) j
i
Teachers need help in recognizing the creative child and j
in dealing with him positively. Some indication of the
causes for teachers' hostility may be inferred from the
45
personality image which emerges from a composite of the
studies of creative children. They mays
. . . have a reputation for having wild, silly, or
'naughty' ideas; produce ideas 'off the beaten track, j
outside the mold'; produce work characterized by j
humor, playfulness, relative lack of rigidity, and 1
relaxation. But often, they alienate their friends,
| are not well rounded, diverge from sex-role expectancy,;
i prefer to learn on their own, undertake difficult and
dangerous tasks, have different values, can't stop
| — working, try consciously to be different (search for
their uniqueness). (95:637) |
The child's behavior in school is directly correlated with i
| the inner struggle that usually characterizes these
i
i youngsters who are caught between relentless societal
I pressures to conform and their inner drives to explore,
| question, and experiment' with the environment. One author !
says of the creative child that he "may attempt to make
explicit what he feels should not be left implicit. He j
' j
may grow nervous or apathetic over routine and what he j
considers to be obvious." (95:638) He "is invariably a
[ • ’
I i
j minority of one." (95:646)
I The enhancement of creativity, which we are
recognizing as a character trait rather than a special
l
aptitude, is a task little understood by many educators. j
Recognizing the weaknesses of our present research j
instruments to simulate problems which in real life
require novel or adaptive solutions, we are confronted
with the gigantic task of nurturing abilities which we
cannot accurately assess.
46
The wide range of individual differences must surely
mean that there is no single method for the nurturing
of creativity; ideally the experience which we provide
would be tailor-made, if not for the individual
students at least for different types of students. We
should remember that the same fire that melts the
butter hardens the egg. (136:14)
Educators appear:
. . . to consider man primarily as an implementer of
technique. Unless we alter this concept of man, we
allow cybernation to challenge man's role and to rob
his identity. If we do not rise to the challenge of
recent technological change, we are open to the anxiety
of the loss of meaning of our existence. We must
recognize that man's essential role.is not the passive
performer, but the active innovator. The gift of
humanity is not the ability to implement a well-defined
program, for that ability is shared with machines.
The essentially human activity is the innovation of
new programs, the extension of knowledge into areas
where knowledge did not previously exist. (93:17)
In the Science Curriculum:
Special Pressures
Addressing himself to the problems of "'Creative'
Students in Science— How Do They Fare?," Benson Snyder
deplores much of current practice. He suggests that
professional competence rather than creativity receives
{primary stress in education.
|
It is at least plausible that an antagonism may
exist between professionalism, the achieving of
professional status in the arts, science, and
engineering, and developing creative competence in
these fields. Education may be more focused on the
former than the latter. (142)
In a society which needs individuals who can do
more than implement techniques, the training of profes
sionals with emphasis on their creative potential, would
— ’ — ' 47
\
appear to be of critical importance. Using the Omnibus
Personality Inventory on the entire entering class of
721 students at MIT in 1962, Snyder sought answers to the j
|
questions: j
(1) What happens to 'creative' students at an
| institution which focuses on engineering and science,
and (2) What is the effect of such an institution on
'creativity,' (as thus operationally defined by the
OPI)? (142)
! j
! Findings were as follows:
; The institutional toll on high scoring 'creative'
students tended to occur early rather than late. (142) ;
i Students with high scores in sub-tests on thinking
i '
| introversion, complexity, and impulse expression
hypothesized to be correlates of creativity, were found
to be more likely to leave the institution than were low
scoring students (P ~ 7 .01) .
Students who preferred as freshmen to try out new
solutions, fool around with ideas, or take cognitive
risks were three times as likely to drop out as those
preferring a well-ordered life with tangible results.
(142)
Creatives who remain in the institution and who exhibit
I
an "intellectual itch," achieve essentially the same grade
point averages as their more conservative classmates. j
To reveal how the negative aspects of an institu-
!
tion may manifest themselves, Snyder describes a
hypothetical freshman encounter:
The student goes to a lecture and hears from his
professor that the course in question is exciting.
Much independent thought will be demanded. He is
48
urged to think about the subject, reflect on what he
reads and develop skepticism. The first quiz, in the
student's eyes, calls for the playback of a large
number of discrete facts. The message that some
students hear is that reflection, original thought is
for the birds, and memorization will get the A. Some
possible outcomes in terms of students' response to i
such dissonance would include cynicism about the
academic enterprise, a determination to play the
academic game with shrewdness? alienation; [ed.]
or conformity to the task of getting grades. (142)
Options and opportunities for freshmen must be
dramatically expanded. The students' own attempts to
develop strategies to cope with the ambiguities of
expectancies, as well as the realities of both the overt
and covert curriculum exact a heavy toll, psychologically
and intellectually. The survival value strategies "do
not automatically serve the student well in mastering his .
I
field or developing his intellect." (142) I
In the Arts and Humanities; ;
Psychological Pressures j
It is to be expected that perhaps the engineering
curriculum is not adapted to the creative student. But
i ■ !
| it may be a source of surprise to discover that the
creative individual in the arts may not fare well in the j
academic culture, either. Our society is generally
punishing psychologically to those who manifest the |
characteristics of the artist: sensitivity, temperament, j
gullibility, openness, lack of concern with details,
involvement with the self, the ability to resist
premature decision. There is impatience with the time it
49
takes to bring forth the creative product. Another main
source of conflict with society derives from the often
necessary rejection of the rules of traditional logic; j
this rejection places the creative person in opposition i
jto the leading ideas of the time (119:135). Existentially
!oriented psychologists point out that it is inevitable _
ithat the creative individual be in conflict with his
; milieu, "in the sense of rejecting stereotyped values,
thought, and motives." (119:135) Experiencing his own
authenticity requires freeing himself from such external
|influences as, "other-direction," socialized sham, and
I cultural impediments; such freedom leads to innovation,
j
|and the fulfillment of potentialities.
The Pressured Product
This section has taken its title from a recent
Newsweek survey of a dozen leading American Colleges and j
i ' j
| universities. The study disclosed that the college years,
| ,
| far from being an idyllic time to be looked back upon.by
i i
j adults with nostalgia, has become an exhausting, traumatic
| j
I ordeal for many. The authors selected the metaphor of the j
! i
pressure cooker as being graphically descriptive of the
i
society's anxiety, tension, and general trauma of the j
college experience. j
Nevitt Sanford has observed that the hippy sub
culture is full of frustrated creatives— poets, writers,
50
musicians, and artists (140). This section has summarized
representative studies of the school and college
experiences of creative children and youth: most
observers agree that the pressures of modern life and of
the educational experience are frustrating— particularly
;so to the creative individual. If it is true that
!potentially creative youngsters are being alienated from
j :
!themselves, their culture, and its educational institu-
|tions, this information should be obtainable while they
iare still in high school, even in grade school. Measure-
|ment instruments to help identify these estranged
|individuals and those who are in the process of becoming
!alienated, should be devised. Such instruments could have j
practical benefits in counseling, curriculum construction, j
f
teacher education, school-community relations, and in-
I
service education. '
i
The proposed research is an attempt to assess the
j ;
degree of alienation present in high school youngsters who j
are still in school, and are chosen by teachers and peers
for participation in the study on the basis of observable
creative behavior. The results of pressures, lack of
control over significant aspects of one's life in school, !
i
conflicts with prevailing norms, questioning of the j
I
i
"meaningfulness" of mandatory course work, and tangential
issues, should lend themselves to identification and
' 4 * 1
examination.
51
Statement of the Problem
A major purpose of the study is to construct an
instrument for the measurement of alienation. The
instrument will be based on relevant theory and previous
|research.
I
i A second objective is to determine whether or not
|there appears to be a relationship between creativity and
alienation, using the experimental instrument (Heussenstamm
i Scale) with three groups of students selected from a single
j high school: "creatives" nominated by teachers,
"creatives" nominated by peers, and a student sample
i
i chosen at random from the total high school population.
A third objective is to ascertain whether or not
identification of the subjects' creativity by behavioral
criteria, as applied by teachers and peers, correlates
with the subjects' performances on standardized tests of
creative abilities.
Questions to be Answered
1. Can alienation in adolescents be identified
through a paper and pencil device?
2o If three groups of students are compared (1)
students identified as "creative" by teacher nomination,
(2) students identified as "creative" by peer nomination,
and (3) students selected at random, are there differences
in perceptions of school experiences and of themselves?
52
3. What is the relationship between alienation,
as measured by the H Scale and students' creativity, as
identified by teachers and peers?
I 4. Do paper and pencil measures of creativity
correlate with nominations made by teachers and peers?
Method
jAlienation; Review
I of Research
i The writer has critically examined significant worksj
j ;
land materials dealing with the problem of alienation of
jthe individual, and has presented critical reviews of the
i I
important eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth
century historical works considered most influential by
Nisbet (51). In this study, the analysis of the signifi- j
cant ideas of Nisbet's selected group of theorists is
followed by an exploration of contemporary major writings |
j
from a range of disciplines including the following: I
psychoanalysis represented by Erich Fromm (25, 26) and I
Kenneth Keniston (39); theology, Paul Tillich (34)? j
sociology, Robert K. Merton and Robert Nisbet (47); and j
history-philosophy, Erich Kahler (38). Empirical studies
devoted to techniques of measuring alienation have been
|
summarized. This section on empirical studies contains
resumes of the work of important psychologists, such as
Leo Srole (112) and Julian Rotter (102), and of the
53
sociologist Melvin Seeman (108)— all recognized authorities
in their respective fields. Also surveyed in this review
of research are recent significant measurement studies of
the past five years; journal articles, books, and
unpublished materials.
Creativity: Selective
Procedures
j Creativity has long been the object of interested I
| study by artists, aestheticians, philosophers, and critics,!
and more recently, by psychologists and educators. There
is a vast bibliography of materials in this field.
! Appendix A presents an annotated listing of major works
on creativity. Since the main focus of the present study j
is on the development of a testing instrument to measure
l
alienation in adolescents rather than to measure
creativity per se, the writer has limited the review of j
research to the works on alienation, presenting only an !
|
annotated bibliography on creativity. The formulation of j
i I
the criteria of creativity made by Donald J. MacKinnon,
Director of the Institute for Personality Research and
Assessment of the University of California at Berkeley, j
j
has been accepted as basic to this study. It is presented
in this section.
It should be mentioned that the pioneer work of
J. P. Guilford, Professor Emeritus, University of Southern
California and distinguished contemporary authority on the
54
subject of creativity, has also been consulted in this
research.
Testing Procedures
Finally, the research project itself has involved
the preparation of a research instrument, setting up of a
j _ ;
j pilot study, modification of the instrument, and
administration of a test battery to three groups of high
|school students representing teacher nomination, peer
! |
Iselection, and a random sample of the student body in a
| high school. The data have been subjected to multi-
!
] ;
| discriminant analysis.
i :
I Limitations j
i
1. Measuring creativity: paper and pencil j
measures of creativity which are factorially derived reveal
only a portion of the creative potential in a subject. j
2. Use of newly developed instrument: no
validating data is available at the present time on the j
Srole Teen Age Index of Anomie. j
3. Sample: Because of the provincial nature of j
j
the sample, generalizations beyond this study must be made j
with extreme caution. j
4. Volunteerism: Findings in the study are to be j
considered as exploratory because of the self-selection
aspects of the population.
55
5. Teacher nominations: There will be a differ
ential interpretation and application of criteria for the
judgment of creativity.
6. Pee_r_ nominations: Students also will apply the
behavioral creativity criteria in a differential manner. j
i
7. Anonymity of subjects: no verification of
demographic data possible through inspection of cumulative
i
! records.
! i
i i
j
| Delimitations
1. Population: drawn from a single high school.
| 2. Participation in the study: voluntary for both ;
nominators and nominees.
|
Significance of the Study
i
The study has theoretical, methodological, and
practical significance. Verification of theory is a major
task with which sociologists are confronted. In
j
attempting to operationalize, for research purposes, a
state of mind or a condition within so complex a creature j
as the human being, some small increment may be gained in j
the major trend we are witnessing, whereby sociology is
moving from a largely descriptive science to an
experimental one. The terms "alienation" and "creativity,"
about which much has been written, are still far from
accurate experimental definition.
56
The methodological significance of the study lies
in the attempt to devise an efficient and economical
technique by which emergent or developing alienation is
adolescents can be identified and the degree of its
i
! seriousness assessed and studied. It is also an attempt
j to ascertain whether or not nominations by teachers and
i peers can identify creative adolescents.
t
In practical terms, a brief, easy-to-administer-
; and-score measure of alienation would have in-school
! value. To teachers, counselors, psychometrists, and
administrators on whom the responsibility for devising
i and implementing counter measures to alienation must
i ultimately rest, such a measure of incipient estrangement
may give clues to personality disjunctures long before
I
behavioral symptoms are evident.
Definition of Terms
The terms alienation, anomie, and anomia, have
| been used interchangeably and often indiscreetly. An
j extraordinary variety of psycho-social disorders,
including:
. . . loss of self, anxiety states, . . . despair,
depersonalization rootlessness, apathy, social
disorganization, loneliness, atomization, powerless
ness, meaninglessness, isolation, pessimism and loss
of belief and values . . .
have been associated with the term alienation alone. For
the purposes of this study, these definitions are cited.
Alienation
A multi-dimensional construct which Keniston has
taken to mean conscious rejection or repudiation by an
! individual of expected roles, representing the values
| of his society. Infinite variations of alienation can
! be described in response to the following questions:
(1) Focus: Alienated from what?; (2) Replacement:
What replaces the old relationship?; (3) Mode: How is
I the alienation manifest?; (4) Agent: What is the agent
! of the alienation? Synonyms: anomia, estrangement,
I disengagement, apathy, non-involvement. Types of
alienation include a sense of cosmic outcastness;
developmental estrangements? historical loss; self-
estrangement. (39:452-475)
i
i
i Synonym: anomia
In describing alienation, Melvin Seeman uses five
sub-groupings to describe individual responses to
perceptions of dissonance in the culture— feelings of:
(1) powerlessness? (2) meaninglessness; (3) normless-
ness? (4) social isolation, and (5) self-estrangement.
(106)
i Anomie
I
Places the emphasis on societal rather than
individual conditions. Concerns particularly dis-
junctures between cultural norms and goals, and the
abilities of individuals to act in accord with them.
(46)
Creativity
The process of sensing gaps or disturbing missing
elements; forming ideas or hypotheses concerning them;
testing these hypotheses; communicating the results;
and retesting or modifying the hypotheses.
Fundamentally the act of thought that can be
described as fluent (production of many ideas)?
flexible (tangential); and original (novel responses
to problems). Specifically divergent productions and
trans formations. (83)
58
. . . three criteria must be present to identify a
response as being creative: (1) novelty or
statistical infrequency? (2) problem oriented and
fitting a particular situation; (3) complete develop
ment and application of the insight. (90)
!
| Organization of the Report
Chapter X contains a statement of intent,
I examination of the rebellion among American adolescents,
j
review of the literature and study design,
j Chapter II includes the program of research, both
j pilot and actual study. Findings are presented in
i
j Chapter III. The concluding chapter summarizes the study
j
j and offers recommendations. Appendix A is an annotated
I bibliography of recent, significant works on creativity.
The research instruments are reproduced in Appendix B.
Correlations tables comprise Appendix C.
CHAPTER II
SIGNIFICANT CONTRIBUTORS TO THE STUDY I
\
I ;
! OF ALIENATION, 1700-1965
Introduction
| Nisbets1 Appraisal of
| Major Classical Theorists
Robert Nisbet has devoted a fifth of his newest j
j ;
! book, The Sociological Tradition (51), to a review of
j historical figures and social theorists through whose
thought and work the term alienation has been moved into
i - -
| common use in the twentieth century. Beginning with
establishers of philosophical guidelines whose work has
j
been seminal, he uses a chronological approach which j
progresses from theory to application as he examines the j
|
writings of Alexis de Tocqueville (58), Karl Marx (44),
Max Weber (28), Emile Durkheim (20, 21), and Georg
Simmel (61).
Enlarging on the Marxist view, Nisbet says of his
use of the term alienation:
By alienation, I mean something that goes beyond
mere disaffection with the social scene. Repudiation,
even categorical repudiation of the social system,
such as capitalism, need not be reflection of the
alienated mind, any more than revolutionary action
59
60
is, . . . there are, I suggest, two fundamental and
distinguishable perspectives of alienation to be
found in nineteenth century sociological thought. The
first rests on an alienated view of the individual,
the second on an alienated view of society. (51:265)
Man, severed from his communal security without purpose, j
i
is the center of the first definition. Man is more
threatened by his freedom than liberated by it; he is
unable to develop traditional by assumed, "self-
sustenance." His dignity is lessened; institutions
fragment and mechanize him; he is left ”... existen-
| tially missing-in-action." (51)
Nisbet's second perspective, while related, differs
f !
> in that the emphasis is on society— the general will— and
is politically expressed in bureaucracy and the imposition j
for mass taste and opinion (51). j
i
Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859)
It is difficult to characterize Tocqueville's
indeciveness about the future of American democracy as
other than gloomy. A sense of the erosion of man's
I essence, of his promise and greatness, permeates the
waiting.
He believed that the individual was pathetically
demeaned by four major forces. Secularization which came
about through the rational attacks on areas of values
formerly the exclusive domain of religion, and secondly,
by the tyranny of the masses, the magnitude of the
61
pressures of public opinion about which Ortega Y Gasset
also raged. The alienating effect of the separation of
j
man from the fruits of his labor was the third force and j
lastly, the weakening of community life. These were
; accompanied by less moral behavior in human interaction,
particularly the ethical areas of honor and loyalty, whose
impact on the social order diminished.
In surveying the "damage,” he lays the blame at
I the door of the Protestant reformers, who undermined faith
i in dogma. Their iconoclasm is extended by natural
scientist Bacon and philosopher Descartes. Enlightenment
i - , :
| thinkers of the eighteenth century subjected all decisions
| to private judgment, but they diminished man in the j
i ' I
process, rather than ennobling him. To make "reason”-an- ;
i
unobtainable end— the major purpose of life, and to remove j
j
j its undergirding structure of hallowed tradition
i . I
| ultimately leads to the dimunution of reason itself,
i |
! according to de Tocqueville. He concludes that trust is !
| i
eroded, and reason is trivialized by the denial of all
that cannot be readily explained in pragmatic terms.
Karl Marx (1818-1883)
The irony of the course of events through which j
Marx introduced the concept of alienation into the j
language of politics (which Tonnies injected into
62
sociology) and the discrepancy between his definition of
the term and that in current coin is noteworthy.
It is of particular irony to note that de Toque-
ville and Weber made no use of the term alienation, but
i
|that current definitions in vogue definitions depend on
; them for descriptions of behavior and thought on the
I nature of man, society, and history. Marx's definitions
|have been by passed (284).
I The exploitation of the worker, subjugated to the
Iinexorable machinations of capital gains and losses, was
| an opportunity for emancipation in Marx' classic writings.
! That capitalistic domination was a time of travail that
!was short-lived, and was to end in revolution, is the
confident, "historic" view of Marx as described by Daniel
Bell (5:935). To Marx, "alienation" was a term only
relevant to his economic theories, never central. Marx
| borrowed the term from Hegel, who stated that:
j Alienation, in its original connotation, was the
| radical dissociation of the 'self' into both actor
I and thing, into a subject that strives to control its
own fate, and object which is manipulated by others.
(5:936)
Conditions of alienation were the result of "a state
deeply and eradically buried in the nature of man's self
and its effort to achieve communication with the world."
(51:289) This ontological interpretation characterized
the position of Hegel. Feuerbach, a left Hegelian
"attributed man's condition to his subjugation by
conventional religious superstitutions.1 1 Marx reduced
Hegel1s view to ". . . something expressible in terms of
private property and labor, " whereas Feuerbach had
expressed it in terms of religion (51:290). The most
i cogent statement of what Marx meant by alienation concerns
| the relationship between man and his work.
| The object produced by labor, its product, now
stands opposed to it as an alien being as a power
independent of the producer. The product of labor is
labor which has been empodied in a thing, and turned
into a physical thing; this product is an objectifica
tion of labor. The performance of work is at the same
time its objectification. This performance appears,
in the sphere of political economy, as a vitiation of
the worker, objectification as a loss and as
; servitude to the object, and appropriation as
alienation. (5:171)
Capitalism, not spiritual forces or institutional giantism
was the true enemy. "Abolish this, substitute socialism
and eventually communism, and you have completed the work
of destroying all that presently separates man from
freedom and from his true self.” (51:292)
j Marx would have found utterly foreign the notion
I
j that alienation, as a state of mind, might develop under
socialism.
Max Weber (1864-1920)
The pessimism, characteristic of Tocqueville, is
pervasive in the major essays of Weber. For him, the
drive to make all thought "rational" becomes the dominant
malevolent mover of western civilization, regardless of
64
its identification with democracy or socialism. A major
concern is the jettisoning of traditional values by
Western man. I
i
I
Rationalization becomes, in his hands, a far-reach- ’
ing methodological concept, neutrally applicable to
patterns of culture and thought in all civilizations.
He uses history of religion in the ancient world, in
music, art warefare, authority, economy. (51:294)
The virtues of reason, corrupted and inverted, become his
idea of "alienation."
One of Weber's many concerns was the relationship
i :
of men to the new bureaucracy and religion.
In my eyes, religious return stands higher than the
j academic prophesy, which does not clearly realize that
in the lecture rooms of the university no other virtue ;
holds but plain intellectual integrity. (28:155)
] ;
I For his own integrity, he is compelled humbly to, "get on
j ;
j with the business of living," and he urges others to do j
likewise. Nisbet declares:
In our day, not even Albert Camus could not have said
this more poignantly, more compellingly. Alienation
is not, after all, a mode of anchorite renunciation; j
j it is a special form of insight. (51:297)
j ' j
| Weber's greatest fears are that eventually there ;
will be a stripping away of the informal patterns of life
through overplanning, even overskill. He shares with
Tocqueville a contempt for and sense of tragedy about the j
future of the United States, where material aggrandize- |
ment, without its historical moral and ethical roots,
becomes a form of sport.
65
Emile Durkheim £1858-1917)
Durkheim uses the term "anomie" in his first work.
The Division of Labor in Society (20). He is concerned j
with the theoretical problem of distinguishing between two
i
|contrasting types of societal cohesiveness which he terms
j ;
"mechanical" and "organic” solidarity. In the simpler,
less complex and primitive societies, a mechanical style
jprevails; organic solidarity characterizes the highly or
| increasingly industrialized and technically developed
| societies of Western Europe. The notion of organic
j solidarity is based on increasing socialization of the
functions of the individual as part of the work force, and
the resulting differences that develop among individual I
members of the force. The interacting members of the
society, however differentiated, tend to achieve a type
of organic solidarity, whereas, mechanical solidarity
i ' !
j prevails in the less complex society, where collective
i !
| consciousness is based on similarities of interest, feel
ings, and common concerns. Durkheim postulates that, the
more differentiated the society, the less the collective
consciousness or the less "intuitive" social behavior are I
exhibited.
As Western civilization has become more highly j
i
industrialized, the distribution of occupations has not
followed the distribution of talents. This has resulted
in an adnormal division of labor. In this situation, the
66
division of labor does not produce solidarity, because the
functional activity of each worker is insufficient to
generate the necessary social "glue,” We can describe the
situation as one in which the worker feels no part of the
common enterprise, has no feeling of usefulness, or cannot j
| perceive his labor relating to the ultimate product. The |
| most prevalent abnormal societal condition, which Durkheim ;
i !
i , i
| called "anomic,” is the lack of integration or of mutual
iadjustment of functions in the light of continual
i i
| industrial crises. Because of conflicts between capital
| and labor, and of the increasing specialization of
| science, anomie arises. Because the division of labor
i :
| !
I fails to produce enough effective contact between members
of the work force and fails to regulate social relation- j
ships adequately, dysfunctional relationships replace the |
formerly "natural" ones, j
The concept of anomie plays a minor part in
j Durkheim's book, Division of Labor, but four years later,
anomic behavior has become central to his theory, designed j
to explain the correlations between rates of suicide and
conditions within a given society. Durkheim bases his
theories on data available to him at the time. The most
puzzling discrepancy in the material is his discovery that
the suicide rate increased in periods of prosperity as
well as in periods of recession.
67
During economic recessions it is relatively easy
to explain suicides precipitated by diminishing capital or
economic resources, but explaining suicides that occur
during periods of economic affluence is much more diffi
cult.
Parsons has subsequently pointed out that a sudden
I prosperity, with consequent increase in suicide, results
i
I in a situation where "a sense of security, a progress
i toward ends depends not only on adequate command over
;means, but on a clear definition of the ends themselves.”
!
j (52) Sudden prosperity can apparently be just as
:devastating to the individual as sudden poverty because
1
prosperity brings the formerly impossible within range.
Man's desires run rampant. The inconsistency between
positively sanctioned norms and standards, and the desires
of the individual give rise to personal disjunctures which
may lead to suicide. Durkheim identifies this type of
suicide as "anomic."
| Wherever the norms of society are in flux, e.g.,
among wealthy divorced persons or middle-class adolescents,
we find indications that suicide increases.
To Durkheim, suicide in general, as well as his
various types, was not an individual phenomenon, but
was related to certain features of the social
organization. These features are the degree of control
or regulation in a society, the amount of group unity
and the strength of ties binding persons together.
( 11: 6)
68
Durkheim has been criticized for his alleged failure to
use rigorous criteria of social integration, but the
I
significance of his contradictions cannot be minimized: j
Society is not only something attracting the sentiments j
| and activities of individuals with unequal force, it
| is also a power controlling them. There is a relationsj
between the way this regulative action is performed andj
the social suicide rate. (20:241)
The idea, dominant in Durkheim's time, that man is
i ;
!full of certain innate desires needing fulfillment, leads
!him to postulate that human beings may expand their
I desires beyond the limits of what is actually attainable
i • t
I or may set themselves impossible goals. As a consequence,
!moral needs require definition and regulations by the
|collective order. When, in desperation, the individual
i ' i
reaches beyond all possibility of fulfillment, the term
"normlessness" can be used to describe his condition. Any j
j
society which either innocently or deliberately sets out !
S to produce unlimited aspirations, will also produce |
| anomic suicide. We have ample evidence that development
of "appetites unlimited" is a significant aim of our
| . !
American industrial-technological complex (35, 31, 24). A j
culture which "plans discontent" is opposed to the more
stable society where men are relatively content with their j
lot and accept their lives with calm, active happiness, j
and enjoy the pleasure of existence. The simple man has
the essentials, and in Durkheim1s words, "a few mishaps
cannot disconcert him.” The incomprehensible or seeming
contradictory aspects in certain of Durkheim's descriptions
of the types of social environment which leads to suicide
are studied by Dohrenwend (73) and De Grazia (17).
De Grazia extends Durkheim*s concept of anomie to
!account for nearly all the difficulties of contemporary
jsociety. The disintegrated state of a society possesses
|no body of common values or morals which effectively
;govern conduct. The study of anomie is the study of the
ideological factors which weaken or destroy the bonds of
Iallegience which make the political community. We
| distinguish between acute and simple anomie. The American
j
! quest for international affection, the alienation of the
worker who reacts against impersonally and competition,
and some of the trends we find in contemporary art and
literature are examples of simple anomie; whereas, acute
! anomie manifests itself as suicide, mass movement, or
mental illness (22, 54) .
i
Georg Simmel (1858-1918)
In a prophetic glimpse of the future, Simmel
focuses his energies, in the main, on the problems of
metropolitan living where man is "present but apart,” a
stranger within his own family.
Simmel saw man split into two major directions, one
objective, the other subjective. Personal motivations
70
were corrupted into the objective social, which is
characterized by the feelings of the individual that his
work, his church, his government, are increasingly remote
and unresponsive to his needs. Attendant on this happen
stance is the accompanying subjective social force, which
can be described as withdrawal into privatism, with the
individual encrusted in growing layers of social distance
(51). He deals at length with "intellectual discipline"
which he recognizes as a defense against the crushing
impersonality of city existence and the "privatism"
posture which characterizes the tension-ridden urbanite.
His use of the phrase "blase attitude" to describe the
approach to life of contemporary man may appear naive
i
today, but little else about his work is. His approach
is abstract rather than descriptive, but in certain
passages he becomes personal. Writing of "reserve" as
alienation, he says:
As a result of this reserve, we frequently do not
know by sight those who have been our neighbors for
years. And it is this reserve which, in the eyes of
the small town people, makes us appear to be cold and
heartless. Indeed, if I do not deceive myself, the
inner aspect of this outer reserve is not only !
indifference; more often than we are aware, it is a
slight aversion, a mutual strangeness and repulsion,
which will break into hatred and fight at the moment
of a closer contact, however caused. (61:415) j
In the Philosophy of Money (61) he dwells at length
on the importance of financial activities in the process
71
of socialization and depersonalization of the individual.
Nisbet concludes:
The cultural order, once engaged in, now seems
aloof, devoid of what Burke calls the 'inns and resting
places' of the human spirit. The whole democratic |
industrial order, the advent of which is being, was
being, and would continue to be celebrated by the
apostles of modernism from Bentham to Lenin, from
Manchester to Moscow is seen in this perspective as
one in which political authority, far from expressing
itself as a dreamed of general will, exists in a
spectrum that has plebiscitarianism at the one
extreme and centralizes bureaucracy at the other.
Mass opinion succeeds the discipline of taste and
judgement; the harsh and stunting disciplines of the
factors succeed the rhythms of the countryside;
rationalization of society degenerates into regimen
tation; and the primary values of the European
culture— honor, loyalty, friendship— are seen to
whither away under the dead weight of objectification.
(51:264-265)
| Representative Contemporary Spokesmen
I
j ■ I
I By selecting representative writers on whose seminal;
\ I
| works are reviewed in this section, we can synthesize j
i (
! significant positions in a variety of disciplines. From
i :
I sociology, the writer has chosen Robert Merton; from j
j psychoanalysis, Erich Fromm and Kenneth Keniston; theology,:
j . j
Paul Tillich; philosophy of history Erich Kahler. In view |
| of the attention given to their works, these particular
l I
theorists deserve special considered attention in the area j
i
of study because of their impact on contemporary thinking.
72
Sociology; Robert K. Merton
His major work. Social Theory and Social Structure
(46, 47) is the definitive essay distinguishing between the
estrangement experienced by the individual and the societal
conditions which may lead to such estrangement. Albert K.
1 ' ;
|Cohen says of his work:.
Without any doubt, this body of ideas, which has
become known as 'anomic' theory, has been the most
| influential single formulation in the sociology of
deviance in the last twenty-five years, and Merton's
paper, in its original and revised versions, is
possibly the most frequently quoted single paper in
modern sociology. (11;10)
Merton builds his theory on Durkheim's concept of
I • :
:anomie yet is more universal in orientation and more
jdirected to the concrete realm of pragmatic application
and problem solving. The development of normative
structures in which devian behavior became as psycholog
ically accepted to the individual as conformist behavior
was first presented in 1938, revised and embellished in
i
1948, and again in 1957. j
Merton's definition of non-typical behavior was
vague in his earlier writing, but later he states more
specifically that it: j
. . . refers to conduct that departs significantly
from the norms set for people in their social j
statuses . . . (and) must be related to the norms that
are socially defined as appropriate and morally binding
for people occupying various statuses. (47:723-724)
73
Durkheim's major concern was the act of suicide,
but Merton seeks to account for crime, delinquency, mental
disorder, alcoholism, drug addiction, over-conformity, the
radical and the reactionary, "bureaucratic virtuosos,"
retreatists whose "eyes are fixed in the back of their
;
j heads,” and the apathetic workers in anomic situations
( 11:11).
| Merton ascribes to forces of society the drives
| ]
and ambitions which Durkheim explained as innate desires
I of man. Merton takes issue with the Freudian ideas of
j man-in-contention-with-society and counters that man is
i :
not:
i '
i • j
! . . . in an unceasing war between biological impulse j
and social restraint. The image of man as an untamed :
I bundle of impulses begins to loom more like a j
I caricature than a portrait. (46:131) |
j To aid in analysis, he distinguishes between cultural
| structure and social structure. Cultural structure is j
* concerned with normative values governing behavior j
i ;
j whereas social structure is an:
. . . organized set of social relationships in which !
the members of the society or social groups are
variously implicated. (46:162) |
|
In terms of their possibility for attainment, goals and j
norms may be in conflict. The responses of men to
conflicts between ends and means to their attainment fall
into categories of deviance.
74
His explantation of deviant behavior hinges, then,
on the validity.of the proposition that the strain
toward anomie, i.e., the inability to achieve the
goals of society by available means, will be dif
ferentially distributed through a social system, and
that different modes of deviant adaptation will be ;
concentrated in varying social strata. (11:13) j
I ;
Clinard schematizes Merton1s theory of anomie as
it relates to social structure through Merton's typology
| of deviance. Relevant factors include;
!
1. Exposure to the cultural goal and norms I
j regulating behavior oriented toward the goal.
2. Acceptance of the goal or norm as moral
| mandates and internalized values.
3. Relative accessibility to the goal: life
| i
I chances in the opportunity structure. I
i !
| 4. The degree of discrepancy between the accepted |
goal and its accessibility.
|
5. The decree of anomie caused by discrepancies.
I
!
6. The rate of deviant behavior of the various
i
types set out in the typology of modes of adaptation (11).|
1 Strains in the social system result in five major j
individual adaptations (46:140). Clinard discusses the |
adaptations as follows: (1) Conformity or acceptance
which makes society possible and helps focus on non-
conforming behavior. (2) Ritualism, a compulsive |
enurement of institutional norms— emissitious bureaucracy
— which has little direct relationship to deviation;
75
Mill's "happy robots." (3) Retreatism, e.g., addicts
and winos, individuals who are psychologically missing-
in-action but remain to remind society of its failures,
!
and (4) Rebellion, an all-encompassing effort to supersede j
established structures and replace them with "out-group"
|attitudes. Recent examples of the latter are: The
! Berkeley Free Speech Movement, Sunset Strip protest
|marches, anti-Vietnam war demonstrations, and certain
i :
! spects of the Negro revoltT Xn Merton's view,'revolt
| ensues when rebel groups become large. In addition, (5)
i
Innovation occupies Merton at some length. It assumes
! the form of negatively sanctioned behavior, such as
criminality of the less severely proscribed kind, e.g.,
manipulative, white-collar cheating, which is widely j
practiced, but publicly denounced. Innovation in juvenile
behavior has been explored by Choen (13). j
Merton writes: j
[
In the history of every society, one supposes, j
| some of its culture heroes eventually come to be
regarded as heroic because in part they are held to
have had the courage and the vision to challenge the
beliefs and routines of their society. The rebel, j
revolutionary, non-conformist, heretic or renegade of j
an earlier day is often the culture hero to today. !
Moreover, the accumulation of dysfunctions in a social 1
system is often the prelude to concerted social change I
that may bring the system closer to the values that
enjoy the respect of members of the society. (46:736)
The near monopoly that his scheme enjoyed is a tribute as
well as evidence of the "paucity of original thinking in
this field." (13:464)
76
Merton's work has been extended, elaborated, and
reformulated by Parsons, Dubin, Cloward and Ohlin, and
Albert Cohen (11:23). In developing interaction analysis,
a broader theory, Talcott Parsons identifies a number of
other "strains" in the environment that go beyond Merton's ■
|focus on discrepancies between the institutionalized goals
j
|of society and means to their attainment.
Parsons posits an activity-passivity axis and a set j
| of orientations, the one to alter as a person and the
other to a normative pattern integrating interaction.
Across this four-celled paradigm cuts the alienative
and need-disposition (disavowel of expectations) and
the conformative veed-disposition (compliance with
expectations). Eight type-situations with charac-
| teristic status-roles are hereby described . . . Most
'normal' status roles would fall at an equilibrated
| point with reference to norms, and personalities would
j be active and conforming. Each of the other logical
possibilities has its characteristic empirical types.
The hobo and the Bohemian, exemplify 'retreat' on the
Merton paradism; on the Parsons paradigm they would i
fall at the intersection of passivity, alienation,
with focus on norms rather than objects. In the
'submissive' type would come the 'sick' status-role !
at the intersection of passivity and compulsive
acquiescence. Exotic religious sects such as the j
Jehovah's Witnesses would fall here also, though as
| Parsons notes, 'they also usually involve elements of !
active defiance here and there, but very likely as a
secondary phenomena.' (11:27)
i The deviance which precipitates non-dysfunctional
innovation, is the focus of Robert Dubin's restructuring I
of Merton's theories. He expands the typology from four
to fourteen types using actual behavior as well as of
norms acceptance. Dubin states that innovations may become
either behavioral and value innovation, which subsume
77
institutional, normative and operating invention; or
intellectual and organizational invention, and social
movements. In rebuttal, Merton retorted that Dubin's
i !
j !
j "revision" is ” . . . more a typology of conformity than
| j
! one of deviant behavior."
Richard Cloward has expanded the concept of "means
to societal achievement" by substantive descriptions of
"learning structures" and "opportunity structures" which
! are not necessarily present at all levels of social strate.
i :
He also has added the term "double failure" to socio-
; logical literature to describe, e.g., an alcoholic as an
j individual who is unable to use either legitimate or
i
illegitimate means to attain his ends. Retreatists are j
found more frequently among upper strata individuals who
have thoroughly internalized institutional values, but
'
retreatism also occurs in person within the lower strata,
when the individual's innovative attempts to resolve i
i j
| conflicts fail. I
Cloward and Lloyd Ohlin have developed an inference :
chain to explain delinquent subcultures. They use the
phrase, "differential opportunities," to describe the
differences among the mans to attainment of goals common j
to all levels of society. These discrepancies are the
causes of frustration in delinquent youths, they suggest:
The disparity between what lower-class youth are
led to want and what is actually available to them is
the source of a major problem of adjustment.
78
Adolescents who form delinquent subcultures, we
suggest, have internalized our emphasis upon
conventional goals, and unable to revise their
aspirations downward, they experience intense
frustrations; the exploration of non-conformist
alternatives may be the results. (12:86)
| Merton has dealt with reference group theory, but
|not the complications which it entails for anomie theory,
according to Albert Cohen. Cohen is concerned with roles
which arise at severances of the fabric of society. A
-role adopted may be coveted and chosen for the pleasure
I
j and satisfaction it connotes, regardless of the fact that
i
i
j the behavior initially was evoked by social discrepancy
| (13:13). Many others have elaborated and expanded
aspects of the anomie theory.
Psychiatry: Erich Fromm
Concern for values and the problem of alienation
in Western Civilization undergirds all of Fromm's recent
works. When speaking of the emergent "merchandised" and
"packaged" man, Fromm describes him in terms of the
qualities needed by a strident, mass-consumer culture:
Modern capitalism has succeeded in producing this
kind of man; he is the automation, the alienated man.
he is alienated in the sense that his acts and forces
have become estranged from him; they stand above and
against him, and rule him rather than being ruled by
him. His life forces have flowed into things and
institutions, and these things having become idols,
are not experienced as the result of his own efforts,
but as something apart from him which he worships
and to which he submits. Alienated man bows down
before the work of his own hands. His idols represent
his own life forces in an alienated form. Man does
79
not experience himself as the active bearer of his
own forces and riches, but as an impoverished "thing,"
dependent on other things— things outside himself,
into which he as projected his living substance.
(25:73-74)
In his most recent work. You Shall Be as Gods, he takes up
1 the development of ideology:
i
i If any concept becomes alienated— that is,
| separated from the experience to which it refers— it
! loses its reality and is transformed into an artifact
| in man's mind. The fiction is thereby created that
anyone who uses the concept is referring to the
j substratum or experience underlying it. Once this
happens— and this process of alienation of concepts
is the rule rather than the exception— the idea of
expressing an experience has been transformed into an
ideology that usurps the place of underlying reality
within the living human being. History then becomes
I a history of ideologies rather than the history of
concrete, real men who are the producers of their
ideas. (26:18)
Fromm believes that the very usefulness of symbols
and concepts for communication also renders them cor
ruptible in "alienated" dimensions. Man's drive for
"systematization" and "completeness" also distorts his
reporting of experiences. Thus, Fromm demonstrates the
development of the God-concept as an indicator of sign-
j
post to the "religious attitude" he calls "X," ". . . that
is expressible only in poetic and visual symbols." (26:226)
Few men in Western society are striving for "X."
They are anxious, vacuous, and isolated consumers,
bored with life and compensating for their chronic
depression by compulsive consumption. Even more
attracted to things and gadgets than to life and
growth, they are men whose aim is to have much and to
use much, not to be much. (26:228)
80
He takes up the question. Is God dead?, and divides
it into two aspects: "Is the concept of God dead or is
the experience to which the concept points, and the
supreme value which it expresses, dead?" (26:228)
Declaring with multiple illustrations, that the God- !
i I
! concept has indeed "lost its philosophical and its social
| basis," he ponders whether we mean to ask if the experi-
j j
i ence is dead, and a far better question would be: Is man
| dead?
i :
This seems to be the central problem of man in
| twentieth century industrial society. He is in danger
of becoming a thing, of being more and more alienated, j
| of losing sight of the real problems of human
existence and of no longer being interested in the
answers to these problems. If man continues in this j
direction, he will himself be dead, and the problem of j
God, as a concept or as a poetic symbol of the highest I
value, will not be a problem any more. (25:229) |
Fromm has indeed picked up the cudgel of Tocqueville. j
The central issue in Fromm's works is the resur
rection of man— his rebirth. Calling for a renaissance
of humanism and "fundamental changes in the structure of
industrialized society," he points to events, now occur
ring in the West, which are a reaction to the threat of
nuclear holocaust, and to the "transformation of men into j
j
appendages of machines.” His closing question: "What
could take the place of religion in a world in which the
concept of God may be dead but in which the experiential
reality behind it must live?", if answerable, can point
the way to "the sane society."
81
The major criticism of Fromm's naturalism, as
articulated by Tillich, may be summarized as follows:
. . . If man by becoming 'subject' has become
basically alien to nature, the objective world, then
he cannot be reconciled with it. Only if man in his
self-relatedness is rooted in the self-relatedness of
| being can he be reconciled with objective nature.
I The power of man's being comes from being-itself,
I which is itself self-related, which is itself eternal
! life, combining subjectivity and objectivity. (34:177)
| Fromm explicitly rejects the Freudian view that
| repression has precipitated the activity on which
| civilization is built. "In his discussion of destructive- I
! ness, which he understands as a form of regression ..."
| Fromm suggests that negative or destructive drives emerge j
only if primary drives to creativeness are thwarted.
|
"Man becomes destructive only if he cannot become
i
productive; the two modes of life are mutually exclusive." j
[
I
(34:60) "Destructiveness is only the alternative to
j
creativeness. Creation and destruction, love and hate, |
are not two instincts which exist independently." (25:28) j
This point was also made by Sylvia Ashton-Warner in '
Teacher as she describes the two fonts of possibilities,
j
one alive to creativeness, the other to destructiveness,
l
in young children (60). !
Theology: Paul Tillich (1886-1966) j
Tillich maintains that it is a complex entity,
known as the self, which becomes estranged. The self has
a world which it is in; it is both individual and
82
participant; it is self-related. If proper or essential
separation (solitude) becomes isolation, then proper or
essential participation (communion) becomes submergence
(or domination by the nonsubjective). If the ego-self is
; i
[estranged, the world which it has, and is in, is also
estranged; if consciousness is estranged, the unconscious
1 is also estranged. Estrangement is not the separation of
|subject from object; this separation is rooted in the
i
| self-relatedness of being. The separation, described as
| estrangement, must be a separation of the self-in-its-
! world from its essential nature, rather than a separation
| within the self.
! If the estrangement of the self is total, if the
| existence of the self-in-its-world is estranged, then j
that from which the self is estranged, and with which j
it must be reconciled, must be beyond existence,
j (34:174) |
I i
! ;
j Tillich uses the Christian symbols to express his
| conviction that the "divine" is man's daily life. His j
| j
| method ”... actually consists of a form of 'elevation'
I * I
of existential ideas of estrangement and reconciliation,
achieved by the criterion of self-estrangement." (34:172) j
He sought an ". . . ontological basis for the self and |
its freedom" and became one of Fromm's severest critics
j
as well as his devout admirer. !
Tillich's position in relation to that of Fromm is
somewhat similar to the view adopted by Marx in
relation to Hegel and Feuerbach. For Marx,
alienation occurs in 'real life;' alienation in
83
consciousness is only a reflection of the real-life
situation. It is true that in Marx's view man through
his 'activity' constitutes his world either as an
alienated or reconciled world, but activity for Marx
is more than consciousness. (34:176)
Western technological society has confined man and j
i
his creative drives with less overt brutality, but with
| even more effectiveness, than totalitarian regimes.
i :
! Depersonalization is precipitated by technological group
innundation so that individual creativity becomes
| superfluous (56). The ultimate questions are those of
i value.
The real evils at the bottom of the present
anarchy, outer and inner anarchy, cannot be wiped out
by codified rules or spiritual prescriptions. They
! call for a moral hygiene much more comprehensive and
| at the same time more subtle, corresponding to physical;
! and mental hygiene, indeed suplementing psychic |
| hygiene. . . . Modern psychology and biology have
j arrived at a dynamic ethics combining both moral and
| mental therapy, and treating moral defects like \
psychic and physiological disorders. Good and bad can j
no longer be regarded in a black-and-white fashion as
neat opposites, sins and virtues; scientists as well '
as artists have discovered their complex intertwining
and their social and constitutional conditionality.
Moral hygiene is a matter of balance and integration ;
| in the whole human community. It implies the creation j
! of social circumstances in which a human being can j
lead a meaningful life and may be moved by the general j
! atmosphere to regain his capacity for human response
and responsibility. . . . The only way to safeguard
the individual, even in a somewhat restricted |
position, is the realization of the human community. j
Historiography: Erich Kahler
In his major work. The Tower and The Abyss,
published in 1956, Kahler surveys the "trend toward the
84
disrupption and invalidation of the individual.” (38:225-
226) This trend, manifestly present in the most diverse
currents of modern life— economic, technological, political,
scientific, educational, psychic and artistic— appears so
overwhelming that we are induced to see it as a true
i
mutation, a transformation of human nature. These ideas
are also shared by McLuhan. Humanity seems to be in a
state of transition from the individual form of existence
to some new and larger, supra-individual form of
I
(existence. The acuteness, the imperative, and engulfing
nature of the changes to which man is subject, are care
fully documented from "utopian” possibilities to "the
peril of loss of human control." His discussion of the
existential experience which he likens to a psychic
condition, schizathesia, is based on a summary review of
three major factors: a pervasive cultural malaise,
"psychological introspection, and the subtilization of
artistic techniques.” (38:182) He is careful to make
!
distinctions between forces which act from within and
i
(those which fragment the individual from without. His
i
approach is a cogent dialectic on the structural framework
which will undergird the new man's existence: "... it
should not be a mere collective, but a comprehensive
community, as a human community." (38:185) —
85
Psychiatry; Kenneth Keniston
After a series of related and widely reviewed
articles, Keniston published The Uncommitted; Alienated
Youth in American Society in late 1965 (39). He drew on a
three-year life-style study of twelve Yale undergraduates
for the first half of the manuscript, and focused on
"alienating society" in the latter chapters. He is
.
concerned with alienated postures, not those forced on the
|individual by society, but chosen by him with deliberate
|conscious awareness. His adduction of the sources of
|personality is couched in traditional psychoanalytic
j
theory— father-son conflict; son triumphant over weak
father; accompanying mother-son alliance. Critics have
suggested that one weakness of his approach is failure to
concern himself with the alienated female. Although
focused on delinquent behavior, Gisela Konopka's, The
Adolescent Girl in Conflict (40) is a worthy accompaniment
to Keniston. Jean Butnam and Jane Kamm have also added
considerable depth to the literature in their report. The
Social. Psychological, and Behavioral World of the
Teen-Age Girl (128).
The most provocative aspects of Keniston's writings
are his evaluations of the dehumanizing effects of
technology, from psychological, sociological, historical,
aesthetic, and cultural points of view. The pervasiveness
86
of chronic change violates,
. . . a deep conservatism which dictates that changes
shall be made only when absolutely necessary, and then
after a last-ditch stand by what is being replaced.
(39:214)
! I
|Counter to this natural conservatism, in our society, "the |
j ■
!rate of change should continue to accelerate up to the
i
I ;
as-yet-unreached limit of human and institutional
|adaptability," according to all present indications. A
!second major factor in the force toward alienation is the
i ■ '
:"anti-ideological bias of most Americans,” which virtually
|guarantees “. . . our inability to anticipate the social
future with any certainty." (39:219) He stresses the need j
for "relevance to the young," in the pronouncements of the ;
parental generations. j
! i
Without some such sense of personal relatedness to
the personal past, both individual and social history j
will be experiences as chaotic and disjointed, and not ;
progressive. Paradoxically, revolutionaries often have!
the greates sense of historical relatedness, in that !
they continually refer to the historical order they
have overthrown. (39:224)
Because of the inherent openness and unpredict-
| ability of the future, tomorrow tends to disappear as a j
center for building toward the future (39:226).
The resulting cult of the present takes many
forms— sometimes raw hedonism of the spiritually
demoralized; sometimes the quest for 'kicks,1 speed,
sex, and stimulants of the beats. (39:227)
Or the cult takes the form of what Keniston calls the
aesthetic outlook. The generation gap develops because
87
it is impossible to emulate one's parental models.
To choose to be exactly like one's father or mother
is to choose obsolescence . . .if only because a
pattern of life considered normal forty years ago
would evoke such a different (an incredulous) response
from one's contemporaries today. (39s232)
A new type of personality is required to meet the major
| cultural changes with which civilization is faced.
I ;
| To choose to stay abreast with the transformations
of our society requires a special kind of personality, j
special ways of dealing with the world— heightened
responsiveness to events and trends, greater
flexibility, increased ability to shift course in
midstream— which makes new demands on individuals.
Not only is there a problem in learning what one is |
and deciding what to become— a universal problem
| exacerbated by rapid social change— but the chronic
transformation of our society gives all present j
commitments a tentative quality, and fosters types of
| personality that have built-in insurance against j
premature obsolescence. (39:234) j
Alienation from historical relatedness and a future which j
j
cannot be anticipated result in a break in generational j
continuity, and a reluctance to accept adulthood.
A fragmentation of vocational tasks leads to the
i
development of Marx's alienated worker. We are also faced!
with the shattering of communities which makes "... the j
j chief problem of our technological society . . . the
| j
achievement of individual identity." (39:251) |
j
Technological values force Americans to give "priority !
to cognition" and "subordinate feeling." (39:254) The
result is that a how-do-you-do-it society, our society is
concerned with means rather than "final questions" of
88
why-to-do-it, or what-to-do (39:255). Emphasis on
empirical solutions to technological problems has had
this result: it
. . . relegates the invisible world of poetry, art,
| feeling, and religion to a limbo of lesser reality,
I sometimes termed 1 fantasy gratifications' to permit
men to repair, the wounds incurred by their daily
j struggle in the 'real world.' (39:257)
Living in these emotional fractions leaves men with
I the problem of integrating themselves into a state of
| wholeness . . . an extremely difficult task. Among the
responses possible to modern man are:
i _
j To experience choice as a burden and to seek an escape
from freedom, to expect and therefore find no
fulfillment and satisfaction in work, to feel
psychologically divided and socially divided . . .
| these are potentially alienating forces. (39:271)
i i
Through the pursuit of privacy and the dimunition of
traditional familial and community extensions, the family j
has become an island. Intense dependence on his mother
I results from grating greater freedom to the small child—
confounding indeed. (39:285)
j |
The central paradox in the upbringing of American
children is the inconsistency between our systematic
! cultivation, intensification, and exploitation of the
| dependency during childhood and the adult demand for
j a high degree of self-sufficiency, especially among
j men. (39:302)
The mother-child bond encouraged in middle-class
households is so intense that few children can avoid
carrying a residue of regret at its disappearance;
and the problem of 'unfulfilled dependency needs' is
among the central problems of adult Americans. (39:
302)
89
Adolescent hostility becomes more understandable . . . if
it is interpreted as an effort by the adolescent to
destroy his own internal ties of dependency on his j
parents. !
The problem of male sexual identification is
i
complicated by the "matriarchal" influences on boys,
brought about by the decreasing amount of adult male time.
I - :
Two of the major themes in the lives of alienated
! students— their longing for fusion and their discom
fort with masculine secuality— are extreme forms of
| collective estrangements fostered by the discon
tinuities in middle-class development. (39:309)
r
I Defining the forces which might act to inhibit the
j alienating effects of the schisms previously discussed,
Keniston begins with cultural myths and heroes.
The absence of any shared conscious myth, vision, or
conception of the good life that would make the
demands of our society worth accepting. (39:313)
I
Even in our own era, which is dominated by the deprecation !
of myth, "... men cannot totally repudiate these
resideues of history and remain men." (39:317) Through
the decline of utopian dreams, the alienation of most men
| in our society has come to be an enhancement or a function ;
of the intellectual capacity for "demolishing any |
tentative idealism in themselves and others." (39:353)
i
The alienated refuse to ”. . . will and choose in
j
the face of uncertainty and complex alternatives." Their
persistent longing for fusion suggests an unwillingness
90
to renounce the past.
The search . . . for personal wholeness, artistic
expressiveness, immediacy of experience, and
spontaniety of feeling, their preference for passion
over reason and imagination over 'realism1— . . .
atest to a refusal of the ego virtues that define
technological man. (39:381)
What our society lacks, then, is a vision of
itself and of man that transcends technology. It
exacts a heavy human toll not because technology
exists, but because we allow technology to reign.
(39:423)
Keniston graphically compares the alienated and
i
! traditional beliefs in American society (see page 91).
■ His portrait of "aesthetic quefeting" meshes with hippy
i
i descriptions of their personal desires and goals. It also
is highly relevant to certain attributes of "creative”
adults as they are described on the basis of research
studies by a number of empiricists, but by no means all.
| Keniston would counteract alienation by the
| "reconstruction of commitment." Know-how, conviction,
i
values that might transform society are all present in
quantity, but "we lack the conviction that these values
might be implemented by ordinary men and women acting in
concert for their common good.” (39:444) Keniston argues
!
for the replacement of methodologies of reduction with
more relevant intellectual styles, and secondly, for the
current concepts of the nature of man to be closely
examined. He states that ”a radical re-analysis of the
human and social present . . . which can gradually develop
Alienated Outlook
Opposite
"American Culture"
91
Distrust of Commitment:
Low view of human nature
Repudiation of intimacy
Rejection of group
activities
Futility of civic and
j political activities
Rejection of American
culture
Vacillation, hesitation
to act
Pessimistic Existentialism:
Pessimism about future
Anxiety about world
Universe chaotic,
instructured, meaningless
Truth subjective and
arbitrary
Meaning "created" by
individual
Impossibility of "true"
communication
Appearances usually
misleading
Short-range personally
centered goals
Anger, Scorn and Contempt;
Justification and
admission of resentment;
rejection
Intolerance, scorn
Self-contempt
Egocentricity in egocentric
world
Commitment:
Human nature basically good
Closeness, togetherness
Team work, social-mindedness
Usefulness, need for civic
and political activities
Praise of democratic culture
Resoluteness, decisiveness
Optimistic "Idealism11;
Optimism about future
Confidence about world
Universe orderly, structured,
purposive
Truth objective and necessary
Meaning found in universe
Possibility of mutual under- !
standing
Appearances trustworthy,
taking at "face value" j
Long range universally
grounded values
Friendliness, Respect, and
Admiration;
Disapproval and denial of
resentment; acceptance
Tolerance, respect
Self-confidence
Sociocentricity in friendly
world
92
Aesthetic Quest:
Awareness, experience,
sentience, "being"
Living for today
Self-expression and
creativity
Passion, emotion,
feeling
Isolated individualism
Social outsider
Rejection of "success"
Achievement Goalss
Activity, manipulation,
"doing"
Saving for tomorrow
Instrumental work
Reason, self-control, self-
discipline
Socialized individualism
Social participant
Drive to succeed
(39:80-81)
concepts and theories that can more completely comprehend
today's world." (39:446) Commitment, going beyond
technology to tap latent idealism, which might be
". . . redirected to the creation of better lives in a
better society," will be the source of the new society,
he suggests.
Empirical Approaches1
Since the time of the Greek philosophers, men have
been concerned with the nature of society. Plato
1-Also deserving of mention are the following
studies which represent attempts to measure alienation:
Frank Besag (127), whose major contribution is translation
of theory into hypothesis; Gwynn Nettler (98) has devised
a measurement instrument which has served as a model for
many studies; Dwight Dean (130) also has developed an
alienation scale; Thomas Elmore (131) has produced a
seventy-two item Social Feeling Index; J. L. Simmons (110,
111) has devised three original scales and has used others
for this doctoral research; David Epperson (77) Student-
Faculty Relations Index is being used by the University
of Illinois in a series entitled Studies in Higher
Education; John Pock (138) has studied anomie in high
school students,
93
classified the behavior of men according to the type of
political order under which they functioned. The coercive
nature of the society which resulted in the social contract
that set men against one another was outlined by Hobbs, and
i
Rousseau railed against what he saw in France where "man j
is born free yet everywhere he is in chains." August
Comte in the early 19th century, concerned himself with
i
the collective nature of man, and approached all social
phenomena with the general concepts of "society." Other
jsociologists, Gomplowitz, Ward, Giddings, Small, Ross, and
| !
|Cooley (51), emphasized the role of the social institutions
land the larger social order in determining man's behavior.
The relationship between anomie and other sociological j
(
concepts, such as: "consciousness of kind," "cultural j
lag," "primary and secondary group," "social disorganiza- j
tion," and "differential association” have all been j
studied. Durkheim was specifically concerned with j
I
j
suicide, but his concepts as they relate to drug addic-
|
tion, alcoholism, mental disorders, delinquency, and crime j
have been widely applied. Other sociologists have explored]
i
the relationship between anomie and political participa- j
|
tion (92); racial and religious prejudice (91)? j
illegitimacy (82); religious orthodoxy (86); and between
occupational irresponsibility achievement motivation (87) ;
the formation of sect attitudes (101); and the deviant
behavior of scientists (94); to sample only a few. Major
research has been done by Leo Srole (112), Melvin Seeman
(107, 108, 109), and Julian Rotter (102).
Sociology; Leo Srole
In Anomie and Deviant Behavior, Stephen Cole and
l
Harriet Zimmerman provide, in graphic form, a survey
inventory of 187 empirical and theoretical studies of
anomie (11:243-283). The tables which the authors have
prepared present, in chronological order, a brief
statement of the problem, the principal methods of
assessment, the site of the research, the research data
(e.g., social composition in the population or sample),
the independent variables, the measures of independent j
variables, dependent variables, the measures that were j
I
used, interpretive variables, and the measures used in j
their assessment, and specimen findings. Suffice it to
i
say that any student of measurement in the area of
alienation and deviant behavior would find a wealth of
information here. There is little point in repeating the j
data, even in summary, as it is presented in its most i
|
succinct form in the inventory. By and large, the most j
popular tool for the assessment of alienation since 1956,
used in thirty-eight of the studies reported, has been j
3
the Srole Index of Anomie (112), in which Leo Srole
explores the relation of anomia, authoritarianism, and
95
prejudice using an interview survey technique in
Springfield, Massachusetts, with a sample population
comprised of 401 white, native-born Christians. His
independent variables are anomia and authoritarianism. !
Dependent variables include prejudice, which he attempts !
to assess by the Bogardus Social Distance Scale, and
'spontaneously expresses anti-minority group attitudes;
j ' ' . ;
|and a measure of social stratification based on occupation j
land income information. He finds anomia to be positively
i
j ;
I correlated with prejudice. Latent structure analysis of
anomia and the authoritarianism scale indicate two
discrete latent continua.
Items which comprise the scale with which res- ■ j
i !
pondents indicated agreement or disaffection:
i
1. In spite of what some people say, the lot of the
average man is getting worse.
i ;
J i
2. It is hardly fair to bring children into the world j
the way things look for the future.
I
i
3. These days a person doesn't really know what he I
can count on.
4. Nowadays a person has to live pretty much for
today and let tomorrow take care of itself.
5. There is little use in writing to public
officials because they are not really interested |
in the problems of the average man. I
|
In identifying the anomic person, Srole is asking: j
Does he feel that (1) community leaders are j
indifferent to his needs, (2) little can be accom
plished in a society whose social order is completely
96
inpredictable, (3) life goals are receding from him
rather than being reached, (4) no one can be.counted
on for support, (5) life is meaningless and futile.
Wendell Bell (65) found anomie as measured by Srole's
i
Index was inversely related to economic factors as
[
measured by individual or neighborhood criteria,
j In a later study, Meier and Bell move in the
l ;
direction of multidimensional.ity in declaring that :
Srole’s scale measures despair, hopelessness, and
i
i :
i discouragement (94:189-208). Srole's most recent efforts
| have been in the development of a Teen-Age Index of
j Anomie, which is a part of the test battery of the
present study (see Appendix B) .
• ! ■ •
Sociology: Melvin Seeman
In a widely quoted paper on the meaning of
alienation from the American Sociological Review (109)
| ;
Melvin Seeman outlined the five concomitants, of his
i
definitions of the term, the first of which is power-
i
lessness. This variant of alienation is "the expectancy
or probability held by the individual that his. own
i I
| behavior can not determine the occurance of the outcomes, j
I
or reinforcements, he seeks.” This is a distinctly j
I
[
socio-psychological view which does not treat powerless- j
ness from the standpoint of the situation within society.
Not that one ignores the societal conditions, they are
certainly relevant to determining the amount of reality
97
that is involved in the individual's assessment of his
situation in life, but this construct of powerlessness
departs from the Marxian tradition by removing the
critical polemic element in the idea of alienation. Also, !
i
this version of powerlessness does not take into account,
I as a definitional matter, the frustration of the
j individual and his ability to tolerate "the slings and
arrows of outrageous fortune." The individual feels the
| consequence of the discrepancy between the control he may
| expect, and the degree of control he desires; the value
| of control to the individual is not part of the definition.
In this version of alienation, then, the indi-
| vidual's expectancy for control of events is clearly
distinguished from: a. the objective situation of
powerlessness as some observer sees it, b. the
observer 1s judgment of that situation against some '
ethical standard, and c. the individual's sense of I
a discrepancy between his expectations for control and
his desire for control. (108:784)
j
I
Seeman's notion of expectancy is very close to that
developed by Rotter in his discussion of 'internal versus j
j external control of enforcements' (102). |
i Seeman's second dimension is meaninglessness. which
he defines as a condition which prevails when the |
individual is ". . . unclear as to what he ought to
believe— when the individual's minimum standards for
clarity and decision making are not met." (102:786)
Beliefs, whether they are normative for behavior or
descriptive, that is, interpretation, are of no consequent.
98
This aspect of alienation can be studied by focusing upon
the fact "... that it is characterized by a low
expectancy that satisfactory predictions about future
outcomes of behavior can be made." (102) Put more simply, |
where the first meaning of alienation refers to the
i |
| sensed ability to control outcomes, the second meaning
refers essentially to the sensed ability to predict
behavioral outcomes. These two forms are separate and
j :
i distinct from one another.
! ' ' :
The third dimension is extrapolated from Durkheim's ;
i ' I
! description of anomie and refers to a state of normless-
! ■ i
i ness, which has been expanded by Robert Merton. Seeman |
defines normlessness as a situation, ". . .in which there j
is high expectancy that socially unapproved behaviors are
required to achieve given goals." (106:788) This is the
]
notion that it is all right to circumvent rules and j
regulations as long as one never violates them. j
Number four in Seeman*s exposition is an identifi
cation of that style of individual who in thought and
behavior, in Gwynn Nettler*s language, is one who has !
become estranged from his society and the culture it
carries (98) "... those who, like the intellectual,
assign low reward value to goals or beliefs that are
typically highly valued in a given society." (98:789) At
this point Seeman takes issue with a definition of this
version of alienation that was developed by Dwight Dean
99
in a Ph.D. thesis, "Alienation and Political Apathy." (130)
Dean's alienation scale includes items that attempted to
measure the relationship between the individual and
popular culture, that is, the extent to which the indi-^ !
vidual is committed to the symbols of popular culture.
[Apartness or separateness from society is decidedly
I . r
idifferent from holding in low esteem the goals or values
i
1 :
(which one's peers respect.
Discussion of the final concept, based largely on
!the works of Erich Fromm, is self-estrangement. To quote
from Fromm:
In the following analysis I have chosen the concept r
of alienation as the central point from which I am
going to develop the analysis of the contemporary so
cial character. . . . By alienation is meant a mode
of experience in which the person experiences himself
as an alien. He has become, one might say, estranged j
from himself. (25:110) I
Here it is difficult to identify that from which the
individual is alienated. Fromm postulates that there is
(
some ideal human condition from which the individual has
i fallen away or has become, in Seeman's terms, "estranged"
from. Man is estrangement is Riesman's "other-directed
individual.” (53:49) Seeman notes that Riesman's
i
dehumanized individual was only considered valuable in
terms of his effect on others. C. Wright Mills in White
*
Collar (49:xvii) discussed the many strata of white
collar employment in which such traits as helpfulness.
courtesy, consideration, kindness, that were once an
intimate part of the individual's character or make-up
have now become part of his means of livelihood, and this
| type of alienation is accomplished when the individual in
I _ I
| securing his job, not only sells his energies, and the
| time he puts in on the job; but his personality and his
I social skills as well. Marx and others have held this
j alienation from work to be the "essential feature of
| modern alienation." Seeman suggests that "... such a
; meaning is to see alienation as the degree of dependence
of the given behavior upon anticipated future rewards,
I that is, upon rewards that lie outside the activity
I
j itself.” (108:790) This implies that the individual
I ;
performs his work only in terms of what he will receive
rather than for the beneficial effect that the work might |
have on his own morale or his own self concept. Seeman's |
i
definitions are built on three major concepts, "reward-
I
j . I
value, behavior, and expectancy," which— "are key elements j
in the theory that underlies the present characterization
| of alienation." (108:791)
i
Seeman's 1963 study of the effect of alienation on
social learning at the Chilleothe Illinois reformatory
j
employed forty forced-choice items which were adpated
from an earlier study by Liverant and Scodel (89) and
concluded that low alienation was associated with
101
retention of information about parole. Results were not
attributable to difference in intelligence or criminal
history. The retention of knowledge of the official prison
norms was associated with achievement oriented behavior.
Seeman also employed measures of IQ scores, additional !
data gleaned from the case records, and the Marlowe-Crown
Social Desirability Scale.
Two other studies completed by Seeman include
| :
|"Alienation and Learning in a Hospital Setting," which
I he co-authored with John W. Evans (107); and a second
|entitled; "On the Personal Consequences of Alienation and
I Work." (141)
"Alienation and Learning in a Hospital Setting" j
[
concerns itself with testing a common assertion regarding j
alienation in modern society. In his abstract Seeman says,!
The hypothesis is tested that differences in j
alienation (i.e., in powerlessness) are associated
with differential learning of behavior-relevant
| information. Comparing patients who differ in their
| degree of alienation, but who are matched for socio- j
I economic backgrounds and for health and hospital J
! history, the writer shows that the more alienated
| patients score lower on a projected test of
! knowledge about tuberculosis. Furthermore, these j
! differences in objective knowledge are reflected in !
both the staff's description of the patient and the i
patient's attitudes about, the information process.
To understand the attitude data, one must take into j
account the social structure of the ward, as well as
the individual alienation. The relevance of these
findings for contemporary viewpoints concerning the
significance of alienation is noted. (106:772)
102
In the second study examined, "engagement in work
which is not intrinsically rewarding,” Seeman's subjects I
I
were a random sample of the male work force in a Swedish !
i
community.
I |
| The consequences are those commonly attributed to
work alienation by critics of modern industrial
I society; inter-group hostility, anomia, political
j withdrawal, status seeking, and extensive powerless-
S ness. (107:772)
j ;
i |
I The notion that alienated labor eventuates in such outcomes:
receives little support here, and the evidence suggests
|
; that this failure to confirm the generalization hypothesis
| is not attributable to methodological difficulties. The
I
j influence of social factors crucial to mass society theory
i :
(e.g., membership in an occupational community or in a
work organization) is examined and found to be minimal,
i |
Finally, an alienated (extrinsic) orientation toward work
j
is also unrelated to such variables as ethnic hostility,
political engagement and powerlessness. The significance
of these negative findings on images of work in contempor- j
j ary society is discussed.
Psychology; Julian Rotter
I
Rotter has operationalized alienation in terms of |
I :
1 ■ '
| internal versus external control of reinforcement learning j
| !
situations:
When a reinforcement is perceived by the subject as
following some course of action of his own but not
being entirely contingent upon his action, then in our
103
culture, it is typically perceived as the result of
luck, chance, fate, as under the control of powerful
others, or as unpredictable because of the great
complexity of the forces surrounding him. (102:1)
This interpretation of life experience he calls external
control attribution. Independence of judgment, contingent i
i j
| on self direction is identified as belief in internal
| control.
j Rotter ' s earlier research dealt largely with social '
; learning theory (103, 104). For a good review of
I literature on learning theory as related to alienation,
i see his 1966 monograph, which takes up personality theory
I as well as sociologically related studies. Rotter
i struggled with the design of a "theoretically based,
systematic study of chance and skill differences in
I
acquisition and performance," pioneering work. The j
j
implications of a number of research projects he sum- j
marized as follows:
Subjects are more likely to see a sequence of !
reinforcement as not being chance controlled when
I the percentage of reinforcement significantly
deviates from a 50—50 percentage in a right-wrong :
situation, when the sequence of reinforcements appears
to have a pattern, when unusually long sequences of
one or two alternative events occur, and when
variability of performance is minimal in a task
allowing for scoring along a continuum. (102:8)
. . . Subjects who feel they have control of the
situation are likely to exhibit perceptual behavior
that will enable them to cope with potentially i
threatening situations than subjects who feel chance
or other non-controllable forces determine whether or
not their behavior will be successful. (102:8)
104
One of the first attempts to measure inner versus other
directedness was begun by Phares in 1957. He developed a
Likert-type scale with thirteen items each in internal
j |
I and external control categories, on a priori grounds.
1 - j
I James has revised Phares* test, developing twenty-six
| items plus fillers, and finding low but significant
■ correlations between his test and the performance tasks
| his subjects were undertaking. The James-Phares test was , j
i • '
j used in some research, but Shephard Liverant in associa-
i
I tion with J. B. Rotter and Melvin Seeman expanded the
| test, subjected it to rigorous factor analysis and edited
i out all items which were significant in the sub-scale
j . :
| dimensions but did not contribute to the total. The sub
scales attempted are in the areas of achievement,
affection, and general social and political attitudes and j
I
social desirability. They have all been abandoned for a
| unidimensional score which indicates general expectancy, I
j |
| or beliefs of the subjects ”. . . but none of the items
is addressed directly to the preference for internal or
external control.”
The Rotter I-E Scale was used as the validating
criterion in the pilot study of the present research on
i
recommendation of Melvin Seeman. I
105
On the Multidimensionality
of Alienation
Neal and Rettig (97) examine alienation data using
a factor analytic approach establishing a general concept
which unites several subconstructs. Differences in levels j
of abstraction in research attempts which culminate in
i ;
|either uni- or multi-faceted findings can be resolved, and
are actually complementary:
I They illustrate that different operational
measures do, in some degree, relate to the general
theme of alienation, while contributing different
portions of its variance . . . doing research on
alienation consists of the common scientific dilemma
! of choosing between parsimony and more precise
| description. (97:60)
I They suggest, as guidelines for research, experiment
proposals be based on single, identifiable referents for
! |
constructs; the operationalization of concepts; assumption I
of congruence to empirical referents, and their generative
social conditions, or their social consequences.
Careful empirical studies of alienation should
eventually provide a basis for synthesizing numerous
| sociological and psychological concerns with man and
| society, as well as permitting a fuller integration
of some of the more historically-oriented concerns
of sociology with the greater methodological emphasis
of the contemporary period. (97:64)
This despite the critics, like Feuer, who insists,
i
"Alienation has a way of eluding a fixed set of dimensions
because it is as multipotential as the varieties of human
experience." (80:140)
Summary of the Chapter
Representative sociologists, psychologists,
historians, and philosophers who have grappled with the
i
problem of man, his nature, and his various relationships
have been discussed. The major interests of the research
have been ilucidated; specifically, the study explores
j postulated connections between alienation and creativity
i in the adolescent. The paradoxical alienation of
! frustrated creative youth has precipitated a crisis in
! education today. The crisis has been described in terms
of the revolt of youth as manifested in the formation of
a new identifiable subculture; the so-called "hippy"
movement.
Questions specifically relating to these cultural-
I
educational considerations have been posed as follows;
What are the bases upon which research can be constructed
and implemented? What appropriate or possible measure-
I
!
j ments can be devised? Major conflicts in theory have been
1
I summarized; the research hypotheses have been outlined;
I
1
and a documental description of both the alienating
society and the range of possible individual responses has
been presented.
CHAPTER III
THE RESEARCH PROJECT
Procedures used in the conduct of the research are !
described in this chapter. Sub-sections are concerned
with the pilot study, the process of designing the major
study, a description of the research location, and
techniques of data analysis.
I ;
I The first section enumerates the steps involved in
the pilot study: (1) developing an experimental instru
ment for the measurement of alienation; and (2) field
i
testing.
i
The subsequent section, concerned with the major j
study, is divided into parts detailing the design of the ;
j
research project, included location of project, collection;
of demographic data, the list of variables, and criterion
i
groups.
The Pilot Study
The pilot study consisted of preparing and trying j
out a preliminary version of an experimental scale for j
j
determining the existence and extent of alienation as
manifested in in-school adolescents. Hereafter, the
abbreviation HS^ will be used to refer to this instrument.
107
108
Phase One: Writing the
Preliminary Draft of HS
The first step was to examine existing alienation
scales and other instruments used in prior research, e.g.
the widely used Srole Index of Anomie, the Omnibus
Personality Inventory, the Elmore, Nettler, and Besag :
original scales used for doctoral research, and Epperson's |
I Faculty-Student Relations Index. Upon the recommendation
j I
j of Melvin Seeman, Professor of Sociology, University of
j '
I California at Los Angeles, the Rotter I-E Scale was also
i considered. Because it had been validated almost entirely ;
! with adults, and inasmuch as the test language is somewhat j
staid and formal for younger adolescents, this instrument
was not used in the major study. Instead of being
!
administered to high school students directly, it was j
utilized to supply criteria for assessing the validity and I
i
reliability of a new experimental instrument. Leo Srole
also generously forwarded his recently developed Teen-Age
I Index of Anomie, but in the study it figured only as
j ‘
| supplemental measure for correlation purposes.
I The second step consisted of writing forced-choice
items based largely on Seeman*s five dimensions of
alienation: normlessness, meaninglessness, powerlessness, j
self-estrangement, and social isolation. Seeman*s formu
lation was selected for its authoritativeness, aptness,
and currency. Seeman's concepts were central to the
109
development of the early test items which were written
with the aim of translating these dimensions into
operational terms that would be comprehensible to
i I
| adolescents and, at the same time, would be grounded in
prior research in the field. For example:
Normlessness:
!
I don't pay much attention to school rules.
I try to follow school rules.
| Meaninglessness:
I have a clear idea of why I am in school.
I have never been sure what we students are really
in school for.
'I Powerlessness:
It doesn't do any good to vote in school elections,
since the student government has no real voice in
running the school.
It is important to vote in school elections because'
student government has a voice in running this
school.
Self-Estrangement:
I spend a lot of my free time moving around,
looking for something to do. |
| I usually know what I want to do in my spare time. !
i
| Social Isolation:
I I don't like most people.
j I can usually find some good in everyone.
It should be noted that separate sub-scores for each of
the five dimensions might have been extracted, but were
not because of the danger of extending the data beyond I
-reasonable parameters (97).
110
Phase Two : Field Tes ting
Preliminary trials of the first version of the
scale were completed by seventy-five lower-division
students at California State College at Los Angeles. They
| also took the Rotter I-E Scale. It appeared to the
writer that there was no real inconsistency in field
testing with a college group, even though the scale was
j destined for use with a high school population. First,
j the college students were in the same age category as the
I ' '
! high school seniors and juniors who were expected to
comprise the bulk of the larger research population; then,
| too, the Rotter I-E Scale, which was used as a check of
| |
validity, is, as has been previously pointed out, somewhat j
less appropriate for use by adolescents in the lower age
brackets.
i
!
After the tests were administered, fifteen pairs ;
of tests had to be discarded because of incompleteness or j
1 other flaws, a total of sixty sets remaining. When
j ‘ ;
subsequent analysis of the data indicated that there were
weak or ineffectual items in the test, necessary revisions |
were made. !
After the editing process, forty-one of the original!
forty-seven items of the experimental scale were retained.
Application of the Kuder-Richardson Formula 20 yielded a
reliability coefficient of .78. Correlation between the
total score and the scores on the Rotter I-E Scale was
Ill
+ .61. These results seemed to indicate that the research
instrument had sufficient reliability and validity for use
in the major study.
The Major Study j
i
Designing the Research
Project
The study was conceived of as a preliminary attempt |
to explore and measure possible relationships between |
| creativity and alienation in adolescents. It was
i i
i conducted in the spring semester of 1967 over a period of
i
| six weeks in a suburban, four-year Los Angeles County High j
j School with a total enrollment of 1,789 pupils. The
I i
school was chosen because its population includes about j
| j
40 per cent "Caucasians with Spanish surnames"— Mexican— j
Americans— and the writer was curious about the number who j
would turn up in the sample. Analysis of census tract
data reveals that in terms of educational attainment, the
s ;
I community is made up of largely "lower class" families,
i - ’ ;
and the balance is "middle class."
Volunteerism, influenced by conflicting bus
j
schedules, extra-curricular activities, and sports events, j
exerted a confounding effect on all the data collected. j
I
The first step was, then, to identify the creative young
person in the school setting.
At a general faculty meeting, the principal asked
that the faculty give their support to the study. At this
112
meeting the writer outlined the problems and presented a
list of the criteria of creativity to all teachers,
counselors, and administrators. With reference to
I MacKinnon's criteria for prediction, i.e., that the best
| predictor of future creativity is current production
i . :
j (136:3), teachers were asked: (1) to examine the behavior i
of students who were either formerly or currently under
j
instruction; (2) to nominate individuals for the study. i
| I
I After the presentation, questions were raised which j
l helped to clarify the criteria and translate them into
j
| behavioral terms according to which teachers agreed they
would be able to recognize and nominate students as
"creatives." There appeared, at that time, to be a i
consensus about the behaviors which would qualify students j
for inclusion in the list of nominees. Of the total j
faculty of ninety persons, twenty-eight volunteered to j
i
participate.
i
Teachers and later peers nominated high school
| students as "creatives" on the basis of a behavioral
description which follows:
Fluency: Ability to produce many ideas.
Flexibility: Ability to make unusual or tangential
relationships in many directions from a
given point.
Originality: Ability to produce work; organize fellow
students; and/or design products, either
by themselves or with others involved.
These activities were to be unique in
some way. (83:6)
112
Both teachers and peers used the same list of
criteria which were carefully discussed in behavioral
terms. A third unselected control group was established.
Teachers submitted ninety-eight student names of
which twelve were found to have been suggested by more
i
than one teacher. Eighty-six students received invita-
i i
| tions to participate; fifty actually appeared for testing.
I i
This group of nominees functioned in two ways. As
Criterion Group I, they took part in the testing program.
i i
They also nominated from their peers the "creative"
students who comprised Criterion Group II. The student
nominations of "creatives" were based on the same criteria!
as those delineated for the faculty. With the students
in Group I, great care was taken to clarify the behavioral
j
outcomes that they would be expected to recognize in order|
i
to identify creative individuals of their own age.
3 I
| Questions were answered, and there was a general discus
sion. It appeared that the participants had a clear
understanding of the criteria and their applicability.
I
Criterion Group II was established as a way of comparing
the effectiveness of nominations of adults and adolescents!
i
when both use the same criteria. The youngsters who
selected others among their peers, having already been
identified as "creatives" by their teachers, might be
predicted to be successful in recognizing behavior similar
114
to their own, if indeed, they did prove to fit the
criteria for nomination.
A curious fact emerges when the list of teacher
nominees is compared with that of the peer nominees.
There is almost no overlapping of nominations . . . to be
exact, only four. This can probably be accounted for, in
part, by the fact that peer nominations were made during
a testing session in which they had the opportunity to
see some of the others who had been nominated. They may
have assumed that once a person was identified, there was
no need to list him again. They received no instructions
which would have reinforced this supposition. None of the
four participated in the testing.
Testing
The second step was to administer paper-and-pencil
measures of creativity to the two groups of nominees and
the control group to determine whether or not a correla
tion existed between the test results and the teacher-
peer selections. J. P. Guilford (personal communications)
advised using the following five measures for this
particular study:
Test Variable Component
Word Fluency 12 Fluency of Thinking
Alternate Uses 13 Flexibility of Thinking
Match Problems 14 Redefinition
115
Possible Jobs 15 Originality
Decorations 16 Propensity for Elaboration
The other tests used were: the HS, the Srole
Teen-Age Index, and an eleven-item questionnaire concerned j
! with demographic data. The creativity tests were timed;
! I
I the others were not. Testing time averaged ninety minutes |
| and took place after the close of the regular school day.
I The library was used because it could accommodate a larger |
j ‘ ]
| number of students more comfortably than a regular class-
j i
; room. Scoring was done by the writer.
i Demographic Data
Standard items of information— age, sex, students'
own estimates of their Grade Point Average (GPA)— plus
father's educational attainment and job description were
! requested. The marital status of the subject's parents,
assessment of parental approval of friends, transiency
and length of occupancy or residence at present address,
number of hours worked outside of school, and a question
| of social distance from peers also appeared on the
questionnaire. These data were hypothesized as having
relevance to alienation in prior research (127, 131).
All students participating in the study were
guaranteed anonymity; thus checking cumulative records for
verification of demographic data was not possible. The
information about father's occupation was translated into
116
a six-point index of socio-economic status in accordance
with Alba M. Edwards' Socio-Economic Grouping of
.Occupations (48:98).
i
I Scoring j
! |
| In scoring the demographic variables, high values
i
| were assigned to item (5) in each variable that was
hypothesized to have relevance to an assessment of j
j j
! alienation. Conversely, low values were assigned to
; i
j t
! items in variables related to stability or absence of
1
alienation.
1 ;
j i
! Group I
| I
| Criterion Group I consisted of fifty responding
students nominated by teachers. Although all eighty-six
were invited, thirty-six did not choose to attend the ]
I |
test sessions. This group took the test battery consist
ing of five measures of creativity, two measures of
i ' *
I • j
alienation, and a demographic information questionnaire.
j They also nominated peers for further study.
| <
i
Group II
Criterion Group II consisted of students nominated j
by their peers. Forty-five responded and were tested |
from a total group of one hundred and one nominees.
Group II took the same battery of tests as Group I.
117
Group III
Group III was a control group. Ninety students
were chosen at random from the total school population of
1,789 enrolled in the high school at the inception of the
study. Thirty-nine of those invited appeared at the
testing session. Group III took the same battery of
tests as Groups I and II.
Final Tally
Group I (Teacher Nominations) 50
Group II (Peer Nominations) 45
Group III (Random Sample) 39
N = 134
Analyses of the Data
A step-wise multiple discriminate analysis was
used to test the major hypothesis and to compare the
characteristics of the three groups. Program BMD 07M,
version of September 1, 1965, was used to assess the
relative importance of each of the eighteen variables as
it described the test population (18:587). Variables are
entered one at a time into the total set after selection
by the following criteria:
(1) The variable with the largest F value.
(2) The variable which, when partialed on the
previously entered variables, has the highest
multiple correlation with the groups.
TABLE 1
LIST OF VARIABLES
Coding
1. Sex 1=M, 2=F
2. Age l=younger than 12
2=12-13
3=14-15
4=16-17
5=18-19
6=older than 19
3. Hours worked per week outside
of school
l=none
2=less than 5
3=5-10
4=11-14
5=more than 15
4. Grade point average (self-reported) Above A- = 1
B to A- = 2
C+ to B = 3
C- to C+ = 4
Below C- = 5
5. Level of Educational Attainment of
father
a=5
b=4
c=3 e=l
d=2
6. Number of years at present address i=4
b=3
c=2
d=l
7. Number of times moved in past
five years
a=0
b=l-2
c=3-4
d=5 or more
M
H
GO
TABLE 1— Continued
Coding
8. ParentalJapproval of friends yes=l generally no=3
generally yes=2 no=4
not sure=5
9. Peer Relationships 1 or 4 - 2,
other = 1
a or d=2
b or c=l
10. Marital Status of Parents
1=1, other = 2
a=l
b, c, d, or e = 2
11.
12.
Occupation of father 7-
Creatividv: Word Fluency Test
Score reversed high occ = 1
low = 6
13.
i
Creativity: Alternate Uses Test
14. Creativity: Match Problems Test
15. Creativity: Possible Jobs Test
16. 'Creativity: Decorations Test
17. Alienation: Experimental Scale (HS)
18. Alienation: Srole Teen-Age Index of Anomie
119
120
(3) The variable which gives the greatest decrease in
ratio of within to total generalized variances.
(133:70)
Value of F for inclusion was .01, for deletion, .05. The
reader is referred to W. J. Dixon's Biomedical Computer
Programs (18) for a full discussion of the multiple
discriminant analysis procedure.
Chapter Summary
i
Chapter III surveys the process of designing one
i
: of the research instruments and describes the pilot study,
I the major research project, and the handling of the data.
i
I
The new research instrument was field tested at California
State College at Los Angeles. Volunteer teachers in a
suburban high school, nominated "creatives" from among
their students for Criterion Group I. These students
suggested the names of "creatives" from among their peers
for Criterion Group II. A random sample of the entire
student body was selected for Group III.
From a total of 187 students nominated by teachers
and peers, 95 participated in the study. Of ninety
students chosen at random, thirty-nine submitted to
testing. The total ngmber of students participating was
139.
Demographic data collected from participants
included: sex, age, hours of work outside the school,
their own estimated G.P.A., father's education, length of
121
residence at present address, number of relocations of
family residence or transiency, parental reactions to
friends of the participants, marital status of parents,
and father's occupation.
Five measures of creativity selected from the
I j
| Guilford Tests of Creativity were administered in addition!
to two measures of alienation.
Discriminate analysis techniques were applied to
the major hypotheses to describe the statistical dif
ferences among the three test groups. This process
’ yielded a summary of the analysis, F values to enter or
I
j
remove, and coefficients for the discriminate functions
! i
! after the final step.
CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS
This chapter consists of a three-part discussion
| of the findings as they relate to (1) to research
|
! hypothesis? (2) descriptive statistics? and (3) the
|
| discriminant analysis.
j
Statement of the Major Hypothesis
Central to the research was the hypothesis which
i _ _
s
j dealt with the relationships between alienation and
j
creativity. It can be stated as follows:
Three groups of students— teacher nominated, peer
nominated, and randomly selected— differ with respect
to the following characteristics:
(1) Demographic Data
(2) Creativity Measures
(3) Alienation Measures
The level of significance necessary to accept the
hypothesis was .05.
Descriptive Statistics
The Data
The descriptive statistics for each group, teacher
nominated, peer nominated and the randomly selected group,
122
123
as well as for all groups are reported in Table 2. Also,
the F values are reported. Four tables of correlations
will be found in the appendices. The variables are
described as they appeared in Table 1: demographic
| information (variables 1 through 11)? creativity measures
i ' ;
(variables 12 through 16), and alienation indices
j . ;
(variables 17 and 18).
Demographic Data
I Items whose relationship to alienation were
I explored in earlier studies included: age, sex, hours
of work, socio-economic status as assigned by father's
occupation and education, transiency, parental approval
| of friends, marital status of parents, and grade point
averages.
Age of students participating in the study ranged
i
from thirteen to nineteen.
There were observable correlations between the age
of students and performance on the creativity tests:
older students received slightly higher scores than did
younger students taking the same tests.
Working outside of school did not affect any of the I
scores on the test instruments. Fewer than 10 per cent
of the participants reported being employed.
In this study, the determination of socio-economic j
status was accomplished by translating a description of j
TABLE 2
DESCRIPTIVE STATISTICS AND F RATIOS FOR TEACHER NOMINATED,
PEER NOMINATED, AND A RANDOMLY SELECTED GROUP
Variables
Teacher
N=50
Mean
Nom.
S.D.
Peer
N=
Mean
Nom.
45
S.D.
Random
N=39
Mean S.D. F-Value
Personal and Backqround
1. Sex 1.3 .4 1.4 .5 1.4 .5 .7
2. Age 3.8 .6 3.4 .5 3.5 .6 3.9*
3. Hours Worked 1.8 1.2 2.0 1.1 2.4 1.4 2.7
4. Grade Point Average 2.4 .9 2.1 .9 3.2 .9 13.7*
5. Father1s Education 3.7 1.1 3.6 1.1 4.0 1.2 1.4
6. Years at Present Address 1.5 .7 1.4 .8 1.3 .7 .4
7. Times Moved 1.4 .6 1.3 .6 1.5 .8 .5
8. Parent-Friend Att. 1.5 1.0 1.2 .4 1.3 .5 1.9
9. Peer Relationships 1.1 .3 1.0 .0 1.0 .2 3.1*
10. Parent Marital Status 1.2 .4 1.1 .3 1.1 .3 1.0
11. Occupation of Father 4.3 1.6 3.8 1.3 3.7 1.5 1.8
]
j
Creativity
12. Word Fluency 42.6 10.9 37.2 9.5 33.6 11.8 4.1*
13. Alternate Uses 24.2 8.9 24.8 11.3 23.0 12.2 .4
14. Match Problems 11.3 4.1 10.5 4.0 5.6 3.2 26.2*
15. Possible Jobs 22.0 6.6 25.2 5.9 16.5 8.1 20.8*
16. Decorations 47.6 13.7 42.4 10.8 30.6 8.4 29.8*
124
TABLE 2— Continued
1 1
Teacher Nom. Peer Nom. Random
N=50 N==45 N=39
Variables Mean S.D. Mean S.D. Mean S.D. F-Value
Alienation
17. Heussenstamm Scale (HS) 12.0 5.4 9.5 5.3 12.2 5.1 4.0*
18. Srole Teen-Age Index 2.6 1.4 2.1 1.2 2.3 1.2
*p < .05
|
j
j
125
126
the father's occupation into rank order using the Edward's
Occupation Index (48). Three-fourths of students nomi
nated by teachers and peers represented middle class
families, as could be expected. Middle class youngsters'
i ' ;
I ■ !
| exceptional performances in school situations is likely to i
| be recognized.
I Family mobility or transiency as indicated by the
j !
| number of relocations or length of residence in a
: l
| particular dwelling did not affect either alienation or
j creativity scores of individuals in the study.
Parental acceptance of friends as an indicator of
| rapport between parents and children did not influence
alienation scores as might have been anticipated.
j
Cervantes used number of "friend or helping" families as
i
a criterion on which to predict "dropping out" potential, j
Such evidence of a strong as opposed to weakened family
i
structure might have been useful in this situation. I
Possibly a larger sample would show a greater correlation
i
between alienation and family stability data. There is a j
relationship between the stable home situation and the j
measurement of alienation.
i
i
The subjects' estimates of their Grade Point j
i
Averages did not relate either to creativity scores or
alienation measures in a statistically significant way.
This adds to the evidence that school performance on
achievement tasks as measured by assigned grades may not
127
be an indicator of creativity. GPA proved to be eighth
in the variable series as reported in Table 3. It may be
of interest to note that the random group reported their
GPA's as higher on the average than either Group I or II.
This is another area open for future investigation. Other:
studies indicate naive subjects tend to try to "put their j
best foot forward," as it were.
i i
j I
j Creativity Measures
j On Variable 12, Word Fluency, the differences
; between means were significant. This test did discrimin-
! ate effectively between the three groups. This measure of
I associational power of simple production, proved more
j |
difficult for the random sample than for either of the
other two groups (Table 2). Demonstrated verbal fluency
is one obvious characteristic likely to call attention
j to the adolescent. His teachers and peers do tend to
evaluate him on just such criteria.
Variable 13, Alternate Uses test, did not dis-
i
tinguish between the three groups in any noteworthy way,
contrary to what might have been expected on the basis of
its use in other studies. This test involved divergent
production in that subjects were required to change their
customary ideas about the use of ordinary household
objects and invent new applications which involve
tangential, or atypical relationships. A widely used
128
example of adult mental transformations based on the
ability to show fluency in application of readily avail
able common materials to disparate situations, this
measure was ineffective in discriminating among the groups j
i !
this study. Perhaps the prosaic nature of the cues did j
not stimulate the imagination of the subjects.
Variable 14, Match Problems, a mathematically
oriented test, proved to be a discriminating instrument.
! The mean of the random sample group proved to be
substantially less than the means of either of the two
! criterion groups. It was found that this test has the
power to identify potentially creative opposed to non-
creative youth and adults insofar as their abilities can
be assessed in paper and pencil tests. The findings
I
indicated, as predicted, that the abilities measured—
j
insight which combines numerical and visual acuity— is
I
I highly related to creative ability.
Possible Jobs test, the fifteenth variable, was
more easily handled by the peer nominated group than by
the teacher nominated group. This is the only test where j
j
peer nominees out-performed teacher nominees although the j
|
differences between these two groups are probably due to !
I
chance. This measure did, however, prove to be signifi
cantly powerful in distinguishing among all three groups.
It employs a visual rather than verbal cue so it attempts
to assess skills not tapped by previous testing.
129
Teacher nominated students, Criterion Group I,
exceeded peer nominees, Criterion Group II, on three of
the five measures. Word Fluency, Match Problems, and
Decorations. Group II surpassed Group I on Possible Jobs. j
Both Group I and II performed better than Group III on
all measures. On the fifth measure. Alternate Uses, therej
was almost no difference among the means of the three
groups.
j On the basis of test performances it would appear
: that teachers are able to recognize creativity in at
j
I least some of their students. Peers also are somewhat
j
I effective, but not nearly so capable, as trained profes
sionals, in identifying creative adolescents. As noted
elsewhere, the fact that there was almost no overlapping
of the two types of nominees can be explained on the basis
of probability of acquaintance with the other nominees. j
l
It should be remembered that teachers volunteered
J |
j to participate in the study although the entire faculty
! ;
i
| was invited. Possibly those most interested in or able
to identify creative behavior actually did the nominating. ;
| Further research with a less selective group of teachers
« I
is necessary. We could interpret non-participation in the I
nominating process as lack of either ability to recognize
creativity and assume non-participants saw no innovative !
behavior in any of their students, or as a simple lack of
interest in the study. |
130
Alienation Measures
The alienation measures, HS and the Srole Teen-Age
Index of Anomie, were found not to correlate significantly
with each other. Neither did they correlate significantly
| with any other variable in the study, including the
I creativity scores. When correlated with creativity
i i
measures, the r's took a negative direction, but they
failed to reach significance for Groups I and II.
j i
Examining the results of the administration of the
HS alone, differences in the means of the three groups did!
i reach the level of significance. The reason for the
j significant difference between groups can be attributed
to the fact that the mean for the Peer Nominated group was j
lower than the means for the Teacher Nominated and random
groups. It would seem that students in the peer nominated j
j
group experience less alienation than students in the
other two groups. Further research will be needed to
|
j determine the reasons for this.
i
|
i
Discriminant Analysis
A program for step-wise multiple discriminant
analysis was used to identify the variables which can be
employed to best discriminate between the three groups.
Variables were considered in the multiple discriminant
analysis on the basis of the largest F value, the highest
multiple correlation within the groups after being
131
partialed on the previously entered variables, and the
!
contribution to the maximum decrease in the ratio of j
within to total generalized variance. j
Table 3 reports the results of application of the
step-wise multiple discriminant analysis. In step
Number 1, Variable 16, Decorations, a creativity measure, !
accounted for 77 per cent of the "cumulative proportion of i
j
the total dispersion." On step 2, Variable 15, Possible
| Jobs, was next in significance in reducing the remainder
I variance among the individual measures in the study.
On the third step, Variable 14, Match Problems,
i
I was entered, and on the fourth step. Marital Status of the
Parents was entered. However, after the first variable,
Variable 16, had been entered, the additional variables
!
I
added only 1 per cent each to the total. Another way of
describing the results of the application of the dis
criminant analysis program is presented in Table 4. The
number of cases classified into the three groups on the
basis of predictability of performance based on nomina
tion, yeilds a percentage score of .71 or 71 per cent
accuracy in prediction.
Summary
The major research hypothesis, which suggested that
three groups of students— teacher nominated, peer
nominated, and a randomly selected sample— would differ
/
TABLE 3
SUMMARY TABLE FOR STEPWISE MULTIPLE DISC. ANALYSIS
Step
Number Variable Entered
F Value
to Enter U-Statistic
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
16 Decorations Test
15 Possible Jobs Test
14 Match Problems Test
9 Peer Relationships
2 Age
12 Word Fluency Test
13 Alternate Uses Test
4 Grade Point Average
3 Hours Worked Outside School
1 Sex
11 Occupation of Father
10 Marital Status of Parents
29.88
10.82
7.35
4.17
3.75
2.83
3.08
3.24
1.89
0.68
0.80
0.30
0.68
0.58
0.52
0.49
0.46
0.44
0.42
0.40
0.39
0.38
0.38
0.38
i
132
TABLE 3— Continued
Step
Number Variable Entered
F Value
to Enter U-Statistic
13 7 Transiency 0.26 0.38
14 18 Alienation: (HS) 0.32 0.37
15 5 Education of Father 0.17 0.37
16 17 Alienation (srole) 0.09 0.37
17 6 Transiency 0.04 0.37
133
TABLE 4
NUMBER OF CASES CLASSIFIED INTO GROUP
TCHRNO PEERNO RANDOM— NUMBER OF CASES
Groups Tchr Peer Random
TCHRNO 34 12 4 50
PEERNO 10 29 6 45
RANDOM 2 5 32 39
135
with respect to the following characteristics: demo
graphic data, creativity measures, and alienation measures j
!
was only partically validated. When demographic descrip
tive items were compared, only one, peer relationships, j
[ that is, acceptance or rejection by fellow students,
i !
| proved significant. Teacher nominated students tended to
| be older.
On measures of creativity, four out of five tests
| did discriminate among the groups. Match Problems,
i
; Possible Jobs, and Decorations most effective. On four
| out of five creativity tests, teacher nominated students
| performed better than either peer nominated or the random
j sample.
The experimental alienation scale yielded lower
alienation scores for peer nominated students than either
of the other two groups. The Srole scale did not dis-
j criminate among the three groups.
| The results of the step-wise multiple discriminant
I I
| analysis showed that the three variables which were most
I :
I
effective in discriminating among the three groups were:
(1) Decorations Test, (2) Possible Jobs Test, and (3)
i
Match Problems Test. All three are measures of creativity.!
These results contribute to the literature on the validity j
of these instruments.
Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the research
turned out to be the. evidence that selected teachers are
able to identify creatives among their students, contrary
to much of what is suggested in the literature about the
loss of creativity in school.
CHAPTER V j
! |
SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS
| Background for the Study
| ;
; In America, in general, the recognition of
| creativity in non-technical domains and the placing of
| value in its manifestations have been slow in evolving.
Although the schools ought to be pioneers in these areas,
i leading youthful creative efforts, experience has shown
| that the reverse is sometimes true.
A lag between educational research and typical
i i
j i
i j
! school practice is obvious; this imbalance has been the '
target of many critics of education, and rightly so.
Improved environments for learning in the schools could
well begin with curriculum revision, with sensitivity and
human relations training for both faculty and staff j
members, and with pre-service education of teachers to
enable them to recognize and develop the potential of the
"lost" young creatives in our society. In view of the
|
problem and their complexity, the present research was
I
conceived of as a way of contributing to a rational j
foundation for the redesigning of certain aspects of !
teacher education and, more remotely, of the curriculum in
the high schools.
_______________________________137..._ .... _ _ ________________
138
The study began with a review of contemporary
"underground" teen-age movements to gain perspective on
the activities, frustrations, and aspirations of youth
today. The literature of the past was then surveyed for
an understanding of the historical backgrounds of the
i teen-age culture that has manifested itself in the mid-
!
1960's. The concept "alienation" was also studied in the
context of significant theory and research in political
| science, history, sociology, psychology and other fields.
Background reading and "ad hoc" observations led
i to the formulation of hypotheses which the writer thought
|
j it worthwhile to explore: that the "creative" young
person in modern society is, by definition, "alienated,"
that teachers and peers may be able to recognize and
identify creative behavior, and that individuals thus
identified will differ in their performance of certain
tests from the performances as of a randomly selected
group of adolescents.
Summary of the Study
| Data were gathered during the year 1967 ,~ at a
i
suburban Los Angeles high school which was identified as
"lower-middle-class." Of the 1700 members* of the student
body, more than 200 were nominated to participate in the
research, 134 actually submitted to the test battery.
139
Nominations of students for the study were based
on a description of creative behavior provided for
teachers. These students became Criterion Group I.
Group II was composed of students nominated by their
peers and Criterion Group I actually nominated Group II.
Only four students overlapped the two groups. Criterion
Group III was chosen by random selection from the entire
student body. Fifty students made up Group I, while
Groups II and III contained forty-five and thirty-nine,
respectively.
Students were subjected to a test battery which
was administered in one session lasting an hour and
forty-five minutes. ~
The battery consisted of: (1) eleven demographic
questions: age, sex, hours worked outside of school,
grade point average, father's education and occupation,
years at present address and incidence of residence
relocation in the previous five years, parental attitude
toward friends, peer relationships, and marital status of
parents? (2) five measures of creativity: chosen from the
Guilford batteries— Word Fluency, Alternate Uses, Match
Problems, Possible Jobs, and Decorations ? add (3) two
measures of alienation, the Srole Teen-Age Index of
Anomie, and an experimental scale developed specifically
for the project.
140
The experimental scale, a forty-one item forced-
choice test, was written from ideas generated both by
j
the literature and the few extant measures in this area.
| Items were based largely on Seeman's definition of
! . . j
j alienation: feelings of powerlessness, meaninglessness,
j normlessness, social isolation, and self-estrangement,
j although sub-scores were not extracted.
| ' ;
A pilot study of the experimental test, using
I Rotter's I—E Scale (external-internal control) as a
i
i ;
| criterion and seventy-five students as subjects, was
i
I conducted prior to the major research.
The results of the study indicate that:
i 1. Demographic items added little to the informa- j
tion about either creativity or alienation with the
exception of the fact that teacher nominated students
tended to be older than either of the other two groups
and that peer relationships, i.e. how a student feels he
is valued by his friends, did figure significantly in the
| ;
; study, in a minor way.
2. Creativity measures supported teacher and peer
nominations of students for the criterion groups. Teachers!
were found able to identify creatives among their students.
Three of the five measures proved more effective than the
other two. These latter ones would be eliminated in
future research.
141
3. Peer nominees were significantly lower in
alienation than either of the other two groups but more
research is needed to determine, why. Creativity was not
found to correlate with alienation in any significant way.
The correlation scores took a negative direction however,
in that those students with high creativity scores were
! less likely to score high on the alienation measures.
j |
Recommendations
—
It is recommended that there be a continuation of
j the study.
| 1. Expanding the study: broadening the scope to
:
include subjects from more disparate socio-economic
backgrounds would be desirable. A larger number of
subjects might add reliability, which at this point is
! difficult to establish.
i !
!
i Including measures of teacher abilities at a
i
| testing session for teachers only would also add to the
j ;
study. At present the writer cannot be sure that those
j teachers who participated in the study are not the more
creative among the staff. This could have some bearing J
on the teachers' success in identifying creative students.!
2. Furthering attempts at identification of
specific behaviors by teachers and adolescents: the next j
task would be to devise a description of alienation in !
behavioral terms and then have teachers and peers attempt
142
to identify youngsters who are expressing feelings of
normlessness, meaninglessness, powerlessness, self-
estrangement and/or social isolation. Results of testing
i
these nominees with the scale and other measures could be !
I
interpreted as supporting the findings of the present
| study.
3. Altering the battery: instruments such as the j
Srole Teen-Age Index of Anomie, and the specific creativ
ity measures which provide little or no discrimination
between the groups or individuals should be eliminated.
4. Adding to the data pool: further checking
devices which might enhance the study would be IQ scores
and actual GPA's. These data would necessitate the
removal of the cloak of anonymity from the subjects so
their cumulative records could be examined.
5. Making the scale readily available to teachers
and counselors wide use of any research instrument will
j add to the data on validity and reliability. Counseling
j
j and associated uses are obvious, both with group and
individual testing.
implications for Teachers, Counselors
1. Studying the adolescent: Teachers need to
undertake scientific studies of adolescent sub-cultures,
racial socio-economic, urban and suburban, using the
techniques which have been developed through sociology and
143
psychology. At the present time, most teachers are not
prepared to cope with the rapid changes going on in the
youthful segments of the society. |
!
| 2. Opening the lines of communication between j
| school and adolescent: Teachers and administrators need
I r
! to be encouraged to create a climate in which the problems
! ;
and concerns of individual students can be explored both
within the classroom and out of it. To create such an
j atmosphere may involve abandoning traditional patterns
i and restructuring the curriculum into a "current problem"
approach to subject matter. If open communication were
the rule rather than the exception, there would be no
need for spokesmen of the movement to go "underground"
with their publications.
3. Planning for student involvement in curriculum j
planning: The only effective alternative counter-force
to alienating pressures in society may be involvement.
| ;
j Young people become involved only as issues touch their
| lives and sentiments. Students must be encouraged to
i
j adapt significant roles, not be forced to conform or be
i ;
subjected to boring, repetitive, remote, and irrelevant
educational experiences. A real voice, rather than
ineffective student government in the directing of their
school experiences, is imperative. j
t
4. Utilizing community resources: To assist the
I
more alienated, once identified, psychiatrists, ministers, I
144
social workers, and other members of source organizations
who might be willing to assist with problems.
5. Recruitment of new teachers; Recruitment of
young people who have demonstrated leadership and the
ability to relate in a meaningful way to people of all
I age groups should be urged. The difficulties involved in
| teaching should not be minimized in recruitment programs.
| Bring their minds
BIBLIOGRAPHY
145
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Songs
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S
APPENDICES
159
APPENDIX A
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
ON
EDUCATION FOR CREATIVITY
This bibliography represents a selection of the
I available writing and research reports on the topic of
creativity, its nature and nurture. The selections were
limited to the period following 1950, with major attention
directed to the years 1958 to 1965. However, much of evenj
the recent writing was not included when it appeared to
be of limited value for the greater understanding of
creative potential or of minimal relevance to the educa
tional process. A number of publications (Section I)
have been abstracted or summarized? these were selected
in part because of their actual or possible relevance to
the education for creativity in college, and also as j
examples of the variety of literature available in recent |
years. |
Center for Research and Development
in Higher Education
University of California
Berkeley (April, 1966)
160
161
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY ON EDUCATION FOR CREATIVITY
I. Annotated or Summarized References
A portion of the brief abstracts below were taken from
Psychological Abstracts and from the book titled
Creativity and the Individual by Stein and Heinze.
These will be respectively indicated by an * or a +.
Anderson, H. H., ed. Creativity and Its Cultivation,
New York, 1959.
This includes: H. H. Anderson, "Creativity as j
Personality Development" and "Creativity in
Perspective"; A. B. Dow, "An Architect's View
on Creativity"; H. Eyring, "Scientific j
Creativity"; E. Fromm, "The Creative Attitude";
J. P. Guilford, "Traits of Creativity"; E. R.
Hilgard, "Creativity and Problem Solving";
H. D. Laswell, "The Social Setting of
Creativity"; A. H. Maslo, "Creativity in Self
Actualizing People"; R. May, "The Nature of
Creativity"; M. Mead, "Creativity in Cross
Cultural Perspective"; H. A. Murray,
"Vicissitudes of Creativity"; C. R. Rogers,
"Toward a Theory of Creativity"; E. W. Sumiott,
"The Creativeness of Life"; and G. D. Stoddard,
"Creativity in Education."
Barron, Frank. Creativity and Psychological Health:
Origins of Personal Vitality and Creative Freedom.
Princeton, New Jersey, 1963.
|
This book summarizes ten years of research on
recognizing and fostering creativity in our
selves and others. The research involving more j
than five thousand men and women, is concerned |
with personal change and growth through psycho
therapy, with religious beliefs and philosophies
of life as bases for action, with the paradox of
freedom and necessity, with transcendental
experience, and with personal creativeness.
Burkhart, R. C. Spontaneous and Deliberate Ways of
Learning. Scranton, Pennsylvania, 1962.
This book is a sophisticated teacher's manual
based on respectable research of the author and
other research-oriented teachers, and it follows
the work of Lowenfeld. The main focus is on the
162
pupil's creative growth as an individual as seen
in his work and progress in art. The author
distinguishes between spontaneous and deliberate
creators , their personalities, relationships to
productive teachers, their experiences during
the creative process, and the influence of
instructions on these two kinds of students.
Personality analyses are made on the basis of
student reports, judgments of the students'
art, observation of their methods, and psycho
logical tests.
*De Mille, Richard. "The Creativity Boom," Teachers
College Record (1963), 199-209.
Dentler, R. A. and B. Mackler. "Originality: Some
Social and Personal Determinants," Behavioral
Science, 9 (1964), 1-7.
The study defined originality as the degree to
which uncommon responses were given to a task.
The subjects were university undergraduates
with high academic achievement. Sex and
individual level of anxiety were controlled.
The purpose of the study was generally to
identify some of the social conditions under
which the production of novel, statistically
uncommon, or infrequent responses to a problem
were increased.
*Drews, Elizabeth Monroe. "The Development of Talent,"
Teachers College Record, 65 (1963), 210-219.
There appears to be marked similarities between
the cultivation of creativity and the process
by which psychologists say that mental health
is achieved. Two of the most important
environmental conditions are freedom and an
unconditional psychological acceptance.
Farber, S. M. and R. H. L. Wilson, eds. Conflict and
Creativity. Control of the Mind, Part II. New
York, 1963.
Pertinent Sections Listed Below:
Individual Potentialities: Chairman, D. w.
MacKinnon
Determinants of Intelligence— B. Pasamanick
Determinants of Personality— G. Murphy
163
Prediction and Individual Behavior— S. R.
Wallace
Prediction of Creativity and Success— Panel
Discussion
Conformity and Diversity Is Chairman, Jurgen
Ruesch
The Individual's Demand on Society— H. Cantril
The Psychological Bases of Freedom— R. May
Independent Thought in a Conformist World—
R. S. Crutchfield
The Organization of Freedom— Panel Discussion
Conformity and Diversity II: Chairman, David |
Krech
The Interplay of Conformity and Diversity—
D. Mandelbaum
Propogation of Ideas— C. H. Waddington
Learning to be Free— C. R. Rogers |
The Substratas of Original Thought— Panel
Discussion j
Creative Expression: Chairman, Leo Lowenthal
Composer, Performer, and Audience— J. Szigeti j
Notes for the Reconstruction of a Lost World:
The Age of Hunger— Flavio de R. Carvalho
The Dissemination of View Points— W. H.
White, Jr.
Creativity in the Modern World— Pandel
Discussion
The Resolution of Differences: Introduction by
Francis C. Brown
The Resolution of Differences— M. Herve
Alphaud
Feibleman, James K. "The Genius versus the American
University," The Journal of Higher Education, 31
(1960) , 139-42.
|
"U.S. educators have made a mistake in imitating
the model of American business. Universities
should have an atmosphere of contemplation, not
hustle and bustle . . . The genius is not
produced but induced . . . If we are to have our
share of geniuses, we must learn how to leave
people alone. Perhaps we should not place so |
much emphasis on degree requirements ..." j
Flescher, Irwin. "Anxiety and Achievement of
Intellectually Gifted and Creatively Gifted
Children," Journal of Psychology, 56 (1963),
251-68.
The author states as the purpose of his study:
164
"Explanations regarding complex cognitive
functioning inevitably lead to the search for
intervening variables. The Getzels and Jackson
study revealed that achievement motivation was
not a distinguishing factor. In seeking
clarification of the intelligence-—creativity—-
achievement relationship, the present investi
gation was designed to determine to what extent
the personality variable of anxiety is a i
mediating influence.
|
Getzels, Jacob W. and Philip W. Jackson. Creativity I
and Intelligence: Explorations with Gifted
Students'! New York, 1962.
This reports intensive research on a selected j
sample using specific instruments designed to j
provide relevant data. "The primary purpose of
the study was to explore certain neglected
issues regarding gifted cognitive and psycho
social functioning. The criterion at each |
point in our exploration was not whether this
step would provide an unalterable datum but if j
it would lead to an observation that is j
heuristic."
Golann, Stuart E. "Psychological Study of
Creativity," Psychological Bulletin, 60 (1963),
548—65.
This is a review of the literature covering
much the same material Stein covered a year
earlier. Golann discusses four areas of
emphasis, one of which usually appears in all i
studies of creativity.
Gruber, Howard, Glenn Terrell and Michael Wertheimer,
eds- Contemporary Approaches to Creative Thinking:
A Symposium held at the University n-F P n i n r a H ^ ,
Atherton Press, New York, 1963.
This book contains articles by six people:
J. Bruner, M. Henle, A. Newell, R. s. Crutch
field, R. McClelland, and R. B. McCloud.
Each person's approach is somewhat different
to the problem of defining and discussing what
creativity is. The approaches include analogies
to computers, statistical analyses, intuitive
reports of creativity, and others. Attempts are
made to answer such questions as what creativity
165
is, what the personality correlates of
creativity are, etc.
*Gruen, Walter. "The Utilization of Creative
Potential in Our Society," Journal of Counseling
Psychology, 9 (1962) , 79-83.
This is a report on a symposium, which concludes
that personal creativity exists as opposed to
'popular' creativity. Productive non-conformity
is contrasted with rebellion and conformity.
♦Guilford, J. P. "Factors that Aid and Hinder
Creativity," Teachers College Record, 63 (1962), j
380-92. |
This article outlines some aspects of the j
nature of creativity. The creative disposition j
is made up of many components, including
fluency, flexibility, and originality of
thinking; sensitivity to problems? ability to
transform the known; cognition; memory; and some j
non-ability variables.
♦Hammer, Emanuel F. Creativity: An Exploratory
Investigation of the Personalities of Gifted
Adolescent Artists. Random House, New York, 1961. !
The study used a variety of projective tests
and found fourteen factors which differentiated
between the truly creative and the merely
facile. In brief the truly creative shows a
frank and open flooding of inner feelings and
less ego-defensiveness.
♦Holland, John L. "Creative and Academic Performance
among Talented Adolescents," Journal of Educational
Psychology, 52 (1961), 136-47.
The relationships between three criteria of
academic and creative performance and 72
personal, demographic, and parental variables
were studied in a sampling of talented
adolescents.
♦Levy, H. J. "Notes on the Creative Process and the
Creative Person," Psychiatric Quarterly, 35 (1961) ,
66-77.
Twenty-one references on creativity are
reviewed. The creative potential exists in
166
varying degrees in everyone. Psychological
studies reveal that creative people often seek
and live with tension and conflict and are more
in contact with the unconscious than are other
people.
Lowenfeld, Victor. Creative and Mental Growth.
Macmillan Co., New York, 1937. j
This book is written for art teachers who want |
to understand the mental and ..emotional develop- |
ment of children. The author attempts to show |
how the child's general growth is tied up with j
his creative development and vice versa.
Lowry, W. McNeil. "The University and the Creative
Arts," Educational Theatre Journal, 14 (1962),
99-112.
The author points out that universities have j
almost put out of business music conservatories
and fine arts colleges, yet do not provide
adequate training for talented students. ;
j
McKinnon, D. W. "Fostering Creativity in Students
of Engineering," Journal of Engineering Education,
52 (1961), 129-42.
The author in this article discussing how to
foster creativity in students. Although his
work has been with mature creative people, the
characteristics of these people can be seen in
students with creative potential. Creativity,
he suggests, is a process which involves
originality, adaptiveness, and realization. The j
creative person is less interested in small |
details and more concerned with meanings and j
implications. He is more flexible cognitively, j
and is characterized by verbal skills and
interests as well as accuracy in communicating
with others. He values the theoretical and the
aesthetic, is intuitive-perception oriented,
rather than sense-perception oriented, and is
inclined toward introversion.
. "The Nature and Nurture of Creative_
Talent," American Psychologist, 17 (1962), 484-95.
MacKinnon's work with architects is emphasized
in this article. He discusses personality
167
characteristics of the creative person, who —
generally has a good opinion of himself, has a
good intellect, shows a complexity and richness
of personality, a general lack of defensiveness,
and a candor in self-description? in other
words, he shows an openness to experience both
outside and inside himself.
+McClelland, David C., A. L. Baldwin, U. j
Bronfenbrenner, and F. L. Strodtbeck. Talent and j
Society. Princeton, New Jersey, 1958. j
Two chapters are a general treatment of the j
whole field of creativity. The remaining j
chapters are reports of completed research
projects. The studies are instances of the
search for non-cognitive factors that will
facilitate the identification and development I
of talent. McClelland sees a need for research j
in three areas: a) the stability of traits over |
time, b) the functional characteristics of j
various performance situations and c) the j
stability of relationships between character
istics over time. He discusses the criteria of
talent.
McDaniel, E. D., ed. Creativity and College Teaching,
Bulletin of the Bureau of Scnool Service, VoTI 35,
No. 3 (June, 1963), College of Education,
University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky.
Proceedings of a conference: "The Nature of j
Creativity," by D. W. MacKinnon; "Creative j
Thinking Among Scientists," by D. W. Taylor;
"Creation and Thinking," by Ross L. Mooney;
"Teaching for the Development of Creativity,"
by H. A. Thelen; "Productive Thinking in the j
Classroom," by M. J. Aschner; and "Evaluation
in Teaching for Creativity," by R. W. Tyler.
From the introduction to the collection:
"MacKinnon's report of his investigation of the
background of creative people suggests that
creative individuals exhibit personality traits
which distinguish them from people in general.
MacKinnon goes on to examine some of the impli
cations of his findings for nurturing the
creative potential of students.
168
McElvain, J. L, L. N. Fretwell, R. B. Lewis.
"Relationship between Creativity and Teacher
Variability," Psychological Reports, 13 (1963),
186.
The authors drew several conclusions from
creativity test scores of 209 teachers. J
Differences were unrelated to sex, education,
experience, and teaching level and were nega- |
tively correlated with age. "Results suggest
that for the selected adult population,
creativity may be a fairly stable trait, since
all variables but age were non-significant and
correlated so closely to 0. The evidence j
reported here, that school administrators tend
to give lower ratings to the highly creative j
teacher, gives direction to other topics for
research. There may be inherent within crea
tivity, as it is measured, personality j
characteristics that are not valued in teachers."!
i
+McKellar, Peter. Imagination and Thinking: A
Psychological Analysis. New York, 1957. j
An analysis of the psychological bases of
thinking, imagination, originality, creativity.
The author distinguishes between thought
products which are reality adjusted and those
which are artistic. Originality consists in
connection, rearrangement, and fusion of percep
tions in a new way. Any human thought can be
analyzed from the aspect of motivation and
content. The book deals primarily with content
and relies heavily on the associationist tradi
tion. Type of imagery and imagination experi
ences of creative individuals might go far in
explaining their works. j
Meer, Bernard and M. I. Stein. "Measures of |
Intelligence and Creativity," Journal of Psychology,!
39 (1955), 117-126.
The aim of this study was to answer the question
"What is the relationship between intelligence
test scores and creativity for a population of
subjects actively engaged in research?" The
subjects were 64 research chemists in an
industrial organization who were ranked by
department heads on creative ability.
169
Myden, Walter. "Interpretation and Evaluation of
Certain Personality Characteristics involved in
Creative Production," Perceptual Motor Skills,
9 (1959), 139-58. (Monograph Supplement # 3)
In this study the subjects were two groups from
within the normal population. One was made up
of 20 recognized creative individuals, the
other 20 equally successful persons from the
ranks of business and the professions. The
author used a battery of tests to determine
creativity.
|
*Nyder, J. "Creativity and Psychotherapy,"
Psychoanalytical Review, 49 (1962), 29-33. j
The truly creative seem to have the capacity to i
tolerate and override anxiety, to integrate and !
admit into awareness an unusual depth and
intensity of conflicting reality without
becoming overwhelmed by panic or losing touch
with reality. Creativity may be both a
constructive way of resolving inner conflict
and a reaction against an unhappy, neurotic
adjustment. The true creative artist achieves
insulation from competitiveness by engaging in
unconscious competition with an ego-ideal of his
own choice.
Parnes, S. J. "Education and Creativity," Teachers
College Record, 64 (1963), 331-39.
This article is a review of the progress in j
training students to be creative. Several ;
studies have shown that creativity can be j
developed by deliberate procedures. He des
cribes the success of a creative problem solving!
class at the University of Buffalo. |
j
*Piers, E. V., J. M. Daniels, and J. P. Quackenbush.
"The Identification of Creativity in Adolescents,"
Journal of Educational Psychology, 51 (1960),
346-516.
The purpose of this study was to assess
Guilford's tests of creativity with a younger
age group, to report sex and grade differences
and to determine the agreement of these tests
with teacher ratings of creativity. The results
were comparable to Guilford's. Teacher ratings
170
are not a consistent criterion for validity of
the tests.
Rees, M. E. and M. Goldman. "Some Relationships
between Creativity and Personality," Journal of
General Psychology, 65 (1961), 145-61.
In this study creativity was measured by self j
report questionnaires designed to obtain
information about the creative works of the
subjects. The subjects were 68 students at the
University of Kansas City. They were divided !
into three groups: high, middle, and low i
creativity groups.
Ripple, R. E. and F. B. May. "Caution in Comparing
Creativity and IQ," Psychological Reports, 10
(1962), 229-230.
It appears evident that IQs are net effective
predictors of creative thinking abilities among
student populations which are fairly homogeneous j
with respect to intelligence. However, IQs do j
seem to be somewhat effective in predicting
creative thinking performance in more represen- j
tative student populations— that is, student
populations which are considerably heterogeneous
with respect to intelligence.
By correlating Otis IQs and scores on creative
thinking tests by members of several seventh
grade groups, homogeneous or heterogeneous, with
respect to IQs, it was demonstrated that the low
correlation of these measures reported by other
investigators may be due in part to restricted
IQ range in sample.
Schaefer-Simmern, Henry. The Unfolding of Artistic
Activity: Its Basis, Processes, and Implications.
Berkeley and Los Angeles, California, 1948.
"This book presents the results of an experiment
undertaken . . . for the purpose of showing by
by actual case histories the development of the
creative potentialities in men and women in
business and the professions, and in institu
tionalized delinquents and mental defects—
that is, in persons not devoted to the arts."
New directions in art education are essential
to meet the need for creative experience, and
they must be based on the natural unfolding and
development of artistic abilities.
171
Scientific American, 199 (1958). Special Issue on
Creativity.
Contains: "The Creative Process," by J.
Brownowski; "Innovation in Mathematics," by
Paul R. Holmes; "Innovation in Physics," by
Freeman J. Dyson; "Innovation in Biology," by
George Wald; "Innovation in Technology," by
John R. Pierce; "The Physiology of Imagination— j
What do we presently know of the Physical !
Process that Underlies Creativity," by John C. j
Eccles; "The Psychology of Imagination— An
Account of an Investigation into the Character
istics of Creative Individuals," by Frank
Barron; and "The Encouragement of Science— How
may we provide the Conditions in which Scientif-!
ic Innovations can Flourish?" by Warren Weaver, j
Smith, P., ed. Creativity; An Examination of the
Creative Process. New York, 1959. j
Contents:
M. F. Agha— "The Mechanics of Creativity"
J. E. Arnold— "Creativity in Engineering"
G. Avakian— "Creativity in Music" j
S. Bass— "Creativity in Visual Communication"
V. Borge— "Creativity in Humor"
E. F. Carter— "Creativity in Research"
D. Flanagan— "Creativity in Science"
W. J. Friess— "A Case History on Creativity in
Industry"
W. Grotz— "Forward" j
R. A. Harris— "Creativity in Marketing" j
W. A. Pleuthner and others— "Brainstorming and j
Testing for Creativity"
P. Smith— "Definition of the Conference"
T. A. Taylor— "The Nature of the Creative
Process"
W. J. Upjohn— "The Organization of Creative
Talent"
G. Zilboorg— "The Psychology of the Creative
Personality".
*Simons, Joseph H. "Scientific Research in the
University," American Scientist, 48 (1960), 80-90.
The author suggests that teaching of creative
scholarship and training creative scholars would
be accomplished by exposing the student to the
stimulation and example of a mature scholar of
172
demonstrated creative ability through intimate
contact.
Stein, Morris Survey of the Psychological' Literature
in the Area of Creativity with a View toward Needed
ResearcKT New York, 1962.
The research which stein sees as necessary
includes setting up ultimate criteria of
creativity, with factors spelled out so
comparative research can be done. Also
researchers should come to agreement about
systematic sets of personality characteristics,
and sets of variables in the structural aspects
of the field of creative endeavor. Another area
of investigation is in a study of the types of
individuals who are and are not creative,
perhaps to establish constellations of person
ality characteristics. Finally, he sees a need
for predictive studies.
Street, W. P., ed. Creativity in its Classroom
Context, Bulletin of the Bureau of School Service8 ,
Vol. 36, No. 4 (1964), College of Education,
University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky.
Papers delivered at a conference held at
Carnaham Hill, University of Kentucky.
This book includes papers by: Nevitt Sanford,
Kenneth Keniston, Herbert A. Thelen, J. W.
McKeachie, and Paul Dressel.
Taylor, C. W., ed. The 1955 University of Utah
Research Conference on the Identification of
Creative Scientific Talent. Salt Lake City, Utah,
1956.
In addition to papers, the volume contains the
reports of committees dealing with aptitude
testing, personality factors, and the criterion
problem. A transcription of a group discussion
on the criterion problem is also included.
, ed. The Second (1957) University of Utah
Research Conference on the Identification of
Creative Scientific Talent. Salt Lake City, Utah,
1956.
Includes:
M. S. Allen— "The Working Procedures of Creative
Scientists"
173
F. Barron— "The Needs for Order and Disorder as
Motives in Creative Activity"
B. S. Bloom— "Some Effects of Cultural, Social
and Educational Conditions on Creativity"
H. Eyring— "Comments on Creativity by a Physical
Scientist"
J. C. Flanagan— "The Definition and Measurement
of Ingenuity"
B. Ghiselin— "Ultimate Criterion for Two Levels
of Creativity"
J. P. Guilford— "Basic Traits in Intellectual
Performance"
L. R. Harmon— "The Development of a Criterion
of Scientific Competence"
J. R. Hills— "Recent Creativity Studies at
Education Testing Service"
R. L. Mooney— "A Conceptual Model for Integrat
ing Four Approaches to the Identification of
Creative Talent"
W. A. Owens, et al.— "The Measurement of j
Creativity in Machine Design"
Anne Roe— "Early Differentiation of Interests"
M. T. Skire, S. J. Heinze, and R. R. Rogers— j
"Creativity and/or Success: A Study in Value j
Conflict"
C. W. Taylor— "Some Variables functioning in
Productivity and Creativity"
D. w. Taylor— "Variables Relating to Creativity
and Productivity among Men in Two Research
Laboratories"
In addition, two committee reports: Predictor
Committee Report and Criterion Committee Report.
_____ , ed. The Third (1959) University of Utah
Research Conference on the Identification of
Creative Scientific Talent. Salt Lake City, Utah,
1959.
A collection of pppers by experts.
_____ and Frank Barron, eds. Scientific
Creativity: Its Recognition and Development.
New York, 1963.
The book includes selected papers from the
proceedings of the first, second, and third
University of Utah Conference on the Identifi
cation of Creative Scientific Talent. The
papers are arranged according to a) criteria.
174
b) intellectual, personality and motivational
characteristics, c) environmental conditions
and specific situational determinants and d)
theoretical analyses of process. (400-Item
Bibliography)
Thorndike, Robert L. "The Measurement of Creativity,"
Teachers College Record, 64 (1963), 422-24.
The author's discussion takes off from 1962
publications by Getzels and Jackson, IPAR, and
Torrance, plus the 1954 article by Wilson,
Guilford, et al. All agree on the low correla
tion between creativity and what is measured by
IQ and scholastic aptitude tests. On creativity
tests, the examinee must produce answers, not
select one. He usually must produce multiple
responses. The overlap between subtypes of j
creativity is less than that between cognitive
sub-abilities. This fact has received little
attention from those who have used creativity
tests. The major suggestion of the article is
that researchers give each so-called I
"creativity" test a more specific name.
*Torrance, E. Paul. "Cultural Discontinuities a/id the
Development of Originality of Thinking,"
Exceptional Children, 29 (1962)-» -2-13.
This was a cross-cultural study of the general
ized development curbe of the creative thinking
abilities. Results show that drops in crea
tivity occurred at the beginning of kinder
garten, the end of third grade, the beginning I
of fourth grade, during the seventh grade, and a|
slight drop or leveling off at the end of high {
school.
* "Must Creative Development be left to
Chance?" Gifted Child Quarterly, 6 (1962), 41-44.
Certain teaching techniques increase original
thinking. Evidence adduced from investigation
in Samoa links the decline in creativity to the
low value placed on promptness and competitive
ness. Associated with cultural 'discontinu
ities' however, is a rise in creativity.
APPENDIX B
Demographic Questionnaire
Use an "X" in the space that you choose for your answer.
Variable 1. a. Male
b. Female
Variable 2. Age at last birthday
a. Younger than 12
b. 12 - 13
c.14 - 15
_ .d 16 - 17
e.18 - 19
f. Older than 19
Variable 3. On the average, how many hours per
week are you spending in part-time
(or full-time) work this semester?
a. None
b. Less than 5
c. 5 to 10
d. 11 to 15
__ e. More than 15
Variable 4. What is your approximate (cumulative)
grade average since you have been in
school. Make a letter grade estimate.
a. Below C-
b. C- to C+
c. C+ to B
__ d. B to A-
e. Above A-
Variable 5. What was the highest level of educa
tion completed by your father? Indi
cate only the highest level (i.e. ,
mark only one of the five alterna
tives) .
a. Did not complete high school.
b. Finished high school.
c. Some college (not including trade
or commercial school)
175
Variable
i
Variable
' Variable
i
i
]
i
S
Variable
Variable
Variable
176
__. d. Finished college (four years)
e. Attained a graduate or professional
degree (e.g., M.A. , Ph.D., M.D.)
6. How long have you lived at your
present address?
a. Less than one year
b. 1 to 2 years
c. 3 to 4 years
d. More than 5 years
7. How many times have you moved in the
past five years?
a. 0
b. 1 - 2
c. 3 - 4
d. More than 5 I
8. Do you parents approve of your friends?!
a. Yes
b. Generally yes j
c. Generally no
d. No j
e. Doesn't apply or not sure j
9. a. I don't have any close friends. j
b. I have a few close friends but no j
real group where X belong. j
c. I have some close friends and we form !
a group or groups.
d. Nobody, not even I, would care much
if I stopped going around with my
group.
10. Are your parents:
a. Living together
b. Separated
c. Divorced
d. Divorced, either one remarried
e. Widowed
11. Your father's work (write in) (Describe
in detail) (Even though your parents
are divorced or your father is
deceased). For example, if he is a
teacher, give grade level, subjects
taught, etc.
177
H Scale
Part I
Use an "X" in the space that you choose for your answer.
1. a. Male
b. Female
2. Age at last birthday
a. Younger than 12
b. 12 - 13
c. 14-15
d. 16-17
e. 18 - 19
f. Older than 19
.3. On the average, how many hours per week are
you spending in part-time (or full-time) work
j this semester?
I a. None
b. Less than 5
c. 5 to 10
d. 11 to 15
e. More than 15
4. What is your approximate over-all
grade average since you have been
Make a letter grade estimate.
__ a. Below C-
b. C- to C+
c. C+ to B
d. B to A-
e. Above A-
5. What was the highest level of education
completed by your father? Indicate only the
highest level (i.e., mark only one of the five
alternatives).
a. Did not complete high school
" b. Finished high school
c. Some college (not including trade or
commercial school)
d. Finished college (four years)
- e. Attained a graduate or professional degree
(e.g., M.A., Ph.D., M.D.)
(cumulative)
in school.
178
How long have you lived at your present
address?
Less than one year
1 to 2 years
3 to 4 years
5 or more
How many times have you moved in the past
five years?
0
1 - 2
3 - 4
More than 5
Do your parents approve of your friends?
Yes
Generally yes
Generally no
No
Doesn't apply or not sure
I don't have any close friends.
I have a few close friends but no real group
where I belong.
I have some close friends and we form a group
or groups.
Nobody, not even I, would care much if I
stopped going around with my group.
Are your parents:
Living together
Separated
Divorced
Divorced, either one remarried
Widowed
Your father's work (write in) (Describe in
detail) (Even though your parents are
divorced or your father is deceased). For
"example, if he-is a teacher, give grade
level, subjects taught, etc.
179
Part II
I spend a lot of my free time moving around,
looking for something to do.
I usually know what I want to do in my spare
time.
I hardly ever feel lonely.
I feel lonely most of the time, even when I
am with people.
I don't care much about school spirit.
I do care about school spirit.
I don't get my fun the way most kids do. j
For fun, I usually do the things that other
kids do.
I am following a well planned course of study. j
I can't see much reason for taking most of the j
subjects I have in school. j
i
I can usually take the subjects I want to
study. I
The choice of subjects I have to study at
school is not small, but I must take what I
don't choose to.
I never copy from books and magazines without
giving a reference.
I sometimes copy from books and magazines
without giving a reference.
If I see someone cheating on a test, I would j
look the other way. j
If I see someone cheating on a test, I would i
turn them in.
I have a clear idea of why I am in school.
I have never been sure what we students are
really in school for.
I have to do many things in school I really
don't want to do.
I like most of the things I do in school.
I don't like the way I see myself.
While there is always room for improvement,
I generally like myself the way I am.
180
12. a. People usually get what they deserve in
school.
b. Regardless of what they do, some people never
get the breaks in school.
13. a. While participation in school activities is
important here, I don't get involved in them.
b. I am involved in student activities.
14. a. Although sports count a lot around here, I
don't get involved either in playing or
watching them.
b. I support the athletic program by going out
for sports or attending meets and games.
15. a. I generally follow suggestions the teachers
make.
b. I generally do not follow suggestions thi»
teachers make.
16. a. I feel I am appreciated by ray friends.
b. I don't feel I am important to my friends.
17. a. I feel useless much of the time.
b. I feel I am important to my family.
18. a. If I knew I wouldn't get caught, I would
probably use someone else's old term paper,
especially if it got a good grade.
b. I do my own research and term paper writing.
19. a. I am never sure of what I really believe in.
b. I have my own set of beliefs about what life
is about.
20. a. I wish the school would let me study something
I could get excited about.
b. Often I get really excited about what is going
on in a class or at school.
21. a. My friends count on me when they are in
trouble at school.
b. If“my friends were in trouble at school, I
would try to keep myself out of it.
22. a. I don't pay much attention to school rules.
b. I try to follow school rules.
181
23. a. It doesn't do any good to vote in school
elections, since the student government has
no real voice in running the school,
b. It is important to vote in school elections
because student government has a voice in
running this school.
24. a. How well a student does in school is largely
a matter of luck.
b. People get what they deserve in school.
25. a. I usually say what I think the teachers wants
to hear.
b. Even when my opinion is different from the
teacher's, I will present my side.
26. a. I just do enough school work to pass.
b. I am really involved in a lot of my school
work.
27. a. If I didn't have to be in school I wouldn't
be here.
b. I know that being in school is important.
28. a. Most students have to cheat these days.
b. Cheating is not necessary to make good grades.
29. a. I am working as hard as I can most of the
time.
b. I never really work as hard as I can at
school.
30. a. I make up my own mind about what I want to do.
b. To keep my friends happy, I do a lot of things
I really don't want to do.
31. a. I don't agree with the things most of my
teachers think are most important in life.
b. I think I would usually agree with my teachers
about what is important in life.
32. a. Students whose parents have money and
influence get better grades.
b. Teachers usually pay little attention to a
person's family background.
33. a. My ideas about how things should be done are
not considered important by my teachers.
b. Most of my teachers respect the opinions of
students, including mine.
182
34. a. My school work is pretty much like everyone
else* s.
b. My school work shows originality and is
different in a number of ways from what most
kids do.
35. a. School regulations are for our own good.
b. It's all right to get around a school regula
tion, if you don't actually break it or get
caught.
36. a. I usually look around to see what the other
kids are wearing and get the same kind of
things to wear.
b. I don't see why everyone my age dresses like
everyone else and not to suit themselves.
37. a. Students like me can do very little about
changing the things they don't like about
school.
b. If we work at it, students like me can have
an influence on the way this school is
operated.
38. a. I don't like most people.
b. I can usually find some good in everyone.
39. a. It's better not to expect too much out of
life because then you won't be disappointed.
b. Getting what you want out of life depends a
good deal on planning for it.
40. a. Success in the future depends on my getting
an education.
b. No matter how hard I try, I am never sure that
going to school will really help me.
41. a. I don't mind taking this kind of questionnaire,
b. I dislike taking this kind of questionnaire.
183
Srole Teen-Age Index of Anomie
Here are some opinions on which young people have
different feelings. With each opinion a lot of youngsters
agree and a lot disagree. For each opinion would you tell
me whether you would side with those who agree or with
those who disagree.
1._____ Agree Disagree
It's natural for children to wish sometimes that
they were very sick, maybe even dying.
|
2._____ Agree Disagree j
Instead of getting older all the time, it would be |
better if a person my age could go back to what he
| was like 5 or 10 years ago.
t ;
! ;
3._____ Agree Disagree
A youngster doesn't really have any one he can trust
to tell the things he thinks about most.
4._____ Agree Disagree !
There's not much point thinking what you would like |
to be five years from now because you can't do
anything about it anyway. t
i
|
5._____ Agree Disagree j
| There's no use taking your troubles to grown-ups |
j because they aren't really interested in helping you. j
' ’ !
6._____ Agree Disagree I
If there was enough food and clothing, a person
could be just as happy living by himself on an j
island with friendly animals for companions. j
l
7. Agree Disagree !
t
A young person can hardly tell the right thing to
do anymore.
APPENDIX C
TOTAL GROUP: CORRELATION MATRIX FOR INTERCORRELATIONS
Var. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11' 12 13 14 15 16 17
2
3
.12
-.01 .10
4
5
-.13
-.10
.10
.15
.20
-.06 .24
6
7
-.17
-.15
.02
.16
.01
.03
.03
.12
.04
.22 .68
8
9
-.08
-.09
.13
.01
.13
.14
.19
.10
.02
.04
.08
.21
.08
.11 .38
10
11
-.01
.12
.10
.02
-.08
.05
-.05
.01
.04
-.30
.17
.14
.23
.12
-.03
.16
.05
.21 .14
12
13
.06
.02
-.08
.05
-.03
.02
-.37
-.27
-.21
-.07
.01
-.04
-.17
-.06
. 06
*12
-.05
-.19
.19
.08-
.02
.02 .31
14
15
-.07
.05
.04
-.02
-.08
.04
-.39
-.43
-.08
-.21
.03
.03
-.05
-.11
-.02
-.06
-.10
-.13
-.03
.,'18
.06
.03
.18
.39
.37
.41 .40
16
17
-.12
-.21
.06
.13
-.08
-.02
-.35
.32
-.17
.22
.07
.11
-.03
.16
.11
.30
-.06
.23
.22
.16
.09
.02
.43
.05
.24
-.18
.44
-.25
.45
-.30 -.19
18 -.25 .05 .01 .02 .12 .13 .11 .24 .22 -.19-.11 .05 -.14 -.06 -.31 -.04 .35
184
CORRELATION MATRIX FOR TEACHER NOMINATED GROUP
Var. 1 2 3 4 5
2 .18
3 -.01 .29
4 -.07 -.06 -.03
5 -.07 .23 .03 .12
6 -.20 -.07 .11 .02 .12
7 -.14 .03 .09 .04 .19
8 -.06 .17 .27 .39 .04
9 -.15 .02 .20 .16 .19
i
10 -.03 .19 -.10 .05 .22
11 -.06 -. 19 -.01 .10 -.16
12 -.10 -.14 .02 -.17 -.11
13 -.01 .11 -.05 -.20 -.11
14 -.02 .23 -.11 -.30 .13
15 .04 .18 -.02 -.26 -.16
16 -.18 .06 .01 -.18 -.12
17 -.32 .06 -.04 .40 .17
18 -.11 .09 .20
in
o
•
.11
6 7 8 9 10 11
83
10
45
.06
.30 .42
15
22
.24
.38
-.06
.34
.08
.20 .13
09
17
-.12
-.24
.05
.10
-.17
-.28
.01-.24
-.00-.02
10
01
.14
-.13
-.01
-.07
-.18
-.22
.05 .08
.20-.09
03
05
.03
.11
.17
.35
-.16
.23
.10-.04
.20 .16
09 .10 .34 .32 -.30-.06
12 13 14 15 16 17
.18 '
.02
.29
.45
.68 .41
.24
.16
.41
-.14
.26
-.17
.39
-. 07 -.13
.26 -.30 -.14 -.33 .09
o o
U1
CORRELATION MATRIX FOR PEER NOMINATED GROUP
Var. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
2
3
.28
.04 .17
4
5
-.23
-.09
.22
.00
.30
-.16 .14
6
7
.03
-.07
.18
.09
.07
.14
.02
.12
-.06
.12 .80
8
9
-.05
.00
.12
.00
.32
.00
.13
.00
.24
.00
.05
.00
.11
.00 .00
10
11
-.01
.35
.08
.24
.00
.07
.05
-.10
-.03
-.53
.35
.04
.32
-.17
.07
-.12
.00
.00 .07
-
12
13
.36
.18
.05
.02
-.09
.04
-.35
-.22
-.13
.06
.10
.03
-.10
-.05
-.18
.20
.00
.00
.20
.15
.09
-.05 .37
14
15
-.07
.20
-.34
-.12
.02
.08
-.17
-.25
.11
-.09
-.11
.05
-.15
-.09
.14
-.15
.00
.00
-.27
.17
-.14
.21
.11
.44
.31
.17 .18
16
17.
.07
-.26
-.14
.37
-.12
.07
-.22
.34
-.11
.35
.03
.21
-.06
.26
-.06
.23
.00
.00
.27
.18
.07
-.28
.42
-.15
.11
-.18
.26 .30
-.25-.48 -.16
18 -.36 -.04 .05 -.09 .25 .08 .21 .08 .00 -.16 -.40 -.32 -.17 -.01-.39 -.20 .26
00
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Asset Metadata

Creator Heussenstamm, Frances Kovacs (author)

Core Title Creativity And Alienation: An Exploration Of Their Relationship In Adolescence

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Education

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Education, general,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Martin, David W. (committee chair), Lasswell, Thomas E. (committee member), Wolf, Richard M. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-652645

Unique identifier UC11361133

Identifier 6904529.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-652645 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6904529.pdf

Dmrecord 652645

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Heussenstamm, Frances Kovacs

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA