University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

A Historical And Critical Study Of The Public Address Of James Harvey 'Cyclone' Davis (1853-1940) Of Texas

(USC Thesis Other)

A Historical And Critical Study Of The Public Address Of James Harvey 'Cyclone' Davis (1853-1940) Of Texas

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content 70-11,386
ROSS, Chapin, 1933-
A HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL STUDY OF THE PURLIC
ADDRESS OF JAMES HARVEY "CYCLONE" DAVIS
(1853-1940) OF TEXAS.
University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1969
Speech
University Microfilms, A XEROXCompany, Ann Arbor, Michigan
( c ) Copyright by
Chapin Ross
1970
A HISTORICAL AND CRITICAL STUDY OF THE PUBLIC
ADDRESS OF JAMES HARVEY "CYCLONE" DAVIS
(1853-1940) OF TEXAS
by
Chapin Ross
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Communication-Speech)
August, 1969
UNIVERSITY O F SO U T H E R N CALIFORNIA
T H E GRAD U ATE S C H O O L
U N IV ER SITY PARK
LO S A N G EL ES, C A L IF O R N IA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, written by
............ .Cbapia..B.QSfi..............
under the direction of In& Dissertation C om
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by The G radu
ate School, in partial fulfillment of require
ments of the degree of
D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y
Date.. A u g u stt..196.9.
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Chairman
.......
..
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION ............................................... 1
Chapter
I. DAVIS' IDEOLOGY: POLITICAL AND INTELLECTUAL
H E R I T A G E ..................................... 17
II. BIRTH, FAMILY BACKGROUND, AND EDUCATION .... 46
III. DECADE OF PREPARATION: EARLY POLITICAL AND
NEWSPAPER CAREER ............................... 60
IV. THE POPULIST ERA: PARTY CAMPAIGNER........ 82
V. THE POPULIST ERA: THE FUSION CONTROVERSY . . . 133
VI. DAVIS AS A DEMOCRAT: PROHIBITION SPEAKER,
1901-1913 ........................................ 200
VII. DAVIS AS UNITED STATES REPRESENTATIVE-
AT-LARGE FROM TEXAS.......................... 218
VIII. DAVIS' SPEAKING— RETIREMENT YEARS, 1918-1940. . 281
IX. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS.........................331
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................... 351
INTRODUCTION
For over a half-century, James Harvey "Cyclone"
Davis was involved in the public discussion of both politi
cal and social issues that arose in the United States. He
spoke throughout the nation explaining and supporting the
tenets of Populism. In his Memoir, Davis related his part
in that movement:
I was a Populist National Committeeman for
five years and one of its principal campaign
speakers. I helped dislodge Republicans and
elect Populists, Silver Republicans and Bryan
Democrats in more than a dozen states.^
The extent of his speaking activity was further revealed in
this statement:
We had to work three sessions of Congress
before we got the rural free delivery system.
I campaigned twenty-seven states in that
behalf. Went to encampments, barbecues and
state meetings to speak for it.^
In 1916-17, as Democratic Representative-at-Large
from Texas, he had the House of Representatives as a public
platform, while continuing to tour the country speaking for
various causes:
^James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas: The
Courier Press, 1935), 55.
^Memoir, 59.
1
2
I spent four months on a Chautauqua platform
in the north west, partially at the request of the
Secretary of War, in 1918, discussing "The World
War and Why We Are in it."
i ...........................................................
! I spent a month during the Spanish American War
j along the same lines as in the World War.^
| !
i Although Davis is best remembered as a Populist
spokesman, his career was far from being over at the close
of that era. The cluster of ideas fostered by Populism,
and the subsequent development of the reform philosophies
jof Progressivism and the New Deal, provided Davis with
! I
inumerous issues for his speeches.
I ;
| i
j Purpose of the Study
| The purpose of this study was to assess the influencd
I exerted by James Harvey Davis on the political currents of j
i
his day. The focus was on the examination of his public
i I
!address as an instrument of political persuasion. The
:period covered extended roughly from the "Reconstruction" j
: (1870's) to the "New Deal" (1930's). j
j !
I |
iStatement of the Problem
i j
; This study attempts to explain three aspects of the !
|public speaking of Davis: (1) what ideas Davis dev- |
eloped in his speeches; (2) what arguments and appeals j
j
Davis used in his speeches; and (3) how effective |
I Davis was in adjusting his thinking and feeling to the j
^Memoir, 15.
3
values, attitudes, and beliefs of his audiences. In
analyzing the public addresses of Davis, it was hoped that
additional insights into the persuasive attractiveness of
the reform philosophy would be gained and that strategies
for the persuasive presentation of ideas would be found.
Importance of the Study
James Harvey Davis was highly instrumental in the
formation of the Populist movement and its principles.
This movement had sufficient impact on American thought
to alter the course of the great political parties and to
influence political thinking for many years. Commager
noted:
. . . From the Populist platform of 1892, came
the formulation of that program of economic reform
which in one way or another was to dominate politics
for the next half-century. Under the impact of new
problems the old parties seemed about to disintegrate,
and new parties, the Populists and the Socialist,
threatened to disrupt the traditional two-party sys
tem. 4
The importance of speechmaking in this movement is
emphasized in the literature of American public address:
Public address was closely related to the events
of this period. In fact, the Populists revolt was as
much a speaking crusade as a political movement. Not
only renowned public figures like Bryan but the here
tofore largely inarticulate farmer became spokesmen for
the movement. In rural areas, farmers' societies, the
^Henry Steele Commager, The American Mind (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1950) , 45.
4
Grange, the Farmer's Alliance, and similar organiza
tions held frequent meetings that hotly debated the
needs of agriculture; and the leaders of the political
parties likewise debated the issues presented by "the
revolt of the farmer."5
Robert G. Gunderson specifically called for the
study of speakers like Davis:
It is the tendency of historians to immortalize a
few of the leaders of this movement and to forget the
great group of obscure individuals that harangued
crudely garbed sons of the Middle Border at every
country crossroads of the nation. General J. B. Weaver
of Iowa, "Pitchfork" Ben Tillman of South Carolina,
"Cyclone" Davis of Texas, Tom Watson of Georgia,
Reverend J. B. Kyle of South Dakota, "Sockless" Jerry
Simpson and W. A. Peffer of Kansas, and "Calamity"
Weller of Iowa are immortals of the revolt who deserve
a hearing; yet even more deserving of attention are
the host of nameless cracker-box Ciceros of country
grocery stores.6
Davis was active as a political campaigner from the
1870's until the 1930's. A study of his public addresses
should provide valuable insights into this period of
American history as well as the public speaking of those
decades.
Review of the Literature
Davis Collection. On June 30, 1964, Mr. Davis'
personal collection of materials was secured from his
^Kenneth G. Hance, Homer O. Hendrickson, and Edwin
W. Schoenberger, "The Later National Period: 1860-1930,"
A History and Criticism of American Public Address, edited
by William Norwood Brigance (New York: Russell and Russell
1960), I, 115.
^Robert G. Gunderson, "The Calamity Howlers,"
Quarterly Journal of Speech, XXVI (April, 1940), 409.
5
grandson, Mr. Frat Davis of Sulphur Springs, Texas. This
collection consisted of newspaper clippings, newspapers,
newspaper manuscripts, and speech manuscripts. The
majority of the collection was newspaper clippings dated
from the 1880's to the 1930's. Although the collection
was extensive, it was deficient in materials related to the
Populist era. Davis recorded in his Memoir;
In writing this review of the growth of our ruling
money power and my connection with the National reforms
that came to life in the eighties and nineties I must
depend largely on memory. My two grips and books,
documents, clothes and diary were stolen in Omaha,
Neb., while campaigning for Wilson's election as
President.7
Thus the majority of the materials concern the period before
and after World War I.
Mr. Davis wrote two books. The first, A Political
Revelation, was published in 1894,8 and the second, his
Memoir, was published in 19 35.9 A Political Revelation was
a defense of Populist ideas, supported by dozens of
references to the works of Jefferson. The Memoir was a
compilation of speeches, articles, poems, photographs, and
other miscellaneous materials. An explanation was offered
for its loose organization:
7Memoir, 53.
Sjames Harvey Davis, A Political Revelation (Dallas:
Advance Publishing Company, 1894)
^Memoir.
The reader may be confused by the multiplicity
of apparently disconnected articles and illustra
tions foregoing, but in reality each has a bearing
either through lasting ties of friendship, personal
contact, or unusual experience with the author,
editor or their colleages.^®
Scholarly Materials. A search of the East Texas
State College Library at Commerce, Texas, revealed a
Master's thesis written by Marshall L. Williams in 1937,
entitled "The Political Career of Cyclone Davis. An
other Master's thesis was written at Texas Christian Uni
versity in Ft. Worth, Texas. James L. Ranchino wrote a
thesis on "The Work and Thought of a Jeffersonian in the
12
Populist Movement, James Harvey 'Cyclone' Davis." This
thesis was limited to the discussion of Mr. Davis' career
up to 1900. Both studies were in the field of history.
Congressional Record. Since Davis was Democratic
Representative-at-Large from Texas in the Sixty-Fourth
Congress, the Congressional Record contained pertinent
^Memoir, 327.
^-Marshall L. Williams, "The Political Career of
Cyclone Davis" (unpublished Master's thesis, East Texas
State College, 1937), 68 pp. The library copy of this
thesis was misplaced and Mr. Williams' personal copy
was secured.
12
James L. Ranchino, "The Work and Thought of a
Jeffersonian in the Populist Movement, James Harvey
'Cyclone' Davis" (unpublished Master's thesis, Texas
Christian University, 1964) , 156 pp.
7
materials. Bills and joint resolutions, motions and
resolutions, petitions and papers, and remarks were
included.^
Collateral Sources. Collateral sources were the
works concerning the Populist movement and the contemporary
scene during Davis' lifetime. Hicks, The Populist
14 15
Revolt, Martin, The People's Party in Texas,
1
Josephson, The Politicos, 1865-1896, Hofstadter, The Age
17 18
of Reform, Curti, The Growth of American Thought,
Parrington, The Beginnings of Critical Realism in America,
19 20
1860-1920, and Commager, The American Mind, were
representative of these works.
13
United States, Congressional Record, Sixty-fourth
Congress, LIII, LIV.
14
John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt (Minneapolis:
The University of Minnesota Press, 1931).
15
Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party m Texas
(Austin: University of Texas Press, 1933) .
1 /r
Matthew Josephson, The Politicos, 1865-1896
(New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1938).
17 .
Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform (New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1955).
18
Merle Curti, The Growth of American Thought
(New York: Harper Brothers, Publishers, 1943).
19 . . .
Vernon Louis Parrington, The Beginnings of
Critical Realism in America, 1860-1920, Vol. Ill: Main
Currents in American Thought (New York: Harcourt, Brace
and Company, 1930).
20
Henry Steele Commager, The American Mind (New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1950).
8
The writings of other Populist leaders and their
biographies were used to discover their viewpoints.
21
Examples of these works were, Bryan, The First Battle,
22
Allen, The Lives of Weaver and Field, Haynes, James
23 24
Baird Weaver, Coletta, William Jennings Bryan, and
25
Levine, Defender of the Faith.
A search of Dissertation Abstracts in the areas of
History, Political Science, Speech and Drama, and Biogra
phy, did not reveal any doctoral dissertations concerning
_ • 26
Davis.
Methodology, Procedures, and Techniques
Methodology. The research plan for this study
involved the historical and critical methods. These two
methods were discussed by Gregg Phifer who said the re
searcher must "seek out and critically evaluate the reports
21 .
William Jennings Bryan, The First Battle: A Story
of the Campaign of 1896 (Chicago: W. B. Conkey Co., 1896).
22
E.A. Allen, The Lives of Weaver and Field and
Achievements of the People * s Party (Mew York: Wl KN
Ferguson Company, 1892).
23
Fred E. Haynes, James Baird Weaver (Iowa City:
The State Historical Society of Iowa, 1919).
24
Paolo E. Coletta, William Jennings Bryan (Lincoln,
Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1964).
25
Lawrence W. Levine, Defender of the Faith, William
Jennings Bryan: The Last Decade, 1915-1925 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1965).
^ Dissertation Abstracts (Ann Arbor, Michigan:
1938 - June, 1964).
9
of observers of past events in order to describe accurately
what happened and to clarify as best he can the relation-
27
ships among these events."
The approach to public address criticism followed
irTTzhis study was the "history of ideas" approach
suggested by Wrage. He believed that public address
criticism could be improved by placing "speeches and
speaking in proper relationship to the history of ideas."
"Adequate social and intellectual history," he wrote
"cannot be written without reference to public speaking
as it contributed to the ideas injected into public
2 8
consciousness." Joseph Blau, discussing the presup
positions and assumptions underlying public address,
wrote that the "propositions, acknowledged or not, that
justify the speaker's text," must be found and then "be
examined for their logical consistency as well as for
29
their place in the history of ideas."
A primary assumption in this study was that public
27
Gregg Phifer, "The Historical Approach," An
Introduction to Graduate Study in Speech and Theatre, ed.
by Clyde W. Dow (East Lansing, Michigan: Michigan State
University Press, 1961), 53.
2 8
Ernest J. Wrage, "Public Address: A Study in
Social and Intellectual History," Quarterly Journal of
Speech, XXXIII (December, 1947), 457.
29
Joseph L. Blau, "Public Address as Intellectual
Revelation," Western Speech, XXI (Spring, 1957), 78.
10
speaking is an effective tool in the dissemination and
clarification of ideas. "Public address" may be defined
as that body of materials that pertains specifically to
speechmaking, including the speech texts, the biographical
and historical materials. Analysis of public address
materials besides providing insights into rhetorical
behavior, has additional outcomes: (1) when one appraises
a speech, he is examining an instrument of ideas, and (2)
a speech bears the mark of the times in that it was
prepared for a living audience and adapted to them. Thus
examination of a speech informs us of the presuppositions
30
and goals of both the speaker and the audience.
Croft wrote that "the main function of history and
criticism is to show how propositions and criticisms are
connected; how a speaker uses techniques to adapt his ideas
31
to the ideas of his audiences." Croft discussed further
the aims of public address criticism:
. . . Rhetorical evaluation will attempt to dis
cover the following things: (1) the basic values
on which the speaker rests his specific proposals;
(2) the specific proposals themselves; (3) the manner
in which the speaker attempts to connect values with
proposals in the minds of his audience; (4) the
30
James H. McBath, paraphrase of class notes,
February 6, 1962.
31
Albert J. Croft, "The Functions of Rhetorical
Criticism," Quarterly Journal of Speech, XLII (October,
1956) , 286.
11
extent to which these connections are appropriate to
the audience being addressed.32
Nichols stated that "great speeches reveal man at the
33
intellectual crossroads of his public life." Wrage added
to the public address concept when he said that "the study
of ideas provides an index to the history of man's values
and goals, his hopes and fears, his aspirations and nega-
34
tions, to what he considers expedient or inapplicable."
Of the approaches used in rhetorical criticism,
the one outlined above appeared to be most useful in the
study of Davis' speaking. By applying the historical
and critical methods, it was hoped that a contribution to
both the history of ideas and rhetorical theory could be
made. A study of Davis, one of a number of prominent
Populist spokesmen, filled a small gap in American history
and revealed rhetorical principles arising from a practical
need rather than from formal training. Davis was not a
scholarly student of rhetoric. He intuitively applied
rhetorical principles in his speaking. What he lacked in
formal learning was compensated for by devotion to a cause.
32Croft, 289.
33
Marie Hochmuth Nichols, Rhetoric and Criticism
(Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University Press,
1963) ,64.
34
Wrage, 451.
12
Procedures. The materials for this study were
collected from original sources as much as possible and
supplemented by collateral materials. The Davis Collection
contained several hundred newspaper clippings from all
over the nation describing the ideas and activities of
Davis and the reactions of audiences to his public
addresses. The large number of clippings may be explained
by the fact that Davis occasionally employed a clipping
service. He also was diligent in preserving newspaper
reports of his speaking tours. Davis had placed many of
them in envelopes marked "favorable" and "unfavorable."
Many of the clippings were over fifty years old; many had
deteriorated along the folds. In order to preserve the
collection, and to prevent the destruction of them through
repeated handling, the clippings were glued to 8 1/2 x 15
inch sheets of paper. Then the entire collection, with the
exception of duplicate materials and some personal corre-
35
spondence of his son Arlon B. Davis, was xeroxed.
The texts of Davis' speeches were available in
three forms: typewritten manuscripts, newspaper reports,
35
The materials in this collection were not
classified in any systematic order. Approximately seventy
hours from June 30 to August 8, 1964, were devoted to the
sorting, preserving, and classifying of the extensive
materials.
13
and the Congressional Record. Where complete texts of
his speeches were not available, the major ideas were
derived from newspaper reports. The major themes that
were the concern of Davis in his speeches were examined
in order to relate them to the political, economic, and
social patterns of his age.
Techniques. The nature of the Davis Collection
precluded consistent use of standard research style
techniques. Where no change of meaning was involved,
minor corrections such as inversions, omissions, and
additions were made in citing the sources. Grammatical
mistakes and misspellings were left unchanged from the
original sources. Many of the clippings were not labeled
and could not be identified. In instances where partial
identification was possible, brackets were used to
indicate that the information had been derived from
internal or circumstantial evidence.
Chapter Preview
Chapter I of the study reviews the ideology of
Davis and relates it to the political and intellectual
currents of his era. Chapter II details the birth, family
background, and the education of Davis in order to gain
perspective on his viewpoints as he expressed them in his
speeches.
14
The remaining chapters chronologically recount the
career of Davis discussing his speeches, the audiences to
whom he spoke, and the occasions of his speaking. Special
emphasis was placed upon extracting the major ideas
expressed, the strategies used by Davis and his persuasive
adaptation to his audiences. The rhetorical problems
which Davis faced, their context and circumstances, were
examined in order to derive the evaluative material
necessary for valid critical comments.
Chapter III covers the early formulation of his
political ideology. Davis' early political and newspaper
activities prepared him for later national service to the
Populist party.
Davis was perhaps at the height of his public
speaking career during the Populist era. Chapter IV
focuses on the period from 1890 to 1895. During this
period the Populist party achieved its growth and its
successes.
Chapter V analyzes Davis' rhetorical adjustments
to the difficult problems he faced during the fusion
controversy, 1895-1900. During the presidential election
campaign of 1896, the possibility of the Populists
rejoining the Democratic forces presented itself. Davis
found himself caught between the staunch Populists who
wanted to hold the party together at all costs, even though
15
defeat seemed to be certain, and the faction that wanted
to join the Democrats and perhaps achieve victory.
After the death of the Populist party due to fusion
with the Democratic party, Davis turned his primary
attention to social reform through national prohibition.
Chapter VI surveys the career of Davis as he adjusted, his
speaking to prohibition audiences and defended himself
against accusations of being a political opportunist,
hurled at him by dissident Democrats.
t-.
Davis returned to political prominence as Repre-
sentative-at-Large from Texas in 1916-1917. He served
only one term, but the four years, 1914-1918 were occupied
with the initial campaign, his term in office, and his
try for re-election. This period called for a unique
rhetorical adjustment for Davis. The impending war and
associated social problems called for approaches different
from those used in the far removed Populist struggles.
A major question was whether Davis was inclined to
reminisce rather than discover new approaches to his
persuasive problems. Chapter VII reconstructs this four
year period.
Problems associated with the "roaring twenties"
caught the attention of Davis after World War I. The
revival of the Ku Klux Klan, and his repeated attempts
to be elected to public office, provided opportunity for
16
him to speak to the public. In his last years he returned
to newspaper writing, and continued to express his views
on current political issues. Chapter VIII treats his
activities from 1918 to his death in 1940.
The final chapter evaluates the public speaking
of Davis and draws conclusions from the evidence presented
in the study.
CHAPTER I
DAVIS' IDEOLOGY: POLITICAL AND
INTELLECTUAL HERITAGE
In order to gain a perspective on James Harvey Davis
in the context of his time, and the origins of his ideol
ogy, this chapter reviews the political and intellectual
heritage of Populism.
General Political Background
! Political Characteristics and Problems. The period
I
j in which the Populists developed their pattern of thought
I
i
ihad, according to Hofstadter, two major characteristics:
j
jexpansion and reform. The period from the Civil War to the
t
j1890's was "a period of industrial and continental expan-
I
|sion and political conservatism," and from the 1890's to
'World War II "an age of reform."1 Rapid changes took place
!
j during Davis1 lifetime and many new and complex problems
i
i arose. The Civil War had demonstrated the latent energy of
i
I the nation. When this strength was re-directed to peaceful
i
i
!uses, the national growth was tremendous. Industrialism
I and agrarianism both experienced changes that left the
I------------------------------------------------------------------
1Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform (New York:
jAlfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1955), 3.
18
average man at a loss to understand them. Pervasive and
complex problems confronted post-Appomattox America.
Commager noted:
The most urgent of these were the problems of
the distribution of wealth, the control of vast
and powerful aggregations of capital, the mainte
nance of political democracy under the impact of
an undemocratic economy, large-scale unemployment
and labor troubles, urban crowding and the assimi
lation of the foreign born, the decline of farm
income and the increase in farm tenancy, the con
servation of natural resources rapidly being ex
hausted by reckless exploitation, the responsibil
ities of overseas rule and world politics, and the
accommodation of political institutions, organized
for the needs of a small rural republic, to the ]
challenging demands of a great industrial nation.^ j
j
For the people of the South and the West, the farm j
problem was the most perplexing. While the South turned to j
i
"King Cotton" to solve its problems, the West, with the j
i
application of scientific technology and invention, revolu
tionized agriculture with the grain threshers of McCormick
and Hussey. The farmer's outlook should have been opti- j
mistic all over the nation, but problems unrelated to the
tillage of the soil marred the scene.
The farm problem is complex, presenting itself to
the farmer, the cattleman, the dairyman, and the
orchardist in very different guises. It appeared at
one time as a railroad problem, at another as a money
question, and still another as a question of land
policy; it involved sectional interests, party programs,!
and international relations. Yet basic to almost every
aspect of the farm problem were certain unchanging
2Allan Nevins and Henry Steele Commager, The Pocket
History of the United States (Pocket Books, Inc.^ 1956)”,
242.
t
19
factors. Chief among them were the exhaustion of
the soil, the vagaries of nature, overproduction of
staple crops, decline in self-sufficiency, and the
lack of adequate legislative protection and aid.3
Economic problems, the lingering bitterness of the war,
the instability of nature and political maneuverings all
were demoralizing forces to those in the agrarian areas.
They felt that they were the victims of conspiracies
deliberately planned to make their lives miserable. Over
half of the population could not continue to exist in the
confusing conditions that were created by the Civil War.
Reform movements were to be in vogue the next fifty years
for the agrarians.
Agrarian Reform Movements; Forerunners of Populism
The Grange. In 1866 a government clerk, Oliver
Kelly, toured the South and decided that conditions
existing there must be changed.
With a few friends he organized the Patrons of
Husbandry, a social and educational order designed
"to develop a higher and better manhood and womanhood
among ourselves. To enhance the comforts and
attractions of our homes and strengthen our attach-
j ments to our pursuits. . . .To make our farms
I sustaining.
!
As long as chapters existed in the East, the Grange grew
very little, but conditions were ripe for such an organiza-
i
|tion in the West. In 1869, it was decided to move the
3
Nevins and Commager, 337.
^Nevins and Commager, 342.
20
organization to the farmers in the Middle West, and its
growth began. By 1873, the Grange had a membership of
three-quarters of a million and had spread throughout the
nation.
The primary purpose of the Grange was social en
richment of the life of the farmer and his family. Papers
were published, farm publications were distributed by
libraries, and gatherings in the country crossroads were
addressed by Grange lecturers. Stores, loan agencies, and
even factories were set up as co-operatives, but most were
unsuccessful because of mismanagement and competition.
The Grangers were not primarily concerned with
politics, but they nevertheless achieved certain political
results: they were able to elect some of their members to
the state legislatures and to pass laws regulating ware
houses and railroads. As prosperity returned in the late
seventies, the Grangers slowly lost their political in
terest but later revived their social and educational
activities.
The Greenback Party. The Greenback Party was
organized in 1875. It was composed of farmers and
j debtors who desired currency inflation. If Congress had
issued additional paper currency, prices would have in
creased. In 1878, the labor groups joined with them and
polled over a million votes, electing many state officials
and fifteen representatives to Congress. In 1880, General
21
James B. Weaver was selected as their presidential candi
date but received only 309,000 votes. Although the party
did not succeed in its major demand, the issuance of green
backs, it did prevent further currency contraction. Other
demands were the eight-hour day, graduated income tax, an
I interstate commerce law, and opposition to railroad land
i
grants. In 1884, the Greenback party merged with the Anti-
Monopoly party. Many of the Greenbackers later joined the
Populist party.®
j Farmer's Alliance. The Farmer's Alliance was organ-
i
Iized in 1873 in New York. It spread westward gradually,
|
| and by the 1890's it was an active organization throughout
i
!
j the West and South. The Alliance joined the Greenbackers
I
| in calling for the inflation of currency, railroad and
i
public utility regulation, consumers' cooperatives, direct
election of United States senators, anti-trust legislation,
educational expansion, and relief from mortgage indebted
ness.® These movements provided a reform climate in the
I
jnation. They also demonstrated that the rural population
I
|could wield political power. In order to find solutions to
!the farm problems these diverse groups realized that it
i _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
i ^Michael Martin and Leonard Gelber, Dictionary of
American History (Totowa, N. J.: Littlefield, Adams &
Co., 1965), 259-260.
®Martin and Gelber, 208.
22
would be necessary to resolve their differences and
organize into an effective political group.
Northern and Southern Alliance Conventions. On
December 3-7, 1889, the Northern and Southern Alliances
held joint conventions at St. Louis, hoping that being
7
united, they would be an effective political body.
However, lingering sectional hatred and policy differences
prevented unity. The Northern Alliance wanted to start a
third party, but the Southern Alliance preferred to seek
control of existing Democratic machinery. Many in the
Southern Alliance soon saw the futility of trying to
capture the Democratic organization and turned to the
g
third party idea.
Ocala, Florida, Convention. The week of December 1,
1890, the Southern Alliance met at Ocala, Florida, to
establish a third party. The statements of that platform
were to become the principles that guided the Populist
party throughout its history. The Ocala demands included:
abolition of Federal banks, creation of sub-treasuries,
circulation of fifty dollars per capita, an. end to
futures speculation, free and unlimited coinage of
silver, abolishment of alien land ownership, tariff reform,
________________________I
7
For reports of the proceedings of the convention,
see the Dallas Morning News, December 4-8, 1889.
8
Howard P. Nash, Third Parties in American Politics
(Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1959), 173.
23
graduated income tax, government control of transportation
and communication, and the direct election of United
9
States Senators.
The Ocala statements provided a basis for the
organization of the Populist party in Cincinnati in May,
1891. All of the various groups were invited to the con
vention to discuss their common agreements. The formation
of a national committee, of which Davis was a member, to
organize and guide the third party, was an important move
toward strengthening the agrarian movement. Unger outlined
the rationale of the third party:
Unable to find relief through the major parties
for the often half understood ills that afflicted
them, segments of these two groups, but particularly
western and southern agrarians, threw off traditional
party affiliations and in 1892 organized the People's
Party, the "Populists." For the next five years,
although targets of ridicule and abuse, the "wild men"
of the prairies and the piney woods cut deeply into
traditional party affiliations and kept the nation's
political life in an uproar unequalled since the
tumultuous days of Reconstruction. By 1897 the
Populist impulse had largely dissipated, but politics
and life were never to flow in similar channels
again.10
Populism as a political force had a comparatively short
life as a third party movement, but it "released the flow
9
John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1931), Appendix B, 430-431.
"^Irwin Unger, Populism: Nostalgic or Progressive?,
"The Berkeley Series in American History," ed. Charles
Sellers (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1964), 1.
24
of protest and criticism that swept through American
political affairs from the 1890's to the beginning of the
first World War."H
Intellectual Currents of Populism
Although these agrarian movements arose in response
to specific social, economic, and political problems of the
I day, Populists looked to an intellectual thought patterns
jdeveloped over the centuries for justification of their in
tentions. Curti traced the origin of those basic presup
positions to the Enlightenment, a movement of thought and
belief which flourished during the 17th and 18th centuries:
| Faith in man's dignity, in his natural rights to
I liberty, to equality of opportunity, and to happiness,
j was a heritage of the Enlightenment. It was also a
! heritage of actual experience on American soil. The
j philosophes had emphasized man's power through reason
j to tear down dungeons and build mansions. The con
quest of the American physical environment by indivi-
[ duals, families, and groups seemed in the minds of
American men and women to be living evidence of human
ability to do this very thing. The old American
society of relatively equal opportunity was changing,
but belief in the individual continued.12
These humanitarian precepts were written into the major
documents of the American government. The Populists con-
jstantly appealed to the Declaration of Independence and to
I
|the Constitution to emphasize individual rights:
i
! A common theory underlay the ideas of reform, even
| the most extreme. This was the old theory of human
HHofstadter, 60.
l^Merle Curti, The Growth of American Thought. (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1943), 610.
25
rights— the idea that the individual has a natural
right to an existence worthy of a human being, that
institutions and social arrangements are but means
to the realization of this right.13
! Pollack's analysis of Populist ideology led him to
conclude:
As its name suggests, Populism was people oriented.
It was not dollar-oriented, success-oriented, survival-
of-the-fittest-oriented, or whatever else the prevail-
j ing ideologies held up to industrial America. There
was little of the self-conscious in the Populist en
shrinement of the common man: He was not a sentimental
construct but the ultimate basis for government and for
the creation of wealth . . . Society must be attuned
to his needs, or it ceases to be democratic. No man is
free when all are not free. It is this heightened j
| awareness of the human condition in the late nineteenth ;
! century which gave rise to the Populist movement, and
! which served to define the outline of its thought.
j
j Parrington provided this interpretation of the traditional j
i j
I struggle between the individual and society: j
j l
| It is, perhaps, not too extreme to interpret the
! political history of America since 1790 as largely a
! struggle between the spirit of the Declaration of
| Independence and the spirit of the Constitution, the j
! one primarily concerned with the rights of man, the
1 other more practically concerned with the rights of
property. The humanitarian idealism of the Declara
tion was always echoed as a battle-cry in the hearts
j of those who dream of an America dedicated to demo-
I cratic ends.3-3
I
I
jThis spirit has often broken out in revolt when the major
I
|parties have grown callous and indifferent to the demands
| 13Curti, 608.
■ i
i 14Norman Pollack (ed.), The Populist Mind (New York: J
iBobbs—Merrill Co., Inc., 1967), xix, xx. ;
]3Vernon Louis Parrington, The Beginnings of Criti
cal Realism in America, 1860-1920, Vol. Ill: M a m Currents
in American Thought (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.,
11930), 285. ______________________________________________
26
of the common people, and has shown its power through
third-party movements. As Parrington asserts:
[These various parties,] however they differed
in immediate programs, have had a common objective,
namely, to set man above property as the great object
of governmental concern, and preserve in America the
democratic principle of equal opportunity.
Individual rights, self-reliance, human dignity, and free-
;dom of thought and expression were all values that the
|Populists used to guide their actions.
i
I
|Populists' Interpretation of Jefferson
| For the majority of the Populist leaders, the prin-
j ciple of individual rights was derived from the traditional
I interpretation of Jefferson. Based as it was on the lan-
|guage of the Declaration of Independence and its equalitar-
i
!ian pronouncements, the Populists' claim of individual
i
j freedom of action and thought was a strong and respectable
i
foundation from which to argue. The Populists were con-
j cerned that each of their reforms be predicated on the demo-
I
icratic tradition and supported with documentary evidence:
i
i Whether in the picnic groves, the courthouse
i squares, the crossroad stores, both West and South,
| Populist orators spoke for two or three hours and
! oftentimes longer, not haranguing a crowd, but more
: often than not discussing issues by quoting long
' passages from census statistics, court decisions,
^Parrington, 285.
27
and the writings of economists . . . In fact, they
took delight in using established sources to make
their case, so as to forestall the charge of resort
ing to biased authorities. Many of these speeches
still exist, some running to thirty closely packed
j pages. In a period of American history when the
j major parties studiously avoided the discussion of
j contemporary problems, Populism stood as an important
educating force in the lives of many citizens.17
Davis, as did the majority of Democratic politicians,
I
| looked to the founding fathers for inspiration and guidance.
His mentor was Thomas Jefferson, as Merrill D. Peterson
shows:
Other Democrats who took their politics from Mon-
; ticello went into the Populist party in the eighteen- j
| nineties. Jeffersonianism was for them, as for others, j
| a yardstick of viable political remedies, but they em- j
' phasized particularly the radical and agrarian side of i
j the tradition. They were leading the embattled farmers j
I in the third great revolt against the plutocracy.18
i
jTom Watson, William Jennings Bryan, and most of the Populist
■leaders looked upon Jefferson with reverence.
I
; I
; i
|Sources of Davis' Ideology
Davis developed his political ideology against a
background of revivalistic reform. He had direct associa-
j
jtion with all three of the agrarian reform movements. He
i
|joined the Grange in the early 70's and attended their
'meetings regularly in the Northeast Texas area. He won his
,first political campaign by publicly debating the issues
l^Pollack, xlv.
i
I l^Merrill D. Peterson, The Jefferson Image in the
l American Mind (New York: Oxford~University Press,1960), 257.
28
with a Greenback opponent. As a lecturer for the Farmer's
Alliance, Davis acquired a solid background in the reform
movements and their principles.
He was determined to educate himself in the reform
philosophy. In addition to memorizing the documents of the
Founding Fathers, Davis read widely in the newspapers of the
time. One of his favorite papers at the beginning of his
career was Mark M. ("Brick") Pomeroy's Democrat. Pomeroy
supported the Greenback party in 1876 and supported reforms
I
I for the common man.-*-^ Evidence of Davis' wide interest in
political affairs can be found in the large and diverse
collection of newspaper clippings that he gathered over the
I i
[years. Later m life, he subscribed to a leading Mormon i
j i
i j
Jpaper, Catholic papers, the New York World, and the
!Scientific American in order, as he said, "to broaden and
I — — — — — — — — — — — — — — — —
extend my mental horizon."^0
Davis' Use of Jefferson. Davis' allegiance to
Jefferson was expressed in almost every speech he made.
Witness, for example, this statement made in 1892:
I can take the life of Thomas Jefferson and run
all these modern democrats into their holes and I can
I i
j -----------------------------------------------------------------
l j
J -^James l . Ranchino, "The Work and Thought of a
I Jeffersonian in the Populist Movement, James Harvey
,'Cyclone' Davis" (unpublished Master's thesis, Texas
jchristian University, 1964), 104-5; Fort Worth Record,
November 2, 1931; Mary E. Tucker, Mark M. Pomeroy (New
York: G. W. Charleton, 1878), 1-3.
^Davis Collection, Fort Worth Record, November 2,
1931.
29
then take this congressional record or national books
and stop and seal up the holes forever.
He quoted Jefferson, Jay, Madison, Jackson and
Lincoln against national banks, subsidies, and
corporations.21
On another occasion he said:
I will bet any man all I am worth and my hope of
heaven that I can prove every proposition I make from
the Constitution of the United States and the inspired
j writings of Thomas Jefferson.22
In his book A Political Revelation, Davis presented his
solutions to the problems of the day in the language of
Jefferson. Page after page, Davis expounded quotations
from Jefferson to prove his p r o p o s i t i o n s . ^ He wrote of
jJefferson's "patriotism, his love of mankind and his
desire to mark out a line of action for prosperity which
2 4
would lead to a grander, nobler civilization." A review
in the Southern Mercury stated that "Davis . . . has
endeavored to explain and defend the leading doctrines
of populism and to show that they run on all fours with
2 5
the teachings of Thomas Jefferson." Peterson wrote:
The lanky Texas Spellbinder, James H. "Cyclone"
Davis, stumped for the Populists from Oregon to North
i Carolina with the works of Jefferson locked under his
| arms. "On this question," Davis would say, "let us
j _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
j 21pan as Morning News, July 30, 1892.
j 22pavis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
| 23james Harvey Davis, A Political Revelation
| (Sherman, Texas: The Advance Publishing Co., 1894) , 160ff.
| 24pav^s^ 122.
25pavis Collection, Southern Mercury, May 2, 1895.
30
turn to vol. 3, page 103, Jefferson's works, and read
what he says, viz: 'The question whether one genera
tion of men has a right to bind another. . .'"
Expounding Jefferson in this way, drawing from his
works all the Populist answers to the new plutocracy,
from government ownership of railroads to free silver,
Davis wrote and spoke like a rural Moses of the faith:
Let us now bow in adoration of the sainted sire
of American liberty, pull off our shoes while we
tread the holy ground around the sods where he
lies in the caverns of the dead, or with the hand
of faith pull away the mystic curtains, that swing
twixt us and the spirit land, or on the winged
winds let us waft a message to Mr. Jefferson and
tell him that there is another hereditary high
handed aristocracy in our l a n d .26
Jeffersonian Themes. Davis was a propagandist for
the Populist principles developed at Ocala, Florida,
December 1890; at Cincinnati, Ohio, May 1891; and at
Omaha, Nebraska, July 1892. The statements of those docu
ments, echoing Jefferson's ideas, were Davis' themes.
Davis pursued three major themes in his public address:
(1) the equality of man, (2) faith in the agrarian society,
and (3) the power of government to control social and
economic forces. These principles were applied to three
major problems of the era, as viewed by the Populists,
|
i (1) land, (2) transportation, and (3) money.
j
i Davis, as were most Southerners, was forced to re-
l
think and re-evaluate the doctrines that defended slavery
and led to the Civil War. On the "divinity of slavery,"
in which his father, a slave-owner, believed, Davis
wrote, "That theory denied the whole program of freedom
26peterson, 257.
31
and repudiated all of Jefferson's teaching. I decided that
|men perfectly honest could destroy the foundation of the
republic and produce despotism." Because of his stand on
'slavery and the impeachment of Andrew Johnson by the "money
i
power," Davis vowed, "I thus dedicated my life to Jeffer-
; |
[son's theory of government and to his money system; as
i 01
laying the foundation for a glorious freedom."'
| i
| Natural Rights. The theme of Natural Rights was |
well-grounded in "the laissez-faire policy of Jefferson and
with the agrarian doctrine that all men must have the right !
! i
jand the opportunity to rise by their own efforts, without
i 2 8
ibenefit or hindrance from constituted authority." The
["natural rights" of man should not be violated by any con- |
i 1
Istituted power. The government derived its authority from
i |
[the people and existed to preserve and protect those rights.;
[Davis explained his position in a debate with M. M. Crane
i
Jat Grandview, Texas, on July 22, 1892. The Dallas Morning
i
News reported:
! Reading from the declaration of independence the
speaker said that the government was instituted to
secure the people in life, liberty and the pursuit of
happiness. And in establishing this republican
form of government all power was left in the hands
27James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas: The j
[Courier Press, 1935) 40. I
! !
2 8
Rod W. Horton and Herbert W. Edwards, Backgrounds j
i of American Literary Thought (New York: Appleton-Century- |
Crofts, Inc., 1952), 104.
32
of the people, with their own consent. Not a govern
ment without your consent, not government by and for
the corporations. When we say life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness, it means liberty in the broadest
and noblest sense. Liberty does not mean a wearisome
struggle in the sun, and when your products are all
stacked, to be absorbed by a corporation. You have
the absolute right to every comfort, convenience and
all else that you make by your toil except what the
government needs. I believe in the doctrine found in
the Bible, that by the sweat of his brow man shall
| earn his bread, and I further believe that the man who
! furnishes the sweat should have the choice of bread.
[ When government takes away your choice of bread it
destroys your liberty to that extent. When the gov
ernment permits you to live on hard tack and gives
the ice cream to corporations then it has destroyed
your liberty. I believe in the natural absolute
| rights of man. When God gave him life he gave him
j liberty at the same time.29 j
I I
|In the introduction to his speeches, Davis often traced the |
jhistory of man's freedom. At Stephenville, Texas, on j
jJuly 31, 1892, "he briefly recapitulated the steps toward j
I n r t
! liberty taken by the people of all ages • . . "ou At the
i
|Waco convention in 1893 it was reported:
[ i
j Brother Davis said he saw before him an audience |
whose very presence was a guarantee that they were |
not in quest of an office. 'We have met in solemn !
protest against oppression under the forms of law. !
It is the very same class of citizens who on a mem- [
I orable day some centuries ago met, and through their
j spokesman, made King John concede the liberty of
| trial by jury on identically the same principles on
i which our republic is founded today.'31
i
Davis, in Political Revelation, developed the equal-
i itarian concept. He wrote, "Every man is just as much a
^ Dallas Morning News, July 23, 1893.
■^Dallas Morning News, July 30, 1892.
3ipallas Morning News, August 19, 1893.
33
sovereign, or just as much a king as any other m a n ."32
The American people composed the "royal family" of the
government:
The government is the organized agency through
which all the people rule themselves, and in all
governmental affairs we are a great partnership,
every person's rights being e q u a l .33
!Since equal rights were guaranteed by the government, "all
jlaws ought to bestow no special blessings or privileges on
|any c l a s s . "34 Davis was committed to the equalitarian
i
I principle. Any measure that would help restore the social,
|political, and economic balance was favored by him.
! Faith in the Agrarian Man and Society. The equali-
j tarian proposition posed one major difficulty. Where would
!
j the leadership arise that was needed to accomplish these
j aims? Was the agrarian society able to produce the men
|capable of guiding these reforms? Hofstadter answered:
The answer was that it could be generated from
within. As popular democracy gained strength
and confidence, it reinforced the widespread be-
! lief in the inborn, intuitive, folkish wisdom
j over the cultivated, oversophisticated, and self-
j interested knowledge of the literati and the well-
| to-do. Just as the evangelicals repudiated a
■ learned religion and a formally constituted
| clergy in favor of the wisdom of the heart and dir-
i ect access to God, so did advocates of egalitarian
32Davis, Political Revelation, 97.
33Davis, Political Revelation, 97.
34Davis, Political Revelation, 11.
34
politics propose to dispense with trained leadership
in favor of the native practical sense of the ordinary
man with its direct access to truth. This preference
for the wisdom of the common man flowered, in the
most extreme statements of the democratic creed, into
a kind of militant popular anti-intellectualism.35
This faith in the common sense, good judgment, and high
moral character of the average man was the second major
theme of Davis' public speeches.
The moral sense of the common man was described by
Jefferson, and often cited by Davis in these words:
State a moral case to a ploughman and a professor.
The former will decide it as well and often better
than the latter, because he has not been led astray
by artificial r u l e s . 36
Although morally superior, Jefferson would not have argued
that he was intellectually and politically superior. To
the agrarians this logically followed, since they viewed
most of their causes as moral problems.37 The notion of
agrarian superiority had a long and respectable tradition,
as Horton and Edwards pointed out:
Echoing Adam Smith, the French physiocrats, and the
inevitable John Locke, the agrarians reasoned that the
basic element in society was not property but the crea
tion of wealth. Like Locke, they believed that man's
i title to property arose from his "mixing his labor"
! with that of property; that is, from using it to pro
duce goods and not to contain socially useless things
such as hunting parks, greenhouses, or summer places. 8
35Richard Hofstadter, Anti-intellectualism in
American Life (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963) , 154-155.
38Hofstadter, 155.
37Hofstadter, 155.
38Horton and Edwards, 96.
35
Jefferson wrote:
Those who labor in the earth are the chosen people
of God, if ever He had a chosen people, whose breasts
He has made His peculiar deposit for substantial and
genuine virtue. It is the focus in which he keeps alive
that sacred fire, which otherwise might escape from the
face of the earth.39
Davis, reared in an atmosphere that enhanced agrarian atti
tudes, understood and accepted the above premises. Early
in his career, he stated his belief as follows:
In support of these thoughts may be considered the
speech of Methodist Jim Davis, delivered yesterday
morning, when he said that it is pretended that all
are equal before the law; that thousands of fat offices
are created for people other than farmers; that there
are more than 600 county attorneys in Texas and not a
farmer or laborer among them, but all are lawyers;
that the law is purposely so woven around with
technicalities that common men are not permitted to
fill offices appertaining; that stripped of these
technicalities, law is so simple that any ordinary
man can conduct its administration without difficulty.
The rich, men who live in cities of more than 10,000
inhabitants have their mail delivered by this pluto
cratic government right at their doors, while you
poor farmers, when you want your mail, must put a
blind bridle on a sore back mule and ride through
heat and storm to the post office.40
Since land was the source of all wealth, and the common man
the backbone of our society, measures should be taken to
insure that each man had his just share.41 The fundamental
I
right to labor and to harvest the fruits of the land must
be protected at all costs.
j 39uorton and Edwards, 100, quoting Jefferson, Notes
on Virginia, Query XIX, II, 229.
40pallas Morning News, July 31, 1891.
! ^Davis, Political Revelation, 102.
36
Davis did not forget the growing class of urban
laborers. At the Populist state convention in Dallas, June,
1892, he introduced a resolution favoring a state bureau of
labor. Over cries of "Table it,"
Davis held the floor and said the farmers have their
department of agriculture and the laboring people are
entitled to equal recognition. There are two kinds of
labor, that in the cities and that in agriculture. The
latter is one of the protected industries and the
laborers of the cities and towns are the most helpless
class of workers in this country. To protect them
against corporate greed is a crying necessity. As one
of the speakers in this campaign I have declared that
we expect to stand by the city laborers and workers.
The great labor organizations of this country are
asking for protection. They have been demanding it
and the corporations have been refusing. They have
been refusing to employ workmen unless they go out of
their labor organizations and force them to renounce
allegiance to their order. When it is known that labor
is powerless to protect the individual worker from the
tyranny of these great corporations chartered by the
state, if you fail or refuse to carry this proposition
of mine into effect, you just say you don't recognize
the workingman's condition as requiring your attention
and do not recognize him as having a part in our great
movement.42
The superiority of the common man, his independence coupled
with his inborn ability to make sound moral judgments, would
assure the continuance of a prosperous nation.
Government Activity for the Common Man. A third
major theme of the Populists was that the government should
regulate economic affairs. Accusations that Federal con
trol of economic affairs would be adopting the ideologies
42oallas Morning News, June 25, 1892.
37
of Socialism and Communism were rejected by the Populists.
They desired that all changes be made through the demo
cratic process. Curti wrote:
Reformers believed that the desired social order
of equal opportunity for all might be built within
the existing framework of political democracy. They
placed their trust in free discussion and the reason
able decision of issues by the majority ...43
Politics was a useful tool to accomplish reforms in society.
Pollack wrote:
The underlying current permeating every realm of
Populist thought is man's quest for a just social
order . . . Whether in the areas of economics,
politics or social values, there is a consistent
and continuous humanitarian underpinning to their
thinking.
Woven into the texture of their thought was the
! insistence that men could consciously make their
future . . . Society is not an organism subject to
its own laws. It is a human community subject to
! the laws of men . . . Populists contended that there
S is nothing inevitable about misery and squalor,
nothing irreversible about the tendencies toward the
concentration of wealth and the legitimation of cor
porate power; not the impersonal tendency but men
themselves are responsible for contemporary society,
and for this reason, men can— and according to the
Populists, must— alter the course of that society in
a humanistic direction . . . What stands out, then,
i about the Populist mind is an affirmation of man, a
| faith in man's capacity to shape his own history.44
| The Populists favored government interference on be-
j
|half of the masses and believed that man could control his
i
I society through proper planning:
^■^Curti, 611.
44pollack, xix, xlii, xliii.
38
In keeping with the emphasis on men rather than im
personal forces as the agents of social change, and
more specifically, on men as the wielders of power and
the source of legislation, Populists held that laws
were not made in heaven but here on earth. There was
nothing sacred about the status quo, or for that matter
about the institutions which safeguarded the status quo.
Government, instead, must be a dynamic force in
bringing about equality. It was created to serve man,
and not simply to protect property or prevent indivi-
duals from cutting each other's throats.45
Degler's analysis produced a similar conclusion:
The important point is that underlying several of
these reforms was the clear assumption that government
was charged with responsibility to regulate the economy.
As an idea, of course, this was not new, but before the
Populists it had never been linked so effectively with
popular aspirations and problems, and never before had
it been actively championed by so many A m e r i c a n s . 46
From the early part of his career, Davis used Jef
ferson to prove his contentions, in regard to federal con
trol of economic activities.^ In the Texas State Senate
race of 1888, he wrote:
When our forefathers met over one hundred years
ago to declare American freedom, they proclaimed the
solemn truth that "all just powers of government come
from the people." Around this principle clustered all
the great democrats of that day, headed by Thomas
Jefferson, who preserved it, and handed it down as a
law and legend to unborn generations. But the doctrine
of the Republican party is and has always been the
reverse of this. They declare that all power exists
per-ce in the government, and the people have no power
i 45p0n ac] Cf lxiii, lxiv.
; ^Carl N. Degler, Out of Our Past: The Forces That
j Shaped America, (New York: Harper- and Row, 1959), 335.
4^Ranchino, 10 3.
I
I
'
39
except as granted and given by the government.
Under this doctrine while in power they have
usurped many of the powers which properly be
longed to the states and its people.48
The theme that the power of government belongs to the
people was to be a major thesis of Davis' speeches through
out his life. Parrington outlined the growth of this idea:
Thus interpreted the history of party struggle
since 1790 falls into three broad phases: the
Jeffersonian movement that established the ideal
of political democracy; the Jacksonian movement
that established equalitarianism crudely in prac
tice; and the successive third-party movements
that attempted, in successive reactions, to regain
such ground as had been lost, to extend the field,
and to perfect the machinery of democratic govern
ment . 49
Government should be made to serve all segments of society,
not just the favored capitalist minority. The agrarians
demanded, among other reforms, that government "provide a
national currency, a national system of transportation,
a democratic banking system, a standard system of grain-
grading, public elevators, crop i n s u r a n c e . "^ jf these
objectives compromised the individualism so prized by the
agrarians and moved toward socialism, they had to be accom
plished for the good of the majority. Most of the farmers,
4^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to the Fairyland
(Texas) Democratic Club, June 5, 1888, unlabeled clipping.
49parrington, 285.
50Parrington, 286-287.
40
however, viewed these projected reforms as simply gaining
control of the government through popular election and
making governmental machinery function for their needs as
well as those of the minority. For this reason, reforms
such as the Australian ballot, the initiative and referen
dum, the recall, the direct primary, and the popular elec
tion of senators were demanded by the,agrarians.
A different view of society was growing and gaining
strength during the formulation of the Populist ideals.
Based on the application of Darwin's principles to the pro
blems of society, a theory that the natural order could not
be interfered with without dire consequences had been
formed. Nature demanded a slow, evolutionary process that
would correct the problems and result in the "survival of
the fittest." Thus the function of government was to
interfere as little as possible in the affairs of men. The
Populists rejected this theory completely.
When the simple, virtuous life was restored to a
stable and prosperous level, all segments of the society
would benefit:
We assert here that if our government was adminis
tered as it should be and as our Constitution provides
and as our fathers intended, the farming and other pro
ducing people would be the wealthiest and happiest
people in our country; our markets and business men
^Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American
Thought (Boston: The Beacon Press, 1955), 4-12.
41
would be reasonably prosperous; our teachers,
lawyers, and doctors would do well.^2
To Davis, the ideal society was each man equal to every
other man, on his own plot of land, producing for his fam
ily and others, protected by the true representatives of
the people.
i
' Divergent Interpretations of Populism
Historians have not been unified in their interpre
tation of the Populist movement and its accomplishments.
I
j Those involved in a historical movement tend to have a !
| somewhat biased attitude toward it. The Populist party,
j viewed by those involved in the struggle and favorable his-
! I
j torians, would be justified and perhaps romanticized as a
i "rational, appropriate, justifiable response to the cruel j
land unjust economic exploitation of the country's yeomanry
I
| by the industrial lords of the late nineteenth c e n t u r y ."53 i
j
jMany prominent historians— Solon J. Buck, Charles Beard,
jFred Shannon, and John Hicks— writing from the Populists'
! viewpoint, presented such a sympathetic interpretation.
j
:But historical perspective and a detached, objective analy-
|sis should reveal hypotheses at variance from the ones pre-
I
! sented by those who favored the movement, other factors '
j
52Davis, Political Revelation, 107. j
P^Irwin Unger, Populism: Nostalgic or Progressive?,
("The Berkeley Series in American History," ed. Charles
■Sellers, Chicago: Rand McNally, 19 64), 1.
42
then at work must be taken into consideration.
The emerging industrial revolution, simultaneously
occurring with the Populist revolt, proved to be the most
dynamic force in the nation. Populism viewed in relation
I
to all of the events occurring simultaneously throughout j
|the world, many of which were directly influencing American
i
! social, economic, and political affairs, would alter this
totally sympathetic interpretation. Although a sympathetic
viewpoint could not be wholly justified, there may be some
|question as to whether a basically negative interpretation
|presented a more realistic picture. Another group of his-
jtorians, of whom Richard Hofstadter was representative,
jbelieved that "the Populist view of the world was colored I
! I
iby the pathetic tendency to reduce complex problems to
jsimple ones, to see history as a series of conspiracies,
I |
jand finally to seek scapegoats rather than real answers."^4 i
j I
Arthur Mann challenged the Populist contention that
|the validity of their reform philosophy was proved by the
I fact that many of their demands later became law. Mann re-
i
jjected the idea "that modern American liberalism had moved
j
|in a straight line from midwestern Populism to Progressivism
j — — -------------------------------------------------------------
! t r 4 !
1 Unger, 2. See also Walter T. K. Nugent, The j
; Tolerant Populists: Kansas Populism and Nativism (Chicago:
|The University of Chicago Press, 1963), 3-27.
43
to the New Deal." John D. Hicks was accused of misleading
a generation with his interpretation of the validity of
the Populist reform p h i l o s o p h y .55
Degler recognized the criticism of Hofstadter and
i
the other historians, but still interpreted the final
adoption of many of the Populist demands as evidence that
there was a close kinship between Populism and later reform
movements.56
Recently Norman Pollack, Wayne State University,
challenged those who took a negative view of the Populist
movement. After surveying the positive values of Populism,
and taking Hofstadter to task for not using primary sourceSf
Pollack refuted charges of anti-Semitism, fascism, and
racism against the Populists. He concluded that "Populists
addressed themselves to numerous concrete issues," that
"Populism was not a retrogressive social force," seeking
to return to the mythical past. The Populists were cer
tainly influenced by their cultural heritage, "but to say
that they borrowed from the past is not the same as saying
| that they were imprisoned by the p a s t . " 57 The inability
! of the Populists, without historical perspective and
; ^Arthur Manri/ "The Progressive Tradition," The
| Reconstruction of American History, edited by John Higham.
| (New York: The Humanities Press, 1962), 160-61.
56Degler, 337.
57pollack, xix-xlvii.
44
objectivity, to understand fully all of the forces at work
in their society was only a human failing shared by all
other historical movements. To evaluate a movement proper
ly one must view it within its historical context, and
Pollack concluded that the Populists constructed "a set of
political principles which they believed could be applied
at any point, present and future as well as past." These
principles were not derived without precedent: "One finds
that even the most traditional-oriented of the Populist
leaders, James H. Davis, used Jeffersonian doctrine as a
basis for controlling the railroads."88
The life of James Harvey Davis spanned the era from
the Civil War to the beginnings of World War II. His
position was that the principles of reform announced by
the agrarians directly resulted in the legislation of the
Progressive movement and the New Deal. Many of these
measures, he believed, vindicated his lifetime efforts in
their behalf, and helped him to rationalize the abuse that
he had received.
i
The danger of taking an overly sympathetic view of
the Populist cause in this study was realized, but much of
I the research material consisted of Populist documents, and
!
was oriented toward a defense of Populist ideals. To argue
that the Populists were brilliant political theorists,
58Pollack, xli.
45
sophisticated economists, or master legislators would dis
tort historical fact. On the other hand, it must be argued
that they responded to real problems with reasonable and
practical solutions for their day. It is also reasonable
to suggest that their reform fervor generated subsequent
reform policies that resulted in specific legislative
measures.
i
i
!
I
I
l
i
I
I
i
CHAPTER II
BIRTH, FAMILY BACKGROUND, AND EDUCATION
A study of the early life of an individual often re
veals relevant insights into the thought patterns and atti
tudes that guided the person's thinking throughout his
life. This chapter reviews the birth, family background,
and education of James Harvey "Cyclone" Davis in order to
gain perspective on his views as expressed in his public
speeches.
The early environment of a person can never be com
pletely ignored— it becomes an inseparable part of one's
character and personality. The attitudes, beliefs, and in
tellectual and emotional temperament of a person are fixed
before the individual is aware that such formative events
are occurring. After events have occurred, the individual
looks back to them for an understanding of present beliefs
and actions. Crucial experiences may be identified that
affected the development of one's thinking, but one may not
be aware of the subtle role those key events play in the
shaping of current thinking. Few men rise above their con
temporaries in original thinking. The rare and gifted ones
who do are only too keenly aware of their own biases and
46
47
limitations. Davis was a man of his age. He reflected
the attitudes of the agrarian South as it struggled to
overcome the defeat of the Confederacy.
Birth. James Harvey Davis was born on December 24,
1853 to William Barton Davis and Salina Moore Davis.'*'
The Davis family lived at that time in the Pickens District
of South Carolina. This area later became Oconee county
with Walhalla as the county seat. Birth dates were first
filed in South Carolina in 1915, so no certificate was on
2
file m the Oconee County Health Department.
Family Background. The history of the Davis family
in South Carolina dates back to Colonial times. Welsh
ancestors, by the original family name of "Davies,"
fought under Francis Marion in the Revolution. James
Harvey was proud of his ancestry and often mentioned it.
I was born in South Carolina, and reared in Texas.
My father had seven grand-uncles in the Revolutionary
War. President Jeff Davis of Mississippi and Senator
David Davis of Illinois, appointed to the Supreme
bench by President Lincoln, came of that stock.4
■ * ■ James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas:
The Courier Press, 1935), 317.
2
South Carolina, Oconee County (Walhalla, South
larolina) Health Department, Bureau of Vital Statistics,
letter to author, July 13, 1965.
3
Frank W. Johnson, Eugene C. Barker, and Ernest
W. Winkler, A History of Texas and Texans (Chicago, 1914) ,
IV, 1863.
^Memoir, 14.
48
James Harvey's grandfather, Colonel Harvey Davis,
was an enthusiastic supporter of Andrew Jackson, and he
thoroughly schooled his sons in Jacksonian political
philosophy. He married a Miss Barton, a daughter of one
of the pioneer families of South Carolina. James Harvey
selected his wife from the descendants of the same family.
Young Davis, James Harvey's uncle, was a Confederate
colonel and served as a member of the Georgia State
5
Senate for several years.
Parents. William Barton Davis (November 5, 1812-
November 3, 1895)^ moved his family to Texas in 1857.
Much of his fortune was invested in slaves, which he
7
lost as a result of the Civil War. Near the end
of the conflict, he answered the "old men's call"
O
and served as a Captain in the Quartermaster Corps.
jHe was Military Commander of the Grand Saline, Texas,
I
salt mines which had been seized by the Confederate
^Johnson, 1863.
£
! The graves of James Harvey's parents are in the
(city cemetery in Winnsboro, Texas. The inscriptions on
|the stones are as follows: "Our Father, William Barton
jDavis, Born Nov. 5, 1812; Died, Nov. 3, 1895." "No
(ostentation mark'd his tranquil way. His duties all
jdischarged without display." "Salina C. Davis, Died
iJune 9, 1868, aged 37 years." "In Memory By Her Sons,
ijeff. D. ETN."
^ 7
i U.S. Congressional Record, 64th Cong., 1st Session,
! 1916, LIII, Part 14, Appendix, 614.
^Johnson, 1863.
49
9
Army.
Salina Moore Davis (February 9, 1831-June 9,
1868) died when James Harvey was fourteen. Her parents,
James S. Moore and Louisa Ballew Moore, operated a
water-mill near Raleigh, North Carolina. The Moores,
with their four sons and six daughters, migrated to
Texas with the Davis family in 1857, and settled at
Lone Oak in Hunt County. Moore was a mechanic and was
noted for the making of weaving looms and for the con
struction of the first threshing machines in Hunt and
Hopkins counties.^
Brothers and Sisters. There were many references
to Davis' family in the Davis Collection. Several of
the reports concerning his family presented conflicting
information. Some of these conflicts, along with Davis'
travels and correspondence, were explained by the
following biographical material, chronologically
arranged.
I William Barton Davis was the father of fourteen
children by three wives. Two children were born to his
!first wife.
i
I----------------------------------------------------------------
1 9
i Davis Collection, Frances Tolson Davis, 7. This
iwas a short biography compiled by Mrs. Davis as a history
i class project, East Texas State College, May, 1958.
I -^Memoir, 326.
50
David, the first born, was a Confederate
soldier and was killed "on the battle field of Cor
inth."11
Sarah, David's sister, married Samuel Ramsey,
a First Lieutenant with the Confederate Morgan's
12
Raiders.
Ten children were born to Salina Moore, the
second wife of William Barton.
Henrietta Estelle (October 24, 1848-July 23,
13
1914) became the wife of T. J. McGee and they were
among the first settlers of Jones County "where there
were few people and coyotes, antelopes and prairie dogs
I
I
jreigned supreme." They arrived in the county on July
14
6, 1881, accompanied by her brother Roy. Four other
brothers later followed them.
Commodore Decatur "Dick" (1850-1892)1^ established
a newspaper, The Texas-Western, in Anson, Texas, on
January 16, 1883. The printing press he used was shipped
from Mount Vernon, Texas, and was part of the plant James
!----------------------------------------------------------------
| • ' ■ • ' • Congressional Record, LIII, 614.
1 2
Frances Davis, 7.
i 1 *3 t ,
| - ‘ •Gravestone inscription, Mount Hope Cemetery,
'Anson, Texas.
!
i ^ The Western Enterprise (Anson, Texas) , 50th
|Anniversary Edition, August 24, 1933.
i
; k . . .
S Gravestone inscription, Mount Hope Cemetery,
|Anson, Texas.
Harvey owned there.He later served as district attorney.
James Harvey (December 24, 1853-January 31, 1940)
was the third child born to Salina Moore.
Jefferson Davis (1862-1946)18 was a doctor and
practiced medicine at Roby, Texas, only a few miles west of
Anson, where his brother and sister lived.^
Robert Sampson lived at Roby, Texas, and later in
20
Sonora, California. At one time m his career he was a
member of the Texas Ranger forces.
Warren Leroy ("Roy") moved to Anson, Texas, with the
McGees in 1881. Roy, along with his brothers John and
Jarrette, worked as ranch hands in New Mexico.^2 ROy was
a bachelor until later life. After retiring to the Davis
^8The Western Enterprise, August 24, 1933.
17johnson, 1863.
l8Gravestone inscription, Roby Cemetery, Roby, Tex.
•^Interview with H. A. and James Wylie, August 3,
1965. The Wylies live on the home-place of the Davises.
Before the discovery of an effective anesthetic, a
"frontier doctor" was often required to excercise extreme
measures in order to save lives. The Wylies related that
he used a common handsaw to remove the leg of a woman
bitten by a rattlesnake. The fortitude and determination
reflected in this act was characteristic of the Davis
family as a whole.
^Johnson, 1863.
21-Davis Collection, San Antonio Express, August 17,
1915.
2^The Western Enterprise, August 24, 1933.
52
home-place, near Winnsboro, Texas, he contracted marriage
2 3
through a marriage bureau.
0 A
Wade and Fair were twins and died as infants. *
John Thomas Barton (August 11, 1863-June 11, 1890)
25
and Theodore Jarrette (December 18, 1865-June 10, 1890)
n c
were killed in a western gun-duel in New Mexico.
After the death of Salina in 186 8, William Barton
re-married and had two other children, Burris and
Dudley.27
With ancestors in the Revolutionary War and
members of his immediate family sacrificing for the
Confederate cause, it was natural for Davis to exhibit
fidelity to the American tradition and to feel a strong
loyalty to the South.
22James Wylie, August 3, 1965.
2^Davis Collection. A sketch of the life of James
Harvey Davis by his son, Landon Vardo Davis.
2 6
Gravestone inscriptions, Mount Hope Cemetery,
Anson, Texas.
| 2^The Western Enterprise, August 24, 19 33. In
| this special issue, Dr. Jeff Davis recounted the tragedy
| of the death of his brothers in New Mexico. In an
; argument over ranch supplies, Jarrette was killed by
i a man named Grostette. His brother John, unarmed, reached
| for his slain brother's gun and was also shot, but he
! managed to fire and kill Grostette. Their bodies were
j shipped back to Anson and buried in the Mount Hope
-Cemetery there. John's gravestone bears the inscription
"Martyr to Fraternal Love."
I 2 7
1 'Frances Davis, 6.
53
Texas Pioneers. The frontier, despite its many
hardships, offered many advantages to people in the
1850's. As the land lost its fertility, farmers were
attracted to fresh land where the cleared new ground
promised abundant harvests. In 1857, the William Barton
Davis family, the J. D. Templeton family, the William
McGee family, the Jones family, and the James S. Moore
family moved to Texas. Their move had been prompted by
favorable reports from the W. H. Nance family, who had
2 8
moved to northeast Texas a few years earlier.
Several members of these families became prominent
in Texas history. Howard Templeton became a noted jurist
and lawyer. Thomas N. Jones became Chief Counsel of the
29
Cotton Belt Railroad.
The move to Texas was described as follows:
The wagons were loaded with food, clothing, a
little furniture, cuttings and sprouts of fruit
trees, grape vines, rose cuttings, vegetable and
flower seeds. A cow and some chickens were also
brought along. The men of the wagon train rode
horseback, with the women and the children riding
in the wagons which were pulled by mules, rather
than oxen, as travel by oxen was so slow. The
party crossed the Mississippi River at Vicksburg,
Mississippi, by ferry. The trip from South Carolina
to Texas took three months.
2 8
Frances Davis, 4.
2 9
Landon Vardo Davis, 2.
30
Frances Davis, 5.
54
The location the Davises selected was a two hundred
acre plot of sandy land covered with pine trees, ad
joining the Nance farm. It was located about four miles
north of the present town of Winnsboro, Texas. A spring
on the farm soon became famous to those traveling to a
31
trading post about eight miles south of the Davis farm.
Jefferson, Texas, could be reached by river boat and
served as a supply center for trading posts throughout
northeast Texas. Most of the pioneers traveled about
twice a year to the trading post to purchase furniture,
32
coffee, sugar, medicines, and clothing.
The Davises' first home was made of sawed pine
3 3
rather than logs. Their neighbors, the Nances, owned
and operated a saw-mill and thus were able to supply the
lumber. The house was typical of many still standing in
the northeast Texas area: three large bedrooms, a kitchen,
and a large open hall in the center. This open hall was
used as a dining area in the summertime. A Negro girl
|would keep the flies away from the food with a willow or
ipeach tree switch, since screens were not available in
| : , -----------------
3-*-James Wylie, August 3, 196 5. The site of this
'spring was shown to the writer by Mr. Wylie.
i
t 3 2
Frances Davis, 5.
|
| -^James Wylie, August 3, 1965. The foundation
' beams of this house were used in the construction of
the Wylie home.
55
the area. The huge fireplace and chimney of the house
were constructed with sawed sandstone blocks. ^
Boyhood Difficulties. Pioneer life imposed many
hardships, but the Civil War made life on the frontier
even more difficult. While his father was in the army,
James Harvey had to bear a man's burden. Food shortages
occurred frequently:
Food became scarce and parched acorns and parched
corn was substituted for coffee. Sugar was made from
sugar cane syrup and sometimes from ribbon cane syrup.
There was plenty of cotton but the farmers could not
get it ginned, so each night the Davis children had
to pick enough cotton lint off the cotton seed to
fill his shoes with cotton seeds. In th;'s manner
each child was apportioned a fair share. ^
In 1868, when James Harvey was fourteen, his
mother died and he and his older brother and sister were
charged with the responsibility of rearing the family.
And left homeless and destitute at the close of
the war, my mother, a consumptive invalid, died soon
after, leaving seven living children of whom I was
next to the oldest boy. Without a home, without an
education, we set about to battle our way through the
world, my brother and I being the principal bread
winners for the family.36
! Thus these early hardships developed in Davis1
|character the pioneer virtues of self-reliance, determina-
jtion, and a love of the simple life. Davis reflected
34
Frances Davis, 5.
35
Frances Davis, 7.
Congressional Record, LIII, 614.
56
these traits on many speaking occasions.
Education. The log-cabin one-teacher school was
common in frontier days. Education was curtailed by the
fact that the children were needed to work in the fields.
When seasonal labor was finished, then children were
allowed to attend school. After the death of his mother,
James Harvey began to study under John D. Templeton,
who later became Attorney General of Texas.3^ At the
age of eighteen (1872) Davis had sufficiently educated
himself to pass the examination for the second grade
teaching certificate. Templeton also introduced him
to the study of law, and Davis was prompted to memorize
I
the Constitution of the United States and the Constitution
O O
of the State of Texas.
Davis studied at night by the light of pine knots,
tallow candles, or a smoking open-bowl brass lamp. He
jordered the first glass lamp in Texas, which was a
| rarity on the frontier:
j
j The first glass lamp ever brought to Texas was
| bought in St. Louis by J. H. Davis, ordered by mail,
I with three glass chimneys, for which he paid the sum
of five dollars, with a guarantee that it would
| neither break nor "explode."39
i _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
; ^^Dallas Morning News, April 16, 1894.
| 38Memoir, 318.
I 3^Memoir, 318.
57
Davis discussed his education in an 1894 interview:
Beginning at the multiplication table Jim told
the writer that he learned very rapidly and followed
up in sessions after the crops were "laid-by" in
different schools and obtained a second-grade
certificate and went to teaching at the age of 19,
continuing for five years.40
The second-grade certificate inspired Davis to continue his
self-improvement and emphasized the need of an adequate
education if he were to fulfill his career plans.
Schoolteacher. Davis secured a teaching position at
College Mound, a community school only a few miles from his
home. As was the custom, Davis boarded with a family that
lived near the school, the Bill Wylies. H. A. Wylie, their
son, related that the schoolhouse was constructed of logs
and the benches were split-logs without backrests. The
children carried in wood to supply a large fireplace which
extended across one end of the room.41 Since the school
was not tax-supported, the parents of the children often
paid the teacher in farm produce, such as potatoes, meat,
or whatever they had available.42
Teaching gave Davis an opportunity to continue his
own education and to study law. As Johnson reports:
40pallas Morning News, April 16, 1894.
43-H. A. Wylie, August 3, 1965.
42Frances Davis, 9.
58
His work as a school-master was as educative
to himself as to his scholars, since he found
it necessary to train himself thoroughly in ad
vance of his pupils over all the ground covered
by them. When finally relieved of the burdens
of home, he gave his energies full play in
making up for lost time and eventually mastered
the common branches, had prospected some in the
field of general literature, and also possessed
himself of the basic principles of law.43
Davis had planned to continue his education by attending
college. The financial panic of 1873, however, deprived
him of the opportunity.44
Summary. Davis was a native of the soil and the
frontier. The nature of the wilderness demanded that
self-reliance be learned early, because survival depended
upon meeting each problem squarely and resolving it
immediately. Davis had ample opportunity to measure
himself against the challenges of nature and to develop
endurance and the "rugged individualism" characteristic
of the pioneers.
As his education began to enlarge his world, the
career opportunities of teacher, lawyer, and politician
were discovered. As ambition grew, so did his realiza
tion that he must educate himself in order to achieve
even the smallest of his dreams. His failure to secure
a college education was a disappointment and handicap to
^Johnson, 1863.
44Memoir, 20.
59
him throughout his life. Davis' provincial purview
might have been substantially altered had he been able
to secure a formal education.
The Civil War and the hardships it imposed upon
the Davis family made a lasting impression upon the
youthful Davis. He was loyal, as were most of the
Southern people, to the Southern ideals, and to the
traditional American loyalties which were revived after
the crushing defeat. Davis devoted his life to the
task of educating his audiences in the basic ideals of
Americanism, as interpreted by a Texas pioneer who loved
his country and who spent his boyhood surrounded by the
influences of the Confederacy.
I
CHAPTER III
DECADE OF PREPARATION: EARLY POLITICAL
AND NEWSPAPER CAREER
From the late 1870's until the late 1880's, James
Harvey Davis discovered his potential as a public servant.
As a lecturer and political candidate, Davis extensively
developed his public speaking talents, and became a
seasoned platform performer. What Davis learned during
this decade of preparation came not from a school of
oratory or even from a dedicated study of public speaking
techniques. His knowledge was derived from observation
and experience. Davis' political acumen grew with his
ambition, and his restless energy led him to explore many
career areas and to meet a number of challenges success
fully.
This chapter reviews his early experiences as a
lawyer, county judge, newspaper editor, agrarian lecturer,
and political campaigner. Davis' understanding of people
grew. He learned to explain and defend his views through
political debating. As a newspaper editor, his knowledge
of language and its usage developed. He was called upon
to develop qualities of leadership through his activities
in a trade association.
60
61
County Judge. Davis ended his career as a
school teacher to run for County Judge of Franklin
County, Texas, in 1878. Although he had not yet passed
his bar exam, he ran as a Democrat and defeated Tom
Rouse, a Greenback candidate, for the office. Davis
was re-elected in 1880 and declined to run in 1892.1
The county records at Mount Vernon, Texas, contain
2
Numerous references to him during this period.
Thus Davis was introduced to the legal processes
at the local level and a lifelong interest in governmental
affairs was developed.
Lawyer. While teaching school and after being
elected county judge, Davis continued to study law, and
in 1879, he took his bar examination before Judge B. T.
Estes at Mount Vernon. Johnson wrote:
Among the local talent who composed the committee
of examiners, were the chairman, Judge Baldwin, now
one of the leading lawyers of Rock Port, Texas;
Judge W. P. McLean of Fort Worth, one of the first
railroad commissioners of Texas; and Hon. S. 0.
Moody, now of Colorado. Mr. Davis was already
'*'Davis Collection, Fort Worth Record, July 31,
1914; Dallas Morning News, April 16, 1894.
2
Texas, Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas),
"Minutes of the Commissioners' Court," Volume A, page 80.
A school draft of $7.89 was paid to Davis on Tuesday, May
15th, A.D. 1877. On page 232, Davis was allowed $10 for
publishing the specifications for a bridge and the county
financial statement.
Texas, Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas),
"Minutes of the County Court (Probate)," Volume A, page 49.
Davis' signature as County Judge first appears on January
20, 1879, and re-occurs regularly thereafter.
62
serving as county judge when admitted to practice
law. 3
He won his first case with an unusual line of argument:
The case was tried before a justice and Mr.
Davis was defending a man charged with drunken
ness. He set up the claim in behalf of his client
that the defendant owed the state nothing, and
there was no proof of "intent" to commit crime.
He owed the state nothing because the state had
collected its dues for the license which per
mitted the saloon-keeper to sell the liquor and
make the defendant drunk and that fact, coupled
with the fact that the fellow did not intend to
get drunk when he took the drinks, ought to clear
his client of the charge, and to the astonishment
of the defense itself, it did.4
This type of reverse logic, ridicule, and wit became a part
of Davis' style and was used frequently in his speeches to
please his audiences.
A portion of his law library was purchased with the
proceeds from the sale of an invention. Davis and a Mr.
Weir of Winnsboro perfected the design of an improved suc
tion type cotton gin and sold their model for five thousand
dollars. 5 jje was now fully aware of his own ingenuity and
creativity, and, furthermore, through his trial work and
other occasions for public speaking, he had developed con
fidence in his persuasive powers. Davis felt political
^Frank W. Johnson, Eugene C. Barker, and Ernest W.
Winkler, A History of Texas and Texans (Chicago: [no pub
lisher], 1914), IV, 1863.
^Johnson, 1863.
^Davis Collection, Frances Davis, 10.
63
and legal success now seemed possible, and was not mere
wishful thinking.
Marriage. On December 25, 1878, Davis married
Miss Mary Isabella Josephine (Belle) Barton. She was
the daughter of J. M. Barton, who was the first sheriff
of Rusk County. The Bartons were from South Carolina,
/r
and Davis' grandfather had married into the same family.
Five children were born to James Harvey and
Belle: Ira, a daughter who died at the age of eighteen
months, and four boys, Arlon Barton, Valton Gerston,
7
Landon Vardo, and Henry Leroy. Davis also mentioned
I
that they adopted an orphan girl.**
Belle Barton had graduated from Trinity University
in 1874 and had taught school before her marriage. The
Memoir included an address delivered by her to the Alumni
Association on January 3, 1896, at Tehaucana, where
g
Trinity University was then located.
Early Political Activity. Early in his life Davis
I
[became interested in economic and political questions,
i
as indicated by his memorizing both the United States and
| **James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas:
I The Courier Press, 1935), 319.
|
^Memoir, 319.
^Memoir, 14.
j ------
' 9Memoir, 7-12.
64
the Texas constitutions. He and his brother, Dick, both
of whom became publishers, were avid readers of several
jleading newspapers. {
1 t
i They read the New York World, Brick Pomeroy's
| Democrat, and several other metropolitan news-
| papers of both political parties, and for several
i years his own political convictions were shaped j
and ripened by the assimilation of the editorials j
j of able students of government. |
j !
|In a letter written to a friend in 1934, Davis reflected on
his political activities:
i |
[ When I was 18 years old I joined the Grange j
! while J. W. Lang of Falls Co. was president. [
\ From that day to this I have worked to improve [
the condition of the farmer and the common herd.
■While a member of the Grange, he traveled throughout the !
|northeast Texas area attending meetings. He was soon known ;
: in Franklin, Hopkins, Titus, and a number of the other
■^Johnson, 1863. In the Fort Worth Record, July 31,
.1914, Davis also included Jim Hogg's Quitman News. He also [
[praised the Dallas Morning News in the April 16, 1894, [
iissue of the News.
I Pomeroy's Democrat supported the Greenback party in
1876, and continued to agitate in favor of other reform
[movements. The paper was first published in La Crosse,
[Wisconsin, and then later in New York City. See Mary E.
Tucker, Mark M. Pomeroy (New York: G. W. Carleton, 1878),
1-3.
The New York World, under editors Manton Marble and
[William Henry Hurlbert, strongly supported the Democratic
party. Joseph Pulitzer acquired control of the paper in
1883 and promised to maintain a "Democratic character," andj
!to fight for "true democracy, not the Democracy of a poli- [
[tical machine." See Don C. Seitz, Joseph Pulitzer: His
[Life and Letters (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1924), [
! 124-126, 136-137. j
^Memoir, 59.
65
12 . .
neighboring counties. This activity proved to be to his
advantage when he ran for county judge. In 1882, Davis
i j
further widened his political involvement by campaigning on !
Ibehalf of his old friend and former teacher, John D.
I f
I
jTempleton. !
i I
i When John D. Templeton, his old school teacher, j
| became a candidate for attorney general the first j
time he [Davis] canvassed the north part of the j
state in Templeton's interest. His face and
voice were familiar in state and leading meetings
! of the democratic party with few exceptions from
I 1880 until 1890.13 '
I |
jDuring this apprenticeship, Davis learned rapidly the skills
i !
jof political campaigning and debate.
i ;
Farmer's Alliance Lecturer. Davis' leadership was
jdeveloping rapidly and the people recognized a potential j
champion of the agrarian cause. Well-informed on the
I j
|issues through his reading, Davis appealed to his audiences ;
|by being forthright, positive, and witty. His reputation
I
las an able spokesman soon reached a point where Davis was
j :
in demand as a lecturer for the Farmer's Alliance. Davis
wrote:
I never belonged to the Alliance nor the Knights ;
of Labor but I worked with them and for them and
for the Populist movement for fifteen years, during
I which time I had more than 1000 joint debates and
■^Marshall L. Williams, "The Political Career of
ICyclone Davis" (unpublished Master's thesis, Commerce,
iTexas: East Texas State College, 1937), 17.
■ * - 3Pallas Morning News, April 16, 1894.
66
campaigned all the states in our Union but three.^ Davis
did not distinguish between his Alliance and Populist act
ivities, for he also wrote that he "had more than five
hundred debates with the leading men of that day, many of
whom fought the Alliance and Populist platforms. "-*-5 Also,
he described a Populist debate with Watt Hardin of Kentucky,
in 1894, as an Alliance battle.16
The political success of the Alliance, in part, may
be attributed to unique strategy used in propagandizing the
people in the rural areas. Davis explained that this
strategy employed a highly organized group of national,
state, and district lecturers who "carried on a successful
school of economic and political education."17 of this
group of lecturers he wrote:
These were generally high class, clean, honest,
able men. Most of them were real farmers. They
spoke the farm language and the farmers rallied
to them. But some of their ablest supporters and
defenders were outsiders. Lawyers like Tom Watson
of Georgia, Senator Allen of Nebraska, Ex-Congressman
Donnally of Minnesota and Cyclone Davis of Texas—
if you please.
1^Memoir, 60.
1^Memoir, 58.
16Memoir, 190.
17Memoir, 58.
18Memoir, 58.
67
The above revealed Davis' awareness of audience analysis.
He understood the importance of style in persuading his
audiences. If the farmers were to accept his ideas, he
must present his thoughts in the colloquial language.
Other Political Activities. In the 1880's Davis
filed a petition for an Internal Revenue Agency. It was
endorsed by forty-eight "Prominent Citizens of Texas," most
of them state government officials, and included the "Hon.
John Ireland, Governor of Texas. Evidently the appli
cation was denied, for no further mention occurred in the
Davis materials. Davis' political prestige in the 1880's
reached a high point when he was chosen to be one of the
delegates to the Democratic national convention.
James H. Davis was a delegate to the National
Convention that nominated Grover Cleveland for
President on the Democratic ticket in 1884 and
helped to elect Cleveland, who was the first Demo
cratic President elected after the Civil War. In
1884, Davis took an active part in the campaign
that elected John Ireland governor of Texas, de
feating Wash Jones, the Greenback c a n d i d a t e . ^
One event at the convention followed Davis throughout his
life:
In 1884, Davis, and a group of other friends
of Thomas A. Hendricks, won wide publicity at
•^Davis Collection, printed copy of the application.
The date 1882 was added in ink at the top of the applica
tion, but Ireland was not elected governor until 1884.
^Memoir, 319-320.
68
the Democratic National Convention for their
"slinging bandanna" handkerchiefs and the tall,
bearded Texan clung to that symbol of the pro
letariat throughout his life.^l
The colored bandanna, commonly used to absorb the perspir
ation of the working man, symbolized their hard and honest
toil. Thus the laborer's contribution to society, and his
right to a just reward, were emphasized. Davis often ex
cited his audience by waving his bandanna and giving a
rebel yell.
Davis' political leadership and prestige continued
to grow after the presidential election of 1884. In 1886,
Davis was involved in the political manueverings that sur
rounded the contest between Charley Culberson and Jimm
Hogg for the office of attorney general. Davis was proud
that he was selected to make a key public announcement that
affected the outcome of the race. Davis wrote:
I began in state politics, with John Ireland
and Jim Hogg. When Charley Culberson resigned
the race for Attorney General in favor of Jim
Hogg the telegram of resignation was sent to me.^2
Presumably, Davis was to publish the announcement in his
newspaper, the Franklin County Herald, and to release the
announcement to other news agencies.
2lDavis Collection, Daily News Telegram (Sulphur
Springs, Texas), February 1, 1940.
^Memoir, 19.
69
Soon after the 1886 election, Davis was learning the
art of lobbying. After Hogg became Attorney General, he
started impeachment proceedings against Judge Frank Willis
for not collecting proper fees from powerful ranch interests
for the use of public lands. Davis was pictured as influ
encing several legislators to favor Willis, much to the
displeasure of Hogg.22 Earlier in the year, Davis' politi
cal and publishing activities were recognized by government
officials and Davis was offered an appointment as an Indian
Agent in Utah.
The Indian department has forwarded a comm
ission bond and other papers to J. H. Davis, of
Mt. Vernon, Texas, who has been confirmed as
Indian Agent at the Ouray Agency in Utah. Comm
issioner Atkins says it requires a man with
plenty of courage to fill this post. It will
therefore be considered fortunate that Davis was
selected. It may be well for his friends to
secure locks of his hair now while they may be
obtained. The Commissioner now thinks the Ouray
Agency may be permanent.24
The agency, however, was abolished by Congress before Davis
could take his post.22
Newspaper Interests. Davis became associated
with the Franklin County Herald in the late 1870's while
serving as County Judge (1878-1882). He purchased the
22Robert C. Cotner, James Stephen Hogg (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1959), 113.
24Davis Collection, [Franklin County Herald] (Mount
Vernon, Texas), May 13, 1886.
25navis Collection, Post-Dispatch (St. Louis, Mo.),
January 31, 1915.
70
o c .
Herald in December of 1880. ° He devoted himself during
this time "to the practice of law," and "directing his
newspaper, largely in behalf of the public welfare as
he saw it."27
He also helped his older brother establish a
newspaper at Anson, Texas, The Texas-Western. The first
issue appeared on January 16, 1883.
Dick Davis and his wife, his brother John, migrated
from Mt. Vernon, Texas, to Jones County in the fall
of 1882, shipping a printing plant to Abilene over
the T. & P. which had entered that city in the first
part of 1881. This typical used country plant of
that day was freighted to Anson, a distance of 28
miles, by J. T. McGee, a brother-in-law of the Davis
boys, and J. F. Huie, in a two-horse wagon. According
to the description of Mr. Huie, the plant must have
contained that classic of country newspaper offices,
the old George Washington hand press, and the usual
body type and the old-time cases and other primitive
equipment. So far as known, there is not a vestige
of the first plant now in Anson.
The plant was taken from a larger plant owned by
J. H. Davis of Mt. Vernon.2®
Texas Press Association. Davis was among the
early leaders of the Texas Press Association founded in
9 Q
1880. Although he did not attend the First Annual
j o c
Charles Brown (ed.), The History of Franklin
County 1874-1964 (Mt. Vernon: Key Club, Key District,
Texas Federation of Women's Clubs, 1964), 52.
i 27Memoir, 320.
j 2^The Western Enterprise (Anson), 50th Anniversary
j Edition, August 24, 19 33.
j
I 2^Dallas Morning News, February 1, 1940. Davis was
not a "founder" as this issue stated, but he was among the
I early members of the Texas Press Association.
71
Convention in 1880, at Houston, he was present for every
annual meeting from 1881 to 1888. An active participant
3Of . B. Baillio, A History of the Texas Press
Association (Dallas: Southwestern Printing Co., 1916),
77ff.:
Second Annual Convention, May 11, 1881, Houston.
- Included in the new members list. (p. 77)
- Roll of members, J. H. Davis, Mount Vernon Herald, (p.80)
Third Annual Convention, April 25, 18 82, Houston.
- Listed in "Members Present" section, (p. 81)
- Appointment of J. H. Davis of Mt. Vernon Herald as ser
geant-at-arms. (p. 82)
- Elected to the Executive Committee for the Fourth
District, (p. 92)
Fourth Annual Convention, May 15, 1883, Dallas.
- Members present: J. A. [H.] Davis, Mount Vernon Herald,
(also listed were: C. D. Davis, Western Texan, and L. T.
Davis, Western Texan, as new members.) (pp. 96-97)
- Elected "Orator." (p. 107)
Sixth Annual Convention, February 10, 1884,Galveston.
- Elected First Vice-President, (p. 110)
- T. J. Girardeau, Houston Journal, elected President.
(p. 110)
Seventh Annual Convention, May 18, 1886, San Antonio.
- "The seventh annual convention was called to order by
Acting President J. H. Davis of the Mount Vernon Herald, in
the city of San Antonio, on the 18th day of May, 1886."
(p. Ill)
- Responding to roll call: J. H. Davis, Franklin Herald.
(p. 114)
Eighth Annual Convention, May 24, 1887, Fort Worth.
- Member of Resolutions Committee, (p. 117)
- Roll Call, J. H. Davis, Mount Vernon Herald. (p. 118)
- Offered a resolution that a lobby be appointed to attend
the meeting of the next legislature to secure the passage of
a law requiring sheriff's sales to be advertised in the
newspapers instead of being posted on trees or bulletin
boards. (p. 119)
- Appointed as a delegate to the National Editorial Asso
ciation, which was to meet in Denver, Colorado, the
following September. (p. 124)
72
in the Texas Press Association for eight years, Davis was
provided with his first opportunity to travel throughout
the state and nation.
While Davis was Acting President in 1886, delegates
attended the International Editorial Association meeting in
31
Cincinnati, Ohio, on February 22, 1886. In a letter
dated April 29, 1886, he called for the annual meeting of
the Texas Press Association "to convene in the city of San
Antonio on May 18, A. D. 1886."^2 Business sessions were
to occupy the delegates for the first two days, after which
the conventioners were to tour the various scenic and his
torical places in San Antonio. A prohibitionist offered a
resolution calling for it to be removed from the list, and
"this led to a lively tilt between the prohibitionists and
Ninth Annual Convention, May 14, 1888, Dallas.
- Roll call. (p. 125)
- Delegate to the National Editorial Association, (p. 128)
- Member of Resolution Committee, (p. 129)
- Member of Order of Business Committee. (p. 129)
Tenth Annual Convention, April 29, 1889, El Paso.
- Not mentioned.
-^Davis Collection, Texas Balance Wheel (Paris) ,
February 10, [1886]. An unlabeled clipping contains a
letter by Davis to the Association dated at Mount Vernon,
January 23, 1886, appointing delegates. Davis as Presi
dent was delegate-at-large.
•^^Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping. Several
others, unlabeled, detail the events of the convention.
73
I 33
lanti-prohibitionists."
! On May 6, 1886, Davis announced plans for an "excur- !
i [
jsion to Chicago, over the Missouri Pacific R'y to St. Louis,!
land the Great Wabash Route to Chicago." The trip was '
jplanned to begin on Friday, May 21, immediately after the
;adjournment of the annual meeting. ^ When they stopped at j
' i
! I
12:50 P.M. for lunch at Parsons, Kansas, on Saturday, May 22,|
i ;
jthey were greeted by the mayor, local publishers, and a
jdelegation of citizens. The reporter listed thirty-eight
leditors and the names of their papers, including "J. H. !
i !
iDavis, Herald, Mt. Vernon." The citizens adopted resolu
tions welcoming the group and in return received three
jcheers "in the hearty manner peculiar to Texans.Davis |
was also appointed a delegate to the National Editorial
I O f i
^Association in 1887 and 1888. Undoubtedly, these travels
^modified and enlarged Davis’ education.
Davis continued to publish the Mt. Vernon Herald
3-^Dallas Morning News, Thursday, May 20, 1886;
iDavis Collection, Houston Post, [May 20, 1886].
•^Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
•^Davis Collection, [The Sun] (Parsons, Kansas),
[May 23, 1886].
•^Dallas Morning News, August 17, 1888. A list of
Texas editors enroute to the National Editorial Association
meeting in Denver was published, and Davis’ name was not
included.
74
until 1888, when he purchased the Greenville Herald and
jmoved to Greenville.
i
Judge J. H. Davis, formerly of this place and
[ who is our worthy predecessor, moves his family to
| Greenville this week. Before leaving he informed
! the Herald that he should appear before the people
| as a candidate for the senate.37
;The citizens of Mount Vernon and Franklin county held a
Ipublic meeting at the courthouse on January 17, 1890, and
|
jadopted a resolution praising Davis. His positions of
ljudge, publisher, lawyer, and president of the Texas Press
Association were noted and this resolution passed:
i Resolved, That we hereby express our regret in
! losing such a citizen and recommend him to the
i people among whom he may cast his lot as an hon-
I orable, upright gentleman, who is in every way
j worthy of their highest respect and c o n f i d e n c e .3 8
:Davis seemed to be quite happy with his move, as was indi
cated by the following article:
Coming from the modest little town of Mt. Vernon,
in Franklin county, and making our home in a thriving
city like Greenville makes one feel almost like a
city Gentleman, and if we get through without con
cussion of apetite requiring narcotic or stimulative
; slakes, which give anterior extension to the aveline
! repository, requiring us to get a larger vest and
i recline more on a heavy aprobation, as very customary
for city gentlemen, and politicians. We will feel
' that our move has been a propitious o n e .39
1 3 7
Davis Collection, [Greenville Herald], unlabeled
clipping. i
3 8
Davis Collection, Franklin Herald (Mount Vernon), j
undated clipping. |
39
Davis Collection, [Greenville Herald], unlabeled
clipping.
75
As the above indicates, Davis enjoyed experimenting
with words. His years as an editor allowed Davis to
continue his self-education in the language and to
develop his style. Since the spelling in the above
quotation was unchanged from the original, it also
demonstrates that Davis' spelling and punctuation were
subject to improvement.
Evidently, Davis' happiness did not endure, for
after a few months, he sold the Greenville Herald and
moved to Sulphur Springs, Texas. He set up law offices
there and established another paper, The Alliance
Vindicator.^ His cousin Everett Moore was to be the
editor. Political feeling often caused antagonism among
rival papers; Moore became involved in such a feud and
41
was shot and killed by a competing editor.
The Alliance Vindicator prospered as a spokesman
for the Farmer's Alliance and soon had a circulation of
about fifteen thousand. Davis continued to publish the
I
j paper during his Populist years and finally sold it in
1 ____________________________________________________________
i ^Johnson, 1863.
; ^Williams, 19; Dallas Morning News, July 19,
, 1896. Mention was made that Davis feared assassination
because of his political views. A group of Sulphur
Springs Democrats wrote to the News contending that
Davis was smearing the good name of the city and was
over-playing the danger.
1904.42
State Senate Race, 1888. Davis' political
interests soon began to over-shadow his newspaper
career. In 1888, Davis entered the race for the State
Senate from the Fifth Senatorial District, which in
cluded Camp, Delta, Franklin, Hopkins, and Hunt Counties.
In June, 1888, the Fairyland Democratic Club in
Hopkins County held a "test of strength" election, in
which Davis led all of the candidates. On June 5,
Davis wrote a letter of appreciation to the Club and
outlined his views.
Davis complimented those who organized the club
and was "glad to see the people, and especially the
country people organizing for political work." He then
contrasted the traditional Democratic and Republican
traditions. The Democratic tradition, led by Thomas
Jefferson, had preserved the "solemn truth that 'all
just powers of the government come from the people.'"
Traditionally, Davis stated,the Republicans believed
I
| that "all power exists per-ce in the government, and
j the people have no power except as granted and given
i
iby the government." Republican injustices included the
i
| Internal Revenue tax, Morrill tariff system, federal
42Landon Vardo Davis, 2; Southern Mercury,
Jan. 27, 1898.
77
court control, the National Banking System, monopolies
and large private fortunes. Thus Republican philosophy
was held responsible for the "political disease" that
oppressed the farmer and laborer.^ At this point in
his career, Davis was a confirmed advocate of agrarian
reform philosophy, which he would continue to discuss
for many following campaigns.
On July 21, 1888, the Democratic convention of
Hopkins county met and passed a resolution instructing
the delegates to the district convention to vote as a
unit for John W. Cranford of Hopkins. Only two other
candidates were listed, J. B. Stringer of Franklin
county and T. J. Tilson of Hunt county. Davis' name
was not included.^
Although Davis was not mentioned, Stringer had
I
earlier indicated his support of him:
The campaign was opened in our interest for
Senator, by our friend, W. H. Baldwin, of the
I Franklin Herald. His remarks regarding us are
| very highly appreciated, coming as they do from
I our old county home where we were raised, and from
i the pen of W. H. Baldwin, editor of the Franklin
| Herald and County Attorney of that county, and
approved by Hon. J. B. Stringer, Representative in
I that county, who is joint e d i t o r . ^5
j ^Davis Collection, Franklin Herald, [June, 1888],
i unlabeled clipping.
j
I ^ Dallas Morning News, July 22, 1888.
j
^Davis Collection, [Greenville Herald] , unlabeled
|clipping.
78
Since Davis owned the Franklin County Herald this would
seem to indicate that he looked forward to having Stringer
as his opponent in the race for state senator. When the
Fifth Senatorial District Democratic Convention opened on
August 8 at Sulphur Springs, the names of Cranford, Tilson,
and Stringer were placed in nomination.
A deadlock resulted, and after thirty-one ballots,
the vote stood Cranford 14, Tilson 12, and Stringer 4. At
that point Stringer withdrew. Since Cranford and Tilson
remained deadlocked for 150 ballots, both names were entered
in the general election.46 Their able opponent was Davis.
In the general election on November 6, 188 8, J. W. Cranford
received a total of 8 50 votes in Franklin county, while
only 44 votes were cast for Davis.4^ In Delta County, the
vote was 406 for Cranford and 67 for Davis.46 Concerning
this election, Davis wrote a year later;
As the year draws to a close, and we look back
over two years of poisoned political hopes, we wish
to drop this expression to the benefit of our worthy
opponent in the last race for the senate, John W.
Cranford. We have carefully watched his course,
and we can cheerfully say, as was said by a Roman
governor in a celebrated trial for treason and
blasphemy which was held before him 1889 years
ago, "we find no fault in him." And we further add
that we think his course has been a commendable one,
and that this district has been ably and honestly
46pallas Morning News, August 9, 1888.
4^Texas, Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas),
"Record of Election Returns," page 8.
48pavis Collection, Delta Courier, undated clipping.
79
49
represented.
: l
i i
!Another paper reprinted the above from the Franklin Herald j
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - j
and added this comment: j
| If we had not already known that Judge Davis
! carried in his bosom a big generous heart the
i above would be sufficient to dispell all doubt. i
! The contest between the Judge and Mr. Cranford
was exciting, not to say in some degree bitter,
| but it was all political and not personal. They
| are close debaters and whatever of feeling may j
have entered the canvass grew out of their dis- '
j cussions and passed away without leaving scars !
to tell they existed. Mr. Cranford merits the
! compliment paid him and mutual friends are glad
; it came from his talented, manly, big souled
| opponent for senatorial honors, Judge Jim Davis.^0
jUnfortunately, no reports were available of the debates be-
i
|tween Davis and Cranford. Davis had learned rapidly the
i |
iart of debating and seemed to be quite capable of analyzing j
i
i
iand refuting his opponent's arguments. Davis earned the
:
respect of his audiences by confining his attack to the
|issues and not disparaging his opponent personally. Al
though disappointed in the results of the Senate race,
;Davis had tasted political battle and his appetite was
whetted for future encounters.
, l
Summary. From his late twenties until his late
■thirties, Davis' activities were varied and were in
valuable preparation for future service on the state and j
^Davis Collection, [Hopkins County Echo] , undated
clipping quoting Davis' remarks from the Franklin Herald.
^Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
I
< ■ .j
80
national scene. His experiences as a teacher, lawyer,
judge, newspaper editor, political campaigner, and as
an active advocate of farmers' interests and candidates
were to serve him well during the Populist era. During
this decade of preparation, Davis learned to speak by
speaking. He developed leadership qualities, debating
techniques, language skills and his understanding of
people.
Leadership. For eight years Davis participated
in the affairs of the Texas Press Association. His
potential as a leader was recognized, and he served
one year as president. From all accounts, he organized
the meetings of the group efficiently and discharged
his duties in an excellent manner. Davis observed several
other presidents and their conduct of the presidential
office. Undoubtedly, he learned much about organizing,
preparing agendas, and presiding from these experiences.
Debating Skills. Davis participated in politics
i
i at the local and state levels during this period, while
| closely observing the national issues. In the State
I
| Senate race of 1888, Davis hammered out the issues in
j
! "stump" debates. Davis met worthy opponents, such as
■ John W. Cranford, and the importance of defending his
| views through analysis, evidence, and refutation became
I
apparent to him.
81
Language Usage. As a newspaper editor, Davis
continued his self-education in the use of the English
language. He attributed his own success, and that of
the other agrarian lecturers, to the fact that they
"spoke the farm language and the farmers rallied to
C *1
them." He was concerned that he speak the colloquial
language of the farmers who composed his audiences.
Audience Understanding. Davis had won the
respect of his audiences by confining himself to the
political issues. His disappointment in defeat caused
him to re-evaluate their response to his reform ideas.
His defeat, however, did not cause him to lose his
desire to enlighten his audiences. He was convinced
that political reform could be initiated through the
power of the vote.
Davis was now a seasoned political spokesman for
| agrarian reform. He was potentially a national champion
for the farmers' cause. As a national democratic delegate
and leader in the Texas Press Association, Davis traveled
i
widely. Numerous contacts and friendships were made
with prominent men in the state and nation which aided
|
| his rise as a national spokesman.
i
i
]
I
I
i
^Memoir, 58.
CHAPTER IV
THE POPULIST ERA: PARTY CAMPAIGNER
As a party campaigner, Davis' energy, drive, and de
termination were phenomenal. From the Cincinnati Conventior
of 1891 to the election of 1896, Davis criss-crossed the
nation in behalf of the Populists' cause. Family life and
personal financial success were sacrificed to propogate re
form principles and to seek public office.
Davis, in order to persuade the people, had to go
directly to them. During the early nineties he spoke at
hundreds of camp meetings in Texas and other states. His
activities were widely publicized, and his travels can be
documented month by month, and often day by day, until the
elections of 1896 had taken place. These arduous travels
were motivated by a dedication to the democratic system and
a belief in it. Throughout these activities he demanded a
I
faith in the possibility of change. Davis contended that
the rank and file of the people, through the vote, had the
power to express their great aspirations and so control
their own lives and master their own destiny.
This chapter traces chronologically the activities
of Davis as a Populist campaigner, thus revealing his
82
83
speaking occasions, his basic speech themes and content,
his reception by the audiences he faced, and his suc
cesses and failures as a politician and campaigner.
Davis Achieves National Prominence
While Davis was devoting himself to local and
state politics, rapid developments were occurring in
the reform movements that were to involve him for a
decade. First, the Northern and Southern Alliances
attempted to unite in December, 1889. Although agree
ment was not reached, the idea of unification was
fostered.1 Second, a year later at Ocala, Florida, the
Southern Alliance issued a set of compromise demands
which they hoped would attract the support of the other
2
farm and labor groups.
Cincinnati Convention, May 18, 1891. A call
had gone out for all who accepted the principles of the
Ocala demands to meet at Cincinnati the week of May 18,
!1891. Davis was one of the few lawyers in the United
j 1For reports of the proceedings of the convention
see the Dallas Morning News, December 4-8, 1889.
I
I ^Howard P. Nash, Third Parties in American
I Politics (Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1959),
173; John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt (Minneapolis:
University of Minnesota Press, 1931), 207-209.
I
I
I
L
84
States to respond to the invitation.3 Although Davis had
earlier been appointed by Governor Hogg as a delegate to
the Trans-Mississippi Commercial Congress to be held in
Denver on May 19, 1891, he chose instead to attend the Cin
cinnati meeting.^
Davis' participation in the Cincinnati convention
brought him national prominence. The New York Times
reported:
It remained for Texas to get up the scene of
the greatest dramatic interest. A tall slim man
in a butternut suit - James Davis who is called
Methodist Jim at home - made a shake-hands-across-
the-bloody-chasm speech as a member of the comm
ittee. "Jim" was not born until 1854 and was but
6 years of age when the war broke out but he was
hailed by the convention as a reconstructed rebel,
and he helped out the illusion by prefacing his
speech with a terrific "rebel yell," performed in
full sight of the audience, which screamed with
childish delight. He was in favor of printing
$3 50,000,000 of money as soon as the 3rd party
took possession of all the branches of the govern
ment. This strengthened "Methodist Jim's" hold.3
Another report further described the lively scene:
Davis of Texas, a lank six-footer, in a light
suit, who had electrified the convention after
Donnelly's speech by a long weird whoop of exul
tation, was conducted to the platform and to the
intense delight of the convention repeated the
3Frank W. Johnson, Eugene C. Barker, and Ernest W.
Winkler, A History of Texas and Texans (Chicago: [no
publisher], 1914), IV, 1864.
^Davis Collection, copy of the appointment by
Governor Hogg, May 14, 1891.
3New York Times, May 21, 1891.
85
unearthly Indian-like yell. Then he announced
himself as an ex-confederate and declared himself
for the platform, every plank and every resolution.
An extraordinary spectacle followed. Wadsworth
of Indiana, an ex-union soldier, rushed up to ex-
Confederate Davis in full view of the convention
and the two, one time mortal foes, grasped hands.
R. W. Humphrey of Texas, organizer of the colored
alliance, which numbers over half a million members,
seized with the inspiration of the moment, suddenly
joined the ex-soldiers.®
Flag waving, standing on chairs, and "old men weeping
copiously" followed, and Chairman Peffer pounded his
7
gavel for a long time before order was restored.
The Cincinnati papers carried the following
descriptions:
A gentleman from Texas, J. H. Davis, tall, browned
with the sun, and with the fearless manner always
attributed to the sons of that great state, was the
next speaker. He proved himself an orator of great
power and was heartily applauded.®
. . . Amid calls for different men, Mr. Davis,
of Texas, a typical Southerner, took the platform
and made a most feeling speech, patriotic and
enthusiastic in the highest degree.
His referance to the burial of the bloody shirt
caused the cheers to be renewed, and when Wadsworth,
of Indiana, an old Union soldier, advanced to the
front of the stage and the blue and gray clasped
hands, the convention became absolutely uncontrol
lable.9
i ®Dallas Morning News, May 21, 1891.
I 7
New York Times, May 21, 1891.
^Marshall L. Williams, "The Political Career of
Cyclone Davis" (Unpublished Master's thesis, East Texas
State College, 1937), 17, quoting the Cincinnati Commercial
i Gazette, May 21, 1891.
| 9Cincinnati Enquirer, May 21, 1891, quoted by
ptfilliamsl 351
86
Obviously, Davis was a "crowd-pleaser." He
excited the delegates' imagination with his innate sense
of the dramatic. As the Populist party was being
formed, Davis' speeches were a catalyst to the emotions
and beliefs of the delegates. Others, perhaps, were to
provide the intellectual fibre of the party, but Davis
inspired them to follow and to act.
Party Official. Davis' potential as an organizer
was recognized and he was selected as a member of the
National Committee for Texas along with W. R. Lamb and
Thomas Gaines.More important, Davis was added to the
National Executive Committee. H. E. Taubeneck of
Illinois, George F. Washburn of Massachusetts, William
Weaver of Iowa, A. 0. Wilkins of Kansas, M. C. Rankin
of Indiana, and Ignatius Donnelly were the other members.
The National Executive Committee met on June 13,
1891, at St. Louis, but Donnelly and Davis wired that
they would be unable to attend because of previous
engagements. The Committee heard reports on conditions
in various states, adopted a constitution for Populist
|clubs, and established a "literary bureau" to furnish
j
| materials to the reform press.
! -^Dallas Morning News, May 21, 1891.
|
I ^ Dallas Morning News, June 14, 1891.
87
Populist Party Campaign of 1891.
Populist Party Organizer. Following the Cin
cinnati Convention in May, 1891, Davis had ample oppor
tunity to demonstrate his campaign abilities as he moved
from state to state. The Populist gatherings to which
he spoke were similar in spirit and organization to the
religious camp-meeting. Often the sessions opened
and closed with a prayer. Resolutions were passed con
demning participation in the dances that spontaneously
arose. The people came in buggies and wagons, bringing
!enough food, goods, and produce to barter and to be
self-sustaining for several days.
Typical of these meetings was one held at Sulphur
Springs, Texas, July, 1891. A crowd of approximately
three thousand people, from eight counties, gathered
for an Alliance meeting. A change in interest was
noted from earlier years. The previous year the purpose
of the meetings had been to exchange "ideas on the mode
j
and manner of conducting farm affairs," and the speakers
|were not "allowed to touch upon the political situation."
| In 1891, however, farming was hardly mentioned and the
i
! 1 o
j "third party" was the major theme. 1 4
; Several important leaders were to speak at the
l
i -^Dallas Morning News, July 28, 1891, July 31,
!1891.
88
encampment— Senator Peffer of Kansas, C. A. Power of
Indiana, Jerry Simpson, and C. W. Macune. Davis,
since the gathering was in his hometown, made one of the
first welcoming speeches, on July 27:
Methodist Jim Davis, in behalf of his political
association, welcomed the farmers' encampment here
today. He spoke about one hour exclusively upon
the third party movement, of the necessity therefor,
and the expected results. He declared that the
labor organizations were political in purpose and
action.13
On July 29, Davis spoke again, touching the famil
iar equalitarian theme that so pleased rural audiences.
Davis deplored the fact that "thousands of fat offices
were created for people other than farmers." He con
tended that law was deliberately "so woven around with
technicalities" that the common man was confused. He
believed that the law should be "stripped of these
technicalities" and restored to its original simplicity
so that any farmer or laborer could "conduct its
administration without difficulty." Rural mail delivery
was advocated. The "plutocratic government" demon
strated class favoritism by delivering mail to the doors
i
l
jof the city dwellers. The farmer, on the other hand,
| had to "put a blind bridle on a sore back mule and ride
I
I----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- —
^ Dallas Morning News, July 28, 1891. C. W.
Macune was a doctor, organizer of the Texas Alliance
|Exchange, and editor of the National Economist, one of
| the leading reform papers .
89
through heat and storm to the postoffice.
In the following months, Davis continued to work
for the Populists and soon was being called to other
states to assist in various campaigns.
Judge Davis is at home again. He is hopeful for
the third party and is booked for several weeks
speaking in Ohio to assist in defeating John Sherman
as United States Senator. Judge Davis has outgrown
local and sectional notoriety. He is now and
hereafter of national notoriety.15
Davis, "the magnetic orator," had promised the Iowa
people at the Cincinnati convention to help in their
fall campaign. He had made "a few speeches in the
brief Kentucky campaign" and the Cincinnati Enquirer
wrote of him:
"REBEL. YELL" DAVIS, OF TEXAS, MAKES GREAT HIT
IN A FIERY SPEECH.
J. H. Davis, the fiery and eloquent Texan who
created such a sensation by his speech in the
convention which organized the new party in this
city last May, is one of the most entertaining
speakers that has ever been heard in this vicinity
and he captured the crowd by his laughable, apt
illustrations and his fiery oratory. He is certainly
a remarkable stump orator and he will help the new
party wherever he speaks. Senator Peffer is a
finished talker, but does not enthuse a crowd as
Davis. In his manner and style he reminds one very
forcibly of Sam Jones, the evangelist.
"Cyclone" Added to Name. In February, 1892, Davis
■^Dallas Morning News, July 31, 1891.
•*-^Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
16Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
90
was in Frankfort, Kentucky, and engaged General Watt
Hardin in debate. Senator Peffer had preceded him and
"was so completely unhorsed that his effort only the
more discouraged his followers." Johnson wrote:
Not so with Mr. Davis. He was master of the
constitution of the United States, knew the history
of its making, was perfectly familiar with the
"Madison papers," the life and history of Thomas
Jefferson, and other documents bearing on the work
of the constitutional convention, and he had all
these books with him. After answering Mr. Hardin
by showing the fallacy of his argument, the inac
curacies of his statements and so on, by quoting
from his authorities, Mr. Davis beat down on him
with withering sarcasm, then soared above him with
inspiring eloquence. Before he had finished, Ken
tucky's favored "orator and intellectual giant"
looked the wreck he was. The long, gaunt and awkward
countryman from Texas, bedecked in a linen duster
and with alligator boots, had torn his speech to
shreds, set his friends to cheering the Texan, and
put the Populist part of the audience into a frenzy
of partisan outburst. Sam Carey, a son of General
Carey, was the reporter for the Associated Press
on the occasion, and in his article he referred in
strong terms to the wonderful effect of Mr. Davis
and called him a "Cyclone" in forensic debate.-*-'
Davis' own version of the incident was given in an
interview in 1894:
"When and where did you receive the sobriquet
of Cyclone?" the reporter inquired.
"In Kentucky and Ohio," was the reply. "The
papers there gave me that name. It grew out of a
discussion with Gen. Wat Hardon [Watt Hardin],
attorney general of Kentucky, in the city of Frank
fort, the capital of the Blue Grass state. The
papers said that although on the wrong side of
politics, my 'words of eloquence,' 'pithy anecdotes'
and 'rousing rejoinders' never failed to bring
■^Johnson, 1864.
91
forth 'a cyclone of applause.1 Ever since that
time I have been referred to as 'Cyclone1 Davis.
Well, I don't care. They can call me anything— I
just as well consent— they've done so anyhow."^-®
When queried about the "Methodist Jim" title
often used by the press, Davis answered:
"Well, yes, but that's old. Probably a good
many people infer that I am or have been a Methodist
preacher from this sobriquet, but I am not. This
is a mistake; I'm not good enough. They called me
'Methodist Jim' after I had the discussion with
Hal Gosling in the city of Houston in 1882. "-*-9
Several "cyclone" qualities of Davis' speaking
were noted in the reports of the Kentucky campaign.
His physical stature and energetic delivery resulted
in the label of "Methodist Jim" early in his career,
and later he was compared with Evangelist Sam Jones.
One of his strong points was his prodigious memory.
He obviously impressed his audiences with his ability
to cite from memory many passages from historical
documents and Jefferson's writings. In the heat of
j debate, Davis answered his opponent's arguments with
j quotations directly from Jefferson and the founding
documents, which, when cited by Davis, took on a
character of inspired and sacred authority equal to that
; of the Bible. Effective use of humor and sarcasm
I
| added to his appeal as a persuader.
■ ^Dallas Morning News, April 16, 1894.
I n Q
j Dallas Morning News, April 16, 1894.
92
Populist Campaign of 1892
The Populist ideology had rapidly gained followers
during the summer months of 1891. The Populist leaders
had gained national attention and, if the trend con
tinued, they were certain to present a definite challenge
to the established parties. The Populist orators enjoyed
their new role and looked forward to capturing many
state and national offices in 1892.
Populist State Convention, June 23, 1892. On
June 23, 1892, the People's party met in Dallas to
select their candidates for the November election.
"J. H. Davis, editor of the Alliance Vindicator," was
listed among the "prominent arrivals" on June 23. For
Davis, it was to be a busy few days:
A meeting of the national committee of the people's
party in Texas, consisting of Messrs. W. R. Lamb,
Thomas Gaines and J. H. Davis, was held last evening
for the purpose of arranging transportation to
Omaha for Texas delegates and of listing those
delegates for the national secretary preparatory
to the action of the credentials committee in the
national convention.
i
| That night Davis spoke to a crowd of about 700
I people at the auditorium of the city hall. His speech
jwas "full of original humor and fine points, and was
j frequently applauded to the echo." He scored the "old
i
!
!parties" for "diverting public attention from live issues
on
Dallas Morning News, June 23, 1892.
93
by an appeal to dead ones and the use of false ones." The
21
tariff and the financial problems were also discussed.
iOn the third day of the convention, June 25, Davis intro-
iduced a resolution that "we favor the establishment of a
state bureau of labor." An effort was made to table it, but
22 ^
iDavis held the floor in its defense.
j Later on June 25, he was nominated by acclimation to
!be a candidate for attorney general. Many years later, :
iDavis indicated that he accepted the nomination with reluc- j
tance, but he gave no hint of his hesitancy in his brief
acceptance speech.^ The issue that led to his nomination
was "watered stocks," and "Methodist Jim" was called upon ;
' 24 ' <
|to "squeeze it out."
! Omaha Convention, July 2, 189 2. The national conven-’
ition of the Populist party assembled in Omaha, Nebraska, on
|July 2, 1892. Speculation included Davis' name in the list |
25
iof possible nominees for vice-president. On the first
day, while committees were in session, "there were loud
jcalls for 'Cyclone' Davis and the hall was soon ringing
^ Dallas Morning News, June 23, 1892.
^ Dallas Morning News, June 25, 1892.
^Johnson, 1864.
9 A
Dallas Morning News, June 25, 1892.
^ Dallas Morning News, July 1, 1892; July 4, 1892.
94
with his voice." The major portion of his speech was de-
I 9 c
|voted to the denunciation of corporations. On July 5,
|Davis was again named to the national committee for Texas !
2 7
with Thomas Gaines and R. [K] W. Coleman.
General James B. Weaver of Iowa, who had been the j
| I
Greenback party presidential candidate in 1880, was nomin- j
|to head the ticket and ex-Confederate General James G. ;
! 1
!Field of Virginia was selected as the vice-presidential
2 8
candidate. Ben Terrell had been the leading contender
'with Field for the nomination, but was defeated by a vote
|of 733 to 554, "perhaps for no better reason than that an
iex-Union general and an ex-Confederate general on the same
f '
2 9
iticket had an irresistibly dramatic appeal." j
! A resolution was introduced calling for a boycott
I against Rochester clothing manufacturers in support of the
jthe Knights of Labor. Allen wrote:
"Cyclone" Davis, of Texas, was for the boycott.
He believed in that principle of nature which binds
: 2^San Antonio Express, July 3, 1892; New York Times, |
July 3, 1892.
2^San Antonio Express, July 5, 1892. j
2^Pallas Morning News, July 5, 1892. j
29john d . Hicks, The Populist Revolt (Minneapolis: j
The University of Minnesota Press, 1931), 236. j
95
every living being to its friends. "There is no
such thing as a boycott," he said. "It only
consists in letting your enemies alone and staying
with your friends." He wanted to boycott the
plutocratic Senators who spent $5,000 a year of the
people's money for a barbershop, pomade, lavender
and rose water. He wanted this boycott kept up
till every vestige of this is gone, and the people
again have their rights.30
Ignatius Donnelly followed Davis and made a plea for the
support of the resolution and it was adopted by ac
clamation . ^
Race for Attorney General of Texas, 1892. Davis
had played a leading part in both the state and national
conventions in 1892. Although nominated for a state
!
office by Texas Populists, his aspiration to be a part
of the national slate was not fulfilled. After the
national convention, Davis returned to Texas to campaign
vigorously for Attorney General. His principal opponent
was the democratic incumbent, D. B. Culberson. Davis
|
j also supported the campaigns of the national candidates
and other Populist contenders for state offices.
If Davis was to gain popular support, he had to
i
I
persuade the voters personally. For the next four
! 3®E. A. Allen, The Life and Public Services
of James Baird Weaver (The People's Party Publishing
Co., 1892), 109-110.
31Hicks, 111.
96
months, Davis was on the platform continually.^ An
encampment at Stephenville on July 29, 1892, was typical of
the dozens Davis attended. On the first day, Davis was de
scribed as "long, lean and lank, but saucy looking,"33 as
he attacked national banks and railroads. Newspapers con
sidered him 'good copy1 and the Dallas Morning News com
mented on his appearance as well as quoting him at length:
'Methodist Jim', looking as fresh as a new-blown
rose and eager as a race horse for the start, took
the stand . . .
"When Burr and Arnold attempted to set up an
European monopoly of land in this country they were
convicted as traitors, but here we have established
a monopoly of money which controls not the price and
use of all land, but the price and use of everything
else, and instead of the authors of this system
being denounced as traitors they live in luxury and
are accepted and cared for as though they were the
molders and directors of this government of American
freemen. We have 33,000,000 of people who own not a
foot of land; we have 4,750,000 of homes mortgaged,
drawing an average rate of 7 per cent interest, and
we have aliens and corporations owning an area of
land equal to that of twenty-six states, or nearly
20,000,000 acres of land. Thus nearly one-third of
the chief source of wealth in this country has
passed into the ownership of the lords . . . and
goldbugs of Europe, and what is worse the most of
that land was obtained by . . . donations granted by
our state and federal governments."34
In August, Davis campaigned in Arkansas. John W.
Cranford had been called by the Democrats to come to
Arkansas "for a few days and meet Davis and other third
•^^The Dallas Morning News carefully followed the
campaign. Almost daily, July through November, the News
carried a brief paragraph concerning Davis' activities.
33pallas Morning News, July 30, 1892.
•^Dallas Morning News, July 31, 1892.
97
party speakers of this state." Cranford planned to leave
for Little Rock on the night of August 22, 1892.
On September 12, 1892, Davis was in St. Louis to
attend a meeting of the national executive committee.
It was decided that Weaver and Field should "take the
stump in the northwest during October." The committee
discussed the recent elections in Arkansas and charged
that the "people's party, where it was allowed to cast
a ballot, was counted out when the returns were made
up."36
Davis closed his campaign on November 7, the day
before the election at San Antonio. The Populists
ended the campaign with a large rally at Rische's theatre.
Davis and other candidates spoke, but a discussion among
the candidates for congress failed to take place because
o n
only one attended. '
The opponents of Davis in the race for attorney
general were Charles A. Culberson and A. E. McDowell.
In Franklin County, Culberson received 74 7 votes,
• ^ D a l l a s Morning News, August 21, 1892. Davis
\ may have continued with Weaver and Field as they toured
| the South. An unlabeled clipping reported a portion
| of Davis' speech to a Georgia audience. See Fred Emory
; Haynes, James Baird Weaver (Iowa City: Historical
; Society of Iowa, 1919), 322-323.
36Pallas Morning News, September 13, 1892.
•^Dallas Morning News, November 8, 1892.
98
3 8
McDowell 34, and Davis 325. In Hopkins County, Davis'
home county, incomplete returns showed Culberson leading
with 259 votes, Davis 227, and McDowell 82. Culberson
had served as attorney general since November 4, 1890,
and thus had the advantage of running as the incumbent.4®
Although Davis received over 100,000 votes, 8,000 more
41
than any other Populist candidate, he was defeated.
Populist Campaign of 1893
After the election, November, 1892, political
activity subsided for the winter months. In July, 1893,
the newspapers again noted the speaking engagements of
Davis. He debated local democratic leaders and Lieutenant
Governor of Texas M. M. Crane. Party differences between
the Democrats and the Populists and the silver question
were discussed.42
Populist State Convention, Waco, August 18, 1893.
On August 18, 1893, the Populist State Convention convened
3 8
Texas, Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas),
"Record of Election Returns," page 16.
39
Dallas Morning News, November 11, 1892.
40
Texas Almanac, 1961-62 (Dallas: A. H. Belo
Corp., 1961), 442-443.
41
State Topics (Houston), December 25, 1915.
4?
Dallas Morning News, July 18, 1893, July 23,
1893, August 12, 1893; Galveston Daily News, July 31,
1893.
99
at Waco, Texas. That afternoon Davis was one of the
featured speakers. Introduced by Stump Ashby, Davis
scored the railroads, alien land ownership, and the
finance question.^ After the convention, Davis continued
to tour the state.
Debating Tour, 1893. At San Marcos, Hays County,
on October 27, Davis made one of his most famous speeches.
He used a dozen volumes of Thomas Jefferson, which had
become a trade-mark, and waved a British flag in the
face of his listeners. His speech, which lasted for
]
four hours, compared in detail the principles of Jefferson j
and Hamilton. Thus Davis supported his opposition to
the banking system, to special class legislation, and
to alien and corporate land ownership.^ The reporter
further noted:
Cyclone Davis, who spoke here last week, is the
most adroit populist speaker in Texas. He carries
the people along, he stimulates their prejudices
and excites their hopes, he praises their faults
and kicks their enemies, and he exalts their self- ^
esteem and avoids everything that would give offense.
I
| Davis carefully avoided any mention of state politics,
j perhaps with the view of convincing some of the Democrats
!to join with the Populists.
|
! ^Dallas Morning News, August 19, 1893.
I
j ^ Dallas Morning News, October 29, 1893.
4^Dallas Morning News, November 1, 1893.
100
On December 13, Fairfield, Freestone County,
Davis continued to speak on the same themes:
Cyclone Davis spoke to about twenty populists,
the same number of democrats and a few negroes at
the courthouse here today. In his speech he used
eight or ten ancient volumes of the Congressional
Record in an attempt to prove the populist's theory
of government concerning national banks, alien
ownership of land, etc., is identical with that of
Thomas Jefferson.^6
Davis was on the stump circuit for six months
and deserved a rest during the Christmas season of
1893. His respite was only for a few weeks, however,
for early in January of 1894, he was on the campaign
j trail again.
i
A Political Revelation. During 189 3, Davis
prepared the manuscript to his first book, A Political
Revelation.^ One reviewer commented:
After reading this book no man can truthfully
say, "I am a Jeffersonian democrat," and antagonize
the Omaha platform.
This book is destined to be widely circulated
and to lead the way in restoring the Jeffersonian
theory of government, for no one can truthfully say,
after reading this book, "I do not fully understand
Thomas Jefferson's theory of government, the blessings
it will secure to the people, how and when we departed
from the true principles of democratic government or
how to restore them again for Mr. Davis is so plain
a child can understand the whole matter.48
i ^Dallas Morning News, December 16 , 189 3.
j ^James Harvey Davis, A Political Revelation
| (Dallas: Advance Publishing Company, 1894).
! ^^Southern Mercury (Dallas), January 18, 1894.
101
Another assessment of the book, many years later stated:
Much of the literature recommended was typical of
the ephemeral writings characteristic of any period
of our history. A great deal was confessedly Reform
propaganda, however, among the titles of this nature
was Cyclone Davis' A Political Revelation, which set
forth the principles of the People's Party and
sought to identify it with the party of Thomas
Jefferson. The Advance insisted that the book would
be "a standard work as long as liberty (should endure)
in the human heart." In truth, it was purely a
propaganda effort in behalf of the Third Party,
and its permanent worth is measured by its value
as a record of a type of campaign d o c u m e n t . 49
Martin's assessment of the book as a "campaign document"
captured the basic character of the work. A majority
of its material consisted of quotations from Jefferson's
writings which were tailored to substantiate the major
Populist theories concerning land, transportation, and
money. The size of the edition was placed at 20,000
volumes by Davis, and in May the Southern Mercury
advertised that it had only 250 copies left.^® Through
out the year the Mercury carried advertisements for the
book and frequently printed the comments of readers
praising the book.^
i 49Roscoe c> Martin, The People's Party in Texas
! (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1933) , 163-164.
I ^Martin, 16 3.
I
! ^ Southern Mercury (Dallas), April 26, August 30,
' 1894. On September 20, 1894, E. N. Champion of Indepen-
| dence, Texas, wrote, "Cyclone Davis's [sic] new book is
i indeed an eye-opener; it is worth ten times the price
! asked for it. Every populist should surely get a copy."
102
Populist Campaign of 1894
Speaking Activities of 189 4. On January 13, 1894,
Davis and his volumes of Jefferson were in Corsicana.
For two hours he expounded on Jeffersonian principles,
attacked the monetary system, the old parties, and the
railroads.52 The scene was to be repeated many times
over during the following months. His speaking schedule
from January 15 to January 30 included fourteen towns
in five counties.53
Optimism was high for the Populists, and Davis
! was the most optimistic of all. Stump Ashby was
questioned about Davis1 predictions and "he admitted
that Jim Davis' estimate that the populists would carry
eleven of the thirteen Congressional districts was rather
overshooting the mark."54
On February 22, 1894, Davis spoke at Bonham in
Fannin County on the subject of the "Third Party and
Hoggism." The Democrats were split into two factions
I
! over the gold standard. The "goldbugs" were led by
|
George Clark and the "silverites" followed Governor Jim
i
1 Hogg. In an interview after the speech, Davis was
i
' questioned about a "harmony" proposal to unite the
i C O
-’^Dallas Morning News, January 14, 1894.
■ C O
j Southern Mercury (Dallas) January 18, 1894.
j ^4pan as Morning News, January 22, 1894.
103
55
Democrats offered by A. L. Matlock. Davis replied:
I would like to see a joining of the populists
and the Hogg forces and see Allen of Nebraska
president and Jim Hogg vice-president and Dick
Bland secretary of the treasury. But if there is
a Hogg ticket in the field this year and we have
to meet them there will be music in the air and
fun in Denmark.56
Davis hoped that the gold standard issue would force
the Democrats to join the Populists and thus gain the
strength needed to-win the election. In fact, the
national central committee of the Populist party met
in St. Louis on February 23 and selected the "free
57
coinage of silver" as one of the major campaign issues.
Davis was not adverse to a proposed coalition
with Republicans if he thought it would work to the
advantage of the reform movement. On March 31, at
La Grange, there was a conference of the 10th Congres-
ional District to discuss possible fusion of the
Populists and the Republicans. Davis was one of the
principal speakers. The Dallas Morning News reported:
Cyclone Davis' speech at the courthouse this
afternoon was listened to by probably 60 0 men, over
one-third of whom were colored. The brothers in
55
Robert C. Cotner, James Stephen Hogg (Austin:
University of Texas Press, 1959), 316, 392ff.
56
Dallas Morning News, February 23, 189 4.
57
Dallas Morning News, February 24, 1894.
104
black were out in full force and manifested the
deepest enthusiasm, applauding the speaker vocifer
ously, throughout his remarks. Mr. Davis made his
usual speech, viciously assailing the money power
and the bankers, referring to the latter as human
squeezing machines, who are squeezing the life
blood out of the farmer and laboring man. He ad
vocated the subtreasurey scheme and told them he had
made Joe Bailey confess before 5000 people that it
was a good thing. He appealed to the people to vote
for a remedy for three evils which, he said, could
never be remedied until the populists did it at the
ballot box by electing men to office who would pass
just laws and not pander to the corporations and
the bankers.
A Populist-Republican coalition was not likely and was
considered only as a desperate measure to remove the
Democrats from office.
On April 13, Davis was interviewed in Denton by
a reporter for the Dallas and Galveston News. He des
cribed Davis:
A tall, angular man with broad forehead, light
hair and complexion, a light-colored beard and
mustache and eyes which appear capable of expressing
anger or shedding tears, sat in a hotel office.
The art of dress one would conclude receives but
little of his time, for he was attired in a well
worn Prince Albert coat, a vest to match, pants
the bottom of which struck him somewhere in the
neighborhood between the knee and ankle, displaying
alligator boots about No. 10 or 11, and a woolen
shirt.59
The Southern Mercury published the appointments
i 5 8Qa]_ias Morning News, April 2, 1894.
I
| "^Dallas Morning News, April 16, 1894, and
! Galveston Daily News, April 20, 1894. Both of these
| papers were owned by the same Corporation and shared
| their news releases.
105
of several other lecturers: Harry Tracy, Professor H.
F. Jones, J. W. Chapman, and J. M. Perdue. Davis
continued to speak daily while touring the central part
of Texas.®®
On April 15, Davis, Judge J. L. Sheppard, and
Hon. J. W. Cranford ended a canvass of Morris County.
"Crowds attended the speaking at Daingerfield, Rocky
Branch, Omaha and Belden. There was great enthusiasm
on both sides.The Southern Mercury headlined the
event as "A Battle of Giants— Cyclone Davis Meets and
Demolishes Judge Sheppard and Hon. J. W. Cranford."
The time division was Sheppard one hour, Davis one and
a half hours, and Cranford one hour.
Mr. Davis illustrated wrangling over war issues
in this day and generation by an anecdote of wild
asses in some parts of the world, who, when attacked
by wolves, had sense enough to seek an open place,
j put their heads together and use their heels vigor-
i ously in all directions. Not so with the rank and
| file of party strength today. When attacked by the
| wolves of moneyed greed and power they put their
heels together and vigorously kick each other.
I Argument, ridicule and metaphor were made use of
; with telling effect, and by a master hand.62
i
! At Brownwood on April 28, Davis created more publicity
| by comparing "himself and his party to Jesus Christ
! 6®Southern Mercury (Dallas) April 19, 1894.
i ^ Dallas Morning News, April 17, 1894.
j 62Southern Mercury (Dallas) April 26, 1894;
i James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas: The Courier
(Press, 1935), 324-325.
106
and his followers .
On May 1, Davis appeared at Goldthwaite. Here
he was heralded as the "Lion of the day," and "had
honors showered thick and fast upon him." The Goldthwaite
Eagle reported:
The followers of his theories as to government
gladly did him homage, while those who differ with
him were compelled to respect his forcible arguments,
his well laid premises and at least some of his
deductions. Dressed in the garb of a farmer's well
worn Sunday suit, with a colored shirt, slouch
hat, and a beard a week old on the sides of his
face, he presents the appearance of an ordinary
laborer who had come to town to see the sights or
have a new point made for his cultivator. There
is nothing about his general make-up to attract
attention, except it be that he is above six feet
high and has one game e y e . 64
He was met at the train by a brass band and his brother-
in-law, Dr. A. W. Barton, and his children. Davis
revealed the full extent of his campaign tour:
In opening his speech Mr. Davis apologized for
being hoarse, stricken with rheumatism and for having
made nearly 300 speeches since last September, but
said he had never yet failed to make an audience
hear him and had no fears on this occasion.65
This whirlwind pace by the "cyclone" was to
continue for many months, until after the November
election. His efforts were not unnoticed by the Populists
| 63Dan as Morning News, April 29, 1894.
• 64Dav^s collection, Goldthwaite Eagle, [May 4,
j 1894]. A visit to the office of the Eagle to verify
the above date found the files for this period deter
iorated beyond use.
65Goldthwaite Eagle? [May 4, 1894].
107
of his home district. On May 3, 1894, the News reported
that the Delta County Populists had instructed delegates to
district convention to vote for J. H. Davis as nominee for
6 6
Congress. On June 18, the Populists of the Fourth
Congressional District met at Mount Pleasant in Titus
County and nominated Davis by acclamation to be the
6 7
candidate for Congress.
Populist State Convention, Padgitt's Park, 1894.
On June 19, 1894, the Populist State Convention was
held at Padgitt's Park in Waco. "The floodgates of
oratory were unloosed to-day and to-night. Cyclone
Davis, C.H. Jenkins, H.L. Bentley and others held forth."
There was some mention of Davis for Attorney General, but
the same issue of the News printed the platform that had
led to his nomination for Congress from the Fourth
6 8
Congressional District.
On June 20, 1894, Davis addressed the convention
and discussed the current issues:
Cyclone Davis was introduced and said he had
been transformed into a talking machine here of
late, in consequence of which he was pretty well
^ Dallas Morning News, May 3, 189 4.
^ Dallas Morning News, June 19, 1894.
/r o
Dallas Morning News, June 20, 1894.
108
worn out. He proceeded to speak, however, at some
length, his remarks being about the same as those
heretofore published in The News. "They call us
Coxeyites. Well, the first invoice of Coxeyites
that went to Washington were indexed, and half of
them had voted for Cleveland and the other half
for Harrison, leaving but seven populists votes out
of 136." He was against the Coxey movement— thought
it ill-advised and something out of which no good
could ensue. He said there were several different
gangs of Coxeyites who had been running to Congress
after money, but that the silk-hat fellows started
it and Coxey thought he had to do it to be in the
fashion. He referred to corporations in this state
which he said had been to Washington and looted the
treasury to a considerable extent.
Davis' acceptance of the nomination was to lead him
into one of the most difficult and disappointing cam-
Ipaigns of his career.
Campaign for Congress, Fourth Congressional
District, 1894. After the Waco convention, Davis began
to campaign in the Fourth Congressional District for
Congress. He opened his campaign by debating Lieutenant
Governor M. M. Crane at Sulphur Springs on June 25, 1894.
Davis opened the debate with a speech that lasted for
j an hour and a half. The Dallas News reported that
| "his argument was the usual one, for government ownership
J
I
of railroads and telegraphs, against alien and corporate
ownership of land and criticism and abuse of the
! democratic party." Lieutenant Governor Crane's reply
! lasted for two hours. He answered Davis by reminding
^Dallas Morning News, June 21, 1894.
109
him of a state statute that
| Prohibited alien ownership of land and
limited corporate ownership to the land actually
used for corporate purposes . . . Davis closed
the debate in a thirty minutes' speech, endeav-
j oring to parry his adversary's thrusts and ridi-
| culing the democrats.^
i
j During July and August, 1894, Davis was attending
jencampments and debating Democratic candidates and nom-
! j
jinees.71 Davis, during this time, was unable to meet his j
^opponent directly because of an unusual series of events
‘ that occurred in the nominating convention of the Fourth
| i
’ District Democrats.
i
Deadlock of Fourth District Democrats. The Demo-
icrats of the Fourth Congressional District convened at i
'Texarkana on July 31 to nominate a candidate to succeed j
Dave B. Culberson, who had indicated his intention to i
retire. There was a deadlock among the contenders for
t !
ithe nomination— Jake Hodges of Paris, J. W. Cranford
of Sulphur Springs, and John L. Sheppard of Pittsburg.
Ten days later and after 4,750 ballots, the convention
was still deadlocked and finally adjourned to meet at :
:Paris on August 30, after the Democratic State Convention !
^ Dallas Morning News, June 26, 1894. j
^ Dallas Morning News, July 15, 1894; July 22, 1894; |
July 25, T8941 July 27, 1894. j
110
72
scheduled for August 13, 1894, in Dallas. When the
convention met again at Paris, they remained deadlocked for
the first day. Finally, the three candidates withdrew in
73
favor of the retiring incumbent, D. B. Culberson.
Davis continued to campaign for the Populists while
74
waiting for a Democratic opponent to be selected.
Populists enjoyed the Democratic spectacle and were certain
to ridicule the extended deadlock. On August 28-31, a
large Populist encampment was scheduled at Blossom in
Lamar County. The Democrats were "invited to meet the
speakers in joint debate, especially the democratic
75
candidate for congress to meet Mr. J. H. Davis."
However, when the appointed day, August 28, arrived the
speakers were present, but only forty to fifty people were
there to hear them. The speakers decided "not to wear their
lungs out talking to trees, so there were no joint
76
discussions.
The campaign between Culberson and Davis was one of
the bitterest in Texas history. The Democratic
^ Dallas Morning News, July 31-August 9, 1894.
73
Dallas Morning News, August 30, 31, 1894.
74
Dallas Morning News, August 2, 6, 9, 11, 1894.
75
Dallas Morning News, August 21, 1894.
^ Dallas Morning News, August 29 , 1894. On
Thursday, August 30, the News noted that "Cyclone Davis is
the center of attraction."
Ill
Campaign Committee of Lamar County sent a circular letter
stating that "the Peoples' Party is made up of a conglom
erated mass of putrification." The Populist reply was
answered in circular form by H. M. McCuistion, who termed
the attack "as despicable as it is mean, as contemptible
as it is vile."^7
The State Executive Committee was to meet in Dallas
on Wednesday, September 5, 1894. Davis was to attend^
while the opposition continued to make derogatory remarks
about Davis in the papers, he stayed in Kansas to help
Populist candidates there. He returned and started to cam
paign daily in October.79 Davis had published his tenta
tive speaking dates before the Democrats had selected
Culberson as a candidate, outlining a tour that would cover
eleven counties in the district, beginning on October 2
I
{ and ending on November 3, with elections being held on
November 6. He requested in his article that Populist
chairman arrange for joint meetings with the Democratic
• f t f l
chairman. u He re-opened the campaign in his home county,
77
Davis Collection, Circular Letter, H. M.
McCuistion.
^ Dallas Morning News, September 5, 1894.
7 9
Davis Collection, Hopkins County Echo, [Week of
October 2, 1894].
®®Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping with column
title of "The Siftings."
112
Hopkins, by debating with Hon. John W. Cranford, one of the
81
losers of the Democratic nomination.
The campaign evidently continued according to the
published schedule. The Southern Mercury published the
speaking dates of all the Populist speakers. The Titus
county chairman, J. W. Edwards, arranged for five speaking
engagements on October 13, 15, and 16.®^ On October 23,
O O
Davis was at Jefferson as he had planned. The next day
Davis spoke at Lodi in Marion county. The terse report was
as follows:
Lodi, Marion Co., Tex., Oct. 2 4— Cyclone
Davis, populist nominee for congress, spoke
here last night to a large audience, composed
chiefly of democrats and republicans. His
address in the main was in line with his other
speeches, abusing both the democratic and re
publican parties. It was not very highly
appreciated.8 4
As can be seen from the above, the campaign was vigorously
pursued for the full month. Davis and his Democratic oppo
nents carried the fight to every county in the district and
spoke daily, often several times a day, to the people.
^Davis Collection, Hopkins County Echo, [Week of
October 2, 1894.]
^ Southern Mercury, October [no date], 1894.
^ Dallas Morning News, Wednesday, October 24, 1894.
^ Dallas Morning News, October 26, 1894.
113
Results of the 1894 Election, Representative Fourth
District. Election day for 1894 fell on November 6. In
Franklin county, where he had begun his political career as
a county judge, the vote was 565 for Culberson and 502 for
D a v i s . On November 10 the Dallas Morning News reported
that Culberson had received 15,040 votes and Davis 11,632.
The pluralities by counties were as follows:
Paris, Tex.,Nov. 9— Complete returns received
here in the congressional race give D. B. Culberson
a plurality of 1024. The pluralities by counties
are: For Culberson, Bowie 343, Camp 367, Franklin
63, Lamar 1242, Marion 333, Morris 36; For Davis,
Delta 604, Titus 265, Hopkins 191, Cass 200, Red
River 100.86
Davis was not pleased with the results of the election and
after the official count was in, decided to protest. The
following appeared in the Dallas Morning News on
November 18, 1894:
Paris, Tex., Nov. 17— The populists of Lamar
County are openly asserting that J. H. Davis, the
defeated populist candidate for congress, will
contest the seat of D. B. Culberson for congress.
The official count shows that Culberson has 1233
plurality in Lamar county. The populists say that
Davis carried the county by over 1100 and that the
vote of the city of Paris was held back until it
was ascertained that the county had gone for Davis
when the returns were made out accordingly.
Democrats say the idea of a contest is absurd as
^Texas, Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas),
"Record of Election Returns," page 23.
^ Dallas Morning News, November 10, 1894.
114
populists and republicans had their judges and
clerks at every voting precinct in the c o u n t y .
Davis contended that the results, if properly counted,
8 8
would give him a clear majority.
In an open letter, dated January 7, 1895, to
Culberson, Davis listed the charges of fraud in detail.
The full text occupied about three full-length columns
in the Dallas Morning News. He charged intimidation
!
!and threats of populist voters, both negro and white,
|and ballot box stuffing. Populist leaders were not
i
|appointed as election officials nor were they allowed
i
|to witness the counting of the votes.89
j Davis, in a printed circular eight columns long,
dated January 10, 1912, recalled his view of the
election:
I I carried Hopkins county over all your bitter
j opposition; carried Delta, Titus and Marion counties
| by the count; and in fact, I carried every county
! in the district except Lamar and Franklin; but the
j organized liquor traffic and a gang of grafters
I stood guard over the ballot boxes down the Red
| River valley and the "black end" of the district,
took over two thousand Populists tickets that I had
paid for under the law with "J. H. Davis" on them,
burned them up in negro cabins, and then put tickets
out with my name left off or printed as "J. A.
8 7
Dallas Morning News, November 18, 1894.
88pallas Morning News, November 22, 1894. Davis
reports the figures he believed to be accurate in this
article. His re-count gave him a majority of over
900 votes.
89pallas Morning News, January 13, 1895.
115
Davis" and then refused to count the J. A. Davis
votes for me; and herded up and voted most of the
living negroes against me and stuffed the boxes with
the names of dead negroes, dogs and mules until I
was counted out. And I saw with my own eyes the
sickening scenes of such scoundrelism. For instance,
the Shaw Box, a noted example where such names
were written all over the front and back of poll
lists, and extra paper furnished to hold them.90
In 192 8, he repeated the same story adding that
"At one box 'Fido Jenkins,' a negro's dog voted against
me five times.
Censured by Texas House of Representatives
Contested Election. Soon after the election
returns were complete, and he had filed his letter of
i
contest, Davis was in Austin and involved in a second
contested election. Davis was retained by J. H. Frost
to represent him in contesting the election in Cass
county. Frost, a Populist, was defeated by H. F. O'Neal.
If it could be shown that Frost had won in Cass county,
jit would help Davis in his contest against Culberson.^2
^Davis Collection, "Davis Refutes, Denies and
I Defies Thomas' Attack," a newspaper circular, January
j10, 1912.
| Q *1
i Davis Collection, Hopkins County Echo, [n.d.],
|1928, "Cyclone Davis in Open Letter to Dabney White,"
|dated April 14, 1928.
Southern Mercury, February 14, 1895. Davis,
* in an open letter dated January 24, addressed to Hon.
J. C. Feagin, House of Representatives, answered the
|charges against him and recounted the events that led
|to the charges.
116
When the committee on privileges and elections,
which would hear the case, was announced, Davis, to
his dismay, found that W. T. Armistead of Marion county,
and R. M. Harrell of Bowie county, were members of the
committee. Since Bowie joins Cass on the North and Marion
joins Cass on the South, Davis felt that these men would
prejudice his case. Also, Armistead was a friend of
D. B. Culberson and served as Culberson's attorney.
Further, the committee was composed of fifteen members,
9 3
thirteen Democrats, one Populist and one Republican.
i
j At that same time, a delegation from Bowie was
in Austin to secure the passage of a bill to locate a
special court in Texarkana. Davis agreed to help them
if (1) they would promise in writing not to raise the
old issue of moving the county seat from Boston to
Texarkana, and (2) lend their help in securing the
94
removal of Armistead and Harrell from the committee.
One of the delegation asked Davis to place his offer
i
I in writing so that it could be shown to the other
! members. Davis wrote:
Austin, Texas, Jan. 15, 1895. Take Harrell and
Armistead off that Com. on Priv. Elections, and
pledge over your own names that there will be no
effort to remove the county seat to Texarkana in j
| five years, and I will go before our caucus and think
j
j - - - - - . - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
j ^^southern Mercury, February 14, 1895.
j ^ Southern Mercury, February 14, 1895.
117
I can pledge you 22 votes in the House and two in
Senate for the bill. Pay me $20, and if the bill
passes then pay me $80 more. This money I want for
Frost, as he is to pay my expenses in this case
while here, etc. (Signed) J. H. Davis.95
Bribery Charge. On January 23, 1895, Mr. J. C.
Feagi.n introduced a resolution calling for the appoint
ment of a special committee to investigate the affair.
The resolution was passed and on January 24, 1895, a
committee of five was appointed. On January 25, 1895,
I a resolution to add two more Populists to the committee
was amended to include three more Democrats, bringing
the total on the committee to ten members. On the same
day the committee met to begin its investigation. On
jJanuary 26, 1895, Davis presented his answer to the
charges in a prepared statement and witnesses were
examined at length. The inquiry continued on Monday,
January 28, 1895; Davis testified at length concerning
his part in the affair. The fact that Davis had received
j ten dollars from Hudgins and ten dollars from Todd was
i
!
i interpreted as being a bribe by the opposition. Davis
; explained in his testimony that it was for his expenses
i while waiting to talk to other people arriving from
j Bowie county, as he had been requested to do by Mr.
^ Texas House Journal, Twenty-Fourth Legislature,
| Regular Session, February 1, 1895, p. 162. The moving
j of the county seat was an old political battle in the
; county. See the Dallas Morning News, December 3, 1890.
118
Hudgins and Mr. T o d d . ^6
The committee presented the majority and minority
reports to the House on February 1, 1895. The majority
report recommended that Davis be "censured" and "denied
the privilege of appearing before any committee of this
House in the interest of any matter or measure then
pending during the present session . . . "97 report
recommended that he be allowed to represent Frost before
the Committee on Privileges and Elections.^ The minority
report stated:
It may have been imprudence on the part of Mr.
Davis to seek as he did to get rid of the object
ionable members of the committee. But this was
done with no wrongful or corrupt motive, but with
the sole and laudable purpose to secure for his
client a fair and lawful trial.99
Mr. Watkins introduced a resolution to allow Davis "to
address this body in defence of his good name and char-
acter."-L00 The resolution was adopted, and Davis was
allowed to address the House. It was reported in the
Austin Statesman:
Davis very promptly complied and made one of
^Texas House Journal, pp. 185-196.
^Texas House Journal, pp. 161-162.
9®Texas House Journal,
P-
162.
9^Texas
House Journal,
P-
163.
lOOiexas House Journal,
P-
197.
119
his tear stained and frog in the throat orations,
in which he quoted much scripture and pictured
himself as a Populist sheep being led to the Democratic
altar for slaughter. He wanted the dear members to'
look in his blue eyes and see if there were any guilt
there and making one last plea for justice and nothing
more, Cyclone's voice amid sobs, sank out into a
whisper, and the great Populist leader hied himself
over to the left of the House and seated himself
among "his people."101
The Dallas Morning News reported:
. . . Mr. Davis came upon the floor and in his
well known grandiloquent style told the house that
he asked for justice and not pity. He recited what
he had previously told in the committee room and
which had been published and reprinted since the
investigation began. Incidentally he alluded to
Messrs. Armistead and Feagin and quoted scriptures
freely. At times he grew pathetic and his voice
shook with emotion. He asked his hearers to look
into his blue eyes and see if there was any guilt
reflected from those portals of his soul.lo2
At the close of his speech, Armistead
. . . arose and after scoring Davis for the
sacriligious familiarity with which he handled the
scriptures, said: "He asks us to look into his
eyes and see what we can see. In one of them we
will find the $10 bill given him by Mr. Hudgins and
in the other the $10 silver certificate which he
obtained from Mr. Todd."103
The majority report was finally brought to a
vote. Davis was censured by a vote of seventy to
twenty-four
104
lOl-Davis Collection, Austin Statesman, February 2,
!1895,
^•^Dallas Morning News, February 2, 1895.
-*-Q3paiias Morning News, February 2 , 1895.
•*-^Texas House Journal, pp. 199-200.
120
Although the Dallas Morning News believed that
the investigation had accomplished little more than
to "manufacture political history by the bucketful for
the populists in their next campaign," Davis knew that
105
his fee proposal had been a serious political error.
He had allowed his emotions over the contested election
to place himself in a vulnerable position. The Democrats
saw the opportunity and opened the attack. By destroying
the reputation of Davis, they would also uphold all of
the contested elections.
Although the House was able to censure Davis, he
was supported by individuals from both parties. Quota-
Itions from several newspapers around the state were
assembled into one defense. The Democratic papers
i stated:
The San Antonio Express says the investigation
"was a blooming farce." The Austin correspondent of
the Greenville Herald says: "Mr. Bertram, of Hopkins,
i didn't miss the truth very far in his explanation
of his vote as given in the journal. He said: "I
vote no because there is more politics in this thing
than legislation."
The Fort Worth Gazette says: "We do not believe
that Jim Davis was wittingly guilty of a dishonorable
act. There is nothing in his career to justify the
belief that he would offer or receive a bribe. On
the contrary, there is good ground for the belief
that he is a conscientious zealot, who believes and
acts with the intensity of the old-time crusaders.
The Gazette wants to see Jim Davis knocked out
■*-05pallas Morning News, February 2, 1895.
121
politically but its counsel is: "Do not hit him
below the belt."106
The compiler of the above quotes went on to add
his own personal opinion:
Notwithstanding the great array of Democratic
testimony showing that Jim Davis is but a victim
of political persecution, a few such narrow-minded,
small calibre [simian]-headed editors as the
journalistic blacksmiths who bore and harass a
suffering people through the columns of the Cooper
Courier, Mt. Vernon Herald and Sulphur Springs
Tribune are trying by innuendo to create the
impression that Davis has been guilty of a grave
moral crime.107
The Democrats were in somewhat of a dilemma re-
jgarding Davis, for if they allowed him to speak, it would
I
be Populist propaganda, and if they refused, the Populists
would interpret their refusal as evidence of a guilty
conscience in the contested elections.
Those wily populists will go before the people
and with solemn mien and glib tongues preach from
the rostrum that they were not given a day in court
until the democrats of the house were driven to it
through fear of consequences yet to come, and there
will be some truth in the allegation.100
The Dallas Morning News gave their interpretation of
i
Davis' thinking in the whole affair:
. . . but he saw an opportunity to get even with
the democrats and at the same time make them pay
100Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
10 7
Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
10^Dallas Morning News, February 2, 1895.
122
part of Frost's e x p e n s e s .
Martin concluded that the Democrats generally agreed
to use "such tactics as seemed necessary to maintain
the position of the dominant party. . . . He
added in a footnote:
To illustrate the attitudes alluded to, the
author interviewed at least a score of old-time
politicians of some prominence who were personally
acquainted with the contest between Cyclone Davis
and David B. ("Old Dave") Culberson for Congress
in 1894. Among these men, of whom as many were
adherents of the Democratic as of the Third Party,
he has not found one Populist to fail to charge
questionable practices on the part of Culberson's
managers nor one Democrat to deny the charge. 1
Although it cannot be proven beyond a doubt, it seemed
that Davis had justifiable reasons for contesting the
results of the election.
Davis' Major Themes During Populist Era
Davis often traced the difficulties of his day
to the philosophy expounded by Hamilton, in contrast to
the philosophy of Jefferson. Davis often cited the
I
i distinction between them:
In the first place there were two parties,
j Alexander Hamilton led the party of special privileges
! •'•^Dallas Morning News, January 29, 1895.
; 110Martin, 185.
I ^Martin, 185.
i
i
i
i _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ________
123
112
and Jefferson the party of equal rights. This distinc-
was also used by Jackson in earlier political struggles:
Jackson, like Jefferson, hated and distrusted
the "monied capitalists" as perpetrators of mono
poly and special privilege and made violent and
lasting enmities in his ruthless attacks upon
what he called the "hydra" of corruption. H 3
Evils of Corporate Privilege. In the areas of land
ownership, money, and transportation, the special privilege
party was in control. What ways and means could legiti
mately be used to rectify these conditions? If the common
man could regain control of the government, special privi
lege, concentrated financial power, and land monopolies—
all of which were in the hands of the corporations— could
be controlled for the good of the majority. Thus, if the
chartering of corporations, which tended to confer upon
them immunity from government regulation, could be stopped,
many of the economic and social problems would be solved.
In a debate with M. M. Crane at Grandview, Texas, on
July 21, 1893, Davis said:
Corporations own the banks, they coin money,
regulate commerce and control transportation.
This artificial man created by the government has
been robbing and plundering the people under the
H 2 p,allas Morning News, August 29, 1893.
H^Rod w. Horton and Herbert W. Edwards, Backgrounds
of American Literary Thought (New York: Appleton-Century-
Crofts, Inc., 1952), 104.
124
guise of law. When we advocate government ownership
of railroads, they say the government has no right
to own the roads. What right has the government to
regulate them? I lay it down as a proposition that
the government has no power to authorize a corporation
to do something that the government can't do itself.
If the government confers the power, God bless you,
it must have had that power itself. The only question
is which can do best for the people. The government
can't give away something it has not got. That
would be unconstitutional.
If government could be made to work for the
interests of the "plutocracy," then it must be made to
work for the farmer. By manipulation of the government,
corporate interests had gained control of financial
affairs of the nation and to a great extent, the govern
ment itself, and they allowed to exist only those condi
tions that favored their purposes.
Davis, referring to Political Revelation, wrote:
It clearly proves, also, that the curse of this
age is the corporation, "the artificial man."
I The corporation, "the man in law," was not made
I by our God, and He never gave it any dominion over
the earth. It has no face, and hence cannot eat
bread from the sweat of its face. It should not be
allowed to own land. The people should own the land
for homes and for industrial purposes, and the
portion not thus used should remain open to settle
ment upon equal terms to all subjects.
The people should build, own, and operate their
highways for their own good.
The people should coin and distribute money for
their own good.
That the forefathers intended to form the
government upon this plan is clearly demonstrated,
and from that standpoint, this book is written.
| ^ ^ Dallas Morning News, July 23, 1893.
j ^■‘ ^Davis, Political Revelation, 3.
I
I_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___
125
The three main areas in which government should "protect
the rights" of the individual citizen were land, trans
portation, and money. These three topics constituted
the subject matter of the majority of Davis' speeches.
Land Problem. Viewing agriculture as the basis
of all wealth, Populists advocated that provisions be
made for the ownership of the land by individual farmers
and the prevention of corporate and alien land ownership.
Davis wanted to "limit the ownership of lands so that a
poor man can get a home." Foreigners could own land
only if they "come to our country and become citizens
I
and go to work. These ideas were to be echoed by
Davis in hundreds of speeches made during the nineties.
Populists believed that the individual virtues needed
in man's relationship to man were best fostered by the
jsimple, agrarian life. All life must depend upon the
i
soil for its existence; therefore, those who were
| removed from the rustic life lived in an artificially
i
| created atmosphere. Natural laws were best but their
I
Snormal functioning was often destroyed by man's inter-
\ ference. When this happened, the agrarian must also
1 institute artificial contrivances to correct the dis-
| tortions. Life would be simple as long as basic tenets
i
| of the agrarian world were applied to the problems that
i
! —
j ^-^Dallas Morning News, August 29, 1893.
126
beset them.
The Money Question. Before 1900, Davis had lived
through two major depressions, the panics of 1884 and
1892. Cleveland's letter declaring against the free
coinage of silver in 1891 played a major role in Davis'
decision to leave the Democratic party and to become a
Populist,
Several measures were recommended by Davis to
solve the financial problems in the nineties. Governmental
injustice had created two classes of citizens, "tramps and
118
millionaires." The money available for the farmer to
borrow should not come through a "toll gate." Banks
should not have the power "to borrow from the government
1 1 Q
and then turn it out and make 10, 20, and 25 per cent."
The issuance of bonds, capital circulation, the demonitiza-
tion of silver, large private incomes, income tax, the
banking system, subtreasuries and the tariff— all were
points of attack related to the money question.
! One of the points of contention related to the
i
theory of the circulation of money: the Omaha and
!
Ocala platforms called for a capital circulation of at
! H^Harold u. Faulkner, Politics, Reform and
and Expansion, 1890-1900 (New York: Harper and Row, 1959) ,
120-121; Memoir, 70.
ll^Memoir, 63, Omaha Platform.
•^•^Dallas Morning News, August 29, 1893.
127
120
least $50 per person. An inflationary currency would
help solve a number of ills, according to the Populists.
The "goldbugs," on the other hand, insisted on a solid
base for the issuance of dollars based on the gold
121
reserves. The call for the free coinage of 16 parts
of silver to 1 part of gold became the battle cry of the
campaigns of 1892 and 1896, but by 1900 it was losing
122
its power because of an increased supply of gold.
The Populists were often accused of favoring "fiat"
money, that is, money that had no precious metal to
insure its value. The Populists did not favor this,
! but insisted that each dollar be backed by gold or
silver, a bimetal standard.123 Davis wrote:
We fought for the equal coinage of both silver
and gold into full legal tender debt paying dollars
according to the coin bond law of 1871. The law
was passed in the interest of the bond holders after
they had Congress pass a law to burn up about
$800,000,000 of Lincoln's lawful money (greenbacks)
in order to make their bonds payable in coin. They
then had Congress to kill silver by stealth, false
hood and forgery, and made their bonds payable in
gold.124
| 1 ^ Memoir, 63-6 9, Ocala and Omaha Platforms.
| 121Faulkner, 188-189.
| 122Faulkner, 270-271.
j l22Davis, Political Revelation, 228-229; See
! Memoir, 10 3, where Davis writes in favor of Government
| Script.
i 1 74
| Memoir, 60-61.
!
i_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
128
The graduated income tax was favored as a way to
distribute the wealth more evenly. Davis would limit the
amount of income tax for an individual or a corporation to
one million dollars per year. I-2- * The graduated tax would
then allow the government to have a larger influence in the
distribution of wealth through public programs. Davis'
attack on the aristocracy was not just an attack on wealth
as such, but on a system that would allow the privileged
few to amass immense fortunes and at the same time allow
poverty to exist.126 This struggle was viewed in light of
of the classic Hamilton-Jefferson principles.^27
One of the main demands of the Populists was the
establishment of a sub-treasury. This plan would enable
the farmer to place his products in warehouses and then
use them as collateral for loans. It would also enable
him to store a part of his produce until the market was
more favorable. Davis included a recommended system as a
section in Political Revelation.-*-2^ Davis was strongly for
this plan. Speaking at Stephenville in July, 1892, he
l^Davis, Political Revelation, 288; Memoir, 61, 76ff.
l^Davis, Political Revelation, 3.
127Davis, Political Revelation, 3-4.
128Davis, Political Revelation, Appendix.
129
emphasized the need of the sub-treasury:
He did not particularly demand warehouses, but
he wanted the sub-treasury, and it seemed for a
while he would finally quote John C. Calhoun's
great speech in advocacy of a sub-treasury delivered
on the floor of congress. He certainly has garnered
everything in America's history favorable to his
cause, except the sub-treasury speech of Calhoun,
the father of the sub-treasury idea, and the letter
of Jefferson, alleging that the money of this
nation when it reached $60,000,000 should be based
upon the taxable values and increased in proportion
to the increase of the population.129
The Transportation Question. The Omaha Platform
called for the government ownership of the railroads
by the government. Corporate control of transportations
was denounced by Davis:
The Texas constitution places restriction upon
corporations. It says no corporation shall issue
stock or bonds except for money paid, labor done
or property actually received, but the railroads
have piled up millions of fictitious indebtedness
upon our people that are unjust and o p p r e s s i v e .120
Government ownership would eliminate many of the evils
of the railroad system:
The first land subsidy was granted by a democratic
congress in 1852. We can buy and pay for the rail
roads in thirteen years if we will buy and run them
in the same way that we now run the postal system.
The democrats object to the appropriations for buying
railroads, but they vote appropriations to run
schools and colleges. The saving of railroad
officials' salaries will soon pay for the roads.
Some of them get from $10,000 to $25,000 dollars
when $5,000 is enough. Besides, there would not
129pallas Morning News, July 30, 1892.
•*-^Dallas Morning News, July 23, 1893.
130
be one-fourth as many employees needed. This
army of high salaried traveling agents going over
the country telling the people how to get anywhere
would be dispensed with. Your freight would go as
your letters go, by the most direct route. Freights
would be uniform, and freight stamps would be as
plentiful as postage stamps.131
According to Davis, the farmer who finds "oil on his place
would be able to ship one barrel as cheap as the Standard
Oil Company would ship a carload."132 jf government
could establish post offices and post roads, "it has the
right to buy and build railroads."133
James S. Hogg, as attorney general (1887-1891) and
later as governor (1891-1895), attempted to control the
railroads. He fought for a railroad commission to regulate
13 4
the corporate owners. Davis scolded Hogg for not acting
against the "fictitious bonds and stocks issued by the
railroads of the state upon which they are now taxing the
liberty loving people of Texas to pay interest and divi
dends . "135
l^lpallas Morning News, July 31, 1892.
132Dallas Morning News, August 29, 1893.
l33Dallas Morning News, August 29, 1893.
l^Robert C. Cotner, James Stephen Hogg
University of Texas Press, 1959), vii.
(Austin:
l33Dallas Morning News, August 19, 1893; July 23,
1893.
131
The Omaha platform also called for the government
ownership of the telephone and telegraph, which "being
a necessity for the transmission of news, should be
■ I O C
operated in the interest of the people."
Summary. Thus in the formative years of the
Populist party the problems of land, transportation,
and money were the major topics of Davis speeches.
The Populist philosophy thus boiled down finally
to two propositions; one, that the government must
restrain the selfish tendencies of those who
profited at the expense of the poor and needy; the
other, that the people, not the plutocrats, must
control the g o v e r n m e n t .137
From 1890 to 1895 was the growth period for the
Populist party. Having succeeded in gaining national,
state, and local offices, the Populists were optimistic
about their chances of gaining enough political strength
'to influence national and state legislation substantially
!on their behalf.
j
j Davis had been in the national limelight at the
i
|Populist conventions and had been honored by his state
i
• organizations with the nominations for Attorney General
iand the House of Representatives. He accepted both
:challenges and did all that he could to win honorably
| -*-^®Kirk H. Porter and Donald Bruce Johnson,
jNational Party Platforms, 1840-1960 (Urbana: University
jof Illinois Press, 1961), 91.
!
: ■'•'^John D. Hicks, The Populist Revolt (Minneapolis:
(university of Minnesota Press, 1931), 406.
132
and honestly. He was defeated without question in the
race for Attorney General. In the Fourth Congressional
District, however, where Davis lived and was well-known,
Davis ran an extremely close race. It was not to the
credit of Texas Democrats that a full and fair investiga
tion was not conducted. Their attempts to discredit
Davis were too obvious to be taken seriously. As after
the Senate race of 1888, Davis was bitterly disappointed.
Davis1 speeches always attacked the power struc
tures in the nation. Corporations, artificial creations,
gave special privilege to some and allowed them to exercise
undue control over land, money, and transportation.
Davis' abusive attacks on the Democratic and Republican
parties certainly alienated many who, otherwise, favored
| the reform principles. Davis' audiences throughout the
state were willing to give him a fair hearing. They
flocked to encampments, barbecues, and to political
meetings, often five thousand strong, to hear both
| sides of the issues debated. The Democrats, both those
| holding and those seeking office, often met him in
I public debates. Davis made many friends for the Populist
j
| party, but none of the candidates was able to gain the
i
j overwhelming popular support needed to capture control
| of the governmental machinery.
CHAPTER V
THE POPULIST ERA: THE FUSION CONTROVERSY
Populist demands were well-defined in the early
1890's. Party speakers propagandized the nation about the
need of corporate reform and the breaking of monopolistic
control over land, transportation, and money. Early in
1895, as the Populists looked toward the upcoming presi
dential campaign, a new problem presented itself— the
problem of maintaining party unity. The possibility of a
coalition with the Democratic party, and a resultant gain
of substantial political strength, was attractive to many
of the Populists.
The fusion controversy raged for five years— from
1895 until the election of 1900. Populist speeches
followed three courses: (1) some defended the old prin
ciples and ignored the fusion issue; (2) others vehemently
denounced fusion; and (3) one faction supported and defen
ded fusion as the only sensible and practical plan.
This chapter examines Davis' adjustments to the
fusion problem, and his attempts to persuade party members,
as well as dissident members of the major parties, to unite
for political strength.
133
Populist Gains. The Populists had slowly gained
ground in national politics. From the 1892 election to
the 1894 election, Texas had gained 85,000 votes; Illinois
250 per cent; Wisconsin 400 per cent; Ohio had increased
from 15,000 to 50,000 votes. North Carolina was carried
by the Populists; Minnesota had doubled; and in Georgia,
"Tom Watson says Georgia is a populist state on a fair
count."'*' In the Texas governor's race of 1892, T. L.
Nugent (People's party) received 108,000 votes; J. S.
jHogg (Democrat) 190,000; and George Clark (Democrat)
i
I 133,000. In 1894, Nugent gained strength for Texas
i
I
Populists and received 153,000 votes, but C. A. Culberson
won for the Democrats with 207,000 votes. The Republican
candidate, W. K. Makemson, gathered 54,000 votes. If
the Populists and the Republicans had joined forces,
j
they would have been close contenders with the Democrats.
| In 1896, Culberson received 29 8,000 votes and
J. C. Kearby (Populist) polled 239,000. In 1898, J. D.
Sayers (Democrat) won with 291,000 votes, and Barnett
, Gibbs (Populist) received 115,000, as fusion drained
i o
j away votes from the People's party. With gams m
| 1892 and 1894, the election of 1896 became crucial.
j I
j ^Southern Mercury, November 29, 1894.
!
j ^Texas Almanac, 1961-1962 (Dallas: A. H. Belo
j Corporation, 1961), 471-472.
If they continued to increase in strength, there was a
possibility of winning many offices, and perhaps, even
the presidency. Consequently, Populist speakers were
extremely active in 1895. Davis, having recently
published his book, A Political Revelation, enjoyed
much popularity and was in demand throughout the year
as a lecturer."^
In July he toured north central Texas, attending
4
encampments and promoting Populism. In August, he
toured the towns near his home and swung into central
5
Texas. In September, Davis was found in the western
g
part of the state. All of the speaking schedules of
Davis and those of other leading Populist speakers were
I
j published in the Southern Mercury.
I
I
| Fusion Controversy
I Beginning of the Fusion Controversy. Political
i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
j o
-'Southern Mercury, January 24, 1895, "If you have
I a neighbor who is seeking light on financial troubles
! that now envelop the land, send him a copy of Cyclone
j Davis' book, A Political Revelation; April 18, 1895, "Only
| 250 copies left"; May 30, 1895, "Cyclone Davis' book
j is an eye-opener. Every reformer should have a copy to
1 down the mossbacks with when he comes in contact with
j them." N. Richardson, Buna, Texas.
j
; ^Southern Mercury, July 4, July 11, July 18, 1895.
i 5
' Southern Mercury, August 15, 1895.
^Dallas Morning News, September 5, 1895; Southern
| Mercury, September 5, 1895.
136
upheavals in 1895 presented new problems to the Populist
party. Party unity dissolved and two groups emerged,
the "middle of the roaders" and the "fusionists." Martin
wrote:
There were those first who believed that the
Third Party should retain its separate organization
and nominate candidates on its own responsibility.
The adherents of this doctrine, the middle-of-the-
road men, were in the majority almost to the end
of the century. Their spokesman locally was Editor
Milton Park, of the Southern Mercury, whose attitude
was marked by courage and steadfastness, if also by
obstinacy and poor judgment. On the other hand,
there were those who insisted that the party could
serve no useful purpose by nominating candidates
and waging hopeless campaigns. Let us therefore
pursue an opportunist policy, they urged, driving
bargains with any who will assist us in carrying
our program into effect. The proponents of this
policy, called fusionists (sometimes made to read
confusionists by the mid-roaders), were in a distinct
minority in the beginning; but they were ably led by
Cyclone Davis, and their numbers increased yearly.^
These two factions grew rapidly, with Park and Davis as
the Texas leaders. Storm warnings were sounded early
in 1895 by the Populist leaders. Ignatius Donnelly
announced on March 17, 1895, from St. Paul, that
! Minnesota Populists would not join the free coinage
I
j
i party. "The idea of our deserting the principles laid
down in the Omaha platform and consenting to be the tail
j o
j to one exclusive free silver party is absurd."
| ^Roscoe C. Martin, The People's Party in Texas
| (Austin: The University of Texas Press, 1933), 246.
| ^Southern Mercury, April 11, 1895.
137
Davis' rhetorical problem was clear— he must dev
elop a strategy that would unify the dissatisfied factions.
He was immediately challenged to present and defend his
arguments.
On August 19 Davis had agreed to debate the Hon.
L. T. Dashiell at Waxahachie and Hillsboro on September 5
and 6.9 Davis' previous committments, however, would not
allow him to keep those dates. Charges were made that Davi
was not eager to debate.10 Davis answered the charges in an
open letter to the Dallas Morning News in which he devel
oped his unification plea. It included an invitation for
those Democrats displeased with the national and state
Democratic platforms to join the Populists:
Now, my silver friends, "where are you at?"
If you are standing on last year's platform you
are indorsing Cleveland as eminently wise and
statesmanlike for leading you into the republi
can camp. If you are off the platform you are
bokers and must organize a party of your own or
join us. Why not come to us or organize a party
of your own and let us capitulate upon terms of
battle for 1896, wherein we may fight together to
overthrow the gold bond syndicate [and] restore
silver to its place as a debt-paying money?H
Such a bold statement was certain to encounter the strong
opposition of the middle-of-the-roaders. Nugent opposed
^Dallas Morning News, August 20, 1895.
^ Dallas Morning News, September 1, 1895.
^ Dallas Morning News, September 3, 1895.
138
Davis' "amalgamation plan."-*-2 The Central Populist Club of
Dallas, at its meeting on Friday, September 6, passed a
resolution condemning Davis and fusion. It read:
Whereas, Fusion is unholy and cowardly, and
has destroyed every reform party that has ever
practiced it. (The Mercury) . . . has stead
fastly opposed all manner of fusion on the ground
that fusion has been demonstrated in Kansas, Colo
rado, and other states as leading to confusion.
In harmony with its duty, the Mercury must
discountenance and condemn the fusion doctrine ad
vocated by J. H. Davis in a letter to J. A. Beall
published in the Dallas News of Thursday, Sept. 3
If Mr. Davis is not joking, but in earnest in
the declaration above, he is out of harmony with
the party and should take early steps to resign
the position he holds on the national committee.13
The opposition continued its attack. Davis answered a
charge made by Ashby in a Fort Worth speech saying, "He is
unwilling to reason over a question with a plebian like me,
but proceeds at once to declare me out of the party and an
enemy to r e f o r m . "14 He further attempted to explain his
position in an open letter to the public:
I asked them to come to us and let us organize
for common battle in 1896, wherein we could fight
the gold men. I did not mean to fuse. No! No!
I said let us get together, get organized, and get
ready for 1896. It meant consolidation, not fusion.
l2pallas Morning News, September 10, 1895.
U Southern Mercury, September 12, 1895.
l^Southern Mercury, October 3, 1895.
139
I joined the reform movement at Cincinnati for
the good of my country. I went as a disgusted
democrat, one who had just left the party on account
of Cleveland's and the party leader's position on
the money question. I was put on the committee
on platform. In the committee room we took the
platforms of all the different reform parties and
began to select planks from each that we could all
agree upon. After 25 hours of exciting, and often
hot debates in the committee room, we consolidated
all into one platform.15
His explanations were not acceptable to the middle-of-
the-road group. The Southern Mercury, edited by Milton
Park, continued to attack:
Then Mr. Davis said, "Come, let us get together."
That means fusion, if it has any meaning, and as
the Mercury is unalterably opposed to fusion with
any other party on earth, it must condemn Mr. Davis'
ideas as expressed by his words.
I J. H. Frost, whom Davis had represented in the
1894 contested election, came to defense of Davis.
I regret that some of our men have been so
severe in their criticisms on Davis, but know that
they did it not to wrong Judge Davis, but in defense,
as they saw it, of principles dearer than life.-*-?
i
Frost added that he thought Davis had made a mistake in
| advocating a coalition, but did not doubt his fidelity.
| Another letter to the Mercury also defended Davis.
N. T. Henderson wrote, reconsidering his statement in
| a previous letter, that he would not vote for Davis:
^ Southern Mercury, October 3, 1895.
^ Southern Mercury, October 10, 1895.
^Southern Mercury, October 31, 1895.
140
No, when I think of the hardships that Mr.
Davis has undergone for the good of the oppressed
people, laying aside his profession, leaving home,
many times having to face a crowd of political
enemies, and worse than all his loss of health, as
well as financial ruin; Yes, since considering the
matter, I see it in a very different light, when
I think what this noble patriot, Mr. Davis might
have gained financially had he still remained "a
good democrat.
Strategy of Unification. Davis based his per
suasive strategy on the pragmatic premise that numbers
were necessary to win the election. In order to obtain
a majority, a coalition was a necessity. Reform was
only a dream unless the Populists were elected to office.
I
1
Despite the fierce opposition, Davis believed that the
voters would accept the obvious logic of his argument.
He had not expected and was at a loss to explain the
highly emotional reaction of Park and his followers.
Davis, however, would not retreat from his position.
I
He carried his plea directly to the people, hoping that
they would be swayed by his explanations and arguments.
Speaking Tour of Spring, 1896. In the Spring
of 1896, Davis continued to speak and call for the
j unity of the reformers. A speech at Bonham on April 8
| was to "give a review of our political environment" and
i "the position and views of the National committee
| touching the contemplated consolidation of the silver
•^Southern Mercury, November 21, 1895.
19
league with our party."
The Mercury editor, Milton Park, continued to
attack those who endorsed fusion. He supported the
view of other Populist papers that Tauberneck, Patterson,
"Cyclone" Davis, McDowell and others were "doing ten
times the injury to the peoples party while they pro
fessedly remain in it, than they could do if they were
open and avowed enemies." Davis, however, would have
all factions as a captive audience at the national
convention. All of his persuasive powers would be
thoroughly tested as well as his skills as a backroom
politician.
Populist Convention, St. Louis, July, 1896
The decision as to whether the Populists would
remain united in one party or fuse with other reformers
was decided at the Populist National Convention in
21
St. Louis, m July.
^ Southern Mercury, March 19, 1896.
^ Southern Mercury, July 9, 1896.
O I
iThis section attempted to emphasize Davis'
role in the convention. A number of valuable accounts
were available that briefly mentioned Davis. For
further details see: Henry Demarest Lloyd, "The Populists
! in St. Louis," Review of Reviews, XIV (September, 1896),
! 298-303; Robert F. Durden, The Climax of Populism: The
i Election of 1896 (University of Kentucky Press, 1965),
23-44.
142
Convention Factions. The Democrats held their nat
ional convention in Chicago, June, 1896. William Jennings
Bryan made his "Cross of Gold" speech and was nominated as
presidential candidate. Arthur Sewell was the vice-
presidential nominee. The Democrats used as the main plank
of their platform the free and unlimited coinage of silver,
thus adopting one of the contentions upon which the Pop
ulists most depended for gathering strength.
When the Populists met, they were faced with the
fact that the Democrats had usurped their main proposition.
The convention divided into three factions: one which
favored the complete endorsement of the Democratic plat
form; another which wanted to endorse the Democrats, but on
Populist terms; and others who wanted to nominate an inde
pendent ticket and prepare an independent platform.^2 The
events of this convention are crucial to the understanding
of Populism and Davis, who was at a high point of his
career.
National Executive Committee Meeting, July 16, 1896.
The leading Populists, including Davis, gathered in St.
Louis for the National Executive Committee meetings in
order to prepare for the convention, which was to begin on
^ Dallas Morning News, July 26, 1896.
143
July 20, 1896. Davis spoke and revealed some significant
events and attitudes that had shaped his thought and
actions:
You gentlemen of the north don't know what it
means for a democrat of the south to leave his
party and become a populist. It means to be
reviled, spit upon and treated like a dog. My
cousin was shot down like a dog for expressing
sentiments which the democrats themselves now
profess to hold. For months I could not go to
sleep at night, feeling that I would suffer the
same fate before m o r n i n g . 23
Henry Demarest Lloyd, leader of the Populist
party in Chicago and Illinois, described Davis' plea:
"Cyclone" Davis, spokesman of the Texas
delegation, tall and thin as a southern pine,
with eyes kindled with the fire of the prophet,
a voice of far reach and pathos, and a vocabulary
almost every other word of which seemed drawn from
the Gospels or the denunciatory Psalms, wrestled
and prayed with the convention to save the Populists
of Texas from the fate that awaited them if they
were sent back, unprotected, to their old enemies.
Fourteen citizens of Sulphur Springs, Hopkins
County, read reports of this speech and felt compelled
to answer the charges Davis had made. The Democratic
citizens denied that Davis was ever under the threat
of assassination. Everett Moore, editor of the
I Vindicator, Davis' paper, became involved in a battle
i
I of words with a Mr. Tate, editor of the Democratic
j paper. This led to a duel in which Moore was shot and
23pallas Morning News, July 19, 1896.
24Lloyd, 299.
144
killed by Tate. They stated that any personal danger
to Davis was exaggerated and that "a viler slander was
never perpetrated upon a people than that expressed and
25
implied against our community."
Davis' Position Statement, July 18, 1896. The
political maneuverings that took place in the few days
preceding the convention were revealed in a telegram
that Davis sent to Milton Park, who frequently led a
verbal attack against Davis. It stated:
St. Louis, Mo., July 18.— Milton Park, Dallas,
Tex. Have just seen your interview. You are
right. The plan of the Bourbons is to turn over
the remnant of the northwestern democracy to the
populists and silver folks for an indorsement of
Bryan. Obliterate the populist party in the south
and leave the southern Bourbons in the saddle. It
shall never be. Some of our friends are losing
their wits in the northwest, but we are holding
the fort. We will have our own platform and ticket.
Prepare for a fight. J. H. D a v i s . ^6
Park was interviewed by the Dallas Morning News to
determine what Davis' position actually was on fusion.
Park interpreted the telegram to mean that Davis was
i playing it safe and pretending to be a good middle-of-
i
! the-road Populist. Park pointed out that Davis had
j
I just been in Oregon with Weaver and with Taubeneck
I in the eastern part of the nation speaking for fusion.
Dallas Morning News, July 19, 1896. The article
closed with this note: "The subscribers of the above are
all prominent business men, lawyers, doctors, merchants,
bankers, and for years readers of The News."
26pallas Morning News. July 19, 1896.
145
Harry Tracy, a leading Texas Populist, also commented
that "Jim Davis' telegram will assure the people of
Texas who are true to the Omaha platform that the
convention will take no step backward. There will be
no fusion agreed to by the representatives of the
Texas populists.
Davis made his middle-of-the-road position clear
to those involved in the preliminaries, and was con
sidered for temporary chairman:
Middle-of-the-road men want the temporary chairman,
but are divided on the man. One set favor Cyclone
Davis, the other Senator Butler of North Carolina.
The result will doubtless be that the national
committee will take up the question irrespective
of recommendations and appoint a man of their own
selection.28
Clarification of Position, July 19, 1896. Davis
gave the Associated Press a statement on July 19, 1896,
i
l
further explaining his position. He restated his con
tention that the Populists should have their own platform
i
j and nominate their own ticket. Even if Bryan were
i elected, Davis was fearful that the Democrats would
i
elect enough gold men to Congress to defeat a free
coinage bill. Davis again called for the Democrats to
I join forces, but this did not mean fusion. A portion
^ Dallas Morning News, July 19, 1896.
28pallas Morning News, July 19, 1896.
146
of his statement read:
But if the democrats are placable enough to
condescend their patrician pride and counsel with
us plebians we can then form a union on electors
that will give more votes in the electoral college
than an indorsement of Bryan and will leave each
party distinct on its own platform.29
Davis felt that he was speaking of a workable coalition
plan, one that would gain strength for reform. The
Democrats needed the Populists as much as the Populists
needed the Democrats, according to an item in the New
York Times:
"Cyclone" Davis, the Texas member of the National
Committee, says there are only five states in the
Union that the Democrats can carry without the
aid of the Populists, and they are Louisiana,
Arkansas, Mississippi, Florida, and South Carolina.
Davis' Platform Submitted, July 20, 1896. Davis
made public on July 20, 1896, a platform that he had
I
written and submitted to the executive committee and
which had been approved by them. Davis stated that
"it represents humanity." In the platform he condemned
land monopolies, highway monopolies, foreign ownership
|
| of land, corporate control of railroads, and called
I
i for money reform, all of which were "safe" Populist
0 * 1
appeals.
^ Dallas Morning News, July 20, 1896.
•^New York Times, July 20, 1896.
•^Dallas Morning News, July 21, 1896.
Struggle Over Temporary Chairman, July 21, 1896.
With the approval of Davis' platform, his chances for
being elected temporary chairman seemed to be favorable.
The middle-of-the-road position against Bryan seemed to
be gaining strength. The New York Times noted:
But the "middle-of-the-road" people, inspired
by "Cyclone" Davis of Texas, Senator Marion Butler
of North Carolina, Coxey, the admirer of Eugene
Debs, and all the haters of the Democratic Party
have kept up the fight against Bryan that has been
hot and fierce, and that seems likely to result in
victory for the "middle-of-the-road Populists" or
in a bolt by them in case they are beaten by the
Populists who are willing to join with the Democrats
because a combination will give promise of success.^2
i However, when the struggle over the chairmanship
j
I began, the middle-of-the-roaders found themselves in
i . . .
trouble and started to lose ground. Davis, m trying
to select a man least hostile to the anti-fusion position,
! and to block Weaver, who was for Bryan, supported Marion
i
| Butler for temporary chairman. If both Weaver and
Butler proved to be unacceptable, Davis would be in
line for the temporary chairmanship and gain considerable
I
influence over the convention. Davis had received an
i
! earlier impression from Butler that he would support
i
! faithfully the middle-of-the-road position, and on this
; basis Davis recommended him.
i
The Texas delegation, not knowing of the events
•^New York Times, July 22, 1896.
148
in the executive committee, sent a committee to Butler
to determine his exact position. While the committee
was out, Davis entered the room, "and immediately there
were calls for a speech. He was lifted bodily on a
block and was visibly embarrassed."33 While Davis was
speaking, assuring the group that Butler was an anti-
Bryan man, the committee returned and reported that
Butler favored supporting Bryan, but wanted to elect
a Populist for vice-president. As Davis tried to
defend his actions he was shouted down by the anti-
fusionists with cries of "He's a Bryan man," and "He's
sold us out. "3^ The New York Advertiser described
the scene:
When his party was debating long and acrimoniously
as to who should be temporary chairman the Hon.
Cyclone walked into the hall and announced that
he had settled the matter by selecting Senator
Marion Butler, of North Carolina.
I This naturally created some surprise, and the
air was violently agitated. The Hon. Cyclone never
allows anyone to outdo him in the matter of agita
tion. 35
j Davis' attempts to hold the middle-of-the-road position
i crumbled under the weight of Butler's changed decision.
jDavis, as a behind-the-scene politician, had failed
I
I --------------------------- —----------------------------------
i 33Pallas Morning News, July 22, 1896.
j ^ Dallas Morning News, July 22, 1896.
35Davis Collection, New York Advertiser, July 23,
1896. :
149
to anticipate this type of political opportunism. He now
placed priority on preserving party unity in order to de
feat the McKinley Republicans.
Davis' Compromise Attempt/ July 22, 1896. Davis
prepared a resolution to present to the convention that
called for the defeat of McKinley and the national banking
system that would soon be rechartered for fifty years. In
his conclusion he wrote:
Resolved, That to defeat this measure and
insure Mr. McKinley's defeat so far as our vote
goes, we pledge ourselves to unite with the
Democrats on one set of electors in each S t a t e . ^ 6
This was a new compromise that the middle-of-the-roaders
would accept and so unify the party. Davis spoke to the
convention and "made a strong plea for the preservation of
the populist party.
When the conventioners returned to the hall at
8 o'clock on July 22 to convene they found it in total
darkness. Immediately the middle-of-the-road people
thought it was a "scheme of the Bryan men." Hymns were
sung, adjournment discussed, and the crowd became loud and
restless. Then Davis took a hand:
At 8:20 Cyclone Davis mounted the stage and
tried to secure order, but the crowd refused to
listen until someone held a lighted candle in front
of his face. As his tall form and broad, sweeping
•^Davis Collection, The Republic (St. Louis, Mo.),
July 22, 1896.
• ^ D a l l a s Morning News, July 23, 1896.
150
sombrero came within the range of the light from
the tallow dip, the delegates immediately recognized
him and there were shouts of "Shut up! Listen to
Cyclone."
When he could make himself heard he announced
that the electric wires were disconnected, but they
would be all right in a few minutes, whereupon there
were cries of approval and the band struck up another
tune.3 8
The crowd was satisfied after this speech, but at 8:45,
temporary chairman Butler dismissed the convention
until 10:00 the next morning.
Permanent Chairman Selected, July 23, 1896.
The anti-fusionists steadily lost ground from the
beginning of the convention. On July 23, 1896, it was
obvious, after an eighteen minute demonstration from
Bryan supporters, that they were fighting a lost cause.
William B. Allen of Nebraska, a pro-Bryan man, was
elected as permanent chairman. To show unity, an escort
group was selected:
On Mr. Pence's motion a committee consisting of
himself, Cyclone Davis, and Ignatius Donnelly was
appointed to escort Senator Allen to the platform.
! The committee was out but a short time. Cyclone
Davis made a speech, in which he said some nice
things about the permanent chairman.39
In introducing the permanent chairman to the
i
j convention Davis said:
j
j Now, my fellow citizens, I want to assure you
^ Dallas Morning News, July 23, 1896.
•^Dallas Morning News, July 24, 1896.
151
that for more than four long days and long nights
I have done every honorable thing I could to elect
a middle-of-the-road man, but I have never done
one dishonorable thing against any man. (Applause)
When the populist committee and the populist conven
tion had chosen the distinguished gentleman from
the western plateau, and I had been selected without
my knowledge to notify him of the fact, I bowed to
that special commission. I now reach out from the
south up to the Mississippi valley and give you
your chairman, Senator Allen. (Prolonged applause.)
The struggle between the Bryan supporters and the
middle-of-the-road anti-fusionists, was settled. A
Bryan man was in control of the convention. The only
remaining thing to be done was to find an appropriate
compromise that would leave the Populist party some
i
| strength in the coming election.
1
Selection of Vice-President, July 24, 1896. A
plan was devised to endorse Bryan only if he would accept
a Populist vice-presidential candidate to replace Arthur
i
Sewell, the Democratic nominee. A move to nominate the
vice-presidential candidate first was started in order
| to prevent a band-wagon for Sewell that might occur if
j
iBryan were endorsed first. George Abbott pleaded with
' the convention not to change the regular order of
1
I business and stated that he was there to "fight Sewell."
I
I After he [Abbott] left the stand there were
! loud cries for Cyclone Davis and Jerry Simpson.
The former responded. He made a characteristic
I speech, which set the radicals wild with enthusiasm
^Dallas Morning News, July 24, 1896.
j
i
152
and raised a storm of applause when he declared
that men from the north must not ask them to advocate
or defend redeemable money. He went on to say that
another thing that they must not be required to do
was to take this young Samson, the peoples party,
and lay it on the altar of democracy. He announced
that they were willing to accept the Joshua of
Nebraska if they could be assured of a candidate
of their own for vice president and the preservation
of the peoples party.4- * -
Davis continued to work for a compromise throughout the
day. His "tall form could be seen everywhere on the
floor.”42
At 2 p.m. Cyclone Davis said he had pledges from
the Kansas, Nebraska, and Illinois delegations that
if the middle of the road men allowed the regular
order they will support a southern man for vice
president. The statement caused a sensation. Many
states, including Texas, repudiated Davis' proposition
to nominate the president first.43
Davis failed to block the motion to vote for the vice-
president first. The motion carried 785 to 615. Davis
had perhaps hoped that the "southern man" would be one
"Cyclone" Davis of Texas.44
The session of the 24th was destined to be a
lengthy one. Nominations for vice-president continued
i
until the morning of the 25th.
4- * - Pallas Morning News, July 25, 1896 .
^ Galveston Daily News, July 25, 1896.
42Pallas Morning News, July 25, 1896.
44Memoir, 57.
153
Tom Watson Nominated for Vice-President, July 25,
1896. The struggle to nominate a candidate for vice-
president ended in the morning hours with the nomination
of Tom Watson.
Some one made a motion to make the nomination
unanimous and it was carried with a whoop.
Immediately the middle-of-the-road men grabbed the
banners and started a demonstration. Some one called
attention to the fact that the nomination of Watson was
announced at exactly sixteen minutes to 1 o'clock.
This tickled them and they yelled "16 to l."45
Appearing in the papers on July 25 were telegrams
exchanged between Bryan and J. K. Jones, chairman of the
Democratic National Committee. Bryan had notified
Jones to withdraw his name if Sewell was not nominated
by the Populists for vice-president. Jones had sent the
telegrams to the convention, but evidently they were
not made public before Watson was nominated.^®
Davis spoke on July 25, the last day of the
convention, and made a final attempt to persuade the
delegates to his viewpoint:
Mr. McDowell was followed by "Cyclone" Davis,
in whose appearance much interest was manifested
on account of Mr. Davis' personal popularity and
of the attitude of Texas toward Mr. Bryan. Mr.
Davis' speech was a strong plea for the middle-of-
the-road course, but he said that the element he
represented would only ask that, in case Bryan should
refuse to accept the nomination, the man who should
receive the next highest number of votes be accepted
^ Dallas Morning News, July 25, 1896.
^Dallas Morning News, July 25, 1896.
as the standard bearer. He said the populists of
the northwest did not understand the situation in
the south or how intolerant of compromise the
southern democrats are. He instanced their refusal
to accept Senator Teller as their nominee at Chicago,
of whom he spoke as a man around whose name there was
a halo of honor and whose record was one of granduer.
Mr. Davis closed by seconding the nomination of
Mr. Norton.^7
Thus Davis supported Colonel S. F. Norton as the nominee
for President. Norton had fought for many years for
currency reform.
The last day of the convention "was marked by
scenes of turbulence and noisy excitement, which several
times bordered on actual riot and almost caused a number
A O
of personal collisions. One fist fight did occur. °
The Texas delegation,led by Park and Ashby, was constantly
demanding to know "whether Bryan would stand on the
platform and accept the nomination." The fact that some
may have had information from Bryan not revealed to the
convention as a whole incensed them. The Bryan managers
attempted to rush the nomination and Chairman Allen ruled
| the motion was in order. "The ruling almost precipitated
I
| a riot. Some cheered, some cursed, some fought," and
! they were forced to abandon the motion.
j
! After this motion was defeated, the delegates
| ^ Dallas Morning News, July 26, 1896.
i ^Spaiias Morning News, July 26, 1896.
155
"opened the flood gates and for six hours the convention
was deluged with oratory." Fifty seconding speeches
for Bryan followed and some were characterized as "both
4Q
eloquent and brilliant."
The possibility that Bryan would refuse caused
much speculation among the delegates. Davis was among
those who believed that Bryan would join the coalition:
Cyclone Davis and other radicals, however,
insisted he could not refuse and if he did, the
responsibility for the disaster at the polls would
rest on the democracy, not on the populists.^0
Davis, in a statement released to the Associated
Press, attempted to explain the events of the convention:
There were two possible plans of union started
in with here at the beginning. Mr. Taubeneck, the
national chairman, and I were considered the founders
of the plan which contemplated a straight ticket on
a straight populist platform and then provided for
a union of the electors. The other was considered
the plan of Mr. Rankin of Indiana, the treasurer
of our committee, and Senator Marion Butler of South
Carolina. It contemplated Mr. Bryan for president
and a straight populist for vice-president. This
would throw the responsibility on the democrats
either to withdraw Sewall or be responsible for
the division of electors throughout the country.
We lost our opportunity in the defeat of our candidate
for chairman. The plan was to nominate Burkett of
Mississippi or Donnelly of Minnesota for temporary
chairman, but a caucus one evening without my presence
and without Donnelly or Burkett being present, nomi
nated Champion of Maine for president. Having no
personal following, he could not nearly poll the
middle-of-the-road vote as against Senator Allen.
^ Dallas Morning News, July 26, 1896.
50pallas Morning News, July 26, 1896.
156
The election of Allen as permanent Chairman
demoralized our forces and gave considerable
accretion to the opposition. Our flank move
ment was then to accept Allen and make our
fight for the nomination of a vice president
and adopt the Butler and Rankin platform. We
reversed the rule reported by the committee
on rules and adopted the plan of nominating
the vice-president first. We did so with the
results as now made, that is, Bryan for pres
ident and Watson for vice president. If Mr.
Sewall is withdrawn and the campaign is
centered with Bryan and Watson as representa
tives of the issues I believe that there will
be a wave of enthusiasm within a few weeks
and the south and west will be completely un
ited and the wave will then move east and by
election day will round up on the Alleghenies
and western seaboards with something near
6,000,000 of votes. J. H. DAVIS.51
J. B. Weaver and Marion Butler also released statements
that gave their assessment of the convention and predicted
the election of Bryan and Watson. Bryan was overhwelmingly
nominated by the convention by a vote of 1042 to 321.5^
Davis1 actions during the convention may be ex
plained by examining his priority list. His strategy
consisted of a series of desirable objectives arranged
in descending order. First, Populists would be in a
better position if they could nominate a strong slate
of candidates and continue as a united party. There
51Pallas Morning News, July 26, 1896. See also
Robert 0. Law, The Parties and the Men or Political Issues
of 1896 ([no place: no publisher], 1896), 533-542.
^ Dallas Morning News, July 26, 1896; New York
Times, July 27, 1896.
157
was a slight possibility that this could be achieved.
When the Democrats, however, adopted the major Populist
reform planks as their own, this hope faded. Davis
now hoped to secure Bryan's consent to accept a Populist
as vice-president on the Democratic ticket. When this
failed, Davis' major concern was to simply defeat the
Republicans. Davis was disappointed as one by one his
proposals were defeated by the convention, but he was
determined to fight for the basic issues regardless
of the party leaders.
Convention Aftermath. Immediately after the
convention Davis, Weaver, Watson and others were to be
!
I • S ?
m Alabama to help with the free silver campaign.
As the stump speakers and delegates prepared
to leave St. Louis, Davis was reported as saying:
There were 1000 men in that convention who
differed with me and there could have been but one
result— the selection of Bryan. It was a case of
either making them believe they were wrong and you
and your little band of 250 were right, or give
up, and we had to give up of course. We were not
| all statesmen and the thousand on the other side
| were neither fools nor traitors. We concluded they
\ were right.^4
i
jThus Davis and the middle-of-the-roaders had lost the
!battle to select an independent ticket for the Populists.
i
|They also lost in their attempts to get the Democrats
|
I
^ Dallas Morning News, July 27, 1896; Memoir, 70.
i - ^ D a l l a s Morning News, July 28, 1896.
158
to compromise with them. They must either support the
Democratic nominees or lose altogether. On the other hand,
once they swung their support to the Democrats, the Populist
party was doomed as an independent political force.
Davis was in Nashville, Tennessee, on July 28, to
make a speech to the Populist state convention. He "cap
tured the convention" and they adopted the St. Louis plat-
C C
form " m all respects." Davis now found himself to be
politically allied with some of his old Democratic oppo
nents. The Dallas Morning News observed that Davis,
Cranford, and Culberson, who had fought so bitterly in the
Fourth Congressional District race of 1894, were now joined
in support of the Democratic platform.56 This placed Davis
in a difficult position. He would find little political
favor among old enemies who considered him a traitor to the
Democratic party, and the Populists, who had lost their
|political power to the Democrats, were not going to be kind
to him. The attack began immediately as delegates returned
home and reported their views of the convention. The Delta
County Populists denounced this "treachery," at their club
meeting. One report said:
^Dallas Morning News, July 29, 1896.
i
^ Dallas Morning News, July 30, 1896.
159
A number of speakers denounced and censured
Cyclone Davis for his action at St. Louis and
elsewhere in advocating fusion with other silver
forces and parties.^7
Davis, who was best as an aggressive offensive campaigner,
was now on the defensive. He quickly accepted the fact
that a new rhetorical adjustment and strategy was required
if he were to continue the successful persuasion of his
audiences.
Davis and Texas Politics, 189 6
Populist State Convention, Galveston, August 5, 6,
and 7, 1896. The changed climate was immediately apparent
to Davis when he returned to Texas to attend the state con
vention of the Populists in Galveston. His cool reception
was evidence of the new political situation. One article
duly noted:
Cyclone Davis arrived to-day direct from
Alabama. He was not greeted so effusively as one
would have expected. It seems he deflected a little
from the middle of the road at St. Louis and this
is given as the cause, though there are others who
say he towered so high above the other Texans up
there that he aroused their jealousy. The Cyclone
explains the defeat of the populists in Alabama,
whither he hied himself from St. Louis to save the
State, by saying they were counted out. It is
understood that he acquiesces in the plan to keep
down all discussion of the Bryan-Watson matter.58
^ Dallas Morning News, July 30, 1896.
5^The Daily Express (San Antonio), August 6, 1896.
160
Davis was active during the convention. His hat, made fun
of by St. Louis "dude reporters," could be seen "bobbing
around the hall as its tall wearer went from one point to
another."^9 Davis thus chose his traditional stance to re
gain the confidence of his Texas supporters. His "mending
his [political] fences" culminated in the delegates calling
for a speech:
"Davis!" was shouted from all parts of the hall
and Cyclone came forward. His style of oratory has
always caught the crowd when they consisted of popu
lists, and he gave them a "103" talk right along.
He also referred to his Alabama trip and intimated
that free-silver democrats had carried things there
by trickery. He had liberal applause all the way
through, as he always does, and retired with his
laurels refurbished if it were true, as was intimated
before he began to speak, [that he had lost favor] by
his first stand at the St. Louis Convention. 0
Seemingly, some controversy arose over his speech.
Cyclone Davis handed a typewritten copy to a reporter, but
the chairman of the convention, also named Davis, asked
the newspaper man for it, saying the speech must be revised
before being published. Cyclone Davis apparently allowed
Chairman Davis to edit it, as the published version was
"much milder" than the address actually given.^ Cyclone
later wrote to the Dallas Morning News, pointing out they
had misquoted his speech of August 6 about his views on the
^ G a l v e s t o n Daily News, August 6, 1896.
^ Galveston Daily News, August 6, 1896.
^-^•The Daily Express (San Antonio), August 6, 1896.
161
money issue. He corrected the News, stating that the
Populists were for sound money, "whether made of gold,
jsilver or paper."®2 Davis retained the respect of the !
jPopulists and during the convention was nominated to run
1 ^
ifor Congress from the Fourth Congressional District. D J j
J Controversy Over Convention Funds. The Southern j
j I
j Mercury continued to attack the fusionists. One question j
iarose over the use of funds by the national committee. The !
Mercury editorialized:
; 1 1
j St. Louis agreed to pay, and did pay, the pop
ulist party national committee $10,000 to secure
the national convention. What became of that
| amount of money is now something of a mystery.
Some of it is accounted for by the committee, but I
I by far the larger portion of it was expended by
j Chairman Tauberneck and a few aids, one of which
was J. H. Davis of Texas and another J. B. Weaver
i of Iowa, in visiting state conventions prior to
the national convention in the interest of fusion.
. . . J. H. Davis and Weaver were sent to
Oregon to disturb the equanimity of the pops of
that state, and prepare conditions for a republi- j
can victory. This cost money also. j
The St. Louis Globe-Democrat gives some pointers
on this subject in the following: ;
"Mr. Tauberneck admits that the cost of the
convention will not consume $10,000. By his own
admission, the expenses will not exceed $5000, arid '
of this amount he accounts for less than $3000,
attributing the balance to general expenses . . . A
full statement, he says, is to be made to the public
2
Dallas Morning News, August 8, 1896.
C O
i Galveston Daily News, August 7, 1896. The
: Mercury, August 27, 1896, printed a listing of all
Congressional nominees by district.
162
of all moneys received and handled by the committee
as soon as it can be arranged. . . . Mr. Tauberneck
says that every penny that is left after the expenses
of the convention are paid will be accounted for and
no individual will profit from it."64
The Mercury editor, Milton Park, was not very happy
about the outcome of the national convention. As a
delegate he consistently refused to consider fusion
or compromise. As a result, the Texas delegation
supported Norton as the nominee for president and did
not cast their votes for Bryan. The Mercury accused
the fusionists of deceptive tactics:
The St. Louis convention was run by the free
silver fusionists and for the fusionists. The
fusion gang manipulated the convention like an
expert operator does a complicated machine. They
even had a string to the electric light switch
board, and when darkness was thought to be needed
to confound the middle-o-roaders, the electric
lights were turned off.
. . . . When he [Chairman Allen] did not want a
delegate heard he refused to recognize him. . . .
If the storm lasted into the night and the contest
waged hotter than he desired, then he pulled the
string and out went the lights.65
Editor Park did not let up his attack against anyone
who would compromise with the Democrats. These attacks
!
; were to continue until the next presidential election
i
j in 1900, when the Populists were no longer serious
; political contenders. Davis tried to ignore the attack
j
j as he planned his campaign for Congress.
^ Southern Mercury, August 13, 1896.
^ Southern Mercury, August 10, 1896.
163
Campaign for Congress, Fourth Congressional
District, 1896. Between the close of the state convention
on August 6, and election day on November 3, 1896, Davis
campaigned in the Fourth Congressional District. On
August 18, Davis spoke to a group of about 500 in Atlanta,
Texas. He refused to divide time with the Democratic
speaker, Howard O'Neal. The Democratic convention was
in session in Fort Worth, and Davis adamantly stated
that he would not help the Democrats until he knew their
decision concerning the division of electors. If the
Democrats refused to give the Populists seven electors,
while retaining eight, Davis declared the Populists
would endorse McKinley. He, personally, would stump
the state for McKinley, on the condition that the
Republicans endorsed Kearby, the Populist candidate for
governor. This declaration caused the staunch Populists
to intensify their attack.
On August 2 3, at Omaha, Morris County, Davis
and his opponent, J. W. Cranford, spoke to a large
crowd estimated to be between 4,000 and 5,000. Cranford
66pallas Morning News, August 19, 1896; In the
! Dallas Morning News, September 2, 1896, Davis wrote a
! letter explaining his position further. He saw little
hope of uniting with the Bryan Democrats in the South,
which he would prefer. The Populists alone had no
j hope of winning; thus he would favor a similar overture
; to the Silver Republicans.
164
was stricken with a high fever and removed to a hotel,
6 7
where he remained unconscious for several hours. At
Clarksville, on August 28, 1896, the Mercury reported that
"Davis fairly mopped up the earth with the blatant dema
gogue."^® All through September and October the campaign
was continued in the Fourth Congressional District®®,but
on election day, November 3, Davis was defeated by his old
rival, Cranford.In Franklin county, Cranford received
911 votes while 508 were cast for Davis.
Results of the 1896 National Campaign. The
Populists were not optimistic about their chances for
success in November. Sewell had refused to withdraw and
allow Watson to be placed on the ballot with Bryan. In
October, The Nation concluded:
The fusionists thus approach election in a state
of utter demoralization, from which recovery is
impossible. Each of the parties which entered
into the fusion is disgusted with the other, and
hundreds of thousands whose votes were counted
upon by the traders will stay away from the polls.
The result will thus prove a deserved defeat of
®7pallas Morning News, August 23, 1896.
®®Southern Mercury, September 10, 1896.
®®Galveston Daily News, August 8, 1896; Dallas
Morning News, August 13, August 23, September 14,
October 11, October 31, 1896.
^ Southern Mercury, November 12, 1896.
^-*-Texas, Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas) ,
"Record of Election Returns," page 38.
165
those who sacrificed principle in the delirium
of a surrender to demagogism.72
Davis' disgust with both the Populist die-hards and the
tricky Democrats was complete. Davis' strategy of unifi
cation had not succeeded. Those against fusion were
totally alienated and disconsolate. On election day he
voted, as he had earlier threatened, for McKinley.
The defeat of Bryan left the Populists with a poli
tical party split asunder by its attempts to compromise
with the Silver Republicans and the Bryan Democrats. Their
only hope was to make sufficient gains in local and state
elections during the years following and prepare for the
next presidential election year in 1900.
Struggle to Save Populist Ideology
After Bryan's defeat in the presidential election
of 1896, efforts were started to elect Silver Republicans,
72e . P. Clark, "The Failure of Fusion," The Nation,
LXIII (October 1, 1896), 245.
^•^Davis Collection, Arkansas Democrat, [July 20,
1898]. A. F. Vandeventer, in a discussion with Davis,said:
"The gentleman acknowledges that he voted for McKinley be
cause he was angry at Texas Democrats; that he sacrificed
principle for malice (and perhaps with the hope that the
Republicans would help him into congress). He says the
Republicans were to help them elect seven Populist con
gressmen and one United States senator in return for the
Populists voting for the McKinley electors. My distin
guished opponent says the Democratic party has stolen five
of the seven best planks of the Populist platform."
166
Bryan Democrats, and Populists to office in 1897, thus
achieving partial reform.
Davis' Unification Attempts, 1897. Meetings
were held early in the spring to plan party strategy
for the year. The Mercury was displeased with the
results:
Cyclone and his batch of fusionists held a
meeting a few days ago in Sulphur Springs and
declared against the Nashville Conference, and had
the gall to appoint delegates to the district
meeting called to select representatives to the
conference, at Mt. Pleasant, June 21.74
On July 5, 189 7, the middle-of-the-roaders met
at Nashville and eliminated Butler and his followers
from their faction.Davis still found himself caught
between the two factions; he was being attacked by the
die-hard anti-fusionists, and his old political foes
in the Democratic party found it hard to accept him.
Park's attack continued:
Cyclone Davis in his speech at Sherman last
week, in referring to the people's party, said:
"Its people shall be my people, its God my God;
whither it goes I will go, and where it dies there
will I be buried." This is small comfort for
those democrat liars who have been proclaiming
! 74Southern Mercury, June 10, 1897.
^ Southern Mercury, July 8, 1897; The Anti-
! fusionists met in Nashville, July 4, 189 7, and declared
!against all unions and alliances. W. A. Peffer, "The
!Passing of the People's Party," North American, 166
; (January, 1898) , 18.
167
it all over the land that Cyclone had quit the
people's party.76
Disaffected with Texas Populism, Davis campaigned in other
states.
Nebraska State Convention, August 31, 1897. The
silverites met in Lincoln, Nebraska, on August 31, 1897, to
hold their state convention. Bryan, Governor Holcomb,
Davis and others were on the platform. Ex-Congressman
Towne and Davis were the featured speakers. In his speech
Davis touched on typical Populist issues. One report read:
The Lansing theater was crowded tonight to
hear the speeches of Cyclone Davis and ex-
Congressman Towne . . .
The first speaker was Cyclone Davis of Texas.
He made the usual calamity talk, saying that the
debt of the country amounted to $500 to each man,
woman and child in the United States, and there
was not enough land to make seven states and
have interest. He said the corporations own
enough land to make seven states and have mort
gages on enough for ten more; that the dollar
now is of three times its purchasing power when
the debts were contracted and these debts must
either be paid or repudiated. He advocated the
payment of the national debt with silver and
passed an ecomium on the sacred greenback which
was loudly cheered. His prediction was that the
existing gold standard must result in repudiation
and destruction and that under it the people
would be driven lower than were the black slaves
of the south before the war. He made the state
ment that 45,000,000 of the people of this
country are without homes and without the hope
of homes. 77
7^Southern Mercury, August 12, 1897.
^Davis Collection, Omaha Daily Bee, September 1,
1897.
168
Another meeting, with Senator Allen as main speaker,
was held at Bohanan's Hall. Davis, apparently after
his speech at the Lansing theater, joined the group
and was asked to speak in place of Congressman J. H.
Hartman, who was not present. Jerry Simpson was the
preceding speaker.^®
Southern Mercury's Criticism of Iowa Speaking
Tour of 1897. Soon after the Nebraska state convention,
Davis was in Iowa for an extended speaking tour to
promote party unity.
On September 16, the Mercury warned, "Iowa
Populists should not take 'Cyclone' Davis as a sample
of Texas populists]" The Mercury also quoted a letter
from A. W. Ricker, secretary of the Iowa Populist State
Central Committee, Winterset, Iowa:
The fusion populists have been plentifully
supplied with money by the fusion democrats, and
they are going to make a hurculean effort to retain
i control of the party. They have secured the
j services of "Cyclone" Davis, that much vaunted
! middle of the roader (?) of Texas; Mary Ellen
i Lease of Kansas, Jerry Simpson of Colorado and
: other prominent (?) so-called populists.
|It went on to print further criticism:
| J. H. (Cyclone) Davis is out in an article in
! the Vindicator declaring himself "in the middle
of the road."
^^Davis Collection,[Omaha World Herald, September
;1, 1897].
' ^ Southern Mercury, September 16, 1897.
169
Jim has been in the road and out of the road
so often that it is next thing to impossible to
tell when he is and when he is not. There is
one thing that is certain, he has been in and out
so often that no one has any confidence in him
whether in or out. (East Texas Reformer)80
Davis opened the Iowa campaign of 1897 for the
silverites at Onawa, Iowa, on September 15. His speech
embodied "a discussion of the ideas in the three planks of
the people's party platform— finance, land and transpor
tation." 81 Davis was careful to make only traditional
Populist speeches during the Iowa campaign. Neither
General Weaver nor Davis were drawing large audiences, as
A. W. Ricker noted:
Cyclone Davis' pathway has not been strewn
with roses. Davis is taking a peculiar attitude.
To the writer he stated that upon coming to Iowa,
he had informed Gen. Weaver that he, Davis, would
take no side in the Iowa contest, but would merely
confine himself to making Populist speeches. The
writer heard Davis at Winterset make a very able
Populist address, covering every plank of the
Omaha platform.82
The above comment by Ricker, the secretary of the Central
Committee, was written from Des Moines, Iowa, on Septem
ber 20, 1897.
Davis, being in a political "no man's land", was
88Southern Mercury, September 16, 1897.
8-*-Davis Collection, Onawa Sentinel, [September 16,
1897]; Onawa Democrat, [September 16, 1897].
82Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping, [Des Moines,
Iowa, September 20, 1897].
170
trying to please all factions. He knew that he would
be criticized back home regardless of his position.
Local papers in Texas lifted the analyses of the Iowa
papers. The Mount Vernon Optic repeated a comment by
the Southern Mercury;
The Iowa State Register says: "We did not hear
'Cyclone's' speech in this city, but we understand
that he kept as near the middle of the road as it
was possible for him to do and gained pay for his
speech from the Iowa fusionists.["] He is something
of a "ranter" in his speeches, but he is speaking
in Iowa for the money there is in speaking; and it
is said that he is ready to speak on either side
of the populist mouth— that is so to speak as not
to offend fusionists or middle of the roaders.
Like W. Jennings Bryan, "Cyclone" Davis has been
able to make a good thing for himself by working
his mouth for free and unlimited coinage for years
past. He is announced for a speech at Winterset,
and we shall be pleased to receive a report as to
whether his speech favors fusion or the middle of
the road, in order that we may more definitely inform
the Texas people who are keeping an eye on "Cyclone." ^
Davis' own paper, the Alliance Vindicator took up the
defense of Davis against the Echo of Sulphur Springs.
The Vindicator quoted accusations against Davis made
! by the Echo and denied that Davis was making fusion
' 8 4
| speeches in Iowa.
| The attacks of the Mercury were so vehement that
! ^Davis Collection, Mount Vernon Optic,
| [Week of September 24, 1897], quoting the Southern
j Mercury.
I "
| ^Davis Collection, Alliance Vindicator,[Week
I of October 12, 1897].
|
i
171
other papers began to comment. The McKinney Democrat
wrote:
The Southern Mercury again in its last issue
teems with spiteful abuse of Northern populists
also pouring out its wrath on J. H. Davis of Texas.
The Mercury is fast becoming noted for its rank
inconsistency and political methods in politics.
In one issue it will boast of populist strength in
congress and then abuse the leaders who aided in
creating that strength. Its attack on Cyclone Davis
savors of personal hatred. When it attacks a man
like Jim Davis it attempts to tear down a political
character that will never fail to compare most
favorably with any of the Mercury force. It "charges"
that Jim Davis is speaking for money in the Iowa
campaign. Mr. Davis ought to be paid for his services
in the cause of reform. Can the Mercury labor without
pay? Does it? This is an age of criticism. The
Mercury must be the recipient of its share of the
criticism. The Mercury instead of keeping in the
middle of the road is rapidly entering the middle
of a quagmire. Populists will not follow it.85
Davis' paper, the Alliance Vindicator wrote in his
defense:
If "Cyclone" Davis is a straight populist why
is he stumping Iowa in the interest of the fusion
ticket--Southern Mercury.
"Cyclone" didn't do it. He made straight speeches
on populist principles. It seems to us about time
to say this: Populists have a right to advocate
any principle they believe is right, whether it is
in the platform or not. This collar and boss
business is getting "numerous" in our party.
Populists are free men and this effort to try to
read a reformer out of the party because he asserts
his manhood, is out of place in the Southern Mercury
or any other reform paper.86
Davis was at Creston, Iowa, on October 2, 1897,
85oavis Collection, McKinney Democrat,[n.d.].
®®Davis Collection, Alliance Vindicator,[n.d.].
172
and spoke on "the most important questions to the
Q 7
masses, land, transportation and money." He was
scheduled to be in Logan on October 9, 189 7. "He is
a patriot and a statesman and a man who will do a power
of good in any community."^
The reports of the speech at Creston soon were
noticed in the Mercury.
The Creston Iowa American in referring to the
speech of Cyclone Davis at that place last week
says, "Mr. Davis paid a high compliment to W. J.
Bryan: Also to Mr. White," (the fusion candidate
for governor).89
The Mercury scored Butler for making a speech and not
using the opportunity to attack Davis:
Not a word of condemnation for Cyclone Davis
who went to Nebraska to help Bryan induce Populists
to nominate a Democrat on their state ticket.90
On October 21, 1897, the Alliance Vindicator
continued to defend Davis against the other papers:
The Mercury would be proud of the distinction
could it but gain it, of being the official organ
of Texas populists. But that can never be, populists
would have none of it in that capacity. It is too
ready to attribute corrupt motives to every man
who dares to differ from it, and we must confess
; ^Davis collection, The Creston Daily Advertiser
j (Creston, Iowa), October 4, 1897.
I
| Q O
°°Davis Collection, The Logan Nucleus (Logan,
jlowa) , October 8, 1897.
i 8^Southern Mercury, October 14, 1897.
i ^^Southern Mercury, October 28, 1897.
173
that it seems to us a spirit of jealousy denon-
nominates [dominates] it at all times. Away with
such cannibalism, and advocate the cause of reform
if you are honest in it. Go bury your jealousies,
and no matter what others do be sure to do right
yourself.
Kentucky Tour, 1897. Davis planned to be in Kentucky
after his tour of Iowa, according to a statement he made at
Winterset that he would "make ten speeches for Joe A.
Parker, who is the straight populist candidate for the only
state office to be filled at this election. Here he will
92
openly oppose the democrats." No clippings in the Davis
Collection reported his activities there. In fact, little
was heard from him during this period. The Dallas Morning
News, on November 4, 1897, observed:
If Cyclone Davis is loading up during his long
period of silence he will have to begin early next
spring.
Oh, Mr. Davis, do turn loose ,
This pent-up genius, what's the use?
Davis evidently relaxed from the political wars for a short
period of time.
Decline of the Populist Party. The speeches of
Davis during the summer and fall of 1897 were something of
an anti-climax to the lost election of 1896. Davis was
^•l-Davis Collection, Alliance Vindicator, October 21,
1897.
^Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping, quoting a
report of Davis' speech in the Winterset Review (Winterset,
Iowa).
^ Dallas Morning News, November 4, 1897.
174
enough of a political realist to foresee that dissension
would destroy the Populist party organization. His
I
|speeches in 1897 were made in the hope of salvaging a ves-
l j
jtige of the party organization and persuading the Silver 1
I
jRepublicans, Bryan Democrats and Fusionists to unite. ;
I
iDreams of implementing reform principles from elected
office were shattered. Perhaps some of those principles,
now adopted by the Democrats, would yet be activated if
j !
iBryan were elected in 1900. It would be a small victory
|for the Populists, but better than total defeat.
The division of the People's party caused ex-Senator
jW. A. Peffer of Kansas to write an extensive analysis of ;
ithe party's troubles in January, 1898. The article, en- j
I |
titled "The Passing of the People's Party," discussed at !
i
ilength the troubles of the party and its future. He stated '
|that "a union of all reformers in one body would be invin-
I
Icible." If they did not unite, they would be powerless in
94
;the election of 1900.
Davis Retires as Editor of the Alliance Vindicator.
Davis had not actually been involved in the publishing of
the Alliance Vindicator for several years because of
his extensive speaking tours. Early in 18 98 he retired |
i
as editor. Perhaps differences with the working editor and i
i i
' --------------------------------------------------------------------- |
|
a. Peffer, "The Passing of the People's
■Party," North American, CLXVI (January, 1898), 12-23. \
175
declining revenues were partially responsible. Regardless,
|the paper would not be as useful to Davis as it previously
! |
ihad been. The Mercury reported:
j Cyclone Davis has retired from the Alliance
| Vindicator. The paper will in the future be
published by J. A. Gunter and Rogers Turner, and !
advocate straight P o p u l i s m . ^5 j
IThis arrangement lasted for only slightly over a year, then,!
i '
|in the early spring of 1899, R. J. Whitmore became the
editor and the Vindicator a semi-weekly.^6
I :
Spanish-American War Tour, Spring 1898. Davis was
;not silent for long. During the Spanish-American War, he
I showed up in Iowa again, this time lecturing on "Economics."
The Omaha World-Herald covered his appearance at Avoca on
i 1
February 28:
l
j Mr. Davis spoke for over two hours, holding
the large audience spellbound. He referred to
the sunken battleship with patriotic indigna-
; tion; said there were not more than 20,000 white
men in Texas who voted for McKinley, but out of :
■ 300,000 Texans capable of bearing arms 200,000
would enroll within thirty days to defend the i
honor of the flag. At times the applause was !
I deafening, especially when the speaker referred
to the ill-fated battleship Maine.^
Davis referred to the Avoca report in his Memoir and re- !
called that he toured for a month during the Spanish-
95
Southern Mercury, January 27, 1898. j
96
Southern Mercury, May 25, 1899.
97
Davis Collection, Omaha World-Herald, [March 1,
11898].
176
9 8
American War making patriotic speeches. A few days later,
Davis spoke in Tabor, Iowa. The local reporter credited
him with giving "the fairest and strongest argument in
! favor of his party's pet doctrine [free silver] ever made
i ;
I in Tabor." An unusual feature of this speech was Davis'
| repeated statements that he was not a Christian.^9 j
i !
i . . . i
} His speaking activities that spring included a trip j
! I
; to the West Coast. He made two appearances in Oregon— in j
S
I Sumpter on May 17, and in Baker City on May 19. Both i
1
j occasions were reported to be successful rallies for free
i silver.
On July 4, Davis wrote a full-page plea, for the
I Alliance Vindicator, addressed to the Populists, calling
i ;
I I
| for unity at the Texas state convention, scheduled to meet '
; in Austin on July 27, 1898. Milton Park and the anti-
fusionists, hoping to hold their own convention in 1900,
; refused to endorse the action of the national committee i
which had met at Omaha. Davis reviewed their stand and
i ;
wrote:
We hope every Populist county and general i
convention especially in Texas and the state
convention which meets in Austin on July 27 will
indorse the action of the national committee at ■
^James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas: The
Courier Press, 1935), 15.
^Davis Collection, Tabor Beacon (Tabor, Iowa) ,
March 11, 1898.
10C*Davis Collection, Morning Democrat (Baker City,
Oregon), May 19, 1898; Memoir, 185.
177
Omaha and turning their face to the future line
up in harmony and fraternity and by 1900 be ready
to face the gold power with a solid front in every
state in the union.101
On July 13, 1898, Davis was at Conway, Arkansas,
debating the Hon. A. F. Vandeventer, a Democrat. On
July 14, he left for Concord, White county, Arkansas,
to attend a Populist camp meeting.1®^ On July 15, Davis
and Vandeventer were in Concord, Arkansas, in a joint
discussion. Vandeventer scored Davis for voting for
McKinley in 1896. Davis revealed that he had so voted
because of his anger toward Texas Democrats.101
Personal Problems. Personally, Davis was de
pressed over the events of the past two years. He had
continued to uphold reform principles, but the desertion
of many of his former allies had weakened his reserve.
He had been under attack constantly by the anti-fusionist
faction and the Democrats. His disappointment and
bitterness had been reflected in his impulse vote for
McKinley. Rewards for several years of dedicated
•service had been meager. During this adjustment, Davis
became concerned about his religious faith. In his
j lOlDavis Collection, Alliance Vindicator, July 6,
11898.
l^Davis Collection , [Conway Herald] , July 14, 1898.
lOlDavis collection, Arkansas Democrat, [July’ 20 ,
1898] .
178
Iowa speeches, he had repeatedly denied he was a
Christian. After a few months, he resolved his conflict
by re-affirming his belief. The Southern Mercury noted:
Hon. Jim (Cyclone) Davis has joined the
campbellite church. Since he was "dipped over
agin" he is ready for a controversy at any time on
any subject, religious, or political with anybody
"as comes afore him."104
The same issue noted that Davis and Barnett Gibbs were
to be at Leonard, Fannin county, to address the Populists.
Final Attempts to Revitalize the Populist Cause
In order to win in 1900, the Democrats needed
Populist support. If victory were achieved, perhaps the
Populists would not be forgotten in the distribution
of appointments. For the next three years, Davis
labored diligently for victory.
Populist State Convention, Austin, July 27,
189 8: Davis Nominated for Attorney General. At the
state convention, Austin, July 27, 1898, C. H. Jenkins
was favored as nominee for Attorney General. A committee
jwas sent to ask if he would accept. When no word was
|received from Jenkins, Harry Tracy nominated Davis, and
|on the second ballot he received the necessary two-
jthirds majority. No mention was made of whether Davis
j
| -^^Southern Mercury, July 21, 1898; Davis
|Collection, unlabeled clippings concerning his baptism.
iSee above, 176.
179
Was present or officially accepted the nomination.
Davis was listed in the Mercury as the candidate for
Attorney General on August 11, 1 8 9 8 . On September 8,
1898, however, Davis' name was replaced with that of
Charles H. Jenkins, the original nominee. On
October 31, J. S. Bradley, executive committee chairman,
released the official list of candidates, and Jenkins
was listed as the candidate for Attorney General.
Jenkins was defeated by Thomas S. Smith, 2 85,438 to
107,088.108
Illinois Speaking Tour of 1898. Probably, Davis
did not accept the nomination for Attorney General in
189 8, because he planned to campaign in other states.
A handbill, advertising a People's Party camp
meeting at Noble, Illinois, on October 7 and 8, carried
Davis' name at the top of the list.-*-8^ Also, he was at
Belleville, Illinois, where the paper carried a summary
of his address on "The Free Coinage of Silver.
^■^Dallas Morning News, July 29, 1898.
^•88Southern Mercury, August 11, 1898.
| ^ ^ Southern Mercury, September 8, 1898.
^•^Southern Mercury, December 29, 1898.
i n q
^Davis Collection, Handbill, People's Party Camp
jMeeting, Noble, Illinois, October 7-8, 1898.
I iin
Davis Collection, Morning Record (Belleville,
| Illinois), [no date].
180
The Chicago Times Herald ran a picture of Davis on
October 12, 189 8. He was in Chicago to open the Populist
campaign there.On Saturday evening, October 15,
189 8, Davis spoke to the laboring people in Joliet,
Illinois. He spoke from a dry goods box that was
119
borrowed for the occasion. On October 19, 1898,
Davis was still on the campaign trail, speaking daily
for the Populist cause.^^
Kentucky and Nebraska Tours, 1899. Davis was
still very much in demand throughout the nation as a
defender of Populist causes. He had traveled so ex
tensively in the preceding years that he was now returning
for the second time to many of the cities.
The party lines were clearly drawn by 1899. The
anti-fusionists had organized and would have no as
sociation with the fusionists. On March 23, 1899, the
Mercury noted:
I
!
I To the Populists of the Nation: Headquarters of
I People's Party National Committee, Milton Park,
Chairman, Dallas, Texas, March 17, 1899:
I The People's Party National Convention which
met at Cincinnati, September 5 & 6 of last year,
^■■'■•'•Davis Collection, Chicago Times Herald,
October 12, 1898.
119
Davis Collection, [No name] , (Joliet, Illinois),
October 17, 1898.
i ^-^Davis Collection, The Representative , [no
| place], October 19, 1898.
181
resolved to make a straight fight for reform on
the lines laid out at Omaha in 1892, and adhered
to ever since by all straight Populists.
Milton Park's militant stand against the fusionists had
elevated him into the chairmanship of the national
committee.
Davis, on September 14, 1899, was found in
Kentucky speaking for the Populists:
Hon. J. H. ("Cyclone") Davis, we are informed,
is now in Kentucky, doing work for reform. When
the Gobelites meet him in debate, the [they will]
understand why he is called "Cyclone."115
In October there was a "Grand People's Party Reunion
in Old Kentucky." Present were "the four Texas terrors,
Hon. Harry Tracy, Hon. J. H. (Cyclone) Davis, Hon.
Henry F. Jones, and the inimitable Hon. H. S. P. (Stump)
Ashby." Dates for speaking were listed from October 5,
at Paducah, to October 19, at Louisville, where there
was to be a "Grand Round Up." "Some of the speakers
will speak at each of the above places morning, afternoon
1 1 f i
and night." Milton Park was also scheduled to be there.
| Davis did not participate in the October campaign
i
!
I since he had been speaking in Kentucky during September,
j On October 4, 1899, Davis was in Crawford, Nebraska,
| H ^ Southern Mercury, March 23, 1899.
| ^-^Southern Mercury, September 14, 1899.
j Southern Mercury, September 28, 1899.
182
and "people assembled from a radius of twenty miles
around Crawford to listen to Hon. Wm. Neville, Cyclone
Davis and Mr. Fleahearty." The Nebraska Independent
reported:
Hon. J. H. Davis, of Texas, better known as
"Cyclone," followed Mr. Fleahearty and kept the
audience in strict attention and good cheer by his
entertaining manner until nearly sundown, although
a large number were here from a great distance.
He explained the danger of the trusts, and showed
plainly how different is the policy of the republican
party today than in the days of Abraham Lincoln
in regard to human slavery, polygamy, monopoly,
and the regulation of the currency. He pointed
out the injustice of making the national debt in
coin and the wrong in now attempting to make the
same payable in gold. He answered the charge of
I gold bugs that the fusionists favored paying the
debt in dishonest money by stating that the fusionists
were willing to fulfill even the second contract,
which was in fact an imposition on the debtor.
In regard to the paying of the debt, their honesty
in that respect would be sustained in all the courts
of justice on earth or in heaven, but they objected
to a change of venue to the other place.117
Davis was carefully avoiding controversy. His speeches
were focused on the traditional Populist topics of
trusts, currency manipulation, and free silver. Nebras
kans, in contrast to the anti-fusionists in Texas, were
1 providing encouraging adulation.
On October 5, 1899, Davis was in Greeley Center,
I where he "took the people by storm with his lucid
H^Davis Collection, Nebraska Independent ,
[October 5, 1899].
183
ii o
demonstrations of the questions involved." On the
same day, Davis and Judge Neville were in Ord, Nebraska.
Cyclone Davis was a conspicuous figure on the
streets and the perfection of oratory and logic on
the platform. For three hours the audience, most
of whom were voters from every party and every part
of the county, sat or stood drinking in every word
that dropped from the speaker's lips.
This was one of the greatest meetings for the
cause that has ever been held in Valley county.
On October 6, 1899, Davis was at Wahoo, Nebraska.
Hon. J. -H. Davis addressed an immense audience
here last evening. A parade with 100 horsemen
mounted on white horses and bearing torches, with
a long line of fusionists in line, preceded the
meeting. The Glee club sang several stirring
selections.
Though there was a cold wind blowing from the
northwest, Mr. Davis held the great crowd for
nearly two hours. His speech was a gentlemanly
discussion of economics and not one word of abuse
fell from his l i p s . 120
Davis continued his tour of Nebraska, accompanying
various candidates for office. From October 11 to
October 18, he shared the platform with Hon. J. E.
Morrison, candidate for district judge in the Fourteenth
district. From October 19 to October 21, he spoke with
I A. F. Parsons.
H^Davis Collection, World-Herald (Omaha), [October
6, 1899].
H^Davis Collection, World-Herald (Omaha), [October
6, 1899].
I 120Dav^s Collection, World-Herald (Omaha), [October
! 8, 1899].
i '''^■''Davis Collection, World-Herald (Omaha), [October
l 8 f 18991 .________________________________________________________
184
From Sidney, Nebraska, on October 14, Davis
wrote "a few notes" to the editor of the Gazette.
He stated that the reform forces were united and faced
a difficult campaign against the Republicans.
There seems to be no question up here as to
his nomination for president by the democrats next
year; and the populists think that some well known
populist will be nominated for vice, and all reformers
will unite on Bryan. They have great hopes of his
election. I met Bryan only once since I have been
here. We rode together about two hours on the
train. He and all the party leaders are anxious
for me to stay in the state up to election, and I
may do so, though I have promised to go to Iowa
and Kentucky before the campaign closes.122
The Kentucky and Nebraska campaigns of 1899
revived Davis' optimism. His ambition to be elected
or appointed to national office might yet be realized.
The campaigns of 1900 were entered with renewed
jenthusiasm.
;
Presidential Election Year, 1900. The events of
1900 were extremely important to the Populists. Defeat
this time would bring about the party's dissolution.
|
| Early in January, 1900, the Mercury led the
i
attack against those who advocated fusion. In an
editorial on January 4, Park wrote "that certain Populist
I
;leaders are working in harmony with Nebraska fusionists
|to commit Texas to fusion; and, further, that money to
I 122j3avis Collection, Gazette (Sulphur Springs,
jTexas),[week of October 14, 1899].
185
pay expenses had been furnished by the fusion con-
123
tingent." To support the above charges, he related
the events of the Texas Populist Executive Committee
that met in Dallas on Saturday, January 13, 1900:
It was brought out at the conference of the
committee Saturday, that J. H. Davis came to Dallas,
saying that he had been sent by the northwestern
fusionists to submit the proposition named in the
Mercury, carrying with it the nomination of Bryan;
that Mr. Davis submitted it to Harry Tracy, and
that Harry Tracy accompanied Mr. Davis to Hillsboro
j to lay the matter before J. S. Bradley; that they
! went to Austin to see S. C. Granberry: that J. H.
Davis paid Harry Tracy's expenses; that Davis said
that the money for that purpose was furnished by the
fusionists.124
The Mercury also noted that Davis in a letter to Tracy
said "that he would possibly be too ill to attend the
conventions."125
W. A. Keith, county chairman of Titus County
Populists, wrote expressing his sentiments toward
I
Davis:
We admire Mr. Davis, and recognize the fact
that he has spent much time and money in the up
building of the People's party here and elsewhere,
j but we believe his fusion move in the early part
i of the campaign of 1896, did the party almost ir-
j reparable injury. We hope he does not advocate
j fusion now.126
123southern Mercury, January 18, 1900.
Southern Mercury, January 18, 1900.
Southern Mercury, January 18, 1900.
Southern Mercury, January 25, 1900.
186
The total political situation and the explanation of Davis'
attempt to unite the Texas Populists were revealed in a
clipping from the Lincoln Journal of February 24, 1900:
So many populists state organizations are fol
lowing the middle of the road element out of the
democratic party annex that when the latter meets
in national convention in Sioux Falls for the pur
pose of nominating Bryan for the presidency, a
large number of the states will be represented
only by voluntary delegates. The "Lincoln split"
now promises to extend through the party from
Texas to the lakes. In some of the states there
is not enough populism left to divide, but where
the party remains it will be found torn into con
tending factions by the desires of the bosses to
deliver the whole organization over to Colonel
19 7
Bryan. '
Davis had written on the clipping the name of the paper,
the date, and the word "Republican," which explained the
article's negative tone.
Western Tour of 19 00. Davis was interviewed in
Denver, Colorado, on March 12, 1900, while journeying to
ward the Pacific coast. He assessed the national situation
Regarding the attitude of the National Populist
Party, I will say that while there is some deflection
in our ranks, the great volume of our people will
line up to the Sioux Falls convention, and we will
have one of the most representative and deliberate
conventions we have ever held. While some good
men will attend the Cincinnati convention, they
will carry with them, all of the dissatisfied and
l^Davis collection, Lincoln Journal (Lincoln,
Nebraska), February 24, 1900.
187
discordant element which has been a dead weight
with the party in the past.-*-2°
i
|He called for unity among the Populists, the Bryan Demo-
i !
icrats, and the Silver Republicans. Texas delegates to the
national convention to be held at Sioux Falls, starting on
May 9, 1900, were to be selected by the State Executive
' l ? Q
;Committee at Waco on March 24, 1900.
I j
That same day, Davis arrived in Portland, Oregon, j
jand gave an informal speech on the political situation.
;He made his comments while visiting at the Democratic head
quarters where the precinct committees were meeting. Davis
i
|indicated he was willing to follow Bryan and unite with the
|Democrats as in 189 6. He felt, when questioned, that the i
:silver "16 to 1" issue was not dead but was not now a major!
: issue. -^0 Davis continued his Northwest tour. An Oregon ;
;paper reported:
| '
! Jim Davis is billed for "lectures" in Montana.
The Fusion contingent finds that even the silver
states are not certain for the Sioux Falls fake
convention. Of course Davis will tell them how
; unanimous Texas Populists are for Bryan and S e w a l l . - ^ l
•l-^Davis Collection, The Daily [Journal] (Denver,
!Colorado), March 13, 1900. !
1 I
i 1 ? Q
• ‘ •^Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping. |
i j
i on ,
j - LJUDavis Collection, The Sunday Oregonian, March 25, :
1900. j
; j
•*-3• ' ■ Southern Mercury, April 5, 1900. |
188
The Mercury carefully kept track of the "Cyclone."
Cyclone Davis seems to be earning the "push
money" put up by the Butler-Allen combine, by
preaching Bryanism in Idaho. He is billed for
12 days in that state, April 2 to 14. After that
time till the Sioux Falls sideshow, he will inflict
his Fusion flapdoddles on any crowd that will listen
to him.1^2
Letters from all over Texas expressed critical views
of Davis' circular position. The Mercury assembled the
following collection:
As to Jim Davis. . . I have known him for 21
years. . . he was making some of the ablest reform
speeches I ever heard in my life. . . I am middle-
o-road Populists. . . I think the party far better
off without Davis. . . . C. C. Kelly, McGregor, Texas
There are honest Pops in Texas who have been
influenced by that trio of professional politicians,
Davis, Tracy, Bradley into believing that we can
out general the Democrats and capture their party
by nominating their candidates. J. H. Webb, Beaukiss,
Texas.
Jim Davis went to Oregon at the "request" of the
Democratic and Fusion National Committees. The
Democratic Committee wants the Ft. Worth Convention
to go for Bryan and Sioux Falls, but it will not
do so— not by a vote or two.
Iowa pops are done with fusion, but Weaver is
galloping over the country trying to seduce the
j Pops of other states. So are Jim Davis and Harry
| Tracy— earning that "$5 a day and expenses," referred
I to in Jim Davis' circular.
I
I
i . . . These avowed Fusionists are seeking to
| charge the crime (?) of introducing the "Debs resolu-
! tion" to Milton Park of the Mercury! Has all honor
I fled? . . .
132Southern Mercury, April 12, 1900.
189
We challenge anyone to name the occasion or
point to the issue of the Mercury where either
Milton Park or the Mercury has ever advocated
anything but a straight Populist ticket on a straight
Populist platform.
Tracy and Davis can truthfully say (and they
know) that the Mercury refused to enter into the
conspiracy to betray the Populists of Texas when
it was presented to it, even before the proposition
had been made public. The Mercury's mission is. . .
reform principles and cares not. . . what particular
men are selected as figureheads.
. . . We have kept our views on the propriety
of his [Debs] nomination by Populists strictly to
ourselves.133
As time for the convention approached the wrangle between
the factions continued:
Hon. Jhn. C. Luce (national ex-committeeman of
the Populist Party) writes: Cyclone Davis made a
speech in Democratic headquarters at Portland,
Oregon, in which he told the Democrats that the
Chicago platform was so near the Populist demand
that all Populists were now ready to accept the
Democratic party and join hands with it in defeating
the Republicans. When asked as to the mid-roaders,
he said they were a small bolting faction who had
already to [two] national committees, two [who] had
broken the Omaha agreement and were only soreheads
and out for office. These were not his exact words
but the sense of them. Davis says he is sent here
by the Democratic and Fusion National Committees
j in the interest of union. The above. . . exposes
j the purpose of the Sioux Fall Fusion convention. . .
not to advance. . . the Populist party, but to
transfer its vote to the Democratic n o m i n e e s . 134
The attacks did not seem to trouble Davis very much at
i
| this point. His course was clear— all reform elements
j had to unite to win. Hope of a complete Populist
133sputhern Mercury, April 19, 1900.
134southern Mercury, May 3, 1900.
190
victory were past and emotional attachment to former
dreams was not sensible.
Populist National Convention, Sioux Falls, South
Dakota, May 9, 10, 11,1900. The Mercury feuding did not
subside during the Populist National Convention at
Sioux Falls, South Dakota, on May 9, 10, and 11, 1900.
Texas' full delegation to Sioux Falls, that
Jim Davis has been predicting, consisted of four
(!) 'would be's,' all traveling on railroad passes.
There was a fifth one; but he failed to get a pass,
so stayed home. None, of course, had any creden
tials .135
The Mercury reported that the convention attendance
was small that there was "never a quieter gathering."
In contrast to previous conventions, there was an
"entire absence of whiskered faces and horny hands."
i The delegates were described as "smooth shaven" and
| wearing "kid gloves and beaver hats." With evident
j contempt the Mercury declared that Bryan will have
! "no opposition for the head of the ticket." The Texas
delegation "had no credentials" and were seated "only
j
j because of their sympathy. "136 gioux Falls Convention
(
| nominated Bryan for president and selected Charles A.
j
| Towne for vice-president. Davis made one of the
! seconding speeches for Bryan:
I _________________________________________________________________
i
: 135sputhern Mercury, May 10, 1900.
| 136g0uthern Mercury, May 10, 1900.
191
Mr. Davis announced that he had been a political
opponent of Mr. Bryan, but had now come over to
the ranks of the elect and laid the hopes of the
nation with the man who can "throttle the oppressors
of the people." "We have Bryan clubs down our way,"
said the speaker, "and I can promise you next fall
a Bryan club of 200,000 majority. We are with him
heart and soul, and we give him not only our love
and admiration, but the blessing of a noble surrender
for the good of the American people. McKinley has
been called the Napoleon of Republican politics,
and perhaps the title is not inappropriate, for we
all know that Napoleon made a dash into the Orient
and it did not pan out very well."
Keeping up the Napoleon simile, the speaker
proceeded that the "Napoleon of Republican politics
would meet his Waterloo next November."137
Davis' speech pleased the Mercury very much. With this
position stated in print, the Mercury was ready to read
him out of the Populist ranks permanently.
"The Populist party will not have to suffer any
more from carrying Henry Tracy and Jim Davis. Their
dead weight has now been shifted to the Democrats."
(Review)
Poor, deluded, disheartened Populists! You who
honestly believed it your duty to uphold the national
organization as represented at Sioux Falls. What
do you think now? Are you not now satisfied that
you have been b o u n c e d ? l 3 8
Davis was now considered to be back in the Democratic
j party. He was now joined fully with all of his old
i
| political foes, some of whom were not willing to forgive
or forget. The Mercury continued its denunciation:
j They say now, that "all the leading Populists
! in Texas have come back into the grand old Democratic
•^•^Dallas Morning News, May 11, 1900.
^ Southern Mercury, May 17, 1900.
192
party." This statement is so fallacious that it
needs no denial. Because Tracy, Bradley, and Davis
have succeeded in getting their hands into the
Democratic keg, this trio of traitors are now
blowing their bazoos for Bryan in Oregon, at so much
a blow— $3 a day and expenses. When the campaign
is over they will turn up again in Texas but the
boys. . . will not meet them.-*-39
While the fusionists held their convention at
Sioux Falls, the middle-of-the-roaders, who had bolted
the party in 1898, met in Cincinnati at the same time,
May 10, 1900. They selected Wharton Barker of Pennsyl
vania for the presidential nominee and Ignatius Donnelly
of Minnesota for vice-presidential nominee. Both were
not very well attended and most knew that the party was
rapidly disintegrating.
Campaigning for Bryan, 1900. After Davis committed
himself to support the Democrats, he actively participated
in the presidential campaign. His role was outlined by
the Optic-Herald:
[Davis] took a leading part in organizing the
reform forces of the Nation under Mr. Bryan; [he was]
commissioned by the Democratic, Silver-Republican,
and Populist parties in 1900 to unite these forces
for Bryan, in which he spent nearly nine months and
made 300 speeches.141
j 139Southern Mercury, June 7, 1900.
j l^Opallas Morning News, May 11, 1900.
j 143-Davis Collection, Optic-Herald (Mount Vernon,
I Texas), December 17, 1915; State Topics, December 25,
| 1915; Houston Chronicle, July 8, 1910. This article
| indicated that Davis traveled 35,000 miles in states west
! of Chicago campaigning for Bryan; Memoir, 219, 191, 189.
193
The Dallas Morning News observed:
Itasca Item: Won't it seem queer listening to
a defense of Democracy by Cyclone Davis?
Undoubtedly Mr. Davis will have to make speeches
in Texas for Mr. Bryan. He has already turned up
for the work and has some delightfully captivating
expressions of which he gave the world a sample at
Sioux Falls. In a speech there before the convention
he spoke of the "hot blossoms of a noble surrender."
This might bring down the Democratic house in Texas
and undoubtedly cause Mr. Davis to be forgiven for
all he has ever done in this state against the
party. But it will be an entertaining sight to see
the Democracy of the State assemble to hear "Methodist
Jim" preach Democracy and tell people why they
should vote for Mr. Bryan. He can do it in a sen
sational way, too.142
The Mercury occasionally noted the activities of
Davis and the others who had left the Populist party.
Bradley and Tracy have returned from their
Oregon pilgrimage on behalf of Bryan. . . . Davis
seems to have been lost, as nothing has been heard
of him since the Cyclone struck the Democratic ticket
in Oregon.14 3
A little later, in August, he had been heard from "still
preaching 'reform' as they understand it, in the same
old style."144 jn October, Davis was "harangueing the
people of Nebraska for the Bryan ticket."145 He aiso
j planned to be in Kentucky:
| Cyclone Davis. . . supported McKinley in Texas
^•^Dallas Morning News, June 8, 1900.
•^^southern Mercury, June 21, 1900.
^ Southern Mercury, August 19, 1900.
14 ^southern Mercury, October 11, 1900.
194
in 1896, and bolted the action of the St. Louis
convention. Kentucky populists will
it interesting for them if they come.
Davis was active in this campaign. He was one of an
organization of seventy that volunteered to carry on
the campaign of 1900 in the nine states west of Chicago.
He worked principally in the Northwest, the doubtful
border states and in the silver states. His active
engagement in out-of-state campaigns cost him his
J popularity with the Texas Populists. 14 7
The defeat of Bryan by McKinley in November,
1900, signaled the end of the Populist era. In 1896,
i
McKinley polled 271 electoral votes, while Bryan received
176; in 1900, McKinley won 292 and Bryan 155.14® The
vote was a clear indication of the nation's feelings
toward Bryan Democrats, Silver Republicans, and Populists.
The Populists, and Davis, were now to look wistfully back
on "what might have been." Times were changing rapidly
I
j at the turn of the century and Populism could only be
I
| considered a relic of the past.
j Summary. For five years, Davis had worked to
| unite all reformers into an invincible political force.
i _____________________ , ___ . ___
I
| ^Southern Mercury, October 18, 1900.
! 147Memoir, 189, 191, 219.
j
| 14®Harold Faulkner, Politics, Reform and
j Expansion (New York: Harper and Row, 1959), 275-276;
j New York Times, November 8, 1900.
try to make
145
195
Davis was loyal to Populist principles, but expediency
demanded that the political situation be viewed prag
matically. Co-operation among the reformers was absolutely
necessary if a sufficient number of voters were to be won
to the cause. In some instances, Davis' speeches were
strictly Populist; on other occasions he spoke in behalf
of Bryan Democrats; and at other times he fought bitterly
with "old guard" Democrats.
At the Populist National Convention, St. Louis,
July, 1896, Davis presented a platform to the national
executive committee and received their approval. He
began by referring to the declaration of American
independence, then scored land monopolies, alien land
ownership, traffic associations, corporations, and the
| special preference of the ports of one state over those
of another. He called for highway construction, government
ownership of railroads and telegraphs and telephones, free
coinage of silver, and direct issuance of currency by
the treasury department. The Democratic and Republican
| parties were "arraigned" for the gold standard and for
! issuing interest bearing bonds. Although Davis' platform
| was not officially adopted by the Populists, many of the
i . 1 4 9
| demands in the final platform were similar.
| When Davis called for fusion of the Silver
i ______________________________
I ■ i ■■■■■- -- --— ' — — ■ ■ ■ ■ —--- -- ' —■ ■ ■-
1
| -^^Dallas Morning News, July 21, 1896.
196
Republicans, Bryan Democrats, and the Populists, he did
not realize the anger his position would arouse on the
part of the staunch Populists. As he toured various states
between the 1896 and 1900 elections, Davis was in a politi
cal dilemma. Advocacy of fusion would damage his rapport
with the Populists, and straight Populist speeches could
not be adapted to the changed political climate. So, in
travelling through Iowa, Illinois, Oregon, and other states
in 1897 and 1989, Davis cautiously "took for his topic
three of the most important questions to the masses, land,
transportation and money . . . "150
The situation for the Populist party was rapidly
reaching a conclusion. W. A. Peffer wrote in 1898:
That the People's party is passing must be evi
dent to all observers. Why it is going and where,
are obviously questions of present public concern.
Shall the alliance of 1896 be continued? That
is the question at issue. Fusionists answer yes,
conditionally; Anti-fusionists answer no, uncon
ditionally; and every day the question remains open
these parties appear to get farther apart rather
than closer together. Fusionists aver that they
have not yet determined in favor of perpetual union
with another party.151
Davis advocated fusion as being expedient, but he did
150navis Collection, Creston Daily Advertiser,
October 4, 1897.
151w. A. Peffer, "The Passing of the People's
Party," North American, CLXVI (January, 1898), 12, 16.
197
not wish to destroy the Populist party. By 1900, he
realized that the People's party "took too much
Democracy." Unity of all reform elements was neces
sary in order to accomplish practical results. Davis
warned:
If the Populists stay in the "middle of the
road" and refuse relief unless it comes through
their party, and the Demos stay in the middle of
the Demo road, and the Repubs stay in the middle
of the Republican road, and the Pops will unite
with no party that will not adopt its land and
transportation planks also and the old parties refuse
to join with any party that does not take their
position on the tariff question also, we will stand
separate and the bond-holders standing shoulder to
shoulder will succeed in the next election and with
four years more of his sway we will close the door
and tie the hands of our people for all time to
come.152
Thus, after the defeat of 1900, Davis, without
relinquishing his Populist ideals, returned to the
| Democratic party. In 1910 he said, "In times past I
I
I have been disloyal to the organized Democratic party,
15 3
but never disloyal to its principles."
Davis was a tireless campaigner for the Populist
| principles. He met audiences all over the nation,
| explaining, logically supporting, advocating, and
j defending those principles. Davis followed a set
l52Davis Collection, Printed circular addressed
to the Mercury, Dallas, Texas , [1900].
^Memoir, 313.
198
pattern in his speeches; typically, he would: (1)
present the basic principles of democracy, supporting
them with quotations from Jefferson and other founding
fathers; (2) survey the status quo, showing the deplorable
conditions that existed; (3) point out the wide variance
between the two; (4) affix the blame on those in power,
who allowed special privilege to exist; and (5) appeal
to his audience to change the situation through their
power to vote.
The rhetorical symbolism of the Populists often
projected their troubles upon "Wall Street," "Shylock,"
"aliens," and "conspiracies," but underlying their "hot
air and high words," was an allegiance to ethical,
democratic, and humanitarian principles.
The fusion controversy threatened the possibility
of the Populist principles succeeding. This posed a
difficult rhetorical problem for Davis, who, above all
else, wanted those principles to be practically tested.
|
I He worked vigorously to bring about a compromise. He
was farsighted enough to see the political future of
I the Populist party and tried to save its basic ideals.
|
' • He tried to unite dissident elements of three parties:
I Bryan Democrats, Silver Republicans, and Populists, but
|
j all three of the cliques attacked him. As he adapted
| his speech to suit each of the three factions, he was
accused of disloyalty by the others; he could not please
them all. Party backgrounds, regional differences,
vested interests, blind devotion to party, and personal
enmity— all worked to hinder his success. He suffered
most from the abuse of those who were power-hungry and
fearful in his own party. The emotionalism surrounding
the waning of Populist power could not be broken through
with reasonable and pragmatic appeals. This faction
was willing to destroy the party principles totally
rather than sacrifice party machinery, which had been
laboriously built. The vision of political prestige
and power was stronger than devotion to principle.
CHAPTER VI
DAVIS AS A DEMOCRAT: PROHIBITION
SPEAKER, 1901-1913
At the end of the 1900 campaign, Davis was forty-
seven years old. The prime of his life had passed and his
political efforts had, for the most part, been unrewarding.
He had held no important office and his future as a politi
cian was doubtful. The personal and financial sacrifices
he had made in the cause of reform were largely unrecog-
nized. For years he had fought the Democrats of Texas, and
although he had returned to the Democratic circle, the old
political foes were not likely to forget those bitter
battles. Davis had little chance of being elected to any
district or state office by the Democrats. He was still
suspect in their eyes, even though they had adopted most of
the reform principles of the Populists.
From the Bryan campaign of 1900 until he was elected
Representative-at-Large from Texas in 1914, Davis had to
defend his actions as a reformer as well as bear the abuse
of many Democrats who still considered Populists to be
traitors and held them in contempt. As Davis continued
to be active in local, state, and national politics, he
200
201
adopted the prohibition cause, which he had favored
most of his life.
This chapter examines the public speaking of
Davis as he campaigned for the Democratic party and
fought for prohibition.
Progressive Era; Reconciliation and Prohibition
Davis' major rhetorical problems during the
|
Progressive Era centered around the development of
strategies that would reconcile him with his old
I
political enemies and advance the cause of prohibition.
Strategy of Reconciliation. Davis insisted
that his political position had always been consistent
with reform principles. He defended his actions as
placing "principle over party or political preference."
He stood for "measures and not men, for principles and
not self."-'- As political lines were being drawn upon
the prohibition issue, Davis found "righteous indignation"
i an effective weapon. With evangelistic fervor, he accused
I _________________________________________________________________
i ^Davis Collection, The Semi-Weekly Farm News,
1 March 29, 1910; also the Dallas Morning News, March 26,
! 1910. Both newspapers, as well as the Galveston News,
j were published by the A. H. Belo Corporation. See also,
| Davis Collection, Morning Times (El Paso), May 2, 1914.
! It stated, Davis "need not be surprised if called upon to
| answer and explain many of his actions during that period,
! now when he is seeking political preferment at the hands
| of the very people he once so bitterly maligned."
202
many of the old Democrats of being hypocritical on the
issue. His loyalties had been dictated by self-imposed
standards of personal integrity. Many of his adversaries,
who congratulated themselves on their party loyalty, were
vulnerable on this point. Personal greed and political
ambition were cited as basic motivations of his opponents,
as well as their personal interest in defeating prohibi
tion. Humor, ridicule, and sarcasm were used to cut
down the arguments of those defending liquor's virtues.
Corporate corruption, railroads, and the nation's
i financial problems were additional themes of Davis'
speeches during the first decade of the Twentieth
Century.
Reform Allies. With the death of President
McKinley on September 6, 1901, the Progressive Era, a
period built upon the reform fervor of the Populists,
had its genesis. Many of the old Populists found
I
I themselves right at home during this time. With Theodore
i
! Roosevelt as their leader, the "muckrakers1 1 assailed
■ trust, slums, sweatshops, child labor, corrupt politics,
I
| and liquor. The Prohibition party, as early as 1869,
was organized and fighting, but little progress was
achieved until the early years of the 1900's.^
I -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------—---— -- .
j ^Allan Nevins and Henry Steele Commager, The
, Pocket History of the United States (Pocket Book, Inc.,
j 1956), 362-363.
203
Davis' Prohibition Attitudes. Davis was
described as "one of the tallest, wildest and [most]
warlike prohibitionists of Texas and the world.
From early in his career, he had been concerned with
the prohibition movement. In fact, in his first case
as a young lawyer, Davis argued against the lax restric
tions placed on saloons.^ Davis reviewed his rationale
for associating himself with the prohibition movement:
The first test in Texas was in 1887. It was
a hard fought and bitter battle. Many high class,
sober, honorable men opposed state wide prohibition
at that time. Feeling that public sentiment was
the highest law of civilization they wanted a system
of strict regulation and county and local option to
educate the public mind up to a system of legal
prohibition. This class of people was led by General
Sul Ross, Senators Coke and Mills, Jim Hogg, Horace
Chilton, Barnett Gibbs, Judge Clark and many leading
men of the state. Though a teetotaler and innate
enemy of the traffic, I aligned myself with that
crowd and fought for a method of strict regulation
to put the saloon under heavy bond and keep a
"decent and orderly house," feeling that if they
were made to do a decent business there would be
much fewer saloons and their bonds would compel
better behavior.5
n 1
JDavis Collection, Sulphur Springs Telegram,
| July 30, 1914.
^Frank W. Johnson, Eugene C. Barker, and Ernest
W. Winkler, A History of Texas and Texans (Chicago, 1914),
I IV, 1863.
j
i C
| James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas: The
! Courier Press, 1935), 236; Mount Vernon Investigator,
| April 23, 1914. In this article, Davis related that he
| "cancelled an engagement under a lecture bureau beginning
| at Aberdeen, South Dakota, which was worth to me one
; thousand dollars," to participate in his first prohibition
| campaign in Hopkins County.
204
Davis' moderate position favoring strict regulation of
the liquor traffic was later changed to one of total
opposition. In the late 1880's he traveled to Austin
to help Judge Simpkins of Corsicana, a state Senator,
draft a system of regulatory laws. The strength of the
organized liquor lobby shocked Davis, causing him to
reconsider his beliefs. He wrote, "I then pledged my
life to assist in every effort to rid society of this
baneful beverage." During the Populist era, however,
Davis subordinated prohibition as an issue, and returned
to it in the early 1900's.
In his Memoir, Davis summarized the highlights
of his prohibition speaking:
I helped dry five states in the Union, about
two thousand counties, towns, townships and pre
cincts, 115 counties in Texas; gave $1,250 to the
state campaign and made 6 8 speeches to legally
exile the traffic when Texas went dry; made the
opening speech in Polis theater in Washington to
make the nation's capital dry; was elected to
Congress as a Prohibitionist and helped Senator
Sheppard and Judge Webb of North Carolina put over
the 18th constitutional amendment that made the
nation dry.7
I
| Davis' attitudes solidified into an uncompromising stance
i
j toward the liquor issue. It became a major issue in his
| speeches in every campaign until the passage of the
I
I ------------------------------------------ —* --— --------------
^Memoir,'237.
^Memoir, 237.
205
Eighteenth Amendment.
Campaign of 1906. Thomas Mitchell Campbell
(Governor of Texas, January 15, 1907-January 17, 1911),
defeated M. M. Brooks in the first Texas primary election
in 1906.® Campbell favored prohibition and thus received
Davis' support during the campaign. Of the hostile cam
paign, Davis wrote:
Dr. Rankin became harsh and critical toward me
and others because we insisted that Mr. Brooks
must be defeated in the interest of State-wide
prohibition, and Mr. Brooks became very bitter
and vehement against me and has remained so ever
since. And Dr. Rankin wrote some very uncalled
for and insinuating articles against me, seeking
to undermine my influence because I was strongly
opposing Brooks and supporting Campbell in that
campaign as the only candidate who would hold the
door open for State-wide prohibition.®
Thus, after a few years relaxation from political tilting,
Davis was again drawing campaign fire. His effectiveness
was hindered, however, by the constant need to explain in
detail his previous political affiliation. This placed
him on the defensive, a position he did not particularly
enjoy. When he could be on the offensive, a natural con
dition when campaigning in behalf of prohibition, Davis
reacted with vigor, reaching his full stature as a speaker.
®Texas Almanac, 1961-62 (Dallas, Texas: A. H. Belo
Corporation, 1961), 472.
®Davis Collection, The Semi-Weekly Farm News,
March 29, 1910. Dr. G. C. Rankin's articles appeared in
his Christian Advocate (Dallas) and the Home and State
(Dallas).
206
All of his vituperative powers could then be brought
to bear on his enemies.
Bryan and Davis, Campaign of 190 8. Davis'
political fortunes were closely associated with those
of William Jennings Bryan. With Bryan's re-nomination
by the Democrats in 190 8, Davis was soon on the campaign
trail for him. Davis praised Bryan highly in his
Memoir:
I want to prologue this book by dedicating a
page to the memory of William Jennings Bryan. I
knew him perhaps more intimately than I knew most
public men of his time. He was one of the most
remarkable and gifted men of the age in which he
lived. In his economic Democracy he was a Jefferson;
in his patriotic courage he was a Jackson; in his
devotion to human rights he was a Lincoln, the most
remarkable orator of his day.10
Davis' activities on the behalf of Bryan were extensive.
He related:
I have been called into political councils and
campaigns for more than twenty years, when these
principles were involved, have traveled over seventy
five thousand miles making speeches for William
J. Bryan, was called by telegram from his home and
headquarters in 190 8 and spent three weeks in his
campaign.H
| -^Memoir, 39.
I
! ^Davis Collection, "The Lie Nailed and the
iLiar Flailed," June 22, 1910. Davis addressed this
jletter to the "News," presumably the Dallas Morning
News. Since it did not qppear, Davis apparently printed
it in circular form. See also the Houston Chronicle,
jjuly 8, 1910.
207
Earlier in 1908, Davis supported Texas candidates that
favored "Bryan Democracy" and prohibition. He traveled
throughout the state in support of Robert Vance Davidson
for re-election as Attorney General (Attorney General
of Texas, January, 1904 to December 31, 1909). On
March 27, 1908, Davis delivered an address at Longview,
Texas, which scored Senator Joe W. Bailey and condemned
| his association with the "Standard Oil gang." Bailey
was both anti-prohibitionist and anti-suffrage. Davidson
was responsible for initiating law suits against the
Standard Oil trust in Texas. Davis accused Bailey of
accepting a bribe from the oil forces to work for their
cause. Bailey was pictured as having betrayed his
friends and was compared to Judas Iscariot and Benedict
Arnold. The speech, entitled "Shall the People or the
I
Trusts Control This Government?",was a scathing reprimand
of Bailey for his action in the oil trust litigation.
The tone of the speech was certainly not con
ciliatory. Davis used all of his vituperative vocab-
j ulary, including Biblical allusions, to disparage
! Bailey's conduct. This highly pleased the Democratic
| faction opposed to Bailey and the Prohibitionists, but
alienated many of the old guard Democrats. This
strategy, perhaps, was unwise in that it did not aid
|
: in building an effective base from which to launch future
208
12
political campaigns. Davis and Bryan were again
disappointed with their political fortunes at the close
of the 1908 election.
Campaign of 1910, Cone Johnson for Governor.
Davis campaigned for Cone Johnson for Governor during
the 1910 campaign. Prohibition was still one of the
hottest issues of the day. Davis' integrity was
challenged by T. W. Hawkins in a letter addressed to
J. A. Germany, dated June 20, 1910. Hawkins reported
a rumor that Davis had offered to campaign for Judge
William Poindexter, anti-prohibitionist, for Governor,
if he was paid $150.00 per month plus expenses. On
June 22, 1910, Davis wrote an extensive answer to the
charge. He denied the charge as a lie and called the
I
authors "vulgar poltroons and dastards, steeped in
villainy," "offscourings of the human race," and "human
maggots which corrode society. Davis reviewed the
career of Judge Poindexter, claiming that he was against
; Bryan and was a friend of the liquor traffic. His
j _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
■^This speech was included as Chapter LXIX of
William A. Cocke's book, Bailey Controversy in Texas:
| Political Life Story of a Fallen Idol, Two Volumes (San
| Antonio, 1908). Davis repeated this chapter in his
! Memoir, 307-317. See also, Sam Hanna Acheson, Joe Bailey,
J the Last Democrat (New York: Macmillan Co., 1932).
j -^Davis Collection, "The Lie Nailed . . Davis
was scheduled to speak: June 18, Hubbard City; July 7,
Brady, Dallas Morning News, June 18, 1910.
209
colorful language did not ingratiate him with his
opponents.
On July 4, 1910, Davis, speaking at Myrtle
Springs, reviewed his position on prohibition over the
years and compared his record with that of Judge
Poindexter, anti-prohibitionist:
Judge Poindexter sees that here in Texas for
the past 12 years I have helped carry a prohibition
banner to success in a hundred battles in Texas
counties, including the judge's own county, and have
been called by telegram to Georgia, Oklahoma and
Missouri and other states because of the record I
have made in defense of home and helpless innocence
against the saloon.14
Davis presented a lengthy analysis of the 1910
campaign in a letter dated March 22, 1910. In the
letter he attacked Bailey and Poindexter as leaders
of the anti-prohibition forces. He defended his switch
from the Populist party to the Democratic party in
1900 and declared his fidelity to reform principles!
Now, I ask in all candor of you honest Democrats,
what would you have men like C. H. Jenkins and myself
do when you took practically the whole of our plat
form and put it in the Democratic platform? If you
took those principles in good faith, would you have
Mr. Jenkins, myself and many thousand others immolate
and efface ourselves and become a set of senile,
senseless sulkers, and skulk away, or would you
expect us to join hands and help make those principles
effective?15
14oavis Collection, Houston Chronicle, July 8,
1910.
I "^Dallas Morning News, March 26, 1910; The
j Semi-Weekly Farm News, March 29, 1910.
210
Dedicated to fight the liquor traffic, Davis
devoted all of his energies to that cause. In Fort
Worth, April 17, 1910, Davis delivered a typical pro
hibition speech. He declared his support of Cone Johnson
for Governor and criticized Bailey, Colquitt, and
Poindexter for their anti-prohibition stand.
He told of the hundreds of joint debates he had
been engaged in on the liquor question and the number
of States he had spoken in and said he had never yet
met a single advocate of liquor who claimed that a
saloon had produced one happy, tranquil home or
lifted a single human being out of the blight of
despair. He said he branded the 217,000 saloons
in America with having ruined and blighted the
lives of a million of the country's most promising
men.16
To insist on passing laws demanding that saloons "keep
a decent and orderly house" was the same as requiring
17
the "devil to keep a cold storage plant."
One of Davis' favorite illustrations concerned
the economic benefits of liquor to a community. Former
Governor George C. Pendleton emphasized the economic
aspect over and over in his debates with D a v i s .16 Davis
would readily concede that saloons increased business—
19
business for the jailer, undertaker, and doctor.
l^Dallas Morning News, April 18, 1910.
l^Dallas Morning News, April 18, 1910.
l8Memoir, 228-229.
l^Dallas Morning News, April 18, 1910.
211
Davis continued:
Yes, Governor, I have seen saloons in many
prosperous towns; but, Governor, I have likewise
seen fleas on some of the biggest, fattest dogs
I ever saw, but I never have been wise enough to
believe "them" fleas made that dog fat. I was
silly enough to believe "them" fleas just lived
off the fat that dog already had, and the more
business "them" fleas "done" the worse off that
dog was.
So, being a prohibitionist my theory is to
abolish the flea, but you antis insist that would
never do, to interfere with the personal liberty
of the flea. You contend that the thing to do is
to regulate the conduct of the flea: Allow him to
do business with the dog six days in the week, but
make him rest on Sunday. Allow him to do business
with a full grown dog, but forbid him to do business
with little puppy d o g s . 2C )
This "flea" illustration served its purpose for many
years, adding an appropriate touch of humor and ridicule
to his speeches. In 1915, Davis was still using it
in his prohibition speeches.21 On the claim of "personal
liberty" used by the antis, Davis pointed out that it
had its logical limitations. A person could be forbidden
j to "drink from his own well" if the water was polluted.
j He could be quarantined if he was a threat to public
j health.^
| Davis vigorously fought for prohibition until
i
!
the passage of the Volstead Act in 1919 and the Eighteenth
i 20Memo^r ^ 229.
I 21
| Davis Collection, Baltimore Sun, January 19,
|1915.
^Dallas Morning News, April 18, 1910.
212
Amendment went into effect.
Davis' efforts on behalf of Cone Johnson for
governor were in vain; Colquitt was elected and served
two terms, from January 17, 1911,to January 19, 1915.
Political Activities of 1911-1912. In 1911,
Davis returned to Nebraska to help in campaigns there:
Last fall I answered a telegram from the Bryan
Democracy in Nebraska and spent nearly two months
in the campaign.24
When Davis returned he found the 1912 race for Congress
under way. H. W. Vaughn had declared for prohibition
/
and Davis offered him his support. Bascom Thomas, of
Sulphur Springs, Texas, did not receive his support
because he refused to declare his position on prohibition.
Davis issued an address stating his views and criticizing
Thomas. Thomas answered with a letter that was scathing,
and full of personal abuse. Davis' answer filled eight
full newspaper columns, and he did not deal kindly with
Thomas. Thomas owned the Sulphur Springs Gazette and
| ^ Texas Almanac, 1961-62, 441.
^^Davis Collection, "Davis Refutes, Denies and
Defies Thomas' Attack," circular dated January 10,
1912; Davis supported Wilson in 1912. He wrote, "Nearly
two years before the Baltimore convention, soon after
! he [Wilson] had made a speech at Oniel, Neb., I was in
J a restaurant at Oniel, Neb., at a table with five
I Democrats. I moved to make Wilson the new President,
j The vote was unanimous, including the proprietor of
j the restaurant, a Republican." Davis Collection,
j Dallas Morning News, March 5, 1914.
213
Davis printed correspondence over Thomas1 signature
that offered the paper's services in return for political
favors.25
Political Patronage
Davis was now sixty years old and had been
fighting political battles for twenty-five years. He
now hoped that his services would be remembered and
that he would be favored with a political appointment.
Seeks Judgeship or Attorneyship, 1913. The
Fort Worth Record, July 26, 1913, in a column by Hugh
Nugent Fitzgerald, reported that Davis was seeking
"new political pastures" and that he had been "indorsed
by three Congressmen for judgeship in one of the
Territories." Nugent wrote:
A territorial judge must necessarily have a
profound knowledge of law, either theoretical or
| acquired. With the indorsement of two senators
and one congressman, it is taken for granted that
Cyclone has shiploads of legal lore, both theoretical
and acquired. Doubtless the two senators and one
congressman have made the discovery that he is a
profound lawyer, a dignified wearer of the ermine
and has the poise, both mental and physical, to
make him admirably fitted for a territorial judge
ship in one of Uncle Sam's island possessions.
"Virtue hath its own reward."26
A letter addressed to Davis from Senator Morris Sheppard
| ^^Davis Collection, "Thomas' Attack."
^Davis Collection, Fort Worth Record, July 26,
| 1913.
214
of Texas, April 20, 1914, revealed that some felt that
Davis had been "out of actual legal work too long a
time to justify your appointment."^ Davis, by telegram,
was offered a position in the Philippines, with opportunity
for promotion to the Governor of the Province. It
indicated that if he did not wish to accept, the appoint-
n o
ment might be secured for his son. °
On April 8, 1914, Davis wired A. S. Burleson
that he would accept the Philippine position. He gave
as a reason that "financial reverses have overtaken me
in such a way that it will make it extremely embarrassing
for me to continue a vigorous campaign for Congressman
29
at large."
After his acceptance, Davis began to have mis
givings about the appointment and the living conditions
in the Philippines. On August 15, 1914, Davis wrote
Sheppard indicating that the salary was low, only
$2,500 per year, and that it was not proper reward for
his many years service to the Democratic party:
2?Davis Collection, Morris Sheppard to J. H.
Davis, April 20, 1914.
| ^Davis Collection, Telegram from Morris Sheppard
ito J. H. Davis, March 30, 1914.
I
^Davis Collection, a letter to A. S. Burleson
from J. H. Davis, April 9, 1914, confirming a wire of
SApril 8, 1914. Similar letters to Morris Sheppard and
Howace W. Vaughn.
215
I do not care to accept some subordinate and nominal
position where comforts are meager and environments
I unfavorable, and have the press and public feel that
i I have b ^ n honored and rewarded for a life of
I service.
i
|On April 20, 1914, Sheppard responded to Davis, indicating
I
I
| that the Philippine post was the very best they could do at
I
the moment and that the position "might lead to a Governor-
31
ship of some province."
i
Davis had been informed by Sheppard in a telegram
dated March 30, 1914, that no bond was required and that
!the term of office was indefinite.32 However, the official
contract, in letter form, with a place for Davis' signa
ture, stated:
The position to which you are hereby appointed
is that of superintendent of an agricultural station
| in one of the provinces, in the .unclassified Phil
ippine civil service, at an annual salary of $2500,
with expenses enroute to Manila, but without leave
| privileges, as outlined in the inclosed copy of the
I Philippine Civil Service Rules . . . ^3
jOn April 21, 1914, Davis refused the appointment on the
; grounds that he had misunderstood the tenure and leave
3®Davis Collection, rough draft of a letter from !
from J. H. Davis to Morris Sheppard, April 15, 1914.
•^Davis Collection, Morris Sheppard to J. H. Davis, i
|April 20, 1914. |
| t
I -^Davis collection, telegram from Morris Sheppard
to J. H. Davis, March 30, 1914.
■^Davis Collection, Frank E. McIntyre to J. H. Davis,;
April 16, 1914. j
216
stipulations and that his wife was in feeble health.
He suggested that Valton G. Davis, his son, be given
the appointment.^^ Subsequently, the son was appointed
and sailed for the Philippines with his family. Several
farewell parties were given in their behalf.
Summary. During the first decade of the
Twentieth Century, Davis encountered two difficult
problems in persuasion: (1) the reconciling of himself
to his old political foes, and defending himself against
their accusations of disloyalty, and (2) the devising
of strategies for his prohibition speeches.
In order to pacify his old enemies, Davis
diligently campaigned for Democratic candidates who
favored prohibition. He would not campaign for the
anti-prohibition Democrats; instead, he rebuked them
and disparaged their philosophy. Thus, he reinstated
himself with the people, but not entirely with all of
the Democratic leaders.
Davis found in prohibition a new cause, one
j to which he could sincerely dedicate himself, and
! characteristically, he went all out to fight for his
J
j belief. In his speeches Davis vividly depicted the
I
evils of liquor, used vituperation, ridicule, and
! ^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to A. S.
! Burleson, April 21, 1914. The Press carried many
j comments on his appointment and refusal during this time.
217
humor to win his points. Those who favored liquor were
not spared in his vehement attacks.
Principle above party was his theme. He
always contended that his actions were justified by
a dedication to principle, and he would follow those
principles wherever they led, regardless of what
political party adopted them.
CHAPTER VII
DAVIS AS UNITED STATES REPRESENTATIVE-
AT-LARGE FROM TEXAS
After Davis officially rejoined the Democratic ranks
in 1900, he gave his loyal support to those Democratic
candidates who supported prohibition and "progressive demo
cracy." Finally, in 1914, after fourteen years (eighteen
years including the 1896 campaign) of loyal support to the
Democratic party, Davis was rewarded with election to the
United States House of Representatives as Representative-
at-Large from Texas. Much of the rancor and bitterness had
been forgotten, although his enemies tried continually to
revive it. The period of chastisement for his wayward
political views had been sufficiently long and the people
of Texas now recognized his contributions and expressed
their confidence in him by their vote.
This chapter reviews the public speaking of Davis as
he campaigned for the office of Representative and while
he served served the people of Texas in Congress.
Rapid changes in national and international affairs
and the threat of war in Europe provided new issues for
218
219
Davis which were unrelated to the Populist struggles
of the 1890's. Davis' rhetorical problems were, (1)
to devise a campaign strategy that would develop the
wide following needed for election, and (2) to keep
abreast of new developments, carefully analyzing the
issues, in order to provide fresh and useful approaches
to the problems that faced the nation.
One pre-eminent danger faced Davis— the temptation
to reminisce and interpret new and complex problems in
light of Populist ideology.
Campaign for Congressman-at-Large
Candidacy Announced. On February 12, 1914,
Davis announced his candidacy for United States Repre-
sentative-at-Large from Texas. The Evening News printed
j a brief note from Davis:
! Sulphur Springs, Feb. 12. Keep the Record
Straight. I will be in the race for congressman-
at-large. Will make formal announcement soon,
and make thorough campaign. Tell the boys to get
ready for "Armagedon," before the July primaries.
J. H. Davis.1
The press notices of Davis during these years were
voluminous. The Associated Press quite often released
material to papers throughout the state and nation
! concerning Davis. Papers eagerly printed these notices,
I________________________________________________________________
| 1-Davis Collection, Evening News (Sulphur Springs,
Texas), February 17, 1914.
2 2 0
comments, and speeches, often with their own viewpoint
added. The following quotations are samples of the
editorial comments that were prompted by his announcement.
The first, before his announcement, rumored that Davis
was being asked to run:
The leaders of the Democratic party prize
his services highly, as evidenced by their having
him to make campaign speeches in all the states
of the Union and especially in the Northwestern
states. He is one of the leading prohibitionists,
not only of Texas, but the whole country and if
he should be elected, there is not doubt but what
his eloquence would be heard and felt at the capitol
of this nation.^
The Greenville Herald wrote:
Nevertheless, and regardless of previous
political affiliation and Populists tendencies,
Cyclone is going to make it warm for some of
the boys when the oratory season is opened.3
And the Maypearl Herald observed:
The democratic party of today is practically
what the populists party of twenty years ago
stood for. Senator Gore, one of the rankest
"pops," as the democrats called him, has been
rewarded with a senatorial toga by Oklahoma.
It's up to Texas to reward one of her pioneers
of present-day democracy.4
{ Letters of support appeared throughout February and
^Davis Collection, Mt. Vernon Investigator,
February 2, 1914.
i -^Davis Collection, Greenville Herald, February
| 14, 1914.
j ^Davis Collection, Maypearl Herald, February
27, 1914.
2 2 1
March in the Evening News. They praised Davis' record
of service, indicated that he should be rewarded for
5
his services, and said that he was a man of integrity.
Securing Support of Prohibitionists. Davis
was widely known as an effective prohibition spokesman.
Even those who otherwise disagreed with him would
probably vote for him because of his prohibition stance.
Thus a major element of his campaign strategy was to
unify the prohibition forces behind him.
Davis' problem was further complicated when
seven "dries" and two "wets" entered the Congressional
race. Davis, in order to equalize the odds in favor
of the prohibitionists, proposed that they allow the
state campaign committee, Cullen F. Thomas, chairman,
to select only two out of the seven. Although Davis
himself could have been eliminated, he felt that the
prohibitionists had to unite behind two candidates or
C
be defeated by the anti-prohibitionists. Also, Davis
at this time was involved in the negotiations for the
Philippine position and was considering withdrawing
^Davis Collection, Evening News (Sulphur Springs,
Texas), February 20, March 3, March 9, March 10, March
27, 1914.
^Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, March
| 25, 1914.
222
7
from the race because of the expense of the campaign.
An alternate plan was offered by E. L. Dohoney
of Paris, prohibitionist candidate, because Chairman
Thomas had already committed his support to one of the
other candidates. His plan would allow each of the
seven "dry" candidates to name a prominent prohibitionist
to compose a committee to select two candidates to
Q
represent them.
Dohoney's plan did not receive any response
from the other candidates. R. B. Humphrey suggested
that a group of twenty-five, residing in various parts
of the state, select the candidates. Dohoney agreed
g
to accept this plan.
J. B. Lowery, of Honey Grove, another candidate,
refused to accept Davis' plan stating "I submitted my
candidacy to the Democrats of Texas, and I prefer to
await their verdict at the polls in the State primary.
Congressman Daniel E. Garrett, then Representative-
7See above, pp. 214-216.
®Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, April 3,
193.4.
i
1 Q
I 3Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, [April
19], 1914.
l^Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News,[April
|13ff., 1914].
223
at-Large, refused to submit his name to the committee.
"He says that nearly all of the committee are his personal
and political friends, yet he does not desire to embarrass
them with the possible criticism that they had used their
position to further the political fortunes of a friend. " H
Davis, by this time, had made his decision not to
accept the Philippine appointment. Although his plan to
eliminate all but two of the prohibitionist candidates was
not accepted, he decided to continue in the race and cam
paign vigorously for election. His decision to run, he
said, was:
Out of appreciation of the many requests of
friends and supporters in my congressional race,
I will continue a most vigorous campaign until
the primary, not simply in behalf of my candidacy,
but for the cause of progressive democracy as
well.12
With Davis definitely in the race, Dohoney heeded Davis'
plea and on May 30, 1914, announced his withdrawal. His
statement echoed Davis' reasoning:
I withdraw as candidate for Congress for the
State at large. With eight progressive candidates
in the field, and only two reactionaries, defeat
UDavis Collection, Dallas Morning News, [April
26ff., 1914].
l^Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, April 23,
1914.
224
of all the progressives is evident.
Dohoney's withdrawal did little to even the odds, for
ten candidates eventually entered the July primary
contest.
Campaign Issues. Davis opened his campaign
at Winnsboro, near his boyhood home, on April 25,
1914. Until the primary election on July 25, 1914,
Davis toured extensively throughout the state, and
was scheduled to speak at approximately sixty places.
His son, Arlon B. Davis, served as his campaign manager
and saw that the speaking dates were widely published
in the newspapers of the state.^
Davis prepared for his campaign a lengthy
analysis of the issues of the day entitled "Platform
Demands." Most of the issues were viewed in a
Populist context and related to well-established Populist
principles. Jeffersonian principles were indispensable
-^Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News,
|May 31, 1914; on July 4, 1914, another prohibitionist
jcandidate, R. B. Humphrey, withdrew from the contest.
! Davis Collection, The Evening Journal (Dallas),
|July 4, 1914.
i
■^Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Telegram,
June 27, 1914; Houston Chronicle, June 27, 1914;
'Dallas Morning News, August 6, 1914.
•^Davis Collection, "Platform Demands of J. H.
(Cyclone) Davis, Candidate for Congress in the State
at Large," a printed circular distributed to the
newspapers.
225
in solving their problems. Davis wrote:
Apply the principles of Jefferson to modern
conditions and the problems will be solved. I
am not a socialist. We do not need socialism
and must not have it, but we must take every
branch of government out of the hands of mono
poly and restore it to the people. I challenge
any man on earth to take the life and teachings
of Jefferson and meet me on these issues.-*-6
Davis touched old and familiar themes in his platform state
ment. He said, "The trusts now hold a more intolerable
tyranny over us than any king on earth does his subjects.1 1 1 ‘
The money question must be solved if the nation was to
progress:
This republic would move one hundred years
forward if it would recognize the three great
natural divisions of society: "Agricultural,
Commercial and Mechanical" and give these equal
access to the people's mint in equitable distri
bution of currency. Every page of the world's
history proves that whoever controls the money
of a country controls its destiny.18
Davis also called for a "thoroughly democratic land system"
and "government ownership of all communications systems."
Of the liquor traffic he wrote, "Abolish that infamous
blight of the human race called the liquor traffic, and
two-thirds of all crime would cease."19
■'"^"Platform Demands."
■^"Platform Demands."
1 R
"Platform Demands."
1 Q
"Platform Demands."
226
In addition to reaffirming his allegiance to
Jefferson and Populist ideology, Davis discussed the
iniative, referendum and recall, suffrage, excess corporate
profits, conflict of interest of government officials,
2 0
labor, rural credits, and banking. His thinking was not
!
t
I altogether an echo of a previous era. One of Davis' most
i
i
|original solutions called for "a system of workman's owner- !
|ship, in which none but American workmen are allowed to be
i 0 - 1
:stock-holders. " In some respects his plan resembles the
jfarmers' and electric cooperatives that are now in exist-
j |
ence. He thought that the plan would encourage individual
|initiative and prevent unemployment. !
| Other issues not directly mentioned in his platform
|
|demands were discussed in various speeches. In the speech
jthat opened his campaign, at Winnsboro, on April 25, 1914,
jDavis discussed the difficulties with Mexico. Even more
! i
|serious, however, was the strife in Colorado, which Davis j
i :
attributed to John D. Rockefeller. In Davis' eyes, King
I o 2
'George was a patriot in comparison to Rockefeller.
2®"Platform Demands." I
2^"Platform Demands." ;
22Davis Collection, "Opening Speech of J. H. i
i (Cyclone) Davis," delivered at Winnsboro, Texas, April 25, j
;1914. See also Davis Collection, Winnsboro Press, {
;April 30, 1914; Winnsboro News, May 1, 1914; Dallas Morning j
News, April 27, 1914, for reports of the event.
227
In another announcement, Davis was reported as favoring
"the election of United States Senators and all other
important officers by a direct vote of the people," and
the "establishment of the Rural Route and Parcel Post
service."23
Davis was proud of the many measures that he
presented to voters, which he considered to be the
embodiment of the principles he had advocated for so
many years. The Gazette explained:
Some of his erstwhile enemies say he has changed;
he answers back that he has simply been standing
still, battling and striving for the same great
principles of government, and that the tide of twenty
years time has drifted the old ship of Democracy
back to him. The only change in principle he admits
ever having made, is his change from a born and bred
anti to a strong loyal prohibitionist, and in the
face of his fifteen years distinguished service in
the cause of prohibition, surely no one can censure
him for that c h a n g e . 2 ^
Davis was still advocating measures that were radical
to his audiences. In particular, government ownership
of transportation and communication repelled them.
Davis often pointed out that the Post Office was a
government-owned service, but his analogy did not
appeal to his listeners. From his audiences' viewpoint,
23oavis Collection, Sulphur Springs Gazette,
i March 6, 1914.
!
i 24Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Gazette,
| March 6, 1914.
228
government ownership was Socialism and verbal denials
by Davis were not effective. Advocacy of government
ownership left him vulnerable to his opponents1 ac
cusations of having forsaken the "true democracy" of
Jefferson and Jackson. Still, Davis possessed a
charismatic quality that caused many of his followers
to view him as a political prophet. Davis could point
to the adoption of the income tax (Sixteenth Amendment)
in 1913 as proof of his vision. His opponents, however,
thought otherwise. Davis answered one of his detractors:
And I only refer to Mr. Ferguson because he
has been taking my name in vain. He says I have
debased the Democratic party and made it a Pro
hibition sideshow, and charges the Tom Ball
prohibition campaign for governor to me. In
seeking to cast his aspersion at me, he unwittingly
magnifies my powers and gives me unmerited honor.25
Davis justified himself by quoting the scripture that
blessed those accused falsely for a righteous cause.
Near election day, Davis had to change his
appointments in order to be at the bedside of his
sister, Mrs. J. T. (Henrietta Estelle) McGee of Anson,
9 f i
Texas. She died on July 23, 1914. Davis canceled
appointments in Austin and Temple and his supporters
I ^^Davis Collection, Greenville Banner, May 18,
j1914.
9
Davis Collection, Evening Journal (Dallas),
July 23, 1914.
229
27
spoke in his behalf during his absence.
Results of the July Primary Election, 1914. In
Texas, the winning of the Democratic primary nomination
often equals election, unless the vote is so close as to
warrant a run-off in the November general election. That
year, primary election day was July 25. By July 28, 1914,
election results from 218 counties (out of 254) had been
tabulated. Jeff McLemore was leading with 7 6,156 votes and
Davis was second with 72,324 votes. Both were well ahead
of the third candidate, Lane, who received 65,167. The
incumbent, Garrett, polled 63,085, placing him fourth in
the race.when the count had been completed by August 6,
Davis led with 102,213 votes and McLemore trailed with
97,900 votes.28 since two representatives-at-large were to
be selected, Davis and McLemore were the winners of the
election.
The newspapers delighted in contrasting the two
candidates and enumerating their differences. Jeff
McLemore of Houston had always been a Democrat and staunch
2^Davis Collection, Austin American, July 22, 1914.
28Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, July 29,
1914.
28Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, August 6,
1914.
230
anti-prohibitionist. Davis was just as ardent a prohibi
tionist and Populist. It was expected that they would
disagree on a number of issues.
Davis was serenaded by the Chamber of Commerce band
at his home in Sulphur Springs, where a number of citizens
gathered to congratulate him on his election. He received
167 telegrams, many from other states, congratulating him
32
on the success of his campaign.
Election Aftermath. Following the primary election,
Davis continued to create interesting copy for the news
papers. In an interview in Fort Worth, where he was to
attend the Texas Farmer's Union convention, he stated he
would speak his first day in Congress if he had "anything
to say." Commenting on his mode of dress, he remarked, "If
I'm invited to a White House function, I'll suppose I'm
invited as a representative of the people. And if I go,
I'll be dressed just as I ordinarily do." The article
appeared in newspapers throughout the state.22
2®Davis Collection, Waco News, July 31, 1914.
22-Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
22Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Telegram,
August 1, 1914.
22Davis Collection, Fort Worth Star-Telegram,
August 4, 1914.
231
The election pointed up the importance of
certain issues in the minds of the people. Ball,
prohibition candidate for Governor was defeated, but
Davis was elected. An explanation was needed for this
contradiction. One letter questioned:
If Ferguson's big majority is a straight
anti-prohibition majority, why wasn't a correspond
ing anti plurality piled up against Cyclone Davis?34
The writer concluded that if Ball had used Davis'
platform, he would have been elected. Davis understood
the reason:
The 50,000 prohibition farmers in North Texas
who joined the liquor traffic in supporting Mr.
Ferguson did so to give accent to the fact that
they had more at stake in the proper solution of
the land question than in driving the saloons out
of South Texas. Scores of them said as much to
me, and considering the great disparity under which
they have toiled for years, this is not a sinister
or selfish feeling.35
State Democratic Convention, August 11, 1914.
Although the principal contests had been settled by
the July primary, the Democratic State Convention met
I in El Paso on August 11, 1914, to approve a state
platform. James Ferguson had defeated Thomas Ball
in the election for Governor, and it was expected
! -^Davis Collection, Waco News, July 30, 1914;
jWaco Times-Herald, August 9, 1914.
•^^Davis Collection, Ft. Worth Record, August
4, 1914.
232
that Ferguson forces would be able to direct the
affairs of the convention. Davis was in El Paso,
thoroughly enjoying the attention he was receiving
after his election. Davis was a bitter opponent of
former United States Senator J. W. Bailey, who was
both anti-prohibitionist and anti-suffrage for women.
Bailey led the attack on the Ferguson platform and was
overwhelmed by the Ferguson forces.^ During the
proceedings, Davis offered to "meet Senator Bailey at
the state line and combat him in his advocacy of true
democracy." A report of this in the Houston Post was
criticized by the Houston Telegram editor:
On the contrary, Bailey was so enthusiastically
and unanimously applauded when he "sat down" on
Cyclone that for once in his life Cyclone was
rendered speechless and never again attempted to
make himself heard while the convention was in
session. While on this subject the Post will
pardon us if we remind it that Bailey and Cyclone
both attended the convention as Ball men and that
it was not the Ferguson men's fault that they
disagreed.— Houston T e l e g r a m . 38
Prohibition Campaign in Massachusetts. Davis
i
left on September 20, 1914, for Massachusetts, to
^^Davis Collection, El Paso Herald, August 11,
1914.
37navis Collection, Fort Worth Star-Telegram,
August 14, 1914.
38oavis Collection, Sulphur Springs Morning
Telegram, August 18, 1914.
233
take part in a state wide prohibition campaign.^9
He arrived in the nation's capitol on September 25,
where he lunched with Senator Morris Sheppard and
later "the House rules were bent slightly and Mr.
Davis was ushered into the House Democratic cloak
r o o m . " ^ Davis also planned other tours for prohibition:
He has also been invited by the prohibition
forces to take part in the state wide campaign
in Ohio. He will go from Massachusetts to Ohio
and then to campaign for the regular Democratic
ticket.41
Editorial Comment About Cyclone. Comment in
the newspapers ranged from congratulations and praise
to ridicule. Generally, the editors gave him the
benefit of the doubt and expected him to conduct his
office in a capable manner. One commented that "Cyclone
will be freaky and noisy enough to relieve the monotony
of the House as often as the floor is yielded to him."^
Davis' attacks on the Democrats, while he was a Populist,
were remembered and pointed out by the Democratic
papers. The old bribery charge of 1895 was revived and
I----------------------------------------------------------------
3Q
J3Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Telegram,
September 15, 1914.
^ Dallas Morning News, September 26, 1914.
^Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Telegram,
September 15, 1914.
|
■ 42davis Collection, Whitewright Sun, March 26,
1915, quoting the Houston Post.
234
43
circulated.
One of Davis' more vociferous detractors was
State Topics. A statement of Davis' made at Galveston
several years earlier was exhumed to use against him.
Davis had declared:
I have been praying for the destruction of
the Democratic Party and expect to continue to
do so as long as I live, and have taught my
children to do s o . 44
It mattered little to the state press that the statement
was totally out-dated and taken out of context. State
Topics also revived one of Davis' more colorful original
poems that he used to close his anti-Democrat speeches:
Farewell, old democratic party,
I bid you a fond adieu!
I may, perchance, go to hell some day,
But I'll never return to y o u . 45
Opposition papers and the anti-prohibition press delighted
in repeating these comments again and again.
The Houston Post, in comparing Davis and Senator
Joe Bailey, wrote:
43oavis Collection, Hamilton Herald, August 20,
1915. The Davis Collection contained dozens of articles
from all over Texas commenting about Davis' activities
during 1914 and 1915.
44cavis Collection, State Topics (Houston),
July 17, 1915.
45pavis Collection, Houston Post, July 31,
| 1915.
235
There are other important differences, dif
ferences of an economic nature, between Bailey
and Davis, but it will be found by our contemporary
that Bailey stands for sound economic policies,
whereas Davis will proclaim, almost without
exception, the things that are impractical and
demagogic. He has always done so.46
Even before Davis served in Congress, the move to
unseat him had begun.
Davis as Representative-Elect, Issues of 1915
Davis' term of office began on March 4, 1915,
but the Sixty-fourth session of Congress did not
convene until the first Monday in December (December
6, 1915)^7 Davis, enjoying the prestige of a Congress
man, had over a year to develop and discuss issues
before actually serving in Washington.
i
Anti-Saloon League Speaker. In the interim,
Davis toured West Texas for the Anti-Saloon League.
In May, he was speaking daily and was accompanied by
Dr. A. J. Barton, superintendent of the League. On
the second part of the journey, to begin May 26, 1915,
Davis was to be accompanied by Dr. Herwitz, who came
to Texas from Idaho to become assistant superintendent
I
i 46pavis collection, Houston Post, September 15,
1915.
47oavis Collection, Fort Worth Record, March
9, 1915.
236
of the League. This tour was to open at Christobal
and continue to El Dorado, Sterling City, San Angelo,
Paint Rock, Eden, and other Texas towns.
Views of War: Neutrality and Antipreparedness.
The major issues of 1914-1915 centered around the
threat of war in Europe and the consequences it would
have for America. Davis unequivocally declared himself
against any involvement in the dispute between England
and Germany. In a letter dated April 11, 1915, addressed
to Hon. Robert P. Sachs, American Truth Society, Davis
expressed his opinions of war:
Yours of the 2nd. I do not approve of any
general blockade of Gods rivers, oceans and seas,
neither do I believe in so called neutral nations
furnishing munitions and supplies to belligerents.
I think our whole code of ethics should be
changed and that neutrals should act only on a
mission of mercy in relieving distress.
When big banks, gun and powder companies finance
and equip both sides as is often done, making
millions out of manslaughter, they ought to be
court marshalled and shot the same as any other
traitor.
Sherman's stoic philosophy "War is Hell" covers
the case. This war is hell on a large scale.49
| On July 12, 1915, at Marlin, Texas, Davis made
i
I public a letter he had written to Governor James
!
! Ferguson giving his views on "liquor and war." Davis
^®Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs News-Telegram,
May 19, 1915; Dallas Morning News, May 19, 1915; San
Saba County News, May 27, 1915.
^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Robert P.
Sachs, April 11, 1915.
hoped that America would be able to maintain its
neutrality, but favored war if a solution could not
be worked out by peaceful means.He wrote, "The world
is now insane on the question of war and I see no cause
as yet for the United States to catch the cruel death-
dealing contagion." England's blockade of cotton
received the same condemnation as did Germany's sinking
of the Lusitania. He suggested a conference to "establish
signs and ensigns" to distinguish merchant ships from
passenger ships. Corporations supplying war materials
were "covering the cross of Christ with a dollar mark."
He supported "that splendid American" President Wilson
for his "watchful waiting." He was happy that Wilson
was in command rather than "some man like Roosevelt."
On liquor he said, "If we sever all relations with
Germany for sinking the Lusitania, we should sever all
relations with John Barleycorn for sinking the Titanic."
The Lord's Prayer and the Golden Rule should be repeated
by every congressman "before congress should declare
war and plunge this country into this maelstrom of murder
and misery. . . ."51
^Davis Collection, The Milam County Enterprise,
July 22, 1915.
5-*-Davis Collection, Waco Morning News, July 14,
1915.
238
Editorial comments about the letter, some
ridiculing him and others displeased because he approved
the Governor's position, appeared soon after the publica
tion of the letter.^2 Davis answered his critics on
July 20, 1915, explaining that England's blockade
against the shipping of cotton was destroying the South's
economy. He supported the policy of President Wilson,
but felt that he should have done more to bring about
a solution to the blockade.^
Absentee Voting; Alien Franchise. On July 24,
1915, Davis wrote favoring an "absent voting" amendment.
Traveling men, railroad workers, and other transients
should be allowed to vote. Aliens who did not become
citizens should not be allowed to vote. The fact that
an alien could not be franchised until he had been in
the country for five years was not an unreasonable
requirement. He pointed out that we keep "our best
young men away from the ballot box because they are
not 21 years old."^
! Speaking for Wilson. A reporter for the San
52£)av-LS collection, Fort Worth Record, July 16,
1915.
53oavis Collection, Fort Worth Record, July 22,
1915.
S^Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, July 25,
1915.
239
Antonio Express, August 17, 1915, interviewed Davis and
his wife as they were on their way west. Davis was to
speak in behalf of President Wilson and to "give
publicity to certain ideas he is fostering for the
welfare of the general public." They were to meet
their son, Roy, in San Francisco, and to visit with
Davis' brother, Col. R. S. Davis, who was a former
member of the Texas Ranger forces.55 He was to stop
at Marfa; be in Tucson, Arizona,on August 18, and
then visit Phoenix. Governor Hunt of Arizona was to
accompany him across the state.56 on September 3,
1915, Davis was in Denver, Colorado. He continued his
attack on England, praised Wilson and "eulogized William
Jennings Bryan with bouquets of oratorical fragrance."57
Burleson Letter. While in Denver, Davis wrote
a letter to Postmaster General A. S. Burleson expressing
his views of national affairs.58 The editor of the
Hamilton Herald commented: "We have nothing personally
against Cyclone Davis, but politically we can hardly
55oavis Collection, San Antonio Express, August
17, 1915.
^Davis Collection, San Antonio Light, August
|16, 1915.
| 57]}avis Collection, The Rocky Mountain News
|(Denver, Colorado), September 3, 1915.
! 58oavis Collection, The Rocky Mountain News,
September 3, 1915.
swallow him." He exhumed the bribery accusation of
1895 and attacked Davis' son and secretary, Arlon B.
Davis, for using the franking privilege for private
correspondence.^
Preparedness Views. On September 29, Davis
released a prepared statement on "Preparedness." He
berated the munitions manufacturers:
Until these unscrupulous molochs of misery and
death can be muzzled and forbidden to feast in
ghoulish glee on the dead and dying men in war,
we may expect greed and gold to keep the world in
conflict by piling up immeasured millions in time
of peace in preparation of a preconcerted struggled.60
One of Davis' favorite demands was that corporations
be taxed:
. . . Until every $100,000 of a corporation is
made a man in time of war to maintain a soldier in
defense of its [his] country, the same as corporations
are now legally accredited with manhood for commercial
purposes (without soul or pity). 6-*-
As an alternative to increasing the armed forces of the
nation, Davis wanted the funds to be diverted to projects
at home:
I would rather spend the millions in preparing
for a glorious civilization at home, enlarge our
S^Davis Collection, Rockdale Reporter (Rockdale,
Texas), September 30, 1915.
^Davis Collection, Beaumont Enterprise,
October 13, 1915.
GlDavis Collection, Kaufman Daily Post, October
6, 1915.
241
ports and merchant marine, curb the rapacity of
the malevolent rich who concentrate our natural
and productive resources into a few greedy hands. 2
Instead of preparing for war, Davis preferred to finance
educational institutions that would prepare young men
for future military leadership:
Instead of putting $15,000,000 in another dread
nought, I would much prefer to put $30,000,000 in
two other naval and military schools, one on the
Gulf of Mexico and one on the Pacific coast, and
authorize the commissioners' court of each county
in the union to send at least one pupil, and keep
these schools in full progress turning out well
trained men to take charge of citizen soldiers
in the time of need.63
He suggested that the "price of several warships" could
be used for irrigation "by impounding the vast snowmelt
along the base of the Rocky mountains.
"Cyclone" in Congressional Directory. The
inclusion of the nickname "Cyclone" in the biography
for the Congressional Directory caused the press to
compare Davis to "Alfalfa Bill" Murray of Oklahoma who
was the first to include a nickname in parentheses after
his name.65 &n interview by Floyd P. Gibbons of the
^Davis Collection, Beaumont Enterprise, October
13, 1915.
^2Davis Collection, Kaufman Daily Post, October
6, 1915.
^Davis Collection, Kaufman Daily Post, October
6, 1915.
^Davis Collection, New York Herald Tribune,
November 28, 1915.
242
Chicago Tribune was repeated throughout the country.
His comment on the fact that Davis wore a muffler instead
of a collar behind his beard was the source of editorial
humor for some time. A cartoon that appeared along with
the article included "Alfalfa Bill," "Cyclone," and
other congressional leaders.
Support of Houston Ship Channel. On November 29,
1915, Davis declared he would support,in the appropria
tions bill, funds to make Houston a seaport.
In response to these scores of Houston solicita
tions I want to say I shall be glad to assist in
making Houston what her facilities offer for the
great Southwest needs an inland deep water p o r t . 67
He repeated his preparedness theme that peace time
projects were more beneficial to a nation than a large
military force that "is a perpetual burden and often a
curse.1,68
Davis enjoyed the interim between his election
and the official assumption of his congressional seat.
Although the press was depicting him as an object of
^Davis Collection, The Chicago Sunday Tribune,
December 5, 1915; St. Louis Globe-Democrat, December 8,
1915.
| ^Davis Collection, Houston Post, November 30,
11915.
6®Davis Collection, Houston Post, November 30,
(1915; In the Dallas Morning News, December 3, 1915,
Davis also supported the improvement of the Trinity
River to Dallas.
243
humor and ridicule, they were also forced to carry his
views on national and international issues. His
statements now carried something of an official aura.
Davis held no illusions about the extent of his power
in the House. He fully understood that he was in the
minority. Yet the power of office and the House floor
were available to him and he planned to use both to
their fullest. It was evident that Davis was making
a serious effort to inform himself about the nation's
problems. It was difficult, however, for him to
accept the role of being a serious statesman. Too often
he succumbed to the temptation to create publicity
based on his humor and personal peculiarities. His
advocacy of "progressive democracy" caused him to
demand change from the status quo. This, alone, was
enough to make him suspect in conservative eyes.
Occasionally, his suggestions were far ahead of con
temporary thought, thus affirming for many his radical
I
! tendencies.
!
Davis in Congress, December 6, 1915
| Davis and his family left for Washington on
i
jNovember 20, 1915, to prepare for the convening of the
! Sixty-fourth Congress on December 6, 1915. Rumors that
he was interested in the race for Governor were denied
244
by Davis.^ As was predicted, Davis used every opportunity
to speak on the House floor. The materials Davis pre
pared for inclusion in the Congressional Record, under
the "extension of remarks" provision, represented some
of the more developed statements of his thought.
National Defense, Tuesday, December 14, 1915. In
this document, Davis organized his previous statements
i against war. His view that preparedness would pour
millions of dollars into the pockets of the corporations
was restated. To avoid this, two measures could be
taken: first, the funds could be spent on domestic
improvements, particularly on Army and Navy schools and,
second, the Government could manufacture its own
, . 70
supplies.
His First Speech in the House. On December 17,
1915, Davis made his first speech in the House. It
was in support of a motion to print 200,000 copies of
j the report made by the committee on industrial relations
| and 10,000 copies of the testimony taken at the hearings.
s
! Some of the testimony concerned land tenant conditions
j
i in Texas, and Davis felt that "There are more than
I
j forty thousand farmers in my state who are interested
j
i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
j C Q
i °*Davis Collection, Galveston News, November 21,
I 1915.
j
| "^U. S., Congressional Record, Sixty-fourth
Congress, First Session, LIII, Appendix, 27-29.
245
in the developments made in that investigation as to
the land monopolies in Texas, and there are anxious
and throbbing hearts about it."7- * - The report was
voluminous and the cost to print and distribute it was
was estimated to be between $50,000 and $100,000.
Davis said in his short speech:
I want to notify you right now that if there
is a man from Texas who votes to have this go to
the junk pile he will meet me on the stump when
he gets back to Texas.72
The newspapers gave Davis' first speech extended
publicity, although it was only a paragraph in length.
It was noted generally that "Cyclone" was on the job
73
and prepared to speak at every opportunity.
Arlon B. Davis, who was serving as secretary
to his father, created more publicity when he advertised
for an apartment "where poodle dogs are not given
preference."7^ Davis' appointment of Arlon as secretary
and the appointment of Valton to the Philippine post
J 7-*-Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News,
j December 18, 1915.
72U. S., Congressional Record, LIII, part 16,
410.
j 72Davis Collection, Colorado Record, December
31, 1915; Annona News, December 23, 1915; Belton Journal,
I December 23, 1915; Waco Times-Herald, December 25,
I 1915.
! 7^Davis Collection, State Topics, December 18,
| 1915.
246
75
left Davis open to charges of "nepotism."
The Cotton Seed Incident. Davis wrote a letter to
the editors of newspapers in Texas on December 24, 1915,
offering to make available packages of select cotton seed
to the farmers of the state. The packages had been supplied
by the Government and were to be distributed to farmers who
would report the results of the improved seed. Again this
was the source of much editorial humor and comment.^ An
offer of garden seed in February brought forth the same
reaction on the part of the press.
First Major Speech in the House. Davis made his
first major speech in the House on January 6, 1916. As
had been the case for nearly forty years, the speech was
humorous and "kept his audience in an uproar for an hour."
After an hour, when Speaker of the House Joe Cannon left
to smoke in the corridor, Davis said, "Now, gentlemen, away
back in 1890 ..." The Globe-Democrat reported his sub
sequent tirade against the Republicans:
The Texas member lambasted the Republican party
right and left. He described "a reactionary Re
publican" as "a hitching post, to whom predatory
wealth tied up on all convenient occasions."
75
Davis Collection, Lott Tribune, December 18, 1915.
7 6
Davis Collection, Georgetown Commercial,
January 7, 1916.
77
Davis Collection, Gamsville Signal, February 4,
1916.
247
Davis took the floor to attack the national
defense programme of the administration, but he
touched upon the subject only incidentally in the
course of his speech.
Preparedness and rural credits were discussed,
but the Republicans were thoroughly scourged before
he reached his main points:
What is a progressive Republican? It is a
motherly hen sitting on a lot of rotten eggs
expecting them to hatch, and the longer she sits
the staler the eggs. [Laughter].
When I was a boy there were lots of grand
patriotic men leading the Republican Party; but
say, it has been a long time since I was a boy.
[Laughter].
But say, when I want to compare Abraham Lincoln
and his crowd to modern Republican bosses and
leaders I go down to the Washington Monument and
let that represent Abraham Lincoln, and then stick
up a toothpick by the side of it. [Laughter].
But they are not to blame. There is a reason.
No political party that dominated any country on
earth as long as they did ever was able to live
over its own sins. Designing powers get hold of
a party in power and seek to prostitute it to their
base and ignoble service, and so the Republican
Party today is dominated by the trusts and combines
and conscienceless criminal corporations just like
the slave power in the Whig and Democratic Parties
dominated those parties before the war. That is
history.79
After discussing the Monroe Doctrine and its abuse
by McKinley and Hanna, Davis said, "Let me give you a
|
j picture of 500 speeches I have made in the last twenty
78oavis collection, St. Louis Globe-Democrat,
January 6, 1916; U. S. Congressional Record, LIII
(January 6, 1916), 630-636.
79
U. S., Congressional Record, LIII (January 6,
1918), 631. 2-------------------
248
years all over this republic." He then proceeded to
repeat portions of his Nacogdoches speech, his opening
campaign speech and his platform demands, slightly
8 0
revised to make them current and to provide continuity.
Preparedness was viewed as a conspiracy by the trusts
to restore the "era of graft."
A commercialized conscience is war mad— mad^
for great world power— and millionaire magi of
our country are holding conclaves and forming cabals
to force upon the country a stupendous program of
military preparedness, hoping to put in the White
House a dictator to execute it. 81
As opportunity arose, Davis commented on his
pet themes; corporations, Jefferson's principles, the
war problems, protective tariff, income tax, river
navigation, the cotton and other agricultural problems,
rural credits, farm tenancy, voting qualifications,
the problems with Mexico, the improbability of invasion
from Europe, a limit on campaign expenditures, child
labor, railroads, and the postal system.
Speaking in Washington. Davis spoke not only
|
| in the House, but also around Washington. On January
! 18, 1916, Davis spoke to the Federated Association of
j
j Methodist Men at Mount Vernon Place Methodist Episcopal
!
I 80u. s., Congressional Record, LIII (January 6,
j 1916), 632-635.
i 81u# s., Congressional Record, LIII (January 6,
1916), 635.
249
Church. To an audience of about two hundred persons,
Davis made a plea to defeat the liquor traffic. In
answer to the argument that saloons were good business
82
propositions, Davis used his famous "flea" story.
The writer praised Davis for his alliterative phrases:
"Gruesome gangs of gamblers"; "cold clammy clutches of
death"; "like the cool, calculating click of the
clock"; and "dangerous, deadly and destructive," but
O O
also mentioned his ungrammatical language.
On January 21, 1916, Davis spoke to the Brookland
Citizens' Association, and "defended for more than two
hours the rights of the great middle class of the
republic." He demanded that the working man have first
choice on bread, insisted that the concentration of
wealth was in the hands of the "plutocrats," and praised
84
the public school system as "the hope of civilization."
Speech Concerning His Muffler. When Davis
changed from a muffler to a collar, the press made it
into a "national question." In a speech on January 20,
1916, he stated that he felt the newspapers were carrying
82oavis collection, Baltimore Sun, January 19,
|1916.
| 88Davis Collection, Baltimore Sun, January 19,
j 1916.
| 84Davis Collection, Evening Star (Washington,
D. C.), January 21, 1916; unlabeled clipping.
250
the joke a little too far. He objected to the papers
using it as a means of attacking Texas farmers, "by
saying they made me promise to wear a collar." Two
passages are typical:
A near-panic in the house today followed the
appearance of Cyclone Davis, the Texas zephyr,
wearing a real sure enough store collar. Heretofore
the Adam's apple of the Texas cyclone, which has a
6-inch plunge, had been hidden behind a patent
worsted muffler.
When the Texan was asked to explain, he said:
"It's all my wife's fault. For twenty years I
have not worn a collar, neither the collar of a
dude, nor the collar of a henchmen of the interests.
But since I came to congress and the newspapers
talked of me as the collarless congressman, my
wife has been after me. She insisted today before
I left the house and I finally gave in."
No necktie adorned the c o l l a r . 85
Later a friend asked him "to describe the sensation
while he was in captivity." He answered, "I felt the
world like a jackass dressed up in buggy harness.
Refuses to Preside over House. Davis was in
the habit of shouting "Amen" to speeches with which he
was in agreement. On one occasion, the speaker asked
him to preside for a few minutes, but warned him not to
shout "Amen." When Davis found he could not continue
I
j to show his approval in this manner, he refused to
I p C
! Davis Collection, Ft. Worth Record, January
| 21, 1916.
i o c .
\ °Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Gazette,
i February 4, 1916.
251
p 7
preside.
Speech of February 5, 1916: Mexican Situation
and National Defense; Two Dollar Hotel Room Incident.
The papers had only a short respite,for Davis soon
provided more humorous material for them to publish.
On February 5, 1916, he stated that "he considers it
colossal extravagance for the President to pay more
j than $2 a day at the hotels." The Washington Herald,
I
February 6, reported:
Declaring that "no real Democrat" ever stopped
at anything but a $2-a-day hotel, Representative
("Cyclone") Davis, of Texas, yesterday reproved
President Wilson for delivering a speech at the
Waldorf-Astoria in New York. Mr. Davis voiced
his views in a speech on preparedness in the House,
and was in high dudgeon over the "hifalutin airs"
which had recently been exhibited by the P r e s i d e n t .
This comment found its way into newspapers throughout
the n a t i o n . Davis warned in this speech that he
would oppose all forms of conscription unless the money
of the corporations could be taxed to help support the
| armed forces. Opposing the stamp tax system, he said:
j The stamp tax is odious and offensive. It is
j the spawn of rank Republicanism, begotten of Mark
' Hanna, whose policy was to tax the masses and
p 7
Davis Collection, Washington Evening Star,
January 22, 1916.
i 8 8
l Davis Collection, Washington Herald, February 6,
1916.
8 9
Davis Collection, Waco Times-Herald, February
7, 1916; Mount Pleasant Times-Review, February 18, 1916.
252
90
feast the classes.
He denounced the conspiracy of the millionaires to lead the
nation into war for profit and compared them with the
|
;Southern leaders as they endeavored to spread the slave
i
jtraffic. It was this remark that was used so effectively
(by his opponents in defeating him for re-election. On the
i
jdifficulties with Mexico, he said:
j
! The Mexican situation is horrible and has been
! from the beginning, but with all my heart I thank
j God that President Wilson has handled all its
serious and complex conditions in a manner to
preserve honorable peace and forestall a bloody
| plunge into the wretchedness of that country.
i
[Davis' Republican critics questioned whether he was not
I
("shocked and chagrined at the slaughter of a dozen of our
i
(citizens on Mexican soil?" Davis answered by pointing to
i
|
(Carnegie's handling of the Homestead, Pennsylvania, diffi-
i
[culties and to Rockefeller's reaction to labor strife in
jColorado. In both instances, far more men were lost than
jin Mexico. He said of the Republicans:
! They have watched labor go down in despair,
made homeless in a land where God's storehouse
I is teeming with natural wealth. They have been
j watchful and waiting until the corporation, by
its venal and greedy manager [the Republican
! party], has appropriated the earth— that God
! gave to man— and the fullness thereof.
9 0
U. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix, 251. |
i
j
91U. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix, 252. |
253
They now not only refuse to intervene and
"establish justice, insure domestic tranquility,"
but they turn with impudent accusation and rail at
him who dares defend helpless humanity.
These gold-trimmed, diamond-bedecked masters
of our country are more dangerous to the liberties
of our people than a hundred dens of red-shirted,
flannel-mouthed anarchists; for the anarchist is
opposed to all government and law, while these
soft-pedaled, pussy-footed pirates in politics
and marauders in business, without one restraining
sentiment for the love of God or the respect of
human rights, would make government a mighty machine
to rob, plunder and pillage a helpless people under
pretext of law. 2
At the conclusion of his remarks, Davis included several
letters from his constituents and introduced a resolution
to appoint a committee to consider placing "an embargo on
the exportation of arms and munitions."92
Letter to Prevent "Change of Mind." Davis
printed a letter in the Congressional Record in which
he urged the passage of "a law to prevent the president
Q A
from changing his mind after being elected.
Preparedness, February 18, 1916. Davis in
troduced his remarks by pointing out John Clark Ridpath's
conception of an "invisible government being linked
together to rule the world." This invisible government
j 92U. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix, 252.
' Q 3
1 U. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
| 250-254.
j
j 9^Davis Collection, Kaufman Herald, February 11,
| 1916.
254
was now composed of the "war traffickers" that were
making millions out of the war. Davis ridiculed those
who warned of a possible invasion of America by England.
England was far too busy trying to defeat Germany;
thus the invasion theme was a part of the invisible
conspiracy. He said:
Soon after I came to Washington I formed the
firm conviction that the great aggregation of
millionaire minions of depotism in the Steel
Trust, Powder Trust, and the Armor-Plate Trust
had determined to prostitute the Democratic Party
to their base desires through the propaganda of
their overwhelming clamor for "preparedness."95
He supported a measure by the "grand old commoner,"
Bill Tillman, to have the government take over the
manufacture of all war materials. Included to close
his remarks were letters he had written to his friends
stating his views. One was to A. J. Barton, President
of the Anti-Saloon League. Davis was a member of the
state board of the L e a g u e . ^ 6
Poli's Theatre Prohibition Meeting. Davis spoke
at a prohibition meeting at Poli's Theatre on March 5,
!
!1916. Approximately 1,200 persons attended the Anti-
i
j Saloon League gathering. Their purpose was to make
i
j - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - — - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
! 95u . s ., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
36 7.
I 9£>U. s ., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
|365-368.
I
L
255
the District of Columbia "a dry district in 1916."97
Poem in Opposition to War. Davis quite often
included in his speeches original verses. Although
the literary quality may be questioned, the meaning
was always pointed and clear. On March 5, 1916, the
Washington Post carried one of his poems:
In war we find that might makes right,
Right is wrong and wrong is right,
According to the power that wins the fight.
England made a big war zone,
And made the world just let it alone.
Other verses attacked Germany's conduct; a Congress
that just "flushed and flopped and flew"; and supported
T. P. Gore's stand against the war.^® The Dallas
Times-Herald carried the poem and one by D. Alexander
Kelly that was an answer to Davis' poem. It called
for preparedness to prevent the involvement of the
United States in the war between England and Germany.99
McLemore Resolution, Thursday, March 9, 1916.
Davis pursued his opposition to the war:
Mr. Speaker, the heaviest responsibilities of
my life have been passing over my head the last
few weeks. The strenuous times and war-mad rage
i ^Davis Collection, Washington Herald, March 6,
j1916; handbill advertising the meeting.
I
! ^Davis collection, Washington Post, March 5,
11916.
i 9 9
i Davis Collection, Dallas Daily Times-Herald,
March 5, 1916.
256
of Europe seems to be reaching America. War and
rumors of wars are raging everywhere. No country
on earth seems free from the blight of its contagion
and agony. The whole of Europe is practically one
battle field while the contending forces are
drawing on the balance of the world for support.
England and Germany received equal criticism. "Morgan
and his crowd have been the general managers of these
United States for 20 years," Davis said, and accused
them of having "vast invisible powers" over the country.
Davis went on to explain that the people must be made
to hate the enemy through the use of propaganda and that
the "peacemaker is called a traitor."101 Soon hysteria
reigns and war is begun. Davis described the process:
A diplomat picks a quarrel in order to attack
and steal a bordering country; a preacher who uses
religion to develop hate and justify murder, an
editor who supports the country, right or wrong, a
mob which breaks windows and stones citizens are
all patriots in time of war; but those who stand
for international justice and peace are called
traitors. This is moral insanity. This kind of
patriotism poisoned Socrates and crucified Jesus.
It involves military necessity, under which every
imaginable abomination has been committed.
At the end of his speech, Davis presented statistics
that if his bill to make corporations support soldiers
were adopted, about one million men could be maintained
i S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
I 508.
101u. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
511.
! s., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
257
in peacetime and about two million in time of war.^^
Announces for Re-election. The Dallas Morning News,
March 19, 1916, carried portions of an address by
Davis, which he had issued to the people of Texas an
nouncing that he would seek re-election. He had planned
to retire, expecting that the Texas legislature would
redistrict the state and eliminate the two congressman-
at-large positions. Since this was not done, he would
be a candidate for re-election. Davis announced his
intentions on March 4, 1916. In his statement he
reviewed his position on the merchant marine, farm
loans and credits, and his opposition to war.''- ^
Evaluation of Davis1 Record. Davis, now well-
established in the House, had been received favorably,
and his peculiarities and antics had been enjoyed by
the nation. His enemies had no reason to attack him
too severely because his position was clear, and
supported by a large group of Americans. When he
announced for re-election (March 4, 1916), however,
the picture was changed. The opposition was looking
for any material to use against him. Davis, given to
I
!----------------------------------------------------------------
i 103U. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
j 512; 508-513.
]
104Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News,
jMarch 19, 1916; San Antonio Light, March 5, 1916;
!Dallas Times Herald, March 5, 1916.
t ■ ■ ■ ■ *
258
extravagance in his utterance, was certain to provide them
with material that could be used against him.
The Expunged Speech. Davis was not allowed to speak
on February 2, 1916. On Saturday, February 5, therefore,
under the extension of remarks provision, he inserted a
speech in the Congressional Record which concerned the
Mexican situation and national defense. In the speech he
included a paragraph that was probably the greatest mistake
of his political career. It read:
What Brutus was to Caeser, what Judas was to
Jesus, they are to this Republic. When W. L.
Yancy, Robert Toombs, Jeff Davis, and others met
to extend slavery by the annexation of Mexico and
Cuba as slave country south of Mason and Dixon's
line and later to secede from the Union to save
their special privilege to appropriate the labor
of slaves as legal, they never had a more damnable
design on American liberty than that bunch which
met at that millionaire carouse of the war traf
fickers and trust masters which made up that Bel
shazzar feast. And the slave traffic with all its
infamy never represented more than one-tenth the
wealth said to have been represented in that gold-
bond, diamond-tipped cabal of conspirators. When
the slave masters met they, with complacent aris
tocratic minds, covered their sordid, knavish
designs under the sweet and sacred terms of State
rights. When these trust masters met they covered
their knavish depravity under the euphonious term
of "protection to American labor."103
This speech caused more opposition than Davis expected.
The opposition recognized that Davis' statements could
•l-^Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, March 27,
1916.
259
be used to play upon the animosity still present from
the Civil War. The attack on Davis was sparked by
Upshur Vincent in the Houston Post.-*-^ Vincent compared
Davis to E. J. Davis, a Texan who joined the Union
army and later became provisional governor, hated by
Texans. General Miles, whom Davis had praised as a
"righteous old veteran," was the jailer of Jeff Davis.
Vincent vividly detailed Miles' mistreatment of the
former President of the Confederacy and rebuked Davis
•1 A *7
severely for his statements. The Houston Chronicle
in an editorial on March 28, 1916, viciously attacked
10 8
Davis, saying "Congress is no place for him. . . ."-LUO
Americanism and Patriotism, Wednesday, March 22,
1916. Davis ignored the remarks for a while, but as
the attacks continued, he felt compelled to answer
them. On March 22, 1916, Davis inserted in the
Congressional Record a speech not delivered on the
floor, but published under the extension remarks rule,
entitled "Americanism and Patriotism." Davis reviewed
his career and declared:
106Davis Collection, Houston Post, April 18, 1916;
Fort Worth Record, March 19, 1916.
I
; -*-®^Davis Collection, Fort Worth Record, March
|19, 1916.
I
| l^Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, March
i28, 1916.
260
I am now 62 years of age; my life has been
subject to the common frailties of humanity, and
I shall not offer myself a bright example for
Democracy or religion, but I resent, refute,
deny, and defy every charge that these character
assassins make in their venomous attack. Friends
of the liquor traffic and big business have
slandered me for years and this scurrilous attack
is part of their program, but I have, inspired by
the love of God and home, gone on helping to
exterminate the traffic, and all the combined
powers of Morgan and the traffic cannot stop me
while I live. With me on these questions there
is no truce and no treaty.109
Upshur Vincent of the Post, who directed the attack,
was denounced with every epithet at Davis' command.
Davis' opinion of Vincent occupied two paragraphs
of colorful and starred name calling:
* * * To call this man a child of the devil
would be to slander the devil.
"It is supposed that * * * he had been hibernating
with fallen women and depraved men in boon companion
ship with gruesome gangs of gamblers, thugs, thieves,
and sandbaggers."
"I don't know this man, if man he be; he may
be some pusillanimous * * * puppet and panderer
for the liquor traffic. "HO
The furor caused by the speech was increasing daily.
Davis offered this explanation of his intended meaning
in the speech of February 5, 1916:
1Q9u. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Appendix,
! 614.
I '*''*'®Davis Collection, The Washington Times,
jMarch 24, 1916; See also Frank X. Tolbert's column in
the Dallas Morning News, November 2, 1964. Mr. Tolbert
printed several paragraphs that differed slightly from
I the Times version. A letter to Mr. Tolbert requesting
i his source was not answered.
I
261
In my astonishment I examined the speech and
found that by some mishap in print the words "if
as charged" had been left off and it read exactly
the reverse of what I had intended. Many papers,
glad of an excuse to abuse me, refused to insert
my explanation and correction. The whisky bunch,
steel trust and big business bricrands had sworn
vengeance against me and other members.
Davis' speech of defense and explanation received little
comment in the press. The charges were gaining momentum
daily and could not be stopped by a denial, no matter how
forceful. Representative Madden of Illinois rose to a
question of personal privilege on March 24, 1916, and said:
I do not intend that the Congressional Record
shall be used as a cess-pool . . . some of the
language contained in this speech is indecent and
unjustifiable; it ought to be expunged from the
Record. It uses language that is unfit. There
are evil epithets in it that would not be printed
in any newspaper in the country and would be libel
ous if used anywhere else. These words were not
spoken on the floor of the house, but were written
under a leave to extend remarks. Language that the
newspapers cannot print should not be allowed in
the Record of this house. I am opposed to such
misuse of the Congressional Record.
A special committee of five was appointed by Speaker Clark
to investigate the matter.The committee could not meet
m j a m e s Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas: The
Courier Press, 1935), 262.
H 2 Dav;Ls collection, Houston Post, March 25,
1916.
■l-l^Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, March 24,
1916.
262
until the next day. So, before any action could be taken,
Davis ordered 10,000 copies to be printed to frank into the
mails. The House voted on March 27, 1916,to expunge
from the Congressional Record the "vituperative and denun-
116
ciatory" language in the speech.
Davis was allowed to insert a revised speech, with
out the objectionable paragraphs, into the Record. He
was allowed three minutes to speak, during which he stated
that "a few paragraphs in it which, while not obscene, were
too harsh and vengeful to comport with my well-known Chris
tian standing." Laughter followed. He then remarked that
he had revised the speech and that the committee had "prac-
117
tically accepted the speech as I had revised it."
Confederate Veterans Denounce Davis. The reaction
that Vincent had started caused Confederate veterans in
Texas and throughout the South to pass angry resolutions
114
Davis Collection, Houston Post, March 25, 1916.
Davis cancelled the order when allowed to edit the speech;
Houston Post, March 26, 1916.
115
Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, March 27,
1916.
1 1 f i
Davis Collection, Houston Chronicle, March 27,
1916.
117
U. S., Congressional Record, LIII, Part 5
(March 27, 1916), 4931.
263
condemning Davis' attack on Southern heroes. Resolu
tions passed by local Confederate camps flooded the
118
papers during the month of April.
Davis wrote a letter on April 8, 1916,defending
his speech of February 5, 1916. He quoted portions of
his March 22, 1916 speech and added:
In my speech I spoke only of the economic
issues involved in that war, having in mind
economic effects, and had no thought of casting
any personal reflections on those historic
characters. ^ 3
Although an overwhelming majority of the Texas papers
followed in condemning Davis, there were a few defend-
On April 12, 1916, after his letter of explanation,
there was a move at the Confederate Veterans Home in
Austin to pass resolutions condemning Davis. All but
thirteen of the veterans left the meeting and adopted
a resolution commending him, and requesting his support
for the John N. Tillman bill, which called for pensions
1 0*1
for the veterans.
i
i _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
I
H^The Davis Collection contained about thirty-
five clippings that reported resolutions condemning
Davis' speech.
H^Davis Collection, San Antonio Express, April
9, 1916.
| -*-^®Davis Collection, Vernon Weekly Call, April
|19, 1916.
I 12l£)avis collection, Austin American, April 16,
j 1916._________________________ ______ ______ _____
264
The National Tribune, Washington, on June 1,
1916, commented:
We fear that we did an injustice to "Cyclone"
Davis, of Texas. It is true that his speech teemed
with the coarse epithets of the cowboy camp, but,
after all, judging from the abuse which the Southern
papers are showering upon him— the main objection
to it was, that he told some real truths.
"Cyclone" Davis, who was born in South Carolina,
is a Southerner who has had the courage to tell
the South the t r u t h . -*-22
Vincent Continues Attack. As the condemnations
increased around the state, Upshur Vincent pressed his
advantage, pointing out that even the veterans of
Sulphur Springs had condemned Davis. He stated that
TOO
Davis' retraction came sixty days too late.
While the attack was in progress, Davis continued
to comment upon various issues. Most were designed to
appeal to his rural constituents. During April, May
and June, Davis supported Confederate pensions, rural
credits, a warehouse system for farm produce, cotton
classifications that would favor the farmer, and con-
jdemned the corporate money power which he considered to
jbe partially responsible for creating the war atmos-
|
jphere.124
| ^^Davis Collection, National Tribune (Washington,
iD. C.), June 1, 1916.
! -^22Davis Collection, Houston Post, April 18, 1916.
i
I 124U. S., Congressional Record, Appendix, 747-748;
| 871-872; 985-987; and 1194-1196.____________________________
265
Campaign for Re-Election
Davis had announced for re-election on March 4,
1916. He planned to return to Texas early in April and
open the campaign in Milam county, at Cameron. ■ * " 2^ On
March 19, 1916, he issued an address to the people of
Texas in which he outlined his activities as Representa
tive. After the speech of March 22, 1916, little favorable
comment was made about him in the newspapers. The furor
created over the speech of February 5, 1916 had made
his re-election difficult, if not altogether impossible.
Austin Confederate Veterans Home Controversy.
On April 29, 1916, in a letter to J. P. Brooder of
Austin, Davis accepted an invitation to open his campaign
in Austin and to invite James P. Buchanan, Representative
iof that district, who had attacked Davis in the House,
126
to debate him. The report stated that Davis planned
to open his campaign before the Confederate Veterans
Home, the group that had passed a favorable resolution
ion April 12, 1916.127
i 1 2 5
I • ‘ • Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, March 5,
|1916; San Antonio Light, March 5, 1916.
i -*-2®Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, March
125, 1916. Buchanan asked, "Why should our great official
I mouthpiece, the Congressional Record, be permitted to
!be prostituted to the low level of a disreputable
|yellow journalism. . . ?"
! i 2 7
I Davis Collection, Austin American, April 16,
266
The quartermaster of the State Confederate Home,
William G. Dollahite, stated that Davis would not be per
mitted to speak there. The board of trustees had adopted
a resolution, in 1911, prohibiting political speeches.
The press reported that Davis was "barred" from speaking
at the Confederate Home.-*-^ Davis wrote to the newspapers
saying that the report that he was going to open his cam
paign at the Confederate Home was not true:
Mr. Davis says in his letter that he had
many letters from Texas asking him to open his
campaign at different points and that he had
received several from Austin, and that he
agreed to open his campaign at Austin and in
vited the Hon. J. P. Buchanan to meet him there
in joint debate. He says this letter was dis
torted so as to say that he had asked to open
his campaign at the Confederate Home, which
statement was not t r u e . -*-29
The press did not fail to make an issue of this simple in
cident. The Austin Statesman queried on May 31, 1916:
Where is Cyclone Davis?
And where is Congressman Buchanan?
Neither arrived in Austin today, although this
was the date on which Mr. Buchanan challenged the
"Cyclone" to meet him in joint debate in Austin,
the subject to be Congressman Buchanan's comments
on Mr. Davis' speech about the heroes of the
128
Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, May 3,
1916.
129
Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, May 10,
1916.
267
Confederacy which aroused such a storm of
protest. I ™
Davis was busy in Washington and evidently delayed his re
turn to the state to campaign. While controversy over
Davis' forthcoming campaign raged, the Galveston News non-
commitally reported on May 24 that Davis would spend two
weeks in Arizona in August, at the invitation of Governor
Hunt, speaking for the Democratic party. ^ 1
Leaving, or avoiding, campaigning for the moment,
Davis, still in the capitol, concentrated on prohibition.
The Washington Times reported on June 7 that Davis spoke at
the Rhode Island Avenue M. P. Church and made a plea for
national abstinence. In a letter to the Superintendent of
the Anti-Saloon League, Davis detailed his prohibition
activities:
Three of this city's pulpits have been occupied
by my "obscene, cesspool tirades" against the liquor
traffic in the District of Columbia, the Polis
Theatre was well filled to hear me, and Billy Sunday
is reported to be on the eve of coming to Washington.
I spoke to a well-filled tabernacle at Wilmington,
Delaware, the night of the 24th.132
The Oconeean Farmers' Chautauqua was to be held
at Seneca, South Carolina, near Davis' birthplace, on
July 25, 26, and 27, 1916. Davis was billed as "a whole
130oavis Collection, Austin Statesman, May 31, 1916.
1^-^Davis Collection, Galveston News, May 25, 1916.
132oavis Collection, Washington Times, June 7, 1916.
268
show in himself."
Davis' son and secretary, Arlon, appeared in
Houston to "represent his father's political interests"
on July 16, 1916.'*'^^ Davis also was to be in Texas
near that date. S. P. Padelford, who was a candidate
for Congressman-at-Large, challenged Davis to debate
on July 18 and 19, in Fort Worth. Padelford had sent
his challenge by telegram to the Houston Chronicle.
Refusal to Print "Cyclone" on the Ballot. For
over three months, Davis had been the subject of attack
in the Texas press. However, his re-election difficulties
did not end there. Paul Waples, chairman of the State
Democratic Executive committee, ruled that the ballot
would not contain any n i c k n a m e s . 1^6 Davis addressed a
formal protest to Waples stating that he was better known
by his soubriquet and that its omission would cost him
thousands of votes. Waples still refused to include
his nickname. Davis, on July 17, 1916, filed application
J ^^Davis Collection, Farm and Factory (Seneca,
jSouth Carolina), May 11, 1916; unlabeled clipping.
134oavis Collection, Houston Post, July 17,
1916.
135£javis Collection, Houston Chronicle, July
17, 1916.
j * 1
1JODavis Collection, Gainesville Signal, July
7, 1916.
L
269
in the Seventeenth District Court for a mandamus suit
to compel Paul Waples, chairman, and Charles J. Kirk,
secretary of the State Democratic Executive Committee,
to include "Cyclone" on the ballots of the primary to
be held on July 22, 1916. If time did not permit the
county chairman to correct the ballot, Davis asked for
$50,000 in damages.
The hearing was set by Judge J. W. Swayne for
eight o'clock on July 20, 1916.138 The hearing was
postponed on July 20 and rescheduled for July 21, 1916.
Judge Swayne again was absent and the hearing was
1 39
postponed indefinitely. The nickname "Cyclone" did
not appear on the ballot and Davis felt that his defeat
was in part the result of that omission. On July 24,
1916, he stated:
Booze, boodle, and big business brought about
my defeat. In addition they refused to carry
my name as "Cyclone" on the ballot. Everybody
knows "Cyclone" Davis; a lot of voters never heard
of J. H. Davis.140
He went on to remark that he probably would never run
13 7
'Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, July
18, 1916; Dallas Evening Journal, July 18, 1916.
138Davis Collection, Dallas Evening Journal,
July 19, 1916.
1 39
Davis Collection, Houston Post, July 22, 1916.
140Davis Collection, San Antonio Express, July
25, 1916.
270
for office again because of the expense involved. His
expenses had been much greater than his salary. Earlier
he had reported expenses of $2,324.84. He was required
by law to report only $237.60. Expenditures not required
to be reported amounted to $2,088.00. He spent almost
$1,500 for the preparation of documents for the mail
and $118 for postage. Davis mailed many of his speeches
which were printed in the Congressional Record to Texas
voters since the postage would be paid by congressional
frank.1^1
Results of the 1916 Election. Garrett received
116,070; McLemore 114,230; Davis 79,344 and Fitzgerald
71,997 votes. There were thirteen candidates in the
race for Congressman-at-Large. The attack against Davis
for his speech disparaging the Southern heroes and the
leaving of "Cyclone" off the ballot decisively defeated
Davis.142
Campaign Against Colquitt. On July 24, 1916,
when his defeat was evident, Davis indicated that he
planned to return to Texas and campaign against former
Governor Colquitt in the second senatorial primary
election. He would then fulfill his Arizona
- * - 4-*-Davis Collection, Galveston News, July 10,
1916; San Antonio Light, July 21, 1916.
! l^Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News,
August 8, 1916.
271
appointments. Senator C. A. Culberson was running
second to 0. B. Colquitt. Culberson and Davis had been
bitter political enemies when Culberson was running for
Governor in Populist days. In a letter on August 8,
1916, from Washington, Davis wrote:
. . . I have received many letters, a number
of them from warm friends suggesting that it was
a race between two staunch antis, assigning personal
and political reason on my own account why I should
hands off.l44
Davis explained his reason. Colquitt had been an
outspoken critic of Wilson's administration. If Colquitt
was nominated again, it could endanger several Northern
Democrats and play into the hands of the Republicans.
He stated that he was "impelled by every sense of love
for my country to assist."145
Speaking for President Wilson, 1916. On September
6, 1916, Davis spoke at Mesa, Arizona, in behalf of
I ACL
President Wilson. He spoke at Phoenix and Tucson, and
was in Douglas on September 11, 1916. He did not get to
speak in Douglas because of the train schedule to El Paso.
l^Davis Collection, Galveston News, July 25, 1916.
l44Davis Collection, Sherman Courier, August 12,
1916; Dallas Morning News, August 12, 1916.
l^Davis Collection, Sherman Courier, August 12,
1916.
i
I AC.
Davis Collection, Arizona Republican, September
7, 1916.
272
If he had delayed in Douglas, his appointments in New
Mexico would have been disarranged. Davis was scouting
the West for sentiment concerning President Wilson
and was to report to the Democratic National Committee
at Chicago on September 20, 1916.
On September 24, 1916, Davis arrived in Detroit.
He marveled at the tremendous growth of Detroit since
his last visit twenty years earlier. His purpose for
being in Detroit was to receive instructions from the
state Democratic committee for a ten-day trip through
I A D
Michigan in behalf of Wilson.
Second Congressional Session, December 4, 1916.
The second session of the Sixty-fourth Congress
convened on December 4, 1916. Davis was present for
the roll call.-*-49 This session was not to be as stormy
as the first. Davis would not return to Congress, and
the press was not as interested in his speaking as it
had previously been. Davis held the floor about twenty
times during the three months the House was in session.
l^Davis Collection, Douglas Daily International,
September 11, 1916.
1 40
Davis Collection, Detroit Journal, September
] 25, 1916.
^•49U. S., Congressional Record, Sixty-fourth
Congress, Second Session, LIV, Part 1 (December 4, 1916),
3.
273
Davis had been defeated in the July, 1916,primary
election. While in Congress, one major shift of opinion
occurred in Davis' thinking. The inevitability of
America's involvement in the war was now obvious.
Davis, who had so vehemently denounced the efforts at
preparedness, now saw that action must be taken:
I stand today in sight of the gathering gloom
of impending war that is devastating, decimating,
and destroying the civilization of Europe, with
its accumulation of the ages, and I will cast a
vote for this measure, trusting in God and Woodrow
Wilson, who in this impending crisis can alone keep
us out of that w a r . 150
Davis supported the resolution that gave Wilson a vote
of confidence before Congress adjourned.
Problems of War and the Possibilities of Peace,
Monday, February 19, 1917. These remarks composed Davis'
last major statement of his position on the impending
war:
Mr. Speaker, to maintain the stability of our
Union, repel invasion, and perpetuate the sublime
ideals of our democracy, our national soul, I am
willing to vote billions from the Treasury and
surrender my life and all I have if needs be.
But to line up with the lions and bears, kings and
tyrants of Europe in defense of a doubtful technical
right and waste untold American blood and treasure
in a war the chief result of which will mean more
millions for Morgan and the war-mad munition makers
followed with untold debt and despair, I would
suffer my body torn limb from limb and my flesh
fed to vultures before I would cast such a vote.
ISOjj. Congressional Record, LIV (March 1,
1917), 4677.
274
However, a majority of Congress rules in such
matters under our Constitution. In their action
all loyal Americans must concur. Though their
action may fill my life with deepest regret I shall
accept their verdict as the binding power of my
country and acquiesce.151
Davis discussed the horrors of war and the greed that
caused it. He supported President Wilson, but "before
I cast my vote for war I must know that every honorable
means to prevent war has been exhausted."152 He re_
viewed the acts of England and Germany, and insisted
that America should not become involved in the war:
When a nation spurns, contempts, reviles, defies,
denies, and repudiates the laws of God and goes on
a maddened rage of murder to stifle, strangle, and
crush the life out of millions and with wanton,
woeful, unscrupulous venality tears asunder helpless
homes, kills the people, and confiscates their
property, I say now to that nation, "The wages of
sin is death. Whatsoever a nation soweth, that
shall it also reap."153
Davis was not a pacifist. He simply saw no reason for
America's involvement in European affairs. He felt
that the threat of invasion was not serious, since both
England and Germany were exhausting themselves fighting
each other. With submarines, mines, and airplanes,
America was well protected in any event. War was
1
S., Congressional Record, LIV, Appendix
and Index, 398.
ICO
J U. S., Congressional Record, LIV, Appendix
and Index, 400.
| 153u. g.t Congressional Record, LIV, Appendix
land Index, 400.
275
senseless at all times, but should be engaged in only for
self-defense. One statement indicated that Davis envis-
i
jioned the League of Nations:
A fiery evangel of democracy has been sweeping j
over the earth for a generation. It has been j
spreading universal education, intelligence, and
social elevation. It has laced and interlaced the
world in commercial communication and business
relation. It has broken down the barriers that
prevented the free intercourse of governments in
the past and has put humanity on a higher plane, I
moving onward and upward, and this [World War I], |
in my opinion, is [a] direful death grapple, in- i
stigated by kings and their clans to decide which i
shall be the supreme world power. But, sirs, I j
believe that in this age of intelligence and in- j
formation the dispensations of a just God will i
intervene and deny any nation the right to be the '
dominating world power. The world itself will
make a world court, a system of world colleges, i
and finally, a world parliament to control the !
world's international affairs, so as to prevent j
any two or more nations from interfering with the j
j world’s peace, prosperity, and happiness by in- ;
j stigating and perpetrating a cruel w a r . ^ 4 |
| j
["Heinous" crimes throughout history had been committed !
I 155 !
!under the cry of "national honor and national dignity." ;
i '
;Press agitation for the war was not without cause:
j It is not unreasonable to suppose that when these ;
I "big business" bankers, who have extorted hundreds j
of millions from the American people through corporate
commercial cannibalism, would readily feel it neces-
! sary to organize a vast press syndicate to prostitute j
i the conscience of the American People, smother the j
| truth of England's offense, magnify the smallest !
| offense of Germany into national outrage, and use j
! S., Congressional Record, LIV, Appendix and
Slndex, 400.
! I 55
J U. S., Congressional Record, LIV, Appendix and
Llndex., 4.0 lL._______ ____________________ ________________________
276
every means possible to produce such a condition
as would force this great Republic to help crush
Germany and make that investment secure.-*-^®
Davis hoped that America would stay out of the war, as
it had under Wilson's direction, for the past two
years. He closed with a poem, one stanza of which read:
Will greed and gold forever rule
And fill the world with strife?
Is there no way to stay these wars
And reckless waste of l i f e ? 1 5 7
Davis1 statements covered a wide range of topics:
support of the Children's Bureau appropriation; the
standardization of cotton grades; the use of the water
of the Niagara River by private corporations; misuse
of funds by various railroad magnates; postal zone
systems; post office construction for Texas; making the
Sabine River navigable; defense costs; the submarine
as the best instrument of preparedness; aeroplanes;
sanitation; arming merchant ships; and suits against
ICQ
the Federal government during the time of war.
The Sixty-fourth session of the House adjourned
on March 4, 1917. During the second session, knowing
156(j. S / congressional Record, LIV, Appendix
and Index, 401.
157
U. S., Congressional Record, LIV, Appendix
and Index, 402.
158U. S., Congressional Record, LIV (December 4,
1916 to March 4, 1917).
277
he would not return to the House, Davis discussed many
"reform" and "progressive" topics. Although he still
enjoyed the laughter of the House, he was more serious
in his statements, and his flamboyance was tempered by
his defeat. As he had for many years, he denounced
corporate corruption and defended the rights of the
rural classes he served. Davis' personal growth was
evident and statesmanship was exhibited as he served
jthe people of Texas and the nation.
j
Summary. Davis favored neutrality and fought
preparedness during his tenure in the Sixty-fourth
Congress. He preferred domestic spending to building
an elaborate military machine. Preparedness, according
to Davis, would be to the advantage of the industrial
powers and deepen the plight of the agricultural areas.
He, as many others, did not realize that isolationism
was a thing of the past. The development of a com
prehensive foreign policy was not in the scope of their
thinking or planning. As war appeared to be inevitable,
Davis altered his stance to support the policies of
President Wilson. He had lost a battle, but considered
it his patriotic duty to support the national interest
against all foes.
An effective smear campaign, and the refusal
to allow his nickname on the ballot, defeated Davis
278
for a second term. Davis may have recognized the
battle he faced for he did not return to Texas to
campaign vigorously for re-election. Duties in
Washington as well as a lack of financial support
also played a part in his decision not to defend his
seat. Daily reports appeared in the papers condemning
Davis for his comments about the Southern leaders.
Although the Civil War was a half-century in the past,
his remarks touched latent feelings that were strong
enough to produce negative sentiments toward any
vilification of their name. Davis was caught off
guard by the power of an organized pressure group
to influence public opinion.
Davis addressed himself to many issues while
in Congress. One of Davis' rhetorical problems was
to be alert to changing national and international
situations, carefully analyzing the issues, and seeking
fresh and useful approaches to their solution. Too
often the issues were viewed in light of Populist
struggles of a bygone era: Davis, farsighted in many
ways, succumbed to the temptation to entertain his
audiences rather than presenting a carefully reasoned
I and logical analysis of the problems. Humor was an
i
|ineffective political weapon, for the press played up
his antics and humorous remarks and ignored his response
279
to the important issues.
His intemperance in the use of vituperation and
ridicule, so enjoyed by the common people, was not
acceptable in the House of Representatives. Use of
these techniques provided his enemies with the material
they needed to combat his popularity effectively. The
expunged speech was added grist for the propaganda mill
of the old-line Democrats and Republican opposition and
it was effectively used at every opportunity. Davis,
defeated, was aware of the changed rhetorical situation
as the second session of Congress approached and he
adopted a more statesmanlike attitude toward the problems
of the day. A more judicious use of humor was apparent
in his statements to the members of the House. A serious
approach to the analysis of issues and their solutions
was reflected in his public addresses. Had he conducted
himself moderately throughout the first session he
probably would have enjoyed a long career in public
office.
During his first campaign for the House, Davis'
strategy involved the prohibition appeal. His rural
audiences readily identified with him on that issue.
|As he worked for re-election, however,-prohibition was
over-shadowed by the threats of war. Davis assumed
an anti-preparedness stance that he maintained until
280
the United States entered World War I. This progressive
philosophy was not relinquished until he considered
it no longer patriotic to defend it. He then turned
all of his energies to the winning of the war. His
Liberty Bond speeches revealed his changed attitude.
This isolationist position was not received sympathetically
especially by the aroused and angered Confederate veterans.
Davis never understood the industrial dynamics
of the nation. Yet, morally, it was difficult to fully
absolve the munitions manufacturers of the nation and
the world. Recent student demonstrations against the
manufacturers of napalm and other war materials for use
in Vietnam indicate that the morality question is still
unanswered. The industrial giants took advantage of the
war-time economy to make excess profits. This "special
privilege" to those who had long exploited the common
people, so Davis contended, incensed him and brought
forth his vituperative denunciation. The balance between
free enterprise and ethical democracy was delicate, and
Davis clearly placed principle above profit. Davis
tended to re-live the past battles and remember past
successes rather than adapt his philosophy to the
jchanging complexities of society. Yet he insisted that
j
his actions were dictated by a dedication to reform and
jprogressive principles.
CHAPTER VIII
DAVIS' SPEAKING— RETIREMENT YEARS,
1918-1940
Although defeated for a second term as Representative-
at-Large from Texas, and now sixty-four years old, Davis was
far from retired. This chapter traces the range of his
activities and thought during the last twenty-two years of
his life. Davis continued to speak in defense of prohibi
tion, ran for public office, lectured for the Ku Klux Klan,
and expressed his opinions on various political issues of
the day.
The Nation at War, April 6, 1917-November 11, 1918
Davis' term of office as Representative in the Sixty-
fourth Congress ended on March 4, 1917, as the nation's war
fever was rising. President Woodrow Wilson called a special
session of the Sixty-fifth Congress to convene on April 2,
1917. On April 6 Congress declared war on Germany. Thus
Davis, supporting Wilson's view that war was inevitable, was
not a member of the Congress that officially entered the
^"Arthur S. Link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive
Era, 1910-1917 (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers,
1954), 281-282.
281
282
war. Davis made his last speech to the members of the
House on March 1, 1917, and supported the resolution that
2
would empower the President to arm merchant ships.
Liberty Bond Chautauqua Tours, 1917-1918. After
America had entered the war, and his term in Congress had
ended, Davis, true to his promise, withdrew his opposition
to the struggle, and gave his support to winning a victory.
Davis wrote in his Memoir;
At the beginning of our entry into the world
war, my term in Congress had expired. I went to
the War Department and tendered my service in any
capacity that Newton D. Baker, Secretary, might
desire. He suggested that I help in bond drives,
etc. I took [a] position on a Chautauqua Circuit
running through the northwest. I spent four
months discussing "The World War and Why We are
in It." I was instrumental in selling over half
a million dollars worth of liberty bonds.
jA speech given at a Chautauqua meeting in Edgely, South l
! i
jDakota, was specifically entitled, "Shall We Preserve This j
i
Republic In The Purity Of Its Purpose and the Grandeur of j
1
|Its Mission?" Davis said: j
; i
I Inspired by the love of liberty, freedom and '
j justice, calling upon God to witness the rectitude j
i 9
U. S., Congressional Record, LIV, March 1, 1917, j
!4676-4677. This speech was reprinted in Davis' Memoir, |
1159-164. In his introduction to the speech, Davis explained
! that he dropped his opposition because his best friends had j
iurged him to do so and because of a message from the
I President,
i
! 3
! James Harvey Davis, Memoir (Sherman, Texas: The
|Courier Press, 1935), 153. Davis' activities for the re-
jmainder of 1917 are uncertain. The Chautauqua Circuit tour
|was in the summer of 1918.
283
of their conduct, they laid the foundation for the
grandest government on earth. At one fell stroke
they denied all theory of "the divine right of
kings," popes, and princes, and substituted the
divine right of the masses for the so-called
divine rights of the classes.4
After stating the equalitarian principle, Davis reviewed
the struggles of the nation to establish democratic
government and the unsuccessful attempts to destroy
it. It stood because "the love of Liberty is a part
of the Divine spark of humanity, a part of the heavenly
life that shines through the hope of man." Efforts to
"extinguish that spark" have all failed. The Monroe
Doctrine was "the strongest influence" in preserving
democracy.^
During the summer months of 1918, Davis "traversed
some 20 states" on the Chautauqua circuits, "feeling
the public pulse on the war question." Near the end
of his tour, on Friday, October 4, 1918, Davis was in
Petersburg, Virginia, to participate in a Liberty Loan
^Memoir, 153.
^Memoir, 155, 153-157.
^Davis Collection, Evening Progress, October 8,
1918. Davis was busy early m the Spring of 1918. On
March 10, 1918, he was scheduled to speak in Brownsville,
Texas. He occupied the pulpits of the Baptist and Method
ist churches and was described as a reformer and "fighting
prohibitionist") Davis Collection, Brownsville Sentinel,
March 10, 1918.
284
demonstration. One report of the occasion said:
. . . Hon. Cyclone Davis, of Texas, electrified
the large audience by one of the most brilliant
orations heard in this community for many a day.
He fully lived up to the expectations of [the]
manager of the affair and wave after wave of applause
greeted his various points.^
Davis appealed to his audience to sacrifice:
And when you are asked to give money to this
cause, you are only asked to make a meager and
paltry sacrifice, for I call your attention to
the fact, there are nearly four million of our
boys mustered into the service and are stacked
out to give their lives if necessary. And many
thousands have already sacrificed their lives.
And when we hear the dying groans of the millions
of men, and the agonizing screams of millions of
helpless women and children, and see the flames and
smoke that light up the wreck of millions of burning
homes caused by the Kaiser and his cruel cohorts,
and then cringe like a cowardly miser and tighten
our grips on our dollars, we deserve the scorn of
Heaven, the contempt of every patriot in our country,
and are unworthy of the glorious liberty that our
forefathers bequeathed to us in this republic.
In his Liberty Bond speeches, Davis revealed how
his attitude toward the war had changed:
To have hesitated longer to enter the conflict
would have been treason to our glorious republic,
and the result was a declaration of war amid a
great thrill of patriotic fervor. And within
sixty days our country was transformed from a most
pacifist and tranquil country into the most mighty
militant and majestic war powers among all the
nations of the earth.
Since that time we have thrown millions of men
^Davis Collection, Evening Progress, October 4,
1918.
^Davis Collection, Evening Progress, October 4,
1918.
285
and billions of money into the glorious cause for
which we are fighting.9
The language of Davis' Liberty Bond speeches
was in sharp contrast to that of his statements in the
House of Representatives. Many of those he described
in his Congressional speeches as being "rampant ranters
for war," "war mad fiends," and "frantic and frenzied
for war," were lauded in his Bond speeches as "patriotic
lovers of liberty," and as having a "patriotic fervor."^®
Davis wrote an open letter to Hon. A. S. Burleson
giving his views on the peace offer of Prince Max of
Germany. His militant attitude was further developed
in the letter. Davis charged:
To talk peace with these envoys of inferno— those
brazen beasts of Berlin is to tamper with destiny.
To stop our march to victory at their insolent
request is to betray our brave and victorious
army, barter away the hope of freedom to bleeding
and starving millions and vicitate [vitiate] and
render void four years of the greatest sacrifice
ever known to earth.
The fight was "a heroic struggle to end this war in
jworld wide universal peace," and "to save mankind from
9Davis Collection, Evening Progress, October 4,
1918.
■^U. s., Congressional Record, Sixty-fourth
pongress, Second Session, LIV, Appendix and Index
j(February 17, 1917), 399. Compare with Davis Collection,
Evening Progress, October 4 and 8, 1918.
I
-^Davis Collection, Evening Progress, October 8,
1918.
286
12
the horrors of war in the future." Davis planned to
return to Texas the next day and make Liberty Loan
speeches on his return route. Davis was in Petersburg
to care for his son, Lieutenant Davis, who was under
1 " 3
treatment at the base hospital.
Chautauqua Circuit, 1919. The following year,
1919, Davis was still on the Chautauqua circuit. On
Wednesday, June 25, 1919, he was to speak at Lake Norden,
South Dakota, Chautauqua. No subject was announced but
the paper conjectured that it would be on "reconstruction."
14
He had been to Lake Norden three years earlier. The
program at Lake Norden was presented by the Redpath
Chautauqua Circuit. The article described several
other events to be on the program: The Hussars and the
Belgian Orchestra; V. S. Watkins, master interpreter;
the Auburns, Hilton Ira Jones; Montague Light Opera
Company; and Raymond Tolbert of New York.^
■^Davis Collection, Evening Progress, October 8,
1918.
1 ^
■ “ • Davis Collection, Evening Progress, October 8,
1918.
•^Davis, probably, had visited Lake Norden, South
Dakota in 1916, while on his speaking tour for President
Wilson; See above, 271-272.
l^Davis Collection, Lake Norden Enterprise (Lake
Norden, South Dakota), June 25, 1919. No information
on the remainder of the tour was available in the Davis
Collection.
287
Davis, taking advantage of his national popularity
as a former Congressman, enjoyed several seasons on the
Chautauqua circuits.
Davis' Response to the "Roaring Twenties"
A changed political context came into existense
after the close of World War I. The progressive impulse
was stifled with Wilson's defeat in 1920. Davis and
the old Populist and Progressive reformers faced a
growing negative reaction to their view of the economic,
social, and political situation.
Context of the Twenties. The decade of the
Twenties acquired a distinctive characteristic according
to Commager and Morris— "the era of Republican ascendancy
was above all one of withdrawal. . . The reforms
that stemmed from the Populist, Progressive, and
Wilsonian eras were rejected by "roaring twenties"
generation. The "withdrawal" attitude resulted in a
deterioration that so crippled the nation's political
and administrative machinery that it could not effectively
respond to the depression of the Thirties. The collapse
|of the war-time boom in 1920 and 1921 was a severe blow
■*•6John D. Hicks, Republican Ascendancy, 1921-1933
j (New York: Harper and Row, Publishers, 1960), Henry
j Steele Commager and Richard Brandon Morris, writing in
the introduction, viii, ix, and x.
288
to industry, but agriculture was plunged into a depression
1 7
that lasted for twenty years. The nation's leaders, both
intellectual and political, rejected the reform mind, sym-
jbolized by Bryan. Hofstadter wrote:
!
But the strongest enthusiasms of the rural j
and small-town Americans who understood and loved
i Bryan were now precisely what the more sophisticated
urban Progressive leadership disdained: the crusade
to protect fundamentalist religion from modern
science, which had its culmination in the Scopes
trial; the defense of the eighteenth amendment from
all criticism at all costs; and the rallying of the
j Ku Klux Klan against the Catholics, the Negroes, and
| the Jews. The pathetic postwar career of Bryan him-
| self, once the bellwether for so many genuine re- i
forms, was a perfect epitome of the collapse of rural !
idealism and the shabbiness of the evangelical mind. !
j For was it not Bryan who made a fortune lecturing on
old-time religion, attacking freedom of thought, and '
j promoting Prohibition, while his erstwhile followers j
celebrated him, no doubt inaccurately, as "the great- j
est Klansman of our time"?-*-®
Many of the serious issues of the preceding years were now j
jviewed in a totally different light: I
j I
i For prohibition, m the twenties, was a skeleton !
j at the feast, a grim reminder of the moral frenzy j
j that so many wished to forget, a ludicrous caricature j
j of the reforming impulse, of the Yankee-Protestant !
j notion that it is both possible and desirable to i
j moralize private life through public action.-*-® j
i 17Hicks, 22.
I r
-*-®Richard Hofstadter, Age of Reform (New York:
[Alfred A. Knopf, 1961), 286.
! 19Hofstadter, 287.
289
Urban growth and foreign immigration created
a growing suspicion among the rural populace:
The Klan impulse was not usually a response to
direct personal relationship or face-to-face
competition, but rather the result of a growing sense
that the code by which rural and small-town Anglo-
Saxon America had lived was being ignored and even
flouted in the wicked cities, and especially by the
"aliens," and that old religion and morality were
being snickered at by the intellectuals. The city
had at last eclipsed the country in population and
above all as the imaginative center of American
life.20
The response of the reformers, and Davis, to the rapidly
changing scene was predictable. They became apologists
for the life style that they knew best. They attacked
what they did not fully understand. To them it was
simply the same old enemy in a different guise. The
enemy of organized "plutocratic" forces in conspiracy
against the common man.
Davis, disappointed in the outcome of the 1918
election, busied himself for several years on the
Chautauqua circuits. Seemingly, he did not involve
himself actively in Wilson's campaign in 1920. Certainly,
the Republican victory did not please him, but his
response to the changing political situation was not
i immediate.
^Hofstadter, 292.
Congressional Race of 1922, Issues
290
In 1922 Davis again entered the political arena;
he opposed Eugene Black in the race for Representative
from the First Congressional District of Texas.21
Davis did not campaign actively for the office and
22
still came close to defeating Black. The election
was so close that Davis later accused Black's supporters
23
of stealing the election.
The main conflict in the election was with H. T.
^Black and Davis exchanged verbal blows during
the second session of the Sixty-fourth Congress. Black
opposed an amendment which would empower a committee to
investigate "the subject of Government ownership of all
public utilities, such as telegraph, wireless, cable,
telephone, and express companies, and railroads." Black
derided Davis' long-time advocacy of government ownership
and referred to it as a "socialistic doctrine." Black
favored strict federal regulation. Davis spoke and
reviewed his battles for democratic principles, and then
asked, "What was the gentleman [Black] from my district
doing? He was sucking his thumb, perhaps, and wondering
if he would ever get to Congress. [Laughter]" U. S.,
Congressional Record, LIV (January 9, 1917), 1089-1090;
Davis announced his candidacy early in February. See the
Dallas Morning News, February 5, 1922.
^ Dallas Morning News, July 9, 1922. The News
reported that Davis, at a homecoming in Sulphur Springs,
"made his first and only speech for Congress to his
neighbors during the campaign." Approximately 3,000
people were in attendance.
^ Dallas Morning News, July 24, Black 7,709,
Davis 5,723; July 25, Black 12,750, Davis 9,798; July 26,
"Black leading by about 3,000"; July 27, Black's lead
was reduced to 747 votes. In a letter to Hugh Nugent
Fitzgerald, Austin, Texas, November 2, 1931, Davis
contended that he won, "but they stole my election and
counted Black in by something over 200 votes."
291
Warner, editor of the Paris News. Warner accused Davis
of being a representative of "special interests" and
that Davis had been "running for something with nearly
every movement that has ever been inaugurated." He
also accused him of being "among those who sought to
mislead the farmers— always seeking his own advantage— in
the greenback and populist party," and of "knowingly
disseminating misstatements about Eugene Black and about
2 4
the editor of The Paris News over the First district."
On May 20, 1922, Davis answered the charges of the
Paris News:
When you charge that I am lined up with a crowd
to bring back saloons because Sam Gompers wants
beer and light wines, you present one more of your
foul flings. Sam Gompers no more represents the
farmers and laborers of Lamar County than Harry
Warner does when he calls for the open shop. ^
After reviewing and defending his political career,
Davis concluded his letter with a poem:
Now, Mr. Horner, I've got you in a corner,
Will you have the fairness to hush?
Everybody knows 'tis your venom that flows.
And your tirades are nothing but slush.^6
The political issues that he discussed concerned the
labor movement, the organization of both the farmers
2^Davis Collection, Paris News, May 12, 1922.
^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to H. T. Warner,
May 20, 1922.
^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to H. T. Warner,
May 20, 1922.
292
and wage earners, opposition to the Esch-Cummins law, and
the Federal Reserve Board:
i
| I stand for the repeal of that blighting
| transportation tyranny known as the Esch-
• Cummins law and to make our Federal Reserve
Board serve our common country instead of
Wall Street money grabbers.
In his speech of July 8, 1922, Davis discussed
Black's record:
With a grip full of Congressional Records, giving
Mr. Black's record, stacked on the desk, Judge Davis,
in that masterful speech made in Sulphur Springs,
I July 8th, and heard by over three thousand friends,
| briefed some of Black's treachery . . . 2®
|He accused Black of voting with the brewers, against suf-
|
jfrage for women, against Wilson's child labor law, and for
I the Esch-Cummins law, which "legalized at least eight
ibillion dollars of forged bonds in our•railroads, held by
' 29
|a few hundred millionaires in Wall St."
j Davis' response to the Republican administration
i 2^Davis Collection, Paris News, May 12, 1922. The
iEsch-Cummins law provided for the return of the railroads
!to private ownership after twenty-six months of government
iwar-time operation. "It appropriated $200,000,000 to aid
:the railroads in re-establishing their pre-war status,
1 and a $300,000,000 'revolving' fund for loans to finan
cially weak railroads." See Michael Martin and Leonard
,Gelber, Dictionary of American History (Totowa, New Jersey:
|Littlefield, Adams and Company, 1965), 513.
2^Davis Collection, manuscript in support of Davis
|signed by Carl Ward, Secretary Hopkins Co. F. L. U., and
IH. B. Morris, Manager Trucker's Association.
2 9
Ward:g.ndMorris. See Footnote 28.
293
and the disconcerting economic trends of the early
twenties was a continuation of his plea for the rights
of the common citizen. He eloquently portrayed the
plight of the individual as he faced the enormous and
insidious forces of organized conspiracy. Organized
government, ignoring the cry of the majority of its
citizens, callously catered to the whims of "Wall Street."
"Immensely rich— growing richer every year— those who
stood at the levers of control failed even to attempt a
more equitable distribution of wealth," so wrote Commager
and Morris.'*®
Perhaps, then, it is understandable that many
of the people turned to questionable organizations, such
as the Ku Klux Klan, to seek redress from their grievances,
both real and imaginary. It was also natural that they
would seek leadership from those who had fearlessly
fought many previous reform battles. Soon Davis was
providing leadership as a Klan lecturer, receiving the
accolades of the Klan supporters.
Speaking in Defense of Klan Principles
Revival of the Klan. The Ku Klux Klan was revived
in 1915 by William J. Simmons of Georgia. It grew
very little until Edward Y. Clarke discovered the
^®Hicks, Introduction by Commager and Morris, ix.
294
potential it held for financial gain. After he began
his campaign of promotion in 1920, the Klan grew rapidly
and by 1924 had a membership of nearly five million
people. Hicks wrote:
Sensing the money-making possibilities of an
order based on the principle of intolerance, Clarke
not only appealed to Southerners who wished to keep
the Negro in his place but also drew into his net
ardent immigrants; religious bigots among the
Protestants who cherished an un-Christlike hatred
of Catholics and Jews; political reactionaries who
were out to get liberals and radicals of whatever
race or creed; "drys" who were certain that all
"wets" were in league with the devil himself. By
appealing to everyone who held a grudge against some
minority group, and by promising joiners the immunity
of secrecy, Clarke and his agents sold $10 memberships
throughout the South and West, and even penetrated
the Northwes t.31
Davis1 Klan Speeches. After his defeat of 1922,
Davis espoused a new cause, the Ku Klux Klan. The
exact time Davis became a Klan lecturer is uncertain,
but in the presidential election of 1924 he was active
throughout the state.
On May 12, 1924,Davis spoke in Commerce for a
Klan meeting. The article mentioned that Davis had been
in an auto accident, "sustaining two broken ribs and
numerous lacerations, but he refused to be counted out
| and is here according to appointment to speak tonight."
The meeting was on Monday night and the accident had
occurred on the previous Saturday night. "Come out and
31Hicks, 94-95.
295
hear the Tolstoy of Texas" was the invitation issued
o n
by the newspaper. Rain interfered with the conclusion
of the lecture and Davis returned two weeks later, on
a Friday night, and the audience listened to him speak
for more than an hour and a half. On the previous occasion
the Klan drum corps "executed a parade unexpectedly, just
preceding the speech."33
In Colonel Mayfield's Weekly, one of the many
Klan papers that was published in the South, Davis wrote
his views of the K.K.K. Typical of the Klan propaganda,
Davis attacked the Catholic power structure in America
and the Catholic Writers Association, which he believed
could "control the great daily press," through the
Associated Press, the Hearst chain, and the Scripps-
Howard chain. Opposition to the Mellon tax plan occupied
almost half of the letter.^ The concentration of oil
32oavis Collection, Commerce Journal, May 12, 1924.
^Davis Collection, Commerce Journal, [May 25, 1924] .
•^Andrew W. Mellon, Harding's Secretary of the
Treasury, proposed to repeal the war-time excess profits
tax and to reduce the surtax on large incomes. For those
with incomes over $66,000, this would have been a definite
tax advantage. In order to compensate for the lost
revenue, Mellon proposed a number of taxes that would
fall on the average wage-earner. In addition, Mellon
refunded to corporations $3.5 billion dollars, including
several million dollars to his own interests. Hicks, 53.
Davis also pointed out that the Literary Digest
carried on a $400,000 propaganda campaign in support of
the Mellon Plan. Davis Collection, Colonel Mayfield's
Weekly,[1924].
296
wealth was also attacked because it gave a few the "power
of public plunder.
On July 17, 1924, Davis was at a Klan demonstration,
in Waxahachie, Texas, "the most elaborate ever held in
Ellis county," with an estimated crowd of 15,000 people.
State Klan officials were present and the klansmen and
3 6
klanswomen paraded "in full regalia."
The speech delivered at Waxahachie, July 17, 1924
was repeated a year later at Kerrville, July 4, 1925.
The text appeared twice in the Texas 100% American, taken
from speeches delivered at El Paso and at Winnsboro.^
Since this speech contained the major ideas of Davis in
regard to the Klan, a detailed review was included
below.
Davis defended the Klan because they supported,
in some measure, the reforms (prohibition and traditional
agrarian values) he had advocated for many years. He
accepted the more objectionable teachings of the Klan
and sought, to elevate them by his explanations. Davis
•^Davis Collection, Colonel Mayfield's Weekly ,
[1924].
•^Davis Collection, Waxahachie Daily Light,
July 18, 1924.
i ^ 7
I J'Davis Collection, "Revised Compilation of a
Speech by Ex-Congressman Cyclone Davis at Kerrville,
Texas, July 4, 1925"; The Texas 100% American, undated
clippings.
297
began his speech by a lengthy review of the nation's
struggle for freedom and the history of the Klan:
But the environments and conditions of our
country in recent years have awakened the feeling
of 1776, that brought to life again the Ku Klux Klan.
In its new birth it is broadened and extended so
as to stand for white supremacy, for the Protestant
faith of our fathers and martyrs, including the open
Bible, for the public school system as the cornerstone
of our Democracy, and for full-fledged Americanism
against the World.38
The exclusion of other races and creeds from the Klan
was defended by Davis in this manner:
My friends, the Klan is a Protestant Welfare
Association in answer to the Catholic Welfare
Association. The Klan is a line-up of Protestant
Knights of America, in answer to the Catholic Knights
of Columbus. The Klan is a Protestant Federation in
answer to the Catholic Federation which takes every
race, tongue and color of that faith under care of
the Catholic bosses for political purposes.3^
In answer to the charges of bigotry, Davis said:
Against the individual Jew and Catholic we have
no cause for serious complaint, but against Judaism
and Catholicism as creeds grounded on race and
religious bigotry and pride exalting itself above
all other races and kinds, refusing to amalgamate
or assimilate, every impulse of American patriotism
calls for Protestant America to organize in answer
to this implacable alien power in our midst.40
Davis pictured the Klan as having been persecuted by
38Davis Collection, The Texas 100% American,
undated clipping.
3^Davis Collection, The Texas 100% American,
undated clipping.
| ^8Davis Collection, The Texas 100% American,
|undated clipping.
the "besotted and bigoted" press, as having been the
victim of "savage barbarity" when Klan buildings were
bombed and Klansmen parades were fired upon. The press
had slandered the Klan because "some Klansmen somehwere
had flogged some rotten reprobate." Anti-Catholic
sentiment was prominent in his speeches. Davis went to
the "pages of history" to present a detailed indictment
against the Catholic church by vividly relating the sins
of various popes. In answer to his opposition, he said:
The enemies of the Klan say we are attacking
the Catholic religion. We deny this charge. We
are attacking the world wide secret "invisible
Empire," that compact against the public education
and religious freedom of the world that is so
cunningly concealed under the crown of the pope.
"Eternal separation of church and state" was the goal to
be achieved, according to Davis.
White supremacy was rationalized in the following
way:
White supremacy in America is one of the cardinal
principles of the Klan. To amalgamate with the negro
as a race is to degenerate the white race. The negro
is a babe in the family of civilization. In his
native land he was a savage, a cannibal, without a
flag, a school or a church. He now has all of these
by the grace of God and the goodness of his white
superiors. Scientific demonstration has proven that
a union of two mulattoes of over the fourth degree
tends to become barren, hence, this generic law
4-*-Davis Collection, The Texas 100% American,
undated clipping.
299
4 ?
would compel race suicide to follow amalgamation.
Davis closed his speech, as he often did, with a poem:
America calls for all her sons,
To use their votes instead of guns,
To fight for liberty's sacred cause,
For the Protestant faith and American Laws.
By the priceless boon our fathers gave,
By the mouldering dust of our martyrs graves,
We as members of the Klan stand steadfast, man to man,
And swear no pope shall ever rule
And burn our Bible and kill our schools. 3
Another speech of Davis1 received wide circulation
in the Klan papers. He delivered it to the Sulphur
Springs Klan, Number 185, and they ordered it published.
Davis explained each of the Klan symbols and followed
each exposition with a poem. The robe represented
purity and white; the sword, the defense of a righteous
cause; and the mask was justified by the fact that
European knights, secret service men, plain clothes
policemen, and those who participated in the Boston
Tea Party, all were disguised in some manner. Water
"implies that in entering Klankraft we extinguish all
the fires of hatred and malice and join in full fellow
ship with that fraternal compact which seeks to advance
i
!the glory of God and the grandeur of mankind." The
I
| ^3Davis Collection, The Texas 100% American,
j undated clipping.
| ^3Davis Collection, Texas 100% American, undated
j clipping.
300
Bible, the Cross, and the Flag were also related to
the organization.^
In August, 1924 Davis campaigned for Judge Felix
Robertson in his race for Governor of Texas. A highlight
of the campaign was a debate at Grand Saline, Texas,
on August 19, 1924, with Major A. V. Dalrymple.^
Robertson was the prohibition candidate against "Ma"
A C .
Ferguson, who won. (Governor, January 20, 1925 to
January 17, 1927, and January 17, 1933 to January 15,
47
1935).
Davis originally supported Neff for Governor
of Texas (Governor, January 18, 1921 to January 20,
4 8
1925). When Neff's policies changed, Davis called
it treason:
The law defines treason as giving comfort, aid
and support to the enemy. Governor Neff today
is guilty of treason to real democracy of our
country, for, while posing as a progressive pro
hibition governor, he is giving more aid and comfort
^Davis Collection, American Citizen, undated
clipping; also a revised manuscript of the speech.
^Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News,
August 20, 1924.
^Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Gazette,
August 21, 1925.
^Texas Almanac, 1961-62 (Dallas: A. H. Belo
Corp., 1961), 441.
^Almanac, 441.
to the wet willful and unscrupulous enemies of
prohibition and progress than any man I know of
in public life.49
Prohibition and Klan Activities of 1925. On
January 2, 1925 Davis wrote to the Sulphur Springs
Gazette concerning the economic effect of prohibition
on the cities which were distillery centers. He included
a clipping from the "Fellowship Forum, one of the
leading Fraternal papers in the Union." Peoria, Illinois,
one of the largest distillery centers in the nation,
had been set back temporarily with the coming of pro
hibition. As they converted to the manufacture of other
products and other grain products, the economy stabilized
and became very prosperous. This changeover, which
ultimately benefited the people of these centers, was
"cause for great consolation" to Davis. The effect of
the Eighteenth amendment was beneficial rather than
harmful to the economy of the nation.^®
j In September, 1925 Davis continued to speak for
t
j various Klan meetings. On September 12 he was at the
"State Council or Klorero" in Fort Worth. Davis was
asked to close the meeting with a benediction. He did
so, and, "When I had finished there was a rapturous
^Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
S^Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Gazette,
January 2, 1925.
302
ovation given me that was overwhelming in its fraternal
and religious fervor." Copies of the prayer were
requested, and Davis sent it to the press for publica
tion.
The Pittsburg Klan on September 30, 1925 invited
Davis to be their guest speaker on October 13, 1925.
The letter indicates that "Your expenses will be paid
for the trip, and we assure that you will be well cared
for while in our city."^
On December 9, 1925 Davis wrote a review of the
Texas political situation at the request of the Gazette
editor. He denounced the graft in the Ferguson administra
tions, saying "Mrs. Ferguson is simply a rubber stamp used
by Jim and the gang to legalize their treachery." He
discussed the possibilities of running for governor, but
felt he did not have the time or the money to follow up
with a campaign. He considered it to be "doubtful policy
to make a campaign on the money of others." Davis felt
that his life's work had been in some measure rewarded.
He wrote:
A man with whom I have only a casual acquaintance
sat down by me on the train several weeks ago and
^Davis Collection, a note to accompany the address
to the press. Davis included a copy of the prayer in
his Memoir, 263-265.
S^Davis Collection, W. C. Hull to J. H. Davis,
September 30, 1925.
303
opened conversation by saying, "Davis, you ought to
be a happy man, you have lived to see the whole labor
of your political life vindicated. Both great
parties have adopted in platform and law making
virtually the whole line of political demands that
you and your crowd promulgated forty years ago, and
for which you were scornfully persecuted and polit
ically ostracised. For years I was one of your
political enemies, but I saw Bryan take your platform
and became the great shining light and popular head
of our Democratic party. I saw Roosevelt take your
platform and rouse the hopes and hearts of the
Republican party as no man had ever done before.
Today there are multiplied thousands of people
like me who, years ago considered you either radical
and unwise, or vicious and unscrupulous, now realize
that you was [were] simply a warning star going
before a great day of reformation.
"I want you to run for governor. I want to have
a chance to vote for a man who has had the vision
of a glorious future for our country and the courage
to challenge all opposition to combat and give a
lifetime to its defence. In politics you have
manifest[ed] the spirit of a missionary and the
Minister, and your battle cry of prohibition, peace,
and progress is now echoed by millions of t o n g u e s . " 5 3
In a letter to Hon. T. W. Davidson of Marshall,
who had been a candidate for Governor in 1924, Davis,
on December 12, 1925, answered a number of charges against
his position on the Klan. He wrote:
Second:— I voted for Judge Melson, a home
candidate in the primary, and for the "brave
and brilliant" Dan Moody in the final election,
knowing he convicted those insurgent outlaw
Klansmen at Georgetown and thanking him for it,
for such a conviction would help us purge the
Klan of outlaws and bring the members to a .
proper respect for its constitution and rules.
S^Davis Collection, Sulphur Springs Gazette,
[December 10, 1925],
c A
Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to T. W. Davidson,
!Marshall, Texas, December 12, 1925, typewritten manuscript
of letter.
He defended the role of the Klan in politics and denied
that they were trying to "dominate the government."
Davis referred to an investigation of the Klan by the
United States Senate that gave it a "clean bill of
health." Attacks against Klansmen were cited, showing
55
that the Klan was not the only group given to violence.
Supports Davidson for Governor, 1926. In 1926
Davis considered running for governor on the Klan ticket.
He decided not to do so and announced his support of
Lynch Davidson for the office.^® Davidson polled
141.000 votes in the Democratic primary of 1924 and
122.000 in the 1926 primary, losing to Mrs. Miriam A.
Ferguson and Dan Moody. Moody was elected in the
second Democratic primary.
Opposition to A1 Smith for President, 192 8.
Prohibition and Catholicism were major issues of the
192 8 presidential election. A1 Smith was a Catholic
and anti-prohibitionist. Davis, Klansman and prohibition
ist, strongly opposed his election. Davis lifted the
anti-Catholic statements from his Klan speeches and used
S^Davis to Davidson.
^Davis Collection, H. D. Harrison to J. H. Davis,
March 24, 1926. Harrison urged Davis to support Dan
Moody rather than Lynch Davidson.
57Texas Almanac, 1961-62, 472.
305
them to oppose Smith. References to the Klan were
noticeably absent in his speeches against Smith. Unable
to support the Democratic nominee, Davis voted for
Hoover, as did the majority of Texans. Davis explained
his viewpoint:
The serious disruption in the Democratic party
may be a valuable chastizing influence on National
leaders. When some Southern states go for Hoover
they will take notice that when they line up with
booze boosters and aliens to kill prohibition
they just emasculate the Democratic party.
As for myself, I had political hyposhondria
[hypochondria]— sad and gloomy when Smith was
nominated and when Rascob was made overlord of
my party, my gloom grew into a frenzy when he
branded prohibition as a damnable affliction.
I swore I would never support such a "damnable"
gang.58
On April 14, 1928, Davis wrote a vehement answer
to an article by Colonel Dabney White that appeared in
the Houston Post Dispatch. Davis recounted his political
battles throughout the years and said:
But I see, sir, that you have taken their
villainous slanders as true and seek to further
circulate them, going back more than fifty years
to make my political record motley.59
Davis denied ever surrendering one of his principles,
but noted that he had been tempted many times. He
related one attempt to bribe him:
■^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Senator Joe
Robinson of Arkansas, printed circular and manuscript,
September 12, 192 8.
59Davis Collection, Hopkins County Echo,[April
20, 1928].
After the party had purged itself of those
wanton Wall street leaders in the Spring of 1900,
I turned down an offer of a newspaper plant in
Illinois worth $175,000, ten thousand in cash and
a thousand a month for the remainder of the year,
to lead the fight against the Populist party's
endorsement of Bryan and hold the party "in the
middle of the road." They did not ask me to vacate
a single of the grand issues of the Populist
demands.60
Davis explained that it was a "sore temptation" because
of his family expense and the sacrifices he had made
because he left his law practice to help build up the
movement.
On August 4, 1928,Davis spoke at the Old Con
federates Reunion at Hico, Texas. In the state run-off
campaign, Davis supported Senator Earle B. Mayfield
for re-election. Mayfield's seat in the United States
Senate had been contested, but his election was con
firmed by the Committee on Privileges and Election,
after an investigation that lasted a year (Senator,
March 4, 1923 to March 4, 1929).62 Mayfield, a pro
hibitionist, was effective in securing legislation
favoring hospitals, surplus cotton classification, and
a measure requiring that cotton bagging be substituted
6C>Davis Collection, Hopkins County Echo, [April
20, 1928].
^Davis Collection, Hopkins County Echo, [April
{ 20, 1928].
62Texas Almanac, 1961-62, 444.
307
for jute and burlap, which were manufactured by a
C. *3
foreign monopoly.
The issue of religious prejudice arose in
September when Senator Joe Robinson of Arkansas
declared the religion of A1 Smith to be as "soundly
American as any Methodist or Baptist ever professed."
Davis answered his contention:
There are millions of patriotic Democrats who
refuse to ride a Tammany Tiger to the crucifixion
and see the Democratic party crucified by the
Roman hierarchy and buried in a sea of rum. By
all history and present day attitude, the Catholic
bosses and Church hierarchy are not only in favor
of the union of Church and state but favor a union
of saloon and state.64
The accusation of religious prejudice was answered
by Davis in the following statement:
Your declaration, challenges the people to
investigate the Roman Church, to get the Americanism
of Gov. Smith's religion. Since you have made his
religion a National issue, I am going to do that
briefly, but freely and frankly.
Let me say, however, that in charity, kindness
and clean life, I think there are millions of
Catholics who stand on a par with other Church
members. But that political plutocracy, that
Imperial Papal monarchy, that claims a divine right
to rule the world, that political oligarchy, lodged
in the ecclesiastic body that rules that Church,
has been a curse to mankind and a blight to
Davis Collection, "A Digest in Part of a Speech
by J. H. Cyclone Davis at the Old Confederates Reunion
at Hico, Texas, August 4, 1928."
®^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Senator Joe
Robinson of Arkansas, printed circular and manuscript,
September 12, 1928.
308
civilization, and in their besotted bigotry they
are now seeking to rob Europe of the glorious
freedom for which our country sacrificed our men
and millions to establish.65
Davis was careful to distinguish between the personal
religious values of the Catholic religion and the
Church organization. Papal pronouncements concerning
the superiority of Divine power, vested in the papal
hierarchy, over temporal or political power, were
discussed at length to show that the "Church is a deadly
enemy to all governments not ruled by the Pope."66
On October 31, 1928 Davis invited an old friend,
Cullen Thomas of Dallas, to debate the issues of the
campaign. Davis was "stumping the State on behalf of
the anti-Smith Democrats of Texas." Thomas said of
Davis:
You have perhaps made more and longer stump
speeches on more subjects, covering more territory,
over a longer period of time than any American
living or dead. Recognizing you as the mighty
Goliath of political debate between the oceans,
I have no ambition to essay the role of David.
Thomas jokingly suggested that they might not be able
to finish before the election, since Davis would get the
first speech. He, therefore, declined to debate Davis.
^^Davis to Robinson.
6*>Davis to Robinson.
^Davis Collection, The Daily News-Telegram,
[November 1, 1928].
309
In his reply, Davis scored Al Smith for wanting to
repeal the prohibition amendment and denounced Jacob
Rascob "as a rank and rancid Republican."^
During the Twenties, Davis fought for the Klan
and its beliefs. Repeal of prohibition was still a
major issue as factions of the Democratic party struggled
to gain control of party machinery. Davis defended white
supremacy, agrarian attitudes, and traditional Protestant
values. The "Tammany," Catholic, and urban influence was
feared and distrusted in the agricultural states. Davis
reflected in his speeches the typical attitudes of the
agrarian Democrats that composed his audiences. The
pageantry, ceremonial character, and the semi-religious
rituals of the Klan attracted large audiences that
readily identified with Davis' evangelistic, denunciatory
language. Political issues became a moral crusade. A
conspiracy to overthrow a life style and experience that
embodied the American way, so thought the Klan, brought
forth an emphatic and violent response. Davis was
contemptuous of Klan violence, but once the context for
authoritarian and arbitrary action had been woven, then
it was impossible to squelch the logical result,
intimidation and coercion.
I
I - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
! ^Davis collection, The Daily News-Telegram.
I [November 1, 1928].
310
Depression Speaking
Activities of 1930; Davis' Will. On February 12,
1930, Davis filed his will at the Hopkins county court
house in Sulphur Springs, Texas. In the document he
expressed his distaste for elaborate and expensive
funerals and asked for a simple burial with members of
the Klan participating. His property was to be divided
equally among his four sons and the Juliette Fowler
Orphan Home at Dallas, T e x a s . The Kourier, a Klan
paper, praised Davis for including the Klanhaven home
and added that "He has many times been a generation
ahead of contemporaries in espousing the great causes
for which he has fought.
In May, 1930 Davis was on the stump throughout
East Texas, attacking the "colossal corporations."
The depression of 1929 gave him another reason to
resurrect the old complaints against monopoly and
concentrated wealth. Davis was touring in support of
Mayfield for Governor, who had been defeated in 192 8
for a second term in the United States Senate. Davis
wrote an open letter to Senator Sheppard, May 9, 19 30,
j - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
j 6 i? T e x a s, Hopkins County (Sulphur Springs, Texas),
"Will and Testament: J. H. Davis & Wife— To— The Public,"
February 12, 1930.
^®Davis Collection, The Kourier, [March 17,
1930] .
311
printed in circular form, which elaborated his views.
Included was Davis' speaking schedule, which listed four
appointments. Also, Davis reprinted a letter from
Gibbons Poteet, of Lamar County, praising a speech Davis
made at Roxton. The letter said:
One of the greatest political speeches heard
in Texas in many a day was delivered at Roxton when
Cyclone Davis addressed an audience in support of
Mayfield. It was strong, but clean and dignified,
free from venom or vituperation. It was a classic
and more like the impassioned utterance of an able
and inspired divine.'1
Mayfield was defeated by Tom Connally in 1928
for the United States Senate. Davis had been careful
not to attack Connally in the 192 8 campaign, stating,
"I cheerfully take him to be a high class, clean, honor
able gentleman." Davis supported Mayfield because of
his legislative record. "On examination of Mr. Connally's
record of ten years, I find no measure bearing his name
that has ever found a place in the law of the land,"
72
Davxs explained.
In the Sheppard letter, Davis praised Sheppard
and Connally for their stand on the "yeller dog" contract,
and their "anti-chain" position:
^■*-Davis Collection, "Cyclone Davis Writes Letter
j to Senator Sheppard," circular letter, May 9, 1930.
j ^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis, Hico, Texas,
August 4, 192 8.
The greatest combination of wealth on earth
is being merged and chained together. Banks,
factories, oil companies and chained stores of
all kinds are merging into colossal combines
with Wall Street. . . . 73
Mayfield's platform of reform was recommended and
explained. The attack on Wall Street was continued:
Wall street, with her world-wide money monopoly,
now owns more than ten billions of non-taxable
bonds against our government, states, counties,
cities, highways, etc., and owns over two hundred
billion dollars worth of Europe's war bonds payable
in gold, which they bought at less than ten cents
on the dollar, while they held our country down
in deflation panic.74
The status of the working masses aroused Davis' anger
against his perpetual enemy:
Four million jobless men and women, weltering
tin] woeful want, make up the national army of
law-made vagrants. These financial ghouls, feast
and fatten while liberty agonizes in stagnation
and death. In the presence of millions of wealth
the people who created it are in the ditch of
despair.75
Activities of 1931. In March, 1931 Davis wrote
Congressman Byrns, attacking the Republican administration.
Such conditions of national life, as caused by the depres
sion, aroused the Davis fighting spirit. The Democrats
had a chance to recapture political power in the 1932
elections:
7-^Davis to Sheppard, May 9, 1930.
7^Davis to Sheppard, May 9, 1930.
^Davis to Sheppard, May 9, 1930.
313
The maladministration and failure of the
Republican party, after ten years of unrestrained
rule, has resulted in the most widespread panic—
pandimonium of debt, distress, and desolation
among the masses, and the most ravenous rapacity
of the privileged ribald rich. This ten years,
odorous in public scandal, festered with malignant
malfeasance, bribery, and corruption in official
life, give the Democratic party glorious oppor
tunity. 76
Davis attributed the distress to the fact that the
leaders had "steadfastly ignored Jefferson's teaching on
the money question." A note written at the top of the
manuscript in pencil said: "The Dallas News decline[d]
77
to use this. Please return it. It[s] my file copy."
A reprint from the Daily News Telegram, July 30,
1931,indicated that Davis was still politically active,
although 78 years old. He was sorry that all of the old
leaders of the populist party "are not living to see
their financial principles vindicated." The blame for
the economic distress of the nation was placed on the
universal adoption of the Gold Standard. Davis quoted
at length from a speech made at Omaha, Nebraska, at the
beginning of the 1900 campaign. Davis was endorsed by
7 8
the editor of the Telegram for Congressman-at-Large.
^^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Congressman
!Byrns, March 10, 1931, manuscript copy.
^Davis to Byrns.
7®Davis Collection, "Cyclone Davis Writes Again on
Trend of Times," Daily News Telegram (Sulphur Springs,
Texas), July 30, 1931.
314
Radio Speeches, 1931, KWKH, Shreveport, Louisiana.
Davis printed an essay addressed "To the People of Texas"
that announced his candidacy for Congressman-at-Large.
After a full discussion of the economic problems facing
the nation, he mentioned that he had made "six speeches
on the radio from Shreveport over KWKH," and printed
three letters that had been received in response. The
letters, dated in September and October, 1931, extended
congratulations to D a v i s . ^9
On November 2, 19 31,. Davis addressed a letter to
Hugh Nugent Fitzgerald, Austin, Texas, answering charges
in an article that Davis had been a member of the
Greenback party. Davis denied the charges and related
how he had won election as County Judge against a
Greenback candidate.
As he reviewed his political philosophy, Davis
contended that he "beat Black [1922] , but they stole my
election and counted Black in by something over 200
votes." He also charged that farmers who had joined
unions were not allowed to vote. What prompted Fitzgerald
to write was Davis' presence in Austin to act as "the
spokesman of a section of Northeast Texas in that rate
^^Davis Collection, "J. H. (Cyclone) Davis in
Race for Congress," circular,[1932].
315
hearing."80
Campaign for Congress, 1932
With the United States facing the greatest economic
crisis in its history, Davis felt that the measure; he had
been suggesting for forty years were the solutions to the
nation's problems. Accordingly, he again became a candi
date for national office in 1932, running for Congressman-
at-Large, Place Two. Three vacancies for Congressman-at-
Large were to be filled in the 1932 election.
"Cyclone" Legally Adopted Name. Remembering the
struggle of 1916 to get "Cyclone" printed on the ballot and
his resulting defeat when unsuccessful, Davis petitioned
the Eighth Judicial District Court of Texas to allow the
sobriquet "Cyclone" to be legally added to his name. This
request was granted by Judge Newman Phillips of the Sixty-
second Judicial District, on May 25, 1932. Phillips was
sitting for Judge L. L. Bowman of the Eighth Judicial Dis
trict, who was ill. Davis was now legally J. H. Cyclone
(without quotation marks or parentheses) Davis.8^
Platform of 1932. On a campaign card, Davis listed
the measures he desired:
80Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Hugh Nugent
Fitzgerald, Austin, Texas, November 2, 1931.
^Texas, Hunt County (Greenville, Texas), "Minutes
of the District Court," 1932, Volume W, page 144. See also
Texas, Hopkins County (Sulphur Springs, Texas), "Civil
Minutes, District Court," 1932, Volume T, page 63.
316
He is in Favor of ---
1. Immediate payment of the World War Veterans'
Adjusted Service Certificates with new
currency issued direct to the veterans.
2. Taking control of the Federal Reserve System
away from Wall Street High Financiers.
3. Five-day week, six-hour day, for labor during
present crisis, until every laborer again
has a job.
4. Closing door to foreign immigration for at
least ten years.
5. Collection of European war loans due our
government; not their cancellation.
6. Submission of repeal of 18th amendment to
vote of people, and pledges himself to abide
by that vote.82
Davis' platform of 1932 centered around the money
question, a life-long theme:
This country must return to the money system of
Jefferson, Jackson and Bryan. The gold standard,
as thousands of us bimetallists said, has built a
world financial pyramid with the little end down
and has now tumbled, plunging the world into universal
bankruptcy, and incringing poverty haunts millions
of happy homes.
Since Andrew Mellon has been general manager of
the United States he and his pals in finance have
called in nearly two billion dollars in currency and
hoarded billions more, killed nearly twelve billion
dollars of the world's silver coin, threw the world
into virtual bankruptcy in order to make a market
for their hoarded money in order to buy governmental
bonds and put foreign governments back on their feet
by furnishing them American money instead of investing
those billions in production and commercial enterprise
B^Davis Collection, Campaign card for Democratic
Run-Off Primary, August 27, 1932.
83
and put the American people on their feet again.
Davis went on to attack the corporations and the Federal
Reserve and to demand a bonus for World War I soldiers.
Concerning the cancellation of the war debt of Germany,
Davis was "willing to match dollar for dollar and cancel
just as much of our debt against Europe as the Internation
al bankers will, and no more.^
Results of the July Primary, 1932. Davis was
successful in the primary election and campaigned for
O C
the run-off election to be held in August.
On July 4, 1932, from Bryan, Texas, Davis wrote
a letter to Governor Franklin D. Roosevelt and John
Garner giving them his complete support, "without
reservation or hesitation." He stated he was "petrified"
on the issue of prohibition, but that it could be settled
after the election. The breadlines, bank failures, and
high tariff made unity absolutely necessary to defeat
86
the Republicans.
B^oavis Collection, "J. H. (Cyclone) Davis in
Race for Congress," 1932. Circular of his platform
statements.
8^Davis, 1932 Platform.
^Davis Collection, San Antonio Light, August 28,
1932.
86Hopkins County Echo, [no date], Barker History
Center, University of Texas, Austin, Texas.
318
Davis' opponent in the run-off was J. W. Bailey,
the son of Senator J. W. Bailey, an old political foe.
Davis received 365,485 votes in the run-off election
8 7
but was defeated by the younger Bailey.
Davis was despondent over his defeat. He included
8 8
several letters in his Memoir that cheered him.
He wrote:
My defeat in the last campaign has been sweetened
by the fact J. W. Bailey publicly stated in our
campaign, that he thought I was wrong on the money
question and wrong in demanding payment of the
soldier bonus. But when he went to Congress he soon
found I was right. It was Atty-General Hardin of
Ky., with whom I had the debate acquiring the title
"Cyclone."
In the Bryan campaign of 1896 when General Hardin
was nominated for Governor of Kentucky on the Bryan
platform and his crowd of gold bugs deserted him
and Bryan, he sent me word that I was right on the
money question at the time of our d i s c u s s i o n .
The depression made it difficult for Davis to
secure funds for the 1932 campaign. Arlon, now in San
Antonio, and associated with the Corporated Floodlight
Company, wrote several letters concerning the campaign
and its progress. Arlon insisted that he and his brothers
would be able to supply some of the needed campaign
funds. He advised, "As to money, Dad, there are literally
®^Memoir, 196. See also the San Antonio Light,
August 28, 1932.
®®Memoir, 196; San Antonio Light, August 28, 1932.
®^Memoir, 194-195.
hundreds of people that would take pride in contributing
small sums to your campaign if you would bury your burden
some pride and permit it." He warned his father not to
involve the elder Bailey's ghost in the campaign or to
q n
speak disparagingly of his memory. Old age and lack
of funds made it difficult for Davis to conduct an
extensive campaign; yet he received over 365,000 votes.
Although defeated, Davis was to continue to write actively
concerning the political conditions of the nation.
Contributing Editor: Good Home Sunday Courier, 1932-1934
In October, 1932 Davis became contributing editor
of the Good Home Sunday Courier. ^ W. J. Minton, a
cousin, was editor and president, and Arlon B. Davis was
general manager and vice-president. Davis wrote a
column entitled "Thunderbolts." In the first article,
Davis stated he planned to advocate homes for the masses,
the retention of prohibition, and a change in the
financial system. He wrote, "Money monopoly, land
^®Davis Collection, Arlon B. Davis to J. H. Davis,
July 29, 1932; June 3, 1932.
^The Davis Collection included the following issues
of the Good Home Sunday Courier: October, 19 32; November,
1932; December, 1932; January, 1933; March 5, 1933; April
30, 1933; June 11, 1933; July-August, 1933; December,
1933; May, 1934; May 25, 1934; July, 1934; August, 1934.
320
monopoly, and war have been and are now, the three
9 2
blighting curses of the human race.
Although the Courier was intended to be a weekly,
often it was published monthly because of the difficult
financial situation caused by the depression.
Davis often included in his articles open letters
addressed to public officials. The March, 1933, column
closed with a letter to President Roosevelt calling for
9 * 3
a return to Jefferson's principles and to true democracy.
Final Political Battles, 1934-1940
Preparation of Memoir, 1934. At the encouragement
of his son, Arlon, Davis began to prepare materials for
his Memoir. While his father was so engaged, Arlon began
to promote the pre-publication sale of the book. He
planned to enlist four hundred people who would contribute
$5.00 each in order to raise the $2,000.00 needed for
publication costs. Those subscribing would have their
names included in the frontispiece and receive two
I _________________________________________________________________
^Davis Collection, Good Home Sunday Courier,
October, 19 32.
^Davis Collection, Good Home Sunday Courier,
March 5, 1933. The Davis collection included several
additional letters, not published in the Courier, advising
public officials. Senator Elmer Thomas, September 22,
1933; Henry T. Rainey, Speaker of the House, November,
1933, reprinted in Memoir, 192-194; Senator Tom Connally,
February 11, 1934.
321
copies. The book contained about sixteen pages with
the names of the advance subscribers, representing towns
from all over Texas. This successful response was
9 4
attributed to Arlon's "zealous solicitation." It
was hoped that the book would enjoy a wide circulation
and relieve the financial distress of the elder Davis.
Campaigning for Tom Hunter, Candidate for Governor,
1934. Late in 1933 and early in 1934, Davis and Arlon
were traveling over North and East Texas promoting the
Good Home Sunday Courier. ^ On January 1, 1934, Davis
wrote to Tom F. Hunter of Wichita Falls, reporting that
he had found a favorable reaction toward Hunter's
9 6
candidacy for Governor. Davis supported Hunter in
9 7
the July primary, through the pages of the Courier.
In the August Democratic second primary election, Davis
campaigned actively for Hunter in the counties between
Dallas and Sulphur Springs. Speaking from August 17 to
August 24, 1934,Davis emphasized his prohibition beliefs,
9^Memoir, 21-38; Davis Collection, Circular, "A
Masterpiece— Memoirs."
^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Hon. Tom
Connally, Senator, February 11, 1934.
^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Tom F. Hunter,
January 1, 1934.
^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Tom F. Hunter,
October 28, 19 34.
322
describing himself as a "vehement dry," although pro
hibition had been repealed by the Twenty-first Amendment
in 1933. Alien ownership of oil and other minerals and
oil importation were attacked. "Alien corporation
cannibals are devouring our liberties," he wrote. Those
alien corporations which constituted "a Wall Street pipe
line that makes a net profit of twenty million should
be made to pay to Texas at least three million a year
9 8
as excess profit tax."
A scuffle between Arlon and Ben Allred, whose
brother, James V. Allred, opposed Hunter for Governor,
occurred at Gilmer, August 18, 1934. Arlon, angered
at the press reports of the incident, fired the fol
lowing telegram to the Associated Press at Gilmer and
Dallas:
Cyclone Davis gangsters did not gang Ben Allred.
He and one gangster ganged me. I knocked him off
his mike when he heckled my father's meeting and
began an insolent tirade of vituperation. No other
Davis struck him. His gangster struck me. It takes
two Allred men to handle any Davis. Publish this
correction please or I shall be very disappointed.
Arlon B. Davis, Main Hotel, Kilgore. °
In the second Democratic primary, August, 1934,
^Davis Collection, Circular, "Hear Cyclone Davis
on the Depression and its Cause and Remedy," August 16,
1934.
^Davis Collection, Arlon B. Davis to Associated
Press, Gilmer and Dallas, Texas, August 20, 1934, corrected
draft of a telegram.
323
James V. Allred won over Tom F. Hunter, 498,808 votes
to 457,785 votes. In the 43rd election, Allred was
elected Governor, receiving 421,422 votes to his
Republican opponent's 13,534 v o t e s . 100 Again, Davis
had backed a strong and capable candidate, but had not
achieved the victory of election.
Death of His Wife. In September, 1934, Davis’
wife, Belle Barton, died. Davis continued to travel
in behalf of his book, but soon he became depressed over
the loss of his wife. He visited for a short while with
his brother Jeff in Roby, Texas, and other relatives in
Anson, Texas. At the last of October, 1934, Davis
and Arlon traveled "in and around Dallas" raising funds
"for the development of our magazine and for the publica
tion of my book." He wrote to Tom Hunter, October 28,
1934:
I am to address the Young Men's Democratic Club
of Dallas Wednesday night October 31st, and I am
going to rattle their hocks in great shape.-*-®2
j On November 15, 1934 Davis wrote to;the News-
Telegram concerning his plans. Under the title of "A
Treatise on Public Opinion; Its Freaks, Foibles, and
lOOTexas Almanac, 1961-62, 473.
10-*-Davis Collection, Louise Belle Davis to J. H.
Davis, October 15, 19 34.
102Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Tom Hunter,
October 28, 1934.
324
Benefits," he said: "There is an aching void and vacuum
in my life that nothing can fill except the companionship
of another good woman." He discussed how "public opinion"
had modified the fashion habits of women over the years,
the craze for golf and other sports, gambling, and liquor
traffic. All of these resulted because "public opinion
has certainly gone daft."-*-^
Davis' income during this time was meager, and
he depended to a great extent on the funds raised for
the pre-publication of his book. Arlon, who was es
tranged from his wife and daughters, helped care for his
father during this period. Davis' other sons and their
families also cared for him.-^4 Davis was lonely during
the last months of 1934, and in December he wrote a
touching tribute to his wife:
My wife having died in September, this was the
first Christmas in fifty-five years we could not
eat dinner together. Therefore, while the whole
country was feasting in festive joy I decided in
my sadness to go to the grave where we left her
body, and spend this day in solitary loneliness and
prayer. Seated at her grave in solitude of the
city of the dead, I wrote the following dirge,
soliloquy or requiem giving expression to my
sorrowful feelings, hoping that the day thus spent,
lO^Davis Collection, Hopkins County Echo,[n.d.],
Letter from J. H. Davis, November 15, 1934.
•*-®^Davis Collection, J. H. Davis to Louise Davis,
| San Antonio, October 28, 1934; Memoir, 44.
325
would serve as an anodyne to my sorrow.-*-^
Davis' poem expressed his melancholy and praised his
wife's virtues.
Law Suit Against Dallas Morning News. The
scuffle between Arlon and Bel Allred, brother of James
V. Allred, candidate for Governor, at Gilmer on August
18, 1934,was erroneously reported, according to the Davis
family."^® A damage suit for $100,000 was filed in
January, 1935.107 The suit was subsequently lost in court.
Davis' Re-marriage. On December 15, 1935, Davis,
who would be 82 on December 24, married Mrs. James (Maud)
108
Wood, who was 65, at the home of the bride in Kaufman.
A letter on March 3, 1935 from his brother, Jeff Davis
of Roby, pleaded with Davis to "lay aside politics and
come home and take your daily papers and set down and
109
read and keep yourself posted. . . . ,,- LU*
10^Davis Collection, Manuscript addressed to J. S.
Bagwell, editor of Hopkins County Echo, Christmas Day,
1934; Memoir, 47.
• * - 06Dallas Morning News, August 19, 1934.
-*-®7Davis Collection, Copy of the Law Suit against
the A. H. Belo Corporation, owners of the Dallas Morning
News, filed in District Court of Hopkins County, January
Term, A. D. 1935.
108£)avis Collection, Dallas Morning News, February
1, 1940.
•*-®^Davis Collection, J. D. Davis to J. H. Davis,
March 3, 1935.
326
Death. Davis followed his brother's advice and
was inactive during his remaining years. For the last
two years, he was in ill health. He died at 3:30 p.m.,
Wednesday, January 31, 1940 at his home in Kaufman. He
was buried in the Sulphur Springs city cemetery.
His nephew, B. B. McGee, wrote to the El Paso Times
eulogizing Davis:
James Harvey ("Cyclone") Davis is dead. Texas'
most daring debater is through, a most rhythmic
tongue is stilled, and, contrasting the name
"Cyclone," a very gentle man is gone.
• • • • • • • • • • • • • ■ • • • • • - • • • • A *
He died with his political boots o n . m
The Dallas Morning News, that had chronicled his life
for over fifty years wrote:
J. H. (Cyclone) Davis attained an age at which
most elect to sit by the hearth and recall the
past. But the reason that this veteran Texas
political stormy petrel carried on to 85 with
unimpaired mental vigor may well have been that
he preferred to remain a lively fighter so long
as a spark of life remained. He was no general
willing to die in bed. He liked the battlefield.
Populist leader in a long-ago era when populism
split great political parties, prohibition advocate
when in politics and out prohibition debate was
as likely to bring on a physical riot as a poll booth
upturn, more lately a stout protagonist of old age
pensions, Cyclone Davis believed in what he fought
for and gave all that was in him to the numberless
skirmishes in every campaign in which he participated.
You could not say that he ever saw both sides of a
question. He saw only Cyclone Davis' side. He was
always right and the other side was always wrong.
110Davis Collection, Dallas Morning News, February
1, 1940.
^"''Davis Collection, unlabeled clipping.
327
And once his mind was made up, he believed in fighting
tooth and nail for his convictions.
That was Cyclone Davis. Perhaps he was wrong.
The News, which often disagreed with his contentions,
has often, of course, thought him wrong. But stout
conviction breeds a wholesome respect for the man
who holds it, who will surrender no jot or tittle
of it, regardless of the strength of the opposition.
That, too, was Cyclone Davis. He could be outvoted
but not convinced.
Cyclone Davis holds an undoubted place as a part
of Texas History, a picturesque, hard fighting
political evangelist who never conceded defeat.
His cousin, W. J. Minton, of the Good Home Sunday
Courier, wrote:
A Giant,— A Gentleman,— A Truly Great Man, has
passed from our sphere of life into another,— but
he yet lives, and loves God and his fellowman.1^3
"Cyclone" Davis, Junior. After James Harvey's
death, his eldest son, Arlon B., adopted the name
"Cyclone" and lectured at various points in Texas.
In 1940 Arlon entered the democratic primary for governor.
The race included the colorful W. Lee O'Daniel, who won,
and Mrs. Miriam A. "Ma" Ferguson, former governor
(January 20, 1925 to January 17, 1927, and January 17,
1933 to January 15, 1935) It was reported that
Cyclone Junior spoke at the Centerville "black-eyed
-H^paiias Morning News, February 2, 1940.
^ 3Good Home Sunday Courier, unlabeled clipping.
H^Davis Collection, unlabeled clippings, describ
ing a speech Arlon made to the Jaycees of Waco, Texas.
^-^Texas Almanac, 1961-62, 473, 441.
328
pea festival" and called O'Daniel's new and expensive
1 1
sound bus a "dry land yacht. Later he spoke from
the steps of the State Capitol in Austin, dressed in an
Uncle Sam costume. He charged that the Governor had
intimidated the legislators and that natural resources
of the state had been stolen.^ The sale tax was
discussed on a later occasion.118 Election day in 1940
I - I Q
was July 27. Davis polled only 3,623 votes.
Summary. As Congressman-at-Large, Davis assumed
an anti-preparedness stance that he maintained until
the United States entered World War I. This progressive
philosophy was not relinquished until it was no longer
I
patriotic to defend it. Davis then turned all of his
energies to the winning of the war. His Liberty Loan
speeches revealed his changed attitude. Davis was at
his best when on the attack. In his anti-preparedness
speeches, the industrial giants, "corporations," and the
munitions manufacturers— anyone who stood to make excess
! profits— were his targets. In his Liberty Loan speeches,
his condemnation was directed toward the Kaiser.
11^Abilene Reporter-News, July 14, 1940.
11^Abilene Reporter-News, July 21, 1940.
118Abilene Reporter-News, July 28, 1940.
l^Texas Almanac, 1961-62, 473.
Davis participated in every biennial state campaign
from 1918 to 1934. After the war and in the early
twenties, Davis focused on the issues of "reconstruction."
Prohibition, administration of the monetary system,
special privilege, woman suffrage, and child labor were
his themes. Davis sought public office as United States
Representative twice, in 1922 and 1932, but was defeated
by a narrow margin on both occasions. He considered
running for Governor of Texas, but did not. In each
campaign, he selected a candidate he believed to best
represent his philosophy, and actively supported him
on the stump.
In his Klan speeches, Davis tried to appeal to
the better nature of his audiences. He sought to distill
the best moral tenets from Klanism and thereby uplift
the image of the Klan. He viewed the Klan as a political
and fraternal organization. He tried to extract and
emphasize the moral tenets of the Klan and reject the
| baser elements, and thus make the Klan respectable and
{ acceptable to the common person. Davis rationalized
j white supremacy, anti-Semitism, and anti-Catholicism,
| trying to de-emphasize the individual prejudice and
direct his attack to the organized aspect of the philos
ophies. Davis rejected the violent aspects of the Klan;
yet he could still rationalize the flogging of a
330
"reprobate" if he thought the victim deserved it.
Consistency was not a Klan virtue. Davis' actions and
viewpoints, however, received the approbation of thousands
of his fellow citizens, as evidenced by the numerous
large Klan rallies of the era. Davis must be evaluated
in that context.
The depression of 1929 and the New Deal provided
Davis with abundant opportunity to comment on the
nation's political and economic problems. No longer
active as a speaker, Davis, in his late seventies, returned
to editorial writing to express his opinions. Through the
"Thunderbolts" column of the Good Home Sunday Courier he
wrote concerning prohibition, unemployment, the national
debt, the gold standard, the banking system, and other
depression problems.
As the nation moved forward under the "New Deal,"
Davis, not always agreeing with the administration,
retired from the political wars.
CHAPTER IX
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
i
!
i
This study examined the political persuasion of j
i
James Harvey "Cyclone" Davis within the context of
contemporary society in order to assess his influence on
j
the political currents of the day. Explanations were j
sought for three aspects of Davis' public speaking: (1) !
I the ideas that Davis developed in his speeches, (2) the !
[arguments and appeals Davis used in his speeches, and j
|
j (3) the effectiveness of Davis in adjusting his thinking to,
I :
|the values, attitudes, and beliefs of his audiences. |
! The principal means of communication of the Populist j
I i
j reform movement, the most significant agrarian movement of i
:the Nineteenth Century, was the use of persuasive public
; i
[address. The strategy of the Populist speakers was to j
| ;
;introduce to American farmers the political issues of the j
j times, to clarify political philosophies by directing atten-j-
I j
j tion to essential differences, and, most important, to j
ipresent reasons for supporting the Populist views, thus j
i assisting the audience in developing reliable bases for j
i
j , |
:decision. Fundamental to the Populist concept of public
|address was the belief that the people have the ability and
!right to decide. Populist orators were both of and from
332
those people they addressed. Populist oratory reflected
ithe self-image of rural audiences, clarified that self-
image, and, at the same time, provided leadership for de-
i
sired political change. j
In a period of turbulent social change, Davis' j
; speeches provided a unique source for the study of this
man, his view of himself, his concept of society, and his
development of ideas. The speeches of Davis reflect both |
the thoughts and actions of the Populist leaders and !
I j
!followers as they confronted the problems of their day. j
;Historians, in writing of their own times, frequently over-
j !
look individuals like Davis who played significant sup- |
I
porting roles; however, to present history in its totality, j
|one must recognize local and state personalities, the back- j
jbone of grassroots movements. It is these personalities,
jthese orators, who bear the burden of organizing and sus
taining reform movements. Listeners identify a movement !
with those who, from their appearance on the hustings, sym- j
! ]
ibolize the movement. To many, Davis, and men like him,
jpersonified Populism. j
James Harvey Davis' career as a public speaker
;spanned fifty years of national life, from the agrarian
icrusades of the 1880's to the depression of the 1930's.
A long tenure on the public platform provided opportunity
|for him to express himself on a wide variety of political,
333
economic, and social issues. His major issues were:
jPopulism (1890-1900), prohibition (1900-1920) , national
i
ipreparedness (1913-1918), post-war readjustments and
! , |
Klanism (1918-1929), and depression problems (1929-1935). |
| SUMMARY
Davis' Rhetorical Problems
Populism (1890-1900). When Populism was at its j
I i
i I
jheight, Davis' rhetorical problem was to persuade agrarian
•populations of Texas, the Midwest, and the West to support
jthe third-party reform measures. The party platforms
•called for reform in three areas: land, money, and trans- !
j !
jportation. Appearing at hundreds of camp meetings, Davis j
i established a strong identification with his audiences. He i
■had shared their poverty, distress, and despair, and his j
i
jaudiences sensed his dedication to their cause. Neverthe
less, Davis understood that effective political action was
ibased upon expediency, although idealism need not be com-
i I
promised to achieve positive results. To Davis, "party
'above principle" was not logical or rational thinking. He
! !
iworked for the best interests of his audiences, in light of!
|his own interpretation of those interests. j
| In 1896, the Democratic party, in a move to unite
J
ivarious political factions, adopted a number of the
334
Populist demands. The result was a new and confusing
political situation. Davis first attempted to lead his
audiences to hold fast to Populist ideals, but irrevocable
trends and forces were at work. Davis, unhappy but
resigned, tried to effect a compromise; but his aspiration
for unity was frustrated by a die-hard segment of the
Populist party who viewed coalition as a threat to personal
ambitions. The resulting political tumult was incomprehen
sible to Davis, attacked by obdurate elements in both
parties. Actions that had seemed expedient and reasonable
were labeled traitorous. Disappointed and embittered, he
voted for Republican McKinley in 1896, and worked to elect
the Democrat Bryan in 1900. When he relinquished his
Populist ties and rejoined the Democratic forces, he
insisted that his varied political loyalities were
consistent with his long-held principles.
Prohibition (1900-1920). From 1900 until the
passage of the Eighteenth amendment in 1920, prohibition
was a major political issue with Davis. He had favored
prohibition from his youth and was one of the leading
Prohibition movement speakers in Texas and the nation.
His position on the alcohol question helped to elect him
to Congress in 1914, as Representative-at-Large from Texas..
During the prohibition campaigns, Davis' listeners
possessed essentially the same characteristics as his
335
Populist audiences. His prohibitionist followers were
agriculturalists and farm laborers. They possessed little
j
formal education, were hardened by long hours of strenuous
j
physical labor, intellectually isolated, having little ]
i
access to current information, eager to hear anyone pro- j
! fessing to bring enlightenment, and accepting uncritically
much of what they heard. These audiences,in particular,
enjoyed Davis' vituperative name-calling and humorous anec-|
dotes. He attacked those who symbolized the evils of the j
age, thus providing an emotional outlet for his listeners' |
sense of helplessness. A mental inferno for one's enemies |
j :
! strengthened their endurance of hardships. j
l
I
j National Preparedness (1913-1918). As Davis
I -------- ---------------- -
I
j entered Congress, still supporting prohibition, he was
I
| forced to enlarge his provincial perspective to include
; ■ !
| national and international problems. The issue of |
! preparedness loomed as a dominant national concern. Davis ,
i favored neutrality and domestic spending over the develop- |
i l
; ment of an immense war machine. When the inevitability i
; i
of war was evident, he reluctantly joined in support of the!
' war effort and directed his energies to its success. j
i Davis, who had been elected to Congress by rural prohibi- j
; tionist followers, now, because of his platform antics,
j
: gained a national reputation. Though most of the nation
! i
: enjoyed his humor, the general urban populations viewed
336
him as an anachronistic curiosity. After the House chas
tised him for his attack on Upshur Vincent, reporter for
the Houston Post, and after his subsequent defeat for re- !
I ■
election, Davis made a major change in his presentation. I
His campaign materials and speeches for re-election in 1916
took on a much more serious character and were directed not
only to rural audiences but to the entire growing urban
i
class. A more mature, less caustic approach prevailed for
| i
!a while, but,in his Liberty Bond speeches, Davis soon re- j
; j
isumed a ridiculing and denunciatory style. Once again, his !
i J
[appeal was to audiences basically agrarian in character,
i ;
| Post-war Readjustment and Klanism (1918-1920). Dur
ing the unsettled conditions after World War I, Klanism was
jrevived. Davis made conscientious attempts to modify the j
|Klan image by emphasizing the symbolic and ritualistic
! i
'aspects of the organization. He was not blind to ruffian ;
J i
[elements in the Klan but thought sincerely, perhaps naively,j
I
[that positive attributes of the Klan outweighed its baser
I 1
! i
[aspects. Anti-Semitism and anti-Catholicism, natural out-
igrowths of Klan philosophy, posed no barriers to Davis, who j
; i
[viewed individual religious conviction as honorable but con-|
I I
demned blind loyalty to organized hierarchial and rabbinicalj
[structures.
Davis1 Klan speeches were delivered to rural Texans
337
who accepted his assertions prima facie. These audiences
offered no serious intellectual challenge to his Klan
assumptions. He was not called upon to defend his position
philosophically, nor was he required to justify the values
underlying his Klan ideas. Listeners accepted without
question Davis' anti-Semitism, anti-Catholicism, and
racism.
Depression Problems (1929-1935). The financial
crash of 1929 seemed to be a prophetic fulfillment of forty
years of Populist warnings. Davis, then in his late
seventies and inclined to reminisce, viewed the distress as
an outgrowth of problems that had existed since Populist
days. To him, the old attitudes and abuses of the Populist
era were causes of the present national distress for which
the Populist solutions were still valid. Since many New
Deal reforms were similar to those advocated by the
Populists, Davis often saw in these measures a close
kinship to his own recommendations. He found satisfaction
in seeing reform legislation accepted so readily by
Congress and the public. Fundamentally correct in his
reasons for insisting upon monetary reform, Davis did not
comprehend the extent and complexity of the needed
ameliorative measures. He acquiesced in his support of the
Eighteenth amendment, accepting repeal in order to direct
attention to what he considered to be desperate economic
338
conditions.
During the depression years, semi-retired from the
i
platform, Davis used the pages of the Courier to present
his views to the public. His articles were directed pri
marily to the agrarian constituency of Texas. Davis' aud- !
!
I
iences remained essentially unchanged throughout his life- |
time; his limited appeal was always to rural audiences. j
i !
i ;
j Davis' Ideology I
i !
; Philosophic Origins. Democratic ideals in conflict j
Iwith dynamic capitalism provided the philosophic origins of
!Davis' themes. Agrarianism was never quite the pastoral
|utopia that the farmers idealized, and capitalism was never |
I
quite the invidious monster they depicted. A multitude of J
I complex social, economic, and political forces, national and
I international, combined to create the matrix of problems j
! faced in the 1890's. Davis, along with Populist and subse
quent reformers, inspired audiences with a fundamental
'theme: that man, by using his God-granted political power,
derived from Jefferson's teachings and incorporated in the
l
Declaration of Independence and the Constitution, could '
: control his societal environment and his political and !
: j
ieconomic destiny. I
: I
i Conspiracy Attitudes. According to Davis, man was I
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - j
subject to social, economic, and political forces that werej
(not always apparent to him. These "invisible" powers were j
339
often interpreted by the people as a "conspiracy" against
them. Because of the arcane, complex nature of these forces
and their negative results for the common man, the conspir-
j
acy theory was, for Populists, a plausible and logical ex- j
planation of socio-economic problems. Natural forces,
directed by a benevolent God, could not have such disastrous
effects for the masses unless carefully directed by intell
igent men in a position to manipulate those forces for their
I
own selfish ends. Hofstadter wrote:
j Corruption itself has the character of conspir
acy. In this sense the Credit Mobilier was a con
spiracy, as was the Teapot Dome affair. If we tend j
to be too condescending to the Populists at this !
| point, it may be necessary to remind ourselves that
| they had seen so much bribery and corruption, parti-
| cularly on the part of the railroads, that they had
! before them a convincing model of the management of
| affairs through conspiratorial behavior. Indeed, ;
what makes conspiracy theories so widely acceptable j
| is that they usually contain a germ of truth. j
(Thus the scandals that periodically occurred served as proof
i
|of conspiracy for the Populist mind. Viewed as a response ]
j i
|to well-known abuses, Davis' attacks throughout his life on |
I j
("money power" and "Wall Street" were understandable.
j !
| Role of Government. One of Davis' basic contentions
; i
! I
was that the government had abandoned the democratic j
principles of the Founding Fathers, Jefferson in parti-
: !
icular, and had allowed special privileges for special !
: ’ i
jclasses to exist. Davis interpreted the capitalistic j
■*"Richard Hofstadter, Age of Reform, (New York:
‘ Alfred A. Knopf, Inc., 1961), 71.
340
expansion, ruthless individualism, and the government
scandals of the age— all unchecked by government
regulation— as being abuses of the authority originally
granted as a trust by the people. Corporate power gave
the business community unfair advantage over the agrarian
sections of the country and the laboring classes. To
correct abuses, both real and imagined, Davis and the
Populists insisted that the government take positive and
direct action for the people. In the areas of money,
transporation, and land, Populists held it was the duty and
function of government to exercise control through
legislative and executive action. If regulation did not
suffice, then the government should intervene, even to the
point of outright ownership, to insure that people were
served fairly and efficiently.
The nation was not convinced that Davis and the
Populists were right, perhaps because of the socialistic
overtones of government ownership of transportation and
communication facilities. Advocacy of government ownership
provided Populist opponents with a point of attack, allowing
them to combat Populists with charges of deserting
traditional, almost sacred, democratic values. On the
other hand, Populists, in responding to the financial
problem, favored one of the purest forms of democracy.
Co-operatives and sub-treasuries would have allowed each
341
individual farmer to be a share-holder in proportion to his
purchases, and in proportion to the produce he placed in
warehouses. Script, a form of direct capitalization, would
then have been available to the farmer, giving him direct
access to the "mint" or "treasury" of the United States.
The "middle men" (bankers and "Shylocks") were thus elimin- j
ated, and the cost of money to the average man would have
been reduced.
I
i
'Davis' Rhetorical Philosophy and Adjustments
j j
! Speech Preparation. The Davis Collection contains j
|no speech manuscripts from the 1890's. Since he carefully
l i
preserved newspaper clippings from this period, it is !
doubtful that Davis prepared his speeches in manuscript
|form. Although Davis recorded that he lost his diary,
-books, and valuable papers in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1917,
j there would have been little reason for him to carry |
!Populist manuscripts on his Liberty Bond Tours. Since j
I I
I Davis spoke extemporaneously, texts available for study j
i j
'were drawn from reports, often verbatim, made by steno- j
igraphers and newspaper reporters. These reports were later!
! I
used in writing brief accounts for the newspapers; J
occasionally a full text would be printed. That carefully
I revised manuscripts of his Klan speeches in the 19 20's do
exist, suggest the sensitivity of that issue to Davis and
I j
'his times.
342
Character of Davis' Populist Oratory. Davis1
speaking reflected a number of characteristics common to
reform oratory. Most prominent was his over-reaction to
iandover-statement of opponents' views and motives. He de~ |
I ;
liberately cultivated a sense of the dramatic. Frequently i
his attempts to be humorous became comic and he, rather than
his material, became the object of laughter.
! Because of their excesses in language and delivery, j
jalong with their expressed fear of conspiracy, Hofstadter j
jassessed Populist oratory as possessing a "paranoid" ten- j
i 1
dency.^ Although Hofstadter qualifies his assertion, the |
[label he uses carries with it a connotation of mental de-
i I
irangement if not charlatanism. But this demagogic connota- i
i ;
jtion seems unfair to the Populist orators. The distinction j
I, j
[between agitator and demagogue is subtle but real; the first'
jis reacting to a genuine grievance and offering a plausible i
I i
jsolution. Agitators, according to Lomas, are "articulate j
! i
ispokesmen" who create "emotional fervor" among their j
i
^listeners by using colorful language "that presents the |
[grievance in its most aggravated form." The demagogue,
iconversely, seeks "to influence public opinion with com- 1
j |
plete indifference to truth."3 Populists, even with their
: ---------------------------------------------------------------------- j
! j
j ^Hofstadter, 72-73. I
i n . , , t
^Charles W. Lomas, The Agitator in American Society |
(Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968), j
jet passim, 1-19. I
excesses, were not deluded nor did they depend on conscious
misrepresentation as a rhetorical device. The movement as
a whole, with only isolated exceptions, stopped far short j
iof demagoguery. I
i I
I ;
i Although Davis and the other Populist orators fav-
i
lored a denunciatory, threatening, and accusatory symbolism,
!
jtheir style should not be allowed to obscure the fact that
[they confronted serious and real problems. For the most |
| I
[part, Populist spokesmen offered practical and workable |
i , ;
[solutions to alleviate their troubles. Agrarian advocates j
! i
[possibly hindered their own cause by triggering, even in
their own followers, a subconsciously negative reaction. |
[The perfervid oratory of the Populists, their unorthodox
| |
lideas, their unresolved intra-party disputes, their oppo- J
[ i
jnents' charges of fanaticism— all these created a subtle j
Ifear and distrust in the minds of the voting public. Radi- j
I ;
I
|cal actions and radical rhetoric raised questions, perhaps
unfounded, but nevertheless damaging: Where would the !
■country go under such leadership? What would these men j
'really do if suddenly thrust into power? And, would they j
| j
[serve the special interests of the farmers and laborers j
| i
only while neglecting the welfare of the nation as a whole? !
j !
At one point in his career, during his campaign for
re-election to Congress in 1916, Davis was forced to adjust
344
his ideas to avoid alienating segments of the American
populace. He might have been successful in this change
had not several factors worked to his detriment: his own
rustic language and appearance, the smear campaign
conducted against him, and upheavals in international
affairs that were difficult for even the most educated
and sophisticated to comprehend.
Loss of victory by close margins embittered Davis
in his later years, causing him to feel that the elections
of 1894 and 1922 were stolen from him. Evidence exists
to sustain the conclusion that the election of 1894 was
fradulent and that Davis should have been seated in the
House of Representatives in Washington. The organized
newspaper campaign against Davis in 1916 was a classic
example of public character assassination and would be
worthy of further research. The close margins of the 1922 j
j
and 1932 elections indicate that an organized and efficient j
campaign probably would have returned Davis to Congress. |
As a good Jeffersonian, Davis believed that any
case should be taken directly to the people. For him
the public speaking situation was an ideal environment for
creating and molding public opinion. If he could assemble
an audience and be allowed to present his propositions, he
had faith that the people would respond. He was essentially
correct in this assumption, but it was impossible to
345
reach the majority of the voting public from the platform.
Arduous, energetic, and lengthy personal campaigning could
not compete with well-financed, professional, multi-media
campaign efforts that were designed to reach diverse
segments of the American population. Populist campaigns
also ignored the established power structure. Instead of
seeking the advice and support of influential members of
this group, the Populists denounced them continually,
polarizing them into active opposition. Those who were
willing to offer their help were totally rejected and
alienated from the Populist cause.
Davis, despite his limited formal education, was
not without imagination and originality. Pollack's
assessment that Davis "reflected rather than initiated
further advances in Populist thinking,and to that extent
provides an interesting light on the way the movement made
use of Jeffersonian doctrine," does not take into account
the remaining forty years of Davis' career.^ Although he
reflected Populist dogma, Davis exhibited considerable
originality in his ideas on prohibition, preparedness,
Klanism, and depression issues. To view Davis only as a
Populist is to appraise him incompletely. Any attempt to
assess Davis' place in American politics should carefully
consider his work as a prohibitionist and Congressman.
His lack of a thorough formal education probably
%orman Pollack (ed.), The Populist Mind (New York:
Bobbs-Merrill Co., Inc., 1967) , 203^
346
handicapped his ability to develop and change with the
times. An effective leader of the agrarian protest, he had
jthe potential to become a national leader and a statesman.
i
CONCLUSIONS
Several conclusions emerged from this study of the
public address of James Harvey "Cyclone" Davis.
1. Audiences and observers consistently rated Davis
i
as a highly successful speaker. Yet his rhetorical educa- j
I
tion was informal and self-taught. Excelling in extempor- !
j I
janeous presentation, Davis early developed a basic speech
i
jplan that was used repeatedly on his tours. He rarely dis- !
i !
|cussed the principles of speech preparation or presentation,;
! i
jemploying such principles of speechmaking naturally and |
!intuitively. Typically, Davis expounded the traditional !
i
|Jeffersonian view of American society, emphasizing the
lability of the common man to make adequate, even superior, j
'decisions. He vividly depicted existing conditions which
were so inconsistent with the hopes of the Founding Fathers.
!
iHe then blamed those in power, using all the invective at f
!his command. The solution was to adopt Populist demands ;
i
:and measures. His peroration visualized the splendor of j
!the idyllic conditions that would result. Populist solu-
i
itions would restore nature's balance; the people would be
iprosperous and happy again. To support these ideas, Davis
347
employed sources that were limited but adequate to the re
quirements of his public address. He frequently referred
to the Congressional Record and to Jefferson's works, which
he carried with him on his speaking tours. In fact, during i
his speeches, he often opened these volumes to quote dir- !
jectly from them. Sometimes ideas were buttressed through
reference to constitutional documents and current newspaper
\ '
i l
|reports. He both contributed to and cited the Populist j
; I
Ipropaganda of his time. |
| 2. Davis' persuasiveness served a catalytic purpose,:
] i
jhelping to condition and modify attitudes toward change. I
^Though not always victorious, he altered events by stubborn ;
i I
! . ;
(opposition to prevailing viewpoints; by often playing the ;
jdevil's advocate; by demonstrating that the status quo was
j
inot sacred; by insisting that other viewpoints and ideas
iwere valuable and valid; by pointing to existing special
I :
privilege and demanding correction; and by showing that in- :
idependent economic forces often worked to the detriment of
j I
I the common citizen, especially the unorganized, uneducated,
i
and over-burdened farmers and laborers of the nation. At
iall times, he ably expounded Populist-progressive ideology. ;
:Through public address, Davis made a significant contribu- j
tion to the farmers of the nation by increasing their aware-
i |
ness of their own political power. He gave impetus to re- j
I
: forms that demanded individual participation in government
348
and that encouraged people to voice their desires directly
to government leaders.
| 3. Davis and the Populists projected a radical !
image to a large segment of the American populace. Although
successful in organizing a third party, their ideas and [
plans deviated from the traditional political model. Popu
list rhetoric created a negative reaction in many listeners,
{polarizing them against the Populist cause. Attrition of j
i I
[the supposedly party-faithful cost them needed votes. The {
I j
Populist program was essentially agrarian, giving only
[token recognition to urban laborers and ignoring the manage-;
S ;
jment sector of the nation. Thus the party could not marshal
{the broad base of support needed to win national elections.
! t
4. Populists should not be faulted for possessing j
[an agrarian world-view. It was, after all, a view held by
• j
[millions of Americans (four-fifths of the population in [
11890) in all sections of a nation that was itself predomi- j
[ j
nantly rural. Although Davis was provincial in his outlook i
i !
; [
| — a man of his times as are most politicians— this perspec- [
! i
tive did not preclude his demonstration of analytical and j
[creative thought as he searched for answers to difficult |
social, economic, and political problems that faced the |
[nation during his lifetime. Davis' human concern transcen- j
i i
ded mere regionalism, and programs he espoused were fore- j
! I
[runners of social legislation of the Progressive and New
349
Deal periods. Davis found vindication and reward in the
subsequent enactment of this legislation.
| 5. Davis and Populist colleagues were transitional
i !
ifigures in modern public address. Their heydey occurred i
during an era in which solitary crusaders undertook to in- !
fluence public opinion through personal persuasion. Self
less men for the most part, their careers are marked by
commitment, courage, and persistence. Year after year, men
like Davis confronted hundreds of audiences in face-to-face
i !
I ;
jencounters with the platform as their principal agency of
communication. The indispensability of such encounters in
• jcampaigns was challenged by McKinley's front porch election-;
jeering and the professionalism of Mark Hanna's organiza- |
i
tion. Electronic communication since the 19 20's has made i
such campaigning largely obsolete. The Populist era pro- !
jvides a laboratory for the study of grassroots campaigning
jwhich characterized American political persuasion through
|the early Twentieth Century.
i !
| 6. Davis was typical of the men who led the agrariah
I i
protest. Public address was their means of announcing and
jaccomplishing reform. The language was spontaneous, re-
! :
jvealing men as they were, expressing their genuine thoughts j
j j
land feelings. Speeches were not constructed with audience ]
I j
;manipulation in mind. Issues were not selected with pop- j
i 1
jularity as a major component but were, as far as the
350
Populist spokesmen could determine, the real issues. In
this sense, the rhetoric of agrarian protest came from a
primeval need— a need of people to fight for their rights
and beliefs. In response, they developed a pristine |
rhetoric— simple, direct, honest, and without guile or
hypocrisy— reflecting first their fears and then their
aspirations. It was a rhetoric based on a belief in the
ability of the common man to decide and direct his own
i
l
destiny. Listeners could readily agree with this underlying
equalitarian philosophy. !
I
j James Harvey "Cyclone" Davis, the "gaunt giant" of
|the platform, arose Phoenix-like from the dust of Texas j
cotton rows to confront tremendous national problems and to
!strike sparks from the platform for over fifty years.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
351
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Davis Collection
Davis, James Harvey. The Davis Collection consists of
newspaper clippings from 1886 to 1940; scattered
correspondence dated in the 1920's and 1930's; a
few typewritten speech manuscripts dated in the
1920's and 1930's; various pamphlets; and circu
lars, often reprinted from newspaper articles or
published by Davis for his own distribution.
Several complete issues of the Good Home Sunday
Courier are also included in the collection.
Books
I
Davis' Works
Davis, James Harvey. Memoir. Sherman, Texas: The Courier
Press, 1935.
A Political Revelation. Dallas: The Advance
Publishing Company, 1894.
I Memoirs and Biographies
Acheson, Sam Hanna. Joe Bailey, The Last Democrat. New
York: Macmillan Company, 1932.
Allen, E. A. The Lives of Weaver and Field and Achieve
ments of the People's Party. New York: W. H.
Ferguson Co., 1892.
Bryan, William Jennings. The First Battle: A Story of the
Campaign of 1896. Chicago: W. H. Conkey Co., 1896.
Cocke, William A. Bailey Controversy in Texas: Political
Life Story of a Fallen Idol. Two Volumes. San
| Antonio: [no publisher], T908.
jcoletta, Paolo E. William Jennings Bryan. Lincoln: Uni
versity of Nebraska Press, 19 64.
352
353
Cotner, Robert C. James Stephen Hogg. Austin: University
of Texas Press, 1959.
Haynes, Fred E. James Baird Weaver. Iowa City: The
State Historical Society of Iowa, 1919.
Law, Robert 0. The Parties and the Men or Political
Issues of 1896. tNo place, no publisher], 1896.
Levine, Lawrence W. Defender of the Faith, William
Jennings Bryan: The Last Decade, 1915-1925.
New York: Oxford University Press, 1965.
Seitz, Don C. Joseph Pulitzer: His Life and Letters.
New York: Simon and Schuster, 1924.
Tucker, Mary E. Mark M. Pomeroy. New York: G. W.
Carleton, 1878.
Populist Era
Durden, Robert Franklin. The Climax of Populism: The
Election of 1896. Lexington, Kentucky: University
of Kentucky Press, 1965.
Hicks, John D. The Populist Revolt. Minneapolis: The
University of Minneapolis Press, 1931.
Martin, Roscoe C. The People's Party in Texas. Austin:
The University of Texas Press, 1933.
Nugent, Walter T. K. The Tolerant Populists: Kansas
Populism and Nativism. Chicago: The University
of Chicago Press, 1963.
Pollack, Norman (ed.). The Populist Mind. Indianapolis:
Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1967.
Unger, Irwin. Populism: Nostalgic or Progressive?
("The Berkeley Series in American History," ed.
Charles Sellers.) Chicago: Rand McNally, 1964.
Rhetorical Criticism
Hance, Kenneth G., Hendrickson, Homer 0., and Schoenberger,
Edwin W. "The Later National Period: 1860-1930,"
A History and Criticism of American Public Address.
Edited by William Norwood Brigance. New York:
Russell and Russell, 1960.
354
Lomas, Charles W. The Agitator In American Society.
Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1968.
Nichols, Marie Hochmuth. Rhetoric and Criticism.
Baton Rouge, La.: Louisiana State University
Press, 1963.
Phifer, Gregg. "The Historical Approach," An Introduction
to Graduate Study in Speech and Theatre. Edited
by Clyde W. Dow. East Lansing: Michigan State
University Press, 1961.
General Historical Works
Baillio, F. B. A History of the Texas Press Association.
Dallas: Southwestern Printing Co., 1916.
Brown, Charles (ed.). The History of Franklin County,
1874-1964. Mount Vernon, Texas: Key Club, Key
District, Texas Federation of Women's Clubs, 1964.
Commager, Henry Steele. The American Mind. New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1950.
Curti, Merle. The Growth of American Thought. New York:
Harper and Brothers, Publishers, 1943.
Degler, Carl N. Out of Our Past: The Forces that Shaped
America. New York: Harper and Row, 1959.
Faulkner, Harold U. Politics, Reform and Expansion,
1890-1900. New York: Harper and Row, 1959.
Hicks, John D. Republican Ascendancy, 1921-1933. New
York: Harper and Row, 1960.
Hofstadter, Richard. The Age of Reform. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 1961.
_________ . Anti-Intellectualism in American Life. New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963.
_________. Social Darwinism in American Thought. Boston:
The Beacon Press, 1955.
Horton, Rod W., and Edwards, Herbert W. Backgrounds of
American Literary Thought. New York: Appleton-
Century-Crofts, Inc., 1952.
355
Johnson, Frank W., Barker, Eugene C., and Winkler,
Ernest W. A History of Texas and Texans. 6 vols.
Chicago: [no publisher], 1914.
Josephson, Matthew. The Politicos, 1865-1896. New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1938.
Link, Arthur S. Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era,
1910-1917. New York: Harper and Row, 1954,
Mann, Arthur. "The Progressive Tradition," The Recon-
I struction of American History. Edited by John
! Higham. New York: The Humanities Press, 1962.
Martin, Michael, and Gelber, Leonard. Dictionary of Amer
ican History. Totowa, N. J.: Littlefield, Adams
and Company, 1965.
Nash, Howard P. Third Parties in American Politics.
Washington! Public Affairs Press, 1959.
Nevins, Allan, and Commager, Henry Steele. The Pocket
History of the United States. New York: Pocket
Books, Inc., 1956.
Parrington, Vernon Louis. The Beginnings of Critical
I Realism in America, 1860-1920. Volume III of Main
i Currents in American Thought. New York: Harcourt,
Brace and Company, 1930.
Peterson, Merrill D. The Jefferson Image in the American
Mind. New York: Oxford University Press, 1960.
Porter, Kirk H., and Johnson, Donald Bruce. National Party
Platforms, 1840-1960. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1961,
I
STexas Almanac, 1961-62. Dallas: A. H. Belo Corporation,
I 1961.
| Theses and Dissertations
iRanchino, James L. "The Work and Thought of a Jeffersonian
in the Populist Movement, James Harvey 'Cyclone'
Davis." Unpublished Master's thesis, Texas Christian
University, 1964.
356
Williams, Marshall L. "The Political Career of Cyclone
Davis." Unpublished Master's thesis, East Texas
State Teachers College, 1937.
Newspapers
Abilene Reporter News. 1940.
Dallas Morning News. 1886-1940.
Galveston Daily News. 1893-1894.
Hopkins County Echo (Sulphur Springs, Tex.) 1932.
New York Times. 1891, 1892, 1896.
San Antonio Express. 1892, 1896.
Southern Mercury (Dallas, Tex.). 1894-1900.
The Western Enterprise (Anson, Tex.). 50th Anniversary
Edition, August 23, 1933.
Periodicals
Blau, Joseph L. "Public Address as Intellectual Revela
tion," Western Speech, XXI (Spring, 1957), 77-83.
Croft, Albert J. "The Functions of Rhetorical Criticism,"
Quarterly Journal of Speech, XLII (October, 1956),
283-291.
Clark, E. P. "The Failure of Fusion," The Nation, LXIII
(October 1, 1896), 244-245.
Gunderson, Robert G. "The Calamity Howlers," Quarterly
Journal of Speech, XXVI (April, 1940), 401-411.
Lloyd, Henry D. "The Populists at St. Louis," Review of
Reviews, XIV (September, 1896), 298-303.
Peffer, W. A. "The Passing of the People's Party," North
American, CLXVI (January, 1898), 12-23.
Wrage, Ernest J. "Public Address: A Study in Social and
Intellectual History," Quarterly Journal of Speech,
XXXIII (December, 1947), 451-457.
357
Government Sources
South Carolina. Oconee County (Walhalla, South Carolina)
Health Department, Bureau of Vital Statistics,
letter to Chapin Ross, July 13, 1965.
Texas. Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas). "Minutes
of the Commissioners' Court." Vol. A, pp.
Texas. Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas). "Minutes
of the County Court (Probate)." Vol. A, p. 49.
Texas. Franklin County (Mount Vernon, Texas). "Record
of Election Returns," pp. 8, 16, 23, 38.
Texas. Hopkins County (Sulphur Springs, Texas). "Civil
Minutes of District Court," 1932, Volume T, p. 63.
Texas. Hopkins County (Sulphur Springs, Texas). "Will
and Testament: J. H. Davis and Wife— To— The
Public." February 12, 1930.
Texas. House Journal. Twenty-Fourth Legislature,
Regular Session, 1895.
Texas. Hunt County (Greenville, Texas). "Minutes of the
District Court," Volume W, p. 144.
U.S. Congressional Record. Volumes LIII and LIV.
Interviews
Wylie, H. A. and Wylie, James. Personal interviews.
August 3, 1965.
Other Sources
Dissertation Abstracts. Ann Arbor,Michigan, 193 8-
June, 1964.
Gravestone Inscriptions. City Cemetery, Winnsboro, Texas.
Gravestone Inscriptions. Mount Hope Cemetery, Anson,
Texas.
358
Gravestone Inscriptions. Roby Cemetery, Roby, Texas.
McBath, James H. Lecture Notes, February 6, 1962.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Clement Attlee'S Advocacy Of Democratic Socialism: A Reasonable Rhetoricof Revolution

PDF

Christian Science and the rhetoric of argumentative synthesis

PDF

Kennedy-Khrushchev Strategies Of Persuasion During The Cuban Missile Crisis

PDF

The Rhetoric Of The Methodist Camp Meeting Movement: 1800-1850

PDF

Communication Of Mexican Americans With Public School Personnel: A Study Of Channel, Code, Receiver, And Source Preferences

PDF

Rhetoricians On Language And Meaning: An Ordinary Language Philosophy Critique

PDF

An Experimental Study Of The Effect Of Listener Feedback On Speaker Attitude

PDF

An Experimental Study Of The Accuracy Of Experienced And Inexperienced Speakers In Identifying Audience Behavior As Indicative Of Feelings Of Agreement, Indecision, Or Disagreement

PDF

Prescriptive Deontic Logic: A Study Of Inferences From Linguistic Forms Expressing Choice And Conditional Permission And Obligation

PDF

Emerson'S Philosophy Of Rhetoric

PDF

A Descriptive-Analytical Study Of Ethical Standards In Contemporary American Public Address

PDF

The rhetoric of the inward light: an examination of extant sermons delivered by early Quakers, 1671-1700

PDF

A Historical Study Of The Speechmaking At The Abilene Christian College Lectureship, 1918-1961

PDF

An Experimental Study Of An Application Of Game Theory To The Selection Of Arguments By College Debaters

PDF

An Analysis Of Selected Presage Criteria Of Reciprocal Student And Teacher Ratings In Beginning College Speech Classes

PDF

An Intensive Rhetorical Analysis Of Selected Speeches Of Robert Maynard Hutchins: 1940-1955

PDF

A Phonemic And Phonetic Description Of The Speech Of Selected Negro Informants Of South-Central Los Angeles

PDF

A Critical Study Of Contemporary Aesthetic Theories And Precepts Contributing To An Aesthetic Of Oral Interpretation

PDF

An Experimental Comparison Of Spoken Communication Developed Individually and Interindividually

PDF

"The Ramona Pageant": A Historical And Analytical Study

Asset Metadata

Creator Ross, Chapin (author)

Core Title A Historical And Critical Study Of The Public Address Of James Harvey 'Cyclone' Davis (1853-1940) Of Texas

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Communication - Speech

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Speech Communication

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor McBath, James H. (committee chair), Caldwell, William (committee member), Fisher, Walter R. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-395468

Unique identifier UC11360956

Identifier 7011386.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-395468 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 7011386.pdf

Dmrecord 395468

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Ross, Chapin

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA