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Satire In The Prose Of Francisco Zarco
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Satire In The Prose Of Francisco Zarco
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T h is d is s e r t a tio n h a s b e e n 64— 12 ,4 8 6 m ic r o film e d e x a c tly a s r e c e iv e d P IE R C E , L e s t e r C h a r le s , 1 9 2 3 - S A T IR E IN TH E PR O SE O F FR A N C ISC O Z A R C O . U n iv e r s it y of S o u th er n C a lifo r n ia , P h .D ., 1964 L a n g u a g e and L ite r a tu r e , m o d e r n University Microtilms, Inc., Ann Arbor. Mir. SATIRE IN THE PROSE OF FRANCISCO ZARCO by Lester Charles Pierce A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Spanish) June 1964 UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N C A L IFO R N IA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK L OS ANGELES, C A LIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, w ritten by ..........Xje^.tex...CJaaxle^..P.i.e.r.ce........... under the direction of his Dissertation C o m mittee, and a p p ro v e d by all its mem bers, has been presented to an d accepted by the G raduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of requirements fo r the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean Date J u n e *..1.96.4... DISSERTATION COMMITTEE TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION ......................................... 1 Chapter I. BRIEF HISTORY OF SATIRE ....................... 8 II. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ZARCO’S MEXICO . . . 27 III. PROFILE OF A FIGHTER FOR LIBERTY.............. 103 Youth, Education and Early Political Activities Later Political and Journalistic Activities Zarco as Regarded by His Contemporaries Zarco’s Place Among Mexican Satirists IV. ZARCO’S IDEAS ON POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS ....................... 154 Politics and Government French Intervention and Maximillian Episode The Army Indians The Penal System Freedom of the Press Education Religion and the Clergy Music, Poetry and Women Pleasure Consistency of His Ideas V. SATIRE IN ARTICLES ON M O D A S .................. 214 Chapter VI. SATIRE AGAINST THE CLERGY VII. POLITICAL SATIRE . . . . IX. SATIRICAL DEVICES USED BY ZARCO X. STYLISTIC DEVICES USED BY ZARCO XI. CONCLUSION . . . . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . Page m Persons, Objects and Groups Satirized Purpose of Political Satire Effectiveness of Zarco's Satire as a Force for Political Change VIII. SOCIAL SATIRE--ARTfCULOS DE COSTUMBRES . . . . 338 Classes of People, Vices, Fallacies and Foibles Satirized Purpose of Social Satire Effectiveness of Zarco's Satire as a Force for Social Change 4 7 6 521 542 INTRODUCTION The purpose of this study is to consider the element of satire in the journalistic prose of Francisco Zarco (1829-1869), and to make his literary contributions to Mexican letters better known. After a brief discussion of the genre of satire followed by a brief history of Zarco's Mexico and a short biography, I examine Zarco's ideas on political, social, and cultural institutions; the objects, the purpose, and the effects of his satire as a force for political and social change; and the satirical and stylis tic devices which he employs. The need for such a study is evident in the light of Zarco's presence in political and literary histories in which his name appears among those of the leaders of the Liberal Movement in Mexico in the mid-nineteenth century; little is said, however, of the reasons for his presence among such luminaries as Ignacio Altamirano, Ignacio Ramirez, Benito Juarez, and Guillermo Prieto, all of whom, iii 1 except Juarez, were literary leaders as well as political leaders.'*' Jefferson Spell’s comparing Zarco favorably with 2 Larra as a costumbrista suggests that Zarco also was a man of literary worth who has not been recognized. Wheat says that Zarco was the acknowledged master of the field of political journalism during the chaotic years between 1849 3 and 1869, and that "his literary contributions constitute a field for study that should be most valuable and en lightening to the student of Mexican prose. Additional investigation showed that satire was very evident in his costumbrismo, in most of the other essays, and in some of the poetry which he wrote as a journalist publishing from 1849“1869 in El Siglo Diecinueve, "Se acostumbra postergar a don Francisco Zarco cuando se trata de la historia de las ideas del liberalismo mexi- cano. Hay, no se por que raro fenomeno, la inevitable tendencia de considerarlo solo como un periodista, en la acepcion de escritor del momento, sin recorder que en el siglo XIX fue el periodico un organo de orientacion, un vehfculo de doctrina." Oscar Castaneda Batres, Francisco Zarco (Mexico, 1961), p. 17. 2 Jefferson Rea Spell, "The Costumbrista Movement in Mexico," PMLA, 50:300-301, March 1935. 3 Raymond Curtis Wheat, "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma," unpub. diss. (Univ. of Texas, 1956), p. iii. 4 Wheat, p. iv. La Ilustracion Mexicana, Las Cosquillas, El Democrata, Presente Amistoso, El Boletin Clandestino, Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, and La Independencia Mexicana. Because satire is difficult to define, it eludes easy analysis.'* Though there have been studies on individual satirists, there are few works dealing with the analysis of prose satire in general. Although satire is a noto riously slippery term, it does attempt to designate a form of art, the spirit of that art, and its purpose and tone. There are a number of reliable tests, therefore, which we may apply to a literary work to determine whether it is satire: First, if the author says that he intends to write satire, we know that he will not be writing dramas, epics, lyric poetry or prose, or elegies. Second, if he says that the antecedents of his works are the classical satirists, the author considers his works to be satirical. Third, by dealing with certain subjects such as political and social corruption and immorality, the author suggests that he is going to write satire by the very fact of his dealing with such subjects. And last, if the author quotes lines from Edgar Johnson, A Treasury of Satire (New York, 1945), p. 3. 4 other satirists, it is because those lines have a kinship , . 6 to his own. In this study of the element of satire in the prose of Francisco Zarco, "satire" is characterized by the use of buffoonery, banter, diminution, exaggeration, caricature, mockery, ridicule, irony, sarcasm, indignation, railing, insult, lampoon, contempt, vituperation, invective, or the use of a combination of two or more of these devices, to expose, attack and deride vices, foibles and follies for the purpose of urging his readers to social, political and moral change. Zarco’s own defense for his use of satire is contained in these words: Para corregir los vicios y los defectos de que por desgracia adolecen las sociedades, no bastan a veces los consejos ni son suficientes los preceptos; hay, si, una arma terrible: el ridiculo. En todos los pueblos ha sido necesaria la satira mas o menos amarga, y es inmenso el numero de escritores de esta clase, desde Aristofanes y Juvenal, hasta Figaro y Bennecke. Pro- ducciones satiricos, estudios de costumbres, &e., &c., veran la luz en LA ILUSTRACION, y siempre se atacaran defectos generales, sin dirigirse jamas a persona deter- minada. Se presentaran seres ideales que representen Gilbert Highet, The Anatomy of Satire (Princeton, 1962), pp. 14-15. vicios y nulidades que se encuentran derramados in- distintamente.^ In this passage he indicates that he will write satire, and he indicates some of the satirists who influenced him, such as Aristophanes, Juvenal, and Larra, all of whom we shall mention in the brief historical background of satire. The work done on Francisco Zarco's political contribu tions to the Mexican Liberal Movement is scanty indeed, consisting of a mere handful of works. Those dealing with his literary works are non-existent, notwithstanding the suggestion of such people as Castaneda Batres, Wheat and Spell that his literary works are among the best of the O costumbrista movement in Mexico. Zarco believed, as have satirists from ancient times, that the simplest method of expelling malign influences Francisco Zarco, "Introduceion," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, iii-iv. Certain features of Zarco’s orthography differ from the modern: He places accents on the conjunctions e_, o^, u, and the preposition a. He does not accent the conditional and imperfect of second and third conjugation verbs. He is inconsistent in accent ing the future tense. He omits the accent on despues, razon, figurrn, perdon, ningun, mas and all words ending in -ion. He substitutes an "s" or "cs" for ”x." These features of Zarco's orthography are corrected in edited works. 8Spell, pp. 300-301. was to abuse them with tore or less violent language, as Apolonius of Tyatia got rib of a vampire simply by insulting Q her, Zarco believed that bis satirical attacks would cause the figurative, if not the literal, death of the con servatives, Be would not have been unhappy if sote of the conservatives, especially the clergy, had gone out and hanged themselves as did Lycambes of ancient Greece.^ Zarco was a warrior throwing lethal weapons against the enemies of the liberal reform just as assuredly as were the generals on the front lines, Bis satire caused the enemies of Mexico to melt away just as surely as did the armies of Juarez, leat says that "Francisco Zarco, , , , led the movement for political and social reform in his country in the chaotic years following the war with the United States,"^ Though it is a difficult task to measure precisely the effectiveness of the satirist in accomplish ing his purported end, history attests to their contribu tions to social evolution, 5 Robert C, Elliott, Power of Satire (Princeton, 156(1), p , 6 , %i o t t , p, 12, %eat, p. iii, This study of Zarco's prose satire is limited to all of his prose works appearing in ha Ilustracion Mexicana, Pols, II (1851-1854); all of his prose articles in to Cosquillas, Segunda epoca, Pel, I, l 2 16, rf 20, 24, |5 26, i 11, B? 28; representative articles of the several thousand appearing in El Siglo Diecinueve (1845-1865), and las Matanzas de Tacubaya (1855), CHAPTER I BRIEF HISTORT OF SATIRE Although satire is not the greatest literary genre, it is one of the most original and challenging forms, It has as its practitioners some of the most illustrious and energetic minds of literature, such as Swift, Rabelais, Horace, Aristophanes, Voltaire, Satire is realism, It pictures real men and women, It uses the language of its time, It has a free, easy and direct style, The satirist does not use carefully posed models nor does he work within formal literary patterns, He is concerned with the urgency and immediacy of actual life, There is a maxim of reality and a minima of convention in his art, To dis cover what a satirist is and what shape his literary style or art takes, the best way is to examine his works and the themes which he regards as important, But before mining Zarco as a satirist, it is well to give a brief historical background of satire as a literary genre and a brief history of the Mexico of Zarco’s time. From earliest times satire seems to have been the vehicle by which writers criticized individuals, human foibles, social institutions and politicians. The job of the satirist has historically been to reveal dangerous vice'*' or criminals. There are various theories as to where the word Msatire" came from. Some say that it came from the Libian o animal, the satyr. Donatus, with little evidence, said that it came from the satyric Greek drama; however, Highet adequately refutes this, saying that it came from the 4 Romans. Quintillian asserted that satire was entirely a Roman literary genre and he cites Horace, Lucilius and Persius as early examples of Roman satirists. Coulter ■*"Vice is not in itself a falsehood, though it may comprise anti-social behavior. ^Mary W. Coulter, "The Genre Satire in French Litera ture of the Sixteenth Century from 1530-1585," unpub. diss. (Univ. of So. Calif., 1953), pp. 23-25. 3 Coulter, pp. 23-25. ^Gilbert Highet, The Anatomy of Satire (Princeton, 1962), pp. 231-232. ^Coulter, p. 8. 10 correctly contends that the Greek satyric drama and Roman Juvenal, the first century Roman satirist, says that the term came from a word which meant a fruit bowl with many different kinds of fruit in it. He calls his own satires by the name of another mixed food, a mixture of grain for cattle called farrago. According to Highet, the term ’ ’satire" came from the Latin word satura, which meant primarily ’ ’full" and later came to mean "a mixture full of different things."7 Highet further asserts that "to be true . . . to its original derivation and first conception, a satire must be g varied." Horace had maintained that the style of the satirist must vary, being sometimes grave, sometimes gay, sometimes oratorical, sometimes poetic, and sometimes witty, "like that of a man who holds his hands and means more than he says.”7 He further insisted that a satirist should not sink to the "level of tavern talk" or ascend satire are not the same.^ 6 Coulter, p. 29. 7Highet, p. 231. q Coulter, p. 2. 8 Highet, p. 231. 11 to the "clouds and emptiness" while shunning common u 10 speech. Elements which have remained in satire from the Roman, Ennius, to the present are mimicry, making fun of people and their foibles, improvisation, abusive gibing, and variety of attack. Personal and social criticism, elements which were added by Lucilius, have remained as a part of satire. Donatus said that when poets "began to make licentious use of their pens and indiscriminately to injure many good men wantonly, a law was passed forbidding any to set forth 11 a libelous composition about another." It was the pass ing of this law that caused satire to be used in an effort to circumvent it. Though satire concerned itself with the failings of people and though it was harsh and somewhat simple in style, there was no stating of individual names. Although not all satirists agreed on their theories of satire, it was generally agreed from earliest times that living persons should not be named. Following the examples of Horace and Lucilius, subse quent satirists such as Persius expressed their mind with "^Coulter, p. 4. ■^Coulter, p. 10. 12 biting pleasantry which vexed delicate ears with unpleasant 12 truth. Juvenal (A.D. 60-140) declared that it was hard 13 not to write satire, if one was aware of the moral degradation of society. Indignation is the natural re action to the degradation which the satirist sees. Indig nation is what prompts the satirist to express himself. From earliest times the satirist has been regarded as a moralizer. The term "sermon" was often associated with the term "satire," and so it was in quite a literal sense, because satire was used to effect moral and social as well as political change. The purpose of satire has always been the censuring and correcting of evil, while sparing the evil doer. Satire, then, is characterized by moral casti gation. Satire by appealing to man's susceptibility to shame is often more successful in accomplishing change than are either civil or religious laws. Satire, by holding man’s behavior up to ridicule, often goads him to shame and causes him to accept more freely social, moral or political 12 Coulter, p. 5. 13 Coulter, p. 6. 13 change than would the dictates of civil and religious laws. It is well recognized that propaganda and advertising are very effective agents for altering human behavior. Madison Avenue would be hard put to justify their existence unless results from their advertising and propaganda cam paigns were fully evident. The satirist, like the adver tiser or propagandist, is not effective as a molder of human behavior when his missile misses its target. Herb Block, the cartoonist, speaks of being disconcerted when he hears someone whom he has just "tried to annihilate chuckling and asking for a drawing,"^ The satirist is fully aware that his satire will hurt people and endanger him. In Juvenal's time to name names would bring the satirist to a fearful end. Therefore, he determined to use the names of scoundrels who had long been dead. Nevertheless, he treated with vice and crime that were endemic in Rome. The wounds of satire are, of course, imaginary, be cause the cutting, blistering, biting, stabbing, killing, scorching, searing, burning, flaying and annihilating 14 Robert C. Elliott, Power of Satire (Princeton, 1960), p. 281. 14 are on the conscious metaphorical level. Yet many there are who would rather lose their life than be exposed to these types of injuries. There are two types of satirists. One likes people, but thinks that they are blind and stupid, He tells the truth with a smile, so that he will cure them rather than repel them. The worst fault that people have is ignorance. Of this fault he will cure them, He believes optimisti cally that evil and folly are eradicable. He believes that man can correct his mistakes. He is aware, however, that some men are incurable and these must be made examples of so that society may profit. When, for example, Zarco shows people the evilness of the conservatives, he hopes that they will be cured of tolerating their presence by seeing to it that the conservatives meet their deserved fate. In this group of optimistic satirists are Horace, Cervantes, and Zarco. The other group of satirists hates or despises most people, Like Swift, the satirist may love individual men, but he despises mankind, He believes man to be naturally evil. He wishes to destroy and to punish. He laughs 15 15 at man with contempt. Such are Quevedo and Juvenal. As in most attempts at classification, the individual satirist does not fall neatly into any one classification. He is neither black nor white. He is usually a shade of gray or even polychromatic. As we have seen, the very term satire means a "variety." A single author may follow a bitter work of satire with one that is optimistic, though he may tend to be essentially more or less pessimistic or optimistic. In a single work or on a single page, several emotions may strive for expression. The motives of the satirist are, however, always hate. He may disclaim this objective and endeavor to convince his readers that all personal feelings have been banished and that he is writing only to assert that he is writing for the public good. Though he may try to conceal his contempt with a wry smile, he always feels hostile toward the object of his satire. "There is always one person, or one type, or one group, or one social class, or one national structure, on which the satirist focuses most of his amusement or his loathing. "^Highet, p. 235. "^Highet, p. 241. 16 The avowed intention of the satirist is to expose folly and evil and to castigate them. And there is no satire worthy of the name which does not in fact establish a moral dichotomy: Right over against wrong, rectified vision or virtue against twisted vision, human dignity or freedom against stupidity, blindness and perversity. Few people are offended by satire because it is a sort of mirror wherein they may behold and discover everybody’s face but their own. This is the chief reason why it is received well by the reader. Dr. Johnson wrote that satire was bom of an unholy cohabitation of wit and malice which “I O carried poisoned arrows which would never be extracted. Satire unquestionably retains its power to hurt, although not in the same way that it did when it was con sidered a form of magic. But it can hurt subconsciously and consciously when a writer attempts to demolish another individual through the use of satire. Those who are Min the spell" of the creative artist can certainly be hurt or benefited by the attacks of the satirist. The satirist uses many devices in his efforts to per suade his readers. Among the most important, most of which 17 Ricardo Quintana, "Situation as Satirical Method," Univ. of Toronto Quart., XVII (1948), 131-133. Quoted from Robert A. Greenberg, ed., Jonathan Swift Gulliver’s Travels, p. 345. ■^Elliott, p. 268. 17 are found in Zarco’s satire, are buffoonery, banter, diminution, parody, exaggeration, caricature, mockery, ridicule, irony, sarcasm, indignation, railing, insult, 19 lampoon, contempt, vituperation, and invective. I shall deal briefly with the meaning and historical role of some of the more important satirical devices of which Zarco availed himself. Diminution is a device fre quently employed by the satirist. This, in its simplest form, is the juxtaposition of a dignified object or pro fession with an undignified object or profession for the purpose of causing the dignified object or profession to assume the qualities of the undignified, thus degrading that which is considered by society to be dignified. Diminution may be used as direct satire and become vituper ative which it frequently does in the hands of Swift or, if kept under control, is less direct, enabling the satirist to elicit the desired emotion. Another satirical device is parody, a form of exag geration. This is not a simple disfigurement of an image 19 I have listed these in a hierarchy from the most jestful to the most earnest, in the same order in which I shall examine them in this study. 18 because of envious destruction of the unattainable. Parody is not insult. Parody results when a satirist exaggerates the faults and underscores the foibles of his victim so that the reader sees something new and ridiculous or even contemptible or hateful in the object parodied, and, there fore, admires the object parodied a little less. It is a caricature of the object parodied. It distorts, belittles, and wounds. It distorts while it imitates and exaggerates. Sometimes parody almost coincides with reality. Some of the best parodies are those which might, by the unwary reader, be accepted as an accurate description of the original object or thing parodied. Ridicule is one of the most common and most effective forms of satire. The ridiculous has an existence in reality. That is, it is usually factual, but it is not the objective presentation of the ridiculous that is in itself ridiculous. Moreover, the objective reality or the dis crepancy between what is real and what is ideal is not necessarily satirical. Ridicule results from the witty and critical arrangement of words and ideas by the artist. It is the ingenious and acute presentation of facts which 19 20 causes ridicule to be satirical. It is the job of the satirist to discover what is ridiculous and to expose it to public view. Wherever the chasm between the appearance of beauty and the reality of vice is evident, there also is found the ridiculous. An example is that of a person who appears to be virtuous or beautiful, and in reality is full of vice and deformity. Another example of the ridiculous is found in the person who pretends to be full of wisdom, when actually he is ignorant. As Socrates says, there are three areas in which a person may appear ridiculous--the pretense of being wealthy, of being more beautiful than one actually is, and 21 of having more wisdom than one actually has. We might add a fourth area--that of feigning to be more virtuous than one actually is. All of these result from an igno rance of reality and from no thought of, or concern for, an ideal. Ridicule, therefore, properly employed serves to show the fraud and to expose the real as opposed to the ideal. 20 John Marshal Bullitt, Jonathan Swift and the Anatomy of Satire (Cambridge, 1953), p. 25. ^Bullitt, p. 25. 20 Of all human pretentions, the most ridiculous are evident in the chasm that exists between pretended wisdom and actual ignorance, between the appearance of virtue and actual corruption, and between the appearance of humility and actual vanity. In order for ridicule to succeed as a satirical device, there must be agreement on the part of the readers that a disparity exists between the real and the ideal; if there is no agreement, then there can be no satire. According to Bullitt, some critics hold that it is not enough merely for the object of satire to be ridiculous; the object being ridiculed must masquerade its essential characteristic of baseness for the purpose of gaining 22 acceptance or even veneration. This masquerading must be detected, discovered, revealed, laid bare and exposed in descriptive terms for it to be ridiculous. But it is only when ridicule is joined with humor that satire can most effectively accomplish this end. Horace believed that in satire there should be a mixture of laughter and seriousness and a more conversational style. 22Bullitt, p. 27. 21 The satirist recognizing that laughter is motivated primarily by self interest must have confidence in the power of laughter to effect moral reform. Laughter, which results from self-interest motivation, permits the reader to imagine a degree of superiority over others who possess evidences of the human foibles, fallacies, follies, weak nesses and vices being satirized. Ridicule to effect social change, that is, if the pur pose of separation of appearance and reality is to be realized, must arouse a fear of social rejection in man. It must not only cause the reader to laugh at human foibles and follies, it must also cause him to condemn them. Ridicule, then, as a device of satire, results in con tempt, and contempt arises from pride and selfishness. Hence, ridicule is effective as a satirical device in treating social ills because it enables the reader to have a good opinion of himself while condemning the victim of ridicule. Few satirists and readers of satire escape the psy chological fact that the person who takes greatest delight in ridiculing human follies and absurdities is prone to have a greater share of vanities himself. This would help 22 to explain the influence of ridicule as a satirical device used to effect social change. Man’s basic selfishness, his love of glory and his fear of shame operate to alter social behavior so as to avoid being the object of ridi cule . Irony, the satirical device most often used by Zarco, has had different definitions at different times. At the time of Socrates, it was an uncomplimentary term; at the time of Demosthenes and Aristophanes, it was a harsh word connoting sly cleverness. In the works of Plato, irony is used as a joke or a reproach. Irony, standing about midway on the scale between the jestful and earnest, consists of the satirist's appearing to praise what he means to condemn, and appearing to con demn what he means to praise. In other words, he leaves it up to the reader to decide whether he is actually praising or condemning the object of his satire. There are times when the satirist actually praises an individual or an institution and the reader is not sure what the satirist is doing until the end of the article. In the hierarchy of satirical devices as they are used in this study, irony is in the middle. 23 Irony is, by its very nature, a development of modem civilization because it does not attack directly. Its ability to destroy is not direct as was considered to be the magic of satire of the ancients. Irony presupposes a high intelligence and a degree of sophistication. As is true of all satirical devices, irony attempts to say one thing to the reader while meaning something quite different. It gives the reader the impression that the satirist is not too serious about the thing satirized. It is quite in contrast with invective which displays an excess of concern on the part of the satirist. The reader is lulled into thinking that the satirist is not really protesting the object being satirized, nor is he really the violent moralist that the satirist using invective or vituperation appears to be. The person or object being attacked may even be fooled into congratulating himself on the high esteem which the satirist seems to hold for him. All the while, the satirist, using irony, is "laughing with 23 a few friends in a comer." Sarcasm as defined in this study means cruel and biting speech of any kind. The term is often associated 23 Bullitt, p. 50. with irony whose underlying meaning is obvious and whose wounding ability cannot be dismissed with a smile. Irony and wounding sarcastic irony are most effective when used in monologue. Irony then is the stating of the reverse of truth as though it were truth, Sarcasm is a taunting, cutting, sneering, or caustic remark which is generally ironical. Satire is essentially instructive, It implies an ideal, and its purpose is didactic. In an age of rela tivity, when manners and morals are not determined or governed by absolute standards or fixed ideals, satire will not attempt moral reform. As a literary function, satire has historically been a mediator between the acute percep tion of man or reality and the ideal perception of man as he ought to be. The satirist has to have convictions and ideals which give him a basis from which to reach out to his readers with the assurance that he will be understood. This keen insight into vices, foibles, and human follies helps to explain why successful satire is found in times of social and political stress and strain. Artistic control is essential to satire if it is to be literature, for without control, the satirist fails to arouse the desired emotion in his reader, the emotion which causes him to be uncomfortable in his folly, vice or foible. If diminution, for example, becomes too direct and too vituperative, resulting in lack of control, it may reduce the satirized object to one of disgust and loath someness which would tend to defeat the satirist's literary purpose. But if satirical devices with artistic control are properly employed "to relieve the naked intensity of 0/ indignation," satire comes closer to its objectives. But the satirist usually skates on the thin edge of legal retribution, or, at best, censorship. Ancient Athens was unique in permitting almost complete freedom to the critic to attack both individuals and institutions. But from Juvenal to the present, freedom for the satirist has been the exception rather than the rule, Even in demo cratic countries, the satirist risks grave financial loss to himself and to his publisher. In totalitarian coun tries, the satirist risks death, The satirist, while denouncing, warning and correct ing, gives positive advice. The very ideals which motivate 24 Bullitt, p. 49. the satirist serve as examples of what should be. The satirist usually states these ideals; though some are too embittered, or laughing too heartily, to express their ideals, all satirists are idealists at heart. CHAPTER II HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF ZARCO’S MEXICO In this chapter we shall relate briefly the history of Mexico during the period with which Zarco's literary journalism deals. We shall treat somewhat in detail those conditions, events, and individuals which Zarco treats in his satirical articles and essays. I have selected Justo Sierra as my primary source in this brief historical background of Zarco’s Mexico because I believe he holds a position of moderation between Church apologists such as Joseph H. L. Schlarman^ and critics of the conservatives such as Bancroft who is more critical of the reactionaries, especially the clerical element. Mexico, A Land of Volcanoes (Milwaukee, 1950). Schlarman, without examining how it was obtained in the first place, refers to confiscated Church property as "stolen” on page 475. Of the Constitution of 1857, he says: "He (Diaz) should have amended the stupid and unjust articles of the Constitution of 1857 and made the Catholic schools an integral part of the elementary and higher school system" (p. 395). 27 28 Moreover, Justo Sierra enjoys a position of respect among Mexican men of letters which lends authority to his works. Independence and Iturbide Mexican independence from Spain was achieved approxi mately six years before the birth of Zarco. Mexican con servatives' fear of the liberal Spanish Constitution of 1812 which appeared to them to be an open door go the destruction of Roman Catholicism in Spain and her colonies and their privileges in Mexico helped to hasten the event. The conservatives were enemies of any government that threatened their favored position. They were determined to retain this favored position at any cost or through the use of any device of economics or politics. Thus, we see early in the independence period the opportunism of the conservatives. It was they who were to lead Mexico down the road of economic and political chaos and government by personality. The quality of the conservative leaders became quickly evident in the post-independence period. From 1823, when Iturbide became emperor, until the end of the Maximillian episode, with the exception of Lucas Alaman, Mexico was led by opportunists and intriguers such 29 as Iturbide, Perez, Santa Anna, Almonte, Miramon, Marquez, and Zuloaga. None of these conservative leaders looks very good under the microscope of history. Of Iturbide, Justo Sierra wrote "Tenia detras una negra historia de hechos sangrien- tos y de abusos y extorsiones; era la historia de su am- / 2 bicion." Justo Sierra goes on to say that before inde pendence, as a Creole, Iturbide wanted independence but that he fought it at first because it did not promise him personal aggrandizement. He was not sincere when fighting with the loyalists nor against the loyalists. As Santa Anna would do immediately following, Iturbide contributed nothing but chaos to an already confused situation politi cally and ideologically, in an effort to gain personal advantage. In addition to being dishonest, Iturbide was not a man 3 of superior intelligence. This made it possible for others with one or both of his negative qualifications to find a position of importance in his government. 2 ✓ Obras Completas, Evolucion Politica del Pueblo Mexi- cano (Mexico, 1948), XII, 166. 3 Justo Sierra, p. 173. 30 History reveals that Mexican independence did not bring independence to Mexicans. An ignorant people could not be independent. Since ignorance was the lot of the majority of Mexicans, for them independence meant merely new masters to rule them. The Indians and mestizos were virtually slaves to the Spanish and Creole privileged few. They remained virtual slaves after independence to their conservative masters. Between the Spaniard and the Indian there was a deep chasm. So we see that the ship of state of Mexico began its voyage on very rough seas with each faction gathering strength and arming itself for the combat that was inevi- table and soon to follow. Each was preparing to pronounce in favor of his particular plan for avenging the injustices of whatever sort he considered himself the victim. Iturbide, in one respect, had one thing in common with the later radicals--he represented in the flesh the nation al pride of Mexico in attempting to demonstrate to Spain that it not only was no longer a colony of Spain, but that it was a nation equal with Spain having her own emperor who was born from the very independence movement. And even though later conservatives endeavored to retain the Spanish 31 colonial system as being best for Mexico, it was the later radicals or liberals who attempted to destroy all traces of the Spanish colonial system and to establish autochthonous economic, political and social institutions. The weak financial structure was enfeebling the economy of the country to an extreme point. Nevertheless, Iturbide maintained an enormous standing army of 35,000 men which is what any ruler is apt to do, who does not rule by the consent of the governed. Iturbide needed such an army to enforce his regime. Those who did not agree with him, he incarcerated. Lucas Alaman and the Conservatives As for the physical structure of the new government, the best educated, the oligarchy, the high clergy, the top military leaders, and the rich property owners wished to establish a republic in which the capital predominated and the provinces were subordinate. Former Bourbonists and other conservative groups sided with these centralists. Lucas Alaman and Father Mier placed themselves at the head of this movement which had no precise program other than being hostile to any liberal or federalist ideas. 32 The conservatives lent their support to this group, includ ing the Spaniards who controlled the mining and agricul tural interests of the country. This resulted in a rather paradoxical situation in which the reform party, which began by declaring itself as being incompatible with the Spaniards and with the privileged groups in the capital, wound up by being bedfellows. Alaman provided the most stable element in the new independent government. He commanded the most respect of all of the aspirants to power in those confused times. Although he desired reuniting with the Spanish crown, he was convinced of the impossibility of such a plan and resolved to place his vast knowledge and remarkable intel ligence at the service of an ideal which he believed to be embodied in the Spanish system.^ Alaman's desires were for peace. But it is evident that his ideals would come in conflict with the Liberal Movement in Mexico. In spite of his vast intelligence and knowledge, Alaman failed to see that the very ideals which he held were the ground in which the feelings of indepen dence had germinated and the revolution had come to bring Justo Sierra, p. 186. 33 liberty to Mexico. Alaman gave a formal organization to the conservative party. His fundamental error was that of all members of his party in believing in the essential goodness of the colonial regime since it had given the country peace, order, and prosperity, at least for the privileged few. From this it was inferred that the colonial regime should be reestablished under a monarchy occupied by a European prince, preferably a Spaniard. Alaman, with others of his party, was inflexible in his thinking. He was unable to see that the very explosion which had brought the war of independence was evidence enough of the ineffectiveness and the terrible failure of the colonial regime. He did not realize that the apparent peace and order were completely mechanical and there was no preparation for life in a free society, or did he think there should be. Physical and mental isolation of the colonies from most of the rest of the world was necessary for the success of the colonial regime. Alaman's inflexible hostility coupled with his quali ties of leadership made him a natural to make war on the liberal doctrine of the reformers. Of this dedication to a vain cause, Justo Sierra says: "Y pocas veces se ha puesto en este pais tanta energia, tanta voluntad, tanto talento al servicio de una causa imposible. Alaman could not comprehend that the Mexican people could not retrogress in their political and social evolution. They could not return to the point at which Iturbide created the Mexican Empire and traverse the same road from abyss to abyss. The congress which had created the empire following the reign of Iturbide understood the urgency of the situation and reduced its own official role to one of convoking a new constitutional congress. Conservatives had fought federalism from the very beginning of the independence movement. They fought it on the basis that though in the United States federalism was an attempt to unite the ununited, in Mexico it disunited the united; it made less compact that which was compact in terms of administration of a widely scattered population. Nevertheless, the constitution promulgated in October of 1824 could not have been other than what it was, accord ing to Justo Sierra, because it was the expression of the ^Justo Sierra, p. 256. 35 majority of the people of the political entity of that t' time. It was incontestable that the majority of the people, notwithstanding the conservative party, wanted a federal system of government. Role of the Army The interference of the military in political affairs of the nation and the civilian authorities being subject to the military is another aspect of the problems of political instability in Mexico throughout its first hundred years of history. If the military became disgruntled, an officer "pronounced" against the government. When military leaders got their way there were no revolutions. If a colonel or general did not see eye to eye with the government, a revolution was the result. The civilian authorities could best keep peace with the military by paying them. As Justo Sierra notes "cuando sueldos se pagan, las revoluciones se apagan."^ The con tinual state of chaos of the Mexican treasury caused by irresponsible deals with foreign banks contracted by each government did not contribute to the government's ability £ Justo Sierra, p. 188. ^Justo Sierra, p. 189- 36 to pay its military establishment. And, since Mexicans had not learned to live within their means, they simply lived from budget to budget or, as it were, from payday to pay day. Government was, in reality, little more than a bank of employees watched over by other employees who were armed--the army. Justo Sierra speaks of the role of the army in Mexican affairs as having its origin in Spain: La era de los pronunciamientos mexicanos comenzo, puede decirse, en Espana, la tierra clasica de las rebeliones militares en nuestro siglo; en ninguna parte se ha considerado el ejercito con derechos mas claros para interpretar la voz de la nacion, soliendo solo interpretar la voz de las codicias y apetitos de sus jefes o de quienes los mueven, que en loS parses es- panoles.® The military was as opportunistic as the clergy. The army's general duties were to serve the government, but its concrete duty was to serve its chiefs. Its union with the clergy was a union of convenience, because both desired a strong central government. Joel Poinsett The appointment of Joel Poinsett as American repre sentative plenipotentiary was an important factor in the g Justo Sierra, p. 201. 37 developing political turmoil. He was anti-Spanish, a strong advocate of free masonry, a friend, guide and oracle of the liberals and a proselytor for liberal ideals. He made no secret of interfering in Mexico’s internal affairs, most notably in matters of politics. In a measure agreeing with Poinsett, Justo Sierra suggests that in order for Mexico to overcome its economic problems, it would have to follow a political course dia metrically opposite to that which the Spanish colonial system had followed: Mexico, por la falta de medios de explotacion de sus riquezas naturales, es uno de los paxses mas pobres del globo; el espxritu aventurero es una energxa que hay que encauzar por la fuerza hacia el trabajo. Planteado el problema asx, habxa que adoptar, para resolverlo, una polltica absolutamente contraria a la de la Espana con- quistadora y levantar todas las barreras interiores y exteriores. Vamos a trazar a grandes rasgos la historia dolorosa y viril de esta obra magna.^ This would not be easy because during the period of 1825-1865 the military, the clergy, and the landed aris tocracy maintained a state of anarchy because of their unwillingness to surrender the privileges which they had come to expect as their divine heritage during the three hundred years of colonial rule. Q Justo Sierra, p. 170. 38 The Church and Independence The Church, as has been indicated, was opportunistic in attaining its ends. It early made known its attitudes toward independence of the Latin American colonies. In an encyclical, Pope Leo XII condemned the independence of the colonies. Most Mexican church leaders, such as Perez and Labastida, worked actively on the side of the conserva tives. Contrary to the thinking of the Church, most Mexi cans, remembering that the Spanish crown had enjoyed the patrimony or patronage of the Church, felt that an inde pendent Mexican government should also have the right to appoint officials. The pronouncements of Pope Leo XII concerning liberalism and independence helped to confuse most Mexicans and contributed greatly to the feeling of civil war which was in the atmosphere. The Church was unwilling to accept any economic pro gram which might deprive it of any of its wealth or prop erty, though the State insisted during the liberal regimes, that it was impossible that a foreign State, the Roman Church, could exist within the State. The Pope's Justo Sierra, p. 192. 39 anathematizing of the independence of the new State caused the liberal reformers to urge nationalizing of ecclesiasti cal property. According to Justo Sierra, these fervent apostles of reform were not anti-Christian as they were accused of being. On the contrary, they were good Catholics in the majority.But they were filled with a desire for politi cal and economic equality. They found that the power and the wealth of the Church were formidable obstacles to bringing to Mexico the reform program which they wished to implement. The liberals believed that abolition of eccle siastic wealth would bring into the economy vast resources which were in the hands of the Church. There was resistance not only by the Church to such proposals, but many of the masses believed them to be blasphemous. The liberals, however, believed that through education the thinking of new generations could be changed to understand the liberal ideas. One of those changes of thinking envisioned by the liberals included developing religious tolerance. Naturally the Church would never con sent to any of this. The Church had accurately proclaimed ■^Justo Sierra, p. 206. 40 that negation of the liberty of conscience was the very 12 reason for her authority. The Church denounced the government as trying to do away with religion and religious practices. An opportune invasion of the cholera gave the clergy the opportunity to claim that it was divine judgment against the anti- religious behavior of the reformers. The Age of Santa Anna At an early date in the independence period there arose a figure who was to dominate the political scene for nearly fifty years, much to the misfortune of Mexico. He was Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna. The period between 1825 and 1875 is known as the era of Santa Anna’s intrigues, treachery, and treason by the liberals. Though he usually espoused the conservative cause, they are not anxious to identify him with their cause. Opportunistic best describes Santa Anna. For when it suited his purpose, he worked against members of his own government. Working against his own vice president, he presented himself as the saviour of conservative ideals. 12Justo Sierra, p. 206. 41 The clergy and the military turned to him for support and preservation of their privileges and fueros. Santa Anna maneuvered with such astuteness that both parties often at the same time considered him as their supporter. In April of 1833, Santa Anna after having made himself a nuisance suddenly occupied the presidency assuming power from the liberal, Gomez Farias, whom he obliged to leave the country. He dissolved congress, persecuted the re formers, abrogated reform laws and named a conservative cabinet to assist him. The conservatives were delighted to see the nation saved from what they believed to be oppressive reformers. Wheat quotes from an anonymous, for obvious reasons, Historia de la Revolution contra Santa Anna in describing the regime of Santa Anna: Santa Anna’s ministers cannot be pardoned for spend ing a great deal of time in talking of fiestas and processions of dances and parties and ceremonies of pure etiquette, debating at length on the color of their livery, on the place to be occupied by the coaches and by their ladies in promenades and public places, on the seats they are to occupy at religious functions. Much of the attention is concentrated on their trivialities and their manner of showing off to best advantage their cloaks and their crosses, their embroidery and braid. 13 Justo Sierra, p. 208. 42 At the same time, they speak much of prison and jail, of exiles and executions, of justice, all because these men being friends of comfort and pleasure, so much at home with leisure and soft living are nevertheless hard hearted, have a feverish desire to exterminate the opposition when dealing with what they call preservation of public order and are concerned with the punishment of those they think might disturb it.^ Some individuals who declined the honor of the Order of Guadalupe, a defunct order founded by Iturbide, found themselves the object of presidential wrath and without ceremony they were deprived of their positions. However, Mexican history has demonstrated that such conditions could not last indefinitely. It was a foregone conclusion that Santa Anna's time was running out, at least that phase of the Santa Anna era. The restoration of Iturbide's defunct Order of Guadalupe did not add prestige to Santa Anna's administration, quite the opposite result was experienced. It served only to arouse the hatred and ridicule of the people. Justo Sierra says that Santa Anna was: Sumamente ignorante, ... inmensamente ambicioso, ... esa ambicion era su religion unica, amasada con un poco de supersticion catolica y de creencia ingenua en s£ 14 Raymond Curtis Wheat, "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma," unpub. diss. (Univ. of Texas, 1956), pp. 18-19- Wheat translated all quotations into English. 43 mismo y en su papel providencial. ... sin principios de aj eno a la ciencia uijlj.jli.cix~. Santa Anna imposed his will by dissolving the state militia and causing the federal system to cease: "El it that reactionaries, through help of the army, were elected to governmental posts. Santa Anna was most adept at worsening every situation in which he attempted to involve himself. His handling of the Texas problem and the subsequent loss of Texas in 1836 infuriated the Mexican people. Justo Sierra says: "Mexico se enfurecla contra Santa Anna, como un amante contra una 17 querida infiel, a quien es incapaz de no seguir amando.” After his ignominious return from the Texas fiasco, how ever, even the conservatives felt it was time for a change and Santa Anna retired to his hacienda at Jalapa, but not from meddling with Mexico’s fate. Bustamente rose to power in 1837 in an effort to con solidate the centralist regime, but he was again confronted ningun genero, regimen federal habfa concluido de hecho; ... disolvio las 16 milicias y redujo el Estado a la obedencia." He saw to 15 Justo Sierra, p. 209. 16 Justo Sierra, p. 210. 17 Justo Sierra, p. 216. 44 with separatist movements in Yucatan, New Mexico, Sonora, and Michoacan. Bustamante soon despaired of directing the affairs of Mexico with Santa Anna interfering from his hacienda in Jalapa. He called Santa Anna again to take over control of the destiny of Mexico--that eternal seductor of the Republic, that don Juan of the pronuncia- miento. of the tedeum and the forced loan, "el gran come- diante, en quien la ambicion y la vanidad eran toda el alma. 1,18 The political, economic, and social situation of Mexico was what was to be expected with such as Santa Anna to lead them. Aquella sociedad mutilada sin cesar, sin un rayo de sol que alumbrara su cima, sin esperanza de lle^ar a la solucion de un problema que el tiempo no resolvia, sino complicaba, y con un pantano de sangre y cieno en su tronco, se sentia capaz de vivir, avida de vivir, sentia su savia, sentia su alma.^ Again a monarchy with a foreign prince on the throne was suggested as a solution to Mexico's problems. It was a suggestion made in desperation by some and reflecting long held ideas of others. It was the inability of the government to organize some solution which led to such an 18 Justo Sierra, p. 220. ■^Justo Sierra, p. 221. 45 unrealistic and artificial suggestion to a solution to Mexico's problems. At this time another young man with impossible dreams of grandeur, hates and ambitions came forward to pro nounce --Almonte. He came on the scene propelled by another 20 bola. Bustamente found himself fighting Santa Anna in the streets of Mexico City after Almonte had pronounced. Once more Santa Anna was given charge of the army and government, once more Bustamente went into exile, and once more Santa Anna provided the background for greater politi cal and economic ills. All pretense of liberalism was cast aside by Santa Anna. He established his infamous dictatorship. He began his dictatorship by declaring that his administration was vested with the necessary power to do good and to avoid wrong in all branches of government. Judging by history, someone should have had power to cause Santa Anna to do good and avoid all wrong. Of this dictatorship Justo Sierra says: "iOh, y las miserias de los tiempos en que gobernaba Santa Anna eran famosas, como que todo lo gastaba 20 Bola--A term applied to any revolution of a local nature in some countries of Spanish America. en el ejercito, en los favoritos, en el fausto regio de que se rodeaba!"^ Repeatedly it was demonstrated that among the masses the feelings of reform and federalism predominated and in elections, when the people voiced their wishes, a reform government and a reform constitution were installed pro viding for nationalization of Church property, religious tolerance, freedom from slavery, and other liberal institu tions . The natural reactions of the conservatives to such developments were always a pronouncement by a conservative leader, supported by the army, the clergy, and the landed aristocracy which expelled the liberal government; abro gated the liberal constitution, and installed an anti reform government and constitution. It thus resulted that the masses had no guide other than their local priests and their superstitions. The higher clergy was ever resolved to defend its privileges, its fueros. Justo Sierra accurately analyzed the reason for Santa Anna's being able to create such havoc for such a long period of time when he states that it was a result 21 Justo Sierra, p. 224. 47 of the lack of education of the masses during the colonial period. Texas War Since the earliest days of the Mexican Republic, the United States had attempted to obtain the territory between Louisiana and the entire course of the Bravo River (Rio Grande) from its source to the mouth. Poinsett had pro posed to the Mexican government the sale of this territory to the United States. As time went on the United States looked enviously at Mexican territory clear to the Pacific Ocean. The United States felt that these territories should belong to the United States because they believed Mexico was unable to govern them effectively. Knowing her relative weakness, Mexico had no desire to become involved in a war with the United States. The very threat of such a war helped to keep the resources of Mexico depleted and the condition of Mexican politics and finances in a state of confusion as a result of her trying to maintain a degree of preparedness which she was unable to afford with each political faction in Mexico's accusing 48 the other of ineptitude in the handling of affairs with the United States. Town meetings were held in the United States, little considering the rights of Mexico. Most of them demanded that war be declared against Mexico. Notwithstanding her relative weakness, Mexico made it clear that any admission of Texas to the North American Union would constitute a declaration of war. War with Mexico was a real issue in the presidential election of 1844 between Clay and Polk. If the Democratic candidate, Polk, were elected with his program of annexa tion, war was inevitable. If Clay triumphed, peace was certain. By a difference of less than 45 votes out of 2,600,000, Polk triumphed; it was a bad day for Mexico. In the opinion of Mexican historians, the annexation of Texas and the war with Mexico was a Southern affair and not a national affair because of the former's desire to add slave states. In the war with Texas, Santa Anna did not in any way contribute to Mexico's glory. Justo Sierra states that the actions of Santa Anna in the dispute with the Texas colo nists alienated all sentiments of the colonists from Mexico. War with the United States 49 Herrera became president of Mexico in 1844 as a re sult of Paredes' revolt against Santa Anna. Hardly had Herrera’s administration begun when the United States Con gress and President Polk sanctioned the annexation of Texas. The Mexican minister asked for his passport and relations with Mexico were broken. The United States forces entered Texas and with complete disregard for the rights of nations established themselves along the Nueces River. Mexico attempted to negotiate with the United States even after the annexation of Texas, realizing that it was only through negotiations that they could save their already threatened territory to the west of Texas. In December 1845, Herrera was deposed from the presi dency. This was the sign for the United States to move. It reinforced its troops and ordered Taylor to advance to the Bravo River where the Mexican forces awaited, but never did see, the arrival of Paredes* promised reinforcements. Paredes had betrayed them; he was attempting to establish a monarchy after deposing Herrera. Once again the army had been used as an instrument of personal and financial ambitions rather than for the good 50 of the nation. Throughout these times of crisis, though they had amassed their wealth in Mexico, the clergy con sidered themselves above the fatherland. Although there were individual clerics who excelled in Christian virtues, the majority dedicated all of their efforts toward con serving the Church's treasures. The multitude of the priestly class were ignorant, superstitious, and corrupt. The only thing that the people were good for in the sight of the clergy and the military was to be ravenously ex- 22 ploited. Alaman, a truly selfless conservative intellectual, again served as the leader for the group which formed the government ostensibly sympathetic to the new president, Paredes. Again, the conservatives agitated for a monarchy rather than a federalist or even a centralist republican government. In everything they did they demonstrated their 23 unpatriotic motives. Such was the political situation on the eve of war with the United States. While the conservatives jockeyed for personal power and gain, the nation was already at war although hostilities had not yet begun. Paredes was not 22 23 Justo Sierra, p. 237. Justo Sierra, p. 237. 51 much quicker to send reinforcements to the border than he had been to lead reinforcements himself preceding his act of treason toward the Herrera government. General Arista, general-in-chief of the Mexican army, resolved to throw the invaders out of the territory of Tamaulipas and to oblige them to retreat to the Nueces River. He crossed the Bravo River with forces equal to those of the enemy, but was forced to retreat to Matamoros because of heavy North American artillery and the lack of a competent staff. Mexico formally declared war on the United States in June after Polk had cynically stated that Mexico must be punished for having invaded the American territory of Texas. World opinion was not on the side of the United States. Two unfortunate events occurred in Mexico while she was faced with war with the United States: Revolution which broke out in Guadalajara and the return of Santa Anna to lead Mexico in its time of crisis. The government of Paredes, his congress and his monarchists proved unable to cope with Mexico's problems and disappeared from the scene. The Mexican people had vague hopes of Santa Anna's being able to perform a miracle. He was Mexico’s deus ex maquina. 52 He was considered to be the saviour of the country. Article VI of acta de pronunciamiento said: Como el excelentisimo sehor, don Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna tuvo la gloria de fundar la Republica, y cualesquiera que hayan sido sus errores, ha sido su mas fuerte apoyo ... la guamicion de Jalisco proclaraa a dicho excelentisimo senor general como caudillo en la grandiosa empresa a que se contrae este plan. Santa Anna placed Gomez Farias, the old liberal warrior, at the head of his ministers. However, he assumed personal command of the army. Santa Anna may have been other things, but he was not a general. He was unable to recognize the simplest facts of war that soldiers must have food and equipment and officers in whom soldiers could trust before they would be willing to fight and lay down their lives. Nevertheless, there were individuals who behaved heroically on the Mexican side, but, in the final outcome, the superiority of North American artillery and supplies was so overwhelming that Mexico’s loss of the war was 25 inevitable. With her northern states paralyzed, with her harbors blockaded, Mexico's ability to wage war and mount 24 Justo Sierra, Footnote, p. 239. 25 Justo Sierra, p. 240. 53 successful counterattacks was never very great. The clergy, more out of pressure than patriotism, sobbingly relinquished small fractions of its fortune for the support 96 of Santa Anna’s war. Justo Sierra says in justifying this action: ... los bienes del clero no eran de propiedad particular, sino corporativa; estaban, pues, sometidos a condiciones especiales que el Estado tenia derecho de dictar; los bienes del clero eran invendibles (manos muertas), no entraban directamente en la circulacion; estaban, pues, en condiciones economicas que el Estado podia modificar o transformar en provecho de la comunidad; los bienes del clero se habian formado con donaciones, o recibidas del soberano, o con su permiso; todo ello era rauy revocable. Siempre habian hecho los gobiemos uso de este derecho, siempre los monarcas espanoles mantuvieron incolumes sus prerrogativas sobre este punto; cuando el muy catolico don Carlos III confisco todos los bienes de los jesuitas en sus dominios, nadie dudo del derecho; su aplicacion / 9 7 fue la discutida. ‘ Justo Sierra goes on to say in the following quotation which gives a great historian’s viewpoint of the objectives of the Liberals and of the social, economic, and political conditions of Zarco’s Mexico: Los reformistas tenian un fin politico, un fin social, un fin nacional: consideraban la influencia del clero como perniciosa, porque era su derecho y casi su deber mantener a las clases en el statu quo, que tan favorable Justo Sierra, p. 241. ^Justo Sierra, pp. 241-242. 54 les era, y el statu quo significaba la supersticion religiosa abajo y el pavor de toda innovacion arriba; consideraban, como profundamente igualitaristas <^ue eran, que los privilegios eclesiasticos constituian el obstaculo principal al advenimiento de una democracia, y creian que mientras el clero fuese una potencia finaneiera de primer orden, no habrxa modo de despojarlo de su privilegio, de sus fueros. ... mientras la gran masa de la riqueza territorial ... no entrase en circula- cion, la fortuna publica no podia crecer, el grupo social no podia cambiar de suerte; gobiemos y particulares hacian el papel de parasitos de la Iglesia y todo pro- greso social resultaria imposible.^° Here we find the crux of the real problem that existed in Mexico. The control of most of the nation's wealth in manos muertas. Naturally, the clergy would not agree that Mexico's problems could be laid at their door; they would contend that the reformists had caused Mexico's trouble by throwing off its Spanish colonial heritage. There were various ideas as to how the problem of idle national wealth should be solved. The moderates were in accord with the puros, the most ardent reformers in respect to the disarming of the Church and of its privileges and territorial riches, who believed that all Church property should be confiscated. The less ardent liberals believed that there should be some indemnization for the disamorti- zation of Church property. The puros, quite accurately, ^Justo Sierra, p. 242. 55 insisted that the Church would never consent to giving up any of its wealth or privileges and that indemnification was not necessary since to indemnify the Church would in the long run do no good for the Church nor the Republic. Moreover, no one was able to buy since the Church con- trolled most of the wealth of the country. The reformers believed that they could impose their solution to the nation's economic, social, and political problems because Santa Anna, they supposed, was on their side. However, when the decree was actually issued in January of 1847, the people, fanned by the clergy, went through the streets of the principal cities shouting "viva la religion y mueran 29 los puros." As a result, no one stepped forward to buy the Church property that the government was attempting to sell. While the clergy guarded its privileges and wealth, the Mexican army in the North was forced to retreat across the desert where sickness, exposure, hunger and desertion reduced the bloody and hungry column as it marched beneath the implacable sun. As the army fled south, Santa Anna outdistanced them as he attempted to assure his control 29 Justo Sierra, p. 243. 56 in Mexico City. If Mexican forces had been led by a general instead of a vain, unsettled, ignorant opportunist, the war against the United States would have been planned rather than chaotic. Mexican soldiers demonstrated their valor when they were led by officers who were motivated by patriotism. More than any other factor, it was poor leadership and hunger that defeated the Mexican forces. According to Justo Sierra, it was the liberal party which organized and directed the defense of the country. The reactionary party, as Justo Sierra terms the conserva tive party, figured in the defense of the country through many of its individuals but not as a party. It disturbed the invaders to find themselves face to face with the liberal reformers with whom they shared many ideals in common and who were admired by the invaders and whom the liberals in turn had admired. Some of the intel lectuals felt that the outcome of the war was certain; that it was impossible to defeat the invading army which could be reinforced from the north and from the east with end less reinforcements and supplies. Some Mexicans believed that it would be advantageous for Mexico to reduce and 57 consolidate itself and rid itself of territories which some felt had never really been a part of Mexico. This would 30 give them more cohesion and greater strength. Mexico's losses had been great in the war. Though there were those who wished to continue the war, to do so would have been foolhardy. But not until one set of Ameri can demands for New Mexico and California, in addition to Texas, had been rejected and the war had been resumed and the outcome finally determined by the battles of Casa Mata, Molino del Rey, and Chapultepec, did Pena y Pena succeed in assembling a government which could negotiate an armis tice with the invaders. On the 12th of June 1848, the invaders left the capi tal of Mexico. The liberal national government, however, was immediately confronted with a rebellious Indian popula tion in the Yucatan peninsula. The Mexican government was able to put down the uprising of the Mayans in the Yucatan peninsula and the United States under Article II of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo undertook the obligation of preventing and punishing incursions of Indian nomads in 30 Justo Sierra, p. 245. The works of Zarco indicate that he was not of this opinion. 58 the North. But the "barbarians” who menaced the government most were the perennial authors of pronunciamientos. Gadsden Purchase (Mesilla) The Mesilla (Gadsden Purchase) Treaty was signed December 30, 1853, and approved by decree July 20, 1854. Zarco had much to say about this episode. Of this trans action, Justo Sierra says: Santa Anna, para hacerse de recursos, hubo de consen- tir en vender una fraccion del territorio nacional, lo que modificaba los lxmites fijados por el tratadcTde Guadalupe, haciendonos perder una porcion de terreno (la Mesilla), que de hecho dominaban los americanos, y su- primiendo la obligacion contraxda por ellos (y que jamas habxan cumplido) de impedir las incursiones de las tribus barbaras en nuestro territorio. Llevar la ostentacion del poder hasta negociar una parte del territorio nacional, parecio una monstruosidad sin ejemplo, y era claro que, si en alguna cosa la nacion debio haber tornado parte, era en esta cuestion, que no tuvo otro objeto que proporcionar siete millones al erario, que se tragaron instantaneamente la guerra y el agio. Mas para mostrar que la nacion apoyaba su despotismo, invento el minis - terio, imitando lo que Napoleon III habxa hecho reciente- mente en Francia, un plebiscito, groseramente dispuesto para dar una cantidad de votos aparentes al dictador y la dictadura. ^ 31 Justo Sierra, p. 268. 59 The Arista Government In January of 1851 at the beginning of the presidency 32 of Arista, the economic and political situation was more grave than ever. Much good had been begun, but Mexico’s financial difficulties made difficult the realization of attempted programs. The funds from the American indemni fication were nearly exhausted; the income from customs was greatly reduced by contraband. Arista’s government had the problem of reinforcing border patrols in order to pre vent contraband in an attempt to improve the economic situation. North American filibusters continued making incursions into Mexican territory in an effort to foment revolt and the formation of separate republics. These, the already exhausted Mexican government managed to repel with the strength of a weak man. The debt continued to get worse and revolutions and the threat of revolutions continued to mount. Under these sad conditions, the year of 1852 began with a new congress. 32 Henry Bamford Parkes, A History of Mexico (Boston, 1950), pp. 222, 225, says that Arista’s government lasted from 1850 (he does not say which month) to January 1853. 60 The states were reluctant to comply with their duties to the central government. Congress either did not wish to or could not do anything to alleviate the situation. For example, the unhappy inhabitants of the state of Durango were constantly menaced by the incursions from barbarians and within congress the government was not able to do any thing about it. The Americans also failed in their com mitment to control such incursions. Of this chaotic situation, Justo Sierra says: Corrieron asi los meses; todo se repetia, barbaros, filibusteros, pronunciamientos, escaseces infinitas; una federacion convertida en confederacion por la excesiva libertad de los Estados; el Ejecutivo que pedia, ya que el Congreso nada arre^laba, (jue lo facultase para arreglar algo, peticion sin exito, el pais sano aplau- diendo los primeros telegrafos, sosteniendo las publica- ciones literarias; la prensa de oposicion hiriendo al gobernante hasta en su vida privada, y los conservadores cubriendo de sarcasmo a la federacion, al gobiemo representativo y al sistema republicano; tal era el cuadro. All of the privileged classes who feared reform agi tated constantly for revolt under Alaman’s leadership, and it was he who was the conservative force most influential 33 Justo Sierra, p. 259. Notwithstanding this picture, Parkes says that "The governments of Herrera and Arista were the most honest which the Mexican Republic had ever enjoyed," p. 222. Zarco does not agree. 61 in causing the downfall of Arista in January of 1853. After the fall of Arista, Santa Anna exerted every effort to be named president, but Ceballos was named in his stead. Nevertheless, through the stupidity of Ceballos1 own actions and the conniving of Santa Anna, a dictatorship which was to last one year was created under Santa Anna. He inaugurated a strictly militaristic dictatorship that was especially characterized by the Ley Lares decreed April 25, 1853, against the free use of the press. Its author was Teodosio Lares, Minister of the Interior, and it made impossible not only the liberty of the press, but the very existence of the press. The motto of Santa Anna's regime was "down with obstacles!" Again the mad opportunist was at the helm of the erratic ship of state of Mexico. La obra de la reaccion carecio pronto de brujula; la idea del gran politico reaccionario de hacer imposible la tirania del dictador por medio de buenos consejos, era un sueno; el gobierno personal quedo fundado y el tirano recibio del ejercito, puesto en accion politica, mil tftulos, aun el de emperador; Santa Anna se contento con el de Alteza Serenfsima; y todo, el boato y el esplendor desplegado sin cesar, la resurreccion de creaciones monarquicas (la orden de Guadalupe) y de toda la indu- mentaria reglamentaria y aparato de los tiempos de la realeza, acusaba en el dictador la pasion de imitar al segundo Napoleon (Napoleon III), como Iturbide habia pretendido parodiar al primero: la corona no estaba lejos; se iba a ella por medio del despotismo mas 62 minucioso, del despilfarro mas cinico, del favoritismo mas descarado, de los besamanos, las orgias y los bailes. Jamas habian lucido los soldados tan costosos y pin- torescos uniformes; las iglesias, tan tentadores orna ment os ; las senoras, alhajas tan esplendidas; jamas habia estado la Republica con los pies mas atascados en el fango de la miseria, de la ignorancia y del vicio; jamas habia lucido un penacho mas pomposo. ^ With affairs of the nation in such condition, it was only a matter of time until Santa Anna was again deposed and his most serene highness went hightailing over the mountains to Jalapa. Constitution and Laws of Reform During the earliest years of Mexican independence, men such as Jose Maria Luis Mora, Valentin Gomez Farias, and Lorenzo de Zavala had begun the fight to diminish the power of the Church and the army and provide individual rights. To accomplish actual change was very difficult, because all attempts at reform were attacked by the Church. It fought every threat to their privileges from the Constitution of 1824 to the Constitution of 1857. Juan Alvarez, after the overthrow of Santa Anna, attempted to form a liberal government by naming Comonfort, "^Justo Sierra, p. 265. 63 minister of war; Ocampo, minister of foreign relations; Prieto to the treasury; Juarez to ministry of justice and ecclesiastical affairs; and Miguel Lerdo de Tejada to fomento (internal affairs). But he had no constitution. Moreover, his own ministers were not united in their ideas of remedying Mexico’s chaotic conditions. Alvarez’ govern ment accomplished little more than to establish friendly 3 3 relations with foreign powers. The first step taken to implement reform ideals was that taken by Juarez as minis ter of justice when on November 23, 1855, he promulgated what came to be known as the Ley Juarez. Articles 42 and 44 of this law on the organization and administration of the courts suppressed special courts or fueros. The arch bishop saw in this an attack on the rights of the Church and desired that the matter be submitted to the pope for 36 ' solution. The motto of the conservatives, religion y fueros, dates from this moment, "the clergy senselessly promoting revolution with the aid of the discontented 35 The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft, Vol. V, "The History of Mexico 1824-1861" (San Francisco, 1887), p. 670. Hereafter cited as Bancroft. 3 6 Bancroft, pp. 670-671. military) whose mutinous acts were equally inexcusable." lie cabinet still had no united program for implement ing the Plan of Ayutla, Without money and without direc tion, the iilvarez government fell and Comonfort, who was more acceptable to the conservatives, became interim presi dent though ilvarez remained titular head of the govern ment, Luis de la Sosa, who became Zarco's benefactor, was named secretary of foreign relations, Comonfort resolved to convene a constituent congress to frame a constitution which, because of much sedition on the part of the clergy 38 IQ and army, did not convene until February 14, 185b, It progressed with much difficulty to formulate the organic law of the land and finally, on June lb, 185b, the first draft of the constitution was read, Its most outstanding provisions were government based on legality and equality before the law of all of Mexico's citizens, The promulgating of the liberal Reform Constitution was not, in the light of three hundred and thirty-five years of colonial heritage, destined to be an easy task, 37 38 Bancroft, p, 671. Bancroft, p, 878, 3 8 Ponciano Arriaga was chosen its chairman; the secre taries were Francisco Zarco and Isidoro Olvera, Bancroft, p, 882, footnote 3b, Questions whose solution had been put off now had to be solved, The law of disamortization of civil and eccle siastical property, which became known as the ley lerdo, of the Constituent Congress, Seedless to say, this law did not set well with the clergy, though, according to Ban croft, the literals believed that the more "enlightened portion of the clergy would look upon it as a beneficent measure, and be grateful to the govenent for having them of their wealth, which constituted three-fourths of the landed wealth of Mexico, was what we could expect, Bancroft says: The partisans of the old blunder transmitted from colo nial times, by which three fourths of the landed property in the country had been vested in mortmain, disgusted at the praise thus bestowed on the ley lerdo, assailed it with all their might, The archbishop asked the president to repeal it, , , , Archbishop la Carza acted with moder ation, contrasting with the haughtiness and evil disposi tion of a large portion of the clergy, who openly re belled against the measure, and resorted to all means to mislead public opinion, alarm the timid, torture con science by starting doubts, and breaking the public peace, The bishop of linares, Belaunzaran, and other high ecclesiastics resolved to disobey the orders; 4 8 Bancroft, p, 883, likewise, the bishop of Guadalajara and the governor of the diocese of Puebla forbade obedience to the law,^ The discussion of the articles of the Constitution continued amid violent polemics between the conservative and liberal press with Zarco leading the liberal press, After all manner of opposition and propositions, including an attempt to revive the Constitution of 1824, the Consti tution was signed and adopted and became the fundamental code of the nation on February 5, 1857, The provisions of the Constitution are summarized by Bancroft who calls them the instrument "which strikes at the roots of the evils that had been so fatal to Mexico's peace and advance- 42 lent,1 ' Freedom and the rights of man were recognized: Slaves entering Mexico became free; a man could not inden ture himself to another; freedom of speech and the press were guaranteed, the latter being limited only by respect for private life, morality and the public peace; freedom of assembly and freedom of movement within the nation were guaranteed; titles of nobility and hereditary honors were not recognized; arrest and seizure of property without ^Bancroft, pp, 683-8S4, ^Bancroft, p. 88b, footnote 13, 67 court order were forbidden; free administration of justice, and many other provisions which guaranteed personal freedom were enacted; abolition of privileges for certain classes of people; abolition of ecclesiastical wealth and property except the buildings utilized and the establishment of democratic and republican form of government were also pro visions of the Constitution. It is not difficult to imagine the reaction of the conservatives in general and the clergy in particular to the adoption of such a set of rules for the operation of an enterprise which they had considered their private domain for over three centuries. Wheat says that all of the clergy from the archbishop down to the parish priest became suspect for fomenting rebellion against the Constitution. This agitation finally led to a complete rupture between the Reform leaders and the Church. Rebellion against the liberal constitutional ist government was carried on under the banner of "Religion y fueros," and had as its covert and overt leaders numbers of the clergy.^ 43 Cuevas, the modem historian who often defends the Church, insists that the initial rebellion at Zacapoaxtla on December 12, 1855, was not led by a village priest, but Rich families to whom the reform ideas were odious were more than willing to support these revolutionary factions. The reactionary group could also count on the coffers of the clergy to support an anti-liberal program. With this encouragement, the dissatisfied militarists were ready to attempt to gain at sword point what they were not able to do at the ballot boxes. General Zuloaga, the author of the Plan of Tacubaya, was named to lead the counter-revolutionary government after it became apparent that Comonfort was not willing to deny his basically liberal ideals. Mexico, before the War of Reform or the Three-Years’ War began, already had three boots on its belly--Spain, France, and England--in addition to the foreign dominated clergy and the army with its privileges. These all gathered in Puebla under santanista officers and a belli cose clergy to spread insurrection to other conservative centers. by many high officers of the army. Alfonso Toro, Compendio de Historia de Mexico (Mexico, 1937), 2nd ed., p. 535, and Schlarman, p. 294, name the priest, Francisco Ortega, as the originator of the pronouncement. 69 The bishop of Puebla, Labastida, recognized the mili tary government established at Puebla by the conservatives. Therefore, he felt obliged to obey the requests of the conservatives for material aid. Labastida desired to see a theocracy, dictated to from Rome, established to per petuate ecclesiastical privileges; therefore, he considered it his duty and his right to defend the privileges of the Church. The liberals saw in Labastida’s program an attempt to establish an ecclesiastical state within the political state. Because of his actions, the government obliged him to leave the country. Labastida then believed himself authorized to try to gain his objectives abroad by effect ing a complete change of political systems in Mexico by gaining the support of exiled conservatives abroad. A genuine religious war began a new period of tears and blood for Mexico. The emotion produced by this con flict grew and multiplied as the congress attempted to enforce new reforms and the clergy attempted to combat these and others already attempted. The issues were dis cussed passionately in the press and in all social spheres. Pope Pius IX, raising his pontifical voice with apos tolic freedom, condemned, reproved and declared invalid all of the reform work and the Constitution of the liberal party, and he thundered forth his wrath against those who obeyed the liberal government. The episcopate, faithful to the pronouncements of Pius H fulminated excommunications and demanded retraction of oaths. Attacks on the Constitu- tion followed furiously from all conservative quarters. The reform party saw war coming with bitterness. They invited the anti-constitutionalists to put the issue before the people, but they disdained such a suggestion. To the conservatives' way of thinking, the only solution was war. Mexico previously had had periods of anarchy, but this was now a period of anarchy of conscience. On everybody's lips were the words; "religion y fueros o constitucion y reforma." The issue was whether all men were by nature free or whether a minority could oblige them to do what they did not wish to do. By December of 1857, the reformists had gained the allegiance of most of Mexico's military forces, Also, the approval of most of the state governors had been given, Even the dissenters had great confidence in Comonfort as president who later repudiated the liberal cause. General Zuloaga, a man whom Comfort had trusted, pronounced in Tacubaya and quite peacefully occupied the capital, Juarez, president of the supreme court, was im prisoned, The majority of the congress protested vigor ously against such treasonable action and it was dissolved, i Zuloaga's Plan of Tacubaya was short and clear-abrogate the reform constitution because it did not satisfy the aspirations of the country; recognize Comonfort as presi dent; convene a new congress to form a new constitution, The reactionaries sought for laurels and te deis and the benediction of the bishops and archbishops, They believed that they were acting as instnents of God to remedy the evils that had fallen upon the Church as a result of the "infamous1 1 Reform Movement which had cul minated in the Reform Constitution of 1857, The liberal movement nearly received a death blow in the early part of the War of Reform when Juarez was cap tured by the conservatives after General Doblado, governor of Guanajuato, capitulated without a fight, It was the eloquent oratory of Guillermo Prieto which saved the presi dent's life and caused his would-be executioners to lower their rifles, Thus, allowing the course of Mexican history to follow the road to eventual supremacy of liberal ideals, Bancroft says that without Juarez' leadership, the history of Mexico would have been very different for many years to come. He says of the incident in which Guillermo Prieto's oratory saved Juarez' life; "With Juarez' death there would have been an entire change in the country's t o political affairs, for some years at least," It seemed that before the formidable efforts of the young reactionary military leaders all of the military efforts of the liberals seemed of little consequence, The president was forced to flee from place to place 'until he was finally obliged to leave the country and by sailing to Panama and crossing the Isthmus, he arrived in the United States, Prom there he set sail for Vera Cruz where he found the government loyal to the liberal government, Here Juarez established his constitutional goverient, This simple act of Juarez in establishing a legal government, ruled by law, fictioning in the first port of the Repub lic, caused a change in the thinking of many people, It changed a series of defeats into a question of time until the liberal cause should triiph over the conservatives, liberal generals began successfully to dispute Mexican territory with conservative generals, The liberal general, Degollado, though not an astute strategist was a model of t o Bancroft, p, 735, 73 republican virtues and an indefatigable improvisor of armies who was able to gather new armies practically while he was meeting defeat in battle. One of his efforts was directed toward drawing to himself Miramon’s efforts to dislodge Juarez from that citadel of liberalism. In this he was successful, but he allowed a large army of the best reactionary troops under Marquez to gather in Mexico City which inflicted a devastating defeat on Degollado on April 11, 1859. This terrible defeat, the "matanza de Tacubaya," though a military defeat for the constitutional ists, was a moral defeat for the conservatives. General Marquez ordered that all prisoners should be shot. The constitutionalists had previously initiated such a program, considering it necessary to punish the bearers of arms against a legally constituted government, so executing of prisoners was expected. But Marquez went far beyond the almost accepted practice of shooting prisoners and ordered that even non-combatants should be killed.^ Marquez shot 45 ✓ Bancroft states that it was Miramon who issued a written order to Marquez to shoot all his prisoners of the rank of officer. "Marquez went much further and shot several students of the medical college." He says further that "some children were speared to death. Several peace able citizens were brought from neighboring towns and murdered . . . and on that day the clergy were blessing the authors of these atrocities," pp. 763-764. 74 all who were suspected of being Liberals, Reform sympa thizers, in company with reformers, physicians on errands of mercy or innocent bystanders. The conservatives took special delight in executing lawyers of the liberal cause because they considered them to be the motivating spirit behind the Reform Movement. Justo Sierra says of this episode that religion and its guarantees of its privileges made its confession before the world and the mask of the anti-reform faction fell in a pool of blood.^ Conciliation between the two groups was now impos sible. The military and the clergy would not negotiate or have any dealings with any liberals unless they would reject the principles of the Constitution and Laws of Reform. Needless to say, the group which Juarez personi fied resisted all relations with anybody whose ideals were in conflict with or would not permit them to accept the Constitution of 1857. Locked as they were in a death struggle, the two fac tions were bleeding the very life out of the bones of A 6 Justo Sierra, p. 295. 75 the country. Each looked for a way to get the enemy off balance and gain a victory. The conservative army was committed to victory; the liberals to their defeat. The first great disaster that the conservatives would suffer would condemn them to death or at least portend the death of the anti-reform group. The constitutionalist could go from defeat to defeat gradually becoming better trained. The struggle educated the liberals in the art of military science to the point that they began winning battles. Probably the death knell was sounded for the reactionary cause when the United States began to aid the liberals with arms and money. The liberal army now under the command of Gonzalez Ortega began the siege of Guadalajara. Miramon sent Marquez to aid the besieged. The troops of Marquez did not approach Guadalajara until after the capitulation of the conservatives under Castillo. Now all of Mexico, both the countryside and the cities, except Mexico City and Puebla, were under the control of the legal government of Mexico. And on December 25, 1860, the constitutionalist forces occupied the capital of the Republic. The reactionary party had succumbed forever. In order to resurrect it, 76 it would be necessary for the strongest military nation on earth to intervene. Constitution Established The Laws of Reform, even though long awaited, created a profound impression on the people when they actually became the law of the land. But the evolution of Mexico into a Republic had had as its greatest obstacle in the way of that evolution, the Church, which had constituted itself into an earthly power as well as a spiritual power. The Reform government, when it gained the ascendency, claimed as it implemented its program of depriving the Church of its wealth and power that it was not attempting to control its spiritual power, but that it was only attempting to disarm it of its great earthly power which, notwithstanding its protests to the contrary, had supported a government which was not according to the law of the land a legal government. To the Church’s claims of neutrality, and denial of the liberal charge that the Church supported governments established by pronunciamiento, Justo Sierra says: El jefe del episcopado mexicano sostenfa que la Iglesia no habia hecho nada excepcional para favorecer la guerra civil, sino que simplemente habia facilitado 77 al gobiemo establecido en Mexico los recursos que habia pedido, como solfa hacerlo. Hagamos a un lado las extra- ordinarias muestras de naturalisima simpatia en favor de la reaccion, y pongase en olvido que no hubo victoria reaccionaria de esas que empapaban la tierra en sangre mexicana, que no tuviese su eco de tedeums y aleluyas; recorderaos solamente que la Iglesia, excomulgando a quienes obedeciesen la Constitucion y la ley, autorizaba toda resistencia y le daba un caracter formidablemente mortifero, el caracter religioso; este es el hecho plena- mente cierto e irrefutablemente documentado; ignoramos si la Iglesia hizo bien o mal; creyo que hacfa bien, los otros creyeron lo contrario y procedieron. ' The Mexican nation, independent at last, would be formed on the basis of the Liberal Constitution. The Church which had involved itself in this cataclysmic event was to feel the effects of the Reform most strongly. Three years of struggle had assured a basic transformation in Mexican society and politics. The apostles of Reform in the persons of the young lawyers had reached virtually every comer of Mexico proselyting and preaching the gospel of republican ideals. It was not unusual to see a priest shot, the churches desecrated and sacked, and the images of saints burned in public as a result of the released emotions and the unleashing of vengeance of a people which had been subjected to clerical rule for hundreds of years. Justo Sierra says: ^Justo Sierra, p. 298. 78 jY por que aquellos santos no se defendian con milagros, se decian los indigenas llenos de estupor, como en los dias de la conquista, cuando habian visto rodar sus Idolos por las gradas de sus teocalis incendiados? jY por que Dios protegia con la victoria a los impios?, se preguntaba pensativo el artesano, el domestico de las agrupaciones urbanas.^ Justo Sierra says further that almost furtively this helpless and stupified people lifted their eyes to new 4 9 ideals of equality, liberty, and solidarity. A new reli gious spirit burned in many hearts. Nearly everybody in Mexico was happy to see the end of the war. Most Mexicans had vague desires to better their lot in life and they instinctively saw divine approval upon the victory of the Reform Movement. The majority of the Mexican people were enthusiastic reformers. What was a minority the day after the American invasion was a majority in Mexico on the eve of the French invasion.^ Many of the victorious liberals, however, desired ven geance. They wished to transform the government into a revolutionary tribunal. Many thought seriously of raising scaffolds in the plazas to mete out revolutionary justice. But clearer heads had different ideas concerning the 48 Justo Sierra, pp. 305-306. ^Justo Sierra, p. 306. ^Justo Sierra, p. 306. function of the new government. Nevertheless, the seeds of trouble were early evident in the person of Pacheco, the apostolic nuncio, and other foreigners who were enemies of the Reform Government and of all democratic governments. Pacheco considered Mexico as being a place where they had lost all sense of right and all principles of good. They needed Europe, through an armed intervention, to impose "liberty" and order without which, he believed, Mexico's shameful history would never end.^ These same individuals believed that the Ley Juarez in a Catholic country was a slap in the face of national traditions. They believed that the purpose of the Ley Juarez was to bring priests before civil courts for abuses of justice and to degrade the clergy. Society suffered intensely because of the chronic economic difficulties which were inherited from the past social, political and economic ills of Mexico. Many were disappointed when the Reform did not prove to be a panacea. The reformers, however, considered the ideals of the Reform as embodied in the Constitution as medicine, and not as a cure-all for Mexico's ills; the medicine which she needed ^Justo Sierra, p. 309. 80 for the very salvation of a sick homeland. It was medicine which many people did not wish to take. It was the task of men such as Francisco Zarco, Ignacio Ramirez, Guillermo Prieto, and Ignacio Altamirano to attempt to verbalize the aspirations and ideals of the Reform. Behind the curtains of the drama to put into action the ideals of the Reform, another drama was developing in the shadows of offices and behind drapes. Everywhere con servatives were ready to fan the flames of discontent. The Jecker Bonds It was bound to be only a matter of time until the conservatives would consider themselves strong enough to challenge the liberals and their nefarious document. Since they were unable to gather enough popular support for their designs, they resorted to other means which had as their antecedents the famous Jecker bonds. During the first forty-five years of Mexican inde pendence the deplorable financial conditions of the country forced the government to borrow from foreign governments in order to meet the next day's expenses. A small amount of these loans was paid in cash, but a larger part was retained in paper and discounted and a huge rate of inter est was charged. To secure payment, foreign governments were in the habit of taking over Mexican customs to collect on the loans on which they had charged exorbitant interest after discounting the paper. This was legalized inter national robbery which was strangling the life of a young nation. From the beginning of Mexican independence, France schemed to gain either political or economic control of Mexico through this scandalous means. It was with this in mind that France was frequently the lender of the monies which contributed to the worsening of Mexico’s financial condition. Likewise, it was the pattern of governments during this period to disavow the debts of the previous adminis tration. The governments and people of Mexico submitted to this kind of international robbery. They became virtual slaves to the interests of foreign powers, losing their national sovereignty economically and eventually politi cally. These conditions were the antecedents of the Jecker bonds. The so-called Jecker bonds fill many pages of the sad political and economic history of Mexico. They had their beginning during the ascendancy of the conservatives in Mexican affairs. It was Miramon who contracted a loan with a bank directed by a Swiss negotiator, Jecker. This loan was converted into the famous Jecker bonds of less than one million pesos which were made available to the con servative party. It involved an actual cash outlay, by Jecker to the conservatives, of 750 thousand pesos. It was this small amount which developed into a debt of 15 million pesos. Zarco had much to say about this debt and Pope Pius IX's acquiescence in the affair. Jecker’s small outlay of cash and obviously high rate of usury should have been condemned by the Pope, but in this case he unhesi- 52 tatingly gave his blessing. These bonds were the excuse for the French invasion, but the real purpose of the invasion was to convert this insignificant, economic monetary claim against Mexico into cause for making Mexico a part of the French Empire. 52 Francisco Zarco, Comentarios del tratado de Miramar y dificultades practicas para transformacion monarquica de Mejico (Mexico, 1864), pp. 11-16. 83 The French Intervention and the Maximilian Episode The European nations of France, Spain, and England thought the imminent United States Civil War would give them the opportunity to move in the direction of Latin 53 America in their own interests. Tne suspension of the payments on the foreign debt decreed by the Mexican con gress in July of 1861 was the act which precipitated the territorial expansion designs of the European nations under the leadership of Napoleon. It was a tragic farce from the start. The European nations were soon aware of Napoleon's designs in Mexico to establish a monarchy. Nevertheless, Spain and England allowed themselves to be involved with France in this highly ignoble enterprise. England was only interested in getting the money that she felt was due her. Spain, quite naturally, had not forgotten the days not long past of her colonial greatness, so they were not reluctant to sign the Convention of London which would result in more inter ference in Mexico's internal problems by foreign powers, 53 These same circumstances also paralyzed any move ments of expansion into and absorption of territory which the United States might have planned in Mexico. 84 European nations were again gathering like vultures to pick the virtually lifeless corpse of a prostrate Mexico. It was not until December of 1861 that Mexico actually learned of the intervention by the arrival of Spanish and English ships at Vera Cruz which was occupied by an army of occupation consisting of English marines, joined later by French marines and several Spanish battalions. These events brought about a remarkable cohesion among all leaders of the Reform Movement in their efforts to resist the foreign invaders and the establishment of an empire. The English and Spaniards, after admitting to the real purpose of Napoleon's plans, refused to have part in the whole intervention episode. Thereupon, Almonte, the repre sentative of the Mexican reactionary emigrants in European courts, proclaimed a reactionary government with Zuloaga as its head, However, Forey, the French commander, made it clear that the French were in command and not the conserva tives. This he did by eliminating with his baton the re actionary government, General Prim in charge of Spanish forces and the English participants in the European intervention felt that it was desirable to arrange matters with Mexico as quickly 85 as possible in light of the arrival of considerable French forces and of the political group which had agitated for the intervention. The Juarez government insisted that Almonte and his associates be expelled from the country before there could be any possibility of negotiation with the three powers. The French, being unwilling to accept this condition, used it as a pretext to break relations with the government. Prim and the English commissioners then decided to retire from the scene, thus turning the European intervention into an entirely French intervention. The Mexican press reacted immediately to the action of Prim. It ceased attacking Spain and the attitude of Mexi cans toward Spain changed. This was the turning point in Mexico’s relations with Spain. Napoleon III expected the invasion and occupation of Mexico by French forces to be the crowning act of his reign. General Zaragoza was the first general of the Reform government to face the French. He did not announce that he would fight to the death, he simply announced that he would win and he did, though he had to retreat step by step to the central plateau toward Puebla during the last days of April with a force somewhat larger than the French. At Puebla he decided to end his retreat. He improvised fortifications around the dominant points and waited. The 5th of May the French attacked precisely the points where the defense was most effective-*at the small heights of Guadalupe and Loreto. After repeating their attacks which were futile, the relatively small number, but select troops, of Lorencez were forced to retreat stupefied at their defeat at the hands of the Mexicans and furious, not at the Mexicans, but at Almonte who had prepared the esti mates of the movements of the Reform forces and furious at the person who was calling himself Jefe de la Nacion, even though the conservatives had a president, Zuloaga, who himself had a band of guerrillas under the order of the Spaniard, Cobos, in the south. The 5th of May was not a battle that could take its place among the famous battles of history, but it did pro vide a tremendous morale boost for the Mexicans. The entire nation vibrated with jubilation at having won a battle against the select French troops. The effects of this battle on Mexican history are described in these words of Justo Sierra: En ese minuto admirable de nuestra historia, el partido reformista, que era la mayoria, comenzo a ser la totali- dad politica del pais, comenzo su transformacion en 87 entidad nacional: la Reforma, la Republica y la Patria, comenzaron juntas en esa hora de mayo el vfacrucis que las habfa de llevar a la identificacion, a la unifica- cion plena en el dfa indefectible de la resurreccion del derecho. Fuera de esa nueva y definitiva personalidad de la patria, nada habia ... atomos errantes, reliquias centrifugas del periodo genesico de nuestra nacionali- dad.54 Mexicans forgot their differences by and large and prepared in mass to repel the invader from their country. These masses, which consisted of mestizos and Indians, had been passive for three hundred years. They had played the role of a minority with the status of second class citizens during the colonial period. They suddenly realized that they were the majority and eagerly offered themselves for the defense of their country against this foreign invader. The Mexicans had hoped to send the invaders back to the coast and into their boats before reinforcements arrived, but they were unable to do this. They soon saw large convoys climbing the roads to the central plateau. The French squadrons approached Mexico from both coasts and with them they brought gold from the Church and unemployed military leaders of the reaction. 54 Justo Sierra, p. 323. 88 The French general, Forey, was destined to play a large role in Mexico's history. It was Forey in whom Napoleon had placed his hopes of putting an end to the predominant role played by the Anglo-Americans in the western hemisphere. It was Forey who decided to respect the liberties of the Mexican people and to maintain those rights which they had won and to allow those people who had obtained legally the wealth of the clergy to retain that wealth. It was Forey who, according to Justo Sierra, sounded the death sentence of the reactionary party in Mexico. The second defense of Puebla by General Gonzalez Ortega was a heroic demonstration of Mexicans' willingness to die for a cause in which they believed and to fight for leaders who were willing to lead them and die if necessary. The siege lasted for two months. Comonfort who was leading a relief column to help Gonzalez Ortega was defeated and the Mexicans were forced to surrender, but not until they had destroyed their weapons and their chiefs had declared them free to continue the war, but asking no consideration for themselves. Defeat at the second battle of Puebla merely demonstrated to the Reform government and to the 89 Mexican people that victory would be long and difficult in obtaining. All of Mexico responded to the call of arms and those who did not, hid themselves in shame in the shadows and it was with sadness that the congress closed its sessions and the government abandoned Mexico City and declared San Luis Potosi to be the capital.^ When the invaders entered Puebla and Mexico City, the clergy dressed in their finest attire and intoned te deums. Concerning their behavior, Justo Sierra concluded accu rately that: ”... el Dios que invocaba el clero lo iba a castigar, lo iba a obligar, en plena intervencion bendecida en incensada, a suspirar por Juarez." And of the con servative role in general, Justo Sierra says: De quien sabe donde, al saber que los franceses se aproximaban a Mexico, salieron por las calles, raidas las levitas y saturados de un descorazonador relente de accesoria, de sacristia, de archivo, unos cuantos grupos; eran los exempleados del gobierao reaccionario, era el partido conservador; no hacia tres ahos que aquellos hombres pululaban en las iglesias y ministerios y, sin embargo, hicieron el efecto de espectros; pare- cian de otro siglo, eran fantasmas que, bajo el ojo desdenoso de los batallones de extranjeros armados para cuidar de la seguridad urbana, se reunieron en el zaguan de un edificio publico para arrojarse en el regazo de Francia y dormir en los brazos de Forey.^7 55 Justo Sierra, p. 327. “^Justo Sierra, p. 328. Justo Sierra, p. 328. 90 It was with complete shock that the clergy heard Forey say that he did not come to Mexico City to destroy like Cortez had done, but to build on liberal ideals. He said further that those individuals who owned Church property would be permitted to retain such. Moreover, the Emperor C Q would be happy to see freedom of religion proclaimed. The hosannas of the ecclesiastical leaders trailed off in stammering surprises and anger. Was this what they had worked for in trying to overthrow the legally established government? Were they about to see the provisions of the Reform supported by the French invaders? The conserva tives, alas, had no alternative but to support the French invaders. Lares, Aguilar, and Marocho, since the death of Alaman, were the men of state of the reactionary party who attempted to furnish leadership for the conservative cause. There were those who agitated for annexation to France, but the majority expressed a desire to establish a monarch and to choose Archduke Maximillian as their Emperor, even though he was hardly known to Mexicans before he accepted the crown. "Evidence" presented to Maximil lian, notwithstanding, that he was wanted as their Emperor 91 by the vast majority of Mexicans, there had been no vote by the people in favor of the monarchy. The assembly of con servative notables, who disregarded the wishes of the people, had consented to and advocated the establishment of a monarchy, but they were not speaking for the Mexican people. Actually, the only Mexicans who wanted him were the approximately two hundred reactionaries who composed the tribunal and were the tools of the French intervention. Universal opinion in Mexico was for a Republic, but not one that had been forced upon them by foreign powers. The people of Mexico were constituted, according to Justo Sierra, for a republican form of government. The people of Mexico, its geographic situation, its ethnic makeup, and the times in which Mexico became a nation made this form of organization the only one possible. The best evidence for this statement is that it was the people of Mexico under the leadership of Juarez and a republican form of govern ment that finally overcame the conservatives who were sup ported by foreign intervention. But it was not yet to be. The republican army, muti lated and weak and cut into disorganized fragments, took refuge in the mountains of Michoacan, Jalisco, and ^Justo Sierra, p. 329. 92 Zacatecas or disappeared into the high northern plateau. The republican generals on whom Juarez and his government had pinned their hopes were beaten, and Juarez and his government, the only remaining nucleus of national resist ance, were forced to proceed to the northern frontier. The only factor that breathed hope into the republican cause which was mortally wounded was the great spirit of Juarez. His stoicism, his serenity, and his incomparable firmness of faith were worthy factors that gave hope to the repub lican cause. Meanwhile, Labastida had returned to Mexico and, when the regency of Forey did not listen to the ecclesiastical protest regarding the nationalized property of the clergy, the archbishop ceased to form a part of the regency with drawing in protest and the supreme tribunal was dissolved. The episcopate had said, according to Justo Sierra: ... que la defensa de los intereses de la Iglesia era la unica razon de ser del partido reaccionario, autor de la intervencion; que las condiciones de la Iglesia f S U — eran mejores en tiempos de la Republica. v The arrival of Maximillian and Carlotta in Mexico City was the occasion for spectacular events. The entire city 59 Justo Sierra, p. 334. Italics supplied. 93 took part in the welcoming ceremonies. The middle class of Mexico City, however, received them coldly, observingly, and fearfully; they did not believe that the opera would continue. The shouts of approximately one hundred students shouting "mueran los mochos" were drowned out by the im mense clamour, cannonading and music of the welcoming fiesta. But the problems of Maximillian were not few. He was not sure whether he or the French marshal, Bazaine, ruled Mexico. Napoleon's autocratic rule which extended to Mexico did not make Maximillian1s role any more clear or his duties any easier. Maximillian wished to establish a liberal government. This was not possible under the French military dictator ship of Bazaine. He believed that the formation of a new party to represent all of Mexico's political factions would be the best way to gain support from all Mexicans and to make unnecessary and useless a French military occupation. Maximillian was fully aware that outside of the Reform Movement, there was no vital political element in the country. The liberal orientation of Maximillian's new government was made evident by the appointment of Ramirez 94 and a group of young Reform liberals and other liberals to the counsels. These young liberals, many of whom were lawyers, were much read in French ideals as was Maximillian and were more in sympathy with his political and social philosophy than were the Mexican conservatives. Maximil lian himself did not believe in a monarchy only as a temporary provision. He thought in terms of a democratic monarchy. Maximillian hoped that by 1865 the democratic monarchy would no longer need the support of French troops. In view of his signal triumphs, the Emperor began to unfold his reform program. Maximillian was affiliated with the Free Masons and was little pleased with the preponder ance of influence of the Church. Nevertheless, the re actionaries hoped to gain through him an agreement with the pope. The conservatives began to insist that Maximillian was worse than Juarez and that their prerogatives would not be respected by him. The bishops of Mexico influenced the pope to send a list of grievances and demands of the Church to Maximillian, but refusing to give him the right of ecclesiastical patronage as the kings of Spain had had. Maximillian insisted that it was his right to appoint church officials and though the Roman Catholic religion 95 was the religion of the State, other religions would be tolerated. These declarations in reality spelled the end of the clerical influence in Mexico. They had failed in their attempts to gain control of Mexico, though they had spilled much Mexican blood at the hands of foreign in- vaders. Much to the displeasure of the conservatives, France and Maximillian as emperor declared legal the Liberal Reform. The intervention only served to assure Mexico that it could never again be dominated by the cleri cal reactionary party. Although the ghost of the conservative party had been buried, Mexico was still ruled by a foreign emperor. But his days in Mexico were numbered, for when Lee surrendered to Grant, the United States war of secession was over and Napoleon knew that his time in the New World was short. The end of the United States Civil War marked the end of the empire and the end of Maximillian. Napoleon knew what the results would be if he insisted upon maintaining French , f * t invasion forces in Mexico. Though France could have counted on England's assistance in a war with the United States, she also had to consider the Germanic confederation which was a constant threat to her security. Even without complications in Europe, to engage in a war with an already H O mobilized nation sas quite unrealistic, The liberal resistance became ncti greater and wide spread, especially in tie northern states which could most easily obtain supplies fra the United States, Public resistance to the empire became much more marked and was manifested in a thousand places, developing in gigantic proportions, The ex-reactionaries, too, sere discontented, but they were condemned to die with the empire, The prop erty owners, recognizing that the empire was falling around Maximillian, attempted to abandon him, Ihe loyal adherents to the government sere very fes, Maximillian sas simply a vassal of Bazaine as long as the French sere his only support. Though Juarez had been forced off Mexican soil by French troops and his term as president expired in 15, he still sas the only one who had maintained the Republic as a nucleus of resistance, J O According to Justo Sierra, the documents of the time prove that Napoleon sas not actually afraid of a sar with the United States because of his blind confidence in his ora military ability shich gave him excessive con fidence in his 0 1 forces, Napoleon feared Bismarck more than he did Sesard, and it sas Bismarck sho had the key to the Mexican question (p, 1), Juarez felt that the needs of Mexico obliged him to sacri fice the constitution in the name of the Reform Movement, The United States, sympathetic to the Reform cause, recog nized Juarez as president and permitted the liberals to provision themselves from United States stores, By October of 15, it sas definitely decided that Mexico sould no longer be occupied by French troops, Final Triumph of Liberal Ideals Given enough time the social-political evolution of Mexico sas bound to lead to a liberal Movement shich could culminate in the execution of Maximillian, This movement had beg® shen Mexico declared its independence from Spain, Because of man's unwillingness to remain permanently a slave, the privileged classes in Mexico could not forever hope to retain their privileged status shile endeavoring to keep the masses in ignorance and subjugation, The net result of the French intervention and the execution of Maximillian on the Sill of the Bells near Queretaro sas that Mexico had demonstrated that it had the right to be included in the family of sovereign nations, It sas this single act of solving the problem of Maximillian legally that gave Mexico its greatest strength beyond its ora borders, The strength of Mexico gres in direct proportion that the prestige of the foreign invaders diminished, Mexico demonstrated to the sorld that Napoleon's ambitions coupled with those of Maximillian sere a diplomatic political, military, and economic error, From that time on, Mexico had only to concern herself sith the solving of her internal problems, Mexico has had only two revolutions, The first sas begun by Father Eidalgo and led to Mexico's independence from Spain, and the second sas the Reform Movement shich sas begun by Gomez Farias and continued by the Juarists and Madero, This sas a second independence from the Spanish colonial system, It led to a regime of liberty based on social revolution, suppression of privileged classes, more equitable distribution of national wealth and the creation of a national conscience by means of public education, Both revolutions sere for the purpose of creating a nation shich sas master of itself, By the beginning of 1866, the northern part of Mexico sas seething sith revolt and rebellion against Maximillian, In Tamaulipas guerrillas formed considerably large groups 99 which were to become the future armies. They threatened Tampico and the communications with San Luis Potosi. They pressed toward Saltillo and Monterrey. It was only a i matter of time before the ideals of the Reform would pre vail . In 1867, it appeared that the political situation could not be much better for a majority of Mexicans. The Reform party which had come out of the early Liberal Move ment was in control of the political situation. Its program of social, political, and economic reform as em bodied in the Constitution of 1857 was the law of the land. The incarnation of the Reform Movement, Benito Juarez, was the president of the Republic. Reform leaders, and other individuals who had adhered to the ideals of the Reform, occupied positions in federal and state governments. The conservative party was dead and would never again present a serious obstacle to Mexico's steady evolution toward democratic institutions and political maturity. The national army was reduced and the members of the armed forces remaining were supporters of the Reform Move ment. The most pressing problem which the Juarez govern ment had to face was the unsolved economic problem. 100 New political institutions implied new economic institu tions. Consequently, Mexico made greater efforts to industrialize. Juarez did not expect to construct roads, railroads, highways, schools, and industries in a day; it was not the labor of a short time but the labor of many years, however, that must be begun. Public education must precede reorientation in a nation’s economy as well as its political institutions. A first step in realizing economic improvement as well as political amelioration was to exercise firm control in the central government under the provisions of the constitution and strengthen the central government which was the phase of national government which was responsible and answerable to the world. The army must be an instrument of supporting the government, capable of instilling respect and, if necessary, fear in the citizens to abide by the law of the land. Another of Juarez’ big problems was the placating of victorious generals, the heroes of the recent wars, each of whom aspired to special privileges and considerations, not only for themselves but for their adherents. This was a challenge which tested the ability of Juarez. The most 101 conspicuous of the victorious generals was Porfirio Diaz. His patriotism was surpassed only by his extreme ambition which was capable of causing him to provoke a revolution in order to realize those ambitions. Ambitious generals were not Juarez* only problems. There were still those that believed that the Reform Move ment was anti-religious rather than anti-clerical. There were those wealthy and former privileged who had suffered greatly as a result of the collapse of the empire. These classes still presented Juarez with obstacles to any change. Juarez believed that it was his first duty to place his firm hand on all of the activities of the government which were involved in carrying out the provisions of the Reform Constitution. He believed that it was his duty to fight alcoholism, psychological differences, ignorance, fanaticism, superstitious spiritual abjection of the Indians. The principal instruments through which he hoped to combat these national diseases were the schools and means of communication which he hoped to establish. To help in these accomplishments, the nation's great orators and writers--Ramirez, Altamirano, Prieto, Zarco, and 102 Zamacona--continued to exert their influence as they had throughout the long years of the political and ideological struggle between the forces of conservatism and liberalism. We have given a brief account of the history of Mexi can independence and Liberal Movement in order to have a more complete understanding of the background of those individuals, organizations, institutions which Zarco criti cizes in his journalism of El Siglo Diecinueve, La Ilustra- cion Mexicana, Las Cosquillas, and other journals to which he contributed. 104 CHAPTER III PROFILE OF A FIGHTER FOR LIBERTY Few literary and political journalists of the past century achieved, even after a lifetime of effort, the accomplishments which Francisco Zarco accomplished in but a short span of forty years. Among the Mexican liberal writers none surpassed him in vigor, effectiveness and sincerity, and only Roa Barcena was considered his equal among the conservatives.'*' He has few equals in the many public offices which he held and no equal in the numerous services which he rendered to the liberal cause in Mexico through the press and before the congress. He contributed in a very large degree to the obtaining of Mexico's "second 9 independence" from Spain and conservatism. W e i Moreno, Los hombres de la reforma (Mexico, 1956), p. 52. 2 t Of him, Oscar Castaneda Batres says: "Asi salvo don Francisco Zarco al Congreso Constituyente e hizo posible la Constitucion de 1857," Francisco Zarco (Mexico, 1961), p. 55. Youth, Education and Early Political Activities The new nation of Mexico was born with a heritage of strife, pronouncements, opportunism, and confusion. The times were characterized by political murders, military executions and government by personality. The many as pirants to leadership in Mexico produced one colorful and tragic figure, Santa Anna, who became president for the first time, but by no means for the last, in 1833. This opportunist was prominent in political circles for a period of approximately fifty years. These years are called the age of Santa Anna. During these years of confusion, Texas was lost, and Mexico's economic weakness was exploited by Santa Anna and foreign intriguers. It is into this political and economic chaos that Zarco enters the scene on December 4, 1829. It was the political, economic, and social turmoil of the times which was to provide him with the raw material for his political and social satire and his articulos de costumbres. Francisco Zarco Mateos was b o m in the city of Durango where his father, Colonel Joaquin Zarco, had been sent as military commandant. His mother, Dona Maria Mateos de Zarco, was quite accustomed to a life of frequent changes 103 105 of residence, because of her husband's occupation. Young Francisco was to spend his childhood in the same unsettled manner. In spite of considerable poverty and his restless life, Zarco initiated his studies for a career of letters and politics. His literary and political precocity was early evident as were his qualities as a hard worker. His remarkable capabilities as a reporter with pene trating insight were early evident. Though Zarco was barely eighteen, he was named by foreign minister, Luis de la Rosa, oficial mayor of the foreign ministry of Mexico. He was entrusted with arduous and delicate tasks which, needless to say, were not few in 1847. At the age of twenty-two he was appointed to fill an unexpired seat in Congress representing the state of Yucatan. In 1856, when he was twenty-six years old, he was elected to represent Durango, the state of his birth, in the Constitutional Congress in which, we shall see, he vigorously defended the Laws of Reform. He reported completely and faithfully the debates in Congress of 1857, an experience which served later as a basis for a complete and definitive history of the Constitutional Congress. 106 Zarco, according to Wheat: . . . possessed an amazing scope of interest and knowl edge for a young man. He was adept in languages. He had an excellent cultural background in world literature, music and art. He was well founded in history and he kept abreast of the latest developments in the political and natural facts. He was able to draw on these re sources and write in a style that was brilliant, moving and persuasive. He was, as a consequence, a fortunate choice as editor of the most important liberal newspaper in Mexico City at a time when the liberal reform movement was taking shape. * * Albarran, who is Zarco*s chief biographer, speaks of his early education as being a somewhat unknown factor. Although we do not have a record of his schooling, we do know that he took advantage of every opportunity to advance his education and to improve his mind. His father was obliged to retire from arduous military life at a rather early age, thus placing a responsibility upon young Zarco which he fully appreciated and accepted by assisting in the family economics as much as possible. This is believed to be one reason for terminating his formal studies. Never theless, the moral and intellectual training which he had received in his early years was to serve him well in his efforts to obtain a position. Though one of his first jobs 3 Raymond Curtis Wheat, "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma," unpub. diss. (Univ. of Texas, 1956), pp. 165-166. 107 was that of an unpaid clerk in a government office, his abilities were quickly recognized and he was appointed as translator which paid him a sufficient salary to satisfy his needs.^ v From an early age he constantly championed the causes of the common man, advocating equal intellectual oppor tunity. He waged constant warfare against ignorance on the part of the masses, against oppression by the privileged, and against the inequality of opportunity of education. Zarco was not a convert to liberalism; his father had been an unyielding liberal who engendered in his son a good deal of the energy, but not the temperament, of himself. Zarco received his convictions from his father but not his father's brusqueness. It was his mother who helped in the development of his disposition and personality, developing in him the qualities of tenderness and basic modesty."’ Skilled in the use of several languages, Zarco gained an extensive background of liberal thought and ideology as well as a knowledge of the classics. He made use of 4 / Antonio Albarran, ’’Francisco Zarco,” Liberales Ilustres Mexicanos de la Reforma y la Interveneion (Mexico, 1893), p. 247. " ’Albarran, p. 246. 108 his gift of foreign language and his love for extensive reading to provide himself with many sources for material and suggestions from the past and from all parts of the world. As a great admirer of Washington, Franklin, and Jefferson, he was moved and inspired by their examples. He studied the works of the French romanticists, especially those of Rousseau and other great philosophers of the eighteenth century; he analyzed carefully all ideas which came to him; he accepted nothing without careful criticism and evaluation. His first criterion for adopting a social, political, or economic viewpoint was, "Is it good for Mexico?" He questioned whether it would fit conditions under which Mexicans lived and whether it would be adapt able to their society. Zarco was a very modest man. He speaks of himself in a personal way in few of his articles and then it is not for the purpose of self aggrandizement. As a result, there is little in published form that sheds light on his career; we know him primarily through the ideas which he expresses. It is the collected writings of Zarco which present the elements of his "Weltanschauung." Of himself he says simply in "Resurreccion de Fortun": Fortun, Escritor ie olvidados articulos, Ex-periodista politico, Prosador sentimental, Traductor de folletos, Antor ie Epigraraas, lento, Sc, Sc, Sc, later Political and Journalistic Activities All of Zarco's political activity sas characterized by a vigorous journalistic campaign in support of liberal ideals ani an unswerving loyalty to them, len not fight ing for those principles sith his pen, he sas defending them sith his very able oratory in the congress of the Zarco most actively promoted liberal political, eco nomic, ani social institutions in Mexico, As leat says: "Zarco sas about him in the muddled, chaotic situation Francisco Zarco, "Eesurreccion ie Fortin," la Hus- tracion Mexicans (Mexico, 1851), I, 33, ^The energy ani tenacity sith shich Zarco promulgated and defended the ideals of the Reform are described thus by Castaneda Batres: "... es asombrosa su gesta de luchador clandestino en la ciudad de Mexico, durante los anos ie su ocupacion por la faction de Zuloaga y Miramon; pero lo fundamental de su vida fue la actitud nunca traicionada de vigilante ie la libertad y de las instituciones. !a Alta- mirano lo precisaba, al declararlo soldado de la ley, Aun Juarez-jel, encamacion de la legalidad!-tuvo desvia- ciones politicas, si bien por exceso ie bondad, a veces, o por suspicacia politics, otras; pero siempre encontro a Zarco a su lado, vigilante, para senalarle el error,,,'' ( p , 18) , in Mexico a hundred desperately needed reforms embracing 0 the entire field of political and social life," Zarco sas the strongest single force in the forming and promulgating of the Constitution of 1857, Self- effacing and modest, he sought no glory, no recognition for his efforts, le sas motivated solely by a sincere interest in turning all his energies to the completion of an instru ment for self govenent that should give the nation peace and order, Altamirano not only called Zarco the soldier of the las, but he also said that the evolution of the Constitution sas in large part to be attributed to him; Era el soldado de la ley; por donde quiera que esta se sintiera atacada, Zarco volaba a defenderla, y el respeto que ha logrado establecerse por fin, como i dogma, en el pais de las sublevaciones y de los abuses, y gue puede llamarse el dogma de la legalidad, debe en gran parte a Zarco su radicacion/ Zarco sas much concerned sith the practical, hosever, as sell as the theoretical, Some of the social and eco nomic changes for shich he sas in large part responsible sere the establishment of a military hospital in Vera Cruz; a normal school in Mexico City; naval colleges in Mazatlan g leat, p, 82, 5 Castaneda Eatres, p, 71, and Ulloa; the contract for a railroad from Queretaro to Piedad; the establishment of the Bank of Mexico-all of these took shape in 1857; and the creation of a fund for the proposed construction of the railroad from Vera Cruz to the capital, All of these projects had long been advocated by Zarco in his journalism, These changes did not happen spontaneously, but came slowly as did actual independence from Spain, Zarco had early realized that the logical beginning of his labor of preparing the public for reforms sas in establishing the right to freedom of expression,^ iosever, during the ascendency of the conservative party, freedom of the press did not exist, Zarco, nevertheless, continued to fight for his ideals, even shen, for example, Arista in May 1852 forced the cessation of the satirical publication, las Cosquillas, of shich Zarco sas editor, and ordered him to appear for trial, Ihis Zarco refused to do, pleading immunity as a member of congress and sent into hiding,^ \eat, p, 83, ^ The Works of Hubert Hose Bancroft, Vol. ?, 'The Eistory of Mexico 1824-1881" (San Francisco, 1887), p, 808, footnote 11, 112 Though he was obliged to remain concealed, he con tinued to denounce the government through El Siglo Dieci- nueve. And when, in September of 1852, Arista decreed the end of freedom of the press, Zarco published it on the first page of El Siglo Diecinueve and left pages 2 and three blank as an eloquent protest. The Zuloaga regime, which followed the governments of Arista and Santa Anna, was even more energetic in suppress ing freedom of the press than had been its conservative predecessors. Zarco had labored long and energetically for reform, but being fully acquainted with Zuloaga's methods, he made no comment on the suspension of the Reform Consti tution by Zuloaga when the latter came to power through a pronunciamiento in 1858. To silence the press, Zuloaga decreed that the only material of a political nature which could be published had to be copied textually, accurately and verbatim from El Diario Oficial. Refusal to comply would result in fines or other action. Zuloaga brought pressure upon the liberals to suspend all activities so that it would appear that the "Tacubayis- 12 tas" were receiving popular and universal acclaim and So called because the pronunciamiento by which Zulo aga came to power was called the Plan of Tacubaya. 113 support. Because it was the leading political journal of the time, El Siglo Diecinueve was an especially irritating thorn in the conservative flesh and received special atten tion from Zuloaga. On July 5, 1858, upon the occasion of Gomez Faria's death, Zarco dared to break the silence imposed by the con servative government upon the press. El Siglo Diecinueve was edged in black from the date of Gomez Faria's death until his burial on July 8, 1858. On July 16, 1858, the extremely repressive law against the press, the Ley Lares imposed by Santa Anna from 1853-1855, was revived by Zuloaga; and Zarco was summoned before government officials and again instructed not to deal with matters of a politi cal nature or with public administration. On July 30, 1858, Manuel Gallo became acting editor of 13 El Siglo Diecinueve when Francisco Zarco was put in prison by the Zuloaga government from which imprisonment he immediately escaped, again becoming a fugitive and clandestine fighter for liberty. From his hiding place Zarco explained that he had asked the governor of the 13 Wheat says that Gallo was editor of El Siglo Dieci nueve only for the issue of July 31, 1858, p. 260, foot note 77. tlat for I n to copy any folitkal n from any sotrce, lie lisuld toe to deposit 3,10 pesos iicli wuld be used for f a fines, Zarco pratestUa tie goneir of tie federal district tlat tie lay lares lad nut leen intended to operate in sec! a lay, 8e idled tlat era tier tie movement of Santa Anna he W been alloeied rare freedom to ilist !is arguments, liouever, mere in vain and | Siglo DieciM m s closed, ta'siijlttattelteal«etadc«tef rarily to an.end, Itleageoftmtytoeteforailr self no longer a fighter for M i aol the voice of the fcalloieieitktafo|iti?e, le M e d to friends it Seiko, including tie t o of tie litei States lister, f a f f aid safety Drag lis tiling It send as natair operator for tit j ie ig o m n t l c l lad its seat infra t o Iroilis enforced liiing place, te carried on tor respmdenc e litl literals in all parts of tie i l l and in taiga wintries, defending tirelessly tie principles for I d l e lad fought and for I d l e lad tepatly suf fered, Ilie activities of Zarco, even fra Ma hiding place, on telalf of tie literals wre attain tie side of tie Zeloaga facta At various times, a large niier of police atteipted to diner force's liding place, lie searcles n k frequent now necessary, te one occasion ilen Wing in tie t o of a Doctor t a n , law escaped in tie nicl of tine I n po t o lad smiled tie tase and nere about to force an entrance, fled met tie flat roofs and tool refuge in tie lie of anottier friend, lifter several nontte, t ow , leias finally captured by Lagarde, Sirrn's clkf of police, onHay 13,1161, an t i stokes attacking general conditions, sonetines attacling H e a l s , is Iiis political satire le often attaclel ilridnalsly*, In Is social satire, it attacked conditions rifat t,ling Mridcals, le decried tie eiistence of certain practices W a g social classes i! mug tie nasses, IitktteioicmlaiiitligisEriageceif lies, for eapie, t o insisted tlat tie laiproei for ciriliriagecerinies, and tlat tie State lad no atlority to ollige tie clergy to perfon tie religions ceremony for those lo obeyed the I s of tie ted in defiance of tie directives of tie clergy, fc,itis evident tlat t o adtered strictly to tie principles of separation of Ciwrcii and state in natters of birth, m - riage and deatl as tley relate to rital statistics, Id t o as iistei of foreign relations and too lad to deal, lie Iritis! *re basically friendly to tie loarei g o n e ! and lid not press tleir claiis iitl rigor; lower, Spain nan in syipatly ritl tie w r i t e eleient, and, therefore, hostile to trie literal party and tie lass (fleta, Spain, lower, did not feel capable of pining lei claims ritl rigor, entrusting let fasts to tie t e l akssaior lo likeuise is pressing his country's claims against bico, lie Jeter U s contracted !j lira and tie territorial ilitions of lapde® III iere tie l i ning farces let! tie t e l clais, After tie t e l imasion, too iiieliately fond liiself in tie center of tie difficulties letieen tie t e l and tit iten graraat. lie decisions of Zarco to search for treat I d tie wtsrttes lad liddtn 33 118 in the convent of the sisters of Charity brought him into conflict with the French who claimed the convent tinder their protection. Zarco rejected the claims of Saligny, the French ambassador, and his request that Zarco remove his troops with the reminder to Saligny that he had not yet been received by the government of Mexico, and as a conse quence did not enjoy the status of ambassador from France. Zarco considered the matter between the liberals and the conservatives purely an internal affair and of no concern to the foreign power represented by Saligny's presence. Zarco remained in Mexico City for a while after Juarez had left, but to remain and identify himself with the French was impossible, so, with his family, he followed Juarez to the temporary capital of San Luis Potosx. There Zarco founded a newspaper which he called La Independencia through whose pages he continued the fight for the freedom of Mexico. When it became impossible to remain in Mexico, he accompanied the Juarez government into exile in the United States, proceeding first to Texas, then to New Orleans, thence to New York, where he immediately assisted in the formation of a Mexican Club to assist the efforts of the 119 Liberals in Mexico to gain the social and political inde pendence of their country. The difficult problem of making a living for his 1 fi family was solved by working as a translator. Shortly after his arrival, Zarco was commissioned to take over El Continental, a Spanish language newspaper, which had been subsidized by Venezuela but was in danger of going out of business because of bad management. The Mexican minis ter in Washington, D.C., had suggested Zarco as being best qualified to edit this newspaper which ultimately had to be abandoned, however, because of lack of funds. Zarco was careful to make it clear that though he solicited sympathetic support from the United States, he in no way suggested that Mexico’s territorial integrity, national independence and republican institutions should be jeopardized. He believed that the American people and the Mexican people shared ideals to merit their cooperation in establishing republican forms of government on the ^According to Wheat, the record of Zarco's life while in New York is very incomplete. From Zarco*s writings, we know little concerning his problems during his exile in New York, and there are scanty records apart from his writings. 120 American continent. Though he was still far away, his influence as a journalist and orator were well remembered in Mexico. Because of Zarco’s absence, El Siglo Diecinueve was silent from May 30, 1863, to July 15, 1867, when Juarez returned triumphantly to Mexico City after the end of the Maximillian episode. Zarco was elected to be the main speaker at the forth coming festivities celebrating Mexico's "second indepen dence." Even though he was still absent from Mexico, many of his fellow citizens recalled the former occasions on 17 which he had charmed and inspired them with his oratory, and he was chosen over many prominent compatriots who were actually in attendance. Pantaleon Dobar, temporary editor of El Siglo Dieci nueve , spoke of Zarco's imminent return to Mexico on September 19, 1867. He spoke of how Zarco had made known in a strange land through his journalistic activities Mexico's needs, ambitions, and desires, praising Zarco's influence with editors from other journals of the world in correcting misimpressions which they had regarding Mexico. "^Wheat, p. 404. 121 When Zarco and Ms family finally did reach Mexico City on October II, 1561, after an absence of ante than four years, he was in poor health and unable to resume his duties as editor of El Siglo Diecinueye at that time, lie was hopeful that rest and proper medical care raid enable hi® to resume the duties of helping to consulate the victory of the Republican forces in Mexico, The editor of la foz del M o of Saltillo had the following to say of Zarco after the letter's return to his beloved Mexico; This illustrious public miter, this distinguished and good patriot, has returned to the capital of the republic after an absence of three years spent in foreign lands and has again taken his place as the editor-in- chief of El Siglo Diecinueve, This country mill again enjoy the pen of an eminent miter who, with his experi ence and his zealous talent, will cooperate in the masterful interpretation of great political questions, foreign and domestic, that are non before the national press and Kill soon be decided by the national repre sentatives, We who have the satisfaction of knowing Zarco veil in this city sta he followed the supreme government of the Republic guided only by his ardent patriotism, we who saw his immaculate conduct, his personal indescribable sufferings that never drew fra him the slightest com plaint, who saw how against a thousand obstacles he established here a small newspaper La Action in which with great enthusiasm and success sustained the cause of Mexico, who knew how he preferred to take the road with his family in the midst of grave peril in the direction of Matamoros with only the insignificant resources pro vided by a friend rather than to submit to foreign domination, le who have witnessed all this and many 122 other signs of the patriotism of Zarco are happy to give him a most cordial congratulation on his happy arrival for this success in seeing his country free of which he was a most worthy son to which he has always given meri torious service. After Zarco's return from exile his health was so delicate that he was unable to assume active leadership as editor-in-chief of El Siglo Diecinueve until December 1, 1867, He was elected as deputy to congress from the Federal District but was unable to be present at the pre paratory sessions of loveifc 5,8, and 13, ISM, lis first editorial after resuming his position as editor-in- chief of El Siglo Diecinueve was to affirm his liberal principles, He assured his readers that he would continue to work for the good of all Mexicans and for the improve ment of liberal institutions and development toward a true constitutional gwemment, A few days later he expressed agreement with the plan of Eolivar for a united Spanish kerica, Ee wrote; Mexico without pretending any sort of supremacy can carry to the council of her sister nations the fruit of her sad experience, the lesson of her immense sacri fices and the advantage of her victories and do much 10 Francisco Zarco, 11 Siglo Diecinueve, October 8, 1861; iheat, p, 681. 123 to make the kerica of Americans an America for Ameri cans,^ Each new day was a challenge to Zarco; each new day saw him contributing in sie way to the advancement of the liberal cause, le never lived in the past; he never com plained of his o i misfortune; he never expressed personal despair, ie valued not his own life, he was not disap pointed if personal aggrandizement did not come his way, Be was not interested in personal wealth, only in promoting the ideals of liberty and freedom for every individual Mexican, Be believed that man's nature was improvable and that he could learn to be a rational being, nevertheless, illness caused Zarco's voice to ie heard less often, Be continued to write daily for El Siglo Diecinueve, but he was unable to attend sessions of the national assembly during the early part of 1868, Zarco was named president of a memorial committee to honor the martyrs of lacubaya, but he was unable to direct the activities of the committee and was forced to turn over direction of the memorial service to the committee’s vice president, Ignacio Altamirano, who was a colleague of Zarco 15 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, December 3, 1861; leat, p, 6D9, 124 and an accomplished orator in congress- It was on the occasion of this memorial service that Zarco was able to write a short article in which he revealed for the first time that he was the author of the famous pamphlet, Las Matanzas de Tacubaya- In making this admission, Zarco reaffirmed the treach ery of the executioner of Tacubaya by saying that the liberals had been wrong for saying that a so-called civi lized world would look with horror on the assassins wher ever they might go as in the case in London of General 21 Haynau, the executioner of Hungary. Zarco says: . . . we repeat, in this prediction we were completely wrong, the assassins were accepted as allies of the Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, an enraged declamation against the conservatives, was written during Zarco’s en forced hiding during the Miramon regime. It reflects his great indignation toward the abuses and inhumanities perpetrated by the conservatives in their killing of phy sicians, medical students, passersby and even youngsters and residents of the area who were attracted to the scene out of curiosity. This episode of wanton murder placed General Marquez among the most ruthless murderers of all time. Zarco gave him the appellation of "El tigre de Tacubaya." 21 Julius Jacob Haynau (1786-1853)--Austrian general who became notorious for the severity with which he re pressed and punished subjugated peoples. In London he was attacked and beaten by draymen when visiting a brewery. 125 emperor of the French to carry out the iniquity of the intervention and Marquez, the famous Marquez, wears on his chest the insignia of the legion of honor!^2 Zarco, who had long been an observer of political forces in Mexico, perceived the growing power of Porfirio Diaz. He noted that Porfirio Diaz attracted men who were dissatisfied with Juarez* continuing as president. During the summer of 1868, Zarco’s ill health pre vented him from writing editorials for El Siglo Diecinueve. Between the first week of July and July 30, only five edi torials appeared over his name during the entire month.^ In the elections of the Sumner of 1869 which were of vital importance to all political factions which were anxious to gain a majority in the legislative session, Francisco Zarco, notwithstanding his poor health, was elected as deputy from Tepic. But he grew steadily weaker. His failing strength decreased the number of editorials and the energy with which he expressed himself. In seven weeks during the months of July and August he wrote only six editorials. During the height of the 22 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve. April 7, 9, and 11, 1868; Wheat, p. 413. ^Wheat, p. 415. 126 campaign for the new congress and the election, his voice was seldom heard when he normally would have been extremely active in defending his ideals. He explained that his health was failing and that he experienced considerable difficulty in writing. On August 26, 1869, he announced that as of Septem ber 1, he was retiring from the position of editor-in-chief of El Siglo Diecinueve because of his illness: Obliged by the necessity of tending to the recovery of his health, the editor of El Siglo Diecinueve is forced to leave the office effective next September 1. Thanking the press, his friends and the public in general for the proof of benevolence they have demonstrated to him during this last epoch of his journalistic efforts, he must state that it grieves him to interrupt his work and in his separation from El Siglo Diecinueve he has no other motive than the difficulty produced by his illness. After September 1, Antonio Garcia Perez, well and favor ably known to the readers of El Siglo Diecinueve, will be in charge as editor-in-chief of this newspaper. ^ Antonio Garcia Perez declared of his predecessor that El Siglo Diecinueve would miss the guiding hand of Fran cisco Zarco who, without exaggeration, could be called the first writer of the Americas: "A man who by his bril liant political and parliamentary career had acquired Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve. August 26, 1869; Wheat, p. 428. 127 25 great personal prestige." During this period of his illness, many writers and public figures of the entire nation praised Zarco for his ideals and defense of those ideals. The finest tribute to his greatness came from Altamirano who wrote in El Real Nacimiento: The separation of Zarco from the post of editor of El Siglo Diecinueve is a notable event in the Mexican press. The illustrious patriot and honored writer was a shining light in the difficult questions of public affairs. He was trusted for the sincerity of his con stitutional principles, for the purity of his patriotism, for the maturity of his judgment and for his experience and knowledge of the men and affairs of Mexico. Zarco is one of the patriarchs of the reform, one of the authors of the fundamental charters of the nation; therefore, his decisions and interpretations have all the authority of a profound study by the author of a law and the very powerful reason of having defended it con stantly with unwavering spirit, contributing greatly to making durable and realizable its great precepts. The robustness and vigor of the great oak of the constitution owe much to the labors of Zarco who has sacrificed his health, his happiness, his whole life and now when his illness overcomes him, when he sees his children around him who need his life, when his work is killing him, Zarco retires from El Siglo Diecinueve poor as he retired from the ministry of foreign relations in 1861 and carrying as a recompense only the respect of the public and that holy and rare light that shines always in the face of men of honor. It is true that this sense of honor is worth more than treasures and power. It is true that when one has con science of having fulfilled worthily his duties, the bitter chalice of poverty seems as nectar. It is true ^\lheat, p. 428. 128 that the name of Zarco preserved as it has been to this time will pass out to posterity, respected and loved like that of Herredia and of Ocampo. His future is en viable. ° During the early days of congress, Zarco was able to attend sessions in September. He was named chairman of the congressional committee on foreign relations and a member of the drafting committee. In this capacity, he urged the new congress to consider the following matters very care fully: (1) the securing of individual guarantees; (2) the enactment of organic laws in accordance with the Constitu tion of 1857; (3) the reorganizing of the administrative department; (4) implementing economy and order in public spending; (5) promoting material improvements on a national scale; (6) developing peace and prosperity under the pro- 27 tection of the law. Zarco asked his colleagues if they thought it possible to realize such a dream. He himself thought it was, if they would reflect patriotism, conscience and duty in all that they did and if they had the strength of will to fight any obstacles that they might find in their path. Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, September 6, 1868; Wheat, p. 429. ^Wheat, p. 431. 129 In his last editorial on October 11, 1869, we see the consistency of Zarcofs ideals in his appeal to his fellow Mexicans to respect the authority of the Constitution and legal government. He urged that matters of litigation should be submitted to the supreme court for decision and that the nation should abide by and respect the judgment 9 8 of that court. Zarco knew that he must save his energy for his final burst of action as he served Mexico in his last months of public duty. During the month of November just a few days before he died, he presided as president of the congress at every session Monday through Saturday, missing only the session of November 12. As his last public duty, he was the presiding officer at the election of officers for the month of December which took place on November 30, 1869. During the early days of December, he did not take part in any of the debates on the floor of the congress. On December 21, the president of the congress, upon learning that Zarco was seriously ill, sent Guillermo Prieto and Ramon Guzman to ascertain the condition of 28 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, October 11, 1869. 130 their friend and colleague. Prieto and Guzman returned with the sad news that two decades of struggle against disease and adversity had slowly sapped the strength of the champion of constitutional government and that he was fail ing badly. At 6:30 on the morning of December 22, 1869, at the age of forty, Zarco died. The nature of his disease was never determined by physicians. Zarco*s optimism was evident up to the very eve of his death. A contemporary describes his final hours thus: Last night he talked with his friends until 11:00 o'clock and went to bed, seemingly calm, near dawn the unknown disease that took him to his grave became serious. Nevertheless, in full consciousness and with a clear head, he asked for a cigarette, smoked it, spoke a few words and remained quiet for sometime. Then he asked for a glass of water, drank it, turned over and with the greatest calm and repose rendered his soul to the Supreme Maker. ^9 Zarco as Regarded by His Contemporaries We have already seen evidence of the high regard which Zarco’s contemporaries had for him. Further evidence of this regard is abundantly evident. 29 El Siglo Diecinueve, December 22, 1869; Wheat, p. 434. 131 Zarco's passing was lamented by high officials of the government and the poorest inhabitants of the capital of the land. All classes of Mexican society attended his funeral. He was laid to rest in the cemetery of San Fer nando which is near the Alameda. Among the many who for varied reasons mourned Zarco's passing, Altamirano lamented the loss to the nation of the genius and intellect that had guided it for so long. He said: "Zarco, gentlemen, was not only a journalist, a literary figure, a counselor, a great citizen, he was a gigantic athlete whose brilliant figure is projected into the field of our political history as that of an apostle and of a conqueror. Zarco was one of those privileged men who came into the world with a divine mission, with a mission of doing good to humanity and of sacrificing his life to make it march forward. "He belongs to that Herculian family of Voltaire, Mirabeau, Franklin, Ocampo and Castelar, a sublime family whose trunk is enriched by God and whose branches are extended by liberty to all people to plant beneath them the seed of civilization and progress."-^ "Thus, Zarco as a statesman has a rare merit of having been the missionary of thousands of ideas essentially liberal and grandiose and of having been an eminently practical man having the honor in the Constituent Con gress of 1857 of having been one and perhaps the princi pal author of the fundamental code of the Republic: as a critic, he was here the rival of Addison, of Lewing, and of Larra; as a man of letters, he was the center of union and a patriarch of a family of poets and writers 30 Wheat, p. 435. 132 who have been the honor of our literary history. He has played in Mexico the same role as Goethe in Germany, Charles Nodier in France and Lista in Spain."^1 Before Zarco’s death, Guillermo Prieto, who was long an associate with Zarco both in journalism and politics, gave a description of his friend and colleague as he appeared on the floor of the congress: Who does not know Pancho Zarco, Paneho is not even forty years old and looks like an old man of sixty, lean, bent like a shellfish, hunchbacked like a figure three, his forehead is neither high nor open, his eyes are small but very penetrating, his nose is small but slightly hooked and very decided. He has a deep voice and an easy and a passionate style of delivery. He holds his audience when he begins to talk. His face lights up and he spars with his questioners with extraordinary skill. He surrounds his arguments like a retriever seeking a weakness and when he finds it, he sinks his teeth into it and shakes it with the teeth of irony and sarcasm in a fashion that cannot be halted. In the heat of address, he flails so-called patriots, adjudicatarios, purchases of expropriated property of the church, servants of the city hall and all manner of sinners. It was an episode of the last judgment that held the souls of the sinners on a thread; it was well applauded. 2 On the day of Zarco’s death, congress approved a law honoring his memory and providing a sum of money for his family. The law states as follows: 31 El Siglo Diecinueve. December 24, 1869; Wheat, p. 436. Italics supplied. ^2E1 Siglo Diecinueve, October 15, 1868; Wheat, pp. 418-419. (1) The Republic of Mexico honors the memory of the illustrious figure of Zarco declaring that he deserved sell of his country. (1) Bis * shall be inscribed in the ball of Ses sions of Congress of the Union. (3) The executive is hereby authorized to administer to the widow and children of Francisco Zarco the amount of 3(1,1 pesos, taking them fro® the income of nationalized property and fra the excess of direct taxation. In the case that sum is not realized within fonr months, it will be paid fra the general funds of the Federal Treasury, (4) The children of citizen, too, have the right to a free education in the national colleges,” A large niber of deputies signed the proposed las which passed without debate by unanimous vote of the 145 deputies present, The conission appointed to attend the funeral of Zarco as representatives of the iational Congress included Guillermo Prieto, Samoa Guzman, Pedro Santacilia, Zarco's friends immediately began a public subscription to erect a monunent in his honor, Eduardo del Gallo, secre tary of the subscription coiittee, announced the first day's donations which included $ 1 each fra Felipe San chez Soliz, Samoa (tern, Cipriano Robar, all deputies of the congress, and Ignacio Cuplido, the owner and publisher of El Siglo Diecinueve, who had taken Zarco into his printing establishment as a lad twenty years before, Each state of Mexico being allowed to place statues of its tw most illustrious sons along the Faseo de la lefona, tango placed the statue of Francisco Zarco at niber 53 de la Reform. Zarco shares this honor with V tango's other notable son, General Guadalupe Victoria, Eulogy and honors came to Zarco many times during his short life, His friends were many and loyal, Even though most of his journalism uas satirical, he had no time to despise his f e l l * as did Swift and (Juevedo. Ie was by no means a misanthrope, le had no time to despise life; his dominant mood t o one of optimism, All of his energies sere directed toward bettering the lot of man and to pro moting the ideals of liberty which he believed were sell represented in the ideals of Christianity, ft might be said that more than man himself, Zarco valued high moral ideals and rational qualities of which he believed man capable and toward vhich he hoped to assist man it his \eat, p. 438. efforts to attain this high degree of morality and ratio nality, The following quotation, dedicated to Zarco and Prieto, is further evidence of what people thought of Zarco as a person, This counication t o signed by a large number of citizens in the city of Guadalajara in the state of Jalisco on July 13,18, while Zarco mas still alive, To Francisco Zarco and Guillen Prieto: The life of the public servant who dedicates himself to the service of his coitry with faith and honor is continually sur rounded by difficulties and bitterness, The satisfaction for the good that he does for humanity or the gratitude of Ms equals for his labors is the only compensation he obtains, Yon, two, since the earliest years of your youth, have never withheld from your country the magnifi cent gifts with which nature distinguished you, On no single day has the si reached the end of its day's joumey without your having made some effort or employed your intellect for the benefit of the coitry, The freedom of mankind has been the flag that you took on your entrance into public life and that flag in your hands is all conquering and immaculate, The flow of soothing words from one of you (Prieto) saved the life of the chief-of-state menaced by the Catholics, led by the traitor, Landa, And the political prophecies of another (Zarco) uritten in a foreign land, but in the most opportune moments, contributed effectively to saving the sacred fire of our independence, Independence and the constitution are the basis upon which Mexico rests her national welfare, but the building urgently needs justice as a cornerstone, Tou have laid that cornerstone on May 28, therefore the people of Jalisco express to you their gratitude.^ 35 El Sialo Giecinueve, August 14,1868; fat, p. 41b, 136 Inmediately after his death, important streets in Durango, Guadalajara and Chihuahua were named for Zarco. Avenida Zarco in Chihuahua is in a beautiful residential district of the city bordered by some of the finest homes of the city. In the national museum of Chapultepec Castle an oil painting of Zarco hangs in the room which is dedi cated to the period of the French intervention. These are all fitting tributes to a man who gave his life for Mexico. Zarco did not have to wait until he was dead to know of the high regard which his contemporaries held for him. During his twenty years of literary journalism, he was the acknowledged master of the polemic, never retreating from a position if he believed it to be just. Rarely did he use the columns of the press to defend himself from per sonal attack. However, on the occasion of an attack by La Orquesta, a journal edited by Vicente Riva Palacio, Zarco quoted an article in his defense which had appeared in El Monitor Republicano: . . . Several of the most respected deputies have approached our newspaper and have asked us to present their regrets that a newspaper bearing the name of a distinguished patriot should personally attack senor Zarco because of his proposals concerning traitors. Whether the ideas of senor Zarco are agreeable or not, those gentlemen have told us his personal conduct in the past crisis was most honorable. 137 Senor Zarco, quite ill, accompanied the government as far as Saltillo from which place he left against his will. In the United States he defended the interests of Mexico with his pen surrounded by misery and personal sorrow. He was at all times worthy and answered with dignity those who invited him to return to Mexico. Zarco may have made mistakes, but he is a patriot who does honor to the liberal party. These words of his friends are submitted with pleasure and with the thought that among liberals who should serve a cause in unity there, should be no dissension.^6 Zarco's Place among Mexican Satirists What might be termed truly Mexican literature began as satire with Fernando de Lizardi, who during the brief period of freedom of the press in 1812 wrote of political and social conditions. When the conservative Spanish regime closed this avenue of expression in 1814, Lizardi resorted to fiction that was in reality a series of satiri cal sketches, picaresque in form, the best known being El perriquillo samiento. What appeared to be entertain ment was really written for the purpose of effecting reform, hence it must be called satire on the basis of our definition. In the half century between 1840 and 1890 approxi mately forty writers dealing with manners and morals of 36 Wheat, pp. 419“420. 138 37 Mexico wrote almost exclusively in Mexican journals. However, only about six of this group are deserving of con sideration as enduring literary figures. The majority were followers of the school of Mesonero Romanos. But, with the exception of Prieto, those that have endured were of the Larra school. And, as Larra’s efforts were ameliora tive, so their efforts were meant to spur Mexico on to progress. It was not Lizardi's influence as much as it was Span ish influence that sparked the development in the late 1830's of the costumbrista literature in Mexico. Larra and Mesonero Romanos were very much read in Mexican edi tions. Similarly, Guillermo Prieto, an older contemporary of Zarco, was the first Mexican costumbrista. Like his model, Mesonero Romanos, Prieto sketched contemporary life and society with a gentle satire. He tells us frankly that: 37 The important role of journalism in the evolution of Mexican thought during the nineteenth century has been generally overlooked by scholars even though the greatest Mexican thinkers were, at least in part, journalists, Castaneda Batres, p. 6. Consequently, the importance of the r8le which Francisco Zarco played as a molder of public and private opinion has been generally overlooked. 139 Por aquellos tiempos llegaron a Mexico, coleccionados, algunos artlculos de "El Curioso Parlante," comenzados a publicar en 1836. Yo, sin antecedente alguno, publicaba con el seudonimo de Don Benedetto, mis primeros cuadros, y al ver que Mesonero queria escribir un Madrid antiguo y modemo, yo quise hacer lo mismo, alentado en mi empresa por Ram£rez mi inseparable companero. Emprendia mis paseos de estudio, tomando un rumbo, y fijando en mi memoria sus circumstancias mas caracter£s- ticas.38 Two costumbrista-satirists, Nunez and "Verdad," less capable artists than Prieto, satirized the general lack of progress in Mexico, the slowness of the mails, filthy conditions, poor lighting, and bad manners of the people at the coliseo. Their models were Prieto and Larra. Like all costumbrista-satirists, theirs is a deeper purpose than merely a description of customs and manners per se. However, during most of the period from 1824 to 1867, literary attack of any kind on the prescribed order of things was not generally tolerated. Because of the con servatives' restriction of the press, few publications containing satire appeared. Only a few insignificant articles appeared in a second-rate journal, Semenario de 38 Guillermo Prieto, Memorias de mis tiempos: 1828- 1840 (Paris-Mexico, 1906), p. 72; quoted by Jefferson Rea Spell, "The Costumbrista Movement in Mexico," IMLA, 50:291, March 1935. 140 39 las senoritas mejicanas. 7 During this entire period of turmoil in Mexico, literature generally took the form of journalism. In 1843 El rnuseo mejicano was published, by far the most ambitious literary journal that had appeared to date in Mexico. It evidenced considerable interest in the sketching of customs and manners. Guillermo Prieto, who began using the pseudo nym "Fidel" by which he has since been known, was one of the outstanding contributors to this journal. Names of many new costumbrista-satirists appeared on the Mexican literary scene as a result of the appearance of this journal. They take as their subjects aspects of rural life and life in the capital. Fashionable youth and Mexican dandies and fops are satirized. A visit to an insane asylum and the life of a water carrier are also depicted. In El liceo mexicano, which began publication in 1844, several costumbrista-satirical articles appeared in which an amorous old woman, the coquette, the individual who boasts of knowledge in all fields, a visit to a sick friend whose wife is so preoccupied with religious matters that she forgets to care for her sick husband, the public 39Spell, p. 293. 141 servant who gets fat on the public treasury are all given the treatment of the satirist. Some of these authors whose articles appeared in print during this period were A. A. Franco, "El Reptil," and Luis Martinez de Castro. The first Mexican edition of Figaro appeared in 40 1845, a year of deplorable social, political, and eco nomic conditions for Mexico. People who realized the state of affairs were pessimistic and disheartened. With reason, a writer such as Larra would appeal to these writers. For several years Prieto was the major contributor of costumbrista-satirical articles. During the war with the United States, literary journals were silent. After the withdrawal of North American troops, El album meiicano began publication with Prieto and minor contributors examining Mexican politics and society. In 1851, "An important literary journal, La Ilustra- cion Mexicana, began publication in Mexico City."4*- This literary periodical consisted of five volumes: Volumes I and II, 1851; Volume III, 1852; Volumes IV and V, 1854. 40 Zarco was at this time sixteen years old and an avid reader. 41Spell, p. 299. 142 In the first volume the editors clearly set forth the traditional concept of the function of the costumbrista: Producciones satiricas, estudios de costumbres, &c., &c., veran la luz en LA ILUSTRACION, y siempre se atacaran defectos generales, sin dirigirse jamas a persona de- terminada. Se presentaran seres ideales que representen vicios y nulidades que se encuentran derramados indis- t int amente.^ 2 A further statement regarding the role of La Ilustracion appears in the introduction to the second volume: ... la censura inocente y picante de las costumbres; ... encontrara un lugar en esta miscelanea. En todo esto, nuestra principal intencion es la de animar e impulsar con nuestra debil voz, los progresos intelectuales y materiales de Mexico. ... Los escritos de costumbres son generalmente estimados por la ligereza de su estilo y por las sanas miras que envuelven. En este genero, todavia naciente en Mexico, nuestros ensayos tenderan a ser una pintura fiel de nuestra sociedad, si bien en ellos es precise dejar pasar algunos rasgos de ecsageracion, pues sin esto no se logra hacer ridiculos ciertos defectos u odiosos los vicios que carcomen a todos los p a r s e s . ^ The number of contributors to this publication was small though the number of articles which appeared was large. Spanish writers contributed only four articles and Mexican authors, excluding Francisco Zarco, contributed ”Introduceion,M La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, iii, iv. "Introduceion," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, ii-iii. 143 a total of sixty-two articles on manners. Zarco, its editor, contributed fifty-two articulos de costumbres, most of which are satirical, though some are purely descriptive. In addition to the artfculos de costumbres, he contributed many articles on other matters, many of which are of a definite satirical nature, the most noteworthy are those dealing with modas. According to Seudonimos, Anagramas, e Iniciales de Escritores Mejicanos Antiguos y Modemos (no publisher given), Zarco used three pseudonyms--Facundo, Fortun and F. Z. He most often used the pseudonym Fortun. Spell says of Zarco that he was the most prolific of all the costumbristas of Mexico. Spell says further that Zarco's essays display "a critical insight unequaled in his 44 keenness by any Mexican writer of the period." In de scribing him, Spell compares him favorably with Larra in these words: In his irony and sarcasm, he is comparable to Larra. . . . Zarco's essays, like Larra's, reveal the personality, the temperament, and power of reflection of the writer, and his ability to emphasize the inner rather than the external significance of a subject. In these artxculos, in contrast with those of the less gifted costumbristas who treat manners and customs purely objectively, the personal reflections of the author are of primary 44 Spell, p. 300. 144 interest, for he was concerned with manners and customs only as a basis for his own reactions. ^ Ignacio Altamirano and Jose T. de Cuellar are the only costumbrista-satirists worthy of mention who followed Zarco. Altamirano collaborated with Zarco, Prieto, Ramfrez and other liberals in the publishing of Los mexicanos pintados por si mismos. Many of the thirty-three essays which this series contains deal in political satire, jabbing especially hard at the reactionaries. Of all those who wrote costumbrista-satirical essays in Mexico during the costumbrista period, Zarco was the most prolific and the most mordant in his wit and stinging in his use of satire. He ruthlessly held up to scorn the very things that other costumbristas lovingly portrayed in their cuadros ♦ ^ Satire is valid only when there is a set of values against which to judge the thing being satirized. The values of Zarco are those which are inherent in the roman tic philosophy which include an ideal for man based on an individual potential for self realization. 45 Spell, p. 301. 46 Spell, p. 308. 145 Zarco's central purpose in his satire is not to satirize politics and social ills, rather the failure of man to measure up to the Romantic’s interpretation of the universe. When he satirizes evil politicians, human follies and foibles and bad clergy, he is driven by a genuine feeling for humanity and by a conviction that people simply should not and need not act as they do, but should strive to attain their potential. He uses satire to make his attitude appear realistic. Realistic in the sense that his emotions and values can be accepted as being rational and valid. He wishes to give the impression of being objective as he, in essence, tells the people that they are stupid for accepting the tyranny of imposed government rather than accepting the viewpoint that liberty is good for man. Throughout his work we see the Romantic philosophy not only in man's having potential of growing as a tree rather than being as a cog in a perfectly running machine, but we also see the Romantic point of view in Zarco's harking to the far away and long ago and in his description of the dream world of the Romantic in such articles as "Idilios en nuestro siglo," "Castillos en el aire," and "Charla 146 sobre un figurin." ... ya se ve que un figurxn puede rnuy bien llevamos a las regiones e inocente. . . • Even though this is followed with: "Pero idilios en nuestro tiempo son un verdadero anacronismo, ... ;Ay! ni en esque- leto podemos formar una pastorcilla de idilio.”^® The above indicates Zarco's awareness of present reality. There is still evident the desire to preserve some aspect of the romantic illusion, notwithstanding obstacles presented by empiricism. He suggests that the countryside of Mexico and everywhere has more ferocious beasts than it has Filis and Nemorosos. And the customs of the country distress Zarco, who, nevertheless, employs "selvas," "campos," "arroyos," and "flores" as desirable images, implying that he believes that man can improve. Thus, Zarco reaffirms his faith in cosmic meaning. Zarco is enough of a realist, however, to recognize that the illusioned view of the universe and of human life is gone and can no longer exist. But it is because 47 . Francisco Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurxn," La Ilus- tracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 116. 48 < Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 116. del ldilio en toda su pureza primxtxva 147 the people are no longer capable of creating such a scene that such scenes no longer exist. The implication is that man rather than nature has retrogressed and become bestial. Though he recognizes reality, he does not accept it as being the ideal; hence, the satire. Further evidence of his basically romantic temperament is found in his attacks on cities. For example, in this same article he attacks these in words in which the images are disagreeable: Y sin embargo, ^quien no anhela de cuando en cuando dejar la ciudad con su opulencia y su miseria, con su fausto y sus lacerias, con su algazara de loca alegria y sus gemidos de dolor? ^ Words such as "opulencia,” "miseria," "lacerias," "algazara de loca alegrxa," and "gemidos de dolor" give the city a negative character. Satirizing it further, he tells his readers "Salid de la ciudad.But the country, due to man's degeneration, is little more attractive than the city. For he continues with: "... y os espera o la vida fastidiosa de la hacienda o del rancho, o las mil morti- ficaciones, discordias y rivalidades de los pueblos. 49 , Zarco, "Charla sobre un f igunn," p. 116. "^Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 116. “ ^Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 116. 148 The countryside which Zarco is describing is that around Mexico City. He does not like what he sees. However, notwithstanding his disillusionment with the country, it is still superior to the city. Pero sin embargo, el campo tendra siempre atractivo, sobre todo para los que viven en medio del estrepitoso torbellino de las ciudades.^^ The idyllic scenes contrasted with his satirizing of the city and iirmediate countryside then suggest a basically romantic attitude. Further suggesting the romantic tendencies of Zarco, we note that he was not satisfied with the best of all pos sible worlds. He, therefore, advocated revolutionary change in Mexico’s social, political and economic institu tions. He purposed rejection of most of the Spanish colonial heritage and worked actively to promote change. He spoke out strongly against those conservatives who would maintain the status quo to their own selfish ends. He vigorously attacked those whose efforts were directed toward deceiving the people by attempting to keep them ignorant and believing that theirs was the best of all possible worlds, hence, should imitate no other society. 52 Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurfn," p. 116. 149 He also assailed those who would deprecate Mexico and declare her incapable of imitating other civilized coun- „ . 53 tries. Notwithstanding his romantic tendencies, Zarco's value system does not permit him to reject entirely the viewpoint that there are certain constant patterns of behavior which control human conduct. For example, he believed that women should conduct themselves in a certain manner. Si es insipido oir hablar siempre de trages, hay otro punto poco delicado, y que parece indecoroso. Toda muger debe abstenerse de hablar de las partes interiores del vestido del calzado, y aun de ciertos mieiribros del cuerpo.54 He qualifies his viewpoint in a way which again asserts his basically romantic qualities. His values are relative rather than absolute: No aprobamos la afectada reserva de las inglesas; pero si creemos, que hay palabras y alusiones indignas de los labios de la muger, y que le quitan todo su en- canto.55 53 Francisco Zarco, "Idilios en nuestro siglo," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 113. ■^Francisco Zarco, "Modas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 599. 55Zarco, "Modas," III, 599. Zarco can be classed then as a romantic naturalistic realist. He is a romantic in that he is an ardent spokes man for liberty and freedom of expression, but he is a realist in that he speaks in favor of reason and modera tion. Like the naturalist, he likes to dwell on the per verse and pathological in society, but he does not deal with the immoral to the same degree that the naturalist does in terms of exaggeration of realism. As a result, although the characters in Zarco's artfculos de costumbres are sometimes amoral or even immoral, he still pardons them. He exalts sentiment and emotion, but he also phi losophizes considerably. He writes essays which are realistic cuadros rather than works of fantasy. He does not rebel against all classes of norms and rules in poli tics and morals. On the contrary, he speaks out frequently and firmly for morality and legality in politics, govern ment and society. His own life was above reproach even by his enemies. Zarco turned his whole world into satire, contemporary politics, his friends, acquaintances, human fallacies and foibles, and nearly all activities of human life. Zarco would probably deny it, but the multiplicity and variety 151 of the objects of his satirical attacks imply a breaking up and destroying of much of the foundation of Mexican society. Though he claimed a sanative purpose for his satire, he was revolutionary and did not wish to preserve Mexican society based on the Spanish colonial foundation. Oscar Castaneda Batres, a foremost Zarco scholar, says that none equals Zarco’s intellectual greatness and ability to handle irony "con gran finura, tanto en la tribuna como en la prensa."^ He says further that: Zarco ocupa un espacio mas dilatado que ninguno en la vida intelectual de la Republics Mexicana. Su talento, dotado de una flexibilidad maravillosa, tomaba todas las formas, si puede expresarse asx, y ora se elevaba hasta las dulces regiones de la poesfa como penetraba atrevido entre los oscuros huracanes de la politics; ora alumbraba con un fulgor de sol las cues- tiones mas arduas de nuestro derecho publico, del que hasta ahora es el unico expositor, como convenela en el seno de la intimidad y servxa de gu£a en los caminos de la ciencia y de las bellas letras. Como liberal acendraro, Zarco no tiene una sola mancha en su vida publica.57 According to Castaneda Batres, even the intervention ists recognized Zarco's worth and offered him positions of c o importance. But, we have seen that Castaneda Batres Castaneda Batres, p. 68. 57 Castaneda Batres, pp. 112-113. 58 Castaneda Batres, p. 113. 152 is by no means alone in recognizing Zarco*s merits as a man of letters, politics, and action. Of Zarco, the journalist, Gutierrez Najera said: "Ser periodista--iperiodista como el lo fue!--^no es ser caudillo?, ^no es librar una batalla diaria?, jno es recibir una herida cada d£a mas? ... Ser periodista como Zarco, ^no es dar la vida poco a poco a la libertad y a la Republica? ... En las luchas por la libertad, Zarco fue el Aquiles de la prensa. El joven que a los veinti- seis anos defendio con tal brio en *El Siglo XIX* y en la tribuna del Congreso Constituyente la libertad de imprenta, la libertad de conciencia, todas las liber- tades, bien merece una estatua porcjue fue heroe. Ya que le quitamos la vida poco a poco, demosle en cambio la vida augusta de los marmoles y b r o n c e s ."59 And finally Antonio Martinez Baez in his "Estudio Preliminar" of Zarco’s Historia del Congreso Constituyente says in giving us Jose Zorrilla's and El Duque de Rivas' estimate of Zarco's place as a literary figure: Vale la pena recordar otro juicio hecho en esa epoca sobre algunos de los meritos literarios de don Francisco Zarco, pues proviene de un espahol, ajeno a las pasiones politicas que entonces dividian a todos los mexicanos. En una pequena gacetilla aparecida en El Siglo del 16 de abril de 1857, se informaba al publico que don Jose Zorrilla habia escrito una nueva obra con el tftulo de Mexico y los mexicanos, obra que muy en breve daria a la prensa y que Mes una coleccion de cartas escritas en estilo familiar al sehor don Angel de Saavedra, Duque de Rivas." En esa gacetilla, despues de decir al Duque que suspendia su "correspondencia, y las noticias de 59Manuel Gutierrez Najera, Qbras. Crftica Literaria I (Mexico, 1959), pp. 345-346. 153 otros machos poetas mexicanos, cuyos nombres me limitare a citar por ahora," pone en primer lugar a Zarco, y tras de afirmar que quizas fuera el unico que hacfa una verdadera profesion del periodismo, agrega: "Talento infatigable para ese trabajo sofocador de escribir uno o dos articulos diarios sobre todos los asuntos posibles; trabajo capaz de secar el cerebro de mas jugo y de ago- tar los recursos de la mas fecunda inteligencia, y para el cual Zarco no tiene rival en Mexico. 60 x (Mexico, 1956), p. xxi. CHAPTER IV ZARCO’S IDEAS ON POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL INSTITUTIONS When Zarco came on the political scene, Mexico was still convalescing from the blow of having lost half of its national territory to a foreign invader. It was a boy of eighteen whose analytical propensity caused him to believe that it was necessary to discover and to explain how Mexico could arrive at a state that made it impossible to prevent defeat and loss of her national territory. He asserted that it was necessary to find ways to rebuild the mutilated national body. At the early age of eighteen, he became a symbol of national unity and integrity. He insisted that many changes were needed in Mexico. As the Liberal Movement grew, he became the voice of that movement. Whether he was in a position of power or in exile, he always defended the principles of liberty and of Mexico's national integrity. 154 155 To accomplish the reforms which he thought necessary, Zarco believed that it would be necessary to revive history and to diagnose and understand the early years of the development of Mexico’s heritage. He was convinced of the necessity to inquire of the masters of Mexican liberal ideals, including Lizardi, Morelos, with whom his father had fought, and Jose Luis Mora, in order to build a liberal society based on ideas which reflected Mexican ideals. Only the people, through their spirit of sacrifice, could show that the greatness of Mexico could be developed. Zarco understood that the road to what he believed was national salvation lay in the application of drastic remedies which were of a social and political nature. He maintained that these remedies would be realized in direct proportion to which liberal ideals were translated into national desire. Journalism became the means through which he attempted to educate the people to a system of democracy. It was Zarco’s opinion that the element most needed in order to achieve national prosperity and the development of a national spirit was the use of reason. This, he believed, could not be achieved except through education of the masses, which could not be accomplished unless 156 government was based on popular consent. So it was that Zarco, the journalist, educator, orator, and politician, verbalized his convictions. In his first sorties in the defense of personal liberty, he, who had early gained recognition for his superior qualities of intellect, stated that when the lot of mankind is one of sadness, they have the right to raise a shout of protest; they have the right to proclaim against the existing situ ations; they have the right to want to improve their condi tions, and they may shout in the face of the Republic this right. Certainly, having gained independence from Spain, Mexicans had a right to their goods and happiness. It was an essentially optimistic Zarco who faced a hostile world. He maintained that we can be confident in the plan that Providence has for us; that we can look with disdain upon that which the world considers of importance: ’’Podemos mirar con desden todas las pompas del raundp," he said. It was his belief that ideals should have as their basis values outside of man’s empiric experience. His own basic optimism caused him to feel sympathy for his ■^Francisco Zarco, "Estudios morales,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 299. 157 fellow creatures as he realized that hope and fear seem to be the lot of man. Hope, he asserted, is bom in fear: "Esperar y temer a un tiempo, creer con fe y dudar con A amargura a la vez." An optimistic Zarco would not despair or would he flee i 3 from society: "No basta, no, hufr de la sociedad." He held that Mexicans could have faith in the future and develop finer sentiments; moreover, that they could look with disdain on the well-ordered classical world of the conservatives which would deny Mexicans the right to dream and hope. Hope consoles, and eventually the spirit will live where there is light,^ and when light should come, the darkness within which the conservatives thrive would van ish, thus exposing them as selfishly insisting on privi- legios y fueros. It is immediately evident that the world for Zarco was divided into black and white. He saw things either as good or bad, black or white. He said: 2 Zarco, "Estudios morales," p. 299. 3 Zarco, "Estudios morales," p. 299- 4 Zarco, "Estudios morales," p. 299- 158 Hay dos mundos. Uno estrecho, limitado, oscuro, especie de mazmorra en que el hombre apenas tiene movi- miento; otro grande, vasto, inmensurable, lleno de luz, infinito, en que el espxritu abarca los cielos y la tierra y el Universo entero. El primero es el mundo positivo, real, material, sitiado por las enfermedades, por mil miserias, por las convenciones sociales, por las leyes humanas, por los lazos de familia, por las obliga- ciones y los deberes, por la impotencia, en fin, de los deseos y de las ambiciones. El segundo es el mundo de las quimeras y de la imaginacion, en que el espiritu puede volar sin tropiezo, perderse en regiones descono- cidas, elevarse hasta el cielo y dar por realizadas las ilusiones mas bellas, mas febriles, mas delirantes.^ The latter world was the world of the liberal, the revolutionary, the romantic. The former was the world of the conservative, the established order, the classicist. The second made the first bearable: Ese mundo de la imaginacion vago, delicioso, es una especie de compensacion a las miserias y dolores de este otro mundo, en que todo es imposible, en que se entabla una lucha impotente, en que la ambicion queda burlada y los deseos frustrados.^ Notwithstanding his anti-conservatism and his romantic tendencies, the satirist in Zarco told him to examine everything because "todo lo que hallamos en esta vida ... lleva un sello de imperfeccion.He also recognized that ^Francisco Zarco, "Castillos en el aire," La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 337. ^Zarco, "Castillos en el aire," p. 337. ^Zarco, "Castillos en el aire," p. 341. 159 there was danger in building castles in the air and failing to recognize and accept reality. He spoke of reality in these words: La muger es de la misma naturaleza que el hombre, es came de su came y hueso de sus huesos para hablar como la Biblia, y esto lo dice todo. La muger, es la hembra del hombre, no es angel. ... jAbajo todos los castillos en el aire! Contending that liberty for all had always been fought by the minority, but would finally prevail, Zarco gave historical examples of ’ 'dreamers” and spoke of their place in the world showing how their principles have prevailed. Socrates, who proclaimed the unity of God and ridiculed the polytheism of the Greeks, was martyred by the rulers, but his ideas prevailed. Christ was ridiculed and crowned king of fools and died as a seditionist because He proclaimed freedom for all men, but His gospel of liberty motivates the masses today. The excellency of virtue over riches and power, and the equality of all men has proved its superi ority. The clerics and the politicians of Christ's day built temples to their gods of wealth and power, but the Cross triumphed. True Christian principles prevailed. g Zarco, ’ ’Castillos en el aire,” p. 341. 160 "La tierra marcha, y nada hay en ella estacionario, Zarco declared. Galileo, Columbus, Cervantes, Hidalgo and Morelos were all dreamers. They all built castles in the air because "las grandes verdades, las ideas nuevas, son castillos en el aire."'*'® Not claiming infallibility for his ideas, Zarco con cluded his thoughts on the subject of dreamers by reminding his readers that everything is transitory and we do not really know whether man is master of his desires and ideas. Castles in the air can be a comfort, or a cause for martyr dom. He suggested, reminding us of Segismundo, that all of us may be deluded and insane. Politics and Government Zarco’s ideals were those same ideals which had moti vated the revolution of independence in Mexico, although during the three decades following independence from Spain, these ideals had been far from realized in Mexico. Zarco was aware that the ideals of the Reform, which were those Q Zarco, "Castillos en el aire," p. 342. ^•®Zarco, "Castillos en el aire," p. 343. ■^Zarco, "Castillos en el aire," p. 344. 161 which gave impetus to the independence movement, could not be realized in a short time in the light of the customs and practices of three centuries of colonial rule. He did insist, however, that the Christian spirit would accept nothing short of equal opportunity and privilege for all. The conservatives' opinion notwithstanding, Mexico’s problems did not arise out of her separation from Spain, but rather from only partially having separated herself from Spain, according to Zarco. He wrote: "... nuestras desgracias provienen de habemos detenido en la mitad del 12 camino; ..." Zarco was enough of a realist to recognize that not all people have equal abilities. But he believed that Mexico should, nevertheless, follow the true spirit of democracy. Mexico should go forward to the goal of liberty and equality and not merely have them expressed as ideals in a constitution. He wanted the ideals to become reali ties. When the phraseology of Article II of the proposed constitution was attacked on the floor at the Constitu tional Congress of 1857, Zarco admitted that he was its X2 / Oscar Castaneda Batres, Francisco Zarco (Mexico, 1961), pp. 23-24. 162 author and that he, too, felt that a better wording of said article was that all "are equal before the law." Even though the article did not succeed in becoming a part of the final draft of the Constitution of 1857, Zarco con- 13 tinued to champion legal equality. Unwavering in his loyalty to liberal ideals, without compromise, he marched down the road to reform never once retreating. In devoting all of his energies in support of the government of reform, he did compromise his personal happiness and future. When individuals in the liberal government betrayed the ideals of the Reform or vacillated, Zarco remonstrated against them. He never concealed the truth, and because of his frankness, he was considered on occasion to be hostile to the Juarez government by the The basis of this inequality between classes was the masses with no land and the privileged few with large, idle estates. A program for the division of large estates into smaller ones would be a long and difficult one. The con servative newspaper, appropriately named El Orden, accused Zarco of socialism for suggesting the division of the latifundios into smaller parcels of land for larger numbers of people. Zarco argued that he advocated individual ownership of the land from the latifundios system. This was the opposite of socialism. It was Zarco's idea to see the land cultivated intensively. 163 14 ministers and even the president. Progress toward a liberal democratic government was extremely slow. Dedicated to the obstruction of such a government, the conservatives frequently expressed the wish to establish a monarchy. All such efforts met energetic opposition by Zarco. Attempts of the conservatives to establish a European monarchy or any monarchy was, in Zarco's opinion, retrogression rather than progress. He insisted that Mexico should retain her national identity and develop her own national institutions and that she did not wish to be a protectorate of Spain, France, England or the United States. He constantly asserted that Mexico must stand on her own feet. For the conservatives' attempts to set up a government based on a so-called Latin race, Zarco had only contempt. He reminded his readers that Spain was the one place on earth which had the least pure Latin race, culturally or ethnically, because of the conquests of the peninsula by many different cultural and ethnic groups. He pointed out the heterogeneous quality of the races in the Iberian ^Raymond Curtis Wheat, "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma," unpub. diss. (Univ. of Texas, 1956), p. 191. 164 peninsula and throughout the so-called Latin countries, most especially in those countries lying south of the United States. He believed that the concept of purity of race was not worthy of consideration.^^ Ridiculing such a scheme by the conservatives, Zarco said that the majority of Mexicans were mestizo and Indian. Contrary to Zuloaga, Juarez did not represent only the Indians as the former represented only the Criollos; he represented the majority i of the Mexican people; moreover, he stood for legality, progress and reform. Zarco reminded his Catholic brethren 1 £ that discrimination is neither Catholic nor Christian. French Intervention and Maximillian Episode Zarco asserted that the defeat of the French at Puebla on May 5, 1863, adequately showed that Mexico was opposed to the intervention, because it was the army of the Repub lic under General Zaragoza that had fought with such glory ■^The conservatives' suggesting such a scheme lay in Zuloaga's trying to be recognized as legitimate president by tracing his ancestry back to Remus and Romulus. "^Francisco Zarco, "Analisis del manifiesto de Zulo aga," El Siglo Diecinueve, September 13, 1862. 165 and distinction that day in May. It was an army supported by Juarez and which, in turn, supported Juarez. After the foreign invaders established themselves in Mexico, most of the military leaders and politicians of Mexico supported the Juarez government. Most were ready to sacrifice their fortunes and their lives before they would be willing to surrender to ignominious subjection to the foreign invader. The voice of the press throughout the world which was raised in protest over the French invasion, Zarco insisted, was not a Juarista press. He registered contempt for the conservative press which could not recognize the worth of a man who was respected and obeyed by a people; a man who acquired respect and obedience without violence, without coercion of any kind. He stated contemptuously that, according to the logic of the interventionists* press, all of the newspapers of Madrid, London, Paris and Turin which condemn the French intervention were Juarista papers and General Prim, Sir Charles Wyke, Senator McDouglas, Secre tary of State Seward, the Deputies Faure and Picard, the orators Olozaga and Rivero, Senator Avezzani and General Garibaldi were all Juaristas--all of whose voices were 166 raised in Europe and America against the invaders and in support of the Juarez government, applauding the triumphs of the Mexicans and deploring Mexico's defeats. Zarco believed that the cause of a single man could not find such universal support. The Mexican people would not defend the cause of a single individual. It was evi dent that Mexicans were fighting for their own sovereignty. Such a grotesque farce of a foreign prince's trying to occupy a Mexican throne, whom the Mexicans did not even know by name, could not fool a blind person or a child. The ironic thing that Zarco saw was that Maximillian wished to see freedom of religion and supremacy of civil power over the ecclesiastic power, the sanctioning of the acquisition of church property, all of which were provi sions of the constitution and Laws of Reform, so that in fact the invaders declared themselves in favor of the principles of the political party which they had come to make war against. Zarco believed that France was traveling a road which had no plan and that her words could not inspire the slightest confidence. ^ ■^Castaneda Batres, p. 388. 167 The practicality of Zarco is shown in the large number of items, both political and social, which he felt were areas in which progress was needed. He insisted that the administration should remove immediately, and with a firm hand, obstacles which stood in the way of what Zarco con sidered progress. He advocated radical changes in all of the social machinery and supported and encouraged the use of public funds for the building and improvement of roads and other means of communication without which, he be lieved, there could be no agriculture, no real commerce. At all cost, foreign immigration should be encouraged. Consequently, laws with respect to unsettled lands should be passed so that they could be disposed of fairly. Agri culture and mining enterprises should be encouraged and protected. Agriculture and mining, in Zarco's opinion, were the prime sources of Mexican public wealth. But to exploit these, he believed that the government should set up a system of public education, primary and secondary, free from the shackles of clericalism and the vices of the colonial system that were still felt in certain places. He also advocated the establishment of political and administrative schools where young men could dedicate them selves to the studies necessary for a public career. He believed that such schools would help prospective leaders to understand the meaning of the liberal system and the institutions under which Mexicans lived. He advocated the alleviation of conditions of poverty and vice by providing work for the needy, and even by direct relief when neces sary. The balancing of the budget by long range planning was, he felt, the only method that would work. He insisted on the correcting of the abuses of the administration of justice because, otherwise, all that was said of liberty, order, and individual guarantees, and even of political rights, was an illusion. He proposed the beginning of the organization of a navy that, on a small scale, would serve to guard Mexico's coast line and would stop, he hoped, smuggling. He proposed the reorganization of an efficient and modern army for the defense of Mexico's frontiers, that the national guard be organized in a proper manner, and that all officials and employees should be made responsible so that morality would be the foundation of Mexican poli- 18 tics. These, we should remember, were the suggestions 18 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, June 10, 1850. 169 of a liberal who at the time was twenty-one years old. Here we see the expression of Zarco's ideas in a real and concrete way as to how Mexican society might be im proved. It is noteworthy that the basis for all of his suggestions was one of morality and equality, that all Mexicans and all men everywhere had the same rights for the pursuit of happiness. After the fall of the conservatives and the triumph of the liberal government in 1861, Zarco vigorously opposed general clemency for all rebels to the constitutional form of government. He believed strongly that the common criminal was more to be pardoned than was the traitor. He said that Christ, whom he considered the model for clemency, mercy and kindness, pardoned prostitutes, highwaymen and murderers, but He did not pardon Judas Iscariot, the traitor. Similarly, traitors of the Mexican constitution 19 were, in Zarco's opinion, traitors to Mexico. Zarco realized that pacification alone was not suf ficient to remove the threat of uprising in Mexico; the causes for uprising should also be eliminated. Experience 19 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, December 13, 1867. 170 teaches, Zarco maintained, that military triumphs are always futile, if they do not go beyond mere military victory. Problems are not thus solved; their solution is postponed. ' The Army That the army was a powerful political force and a source of favoritism was demonstrated in the political promotion of its officers. The system of promotion based on favoritism weakened and demoralized the army and pre vented it from doing its job in the opinion of Zarco. This inefficiency, he believed, was made abundantly evident in the disastrous war with the United States. Zarco insisted that a table of organization which would most benefit the military should be adhered to in all ranks, and suggested that the system of promotion should be based on vacancies in the ranks, the merit of the individual, and never on favoritism.^ Likewise, the army should be democratic to the extent that the poorer classes should not be forced into the Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, January 12, 1852. 171 military while the sons of the wealthy were permitted to escape military duty. He believed that the army should not be a subsidiary of the penal system, but rather that mili- 21 tary service should be an honor rather than a punishment. He believed that the army should be stationed in fron tier areas rather than in large garrisons in the larger cities where they could be used by politicians to gain their objectives through physical force rather than the ballot. He insisted that the army should be controlled by the government rather than the government’s being con trolled by the army. To serve as a balance against the army’s mixing in politics and imposing its will on the nation, Zarco and the liberal party proposed the creation of a national guard which would owe its allegiance to the individual states and to the federal government rather than to a military chief. Thus, one of the strongest forces for political stability and preservation of liberal institutions would be the establishment of a strong citizen army composed of all 21 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, January 12, 1852. 172 22 classes in all centers of population. Another argument in Zarco’s proposal for a national guard was that such an organization would be less of a drain on Mexico's already precarious financial condition which was unable to support a large standing army. A national guard would afford a higher degree of protection at lower cost, and, in addition, the nation and individual citizens would further benefit from the training received OQ while serving. Zarco did not view the army in the same light that the conservatives did. He reported Juan Donoso Cortes as say ing there is a close similarity in the selfless service of the priest and the military: ... la semejanza entre el sacerdote y el soldado: ni el uno ni el otro viven para si: ni el uno ni el otro viven para su familiar para el uno y para el otro, en el sacrificio, en la abnegacion, esta la gloria. 24- El encargo del soldado es velar por la independencia de la sociedad civil. El encargo del sacerdote es velar por la independencia de la sociedad religiosa. El deber 22 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, January 12, 1852. 23 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, January 12, 1852. 24 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Ejercito," El Siglo Diecinueve, May 5, 1853. 173 del sacerdote es morir, dar la vida como buen pastor por sus ovejas. El deber del soldado como buen hermano, es dar la vida por sus hermanos.2^ Examination of historic evidence revealed a far dif ferent behavioral pattern in Zarco’s opinion: ^Quien no ha visto ... cometerse dia por dia todo genero de aberraciones y de abusos para convertir la milicia ... en objeto de temor y disgusto para la socie dad?26 Indians The plight of the Indians in Mexico concerned Zarco very much. This concern elicited from his pen a series of editorials which suggested that it was the nation's duty to improve the living and general social conditions of the Indians. Zarco blamed the Spanish colonial system for the miserable lot of the indigenous Mexicans. An independent Mexico should make amends to the Indians who were the domi nant ethnic element in Mexico. After all, he said, the system of education established by the Spaniards turned 2 7 the Indians into Mweak and ignorant vessels." This ig norance proved to be the most efficient means to perpetuate ry £- ry /* Zarco, "Ejercito." Zarco, "Ejercito." 27 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve. February 23, 1848; Wheat, p. 143. 174 Spanish domination over the people of Anahuac and to main tain the concept of the Indians as a conquered people who should respect, if not love, the hands that fastened their u • 2 8 chains. Mexico had the moral duty to educate the Indians, in Zarco*s opinion, and to teach them the self respect which was needed by all Mexicans. Hence, the clergy, public officials and school teachers should work for the well being of the Indians to alleviate the conditions of igno rance, poor health and neglect into which the aborigines had fallen. Zarco outlined his program as beginning with a detailed report from governors of states and from church officials, including parish priests, on existing condi tions among the Indians together with their recommendations for improvement. Furthermore, he advocated an Indian com mission to be appointed by the federal government whose purpose would be to study the lot of the Indians and to recomnend appropriate action.^ 9 8 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, February 23, 1848; Wheat, pp. 143-144. Castaneda Batres points out that upon the arrival of the French, they completely excluded a third of the population of Mexico, the Indians, from having any voice in the government, p. 388. ^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, June 25, 1849, and June 20, 1851. 175 In El Siglo Diecinueve, January 12, 1852, Zarco asked wKen a new day of liberty and Christianity would dawn for the miserable Indian race. Demonstrating his romantic poetic qualities, he said, lamenting their plight: Pero duermes, Texcoco, duermes el Sueho del no ser. Que triste tu lago, beso las ruinas de tus ruinas. Moriste tal vez para siempre, y en tu caida, imperio de Netzahualcoyotl, en tu caida que aterra el espiritu, es necesario buscar el omnipotente dedo de Dios, ante cuya grandeza son iguales los hormigueros y los grandes imperios. The clergy and public officials, suggested Zarco, in contradiction to their past behavior should all strive for 30 the betterment of the Indians. This was a suggestion that was quite contrary to the situation as it had existed during the colonial regime in Zarco*s opinion. He believed that education of the Indians was the only way of ending the troubles with the aborigines in those parts of northern 30 Zarco demonstrated his ideas on equality of races when a colony of American Negroes from Louisiana estab lished themselves in the state of Vera Cruz. These Negroes seemed to be an industrious people who dedicated themselves to hard work and commendable behavior. There were those in Mexico who had expressed alarm at this incursion of Negroes feeling that they would be a degenerating influence on Mexican society. Zarco did not view the Negro colony with the same attitude. He believed that freedom was ex tended to all people regardless of race or color or reli gious or political belief. Wheat, p. 233. 176 Mexico where Indian depredations were a regular occur rence.^ He declared that idle land should be distributed and that the indigenous population should not suffer the burden of oppression. A minimum wage should be established and laborers should organize into associations as a means of protecting themselves. The Penal System The penal system came in for considerable attention from Zarco, who held very advanced concepts of its r8le. Many of his ideas are just now gaining acceptance in the United States one hundred years later. He believed that idleness in the prisons was a great evil and that there should be real effort made to give the prisoners employ ment. The inmates should be allowed to produce certain things, which he did not name, and they should be allowed to sell the products of their labor, thus improving their morale, especially those who had families which were in need. He believed that there should be a segregation between the young, new, and old offenders, so that the hardened criminals would not corrupt those younger members ^^Wheat, p. 144. 177 of society who had conmitted anti-social acts. He further believed that there was no place for a saloon within prison walls and that the selling of liquor to inmates at exorbi tant prices was inexcusable. After selling the inmates the liquor, the prison officials joined the prisoners in O O helping them drink it. Prisons should not be an instru ment of vengeance, rather the inmates should be helped to be rehabilitated to society rather than learning to hate society. True to his support of education, Zarco believed that schools with formal instruction should be established in prisons and attendance at these schools should be obligatory. The accused criminal should be brought speedily to trial, and physical torture, beatings and branding should be abolished, according to Zarco. But the basis for im provements and reforms must be a reformed penal code. Consequently, a complete re-evaluation of Mexico's cumber some legal system was necessary because it had not been revised or recodified since colonial days. Independence had merely brought additions, but no clarification and abolition of conflicts and errors in the laws. Zarco's ■^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, May 24, 1851. 178 estimate of Mexico’s legal system is found in these words: In the absurd system of legislation that we have, the malice of an attorney, or the bad face of a clerk, are enough to obscure the most obvious truth, to complicate the most simple business, to slow down the most rapid progress of a case. And the amazing thing is that the greater part of the abuses that are committed in our courts have a certain air of legality, because it is not at all strange to find laws that decide the same matter in opposite ways; and furthermore, we have laws that may serve equally well for the prosecution or the de fense of a judicial matter. In this obscure labyrinth, in this monstrous maze of laws that has been called Mexican legislation, the line of thought is lost, reason wanders, if one attempts to find a legal solution that has no contradiction in the same laws, for a case that reason and equality decided at first sight.^3 Freedom of the Press Zarco believed that the liberal party should lead the way in promoting freedom of the press, that the press should build and create, that it should save the social order, and that it should aid in the establishing of the o / rule of democracy. Zarco had a degree of pride in being one of the few journalists sent by the people to the constitutional assembly. He frequently spoke of his many years of 33 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, April 19, 1849, January 8, 1852; Wheat, p. 114. 34Wheat, p. 124. 179 experience in journalistic work and considered that this experience gave him a knowledge of obstacles that might escape penetration by those who were more astute and 3 5 capable than he. He often expressed his desire to defend the freedom of the press as the most precious of all the guarantees of the citizens without which, it was Zarco's opinion, all other freedoms were meaningless. Zarco, an extreme individual ist, affirmed his belief in the right of the individual to the full and unrestricted expression of ideas. He opposed O £ all efforts to censor with utmost vigor. It was Zarco’s belief that censorship in all reading material was undemocratic and should be eliminated. He decried ecclesiastical censorship and would deny the Church 35 Castaneda Batres, pp. 123-124. 3 6 There were, nevertheless, certain circumstances under which Zarco would restrict freedom to publish: ”... pues convengo en que el bien de la sociedad exige ciertas restricciones para la libertad de la prensa. Si estamos mirando que las predicaciones de un clero fanatico excitan al pueblo a la rebelion, al desorden y a todo genero de crimenes, y que la profanacion del pulpito con todas sus funestas consecuencias no es mas que el abuso de la palabra, ^como hemos de negar que un periodista puede causar los mismos males y conducir al pueblo a la asonada, al incendio y al asesinato? La ley que consintiera este escandalo seria una ley indolente y malefica." Castaneda Batres, pp. 124-125. 180 the right to confiscate reading material. He maintained that, from a philosophical standpoint, only the state should have the right to confiscate. Although Zarco vigorously defended freedom of the press, he also sharply criticized and deplored the irre sponsibility of certain editors who completely disregarded propriety in journalism after the abolition of the Lev Lares. He was always fair in conceding to others those 37 rights which he expected for himself. The Lev Lafragua (1846) was believed by Zarco to have been the best law governing the press that Mexico had ever had. According to Wheat: It allowed great liberty of discussion granting writers almost complete freedom. It prohibited attacks on the Catholic religion, the Republican form of govern ment, false notices that might disturb the peace, in citement to disobedience of the laws and attacks on any person's private life. The final requirement being that each article be signed.3° The new Ley Lafragua (December 1855) was virtually the same as the law of 1846 governing the press, with the dif ference that responsibility for an article was placed upon the writer himself. Lafragua, in presenting his law to 37 Castaneda Batres, pp. 130-131. ^Wheat, p. 90. 181 the president, Ignacio Comonfort, indicated his belief that all men should be free but not abusive; that Mexicans should write what they wished to write and be responsible for what appeared over their names. The press might dis cuss all political questions and examine any of the acts of government and reprove it if it felt this to be neces sary, but the freedom that journalists of one faction demanded for themselves must be conceded to those journal ists of other persuasions. This law was fully supported by Zarco, who said of it: "En la Ley Lafragua no hay, pues, OQ nada de represalia, nada de venganza." v This is in com plete contrast to the Ley Lares under which Zarco suffered so much. Contrasting the two, Zarco said: Comparese la Ley Lafragua con la Ley Lares, y se vera la diferencia. Ahora hay juicio, hay defensa y nadie esta expuesto a tropelias. Bajo la administracion con- servadora, la imprenta era negocio de policia y la pena venia sin juicio, sin audiencia, sin defensa. Un Lagarde, un esbirro, entraba a mi redaccion y me decia: "Pague usted doscientos pesos de multa." Preguntaba uno por que, cual era el artxculo denunciado, y se le con- testaba: "No tiene usted derecho a preguntar. Si no paga dentro de dos horas se suspende el periodico y marcha usted a Perote." Este era todo el procedi- miento. 39 ~ Castaneda Batres, p. 128. ^Castaneda Batres, p. 128. 182 It was Zarco*s belief, then, that freedom of the press imposed an obligation on editors and journalists. He averred that it was the duty of the journalist to call attention to abuses and evil in government and society, that he should propose improvements for society and the nation as a whole, and that he should do so in complete openness. Again contrasting the liberal journalists with the conservatives, he said: En la prensa liberal, por el contrario, me es honroso el decirlo, nuestras redacciones han estado siempre abiertas a todo el mundo, a los jueces y a los esbirros, a los amigos y a los perseguidores y a cuantos han querido explicaciones personales. Cuando gran parte de la prensa de esta capital protesto contra la candidatura del senor Arista, se convino en que todos dieran sus nombres: conservadores y santanistas se escondieron y solo aceptaron la responsabilidad dos periodistas liberales que hoy tienen la honra de pertenecer a esta Asamblea, el senor Lazo Estrada y yo. Esta diferencia no consiste ni en la desgracia ni en la fortuna.^ In Zarco*s opinion only two situations should call for press censorship: En nuestro concepto, solo dos clases de delitos deben castigarse en la imprenta: los escritos calumniosos que se refieran a particulares, autoridad o corporaciones y los obscenos y licenciosos 41 Castaneda Batres, p. 129. 42 Castaneda Batres, p. 137. 183 Catholic dogma among other things should not be attacked: Estos abusos son los ataques al dogma catolico, a la forma de gobiemo republicano, la excitacion a la rebelion y a desobedecer a las autoridades, los escri- tos obscenos y los que censuren la vida privada. ^ To fight for freedom of the press brought Zarco few rewards and much difficulty, of which he said: Pero que, ^hay acaso dfas de prosperidad para el escritor liberal? No, senores, no hay mas que amarguras y sufri- mientos, no hay mas que injusticias y desenganos. ... El hombre que consagra su vida entera, su inteligencia toda a ser el eco o el interprete de un partido, a diri- gir la opinion, el que pudiera extraviarla en un momento de despecho, este hombre, senores, que se convierte en el verbo de un pueblo entero, no encuentra en su camino mas que calumnias e injusticias. ... Education The two great moving forces of society are material improvement and education, the latter being essential to the former. When both reach a high degree of attainment, the people rise to the height of their growth. When neither material improvement nor education are evident, the people sink to the border of barbarity. In Zarco*s ^Castaneda Batres, pp. 140-141. /t/i - Castaneda Batres, pp. 129-130. 184 opinion, Mexico had passed through the latter situation. It was only now beginning to improve materially and edu cationally. He believed that when each village had a church, a school and a library surrounded by fields, shops and markets, Mexico would be a nation of happy people.^ In Zarco's opinion, the lack of progress in Mexico during three hundred years of Spanish rule was attributable to the colonial system of not providing adequate opportuni ties for the masses to learn to read or to obtain reading material. Hence, he believed that there should be reading centers with adequate funds for purchase of books and periodicals of all kinds. Zarco maintained that the masses should attain intellectual independence which was a thing avoided during the colonial period. The belief that it was not yet time for Mexico to make progress was, in Zarco*s opinion, as detrimental to Mexico and her future as the apathy of defeat at the hands of the United States. Now was the time for change in Mexico. The people must be educated to ideals of democracy and freedom. To accomplish this goal, schools should be established ^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, January 13, 1852. 185 without delay so that the people should be educated to their obligations to their country. Education must go far beyond the learning of the cate chism, if Mexico's colonial political and social institu tions were also to be changed. He pointed out areas in which he believed reform was urgently needed: the army, the tax system, tariffs, administration of justice, national government, municipal government, the national guard, ter ritorial division, education and the electoral system. Education was the one means by which these social, eco nomic, and political changes could be made. He aspired for a great educational system which would afford all peoples of Mexico an opportunity for intellectual develop ment. Education for all the people and the opportunity for each to pursue happiness were the foundations of the Reform Movement. Said Zarco: "Ignorance and misery serve as a vehicle for inequality. They are like a cancer to all nations. Education and subsistence are the poles of the 46 grandiose edifice of the Reform." 46 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, March 9, 1850; Wheat, p. 132. 186 Recognizing fully the close relationship between edu cation, social and material progress, and political insti tutions, Zarco said further: For us there is a very close relation between material progress and political institutions. The latter aid the former and the former depend on the latter in an intimate and inseparable manner. Whatever material prosperity is enjoyed, impediments and restrictions will disappear and wherever there is political and civil liberty, all the citizens will be able to attend to their own interests and to useful works for the state. ^ Zarco said, concerning the relationship of education to good government, that: Education is the foundation of the happiness of nations, of families and of individuals. Education makes good parents, good children, good citizens. In vain a nation aspires to be great if it has not previously been able to educate its people. Without it how can a nation follow a path of progress that it does not know, that it cannot understand. To improve the condition of the people it is necessary to improve their morality and to improve their morality, it is necessary to begin by edu cating them. Public education then is a necessity for the welfare of society and the public officials who have the precise obligations of securing the happiness of their people should give constant and efficient support to public education.^ Modem ideas of education were evident in Zarco's thinking. He contended that a student should not be forced 47 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, October 28, 1855; Wheat, p. 131. 48 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, April 28, 1851; Wheat, p. 132. 187 to learn, but rather that he should be attracted toward virtue. However, Zarco did advocate use of stronger measures when necessary to teach the subjects which he con sidered important: "reading, writing, and the first four rules of arithmetic, Christian doctrine, courtesy and a 49 primary course in civil rights." The following is the educational psychology of Zarco while he was a twenty-one year old journalist: Much dispute has arisen over the relative merits of two systems of education. The one that has for a basis persuasion and stimulus and the one that is based on sternness, severity and reprimand. We condemn equally the exclusive use of one or the other system and under stand the only good one to be the method that combines the two in just proportion. Is it a question in leading a child away from evil when unfortunately he has already entered its path? In such cases we approve of the use of punishment, but we believe that at the same time it is well to appeal to the child's reason to make him weigh the advantage of good behavior and the disadvan tage of vice. This is leading him away from the path of evil with one hand while showing him the path of good with the other. Zarco felt that special effort should be made to edu cate children of poorer families: 49 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, December 20, 1855; Wheat, p. 135. “ ^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, March 25, 1850; Wheat, pp. 134-135. 188 Let us establish in favor of the poor who put their children in schools, exemptions from forced military duty . . . from payments of some of the contributions to the local militia, . . . and, if it is possible, let there be set aside an award for them; some small annual pecuniary prices or some honorific distinctions and very soon repugnance will turn to enthusiasm that will result in a considerable number of poor children in the schools. - 51 Schools should serve the needs of each student, according to his abilities. Zarco insisted on equal oppor tunity for all, but he recognized inequality of aptitude and differences in academic desires: Let us observe right now that not all individuals of the human race receive from their Creator the same talents, equal levels of intelligence and the same natural aptitudes for the study of the sciences, but any person is capable unless corrupted by vice of ac quiring a sense of right and wrong, a love of truth, and appreciation of his opportunities and a desire for recognition by his equals. Zarco not only believed that education should not be limited to any economic or social class, he believed that education should not be limited to the male gender, and that the education of the women of Mexico should be a 51 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, March 25, 1850; Wheat, pp. 134-135. 52 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, October 5, 1850; Wheat, p. 137. 189 53 concern of all educators. He believed that women should be educated for the very good reason that women educate men in their infancy and childhood. It is women who give their children their first ideas of good and bad, and justice and injustice. It is the mother who directs the first inclination of her sons, and it is she who gives them their basic ideas and attitudes which they retain throughout life. In all of these matters, Zarco is speaking from his own life experience and the influence which his mother had on him. Primary schools should be established in every vil lage, and secondary schools and higher institutions should be established so that they would be accessible to all. The day that Mexico has a primary school in every village however small it may be and college or secondary school in each city will be the surest sign that it is entering on the path of the high called in the family of nations.^ 53 Ignorance among women is a frequent object of Zarco's satire. He himself uses every means to educate in his satire. When simply expounding his ideas does not produce the desired results, he reverts to gentle satire; when that is not effective, he becomes more biting and direct in his satire. ^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve. August 21, 1850; Wheat, p. 140. destiny to which it is 190 From a very early age, Zarco was interested in all aspects of Mexican politics, society, and economics, as 5 5 exemplified in "Los artisanos. In this article he pointed out the need for artisans in Mexican society. During the colonial period, the independence period, and those years in which Mexico was in constant turmoil, the artisans occupied an unimportant place in Mexican society. He attributed the low status of artisans in Mexico to the desire of the conservatives to keep the masses ignorant and the economy unstable. Under the colonial system and the conservative govern ments, artisans were considered to be worthy of scorn because they worked with their hands. It was unfortu nate, Zarco said, that such an attitude still existed in his time. But artisans should not become disheartened; they should continue in their noble intent in spite of dis tractions and those who deny the spirit of independence and accuse them of socialism because, to the conservatives, "^Francisco Zarco, El Democrata, June 17, 1850; Castaneda Batres, p. 309. 56 The disdain of the wealthy toward physical labor is satirized by Zarco in "Pobres ricos," La Ilustracion Mexi- cana (Mexico, 1854), V, 145-150. 191 all forms of self improvement and industry are socialistic or communistic, and everything that leads to the enlighten ment of the people is impious as is everything that leads to liberty in Mexico. They would rather be dominated, Zarco said contemptuously, by what they call immortal tra ditions of their grandparents. It was Zarco*s belief that the government should con cern itself with this problem and recognize the necessity of the artisan’s occupying positions of importance in Mexico's economics and government. The government should recognize their worth as public and national assets. A changed attitude of the government could best be demon strated by giving artisans an opportunity for a better education and the opportunity to educate their children. Religion and the Clergy The problem of defending religion while attacking the clergy was not easy for the liberals to solve, and the liberals' problem was the conservatives* opportunity. Liberal attacks on the clergy or the Church made few con verts to the liberal cause. Wheat describes the liberals' problem from the beginning of the Reform Movement in these terms: 192 Regardless of their political convictions, apparent attacks on the Catholic Church dating from the time of Gomez Farias and his attempts at reform in 1833 had shaken the faith in the reform of many deeply religious Mexican liberals.^ Nevertheless, freedom of religion was advocated by Zarco, though he did recognize that the Roman Catholic religion had been the religion of the majority of the people of Mexico. Therefore, he argued, the government should by just and prudent means protect it in a manner that would not prejudice the interests of the people or the c O rights of the national sovereignty. This would appear to be a contradiction on Zarco's part. But, as Wheat says: The proposal to allow complete freedom of religious expression and thought in Mexico was in itself highly revolutionary, more than three centuries of close unity between the church and the state had left a strong reli gious fervor among the Catholics of the country. Notwithstanding his attacks on the clergy, Zarco was a deeply religious person. An example of his basically religious nature is seen on the occasion of Holy Week when he made a departure from his usual political and social theme to present veritable sermons on the life of Jesus, ■^Wheat, p. 192. "^Wheat, p. 192. 58Wheat, p. 192. 193 60 dealing especially with His love for all men. Wheat says of these editorials: The faith and sincerity expressed in this writing were outward manifestation of his deep religious sentiment. In later years he was to be called an atheist by the reactionaries but he was far from being a disbeliever. In a satirical article appearing in La Ilustracion Mexicana, we see further evidence of Zarco's religious nature. His is a religion that is based on the constancy of God and the use of reason in place of superstition: Dios ecsiste y ha ecsistido siempre; sus atributos no han sufrido cambio, y pasaron siglos antes de que hubiera teologia. Desde Adan los hombres supieron pensar, ... la ciencia al nacer tiene ya una h i s t o r i a . ^ 2 Love rather than hate is the motivating force behind Zarco's desire for reform. Love is the law that formed the f l O universe, Zarco insists in "La caridad." Love should be the precept by which men relate themselves to each other. 60 Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, March 24, 25, 1853. ^Hjheat, p. 35. 62 Francisco Zarco, "Ciencias--Tramitologfa," La Ilus tracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 190. 63 Francisco Zarco, La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 97. 194 Love, to Zarco, is the essential attribute of God: "Amaos los unos a los otros"; es el dulce precepto del Meslas, es la leccion de sus diclpulos que inspiraba el espfritu Santo* ’ ’Amaos los unos a los otros,” es la ley de Dios, ...^ El amor es el designio con que Dios fecundo la nada, y lleno el vacxo de millares de universes. El amor fue el soplo vivlfico que coloco al hombre en el mundo. El amor fue el designio bienhechor que le hizo el rico presente de la m u g e r . 6 5 When Zarco speaks of ’ ’love," he makes it clear that he does not speak of carnal, but rather spiritual, love: No hablo, no, de amores impuros, ... Vosotros que no sabeis los germenes de ternura que encierra vuestro corazon, y que negais que haya afectos espirituales, ^no sabeis que clase de veneracion inspiran el amor y los cuidados de un padre; no sentis palpitar el pecho al solo nombre de hermano, no guardais ni una memoria de las horas de la infancia; no amasteis jamas a los ninos companeros de vuestros juegos ino- centes; no suspirais a veces con tristeza al evocar las imagenes de lo pasado, y no os parece que os circundan aquellos rostros angelicos y lindos?66 Certainly these are not the words of an atheist or an in fidel. This article, written when Zarco was twenty, could only have been written by a person imbued with a sincere Christian spirit. That Zarco was anything but anti- 64 Zarco, "La caridad," p. 97. ^Francisco Zarco, "Misterios del corazon," La Hus - tracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 347-348. ^Zarco, "Misterios del corazon," p. 348. 195 religious should be evident. Except for the deism implicit in the following quota tion, the words of Benjamin Franklin which Zarco published in La Ilustracion Mexicana express Zarco's ideas on reli gion succinctly: i 0 Criador! ;0 Padre! Yo creo que tu eres bueno y que te complaces con el placer de tus hijos. --jBendito sea tu nombre para siempre! Con tu poder formaste ese hermosisimo sol con su sequito de mundos: de la energia de tu poderosa voluntad recibieron ellos el primer impulso para su prodigioso movimiento, y tu sabiduria les ha prescrito las mara- villosas leyes con que giran. Alabado sea tu nombre para siempre. Tu aborreces en tus criaturas la traicion y el engano, la malicia, la venganza, la intemperancia y todo perni- cioso vicio; pero amas la justicia, la sinceridad, la amistad, la benevolencia y todas las virtudes: Tu eres mi amigo, mi padre y mi bienhechor. Enzalzado sea tu santo nombre para siempre.^7 Zarco ascribed his basically religious attitude to his early home environment. In his biography of Saint-Pierre, the French romanticist, he described his own early reli gious bent and the beginnings of a basically religious attitude which was evident throughout his life. Speaking of his childhood, he said: Entonces tambien nacio en mx el gusto por la contempla- cion de la naturaleza, y cuando yo estaba mas absorto, Francisco Zarco, "Alabanzas al Senor, por Franklin." La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 41. 196 la voz de mi madre me hablaba de Dios, porque ella cono- cia que entonces mi alma podia elevarse hasta el.°^ Throughout his life, Zarco condemned the irreligious man, the person who lives without principles, the man who is a 69 chameleon--a rogue among rogues and a saint among saints. Zarco was concerned with the rational appeal of Chris tianity rather than the emotional appeal which is exempli fied in the trappings and ceremonies of the Church. He was quick to point out the great discrepancy between true religion and show, form, superstition and fanaticism which he believed to be evident all about him. It was on these counts that he most often attacked the clergy. He attempted to tell his readers what he believed their reli gious duty to be, to convince them of their duty and to show them means by which they might fulfill those duties. Zarco*s attempt to show man his Christian duties, to con vince him of them, and to show him ways to achieve those goals as they were outlined in the sermon on the mount is basically Christian. 68 Francisco Zarco, "Bernardino de Saint-Pierre," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 507. 6Q ✓ ^Francisco Zarco, "El hombre-eco," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 131. 197 The Bible was not merely another historical document in Zarco's opinion. His religious scruples were founded on it. He believed in the system of heavenly records and punishment it describes. He did not pin his hopes only upon the rewards and punishment of this world; he believed in the rewards and punishment of an afterworld. He did not, however, believe in the abstractness of human values or in the speculative element in Christianity. It is evident that Zarco accepted religious values and standards as being adequate means of improving human be havior and morality. ZarcoTs ideas on religion are well exemplified in his comparing man's relationship with God to the rainbow which is the "... prenda de alianza entre Dios y la misera humanidad." The rainbow is a symbol of hope: En medio del mas triste aislamiento moral, un pensa- miento de amor purfsimo y espiritual reanima las ilu- siones marchitas, y devuelve en toda su plenitud la vida del alma que se estingufa. Sin un rayo de sol, no se pinta el iris en el cielo. Sin fe, no tienen alivio los dolores de la humanidad. 70 Francisco Zarco, "El arco-iris," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 369. ■^Zarco, "El arco-iris," p. 370. 198 Salvation could not be achieved through mechanistic means. Relics, beads, pictures, crosses, crucifixes or rosaries were, in Zarco*s opinion, not the way to demonstrate one’s Christian faith. Hence, the conservatives represented what true religion was not. In describing the national palace during the Arista regime, Zarco condemned the lack of religious worship reflected in the little used oratory. As he conducts his readers through the national palace, and they come to the windows of the oratory, he invites his reader to look through the shutters which are never opened and wherein no one ever prays. The walls of the chapel, said Zarco, are decorated with pictures of Napoleon’s campaigns; over stuffed furniture occupies the space which does not serve a religious purpose. The only kneeling in the chapel is done by the secretaries of one thing or another who follow 72 one another in frequent succession. He was opposed to the civil exaction of tithes in return for which the Holy See granted the government the right of patronage in the appointment of bishops. Zarco 72 Francisco Zarco, "El palacio nacional," La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 105-109. 199 felt that the Church should have full control over eccle- siastical matters and that the government should not inter- fere in Church affairs, but should exercise complete separation of Church and State. The free passage of papal bulls, Zarco maintained, amounted to the organization of an independent state within a state. He affirmed the authority of the State over the 70 Church in the courts. J Zarco believed that Mexico must write a constitution which would provide for these changes and preserve peace and liberty. Though he did not combat the Church as a religious institution, he vigorously opposed the readmission of the Jesuits to Mexico on the grounds that they were disturbers of the public order. In Zarco’s mind, the Jesuits were not interested in being good citizens, but rather in protecting their own selfish interests. Zarco believed that education from elementary school through the university should be under the control of the State rather than the Church. He did not feel that the Jesuits taught in their institutions the things that Mexi cans needed to know, such as political science, modern ^Wheat, p. 128. 200 languages and modern literature. He said in response to the attempts of the Jesuits to return to Mexico to estab lish schools: ’ ’Show us a Jesuit college in which are taught Hebrew, Greek, French, German and English and we shall surrender.” Then he adds: "The return of the Jesuits would be the worst sort of slavery. The implication in Zarco’s statement is that the Jesuits teach only those sub jects which perpetuate the traditional scholastic Latin system of values rather than the ideas of modern men of letters. Zarco reminded his readers that the Jesuits had been expelled from the most liberal and advanced countries of Europe. He castigated the conservatives for advocating the readmission of the Jesuits into Mexico for the sole purpose of obtaining support for their own cause. He argued that Mexico did not need the Jesuits as clerics because there were already more than enough to serve Mexico’s needs; they were not needed in Mexico's schools, because Mexican edu cation had made more progress without them. He reminded his readers that wherever the Jesuits went, they accumulated Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, October 15, 1849; Wheat, p. 125. 201 much wealth which was of no benefit to the needs of the people. The lack of Christian virtues among the clergy was evident to Zarco as he contrasted religion and the clergy by saying that: For between religion and clergy, there is an inmense distance; for between religion and the clergy I con template a profound abyss. There is ample reason to fear protection of the clergy because the latter has denaturalized the religion of the C r u c i f i e d .^5 He elaborated in greater detail the discrepancies which he saw as existing between the clergy and true Chris tian religion by stating that the clergy had accumulated treasures and had impoverished the country, had deceived the people, had put weapons in the hands of the people and had started fratricidal wars, had issued "treacherous" excommunications, had defended privilege and wealth, and had denied Catholic truth and had profaned the churches. The clergy, he felt, must not be protected by the govern ment. To protect the clergy was to protect fueros and privileges, "fanaticism and backwardness, ignorance and superstition" and "to continue enslaving the people and to 7 fs put an end to national sovereignty." ^Wheat, p. 201. ^^Wheat, p. 201. 202 Zarco maintained that true Christianity needs no pro tection by the State. He said: . . . I believe that Catholicism needs no protection, as I am sure that the truths of Christianity do not depend on the caprice of l e g i s l a t o r s .77 So far did Zarco*s insistence upon separation of Church and State extend that he insisted that the clergy should not participate in the proceedings of the Constitu ent Congress which was called for February 14, 1856, be cause this would constitute clerical interference in government affairs. He wrote in El Siglo Diecinueve, October 20, 1855: The clergy, if it would not lose its prestige, its influence and its respectability, needs to abandon the field of politics and consecrate itself exclusively to the service of religion. The exclusion of the clergy from public office will produce many good results. Nothing is more repugnant than a cleric changed into a judge whatever may be his political affiliations. The virtuous and Christian clergy should celebrate this reform which shields it from hatred, and the factional spirit of politics which should call to their minds the words of Christ "My kingdom is not of this w o r l d . " 7 8 Zarco v/orked most earnestly for clerical reform. He suggested that much clerical corruption resulted from human error in interpreting Church doctrine and substituting prejudice and ignorance for dogma and morality. These he ^Wheat, p. 201. 7 8 Wheat, p. 129- 203 attacked by saying: ... nos entretenemos en inventar que tal cosa es delito, que tal otra es heregia; y luego tenemos que desdecimos, que cantar la palanodia, que abjurar esas convicciones que teniamos sin motivo y sin otra razon mas que la de que otros las tenian. \Razon humana! ;Razon humana! A veces no me pareces tan grande, ni tan recta, ni tan sublime, ni tan bella como tu quieres persuadirte que eresI The clergy, Zarco said, reacted to criticism with "son unos herejes cuantos dicen que hay abusos en el clero." But, he adds, this they say at the moment they are ex changing with the military people the kind of jokes one would hear at an orgy. Zarco is quick to defend those whom he considers as having qualities of true religion. Naturally, those pos sessing these qualities are usually liberals. Of Gomez Farias1 being painted as an enemy, he reacted with: ... era cristiano de fe sincera y de profunda conviccion y empleo gran parte de su vida en estudiar y en comentar la Biblia, con la idea dominante de demostrar que no habfa antagonism© entre la ensenanza de Cristo y la libertad. ^Zarco, "El hombre-eco," pp. 131-132. 80 Castaneda Batres, pp. 420-421. 204 Music, Poetry and Women Few satirists reflect the variety of emotions and moods that Zarco reflected. He was capable of refined, gentle, and even sweet sentiments, qualities evidenced in his discussion of music, poetry and women, though he fre quently satirized the latter. Music, poetry and women are capable of arousing ’ ’delicious emotions” and a special language is needed to describe their effect on the human soul. For example, of music he said: Para hablar de la musica, de la vaga poesia de las pasiones y de los afectos, para espresar aunque sea debilmente las deliciosas emociones que produce en el alma el efecto misterioso que con ellas resienten las fibras todas del corazon, quisiera yo inventar un idioma lleno de melodia. Quisiera yo encontrar palabras que fueran sonoras, brillantes, armoniosas; quisiera que la palabra, ademas de hablar a la mente, hablara a los sentidos, que fuera suave como el soplo de la brisa, luminosa como la hora del alba, y que ecshalara tambien puro como el de la rosa y la Zarco says that he is unable to describe adequately 89 the beauty of music because language is inadequate, but Q-I Francisco Zarco, "La musica,” La Ilustracion Mexi cana (Mexico, 1852), III, 397. 89 It was Zarco's belief that the government should support a national conservatory of music. Such an insti tution would develop a nucleus for the cultivation and 205 he asks rhetorically: "^Por que no pueden prestamos su voz / 83 los arroyos y las cascadas, las brisas y los cefiros?" Zarco laments his inability to express the magic of music or the delight that the heart feels when the silver and vibrant notes from the throat of an inspired woman are heard. He reveals his basic optimism when he speaks of his ideas on beauty. It is a soul that is basically at peace with himself that can say: Dios dio una voz a cuanto ecsiste para espresar el sentimiento, porque era preciso que las criaturas pudieran espresar su gratitud, su amor, su felicidad y sus dolores. Nor could these words reflect the mind of a bitter soul: Hizo a los vientos mensageros de todas las quejas, de todas las plegarias, . . . . Hasta los seres inanimados tuvieron una voz, un acento para forraar el himno eterno, constante, inestinguible con que la naturaleza bendice a su Criador.85 Even when speaking of the voices of nature raised in harmony to praise the Creator, Zarco spoke of man's need development of fine arts in Mexico. He believed that this would contribute to the promotion of national culture, an aspect of national integrity of which Zarco frequently speaks. ^Zarco, "La musica," p. 397. ^Zarco, "La musica," p. 397. ^Zarco, "La musica," p. 397. 206 to be able to express himself freely: Es bello poder espresar, poder comunicar lo que pasa en la mente y en el corazon: ni el sentimiento, ni la inteligencia quieren vivir aislados; . . . ° Zarco believed that ordinary language was inadequate for expressing beautiful ideas. Thoughts which contemplate beauty need a language that is more alive, more animated. So poetry was born, the language of fire, the language of imagery. But even poetry was inadequate to express the expressionless emotions of love and faith and the hope for immortality. Music also results from a need of the heart. It is spontaneous as is the fragrance of the flowers--so is the melody of the birds. When sentiment fills the human breast, like a volcano, it is necessary that man be a poet or a musician. But of all beautiful music the most beauti ful is that of a woman’s voice: "Pero no hay musica mas deliciosa, mas dulce, mas poetica que la voz de la muger ...”87 iAh! No hay pasion que no se esprese en el canto de la muger, ... Miradla, se encienden sus megillas, brilla 8^Zarco, "La musica," p. 398. ^7Zarco, "La musica," p. 400. 207 su frente, irradian sus miradas, su pecho se agita, su labio esta t bellece. ... We have seen that Zarco could speak unsatirically of the physical beauty of women. As further evidence of this attitude, Zarco said in "El rubor": Es mas bello tambien el rostro de la muger cuando es tehido por el rubor, cuando esta envuelto en ese velo casi divino de inocencia y de candor, cuando sus megillas y su frente se pintan de rosa, y sus ojos se humedecen de e m o c i o n . ^ The sonnet quoted below further reveals that Zarco*s attitude toward women, that is, his ideal woman, was not all negative: A una niha De tu madre heredaste la hermosura, De su mejilla la purpurea rosa, Su nftida mirada luminosa, Que las almas inunda de temura. ;0jala seas como tu madre, pura, Sublime, delicada, generosa, Y heredes su virtud esplendorosa Y no pruebes jamas su desventura. Tu mision es de paz y de consuelo; Para alivio de su alma dolorida, Angel de amores, te formara el cielo. 88 / Zarco, "La musica," p. 400. QQ . f Francisco Zarco, "El rubor," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 526. •emulo, la mspiracion la anima, la em- 208 Suspirando te llama: "Hija guerida." Amala siempre con ferviente anhelo; ;0jala endulces con tu amor su vidal^O Zarco did not, however, see only beauty in women: Las hay que solo saben salir en coche; otras necesitan companfa, casi tienen miedo al mirar a la muchedumbre. Timidas, medio sonrojadas, cubriendose el rostro, moderando la fuerza y el alcance de la mirada, van y vuelven de la iglesia sin fijar la vista en nada, salu- dando con un ligero movimiento de cabeza, y temiendolo todo. Con mas gala y mas soltura van otras a visita o a comprar baratijas a una tienda. Hay una que otra llena de descaro, provocativa, que resiste la mirada mas indagadora sin rubor, y que fija sus ojos con avidez, con curiosidad en cuantos la ven. ... Otras infelices venden poco a poco su hermosura, ostentan sus gracias, convidan al placer, para despues ser despreciadas, envilecidas, y pedir limosna, y espirar en un hospital, sin que haya un hijo que les cierre los parpados. . . Zarco did not have the pathological horror of women that 92 Swift had whose women were "lazy, unwashed, flea-bitten." Nor did he use crude language when speaking of women. Zarco was not as harsh on men, nor did he satirize them to such length, because he did not believe that men ^Francisco Zarco, La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), V, 163. 91 ' Francisco Zarco, "Los transeuntes," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 164. 92 Gilbert Highet, The Anatomy of Satire (Princeton, 1962), p. 227. 209 influence women adversely as women influence men adversely. Men are much less purposeful in their dealings with women and are, therefore, more easily influenced by them: Un hombre sigue a una muger, pero despues de algunas calles se cansa y la abandona, y vuelve a seguir a la primera que le parece b o n i t a . 9 3 He found little in men that is beautiful. Pleasure A study of Zarco’s ideas would not be complete without examining what he has to say about pleasure. He has many doubts concerning the essence of pleasure. Whatever it is, there is some doubt as to its existence. Zarco, in intro ducing an article entitled ME1 placer,” quotes the words of Madame de Maintenon: "Le plaisir fuit a proportion qu’on 94 le recherche." He begins by asking rhetorically: "^Ecsiste, o no ecsiste el placer? ^Es dado al hombre encontrarlo en la tierra?"^ 93 Zarco, "Los transeuntes," pp. 164-165. 94 / Francisco Zarco, "El placer," La Ilustracion Mexi cana (Mexico, 1851), I, 201. 95 Zarco, "El placer," p. 201. 210 He suggests that pleasures which are permanent are spiritual rather than material. There are pleasures to be found in life, but they are not those which flee from the ones who pursue them. The soul does not find permanent satisfaction in physical joys because it needs something more elevated. ... ^solo hay en el hombre necesidades fisicas? No, mil veces no, porque hay una intima necesidad de sentir, y de sentir con fuerza emociones d u r a d e r a s . 9 6 He gives his formula for permanent pleasure in these words: "El hombre esta destinado a los goces morales, y a las 9 7 delicias de la inteligencia; ..." He lists some of those "moral joys": La tranquilidad de la conciencia y el ejercisio de la virtud, es un placer incomparable; el alivio de los desgraciados, y la bondad para con los que sufren, hacen que el hombre tenga alguna semejanza con su Criador; y la amistad y el amor, felicidad que al hombre es dado gozar en este mundo.98 Wishing to persuade his readers to accept his concept of pleasure, he admonishes them to seek those pleasures that are enduring and which can provide pleasure in the 96 Zarco, "El placer," p. 201. ^Zarco, "El placer," p. 201. ^Zarco, "El placer," p. 202. 211 mature years and in old age. In closing this short article in which he propounds his concepts of pleasure, so that his readers will consider his words, he states again those pleasures which he believed provide enduring pleasure: La virtud, el estudio de la naturaleza, el desarrollo de la inteligencia, los lazos de familia y el ser util a sus semejantes, he ggui el germen de verdaderos, de solidos placeres; ...99 Here are evident the ideas of an idealist who is fully aware, as many of his articles reveal, that man will go right on searching for pleasure, never finding truly, lasting pleasure. Consistency of His Ideas Zarco’s ideas are remarkable for their consistency. An example of this is found in the incident in which the ministry of the treasury exempted a shipment of Protestant Bibles from the payment of duty. Zarco criticized this action as the favoring of one religion over another. While he believed in freedom of opinion and freedom of expression, he did not believe that one religion should be ^Zarco, MEl placer," p. 202. 212 so favored.He insisted upon fair play for all. He maintained a spirit of impartiality, criticism or praise for institutions on the basis of their legality. The consistency of Zarco*s ideas is again demonstrated when he insisted that the liberal party should not impose restrictions on the right of people of all persuasions to assemble. We recall his insistence on absolute freedom of the press for all.^®^ In drafting the Constitution of 1857, Zarco was most interested in ideals rather than facts. He believed that a constitution should be a collection of ideals and not a statement of facts. When the Constitution became the law of the land, he averred that the government should maintain a strict invariable observance of the law and respect indi vidual rights and not dictate arbitrary measures either for the purpose of showing clemency or for energetic sup pression of revolts. When El Monitor, a conservative journal, attacked the motives and tactics of Zarco, he again asserted the ^ ^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, May 2, 1869. ^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve. January 19, 1861. 213 consistency of his ideas: Poco aficionados a polemicas personates, somos los primeros en reconocer nuestra propia decadencia. El transcurso de los ahos y las agitaciones de la politica debilitan y extinguen capacidades mejores que la nuestra; pero no cambian sino que arraigan las con- vicciones politicas. Esto es lo que nos ha hecho con- tinuar en las tareas del p e r i o d i s m o . -*-02 Zarco*s own life of fighting for liberal ideals is the best evidence of the consistency of his ideals which re mained constant throughout the twenty years of his literary and political life. Though much of his satire is directed toward the clergy he did not waver in his loyalty to Roman Catholic dogma. He was an optimist throughout his lifetime, up to the moment of his death. He did not feel that he had "plowed the sea." He was a meliorist who expected change and he believed that much progress had been made since independence. Francisco Zarco, "Relaciones exteriores--El Moni tor, " El Siglo Diecinueve. August 12, 1869; Castaneda Batres, p. 246. CHAPTER V SATIRE IN ARTICLES ON MODAS Some of Zarco*s best satire is found in the articles which utilize the word modas in the title. In these he uses women's styles as a vehicle for satirizing social and political conditions. As do all good satirists, he wounds and stigmatizes follies, foibles and social groups for the purpose of bene fiting the whole of society. Although scorn and hate are very evident in the articles on modas, he uses humor to a greater extent than in his other satirical articles. There is blended in a larger portion of laughter, laughter which frequently ends in a smile of derision. At the beginning of the articles, amusement outweighs contempt, as is evi dent in the manner in which he introduces his first article on modas. He begins with a bantering dialogue which con tains much irony. He feigns ignorance of women's styles, when asked to write his first article on modas; he says: 214 215 --jYo! Pero ^que entiendo yo de modas? jDios mio! ^No me ve usted? ^Y con solo verme, no conoce mi abso- luta incapacidad para escribir un articulo de modas? ^Entiendo yo algo de trages de muger? ^Piensa usted que pueda yo comprender lo que es elegante en el vestido?-*- Then he proceeds to describe his own carelessness of dress as further disqualifying him to write an article on styles: ^Yo, que soy el hombre mas descuidado en el vestir? ^No ve usted mi saco ancho y lleno de arrugas; los irregulares cuellos de mi camisa; mi corbata siempre dispuesta a sublevarse, como si fuera comandante general de Estado lejano; mi calzado, punto de transicion entre babucha de vieja y choclo de madera?^ 3 All of this apparent self ridicule serves to disarm his readers and to gain their confidence before proceeding to startle or even shock them in his effort to move them to feelings of protest. His bantering with his readers, his use of irony, and his careful choice of language to set a trap, all serve to amuse and disarm his readers. At the ■^Francisco Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 115. r % Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 115. 3 We can say "apparent self ridicule" because we know that he is not the person, nor does he represent the object, which he is going to satirize. Some other person or object is actually the object of his satire. 216 beginning of the article, Zarco’s humor outweighs his ridi cule and contempt. The tone changes as he believes he has gained the interest and confidence of the reader. After the opening banter, which is a dialogue with a non-existent character, he leaves his interlocutor and begins to approach the real purpose of the article. He announces with a note of irony: "... estas lineas van con- sagradas al bello secso, a la hermosa mitad del genero 4 humano, ..." then he throws his first barb of contempt at his victim: "... como la llaman la mayor parte de los escritores galantes."^ As he proceeds to address his female audience more intimately, it becomes evident that he is playing tricks on them. His choice of words suggests intimacy and mutual confidence with the fairer sex: Figuraos, senoritas, que de repente se presenta en vuestros aristocraticos salones (por supuesto medio-- oscuros) el que ahora escribe estos renglones, y que despues de las cortes£as de costumbre, que pagais con una agradable raueca y una sonrisa indiferente, os digo: ;A los pies de ustedes!--Y tomando asiento lo mas cerca de vosotras que me sea posible, os hablo solo de modas, de Virginia, de Clotilde, de visitas, de tafetanes, 4 Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 116. ^Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 116. 217 de basquinas &c.--Creo que las mas juiciosas, las menos presumidas, me oiriais con algun interes, porque el deseo de agradar es natural en todo corazon femenino, y uno de los medios de lograrlo es la apariencia del vestido, la gracla y la sencillez de los adomos, pues el modo con que se viste una muger es siempre un in- dicio seguro de su buen gusto, y aun de su sensatez. He continues laying a trap which his unwary, or will ing readers, male as well as female, fall into. After gaining the confidence of his readers, he apparently, as if digressing, begins a serious explanation of the model. He discusses at length the hair-do, the cut, the harmonizing colors, and the attractive features of the dress in lan guage which betrays considerable knowledge of women’s styles. Without warning of oncoming satire, Zarco advises fat women not to wear the visita, which has invaded the old dominion of the shawl and the tapalo. The sudden throwing of a dart at fat women is a digression from a digression which appeared to be a serious consideration of the style model being discussed. He ridicules fat women in their efforts to be stylish: --Solo las mugeres delgadas deben adoptar esta innova- cion. Las gordas quedaran enteramente ridiculas, y Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 116. 218 esos faidones se veran en ellas como la anquera de caballo, que es ya tambien una cosa olvidada.7 ... aconsejo a todas las gordas que no usen visita jamas, porque pone en evidencia su deformidad, The apparent digressions serve to bring us to the real purpose of the article--the satirization of the unstable element in society. Even yet he does not plunge directly into attacking the real object of his satire; he merely turns the mind of the reader to consider briefly that changes are constantly occurring. In doing so, he attacks the foibles of women: En estos tiempos de continuos cambios, las cosas mas antiguas se ven atacadas, y asf, el abanico, esa arma de muchas mugeres, ese telegrafo tan admitido, va siendo reemplazado por un circulo de plumas, muy bonito en verdad, pero mas pesado, y menos susceptible de signos conveneionales que el a b a n i c o .9 He stope to examine women’s footwear and in so doing he directs another dart at what he considers to be the ugliest part of a woman's anatomy. He says that some things should be hidden and women's feet are one of them: ^Francisco Zarco, ' ’Revista de modas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 275. 8 ^ Zarco, "Modas— El habito no hace al monge," p. 117. 9 ' Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 117. 219 ... un pie femenino es una especie de secreto diplo matic© o de plan de conspiracion, y solo a un descuido se debe alcanzar a divisarlo. 0 He appears to digress even further from a discussion of a dress on a style model to a discussion of dress shops as forming a type of colony which he calls sacerdotisas of style. Apparently returning to the fashion plate in La Ilus tracion, his satire becomes more evident when, instead of talking about the dress, he talks about women. ... y no creais que es tambien de moda el aire que en la senora de la estampa se observa para con el caba- Hero. No, ese desden solo se usa con galanes pobres, y con elegantes tontos; con los demas, la moda que no admite variacion es la verdadera amabilidad. ^ Zarco discards the banter and intentional or apparent digression. Ridicule, mockery, irony, sarcasm, and exag geration become very evident as he launches directly to the attack: El sentimentalismo, el romanticismo y la palidez, han dejado de ser de moda, ... En punto a novios, se usan feos pero ricos; tontos, pero ricos; viejos, pero ricos; mal educados, pero ricos. ^ ■^Zarco, "Modas-~El habito no hace al monge,” p. 117. 1 1 Zarco, ”Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 117. 1 9 Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 117. 220 His attack is directed against materialistic women who are most impressed with wealth in the selection of a novio. This obviously has nothing to do with the style plate. As we read further, it becomes evident that it was merely a point from which Zarco might digress. As his satire becomes more intense, the objects of his satire become more varied and universal, and his attack becomes more direct. Women are not the only ones who are interested in styles; hence, they will not be the only objects satirized. Society in general is assailed. Of his conciudadanos who are interested in styles, he says that they are "leones mansos como ovejas y habiles como „13 asnos. " Zarco has come a long way from his starting point at which he was reluctant to write about styles. Having gained his reader's confidence, he ranges far and wide in satirizing persons and objects. The word modas is used on different levels of meaning as he lashes at political corruption, but he retains the style plate as the apparent object of his satire. 13 ✓ Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 117. 221 Observemos el estado del mundo, las diferencias de opinion, las contradicciones, las antftesis, ... que hay por todas partes, y veremos que la moda participa de esa situacion violenta e indecisa. La anarqufa, la anarquia mas espantosa reina en el vestir: lo mismo que se desgarran constituciones, y que se insulta a magis- trados respetabilisimos, se desprecian las leyes de la moda, y se conculcan los derechos legislatives de los sastres. It is evident that he is pushing the meaning of words fur ther as he ironically alludes to oppressive forms of government. The following has nothing to do with ladies’ styles nor any other styles in the concrete sense: El holgorio y el jacobinismo son el sello de la epoca; de aha el gusto por el saco, la supresion de las tra- billas y de los tirantes, lo ancho de los pantalones, el desprecio a la capa como carga demasiado pesada; pero nunca se goza de una libertad completa, siempre queda algo que destruir, y asi ni se piensa aun en emanciparnos de la corbata, bien que poco a poco ha ido concediendo franquicias a nuestro cuello, como los soberanos que adoptan el sistema representative. The imagery which Zarco uses to satirize society is all unpleasant. It has style as its starting point, but quickly shifts to political and social implications which is the real purpose of the entire article. Meanings of words are not constant; on the contrary, words are slippery in all of Zarco’s satire, especially Zarco, MModas--El habito no hace el monge," p. 118. Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 118. 222 in the articles on modas. When he rails against styles, he rails against the external and the internal; against the apparent and the real; against society and individuals. He pretends to refute the maxim that Mel habito no hace al monge." He says: "El habito, es decir, el trage, la apariencia, la pura esterioridad, es lo unico que se 1 f\ aprecia en nuestros tiempos." Abandoning all pretense of humor, Zarco asks with scorn, who will stop to talk to a poorly or ridiculously dressed person? Likewise, who is not flattered by the greeting of a woman in a luxurious carriage, or who does not seek the conversation of one who is considered the queen of style? How people obtain luxurious carriages or stylish clothes is of no concern to most people in our materialistic society. "Los medios no importan; todos son buenos; la sociedad nunca los condena con tal que tengan buen ecsito."^ Departing from satirizing what is "stylish" in social values, he attacks other victims: "Algo me falta para 1 fi s Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge,” p. 118. ■^Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 119* 223 18 concluir mi revista de modas." Then he is off and charging the deplorable financial condition of the country. From an attack on the ineffective proposals of economics’ ministers, he attacks those who consider it stylish to establish a political journal without any clear cut purpose other than to agitate. The search for riches and ways to exploit the poor is still stylish: "... la busca de los tesoros que costaron a Guautimoc [sic] morir hecho roast - 19 indian," he says contemptuously. The whole of human relations and social and political institutions are then satirized in rapid succession, with Zarco slashing and deriding his victims. He exhibits his excellent use of irony; his words revealing such slippery qualities that, at times, it is difficult to determine whether he is satirizing an object: La moda de las conspiraciones va desapareciendo poco a poco. La de escribir tomos no ha podido generali- zarse; se anuncia la de hacer dramas, que tal vez introducira la de silbar en el teatro. La fe y la piedad van renaciendo de una manera tan portentosa, que pueden llegar a producir el renacimiento de la inquisicion. La erudicion a la violeta es cada dia mas de moda. I O / Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge,” p. 119. 19 ' Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 119. 224 El gusto por la gimnastica no ha disminuido, de lo cual debemos alegrarnos, porque lo que necesitamos es ser fuertes. En polftica estan de moda las desvergttenzas; en literatura las charadas y los acertijos, y los periodi- cos que no son politicos ni literarios, son los que mas agradan. El estudio y la moderacion son ya verdadera anti- gualla; el adelanto de nuestros tiempos y la moda, con- sisten en saber sin estudiar, en hablar sin discurrir, y en saberlo todo por intuicion. El color dominante de la prensa continua siendo el tomasol, y el vapor tiene que ser asi como el del agua tibia. La usura, el agio, la coqueteria, la calumnia, la maledicencia, el fraude, la charlataneria, la presuncion y otras ventajas sociales se han arraigado de tal modo, que son modas tan permanentes y constantes como la de usar zapatos y sombreros.^0 Zarco leaves us breathless as he comes to a sudden stop after having gone charging over the whole social and political scene hurling javelins in every direction. Once again we see that the apparent digressions have had as their real purpose, the satirizing of many objects. These, then, have been planned digressions. The subject of women's styles has served as a vehicle for his satire which is found in the digressions. The titles of the articles on modas employ words such as cambios, novedades, recientes which suggest the multi plicity of objects which Zarco may satirize: "Modas y 20 f Zarco, "Modas--El habito no hace al monge," p. 120. 225 novedades,” "tiltimas modas de Paris y de otras partes,” "Revista de modas,” ”Modas--El habito no hace al monge,” "tJltimos cambios de la moda,” ”Modas recientes,” "Charla sobre un figurin,” "Modas para ambos secsos," "Las cabezas en la opera," and six articles entitled simply "Modas." When we remember that in none of these articles is it his primary purpose to write about styles, but rather to satirize society and human foibles, the possibilities for Zarco’s attacking a variety of victims are evident. For example, the lack of morality in high places and low can be dealt with very readily tinder such a title as "tJltimos cambios de la moda." From a satirical introduction which launches him im mediately into the attack on morality, he continues with his discussions of "los cambios mas recientes" in women’s styles and Mexican society and politics. Son tantos y tan frecuentes los cambios que en la moda se advierten, que masque moda parece ya politica de ministerio mexicano. 1 Although he did not begin "tJltimos cambios de la moda" with the usual humor and banter, after his initial 21 Francisco Zarco, "tJltimos cambios de la moda," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 111. 226 satirical attack, he employs bantering and indirect satire in this article, as is evident by the following: Un cronista de modas debia mencionar estos sucesos, aunque en Mexico creo que no hay ni probabilidad de que las mugeres se subleven contra las faldas. Tal vez, sin embargo, en ninguna otra parte habia mas razon, porque aquf el secso feo es el que ha cjuerido^igualarse a la muger. Los elegantes usan corse, cosmetico y colorete; los hombres de estado tienen mil enredos y mil coquete- rxas; ... los heroes actuales pueden pasar por senoritas delicadas. Once again Zarco has successfully combined scorn with the smile of derision. The humor evident in the above is not one at which the reader will laugh. But, even in his articles on modas, it is not possible for him to criticize all that is wrong in Mexico. The irony of the following, which exemplifies the ironic darts thrown at his readers when they least expect it, is evi dence of this: Nuestro pais, mal que pese a los sistematicos detractores de todo lo bueno, progresa rapidamente, y yo consignare en un artfculo de modas cuales son todas las novedades utiles y grandiosas.^3 On rare occasions Zarco discusses women's styles quite seriously. For example in "Modas recientes," he devotes 22 Zarco, "tJltimos cambios de la moda," p. 112. 23 Francisco Zarco, "tfltimas modas de Paris y de otras partes," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 373. Ill fifty-seven lines to a serious discussion of a fashion plate. He discusses material, colors, and items of women’s apparel which are in style and those that are not. Throughout this passage he does this without using words with several levels of meaning. It appears that, for a brief period, Zarco is discussing styles as though he en joys doing so; then he remembers his real purpose which is to satirize and returns to attacking various objects. I say returns because he had begun "Modas recientes" with satirical banter and had proceeded immediately to deal in irony, so we should have been on our guard. After being tricked so many times, it should be evident that he is a journalist who deals in satire and not a commentator on styles and fashions. Exemplifying the multiplicity of his victims and the complexity of his satire, while using the imagery of style, he says: Figurines de modas llegan con frecuencia de Paris, y es estraordinario el numero de novedades que se ponen en boga todos los dias para embellecer un poco al trage de la muger, y evitar asi el bloomerismo, que no deja de hacer sus conquistas en la culta Francia. Pero por ahora en Mexico estamos lejos de esa estravagancia, y en punto a vestidos seguimos imitando a los franceses, sin adoptar todas sus otras modas, de lo que yo me alegro, porque por alia se usa mucho ahora encarcelar a los periodistas, cosa que, en verdad, es un poco peor que el bloomerismo, 228 y multarlos, que es peor que encarcelarlos; se usan tambien las crisis ministeriales, enfermedad que en Mexico seria funesta para el pais entero, que veria reducidas a humo y ceniza todas sus dichas presentes; y por ultimo, con motivo de la ley que restringio el sufragio universal, Luis Napoleon ha introducido la moda de que los presidentes clamen peccavi y canten la palinodia; moda, a la verdad, poco decorosa y des- honesta ademas, por lo que no habra quien la adopte en el continente de Colon.24- Then he says, as if the satire were not intended but simply slipped in inadvertently: Pero voy cayendo en un estilo de moralista antiguo que no viene bien en un articulo de modas. Perdon por esta o c inadvertencia, senoritas, y adelante.*-D But he just cannot yet make himself digress to write about styles, for writing seriously of styles is, in reality, the digression. Vuelven las perlas a estar de moda; pero han de ser tan gruesas como un garbanzo; ... Yo creo que seria un raro escrupulo que hoy hubiera quien se escandalizara de usar perlas de imitacion, cuando nadie se desdena de usar falsas otras muchas cosas, como el valor, la instruccion, la timidez &c. Nuestro siglo es el siglo falsario por escelencia.26 Zarco appears, however, to be almost reluctant to satirize. He almost convinces his readers that he really 24 / Francisco Zarco, "Modas recientes," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 241. 2 5 Zarco, "Modas recientes," p. 241. 2 6 Zarco, "Modas recientes," p. 241. 229 prefers to talk about styles. He gives the illusion of not being able to keep from talking about styles as he sati rizes. Of course, the truth lies in his being unable to refrain from satire. His beginning with the statement that "es estraordi- nario el numero de novedades que se ponen en boga todos los dias para embellecer un poco el trage de la muger" would indicate an unsympathetic attitude toward women’s efforts to appear beautiful. He calls such efforts an "extrava gance." He follows this indictment of styles with another indictment against oppression of journalists: "... sin adoptar todas sus otras modas, de lo que yo me alegro, por- que por alia se usa mucho ahora encarcelar a los periodis- tas, cosa que, en verdad, es un poco peor que el bloomer ismo, y multarlos, que es peor que encarcelarlos" which reveals an impatience to get at the object of his satire. Using words on more than one level, but with their real meaning intended to attack and criticize, he speaks of the French as using jailings to punish journalists and using ministerial crisis as one would use a style of clothes. Keeping his readers off balance, he says that he hopes these styles are not adopted from France as are others. 230 This is Zarco at his best. The reader does not know until he has been trapped what Zarco*s purpose is. Even then, Zarco takes no chance of losing his reader because he continues to keep his readers off balance by using words, e.g. moda or cambio, on several levels, never com pletely abandoning women's styles. Here are some more examples of his mixing of a dis cussion of women's styles with his satire in such a way as to cause the reader to be uncertain until the end of the sentence whether what he has read is satire or a commentary on styles: Las cadenas de reloj gruesas, muy ^ruesas, y remedando la figura de la serpiente que tento a Eva estan muy de moda, y su forma es un poco significativa ahora que el oro reemplaza a todos los tentadores.^7 Se usa tambien tener la frente muy espaciosa, no se si por preocupacion frenologica o por pura mania; pero el caso es que toda frente ha de tener grandes entradas, aunque ggan tan inproductivas como las de nuestro misero erario. ° Zarco is actually contemptuous of the importance of style in most women's lives and their materialistic im plications. He believes that the style model should not 27 Zarco, "Modas recientes," p. 243. 28 Zarco, "Modas recientes," p. 243. 231 determine what each individual should wear. Women should exercise independence of spirit and wear that which is becoming to them personally rather than slavishly copying a style mode. It disturbs Zarco to see women slavishly following the path of materialism. Women are, to Zarco, essentially more than merely the fairer sex and an adorn- ment. The ideal woman personifies all that is good and pure; she also represents a hope for the future of Mexico. In the light of his love and very high regard for his own mother, it is easy to understand his high regard for women. Why, then, are women the object of much of his satire? The answer is found in knowing that Zarco, the idealist, wanted the women of Mexico, and of the whole world, to do what men had failed to do; that is, make the world a better place for human habitation. He satirizes the "bello secso" against the romantic ideal that women are inherently beautiful and good. Because they fall short of that ideal and are not growing into that state of perfection, they must be satirized and shamed into improvement. Zarco is far from suggesting that women should be careless in their dress and appearance. On the contrary, 232 he desires that they truly be the "bello secso" in spirit and in truth: Es una mania incurable la de estar censurando a las mugeres porque siempre piensan en adomarse, y tal censura es por demas impertinente e infundada. ^Se censura a un general porque provee de municiones a sus soldados? iSe censura a un abogado porque antes de ir a defender una causa consulta todos sus libros? Pues la muger que no es tonta y conoce el mundo, sabe que necesita vestirse bien para ser bien recibida, y que para dominar necesita antes pasar por las ecsigencias de la sociedad, que le llevaria a mal no estar cuida- dosamente peinada o llevar un vestido mal cortado.29 Por regia general la muger debe procurar valer algo mas que sus trages y sus muebles, por costosos que s e a n . ^ O Thus, we see revealed his real attitude toward the relative importance of style in the life of the ideal woman. The figurfn, the symbol of materialism, provides Zarco with a vehicle to attack the materialistic attitude of women toward styles. In a final blast at a variety of targets, Zarco says that to value material things exces sively requires a basically miserable, conceited, and materialistic personality. "Se necesita ser escesivamente fatuo o miserable para amar una manteleta, un brazalete 29 . * Francisco Zarco, "Modas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 87. ^Zarco, "Modas," III, 565. 233 O - i o unos diamantes. Satirizing styles, then, simply gives Zarco another vehicle through which he can satirize the social and political scene. He is well aware that styles and fashions serve him especially well as a satirical vehicle because, as we have seen, it is possible to play with the word modas and deal with the term cambio on several levels. As he writes about style changes, he can satirize changes in human behavior and certain disagreeable social and politi cal changes, which he considers as meriting his disapproval. These changes he attacks with ridicule, irony, sarcasm, contempt and other satirical devices. He expresses his awareness of the value of modas as a vehicle for his satire in these words: Fecunda fuente de material para el periodista es la moda, esa deidad caprichosa como los gobiemos y voluble como la muger. ^Que cosa hay que no este sujeta a cambios continuos, a variaciones interminables? ^Que cosa hay estable en este mundo? Nada, nada; y la moda, esa serie de novedades en el vestido, caracteriza la indole inconstante de la humanidad, inconstancia de que no tiene la culpa, ...32 ■^Zarco, "Modas,” III, 565. 09 Francisco Zarco, "Revista de modas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 274. 234 Though many of the articles in which Zarco says he is going to deal with women*s styles are introduced by an actual color lithograph of styles from Paris, which has a serious caption dealing with styles, we are aware after a few exposures to his satire that he has no intention of devoting any of these articles to the serious and technical consideration of styles. As a matter of fact, his real attitude toward styles, and incidentally his romantic nature, is pretty well reflected in his own manner of dress and in these words: ^Por que no se confunden todos los trages posibles en nuestras ciudades, por que no cada cual elige el vestido que mas le guste?^^ Since Zarco suggested that the subject of modas was a fertile source of material for the journalist, we can expect that he will not limit his satire to a few objects. He fully meets our expectations. We find him satirizing many classes of society and aspects of the political and economic scene; however, for the conservatives, he again reserves his most blistering satire in the form of biting sarcasm: "El poder ha puesto en practica una macsima mag- n£fica ’Vengate de aquel a quien ofendas,* y *se fuerte 33 Zarco, "Revista de modas," p. 274. 235 con el debil.* In few of the articles on style does Zarco discuss or satirize men in terms of style. Further revealing his belief that women are essentially beautiful physically, and should be so morally and spiritually, he satirizes the ridiculous appearance of the male figure and its efforts to appear attractive to the opposite sex. He takes considerable delight in contrasting the ridiculous appearance of a bare arm of the male of the species as compared to that of the female. His remarks that men’s styles and physical appearance give them nothing to cause them to feel superior to the ’ ’ bello secso.’ ’ Con trasting his realistic descriptions of the attractive qualities of women’s styles with those of men, he says: ”En el trage que no es de tertulia se notan verdaderas monstruo- 35 sidades." Further satirizing men’s futile efforts to appear attractive to the ’ ’ bello secso,” of whose superior physical attractiveness he is well aware, he says: El pantalon comienza a usarse bastante ancho; as£ es mas comodo, y disimula un poco la flacura de algunas piernas. 34 Zarco, ’ ’Revista de Modas,” p. 276. 35 * Unsigned, ’ ’ Modas para ambos secsos," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico* 1854), IV, 679. 236 Muchos hay que lo llevan abrochado, y as I suele parecer menos rid£culo. En punto a barbas, sigue la anarqula de siempre; pero van desapareciendo las de hermitano, erizadas, espesas, y parecidas a un bosque vlrgen; ... En el trage que no es de tertulia se notan verdaderas monstruosidades.36 Then he adds, as if not caring to look further: "Tal es la 37 moda, y adelante. He cannot find much to interest him in men's styles because men and their styles are so prosaic. MSi en cuanto a vestidos hay pocas novedades, en OO todo lo demas los hombres son siempre lo mismo." Although both sexes are included in the title, the fair sex is ignored until the end of the article. "Pasando al bello secso, ... La sencillez sigue siendo como siempre, 39 la mayor gracia de los adomos femeninos." He again expresses his idea of what constitutes real beauty in women. Zarco does not show indignation nor contempt in these articles on modas as he does in other articles of social 3 6 Unsigned, "Modas para ambos secsos," p. 679. 3 7 Unsigned, "Modas para ambos secsos," p. 679. 3 8 Unsigned, "Modas para ambos secsos,” p. 680. 39 Unsigned, "Modas para ambos secsos," p. 680. 237 or political satire. His purpose is to make frequent oblique attacks on the objects of his satire rather than frontal attacks. Zarco is aware that he cannot explore all of the possibilities of the questions which he raises, but he can, through his shift of perspective, show people as pygmies or giants, as heroes or asses as he wishes. The result affords the reader a high degree of the ridiculous in which he takes delight. Zarco causes us to retreat from faith and superstition of a mechanistic universe to the realities of life. Through this slight shift in perspective, the earth, this "best of all possible worlds,” and its inhabitants with their values become less beautiful and desirable. If Zarco thinks the reader's interest might be lag ging, he attempts to regain the reader's confidence with such words as: Pero dejemos todas esas consideraciones que acaso un dia desarrollaremos con mas estension, y volvamos al figurin con animo firme de no volvemos a estraviar.^® Believing he has regained his reader's confidence, he makes an excuse for digression and immediately goes off in ^Francisco Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 117. 238 pursuit of an object to satirize: Pero es tan delicado esto de hablar de lo que uno no entiende, que el mas audaz se detiene y retrocede y da mil vueltas yr rodeos antes de abordar cuestiones en cjue es profunda e incontestable su ignorancia. Tal vez a esto se debe que en nuestro pais esten aun por resolver las cuestiones todas politicas, sociales, . . .*■ We may conclude, then, that clothes to Zarco are an accessory. We know by now that when he assures his readers that he is going to get right to the matter of discussing styles, he is actually going to satirize what styles sym bolize to him in terms of human behavior and social insti tutions. When he discusses, for example, the color of women's dresses, he sees what the color, e.g. white, sym bolizes : El color bianco, ... indica mas pureza, mas limpieza, mientras el amarillo es triste, porque es el color de todo lo que se marchita, de la hoja que seca se des- prende de la rama, de la flor que pierde su fragancia y su belleza, del rostro que deteriora el sufrimiento. Similarly when he digresses and begins to talk about flowers, we know that he is not going to discuss flowers, but what they may symbolize in terms of women's qualities and behavior: 41 , Zarco, "Charla sobre un f igurm, " p. 117. 42Francisco Zarco, ’ ’ Modas,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 392. 239 Por fin, ellas tambien esconden espinas: la ingratitud, la inconstancia, la frialdad; tambien suelen encerrar veneno; el desencanto, el tedio, el desamor; pero otras son constantes como el girasol que sigue amoroso el rayo del astro del dia, . . .43 The following is another bit of evidence to support the statement that Zarco has little concern for styles per se, but rather that he uses the term to serve as a vehicle for his satire: "Y no habiendo ninguna otra cosa que merezca el nombre de moda, hasta otra vez."44 Here he admits that he has dealt with anything that could be in cluded in the word style. Nevertheless, in none of the articles on modas does he state in all seriousness that he is not a style expert and that he is merely using articles on styles as a device to satirize society and human foibles. On the contrary, he pretends in each article to believe that his journal istic adventures are of only secondary importance and that an accurate, realistic and non-satirical discussion of styles is the matter of real importance. He says: 43 Zarco," Modas," IV, 393. 44Zarco, "Modas," III, 89. 240 Estoy convencido de que en el importante asunto de la moda, lo principal es el figurin, siendo la charla de periodista una cosa secundaria y casi episodica.^5 He stated in the first article on modas and he states frequently in mock humility in subsequent articles on this subject that he is ashamed to reveal his lack of competency Ufi to discuss adequately such an important subject. ° He pleads his ignorance of the subject of styles as being the cause of his apparent digression and as being an excuse for discussing other aspects of the fair sex. If the reader has not caught onto Zarco's tricks by now, however, the following quotation tells the reader what to expect: No se crea que esta ignorancia acerca de telas, vestidos y adomos, denota que vemos con indiferencia al bello secso. Por el contrario, hacemos mas caso de la muger que de su trage, y no complace mas su belleza que su lujo: es mucho mas agradable estudiar su imagina- cion, sus pasiones y sus virtudes, cjue detenerse a ecsaminar los pliegues de su falda o los rizos de su peinado.^7 The final paragraph in "Modas," Volume III, gives final evidence of Zarco’s real purpose for writing on styles, notwithstanding his frequent claims of ignorance on the subject: 45Zarco, "Modas," III, 563. 46Zarco, "Modas," III, 563. 47Zarco, "Modas," III, 563-564. 241 No pudiendo esplicar un figurin, hemos creido que esta clase de observaciones pueden ser utiles a las damas para no entregarse servilmente a los caprichos de la moda, y para que se persuadan de que las copias nunca inspiran interes.^° In Volume V of La Ilustracion Mexicana there is only one article which deals with women's styles. In this article, women are considered in terms of their appearing in a fashion plate as a point of departure to satirize them, as is the case of all of the other articles on modas, but with the difference that only their head and shoulders show. In "Las cabezas en la opera," recognizing their undeniable physical beauty, Zarco begins with a description of the beauty of women and a discussion of how they exploit their beauty. Satire becomes immediately evident as he says: "Las mugeres pueden jactarse de que son el comple ment© de todo lo bello. He does not launch an immediate attack against women; rather he describes them in very sensual language and apparently reluctantly suggests that even pretty girls can possess faults of person and character. But, even when 48 ^ Zarco, "Modas," III, 565. 49 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), V, 39- 242 he is praising them, he is satirizing them: Mirad que animacion en todos los rostros; aquella linda rubia comprende por vez primera los tesoros inagotables de su sensibilidad; aquellos ojos negros tienen resplan dores de luz, brillan, arden, presienten la llama del primer amor; ... Mas el conjunto es delicioso; mil mugeres, casi todas lindas, perdiendose con gusto en un oceano de emociones. ;Ah! este cuadro tiene algo de sublimidad. We have the feeling after reading this passage that we are about to be tricked; we sense the irony- But he leads us further into his trap: -Quitad todo esto del teatro, ^que queda? Nada, el desierto, el vacio, la masa negra e informe del patio, sin emociones, sin sentimien- The reader should beware of tricks because Zarco does not use such flattering terms in pure praise of a victim. But he does not show his real purpose yet, though he begins to give us a hint of what is coming when he says: Alii, ;Dios santo! apenas se ha fijado bien el anteojo, se interpone una cabeza espesa, repugnante, la del vecino tal vez, y luego otra calva, y despues otra y ciento, y ... eclipse total, ...52 50 ✓ Zarco, ”Las cabezas en la opera," p. 39. ■^Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 39. CO Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 40. 243 Is Zarco so enthralled as he views physical beauty that its eclipse leaves him speechless? Is Zarco taken in by the beauty of women? Has he lost his ability to look beneath the surface? He seems to be reluctant to digress from his enthusiastic description of female beauty. But now that he cannot view beauty with his opera glasses, he will view it with a microscope. Beneath all of the veil of beauty, he sees treachery and ugliness. He says, almost apologizing for what he sees, asking for his reader's assent: iAh! una idea lugubre, triste. ... iPerdonad! ... Al ave mas parlera se le escapan quejidos de dolor. ... La an- gustia esta tan cerca del placer. ... ^Para quien no hay recuerdos dolorosos? ... ^Para quien no comienza desde temprano a convertirse el mundo en un cementerio?53 Beyond the beauty and the treachery and ugliness of present females, he sees the basic tragedy of life. To Zarco, the beauty of women is implicitly tragic, if not evil, as is the beauty of life, even though he is reluctant to admit it: Otra vez; no ... basta; huya cualquier recuerdo penoso, aduermase toda memoria que atormente, ya Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 40. 244 despertara, ya la evocaremos otra vez, y nos entre- garemos a ella en cuerpo y alma. ... Por ahora, ojo al figurin. ...54 But his thoughts will not allow him to return to a consideration of beauty, and efforts to return to his topic will prove futile. When he tries to discuss the attrac tive hair-do, he sees beyond the hair-do to the face on the other side; all beauty fades. "No se le ve el rostro; pero si se le viera, seria altivo, gracioso, de miradas 55 penetrantes y atrevidas.M Now the models in the fashion plate are becoming dis gusting to him. He now sees ugliness in that which he did see beauty. He criticizes what he once praised: "Tanto cuidado, revela algo de frialdad; lo comprueba esa actitud inmovil, sin animacion, sin vida. . .."^ As he analyzes more closely, he becomes more indignant; he ridicules and derides the objects in the fashion plate: "El tocador, cuando en el no hay mas que vanidad y amor al lujo, es el mas frivolo de los pasatiempos; ..."“ ^ 54 ' Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 40. 55 ' Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 41. 56 / Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 41. r Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 41. 245 Throwing aside all pretense of admiration for female beauty, sarcasm becomes more evident as he rails against objects for which he had such poetically beautiful things to say a short moment ago. His language now reveals con tempt : ^Que cosa mas horrible que esos peinados monstruosos como el globo de M. Petin, que hacen desaparecer el rostro y presentan un fenomeno deforme y repugnante? ^Que hay mas triste que esas cabezas agobiadas y mar- chitas bajo el peso de una profusion de adomos? Es desconsolador mirar a una muger cargada de flores, de plumas, de cintas, de lazos, de diamantes y de perlas; al ver tanta prodigalidad, se figura uno un almartigon, unas cabezadas, y se pregunta con tristeza: ^es posible que debajo de todo ese aparato haya algo que piense? No, mil veces no; esa cabeza tan frondosa, tan fertil en estravagancias por el esterior, esta por dentro enteramente vacia. ... Zarco ends his heaping of ridicule upon false beauty and vanity of women with an admission that he tricked his readers: Pero basta; basta, y ahora veo que nada o casi nada os he hablado de modas. Perdonad este engano, y no olvideis que casi siempre se debe desconfiar de las apariencias.^9 We need not feel, however, that Zarco has deluded us, for he told us in the introduction of Volume I of La Ilus- tracion Mexicana what his plans were regarding articles 58 ✓ Zarco, ’ ’ Las cabezas en la opera,” p. 41. 59 ' Zarco, ”Las cabezas en la opera,” p. 41. 246 on styles which would appear in this journal. He had said: ... se daran figurines de modas de los ultimos que se publiquen en Paris, para que las senoritas esten al tanto de las frecuentes novedades que ocurren en el arte del tocador en el mundo elegante. Estos, y otros ar- tlculos menos ligeros, seran consagrados al bello secso.60 Zarco had even told us that the articles on modas would be ligeros, which suggests that these articles would not be serious treatments of the subject. Hence, we find a ligero mask hiding a serious, and even agonized, but not stem face. Again we see that Zarco achieves much of his satiric effect through contrasting the ideal with the real and the juxtaposing of unlike images in a description of a common subject. We have seen that, in Zarco's opinion, women have contradictory qualities as the following demonstrates: Al fin las modas recuerdan, quien sabe por que, a la muger, como personificacion de la gracia, de la in- constancia, de la volubilidad, de la ligereza, de ese atractivo tan vehemente, tan dulce y tan pasagero, tan efiB^ro, que cualquiera cosa lo devanece y lo borra. ^Francisco Zarco, "Introduceion," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, iv. ^Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurxn," p. 117. 247 General images rather than specific images are found in almost all of his satire on modas. He allows the reader to place a face on the woman about whom he gives no details concerning her physical appearance, nor does he define his terms when satirizing women. If a woman is inconstant or fickle, she is inconstant or fickle in whatever way the reader wishes to imagine. This gives the reader much lati tude in finding the "woman" with the foible. Not only does Zarco achieve a satirical effect through contrasting the real and the ideal and the juxtaposing of unlike images, he also satirizes foibles by comparing aspects of style to aspects of hitman behavior. For example, frequent changes in style he compares to fickle ness. Or he may satirize the lack of change in the view point of the people by using the image of unchanging styles. It is against this background of the ideal that he paints what he considers to be the real. It is Zarco's pointing out the discrepancy between the two which provides the reader with the sense of the ironical or the ridiculous. CHAPTER VI SATIRE AGAINST THE CLERGY It is against the clergy that Zarco sends out his satirical verbal giants of vituperation, invective and abuse. It is against them that he hurls his most destruc tive epithets. His satire against the clergy is intended to wound, punish and destroy. But, precisely because his satire against the clergy is so fraught with emotion, it is less effective as satire. In satirizing the clergy, irony is at a minimum. True, irony is still evident, but the main emotional weight is thrown to the side of vituper ation, indignation, and insult, with a consequent loss of effectiveness. Zarco believed that between the Christian religion and the Mexican clergy there was a vast distance. In his opinion, the clerical reactionaries were the force which most actively supported the revolution against constitu tional government and rights of the people. Thus, Zarco 248 249 makes very little effort to camouflage his attitude toward the clergy, in general, and the higher clergy, in particu lar, because of their dominant role in the ranks of the conservatives. In Zarco*s opinion, with few exceptions, all the clergy, from the archbishop to the local priest, were actively opposed to a liberal democratic society and actively fought it. Hence, action against the clergy he praised; anti-liberal behavior of the clergy he scourged. He lauded the confiscation of church property in Puebla which followed the efforts of the clergy and the army to rebel against the Constitutional Constituent Congress. The majority of the clergy, in Zarco*s estimation, did not have religion. Boredom, rather than Christian love In his strong criticism of the clergy, Zarco does not condemn all clerics. Quite the contrary, when he wishes to present readers with examples of loving Christian service, he selects two, Saint Vincent of Paul and Saint Agustin, who, though not contemporary to Zarco, do represent those qualities which Zarco considers admirable in a cleric. On the occasion of an outing into the country, Zarco describes the village priest in these terms: "El Sr. cura, eclesi- astico rauy cortes y muy risueno que se puso a jugar a la malilla los cabezas de casa. Yo que estaba ese d£a des- lumbrado poetice al paroco, y v£ en el al padre del pueblo, al amparo del infortunio, al apoyo del desvalido, al con- suelo del pecador. ... ;Si yo fuera cura! me dec£a para mi." Francisco Zarco, "Idilios en nuestro siglo," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 109- 250 and compassion, was written on their faces: "En los rostros de los padres se leia una espresion de tedio y de impa- ciencia. We should, however, not construe Zarco*s anti clericalism to imply anti-Catholic sentiments. Though he was not favorably impressed by the representatives of the Church, he nevertheless believed in the Church and what it teaches. As evidence, when the priest entones "Requiescat in pace!" Zarco says "no es un hombre quien lo dice, sino la Iglesia toda, que no puede andar escogiendo a los que 3 han de hablar en su nombre. His anti-clerical attitude did not result from anti- religious feelings; rather it resulted from the clergy's waging war against the Liberal Movement. He rails against the clergy for their anti-liberal actions in resisting overtly and covertly the desires of the majority of the people and for their playing on the people's ignorance and superstitions to retain their position of privileges and fueros: It is evident that the clergy of Puebla has been the agent and the sustaining force of the rebellion, that 2 / Francisco Zarco, "Un entierro," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 273. ^Zarco, "Un entierro," p. 273. 251 the priests guilty of the first revolts were not repri- manded by the bishop, that one of them, the priest of Tlatlaqui, after having tried interdiction to arouse his parishioners against the government, was recompensed by being made rector of the seminary, . . . that religious services such as novenaries, etc., were converted into centers of rebellion with misled citizens coming from the churches to enlist in the ranks. As he considers the consequences of the actions of the clergy, his railing becomes more bitter: Let them suffer then the consequences of their mad and criminal conduct. The state has a full right to save itself from such monstrous attacks, to safeguard the peace, liberty and public order from the ceaseless threats of maneuver by those who, failing in all their duties, have descended to the very sad level of per petual conspirators.5 Zarco believed that the true religion needed no state support or interference in its affairs. To the petitions which the conservatives had presented in their defense of Roman Catholicism as worthy of state protection, Zarco reacts with contempt and vituperation: In other petitions there is such erudition, such scholar ship, such a labyrinth of theological quotations . . . that it is not over bold to think that the influence and perhaps the pen of the most worthy bishop, Clemente de Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, April 2, 1856, in Raymond Curtis Wheat, "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma," unpub. diss. (Univ. of Texas, 1956), p. 179. ^Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve. April 2, 1856; Wheat, p. 179. i* # ’*S- ‘ '-iSiP - 3> : »■ A ■ ' • > : ' ' : ■ ~ ■'■fxv . sfefS -W ■ ■ - • •fcU : *-*, . . s r ■ ■ - ' . : . «‘ v * « : " • . s V * ( f t S , ■ u ^ u . * ' *- ■ ■ ’^s^fs -. -u,:* . • - l ■V r * U . . . . $ .. U . v U " ■ ; , 3 ; &■«’ / " . u u ^ u > - . . : ■ ■ • . “ u ' - ■ ■ • ' • - ■ * • ■ < ■ - • u v T - . - - « ■ - » > | " U # " - ■ • ■ ■ • ■ ■ • ■ ■ w . i - * ;£ UUtg; : ,hr. . • ; ' ; , u . : ; ■ > < r " - V ’ , ■ *!-S0f; . i f ' - S - ' % . . . : ' • • . % s ; - , - i f ■ ■ ■ & ' r * > - # ' ■ r# i . i s f u^u.' ■ ■ - us r : *i ? a c * ~ ~ # ■ . * > , 5 ' , 5 * & U<v. ' : , f «U ■ " ■ ■ , •A* , . :, ^ " ■ ■ e . r 3*;' ^ & ■ t - - X v ' v f * - ' i f • ' V - * . . > - rii t . ; . . ' - / A * * * • s . . *■ . : y ? • < * ^ S i #- - ' i * . ■ • wKmsj& Fv 5 * . : . - ' i • - . ; sV* - ,, l| 251 the priests guilty of the first revolts were not repri manded by the bishop, that one of them, the priest of Tlatlaqui, after having tried interdiction to arouse his parishioners against the government, was recompensed by being made rector of the seminary, . . . that religious services such as novenaries, etc., were converted into centers of rebellion with misled citizens coming from the churches to enlist in the ranks. As he considers the consequences of the actions of the clergy, his railing becomes more bitter: Let them suffer then the consequences of their mad and criminal conduct. The state has a full right to save itself from such monstrous attacks, to safeguard the peace, liberty and public order from the ceaseless threats of maneuver by those who, failing in all their duties, have descended to the very sad level of per petual conspirators.5 Zarco believed that the true religion needed no state support or interference in its affairs. To the petitions which the conservatives had presented in their defense of Roman Catholicism as worthy of state protection, Zarco reacts with contempt and vituperation: In other petitions there is such erudition, such scholar ship, such a labyrinth of theological quotations . . . that it is not over bold to think that the influence and perhaps the pen of the most worthy bishop, Clemente de A Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, April 2, 1856, in Raymond Curtis Wheat, "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma," unpub. diss. (Univ. of Texas, 1956), p. 179. 5 Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, April 2, 1856; Wheat, p. 179. 252 Jesus Monguilla, of that diocese, was put to use. But there are other petitions that have greater weight, those of ladies of this capital, among them signatures of ladies highly respected for virtue, position and distinguished names who have declared themselves enemies of religious freedom. The clergy failing to find suf ficient support among the men have sought aid among the women. They have then taken some signatures by surprise, others by condescension, others by vanity, all by decep tion, making the ladies believe that religion was in danger by telling them that we were going to erect temples to Huitzilopochtli, to establish polygamy, to dissolve matrimony. Poor ladies, it is no wonder they were alarmed; they did not wish to be abandoned by their husbands, nor live in the midst of many new wives, nor be given as an offering on the sacrificial stone, nor to see their daughters taken prisoner by the M o h a m m e d a n s .^ It was Zarco’s belief that Mexico should be a Chris tian nation and to him Roman Catholicism and Christianity were synonymous. But he believed that Catholicism should exist within the state without any hindrances from govern ment in Church dogma, in its worship, and in its relations with the faithful and its ministers. In all of these, the influence of the State should not be felt. State financial aid to the Church was opposed by Zarco. He did not believe it necessary nor desirable that, in order to establish tolerance in Mexico, the State must assume responsibility for maintenance of the Roman Catholic Church.^ z : Wheat, p. 202. ^Francisco Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, January 20, 1849. ----- -------------- Zarco repeatedly and emphatically denied that the Christian religion or the Catholic Church needed government protection. As a Catholic I reject the protection offered to the religion I profess. Catholicism, the revelation, the eternal truth does not need the protection of the powers of the earth. It does not need the favor of kings or republics. On the contrary, Catholic truth is the pro tector of humanity. If yesterday Sr. Ramirez said that the press needs no protection because it was already armed by the hands of Gutenburg, with still greater reason, this can be said of the dogma of Christianity. Its strength comes from heaven and needs no favor of man since Christ expired on Calvary's heights, Christianity is strong through itself and Christian truth continues to overcome all error. Who protected the apostles? Who protected the martyrs to give them strength in their torture? If the State refrains from interference in Church affairs, likewise he maintained, the Church should not interfere in political and economic affairs of the State and the clergy should be subject to the laws of the land. A natural sense of reticence prevented Zarco from actually attacking the Church directly, though he fre quently attacked the clergy directly and the Church only indirectly. The clergy did not reflect the true spirit of the religion of Christ in Zarco's opinion. This is evident in his suggestion that the clergy return to ways of 8 Wheat, p. 200. 254 primitive Christianity. He intimated ironically that the reality of clerical corruption was far from the Christian ideal, and that the clergy was, in fact, sick and in need of help from the laity. He further proposed that the Christian minority of the clergy and the laity should lead the majority of the clergy back to Christian ideals: Si otra parte del clero quiere volver a la pureza del cristianismo primitivo y se declara en contra de ciertas practicas que lo han desnaturalizado, sea enhorabuena, los creyentes le estimaran y lo ayudaran, pero el go- biemo no le debe mas proteccion que la de asegurarle libertad.9 Ridiculing the clergy for not concerning itself with the functions which he felt to belong to the clergy, Zarco remarks that the people will not say that a porter is worth more than an archbishop if the latter concerns himself with those things which deal with saving of men's souls. On the contrary, he insists that people would realize that the lowliest priest is of more worth than the greatest poten tates of earth when they concern themselves with spiritual matters rather than with temporal. Zarco writes against g Francisco Zarco, "La libertad de cultos, la inde- pendencia de la iglesia y los abusos del clero," El Siglo Diecinueve, June 22, 1861, in Oscar Castaneda Batres, Francisco Zarco (Mexico, 1961), p. 286. 255 the clergy for which he feigns respect: Catolicos sinceros, respetamos siempre, al clero, pero nunca nos inspiro respeto el clerigo que escribe periodi- cos politicos, el clerigo diputado, el clerigo ministro, pues vemos incompatibilidad absoluta entre las funciones politicas y las sacerdotales. Si el clero no se mezcla en las elecciones nada pierde sino que gana muchfsimo, en prestigio, en influencia y en veneracion. Algo degra- dante nos parecerfa un obispo presidiendo una casilla electoral o rectificando el padron; triste serla que un cura abandonara su iglesia el d£a de las elecciones, que los prelados de los conventos dejasen el culto para incorporarse en los colegios de Estado y que las dio- cesis quedaran sin obispos, porque estos venian a ocu- parse de cuestiones constitucionales. Lo que ha dis- minufdo el respeto al clero es que una parte de el ha renunciado a su superioridad para convertirse en intrigante politico. ... Mas alta es su mision, mas delicados sus deberes, y su reino, Cristo lo dijo, no es de este mundo.^® Implying that the cause for corruption and ignorance among the clergy is found in the exaggerated view of papal supremacy which the clergy held,11 and remembering that all power corrupts, and absolute power corrupts absolutely, Zarco says ironically, having stated that the State should not express any religious sentiments, pro or con: Si la mayorfa del clero sigue profesando ideas ultra- montanas y creyendo que el fuero es de derecho divino, Francisco Zarco, "Un cargador vale mas que el arzo- bispo," El Siglo Diecinueve, October 30, 1855, in Castaneda Batres, p. 282. ^The dogma of papal infallibility was not pronounced until the year after Zarco*s death. 256 que los bienes temporales se espiritualizan en sus manos, que la religion y la libertad son incompatibles, esto tampoco debe inquietar al E s t a d o . - ^ Zarco insists that the State should be above the smallness of the clergy and a Church which does not limit its activities to affairs of the soul. His scorn for those who would involve the State in matters which are not within its realm is evident. Because of Zarco’s liberal ideals and the identifica tion of the clergy with the conservatives, we can expect the clergy to be satirized no matter what the satirical vehicle, whether it is in social satire, articles on modas or political satire. An article with the word modas in the title, which is directed against several victims, is likely to contain satire against the clergy. For example, in an article entitled "tfltimos cambios de la moda, ” the in creased journalistic activity of the clergy is the object of Zarco’s special concern: A pesar de todo, los periodicos aumentan y son de moda los eminentemente catolicos: la religion echa mano, pues, de las mismas armas que tanto abominaba. ^ 12 Zarco, "La libertad de cultos, la independencia de la iglesia y los abusos del clero," in Castaneda Batres, p. 287. 1 o Francisco Zarco, La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 114. 257 True to his shotgun tactics of hitting more than one object at once, he does not limit his attack to the in creased journalistic activities of the clergy. After satirizing the arrival of a nuncio in whose honor a bull fight was presented, Zarco zeroes in on the nuncio himself by saying: En cuanto al nuncio, no es nuncio, ni legado, ni diplomatico, ni ... y el caso es que Monsenor Clementi es verdadero logogrifo; ha venido a que lo descifren, guarda secreto en cuanto a lo que es, y el gobierno es tan discrete* que no le ha dado la menor senal de curiosidad.^ Zarco*s warfare against the conservatives was un relenting. He knows no middle ground or compromise when satirizing the conservatives, especially the clergy. In his opinion, the members of the clergy who supported the conservatives were guilty of the basest form of human be havior. Zarco does not usually harangue or lampoon his victim; he usually does not preach to his readers, or does he usually lecture them; rather he makes fun of his victim or reader. He often puns and generally appears to be im provising as he carries on a monologue or an argument 14 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "ultimos cambios de la moda, " La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 114. 258 between himself and an imaginary opponent. But when he attacks the clergy who supported the conservative cause, his hate and indignation know no bounds. When satirizing the clergy, he does not wish to cause his readers to smile, because he sees no occasion for humor, nor does he expect to cause the objects of his satire to reform. His purpose is to annihilate his victims. This is best shown in Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, a short booklet, written by Zarco at the time of the assassination of prisoners and bystanders by Marquez after the battle of Tacubaya, April 11, 1859. This episode, in Zarco1s opinion, was the blackest deed in the long list of black deeds which the conservatives had accumulated from before the independence movement. In this satire the clergy is satirized equally with the other conservatives because they were equally guilty with Marquez who fought in the name of the defense of reli gion and they were guilty of complicity in the events of that day, according to Zarco. Though not among Zarcofs best satire, Las Matanzas qualifies as satire by virtue of his use of diatribe, insult, vituperation, ridicule and contempt for the pur pose of wounding his victims and of benefiting society 259 as a whole. This monologue, though it appears to be haphazardly constructed, is intended to cause the reader to despise the conservatives with his entire being. There is no resorting to complex argument or technical jargon. He uses plain and simple language which his readers find no difficulty in understanding- There is no bantering buildup, nor attempt to trick his readers; he does not attempt to amuse as he does in most of his satire. There is no attempt to camouflage the identity of his victims which is a departure from his announced policy in La Ilus- tracion Mexicans, the source of some of his best satire. Las Matanzas is divided into thirteen bitter parts, each serving a function in the building of his case. He begins in part one to prepare his case by declaring the conservatives, especially the clergy, to be capable of every cruel and beastly characteristic of which sub-humans are capable. Hence, as we might expect, Zarco uses emo tional words in Las Matanzas more than in any other of his satires. The conservatives, i.e. clergy, are spoken of only in terms of mockery, derision, contempt and vituper ation. Such appellations as "monstruos," "asesino," "tru- hanes," "tahures," "ladrones," and "verdugos" are applied 260 to them. He compares them with "mujeres fanaticas," whom they influence, and every infamously cruel person or event of history such as the inquisition, Cain, the killer of his brother, Nero, and Caligula. Suggesting that they are worse than all of these, Zarco says: ;Ah, no! lo que habeis hecho no lo hicieron ni los Calfgulas ni los Nerones, no se vio ni en los tiempos mas calamitosos; no lo hizo tampoco la misma Inquisi- cion. In the first part, which is four pages long in the edition Coleccion "El Siglo XIX," Num. 1, the words "ase- sino," a form of "asesinar," "asesinato," "asesinados" appear ten times. Words related to "asesinar" appear twenty-two times in the twenty-three page article. He says of the clergy that they do not reflect the attributes of Christ: No, no son estos sacerdotes los disc£pulos de Cristo, cuando no resuena en sus oidos la terrible voz del Senor: "Maldito seras sobre la tierra, que abrio su boca para recibir la sangre de tu hermano derramada por tu mano. 15 . ✓ Francisco Zarco, Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, Edicion y Prologo de Daniel Moreno, Coleccion "El Siglo XIX," Num. 1 (Mexico, 1958), p. 10. Hereafter cited as Las Matanzas; all references are to this edition. ■^Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 11. 261 Again equating the clergy and the conservatives, he says that the conservatives, wishing to hide their infamy, desired to drown out the "voz dolorida y aspirante'de esos martires" with the noise and shouting of masses of thanks, Te deums and the bells of the churches. He mocks their efforts to blot out the moaning of the victims, saying that their deeds are known and their praise is blasphemy: Seguid, seguid felicitandoos mutuamente, dandoos recompensas porque habeis sido asesinos, insultando al Criador con vuestros sacrllegos votos de gracia, ... Heaping vituperation upon his victims he says that they have transformed themselves into beasts who feast on blood. In contrast, the liberal victims of the massacre are referred to only in terms that are laudatory and completely favorable and, we might add, equally emotional. This con trast is not strange when we recall that Zarco’s world was one of the blackness of the conservatives and the whiteness of the liberals. Of the liberals, he says: "Somos mexi- canos, somos cristianos, somos hombres; creemos en la ley 18 del progreso y de la perfectibilidad humana, ..." Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 10. 18 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 11. 262 Further showing the contrast between the party of religion y fueros and the liberals, he says: Sus verdugos que defienden los fueros de clerigos y frailes, han atropellado los fueros de la humanidad, las leyes de la civilizacion, los preceptos del derecho de gentes sancionados por los pueblos c r i s t i a n o s .^ Repeatedly he compares the clerical reactionary faction with every barbaric event and cruel person of history and pictures liberals as possessing every Christian virtue. To him the reactionaries are agents of evil while the 20 liberals are paragons of righteousness. He implies that the conservatives are the cause of all of Mexico’s problems and her bad image before the world. It would follow that since a large part of the nation’s wealth was controlled by the clergy, they were responsible for a large share of the guilt of Mexico’s social and political ills before the world. He assures his readers that it is not the liberals who share in this national dis grace. Damning the clerical party and lauding the liber als, he wrote while in hiding during the Miramon regime: No es el Gobierno de la Republica el que se complace en banarse en sangre; no es tampoco un partido politico; 19 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 21. 20 Zarco, Las Matanzas, pp. 15, 16, and 23. 263 no es el ejercito nacional. No, mil veces no; el pais no ha consentido en darse un Gobiemo compuesto de truhanes, tahures, ladrones y asesinos. Una faceion inmunda ha asaltado el poder en la Capital; pero esta no es Gobiemo, es una camarilla compuesta de las heces de los garitos, de la escoria de los cuerpos de guardia y de las sacrist£as. No, no hay en Mexico un partido politico cuyo dogma sea el asesinato: los que azotan a las mujeres, los que fusilan a los heridos, los que niegan un confesor a los moribundos, los que asesinan a los medicos y a los ninos, y despues insultan a sus cadaveres, no forman, no ni pueden formar una comunion pol£tica; forman, si, una turba de malhechores que a soldada de los interesados en los abusos, intentan volver el pais a la barbarie. No, no es el ejercito nacional el culpable de estos crimenes; el soldado mexicano fue siempre noble y generoso en la victoria: el ejercito que consumo la Independencia, que sostuvo la libertad, y defendio la integridad del territorio, si fue valiente en el combate, miro como hermanos a los vencidos, y no X / confundio la lucha leal y magnanima con el asesinato proditorio. El General Bravo, perdonando a seiscientos prisioneros espanoles el d£a en que su padre era ftisi- lado, es el ejemplo que al mundo puede dar de magnanimi- dad nuestra historia. Convertir al soldado en verdugo, y en asesino, estaba reservado a Marquez, Miramon y Me j £a. Feeling that he has prepared his readers emotionally, in part two he enters into the actual narration of the event; that is, he declares his intention to narrate the events. But his anger causes him to heap more abuse and insult on his victims in order to cause them to appear grotesque. A very effective satirical device which he uses to accomplish this effect is to use only last names without 21 Zarco, Las Matanzas. pp. 11, 12. 264 a title when speaking of the conservative faction with but one exception throughout the essay. And, in referring to Severo Castillo, a member of the Miramon government, Zarco uses his first name but calls him "... el llamado Ministro r\ r\ de guerra de Miramon." To make the line between the liberals and their execu tioners more marked, he uses complete titles with the names of the liberals in almost every instance. And to show the reader that, if there is any doubt, this bitter attack is in actuality directed at the clergy whom he considers to be the real force behind the conservative movement, he says: ... el clero reclama su parte de complicidad, cuando en los temp los en que ha establecido sus mostradores y sus tarifas para vender las gracias espxrituales y pagar la opresion de los pueblos, se apresura a entonar himnos de gozo en honor de los verdugos.23 Recuerdese lo que ha pasado desde que el clero comenzo a derrochar los fondos de la Iglesia en promover asona- das para defender sus fueros y privilegios, ...24- No ha habido en Mexico muestras de regocijo, mas que las mandadas hacer por el clero y el llamado Ayunta- miento. ^ 22 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 19. 23 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 11. ^Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 14. ^Zarco, Las Matanzas, footnote, p. 27 265 ... el Cabildo eclesiastico entona en las bovedas de la metropolitana el Te Deum, la entrada triunfal del ejer cito, ... [the wounded] unian sus quejidos y lamentos al ruido de las campanas, de los cohetes y de las dianas.26 El clero ha lanzado del ara al Dios de los cristianos, y ha puesto en el santuario sus fueros, sus privilegios y el oro que ha arrancado a los pueblos. ^ Stating that Christ drove the corrupt clergy from the temple, Zarco asks rhetorically: "Que haria con los que lo 28 transforman en guarida de asesinos?" Casting aside any pretense of consideration for the clergy as being used by the conservatives, he makes a direct attack and says that the conservatives have been used by the clergy. He accuses the high clergy of direct responsibility for Mexico’s civil and social problems: La guerra civil ha sido comenzada, atizada y mantenida por el alto clero de la Republica, cuyos tesoros han pagado todos los movimientos reaccionarios y las farsas del Gobiemo comenzadas por Zuloaga. Se ha querido encender en el pa£s una guerra de reli gion; se han querido renovar las cruzadas contra los albigenses, ...29 26 Zarco, Las Matanzas. p. 26. 27 Zarco, Las Matanzas, pp. 28-29. 28 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 29. 29 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 29. 266 The carnage at Tacubaya was as bad as the massacres of Huguenots, Albigensians and other infamous acts of bar barism. And, for all of this, Zarco rails, the clergy offers thanks: ”... y por todo esto hay Te Deum y misas de gracias! In parts two through eleven, Zarco relates without any pretense at subtleties the details of the slaughter which 31 he compares to a matadero. Zarco ends the narration implying that he has not embellished the event in any way. He says at the beginning of part twelve: "Tal es la narra- cion sencilla de los hechos. Los comentarios son super- o o fluos; las reflexiones inutiles." Crimes against humanity and morality cannot, however, be "simply” narrated without comment; certainly not by Zarco. The last two parts, twelve and thirteen, balance part one with their flood of contempt and vituperation and the use of emotional words. Words such as asesino, sangre, verdugo, martirio, crimen, luto, llanto and constemacion virtually fill the two and half pages of part thirteen. 30 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 29. 31 Zarco, Las Matanzas, pp. 22, 24. 32 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 29. 267 Not being content to fulminate against the perpetrators of the crime, he mocks them further for their behavior after the event: Breathing his utmost contempt, he further mocks the com plicity of the clergy and the party of religion in these words: ... del bando que se apellida defensor de la religion, y niega un confesor al moribundo, y quiere asesinar los cuerpos y perder las almas, como si no fuera infinita la misericordia de Dios, y su comunion con la criatura no se verificara misteriosamente en el santuario del alma del hombre! Las Matanzas de Tacubaya. also called Los Asesinatos de Tacubaya, was published widely outside of Mexico and was most effective in revealing to the world the motives and o c actions of the clerical party. Of Las Matanzas, Albarran says that: ... Marquez se limita a decir en su parte oficial que fusilo a Lazcano y otros oficiales; ... la prensa con- servadora finge afligirse de que murieran algunos jovenes apreciables; ... se ocultan los nombres de las v£ctimas, y los hombres de la situacion, con aire p ungido, no quieren que se hable mas del asuiau. com- Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 30. 34 Zarco, Las Matanzas. p. 31. 35 Castaneda Batres, pp. 84-85. 268 ... es un rugido tremendo de colera; es una recriminacion anonadante; es un anatema vengador descargado sobre las cabezas aturdidas de los asesinos politicos; es, en fin, una vibrante maidicion arrojada al rostro de los ver- dugos de la inocencia, en nombre de la justicia, en nombre de la civilizacion, en nombre de la humanidad. ° Prieto said of Las Matanzas: No es un opusculo, es un alarido que estremece todas las fibras, es lo mas santo, lo mas sagrado de la civiliza cion maldiciendo al verdugo en nombre de la humanidad y de la ciencia ultrajadas. ... Marquez cometio un crimen horrible; Zarco, implacable, con su pluma de bronce, construyo un patibulo eterno a su meraoria.-^ Moreno says that it had ”enorme trascendencia en el € / Qg pais y fuera de el.” The effectiveness of Las Matanzas and other of Zarco’s journalistic endeavors can also be estimated by the type and amount of reaction which he elicited from his victims. As Albarran says: Era imposible que un enemigo tan temible como Zarco no exasperara atrozmente al poder reaccionario. Asf fue que este puso sobre sus huellas a un ejercito de es- birros para que descubriesen su escondite y lo aprehen- diesen sin miramiento alguno. 9 36 / Antonio Albarran, Liberales Ilustres Mexicanos de la Reforma y la Interveneion (Mexico, 1890), p. 251. ^^Castaneda Batres, p. 85. 38 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 5. 3^Albarran, p. 251. 269 And finally, Castaneda Batres says: El grito de ira e indignacion lanzado por Zarco en Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, recrudecio la persecucion de que habia venido siendo objeto. Al fin, el 13 de mayo de 1860, fue aprehendido y reducido a una sordida mazmorra sin luz ni aire. 0 For two years Zarco was the object of search by Mira- mon's chief-of-police, Lagarde. Several times Zarco nar rowly escaped capture only to be finally caught off guard and apprehended by Lagarde personally. Miramon, upon learning of his capture, ordered that he be placed with other political prisoners where he suffered so much that his health was permanently affected. And, had it not been for the triumph of the liberals on December 24, 1860, Zarco's health would not have survived the ordeal of his imprisonment. ^ Through careful selection of words, Zarco arouses the emotions of his readers without revealing the full extent of his feelings toward the Church: feelings of which he himself may not have been aware. His reluctance to differ entiate clearly between the Church and the clergy may be due to uncertainty on his part, or to a conscious attempt 40 Castaneda Batres, p. 87. ^Albarran, p. 253. 270 to keep his readers guessing through use of ambiguous diction. He contrasts the ideal with the real, saying a vast discrepancy exists between the reality of the Church as embodied in the higher clergy and the ideal as embodied in the teachings of Christ. He criticizes the inability of the higher clergy to discern truth: El mundo creia, sin saber por que, que la tierra era inmovil; hubo, quien creyera que Dios se ofenderia si este desatino se ponla en duda. Viene Galileo, y dice lo que es el sistema solar; y Galileo es vrctima de la verdad que despues reconocen sus mismos perseguidores.^ Attributing this same inability to see the contrast between the real and the ideal to his contemporaries, and implying that the Church is to be ridiculed for having been so often on the losing side in the struggle between the true (ideal) and the ridiculous (reality). He says, attacking the Church obliquely: ... como si el hombre no fuera bastante perverso, nos entretenemos en inventar que tal cosa es delito, que tal otra es heregfa; y luego tenemos que desdecimos, que cantar la palanodia, que abjurar esas convicciones que tenfamos sin motivo y sin otra razon mas que la de que otros las tenfan.^3 42 Francisco Zarco, ME1 hombre-eco,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 131. ^Zarco, "El hombre-eco," pp. 131-132. He, of course, generalizes on both factions; one is black, the other is white. As a consequence, his is the voice of an indignant man speaking exaggeration; but, he is a man who believes he is telling his readers the truth; truth which he maintains is on the side of the liberals. He asserts that it is not an emotional statement when he says that the civil war was begun and maintained by the 44 high clergy of the Republic, thus giving further proof that the higher clergy is on the side of error. The clergy has no right to incite to rebellion, in Zarco's opinion. He cites examples of the obedience of the clergy to civil law in predominantly Roman Catholic coun tries to prove his point: Es sabido que en Francia, en Napoles y en la misma Espana, jamas consintio el soberano estos ataques del clero catolico, y que la pena contra los obispos que excitaban a la rebelion o atacaban a la autoridad era el destierro del culpable y la ocupacion de las tempo- ralidades.^ The attitude of the masses toward religion does not escape attack by Zarco. He describes the devout as they 44 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 29. ^Zarco, "La libertad de cultos, la independencia de la iglesia y los abusos del clero," in Castaneda Batres, p. 290. 272 leave the church. Matrons who hurry their daughters along amuse Zarco, but the vendors outside and inside the church are objects of his special contempt. He says again: De la puerta de la iglesia se retira la vendedora de tortillas o de rosquetes, el comerciante en novenas, en medidas, en escapularios, porque aunque Jesucristo arrojo del templo a los mercaderes, como de eso han pasado ya tantos siglos, ellos han vuelto, y a veces no hay trafico en pequeno, sino ferias en grande. The hypocrisy of both laymen and clergy who wish to be considered pious when they are quite the opposite does not escape Zarco*s gaze. The discrepancy between true and pretended piety is food for ridicule. For the layman to give the impression of being pious, Zarco says: "Es menes- ter emplear todos los recursos del disimulo, y saber fingir mas que una coqueta. . . The next step of the hypocrite is to follow the reputation of piety with pious works and then gain the goodwill of the high clergy, those in power, las curatelas, all of whom are fountains of wealth and are equally hypocritical. This procedure requires much less effort and is much less dangerous than going to look 46 Francisco Zarco, "El crepusculo en la ciudad," La Ilustracion Mexicans (Mexico, 1851), I, 235. 47 Francisco Zarco, "Tramitologia," La Ilustracion Mexicans (Mexico, 1851), II, 201. 273 for gold in Upper California. The purpose of Zarco's satire against the clergy is to reinstate the clergy to what he considered its rightful state of prestige, which Was to teach morality and virtue, to separate itself from the political scene, and to confine its activities to the saving of souls, which is a higher mission than is the indulging in politics. For, after all, Zarco reminds his readers, did not Christ say that His kingdom is not of this world? To concern itself with the saving of souls, Zarco declared, did not degrade the clergy: Apartar al clero de los negocios politicos ha sido entre otros el fin estos artfculos; lo cual no da motivo para exclamar que un cargador vale mas que un arzo- bispo, ...4® It was not Zarco's belief, as is true of all sati rists, that he was on the side of error. Nevertheless, he always appeared to be willing to give the objects of his satire an opportunity to be heard and to present evidence to support their viewpoint. He attempts to cause the clergy to appear ridiculous by seeming to be willing to change his viewpoint, if ideas contrary to his own can be AO Zarco, "Un cargador vale mas que el arzobispo," in Castaneda Batres, p. 280. 274 shown to be truth. He knows he is safe in saying: Si hemos errado en la solucion de esta cuestion, admitiremos las observaciones que se nos hagan y aun cambiaremos de parecer, siempre que el medio que se proponga no envuelva una inconsecuencia ni sea un ataque a la libertad religiosa ni tienda a restaurar la interveneion del Estado en la Iglesia.^9 Zarco is not unusual as a satirist in that, in general, he does not attack institutions as such; rather he attacks perversion of those institutions. Though the satirist may not appear to attack the Church directly, nevertheless, the effect of his satire is to attack the institution itself. Hence, what appears to be an attack on the clergy ends by bringing the whole institution of the Church under attack. As a result, Zarco*s attack on what he considers unchristian becomes, in effect, though in sidiously, an attack upon the Church itself. As Elliott says: ’ ’ Let the conscious intent of the artist be what it will, the local attack cannot be contained: the ironic language eats its way in implication through the most powerful-seeming structure.”'*® Though it may be argued 49 Zarco, ”La libertad de cultos, la independencia de la iglesia y los abusos del clero," in Castaneda Batres, p. 291. 50Robert C. Elliott, Power of Satire (Princeton, 1960), p. 274. that it was not Zarco*s conscious purpose to satirize the Church, one of the great pillars of Mexican society rocked considerably as a result of Zarco*s attacks on the clergy. CHAPTER VII POLITICAL SATIRE As Byron went in search of heroes to sing of in his immortal poems so, Zarco said, he searched for tipos to study in his "pobres articulejos."^ In this chapter we examine Zarco's satire which was directed toward objects of a political nature. It is evident in Zarco's first con tribution to La Ilustracion Mexicana, "La Resurreccion de Fortun," that political satire will comprise a part of his journalistic contributions, when he says, after having abjured all of his journalistic sins, past and future: ... no se me escapara ni por distraccion, ni una sola alusion polftica. ^No seria venir a fastidiaros, lectores queridos, hablaros acjui de lo que ya os en- fada, es decir, del credito publico, de los ministros que van y vienen como si fueran correos o diligencias, de las elecciones en que siempre hay quien gane, de los tratados en que tratamos de engrandecer al pais? Francisco Zarco, "El joven juicioso," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 365. 276 277 Indudablemente, toda vuestra dicha la apreciais bas- tante, y seria impertinencia de a folio repetiros todos los dias que sois muy felices.^ The persons who are the objects of Zarco’s political satire represent those ideals which to him were odious, ideals which, according to Zarco, deprived man of his basic rights as a human being. Such persons were the ones who wished to conserve their feudal privileges: the latifundis- tas, the clergy, the military, and the corrupt politicians. They were a prolongation of the Spanish regime; they were the conservatives who fought against federation, the repub lic, freedom of conscience, freedom of trade, and most other political and social reforms. Persons, Objects and Groups Satirized Zarco ranged far and wide in attacking persons, ob jects and groups in his political satire. Politicians and public servants fared especially poorly at the pen of Zarco, for he held them in low esteem. He maintained that opportunistic politicians could contribute little to the welfare and progress of the people. Zarco indicates that 2 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Resurreccion de Fortun," La Ilus tracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 34. 278 he believes that most politicians obtain success through cleverness, fortune or immorality, and by use of double talk. Most politicians, Zarco contends, conduct themselves as though they believe the best political philosophy to be: ... este pa£s es pobre porque es rico; o para ser inde- pendiente necesitamos un tirano; o la regeneracion debe verificarse cuando no haya propiedad y se corrompan todas las familias.3 The form of government which Zarco propounded was one in which the people make the choice as to the form of government which they will have to govern them and not be forced to live under a government dispensed from the national palace by presidents who come and go by means of the pronunciamiento, presidents who can be divided into classifications each of which brings only change of per sonnel, rather than a change of philosophy, and hope to the people. Of such presidents, he says contemptuously: Los presidentes se dividen ... en constitucionales, interinos, provisionales, &c., denominaciones todas que nada significan, pues tanto valen unos como otros.^ 3 Francisco Zarco, "El hombre-eco," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 132. L Francisco Zarco, "El palacio nacional," La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 108. 279 When the important attribute of character is not con sidered as being of foremost importance in public office, chaos results. The lawyer is made a customs agent, the dentist serves as a magistrate of a court of justice and the businessman as a diplomat; such political opportunism was attacked by Zarco. "Mucho insistimos," says Zarco, "en que se busque aptitud, pues sin esta cualidad en los agen- tes de la administracion todos son embarazos y tras las t 5 dificultades viene el desprestigio y el ridlculo." To clinch his argument, Zarco reminds his readers: Basta recordar la sonrisa con que eran acogidas algunas improvisaciones del tiempo de Santa Anna. ;Vidal y Rivas rainistro plenipotenciario! La noticia no necesi- taba comentario, ella sola valla volumenes de censuras y de burla. Again, "Aptitud y honradez ante todo. De lo contrario la administracion es imposible: reinara el caos."^ Zarco’s lack of sympathy for politicians, especially inept ones, was not the result of an envious attitude, Francisco Zarco, "Empirismo politico," El Siglo Diecinueve. October 25, 1855, in Oscar Castaneda Batres, Francisco Zarco (Mexico, 1961), p. 269. ^Zarco, "Empirismo politico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 269. ^Zarco, "Empirismo politico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 269. 280 but arose from his patriotic concern for his beloved Mexico. His patriotism is evidenced by the fact that when he became a political favorite, he did not forget what he had written previously concerning corruption and oppor tunism. In his political satire, Zarco frequently rails against individuals whom he names. Those whom he names are always members of the conservative party which was, in Zarco’s opinion, corrupt, as oppressive and quite as proud as the aristocracy of Juvenal’s time. Some of Zarco's strongest political satire is directed against Santa Anna and Arista. When the latter came to power in April of 1851, Zarco did not join in the popular acclaim. He felt compelled to voice hope for improvement in government, and suggested areas in which there might be improvement, and in which he believed change was sorely needed. It was abundantly evident to Zarco after Arista had named his cabinet that he was not the saviour of Mexico in the liberal view. Zarco, accordingly, considered it his duty to work through the pages of El Siglo Diecinueve, Las Cosquillas, and La Ilustracion Mexicana for his downfall. 281 Zarco attacked Arista’s regime and persons by sati- rizing him indirectly in a series of two articles on the national palace both of which begin with a quotation from El Duque de Rivas: "Era un sepulcro de luciente marmol, de podredumbre y de gusanos carcel." After saying to his Q readers "acercaos un poco," he begins an over view of the palace, i.e. the Arista regime, by saying that the prohibi tion to talk in the palace does not extend to talking about the palace. It is quickly evident that he is not, however, going to talk about the buildings, but the people in the buildings for it is they who interest him and not the buildings. He begins by satirizing the guards who guard the palace, whom Arista may not trust, even though, Zarco says ironically, they are permanent. Arista can not trust them because their allegiance changes with the change of presi dents ; moreover, they are willing to threaten the person whom they guard if it is to their advantage. Zarco does not permit the reader to see the president immediately; rather he reveals him by describing his g Francisco Zarco, "El palacio nacional," La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 599- 282 ministers and lackeys as well as those who come to claim their rights. Going through the door, any door, we can see armed soldiers everywhere. Zarco wonders "^Estara el enemigo en g la plaza?" The only person who is in the plaza, suggests Zarco, is a man who has had nothing to eat and who had asked for a reward the previous night for informing the government of an alleged anarchist conspiracy. When the doors open, the first person to enter is a proud and well- dressed general. The guards salute him and everybody whom he meets honors him; he hardly touches the brim of his hat in response. He crosses the patio and enters the treasury where he receives quite different treatment and reacts differently to those about him. At the treasury he is greeted, if at all, with indifference or disdain. He has come for his back pay. He returns on several occasions and receives the same treatment, but no pay. It is evident that the principal occupant of the national palace is in different to the needs of those who serve him, and is per fectly willing that they should be humiliated. g Zarco, "El palacio nacional," I, 600. 283 Contrasting the conservative president’s treatment of the general and the speculator, Zarco calls our attention to another caller at the presidential palace--a rich mer chant who owes his wealth to contraband. He does not enter the treasury; he goes upstairs to the ministries where all doors open for him. He is going to lend money to the government. The ministers are his lackeys. In all of his dealings, he is completely indifferent to the feelings of others. We see that those on whom the government depends for its financial support are dealt with very differently from those to whom money or justice is owed. All of the "camp followers" of the regime are dealt with by Zarco, but none are named. They are symbolic of unpatriotic parasites and are dealt with in terms that suggest who they are rather than by direct identification. They are symbols of defeat and decadence. Zarco’s indigna tion is evident as he describes his sad and dejected fellow creatures: Lentos, palidos, de triste apariencia, siguen algunas [sic] grupos, que se dirigen a tanta puerta como se ve en el interior; son empleados que van a pasar alii cinco o siete horas. Unos van a trabajar, otros a almorzar, otros a gastar insolencias con el publico, otros a adu- lar a sus gefes, otros a deplorar su miseria. ... Son las ruedas de la administracion; entre ellos hay viejos y jovenes, honrados y bribones, instruidos e ignorantes. 284 . . . Todo joven que escribe senor con zeta, que no sabe sumar, y que tiene una pereza invencible, debe ser empleado; y este seguro de hacer una carrera brillante, de ser algun dia funcionario de primer orden. Los que also saben, los que no pueden cometer humillaciones, bien pueden permanecer anos y anos tras de una mesa, y hacer primores; llegaran a viejos y nadie les hara caso . This outburst is more than a simple description of activi ties in a building; it is the expression of the indignation of one who desires reform in the national palace and on all levels of government. The lack of precise details about individuals causes the reader to fail to see individuals whom he can identify. One cannot tell whether individuals are coming or going, whether they have been with the regime a short time or a long time. MUnos van a trabajar, otros a almorzar."^ With a vocative ";Mirad!" Zarco focuses our attention on an individual who is surrounded by a multitude--a multi tude of unfortunates to whose importunings he can only answer manana. He is the minister of the interior or treasury or some other minister, whose services are of no benefit to Mexico. ^Zarco, "El palacio nacional," I, 600. ■^Zarco, "El palacio nacional," I, 600. 285 Continuing to satirize such opportunists, Zarco sati rizes the treasury employees who are paid salaries to do nothing but tell the many widows, disabled veterans and old people that there is no money: "Ya no hay dinero, todo lo 12 entregaron al Sr. Fulano." Turning his attack in another direction, Zarco says that the minister of justice has been replaced by the minister of war. Justice no longer exists, he laments. Everybody surrounding the president is a parasite; even the horses maintained at the palace are quadruped em ployees. They are almost functionaries, and are among the most honored of employees, who at one time wore banners proclaiming "Supremo Gobiemo." Finally we are given a glimpse of the president and the tribunal. The president is not available for audiences with the people whom he governs. The figure which is the center of all of this activity and fawning is ridiculously insignificant. He eats, sleeps and gets bored. Zarco says contemptuously: "El presidente vive tan cuidado como la muger de un zeloso." For this lethargy and indifference 12 Zarco, "El palacio nacional," I, 600. Zarco, "El palacio nacional," I, 601. 286 he receives thirty thousand duros per year, Zarco declares in disgust. Suggesting that there is too much graft and corruption in and around the national palace to satirize in one article, Zarco portends a future article which does appear. He had talked primarily about those who surround the presi dent in the first article. In the second article, he takes his readers past the guards, past the treasury where it is futile to stop, steps over speculator-patriots, weeping widows and office seekers, and lets us enter brashly the presidential offices where we find the president surrounded 14 by lackeys about as virtuous as "El porquerizo Sixto V" was humble when he received the keys of St. Peter. When the president is not busy with his one daily audience, he is busy scanning the pages looking for the latest praise or frothing at the shouts of the opposition. As a consequence, the president is usually ignorant of the affairs of the country. He is generally the last to learn of a revolution, an invasion by the Indians, or a threat or ultimatum of one of Mexico's "friends." When a letter, a newspaper or a visitor impresses the president 14 Zarco, "El palacio nacional,” II, 106. 287 that all is not well, he is persuaded by his ministers to the contrary, and he returns to his habitual tranquility. Zarco says that presidents are usually soldiers and are morally weak despots who are surrounded by lackeys who are ex-sergeants or police agents. He speaks further of the qualifications of Mexican presidents in these words: El presidente, por regia general, es el hombre mas nulo y mas estupido que hallo un partido para gobemarlo a su antojo, o un soldado modelo de insubordinacion y cobardfa que intenta convertir al pafs en cuerpo de guardia. - * - 5 These qualifications could only pertain to a conservative in ZarcoTs thinking. He continues to ridicule the president by saying that once in power as a result of sheer force, the president concerns himself only with making himself rich and his position sure: En los tiempos pacfficos y cuando el pueblo elige, esta probado que lo que conviene a un candidato es tener entrada a los fondos publicos para comprar electores y sostener periodicos, para fabricar en fin, opinion nac ional. Heaping further sarcasm on his victim, Zarco says that the legal requirements for a citizen to become president, ■^Zarco, "El palacio nacional," II, 108. ■^Zarco, "El palacio nacional," II, 108. 288 other than his being a military person, are that he have brusque manners, that he be obstinate, that he have poor handwriting, and that he possess other "virtues" such as loving that which belongs to someone else. At least, says Zarco, such have been the traits of character which Mexican 1 7 presidents have had. Zarco ends his satire of the president, his ministers and his lackeys saying that he is not to blame if there is any similarity between the objects of his ridicule and living people. He says contemptuously: Habra quien diga que hay algo en este artfculo de personalidades; pero ^tengo yo la culpa de que ciertos entes pasen por personas?^-8 As if sensing the danger of writing satirically on subjects 19 so close to, and including, the president, he adds: "No quiero seguir, porque tendria yo que ver cosas vergonzosas. He descorrido solo parte del lienzo que cubre el cuadro."^ ■^Zarco, "El palacio nacional," II, 108. 1 8 Zarco, "El palacio nacional," II, 109. 19 Zarco was later remorseful for having attacked Arista so directly. Antonio Albarran, "Francisco Zarco," Liberales Ilustres Mexicanos de la Reforma y la Interven- cion (Mexico, 1893), p. 248. 90 Zarco, "El palacio nacional," II, 109. 289 In another article Zarco takes his readers to the national palace where he again satirizes the Arista regime. When he hears cannonading as he, with his readers, ap proaches the national palace, he remembers that it is the opening of a new congress and he hurries with his readers to the national palace where we see the many splendidly dressed deputies, military offices and other dignitaries whom he ridicules: Lujosos uniformes, casacas nuevas, guantes blancos por todas partes, ... raucho cuidado con los trajes, ropa de Francia como en los mosqueteros, y todos en traje de baile, frac y pantalon negro, chaleco y guante bianco. ^ Heaping further ridicule upon the conservatives, Zarco says that suddenly everybody stands up as they all salute their own importance like a bunch of poorly trained actors in a comic opera. The sight of the chief corista, the president, reciting a long monologue which, Zarco says sar castically, is obviously filled with many important pas sages, is even more repelling to Zarco. Picturing an absurd figure, Zarco says that the president had not prac ticed his role well; his sentences are clipped, his voice does not sound well, and he places his periods in the 21 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Cronica de teatros," El Siglo Diecinueve, January 31, 1852. 290 wrong places. It is the work of an anonymous author who blames all of Mexico's problems on God by saying that Providence rules in the destinies of nations. It is God who has allowed Mexico to fall into the abyss, Zarco says mockingly. Hoping to show his readers reality, Zarco places the blame for Mexico's ills at the door of the national palace. He says that it is not God who has cast Mexico into an abyss, but it is the conservatives. In this article he blames especially the clergy, the diplomatic corps, and the United States as being those who contributed most to Mexico's political and economic difficulties. He wrote with evident irony: Por fin de cuentas, todas las dificultades las salvo el cuerpo diplomatico, a quien se le da un voto de gracias, porque casi, casi, es cuerpo que era tan resis- tente, ha tenido la bondad de arreglar nuestro credito y de gobemamos ... en medio de los cuales [conflictos] Monsenor Clementi se aparece convertido en germen de esperanzas. ... 2 Slashing at the United States with delicious sarcasm, he says: Llegamos a lo bueno, a nuestras relaciones con la republica vecina y hermana ... resulta que Mr. Fillmore 22 / Zarco, "Cronica de teatros." 291 es muy buen chico, que cuando sus paisanos invaden nuestrg territorio, espide proclamas en que debemos fiar.23 The entire regime of Santa Anna was most strongly satirized by Zarco. Santa Anna himself was a person who could readily be satirized because he was not a person who was diabolical as was, for example, Hitler, nor did he initiate programs of mass murder, torture and enslavement. As it is not possible to satirize cancer or leprosy, so it is difficult to satirize a person that is all evil. Some individuals and villainies are too unpleasant for us to despise or show contempt for them; we can only shudder at them. The Santa Anna dictatorship was, in Zarco’s opinion, so sad it was humorous, but beneath the humor was the pathetic truth of the state of affairs in Mexico. Zarco describes it thus: Vista por el lado del ridiculo, provoca la risa. ... Pero bajo ese aspecto risible se ocultaba el patetico: la farsa encubria la tragedia; el arlequfn tapaba al verdugo. To satirize Santa Anna is to satirize an age because Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was the "encamacion de la p O Zarco, "Cronica de teatros." 24 Zarco, "La dictadura y la libertad," El Siglo Dieci- nueve, August 23, 1855, in Castaneda Batres, p. 261. 292 Q r anarquia y el mejor espejo de la epoca." Zarco attacked the dictatorship of Santa Anna and his lack of moral standards most directly: Santa Anna who tried to make his own standards of morality, who attempted to aggrandize himself and his cronies. His indignation and contempt are boundless because, in Zarco*s opinion, justice did not exist in the Santa Anna dictatorship: La persecucion, desenfrenada hasta su ultimo grado, recorria tambien una escala progresiva, al antojo de la mas ciega arbitrariedad. La ley de los sospechosos, tan famosa en la revolucion francesa y tan habilmente comen- tada por la pluma de Camilo Desmoulins, ha existido tambien aquf, aunque sin previa promul^acion. El paso mas insignificante, la denuncia mas frivola, el simple deseo de perjudicar a un enemigo personal, bastaba para que sin forma de juicio, sin darle audiencia, sin admitir sus disculpas, sin recibir sus pruebas, se condenase a la victima desi^nada al destierro fuera de la Republica, a la consignacion a puntos mortlferos, a la extraccion del lugar en que buscaba con su trabajo su subsistencia. Su familia entre tanto, envuelta en la miseria, reagra- vaba sus padecimientos, mas intolerables acaso que los de una sentencia a m u e r t e . 2 6 Santa Anna's dictatorship comes in for more direct attack as Zarco discards all pretense of eliciting a humor ous reaction from his readers: 25 ✓ Daniel Moreno, Los hombres de la reforma (Mexico, 1956), p. 10. 26 Zarco, "La dictadura y la libertad," in Castaneda Batres, pp. 261-262. 293 Si, en el sistema adoptado por el gobiemo para so- focar la sublevacion, se ha hecho una guerra de exter- minio: la sangre ha corrido en abundancia, y no en los campos de batalla sino en los patibulos. A nadie se daba cuartel: los infelices <^ue cafan en manos de los jefes con cuyas tropas se batian eran inhumanamente fusilados. Las ejecuciones han recorrido una escala espantosa, pues no solo los que se cogian con las armas en la mano pagaban con la vida su levantamiento en contra del dicta tor, sino que igual suerte corrfan cuantos eran acusados de tal delito, aun cuando no hubiera pruebas en su contra y a menudo habiendolas de su inocencia. Se necesitaba haber sido testigo de tales excesos para darles credito; por desgracia son demasiado ciertos. ' A characteristic of Santa Anna which was odious to Zarco, and one in which he took great delight in ridicul ing, was Santa Anna's show of favoritism during his numer ous periods of occupation of the presidency of Mexico. To Zarco, who believed in rewarding on the basis of merit, this failing was most opprobrious and execrable. Uno de los mas tremendos cargos que la opinion hace al general Santa Anna es aquel favoritismo que caracterizo siempre a sus administraciones y que lo hizo improvisar hotribres publicos con solo el capricho de su voluntad. Desde las carteras de ministros hasta las charreteras de capitan, todo se daba al amigo, al obediente, sin buscar otra cualidad.28 27 Zarco, MLa dictadura y la libertad," in Castaneda Batres, p. 261. 28 Zarco, "Empirismo politico," in Castaneda Batres, pp. 266-267. 294 The results of following such a program are described by Zarco in these unflattering words: De aqui tanta ineptitud, tanta torpeza, tanta ignorancia en todas partes. El ejercito fue lo que mas resintio tan grave mal: las improvisaciones no tuvieron medida: el cadete fue general, el paisano llego a coronel y estos desaciertos desprestigiaron siempre al d i c t a d o r . ^ 9 More than ten years after the end of the Santa Anna dictatorship, while the Juarez government was in exile and Zarco was in New York, the wily old Santa Anna returned to Mexican politics like the plague. He offered to be a com promise leader to Mexico, if both Maximillian and Juarez could be induced to acquiesce--perhaps by action of the United States government. It is not surprising that Zarco was incensed at the reappearance of Santa Anna on the Mexi can political scene, for he saw in Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna nothing but the hateful tyrant who had betrayed the cause of national independence by his abuse of power. Zarco believed that Santa Anna's name alone was sufficient to stain the noble and holy cause of the Liberal Movement. Mexicans, Zarco asserted, could have no faith in a man who had always deceived them, and, if Santa Anna returned 29 , Zarco, "Empirismo politico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 267. 295 to Mexican soil, he should be submitted to trial and be 30 punished as an example of high treason. The one individual in all of Mexico for whom Zarco had the utmost hate was General Marquez, "The Tiger of Tacu- baya," who had killed innocent victims in the massacre of Tacubaya as well as President Ocampo, General Degollado, and General Valle. In El Siglo Diecinueve, June 26, 1861, Zarco speaks of Marquez' political and religious program as being one of spreading terror. He had killed the three individuals mentioned above in the short period of three weeks. He had set free those who had witnessed the assas sination of Valle so that they would spread terror. Mar quez ordered the released persons to spread the word that he would shoot, hang, assassinate all the members of the liberal party. Moreover, he would kill all of those who had acquired nationalized church property. He would make those who professed democratic opinions rebuild the cells of the convents. This slaughter, according to Zarco, was Marquez' political and religious program. 30 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," El Siglo Diecinueve. March 15, 1856, in Castaneda Batres, pp. 276- 277. 296 31 / In Las Matanzas de Tacubaya Marquez, MThe Tiger of Tacubaya," and Miramon are cursed for all time for the crimes which they committed against humanity in murdering innocent victims after the conservative victory in the battle of Tacubaya. "Si, asesinos son los heroes de esa jomada funesta; asesinos son Marquez y Miramon; asesinos 32 todos sus complices, ..." In dealing with this serious crime against humanity, Zarco intends to arouse anger and succeeds in so doing. It is intended that there should arise as intense emotion in his reader as is felt by him. jAy de los asesinos! ;Ay de los verdugos! ;Ay de los modemos fariseos! ;Malditos seran sobre la tierra que regaron con sangre inocente, con sangre de sus hermanos que vertieron con crueldad y alevosfa. 3 This pamphlet, unlike most of his other satire, is not intended to be comical, but rather it is intended to be, and succeeds in being, a slashing attack on the conserva tives and all that they represent. In writing of this 31 Francisco Zarco, Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, ed. Daniel Moreno (Mexico, 1958), p. 14. Hereafter cited as Las Matanzas; all references are to this edition. 32 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 11. 33 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 33. 297 incident, Zarco lapses into direct personal abuse and vituperation which is a device that he does not generally employ. Marquez receives the most personal attention from Zarco*s pen and he is the target of the most effective vilification found in all of Zarco*s satire. In this example of his satire, we see deep emotion and desire for revenge for, what Zarco considers, a crime against humanity. It may be argued that Las Matanzas is not satire because the author fails to meet the demand of satire which requires that: The satirist must not only choose subjects which in themselves are incapable of arousing deep feeling, he must also preserve in himself that detachment and objec tivity which prevents the vehement emotion of his own heart.34 Zarco generally is very successful in controlling his satire to accomplish this objective. He usually arouses his readers to feelings of scorn rather than hate because his purpose is generally to elicit mirth from his readers, rather than anger, as a means of effecting a change in their behavior. 34 John Marshal Bullitt, Jonathan Swift and the Anatomy of Satire (Cambridge, 1953), pp. 33-34. 298 The conservatives were to Zarco completely excreable. Their every act was to him completely detestable and odious. He abominated their actions toward their fellow Mexicans. Even the right to remain silent, or of going into exile or to jail, was not conceded by the conserva tives, he said, under whose regime Mexicans were unable to move about the country because they were surrounded by spies. Zarco avers that the ’’liberties" enjoyed under the conservatives were these which he describes in an excellent example of irony and sarcasm: ... los soldados afianzaban las garantias individuales, dando bancos de palos, incendiando las casas, lanceando los ganados, talando las siembras, etc., etc. ;Y hay estupidos que despues de haber gozado de tan inefable bienestar suenen con la libertad political^5 Zarco ridicules the conservative journal, El Univer sal, which had said that Mexico needed a leader because, in their opinion, Juarez was not a leader whom they could follow. Zarco reminds his readers that there was a time when this same journal had denied that national indepen dence existed; that on another occasion El Universal had longed for the restoration of the colonial system; on still 35 / Francisco Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," El Siglo Diecinueve, March 15, 1856, in Castaneda Batres, pp. 274- 275. 299 another occasion, it had spoken of an unnamed leader who would save Mexico; and finally it had expressed its idol to be Santa Anna and had sung his praises. Sarcastically echoing the sentiments of El Universal, Zarco says: Valian mas la paz, el sosiego, la tranquilidad y la abundancia de aquellos d£as serenos (los del regimen colonial), que las eteraas inquietudes, la inseguridad y la miseria de nuestros dias tempestuosos. ^No habra modo de volver a aquellos d£as serenos? Bien lo han procurado los conservadores, que no tienen la culpa de nuestras agitaciones ni son responsables de nuestra miseria, ...3° Heaping more sarcasm upon the conservatives, Zarco says scornfully: ... ellos y los agiotistas procuraron grandes desahogos al erario, no hicieron ni un contrato ruinoso, corri- gieron el peculado, no se robaron ni un peso y dejaron la hacienda en el estado floreciente que todos s a b e m o s . ^ 7 Zarco argues fallaciously that all of these "evils" are the fruit of the democratic revolution, especially that which began with the Plan of Ayutla, and which dethroned the protectors of El Universal. As a consequence, the doctrines of said democratic revolution are of no use 36 / Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 275. Q -1 Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 275. 300 to man! Such fallacious logic is frequently used by Zarco against the conservatives. He continues this method of satirizing the conservatives, showing his detestation toward them. ... ergo, valen muy poco las doctrinas de la dicha revolucion democratica o son muy inutiles sus hombres. Esto es logico, incontestable; de tan exactas premisas ha de resultar una consecuencia clara como la luz meri- diana. El pais esta ya cansado de soportar las ideas y a los hombres del partido democratico. Doctrinas de justicia, de igualdad, de libertad, han de ser insu- fribles para un pueblo que es natural prefiera aquella valiosisima doctrina del principio de autoridad, del poder ilimitado, de la dictadura sin trabas, de la sumision abyecta a los caprichos del que manda.^8 Let the people judge the conservatives whom El Uni versal defends, says Zarco. Los pueblos juzgan de las teorias no por su belleza abstracta sino por sus resultados practicos, porque los pueblos no se alimentan de ilusiones ni gozan con qui- meras, dicen con mucha exactitud los senores de El Universal. Los resultados practicos son los que aca- baron con el prestigio del partido conservador, ...^ Zarco appeared at the beginning of this article to agree with El Universal, but that he is actually of the diametrically opposite viewpoint becomes evident as he 38 / Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 275. 39 ' Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 276. 301 develops his case by saying: Mexico no necesita el yugo tiranico de un hombre, necesita instituciones polfticas que afirmen su inde- pendencia y su libertad, necesita grandes reformas administrativas, necesita hacer efectivos los principios de la democracia; y esto puede hacerlo el pueblo sin esperar un nuevo Mesias, que no vendra, pues Dios no da en vano a los pueblos inteligencia y valor. A ellos toca regenerarse y mejorar su condicion, sin aguardar potentos ni prodigios.^ In Zarco*s opinion, it was quite ridiculous to suggest that a country could be built, a society reorganized and the situation of the people could be improved simply with the advent of a messiah without giving the slightest con sideration as to whether said messiah would come from the seas or from the west, in other words, without establishing a basic political and social philosophy. He reminds his readers of just how much the conservatives were able to do to improve political and social conditions in Mexico when they were in power. ... cuando se puso a prueba, cuando demostro en mas de dos anos que ocupo el poder lo que son su patriotismo, su ciencia, su aptitud, sus virtudes y sus hombres, es un escandalo que creemos no tiene nombre en el idioma.^ 40 ' Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 277. ^Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 272. Reminding El Universal that it had called the spirit of independence and democracy a creator of disunion among Mexicans, Zarco rejects its arguments as being completely unsupportable by the facts of history. En esta desunion no tiene parte el partido conservador que ha conculcado los derechos del pueblo, que ha hollado las garantias individuales y que ha promovido la union conspirando contra la independencia, llamando una expedi- cion extranjera a nuestras costas, queriendo borrar las glorias de nuestra historia, asesinando a Guerrero, en- cendiendo el fanatismo contra toda reforma y estrechando cordialmente a sus adversaries en los calabozos y en el cadalso. ^ Then he asks sarcastically: jOh! ^Por que no se han unido fratemalmente los mexi- canos a este partido; por que ha habido quien disienta de sus principios y quien piense en la vana palabra que se llama libertad p o l f t i c a ? ^ He answers his own question as he heaps added scorn upon the conservatives: ";No lo alcanzais! Porque es imposible que las ovejas busquen y amen al lobo que ha de devorar- las."44 Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 272. 43 ' Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 272. AA / Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 272. 303 Twenty-seven months of killings, assassinations and burnings of homes during the Santa Anna dictatorship demon strate the morality of the conservatives. Liberty to the conservatives is an immoral and irreligious doctrine because the doctrine of liberty states that ecclesiastical fueros in civil matters is not a divine right. But, Zarco asks sarcastically, what morality can the conservatives substitute for these "heretical” pronouncements of the liberals. The labyrinth of revolution which the conservatives assert as being engendered by the liberals is, Zarco main tains, a result of the conservative party’s inability to accept the inevitability of such movements as those led by Hidalgo, Morelia, and Gomez Farias. He insists once again that Mexicans are their brothers’ keepers. Politicians and clergy are frequently satirized to gether, as the following quotation, in which Zarco de scribes the reaction of the conservatives upon the death of Gomez Farias, the "patriarch of liberty," shows: Cuando aquella existencia se extinguio, imperaba en la capital la reaccion con todos sus odios y con toda su barbarie; en el silion presidencial, que Gomez Farias habia ocupado con tanta honra y con tanta gloria, 304 se sentaba el tahur de Tacubaya, y el clero dominaba gozoso, sonando hacer eterna la tirania.^5 In Zarco's mind the clergy, the military and conserva- tive politicians support and equal each other. On a scale of satirical devices ranging from buffoonery to invective, they are objects only of Zarco's contempt, excreation, vituperation, and invective. He speaks of the conserva tives only in unflattering terms; they are only execrated. In Las Matanzas, for example, all conservatives are con sidered to be traitors. They are referred to as asesinos„ asesinatos, verdugos, who are able to accomplish nothing without the spilling of innocent blood because they have an insatiable thirst for gore. Zarco writes: ... han cometido un atentado que no registran ni las paginas mas sombrias de la historia de los tiranos. ... ;Ah, no.' lo que habeis hecho no lo hicieron ni los Calfgulas ni los Nerones, no se vio ni en los tiempos mas calamitosos; no lo hizo tampoco la misma Inquisi cion, ... Then follows an even more slashing attack: ... porque parece que a todos los verdugos de las na- ciones, a todas las fieras que han sido el azote de los pueblos, les quedo algun resto de humanidad, algo de 45 ^ < • Francisco Zarco, ’’Gomez Farras,” El Siglo Dieci nueve , March 25, 1868, in Castaneda Batres, p. 419. A / I Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 10. 305 hombres en las fibras del corazon, y solo vosotros, los que os decis soldados de la religion, no sentis horror a la matanza, . . .^7 Again contrasting liberals and conservatives, he uses a very different choice of words to describe the former. To him the liberals reflect Christian principles. They do not demand an eye for an eye, a tooth for a tooth, and blood for blood, especially when the victims are defense less . ... los heridos del enemigo fueron siempre sagrados para los liberales, v los trataron perfectamente en sus hospitales; . Notwithstanding the crime of Tacubaya, the liberal party must continue to be generous and magnanimous. He says that they cannot follow in the footsteps of the con servatives : ... los liberales no pueden ser asesinos, no pueden reproducir la camicerfa del dia 12 (de abril de 1859), ... el partido liberal jamas vertera la sangre del medico ... el partido liberal no extinguira jamas con la muerte los sentimientos de caridad ... el partido liberal jamas entregara al verdugo cabezas de nihos ... porque el partido liberal cree en D i o s .^9 47 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 10. ^Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 14. 49 Zarco, Las Matanzas. pp. 15-16. 306 Many items have been omitted from this list of epi thets with which Zarco contrasts the liberal and the con servative parties. It further illustrates, however, Zarco’s world of black conservatives and white liberals. Ever ready to scoff at the conservative party, Zarco calls it the party of retrogression and calumny, and the enemy of liberty. It was the embodiment of all that was odious to Zarco. Zarco reminds the conservatives who are, to him, bandits and assassins that: ... el pais entero rechazo indignado este nefando pro- grama de traicion, reivindico la honra y la gloria de sus primeros caudillos y derroco a los gobiernos des- poticos que abrigaron la idea de la monarquia o de la intervene ion ext ran j era. Zarco rails that even before independence the people had rejected the motives and methods of the conservatives: El pueblo protesto siempre contra la violencia y contra la usurpacion. Ni los halagos de la corrupcion, ni las crueldades de la tiranfa, pudieron veneer la resistencia de los patriotas que conservaban puras las tradiciones de 1810 y de 1821, y mantenian la esperanza de que la Republica restaurara su independencia y sus institu- ciones.-*2 "^Castaneda Batres, p. 414. 51 Castaneda Batres, p. 414. 52 Castaneda Batres, p. 414. 307 The supporters of the conservative cause, Zarco calls contemptuously "unos cuantos traidores ... con pretensiones CO de aristocracia." Zarco asserts that the vast majority of the people support the liberal ideals. ... el pueblo mexicano, la mayorfa inmensa de este pueblo protestaba contra la usurpacion y contra el jrugo del extranjero, absteniendose de tomar parte en las protestas de adhesion que la fuerza extranjera arrancaba a vecinos inermes, y contemplaba a veces el incendio y la devasta- cion de poblaciones enteras, a las que la barbarie querfa imponer asf el amor a la monarqufa. El pueblo siempre que podia, siempre que contaba con algunas armas, im- provisaba guerrillas que combatfan al invasor y a los traidores, y que despues de ^loriosas vicisitudes llegaron a convertirse en ejercitos p o d e r o s o s . ^ Zarco mocks the conservatives by reminding them that after the withdrawal of the French, they had a splendid oppor tunity to show themselves the beloved rulers of Mexico: Magnffica era tal oportunidad para que el imperio improvisado se mostrara ya fuerte y arraigado, y para que el partido reaccionario apareciera ante el mundo como partido nacional, lavandose de la mancha de traicion.^^ In Zarco*s opinion, quite the opposite occurred between the conservatives and what he considers the majority of the people. He suggests that the collusion between all 53 Castaneda Batres, p. 414. "^Castaneda Batres, p. 415. ^Castaneda Batres, p. 415. 308 factions of the reactionaries to achieve their selfish ends is evident in the conservatives’ failure to form a govern ment under Maximillian which the people would support. Their concern was not for Mexico, but for their privileges, as evidenced by the Plan of Tacubaya. "Los reaccionarios de Tacubaya ni por un solo dia lograron subyugar al pars ni crear gobiemo que tuviera apariencias de nacional. He attacks the clergy as being the real motivating force behind the conservatives. The alaridos de gozo are rendered by the clergy when they ring the cathedral bells and shout their te deunis. The hogueras y luminarias are seen in the lighting of the cathedral lights. What the conservatives see as a godly act, Zarco sees as wanton slaughter. He compares the scene of killing fifty-one victims at Tacubaya to a slaughter house in speaking of two young Americans who were shot because "la curiosidad propia de su edad, les hizo salir a la calle; eran rubios y esto basto para que fuesen conducidos al matadero. 56 * Francisco Zarco, "Mexico y las potencias europeas," in Castaneda Batres, p. 222. ■^Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 24. 309 The conservatives are also comparable to the Biblical Cain in their indifference to their brothers’ problems, according to Zarco, who says: Nos recuerda siempre este pasaje [the story of Cain] del Genesis el descaro y la hipocresia con que la faccion retrograda se recrea en pintar los males del pais, en atribuirlos a las doctrinas liberales y en lavarse las manos de cuanto ha pasado en la R e p u b l i c a . ^ 8 In an effort to show the historic as well as the pres ent evilness of the conservatives, Zarco effectively describes what, in his opinion, the conservative party has contributed from colonial days to the social, political, and economic well-being of the Mexican people: Hace treinta anos que Mexico estaba mejor que ahora. Quereis decir treinta y seis y suprimxs el seis por belleza de estilo, por dar mas rotundidad al periodo, porque hace treinta anos estabamos en 1826 y regia esa Constitution de 1824 que era entonces vuestra etema pesadilla. Si, os referis a antes de la independencia. Habia mas moralidad que hoy: era natural, estaban mas frescos los autos de fe de la Inquisicion y las ex- comuniones de los obispos que declaraban herejia el dogma de la soberania popular; y en cuanto a moralidad y buenas costumbres, no falta quien recuerde el asce- tismo de la corte de Iturri^aray y la humanidad y la virtud de los jefes que hacxan la guerra a los inde- pendientes. ;Calleja, Concha, Cruz! Lastima grande que no sean inmortales estos hombres. Habria mas respeto a la ley: puede ponerse en duda si entonces habia ley; pero la picota, el tributo y los deliciosos bandos virreinales contribuxan acaso a aquella envidiable r Q Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," in Castaneda Batres, p. 272. 310 sumision. Habria mas patriotismo: esto era natural, sobre que los mexicanos aun no teman patria; pero olvi- damos que se llamaban patrlotas los milicianos que se armaban en defensa del rey, Nuestro Senor D. Fernando VII, y que su patriotismo era tan docil que un bando del virrey les prohibio mas tarde llamarse patriotas. Habria mas libertad civil, porque eran mas extensos los privi- legios, porque los hombres estaban divididos en castas, de las que varias eran reputadas infames; porque habia verdaderos esclavos; porque el sistema economico se fundaba en los estancos y en los monopolios; porque leyes protectoras y sabias prohibian como delito el desarrollo de toda industria y de todo comercio. El territorio era doble de lo que hoy tiene la nacion; aqui nos acordamos de Cain: £quien dio ocasion a la segregacion de Texas; quien promovio la defeccion del general Paredes al frente del enemigo extranjero; quien se opuso a una paz honrosa; quien debilito al pais en el momento supremo, promo - viendo la guerra de los polkos mientras Scott desembar- caba en Veracruz; quien vendio el valle de la Mesilla; quien quiso vender Sonora, la Baja California y Yucatan y trafico con los hijos de esta peninsula? El partido que hoy se admira y se sorprende de la [sic] perdidas del territorio, que no halla como explicarsela, que la atri- buye al espiritu revolucionario y que pregunta: "isoy yo el guarda del territorio?" cuando aun tiene en las manos el precio de la venta. The irony and sarcasm are very evident if the con servatives are to be given "credit" for the division of Mexican society into castes, the suppression and denial of personal liberty, the stifling of the Mexican economy and the loss of half of Mexico’s national territory; in addi tion, they should also be commended for the execution 59 ' Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," Castaneda Batres, pp. 272-273. 311 of Hidalgo, Guerrero and Morelos and for the instigation of a revolution which called for "religion y fueros.” And, if the conservatives were responsible for all of these "benefits" for Mexico, it would follow that the liberals were responsible for promoting such economic, social and political "curses" as freedom of the press, government by law, individual rights, abolition of slavery, freedom of 60 worship, and an economy free of government control. Showing his basic optimism by proposing a solution to Mexico's problems, Zarco insists that Mexico can gain status among nations by exhibiting to the world a nation able to manage her affairs and willing to guarantee liberty to all. If Mexico reflected a spirit of liberalism and progress, a new era in foreign relations would develop. Zarco satirizes those persons who hesitated to provide individual guarantees to relieve the people of the oppres sion of dictatorship because the time was not propitious. He believed these people to be more dangerous than those who overtly declared themselves against any kind of reform. Such individuals who said that it was not yet time for 60 / Zarco, "Mexico necesita un jefe," Castaneda Batres, p. 273. 312 reform never appeared to be adversaries of progress, but by their actions showed that they did not wish change ever to come about. He asserts in the article "^Sera ya 61 tiempo?" that these no es tiempo persons have a fear of liberty. He says with evident contempt: ME1 miedo a la libertad explica estos perpetuos emplazamientos de que el 69 pueblo comienza a sentirse cansado." The burden of this article is the abolition of the death penalty. Zarco believed that it was time to progress socially in this matter, and that this evil should be eradicated. Zarco directs very effective satire against those who question his honesty or his motives. The stabbing pen of Zarco was directed at Miguel Munoz, whom he had known in prison, who attacked him personally for not taking drastic enough action against the reactionaries. Zarco reacted with the following words when his honesty as Juarez* repre sentative in Mexico City while Juarez was in Vera Cruz was questioned: 61Francisco Zarco, "^Sera ya tiempo?" El Siglo Dieci nueve , October 5, 1869, in Castaneda Batres, p. 407. /A Zarco, "^Sera ya tiempo?" in Castaneda Batres, p. 407. 313 As for you, whom I remember as a companion in prison, I thank you for the concern you have felt for my reputa tion. If you are the writer of the article and if the author is hiding behind your signature, I regret that he will not show his face so I can address him in person. He who could well be one of those to whom I would not entrust funds or whose promises I could not accredit.^ The French occupation and the Maximillian episode were the objects of much of Zarco’s political satire. This period of Mexican history comes in for far more treatment than does the war with the United States in which Mexico lost half of its national territory. He asserts that the European monarchies did not wish to see the Spanish- American colonies gain independence, at least not at the time they chose. Zarco describes their case in these words which reveal his indignation: La independencia de Mexico y de los otros parses que fueron en America colonias de Espana fue a los ojos de la Europa monarquica un atentado contra el derecho divino, un crimen de pemicioso ejemplo y, cuando menos, una revolucion prematura que habria de ser fecunda en pemiciosos frutos. La emancipacion de la colonia fue un hecho que no quisieron reconocer los monarcas aliados de los Borbones que, por el contrario, favorecian las tentativas y los proyectos de reconquista.^ f L O Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, March 19, 1861, in Wheat, p. 302. ^Francisco Zarco, "La independencia de Mexico," El Siglo Diecinueve, September 16, 1868, in Castaneda Batres, p. 413. 314 Even after Spain and the other European nations finally recognized the independence of Spanish-American colonies, they continued to agitate for reconquest and to foster any and all reactionary causes which might assist them in reconquest. These actions included supporting many of the elements of Spanish colonial society carried over into the Spanish-American society which worked for retain ing the privileges of the military, the wealthy landowners (latifundistas), and the clergy. Zarco showed his contempt for the conservative party’s consorting with European monarchists and reactionaries to regain their mutual objec tives of privileges and fueros in these words: El partido retrogrado, sintiendose debil fisica y moral- mente en el pals, ha pensado siempre en procurarse el vergonzoso apoyo del extranjero, sin pararse ante el sacrificio de la nacionalidad.65 When the conservatives were successful in gaining the support of the French to assist them in achieving by force that which they were not able to do by ballots, Zarco railed against them because they, in his words, showed their treachery by sacrificing independence "ante las 65 ' Zarco, "La independencia de Mexico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 414. 315 rr plantas del invasor extranjero." The conservatives were not only willing but anxious to see the Republic lying prostrate in order to achieve their purposes, according to Zarco. They were willing and anxious to have foreign bayonets support them in their actions. Zarco rails against the conservatives for their treasonable behavior: ... celebraron con oprobiosas saturnales la muerte de la Republica; aceptaron y aclamaron como emperador al principe designado por Napoleon; dieron a este soberano el derecho de nombrar nuevo monarca para Mexico en el caso de vacante en el trono; y bajo los pliegues de la bandera francesa improvisaron un simulacro de monarquia que solo podfa existir con el apoyo material del extran jero. 67 Zarco fully supported Juarez in his insistence, by words and actions, throughout the French invasion and the Maximillian episode that the liberal constitution was the law of the land and that the liberal government, of which Juarez was the head, was the legal government of M e x i c o . 66 Even when, with the support of French bayonets, the liberal party was driven from power, hope was not lost. ODZarco, "La independencia de Mexico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 414. ^zarco, "La independencia de Mexico, " in Castaneda Batres, p. 414. Zarco, "La independencia de Mexico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 415. 316 Zarco wrote: En medio de esta situacion no se extinguio la es- peranza, hubo hombres que no desesperaron de la salud publica y, fieles a su deber, mantuvieron el sagrado deposito de la independencia y de las instituciones democraticas. El pueblo no dejo de luchar ni un dia ni una hora en contra de la usurpacion.^9 For his part in the French intervention, Almonte is the object of some of Zarco’s most stinging satire. He asks how much the interventionist cause has advanced in spite of Juan Nepomuseno Almonte's efforts to force people in towns and villages to acclaim the French intervention; how many of Juarez’ soldiers has Almonte defeated; how many battle flags has he taken. Zarco says that these questions were well answered by Napoleon himself when he ordered Forey to ignore Almonte in imposing the French interven tion. Zarco can understand Judas' committing suicide after he had sold his Master, and Picaluga’s taking refuge in a Palestinian convent after being paid for the head of Guerrero; but he can not understand the cynical shameless ness of Almonte’s trying to sell his country even after having received in his face the slap and saliva of the AO / Zarco, "La independencia de Mexico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 415. 317 emperor. Zarco says it is difficult to understand Almonte's behavior because it is not easy to comprehend a human conscience without shame or remorse.^ When the conservative press during the French inva sion described the Juarez government as being a one-man organization with the Liberal Reform Movement being under the complete control of Juarez, Zarco reminded them that the Mexican army which defeated the French at Puebla fully supported Juarez and the liberal government. He further stated that those areas not occupied by French forces supported the Juarez government. The most dis tinguished governors and generals fighting the foreign invader were Juarez adherents. The congress of the union and the state legislators of those states not dominated by the invader supported Juarez. Indeed, all of those dissident military and political leaders supported Juarez against the invaders led by Forey. These are the Mexicans who are ready to sacrifice their fortunes and their lives rather than surrender to ignominious subjection to the Zarco, "La independencia de Mexico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 415. 318 foreign invader.^ Zarco's contempt for the conservative imperialist press is abundant. He ridicules them for their inability to recognize the worth of a man who is respected and obeyed by the people; one who acquires respect and obedience with out violence or coercion of any kind. He contemptuously says that, according to the interventionists' logic, all of the newspapers of Madrid, London, Paris, and Turin which condemn the French intervention in Mexico are Juarista newspapers. Juarista also are General Prim, Sir Charles Wyke, Senator McDouglas, Secretary of State Seward, the French deputies Favre and Picard, the orators Olozaga and Rivero, the Italian Senator Avezzani and General Garibaldi-- all of whose voices are raised in Europe and America re proving the French intervention and supporting the Juarez 72 government. Ridiculing the conservative and interven tionist contention, Zarco declares that the cause of a single man could not find such universal support. 71 / Francisco Zarco, "La causa de Juarez," La Indepen- dencia Mexicana, September 5, 1863, in Castaneda Batres, pp. 386-387. 72 / Zarco, "La causa de Juarez," in Castaneda Batres, p. 386. 319 The conservatives, argues Zarco, only succeed through their treason in ignobling the first citizen of Mexico and the liberals. He reminds Napoleon that he guaranteed Mexi can sovereignty. But the French intervention put the lie to these hypocritical declarations. Instead of consulting the people who expressed their wishes through Juarez, the intervention began by excluding a third of the population, the Indians, from participating in the government in any way. The interventionists, moreover, ignored the state governments basing all their decisions upon the wishes of a few individuals, who had succeeded in imposing a foreign emperor on Mexicans who did not even know his name. These individuals Zarco contemptuously calls traitors. The irony of the whole thing, according to Zarco, was that Forey, the commander-in-chief of the invasion forces, wished to see freedom of religion, supremacy of civil power, and the sanctioning of acquisition of church goods as desirable features of the law of the land. So that in fact, the invaders declare themselves in favor of the prin ciples by which the political party acts which they have come to make war against. Zarco said mockingly, that since France and her lackeys were traveling a road which had 320 73 no plan, her words could inspire no confidence. The conservatives feared most of all a free press. To control the press Santa Anna, Zuloaga and Miramon promulgated and enforced the Ley Lares which was designed to give each in his turn a death-like grip on the press. This law was violently criticized by Zarco, as were all oppressive regulations against the press. In El Siglo Diecinueve, October 10, 1861, Zarco says: En nuestro concepto, para gobernar no se necesita poner una mordaza a la prensa,--ni recurrir a la leva,-- ni ocupar violentamente la propiedad. All forms of censorship based on personal prejudice or on the power of a political group were attacked by Zarco. Sometimes because of circumstances, sometimes because of choice, he varies his mode of attack on this most odious form of oppression. Some of the most eloquent examples of his attacks and criticism of social and political institu tions are exhibited when he is forced by censors to change his editorial policy from one of attack to one of silence. For example, after an editorial in El Siglo Diecinueve denouncing the Alcabala, a vestige of the colonial system 73 / Zarco, "La causa de Juarez," in Castaneda Batres, p. 388. 321 of taxation, the governor of the federal district protested the editorial. He called the article offensive in tone and warned Zarco that a repetition of similar writings would result in unpleasantness. Zarco announced with evident sarcasm that henceforth he would publish no editorial material in El Siglo Diecinueve, but would confine his newspaper to the publication of news items only. He de cried ironically that he would not be able to comment on the news of the day not knowing the capricious attitude of the administration on matters of interest to Mexicans.^ Zarco was ever aware of the formidable task which he had before him, the education of the masses to a realiza tion of the rights and privileges which the liberal party wanted for them. Zarco's task was formidable because these concepts were new to the people. Of course, freedom of the press was essential to Zarco, if he were to accomplish such a task. Likewise, censorship was essential to the conservatives if they were to retain their privileges and prevent social, political and economic change. Individual guarantees and integrity of Mexico's national territory were two aspects of Mexican politics 74 Zarco, El Siglo Diecinueve, August 13, 17, 1853. 322 75 with which Zarco often dealt in his satire. The con servatives had fought individual guarantees as basically evil; and, Zarco insisted, the record showed that Mexico had lost her national territory when the conservatives were in power. He reacted immediately to an accusation made by El Constitucional in self defense that Juarez used tactics of a dictator to impose his will upon the people and to sell Mexican territory for selfish gain as Santa Anna had done. Even if Juarez wanted to sell Mexican territory, he would be unable to do so: Cualquier tratado que el ejecutivo celebre, tiene que ser revisado por el congreso. Esta es garantia sufi- ciente para que el congreso, llegado el caso, no tenga que intervenir en las negociaciones diplomaticos, si llegaran a entablarse, sobre cualquier punto, que de ningun modo puede ser la enagenacion del territorio nacional.^ Zarco says indignantly of those who are guilty of such calumnies: Los calumniadores, para susitar alarmas, han llegado a dar por cierto que se trataba de vender la Baja- California y el Estado de Yucatan. Tal vez esto ha ^Zarco, "Las garantias individuales y la integridad del territorio nacional," El Siglo Diecinueve, October 12, 1861. 76 t Zarco, "Las garantias individuales y la integridad del territorio nacional." 323 alarmado al ilustrado escritor yucateco del Constitu- cional, que conoce son duda cuan vivo es en aquella peninsula el sentimiento de la nacionalidad mexicana; pero lo repetimos con toda seguridad, todos estos asertos son despreciables embustes, y si contuvieran una palabra de verdad, nosotros alzariamos la voz en contra de toda enagenacion del territorio nacional, harto cercenado ya por la guerra estrangera primero, y despues por la tiran£a conservadora que trafico no solo con la tierra, sino con la sangre y con la vida de nuestros hermanos de la frontera.^ He stresses the desire of the liberals to provide per sonal guarantees for all citizens of Mexico and the inten tions of the liberals to maintain the integrity of Mexico’s national territory. Moreover, he says, both the Southern Confederacy and the United States are not interested in acquiring additional territory because of their preoccupa tion with their own Civil War. Even when Puebla was being assaulted a second time by a cautious General Forey, Zarco was defending Mexican integrity and self identity. He said that the whole world would applaud Mexico’s efforts and be envious of those who had humiliated the best of French soldiers in the first battle of Pueblo, and had mocked Napoleon, the inter national agitator of peace. Mexico did not need the ^Zarco, "Las garantias individuales y la integridad del territorio nacional." 324 sympathy of the world, but rather the French people needed world sympathy for being scorned and ridiculed by a man 78 who exercises power only through felony and usurpation. Criticizing the conservative military, Zarco says that in order to be considered brave, military accomplishments are no longer the vogue. The requirement is to wear a long mustachio, swig cognac in public, avoid paying credi tors, and insult persons who are weak. Then "todos acla~ maran su bravura, y el sera superior al mismo Cid."^ In his battle for individual guarantees, Zarco argued against military tribunals' setting themselves up as judges in civil cases. He attacked them as depriving the people 80 of their basic rights. He recognized that under certain circumstances personal guarantees had to be suspended, but he wished to convince his readers that suspension of guarantees should not be an excuse for doing away with legal and constitutional procedures in the dispensing of justice. Exposing himself to reprisal, he says: "Suspensa ^^Wheat, p. 364. 7Q * ^Francisco Zarco, "Tramitologia," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 201. Q a Francisco Zarco, "Las carceles y el ayuntamiento," El Siglo Diecinueve. 325 esta la garantia de que no haya jurisdicciones especiales, O * 1 pero no lo estan todos los derechos del hombre." The only way justice could be dispensed was through a complete separation of legislative, judicial and execu tive powers: a concept new to Mexico. Anything other than separation of the executive and the legislative powers and the independence from both of the judicial power is a ’ ’grotesque irony" and a repetition of the dictatorships of Zuloaga and Miramon. He says: Grotesca ironia, una repeticion de los actos de Zuloaga y Miramon, <jue mantienen en las carceles por medida precautoria a los acusados absueltos por los tribunales. He insisted that the Constitution provided for indi vidual guarantees. Zarco's advice to his detractors who would contravert those provisions was to inform themselves of its provisions and study his own writings on its pro visions, and they would see that he was justified in being indignant at their detractions, especially those of Mar- f Q O tinez de la Torre to whose criticism he responds. Q - 1 Zarco, "Las carceles y el ayuntamiento." 8? ' Zarco, "Las carceles y el ayuntamiento." 83 / Zarco, "Las carceles y el ayuntamiento." 326 Zarco's political satire reveals his power of observa tion and his ability to analyze Mexico’s problems. He demonstrates, as few thinkers of his time were capable of doing, that he comprehends the causes of Mexico's dilemma. He repeatedly urges his fellow Mexicans to follow a course which would give them complete sovereignty from their foreign, political and clerical colonial oppressors. He repeatedly states that Mexico must establish and evolve her own political and social institutions: El dominio del extranjero nada solido puede establecer; ni la conquista, ni la interveneion pueden dotar a un pueblo de instituciones; ...^ Purpose of Political Satire Mexico's political and social institutions, in Zarco's opinion, were backward and apathetic. Retardation was more dangerous than the lack of political plan in the govern ment. He believed that the whole conservative cause was bankrupt, but that they still had the ignorant masses blinded. Those of the people who were not blinded were 84 Francisco Zarco, "La profesion de fe de los inter vene ionistas," in Oscar Castaneda Batres, Francisco Zarco ante la interveneion francesa y el imperio (1863-1864) (Mexico, 1958), p. 44. 327 disanimated. Zarco tried to pull the citizenry out of the marasmo of defeat by calling them to action. He wished to move souls and revivify a national conscience. He realized his duty as a journalist and did it, often at great peril to his person. To him, journalism carried with it respon sibilities and obligations of fair play. He understood his obligations as a responsible liberal journalist, and he complied with his duty. It was Zarco*s purpose to attack general and specific defects so as to cause vice and vanity to appear ridicu lous. By such tactics, he hopes to compel his readers to correct those human imperfections which he believed to be Q c everywhere present. Liberty of conscience, individual freedom, freedom of the press, improvement of social and economic institutions, and political and social reform were matters for which Zarco strove with all his physical and moral might. His attitude toward duty, as he saw it, was unswerving. He declared that nothing could dissuade him from his moral obligations: criticism, jail, beatings, Q r Francisco Zarco, "Introduceion," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, iii-iv. 328 Q /» threats, mockery nor any other adversity. In short, Zarco desired to serve his country well and contribute to Mexico's becoming a nation with integrity under a legal government offering freedom to all regardless of political or religious persuasion. Zarco says in the introduction to volume one of La Ilustracion Mexicana: "Poder ser utiles a nuestro pals, en cuanto alcance nuestra 8 7 pequenez, es el deseo mas ardiente que nos anima." Effectiveness of Zarco*s Satire as a Force for Political Change The fact of Mexico's political revolution is not to be disputed. It is the only Latin American nation which has successfully carried out a political revolution. Mexico, after a long and bitter struggle, overthrew the political and social system under which the masses of Mexicans had been exploited by the privileged few for over three cen turies. After long years of social, political, and eco nomic chaos and foreign exploitation, Mexico developed Or 7 / Francisco Zarco, "Resurreccion de Fortun," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 34. ^Zarco, "Introduceion," La Ilustracion Mexicana, I, ii. 329 a national integrity so that today it may be said of Mexico that "of all Latin American nations, Mexico is the most advanced on the road towards a real social as well as political democracy. This fact . . . , as well as her proximity to the United States, make [sic] Mexico one of 88 the key countries in the New World." Such a tremendous social, economic and political revolution did not happen by chance. It could not happen spontaneously or quickly in a society where vested inter ests fanatically fought to maintain their favored status with its privileges and fueros. There had to be indi viduals who would lead Mexico into and along the long and arduous path of liberalism and democracy. The people could not, because of their ignorance, find such a path unaided. The ideal of democratic, liberal government had to be planted and nurtured in a society which was naturally hos tile to such ideals. The masses had to have someone who would love them and would lead them in spite of their ignorance. That someone had to be a true patriot who 88 Salvador de Madariaga, Latin America Between the Eagle and the Bear (New York, 1962), pp. 38-39. 330 understood the benefits to be gained from the implementa tion of liberal ideals and who would fearlessly propound those ideals. That man was Francisco Zarco, satirist, journalist and orator. It was only through the awareness of men such as he who saw the bankruptness of the philoso phy of life which considered the universe to be a perfectly running machine in which every piece fits perfectly, that the universe came to be considered as being alive rather than something made and ordained to a static existence. During the colonial period there were very few presses in Mexico. Political journalism developed in Mexico con currently with the independence movement. Mexico’s first literary efforts were directed toward promulgating liberal and independence movements. Such journals as El Desperta- dor Americano, El Ilustrador Nacional, El Pensador Mexicano and Mexico Independiente indicate the purpose for their existence by their titles. Francisco Zarco Mateos was one of the greatest Mexican journalists of the past century. He most perfectly per sonifies the rise of literary journalism in Mexico. He was fully dedicated to the task of informing the population through journalism. He was a man of veritable missionary zeal. His fervor in promulgating the liberal viewpoint 331 caused him to suffer persecution, imprisonment and un- 89 speakable physical suffering. Journalism in Zarco.' s time was highly personalized. The ideas of the editor were expressed both in the edi torial column and in the news columns. Social and politi cal problems were felt to be areas in which editors rivaled each other in an attempt to motivate and increase interest, thus increasing publication. Ralph Roeder says that the true government in the chaotic years of the Reform was the 90 press, not the political nor military authorities. Zarco seemed to thrive on these editorial polemics. He was quick to accept any challenge which might come his way. When many editors shied away from controversial issues, Zarco accepted them with delight. He acted with vigor when he had an opportunity to defend his ideals of freedom of the press, education of the masses, government by law, and popular suffrage. When, for example, El Universal expressed the opinion that a child needed no more education than the catechism, Zarco was quick to answer 89 ✓ Daniel Moreno, Los hombres de la reforma (Mexico, 1956), p. 21. ^^Castaneda Batres, footnote, p. 89. 332 in his best political style, while affirming his faith, that Mexicans should not continue to live in ignorance Q 1 being dominated by the few. Castaneda Batres called Zarco conciencia de Mexico and the conscience of the Constitutional Convention, because it was Zarco who constantly called on the assembly not to abandon the ideals of the Reform. "En el seno del Con- greso--y en la prensa--es Zarco la conciencia revolucio- . ,.92 naria. Zarco*s oratory and journalism were directly respon sible for the Congress’ reproof of Comonfort for attempting to betray the liberal cause by reorganizing the Consejo de 93 Gobierno and replacing liberals with conservatives. He was most effective in defending the prerogatives of the congress to make laws without molestation by the execu- 94 tive. ^Zarco, "Empirismo politico," in Castaneda Batres, p. 267. ^Castaneda Batres, p. 52. ^Castaneda Batres, p. 51. 94 Castaneda Batres, p. 52. 333 In stating that Zarco was very effective in influ- T \ 5 encing the course of Mexican history, I do not mean to imply that everything he attacked withered before his mighty pen and oratory. Such was not the case. The actions taken by the congress were sometimes very disap pointing to him. For example, when amid applause and whistling, Article XV guaranteeing religious liberty was tabled, not to be reconsidered, he was moved to write that the assembly had retreated and closed the door on reform by their action.^ Yet in the words of Castaneda Batres, Zarco was the paladin of constitutionality: ”... desde las columnas de su periodico, fue entonces el verdadero paladin de la constitucionalidad y de la salvacion de la Republic a. Zarco used the element of satire most effectively in imploring the people to accept liberty and the advantages of a democratic society. He "que manejaba la ironia con gran finura, tanto en la tribuna como en la prensa"^ met with much defeat, but had more success in removing 95 Castaneda Batres, p. 53. ^Castaneda Batres, p. 99. ^^Castaneda Batres, p. 68. 334 the obstacles to making the universe of Mexicans a living, growing organism. The effectiveness of Zarco*s attack on the conserva tives for their crime against humanity in killing passers- by and medical personnel in the massacre of Tacubaya has been commented on by various authors. Of Zarco's enraged denunciation of Marquez' actions at Tacubaya on April 11, 1859, Castaneda Batres says: La importancia de esta denuncia terrible ... fue deci- siva: los efectos que produjo en la opinion nacional y mundial en mucho coadyuvaron al rapido aniquilamiento de los criminales autores de las matanzas.98 Of this same vituperative attack by Zarco on the assassins of Tacubaya, Guillermo Prieto says: Among the writing of Zarco stands out the noble treatise on the assassinations of Tacubaya. ... This is not just a treatise, it is an outcry of grief that makes one tremble in every fiber of his being. It is the most holy, the most sacred essence of civilization cursing the executioner in the name of outraged humanity and of science. It is the wrath of God causing to tremble those who profane the life of man. For the cause of liberty, the treatise of Zarco was worth an entire legion and that legion pamphlet and anathema year after year brings back echoes of the bloody memories of April 11. Marquez com mitted a horrible crime. Zarco implacably constructed with his pen of bronze an eternal gallows to his memory.99 98 „ , Castaneda Batres, pp. 84-85. ^Wheat, p. 270. 335 Zarco's effectiveness can also be measured to some degree by the reactions and statements of his detractors. Zarco wrote ironically of the reaction of the objects of his satire in an article entitled "^Que sucede?" That reaction indicated that the conservatives considered the article to be impertinent. Zarco says: La pregunta debio ser un tanto impertinente, porque ministros y presidente se atufaron, se amoscaron, se enojaron, se irritaron y bramaron, y para dar pruebas de cortesia, nos respondieron con la ley otero. Feeling that Zarco was a major obstacle to the removal of Juarez from power so that an agreement could be reached with the French interventionists, Jose Linares, the gover nor of Queretaro, wrote to Doblado: "... pues no tiene Ud. i m mas que a Zarco y dos o tres pillos por enemigos." Juarez' own account of Doblado1s attempts to have Zarco and Zamacona exiled reveals the degree to which Doblado considered these men an obstacle to his plans. This account also indicates the confidence which Juarez had I A O in Zarco and the relationship which they had. Juarez' ■^^Francisco Zarco, Las Cosquillas (Mexico), Vol. 1, N2 10, p. 1, June 5, 1852. ^^Castaneda Batres, p. 105. 102 Castaneda Batres, pp. 106, 108. 336 account of the incident also shows the respect which the congress had for Zarco. Castaneda Batres says further in speaking of the episode that Zarco "en las mas graves 1 no dificultades fue el consejero del Presidente. Until the time of Zarco*s death "estuvo ligado a Juarez en la tarea, que el definio como de ’destruir con una mano y construir con la otra.*" "En el Congreso, Zarco era tambien el moderador de las contiendas y el guia de los debates. The political, economic, and social progress made during the Juarez era was brought to a halt during the Porfirio Diaz dictatorship (1876-1910). Nevertheless, the seeds sown and given real impetus by the liberal reformers before and during the Juarez government, for which Zarco was the spokesman, again sprouted in 1910 and have con tinued to show the fruits of the Liberal Reform Movement. The "dramatic disorders"which followed the Revolution of 1910 were a continuation of the Liberal Reform Movement begun by Gomez Farfas immediately after independence ^^Castaneda Batres, p. 111. ■^^Castaheda Batres, p. 111. ^^Madariaga, p. 39. 337 was achieved, and given form and substance and greater impetus by Juarez and Zarco during the drafting of the Laws of Reform, the Constitution of 1857, the French interven tion, the Maximillian episode and the reestablishment of the Juarez government with its liberal ideals. Since those long, dark years, Madariaga says without qualification that: ’’ Mexico has achieved a remarkable i nfi success in every walk of life," and, in mentioning areas in which social and political progress has been made, enumerates many areas to which "the Spokesman of the Re form" dedicated many pages of criticism and satire. It cannot be denied that there is still progress to be made before it can be truly said that Mexico enjoys all of the benefits for which Zarco and other liberals struggled. Mexico is still a country with basically a one party regime,which controls nearly every aspect of Mexican life, including the press, controls against which Zarco fought vigorously throughout his journalistic life. ■^^Madariaga, p. 39. ^Madariaga, p. 39. CHAPTER VIII SOCIAL SATIRE ARTtCULOS DE COSTUMBRES Social behavior received even more criticism than did politicians and other objects of political satire, because, in Zarco's estimation, there was much to be criticized in the national habits, crudeness of the masses, appalling universal ignorance and simple mindedness which was con fused with patriotism; consequently, many classes of people and human vices and foibles were the object of his satiric pen. He attacked respectabilities which were really, in his opinion, hidden absurdities or vices blindly accepted by social custom, habit or thoughtlessness. He attacked all kinds of hypocrisies. He did not attack his victims by name in his social satire; neither are there passages which require a strong stomach to read. He usually disguises his social satire with wit and humor, and occasionally comedy. Nevertheless, 338 339 it is effective because it tells truth as he saw it. Dis guising his satire as entertaining fiction, he persuades his readers to accept his satire as humorous nonsense. Though it appears to be humorous and witty, his satire is intended to have an entirely serious purpose. It is sana tive because it causes his readers to look at life through glasses other than the rose-colored ones of a Pangloss. He focuses the reader's gaze sharply on the contrast be tween things as they really were and what he believed they should be. It was demonstrated in the previous chapter that Zarco's satire helped to write the death decree of the conservatives in Mexico. It is also, as is all good satire,^ a powerful civilizing force. It is sometimes difficult to separate Zarco's social satire from his political satire because in his mind political and social institutions were inseparable. He was convinced that the most enlightened political theory is meaningless unless the people are guaranteed personal rights given them by their Creator and are educated to want to improve their potential as human beings. Insisting that ^Edgar Johnson, A Treasury of Satire (New York, 1945), p. 36. 340 virtue should be the criterion for reward, Zarco bent every effort to pointing out vice, follies and foibles. Most of Zarco's social satire is found in his articu- los de costumbres which appear almost entirely in La Ilustracion Mexicana, an important literary journal of the 2 time, of which Zarco was the editor. Zarco is much less direct and pungent when satirizing human foibles, vices and fallacies than when satirizing victims in his political satire. Classes of People, Vices, Fallacies and Foibles Satirized Zarco loved people. He loved all of humanity with all of its weaknesses and foibles, though he strove to cause people to view their weaknesses as being disgusting, if not 3 revulsive. His life was spent defending the people from their oppressors, i.e. for him, the conservatives. He differentiated between the vulgus and the people. The vulgus were not the poor, the Indians, or those who worked 2 Jefferson Rea Spell, "The Costumbrista Movement in Mexico," PMLA, 50:299, March 1935. ^Oscar Castaneda Batres calls him "encamacion de los ideales del pueblo mexicano." Francisco Zarco (Mexico, 1961), p. 115. 341 for a living, but rather the ignorant, the fanatical, those fearful of change. Among the latter groups were canons, wealthy people, property owners, and even congressmen;^1 - in other words, in Zarco*s opinion, the conservatives were the vulgus. In the article entitled "El pueblo,"^ we find one of his most ardent defenses of the masses. We also find a vigorous attack on those who oppress and exploit the masses and who gain their objectives by deceiving the people, claiming to be one of them. Zarco exposes the exploiters of the people by describing their behavior and what he con siders to be their true motives: Cuando se hacen las leyes, se grita que se trata de los intereses del pueblo, y casi siempre se trata de la codicia de un hombre solo, y de la imbecil turba que lo rodea. El que aspira a dominar a la multitud; el que anhela oro y vivir sin trabajar, y el que recurre a la fuerza para elevarse al poder, hablan siempre de los derechos del pueblo; derechos que no entienden y que estan dis- puestos a hollar. Hijos del pueblo se llaman a si mismos los que quieren ser sus padrastros.6 ^Castaneda Batres, p. 53. ^Francisco Zarco, La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 341-343. ^Zarco, "El pueblo," p. 341. He admonishes his readers that it is necessary that they know themselves and who the people really are. Evidencing calmness of spirit, he proceeds to identify those whom he considers truly to be the people: El pueblo es el conjunto de las familias honradas, es la masa de los que trabajan, de los que piensan, de los que mantienen la paz y el orden en la sociedad.^ No creais verlo en las carceles espiando delitos, ni en los caminos publicos esperando al transeunte.® It was Zarco's belief that the people are far differ ent from what their oppressors and exploiters believe them to be, as is evident in the following quotation in which Zarco waxes a bit magnanimous, even including those groups of people who are at other times the objects of his satire El pueblo se compone de la multitud tranquila, pacifica, industriosa y util; De los labradores ... ; De los pastores ... ; De los marineros ... ; De todos los artesanos . . . ; De los sacerdotes llenos de virtud ... ;y ^Zarco, "El pueblo," p. 341. ®Zarco, "El pueblo," p. 341. o Zarco differentiates between sacerdote and clero. He never uses "sacerdotes" in satirizing the clergy which, as a class, was the object of some of his bitterest satire as we saw in Chapter VI. 343 De los artistas ... ; De los medicos ... ; De los abogados ... , ' After listing the groups of people whom he considers to compose the masses, he identifies the peoples' oppres sors by railing against them in a series of paragraphs, each of which begins with the conjunction "y" for the pur pose of piling up evidence to support his ideas: Y el pueblo que trabaja incesantemente, es sin em bargo pobre y desvalido, y cada uno de sus individuos se encuentra en el mundo como Cristo, que no tenia donde reclinar la cabeza. Y esto consiste en que el fruto del trabajo, es usurpado por los que a fuerza de usurpaciones se llaman despues nobleza o aristocracia. Y el origen de la aristocracia ha sido siempre la usurpacion del trabajo ageno, la acumulacion en unos cuantos de lo que era de los demas. Y cuando la aristocracia ha crecido como planta parasita, como arbol malefico que seca las plantas que lo circundan, el pueblo ha sido estrangero en su patria, porque se ha visto despojado de la tierra y del agua, del trabajo y del pan. Y la aristocracia ha envuelto la inteligencia del pueblo en oscuras tinieblas, porque ha querido que los hombres dejaran de ser hombres, convirtiendose en ovejas. Y ha dado leyes barbaras a los pueblos imponiendoles con la fuerza lo que deben creer y pensar; les ha prohi- bido la siembra de algunas plantas; les ha impedido trasladarse de un punto a otro; les ha arrancado la libertad, y los ha degradado para poder oprirairlos. ^ ^Zarco, "El pueblo," p. 342. 1XZarco, "El pueblo," p. 342. 344 In these paragraphs the aristocracy is attacked for their parasitical existence and their efforts to keep the masses ignorant. Through analogy Zarco declares that the masses are more Christian than their oppressors, who include the clerics. Attacking the people's oppressors more directly, he says: Hace tiempo se oprimia al pueblo en nombre de Dios, y los tiranos blasfemaban para oprimir. Hoy oprimen al pueblo en nombre del pueblo, y asi para oprimir son impostores. Reflecting his belief in the ability of man to improve, Zarco ends this short article on a note of optimism in which he encourages all oppressed peoples that a brighter day will dawn, while recognizing the reality of present oppression: lucira tal dia para las naciones? ... Pueblos, esperadlo de la bondad divina, y esa santa esperanza sea entretanto vuestro consuelo en los infortunios a que todavia os entregan la ambicion y la imbecilidad de los que trafican con vuestro nombre. This article, which is signed "Francisco Zarco" rather than "Fortun," is lacking in the banter and irony that are found in much of his better satires. Its attack is more "^Zarco, "El pueblo," p. 342. Zarco, "El pueblo," p. 343. 345 direct them is usually the case in his social satire. Railing and contempt are utilized much more, and the desire for reform is very evident. Libertines of many varieties are exposed as Zarco attempts to reveal corruption and hypocrisy to public view. He begins with broad definitions of libertinism. MEl libertinage es el abuso de la libertad."^ Apparently digressing, he does not stop at a superficial examination of the libertine; he extends the meaning of libertine to include the abstract. He suggests that abuse of liberty has many implications beyond the social phenomenon of the libertine. Attacking the abuse of liberty on all levels in such a way as to make the reader uncertain as to whether Zarco is a proponent of liberty or its enemy, he says: ”^De la libertad se abusa, y de que no se abusa en este mundo?"^ But he continues with evident irony as if drawing away from a controversial subject: "Pero el libertinage de los pueblos no es asunto para m£.M^ After having so said, 14 Francisco Zarco, MEl libertino," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 257. ■^Zarco, "El libertino," p. 257. 16Zarco, "El libertino," p. 257. 346 he turns on the object of his satire with vigor, that object being the people themselves. He suggests that all of society is libertine, sick and tired: ... se cansan de la opresion y de la infamia; en que todas sus facultades comprimidas, y sintiendo un peso sobre su inteligencia, su espfritu se estravia; una nacion devorada por la guerra civil, y por toda clase de crrmenes, es una sociedad demente; es la humanidad delirante; ...•*-7 Notwithstanding this attack, Zarco is not a misanthropic satirist condemning Mexican society for being sick. His concern is for a sick society which can become healthy by taking the proper cure. Showing his concern for a sick society, he says: "^Hay quien diga que es perverso el que sufre ataques epilepticos, el que mordido de un perro TO rabioso tiene despues hidrofobia?" Focusing his attention on the stated object of his satire, Zarco says that even the libertine is to be pitied, for he, too, is sick. Zarco suggests that the reader would have better insight into the emotions of the libertine if he knew him better. ... pero si le seguis [sic] hasta la hora en que se queda solo, entonces toda la alegria desaparecera, entonces ■^Zarco, "El libertino," p. 257. 1 ft Zarco, "El libertino," p. 257. 347 lo vereis suspirar y gemir, y restregar sus ojos secos como si implorarase [sic] del destino una lagrima sola que le refresque las megillas.^ Although Zarco does not approve of the behavior of 20 this social outcast, he does try to understand the meta morphosis and the social forces which produce a person who, like a snake, fascinates women to whom the libertine is courteous, gallant and prodigal. Pero, cosa estrana, las mugeres rara vez pueden resistir a un libertino; el tiene la reputacion de veneer toda clase de obstaculos, y ademas, hay en la muger un deseo que es hijo del amor propio. ...21 The libertine is a modern don Juan: El libertino es insolente y atrevido, no respeta a los viejos ... no cree en las mugeres, ni en su candor, ni en su sencillez; se rfe de los sabios, y por fin de todos desconfia, ... 22 In a second article entitled "El libertino,” Zarco suggests that education is the solution to a person’s flaunting the laws of a society in an apparent determina tion to know good and evil; at least education to the extent of remaining with his family and attempting to hide ■^Zarco, ”E1 libertino,” pp. 257-258. ^Zarco, "El libertino," p. 258. ^Zarco, "El libertino," p. 258. ^2zarco, "El libertino," p. 259. 348 the details of his past life.^ Society must not be too harsh on the libertine because he represents society. He is a product of all societies and all ages. Society must share the blame for the liber tine’s flaunting its concepts of propriety. It should not condemn or approve. Society has its libertines because it does not provide its members with a means of self expres sion. Mientras haya ilusiones perdidas y esperanzas des- vanecidas habra libertinos, como consecuencia del dolor, de la desesperacion, de la debilidad del genero humano! ;Ahora, odiad o compadeced al libertino! Para todo tendreis razon.24- Another example of Zarco*s looking under the surface and exposing human weaknesses is found in his satirizing of women in "Boton, rosa, hoja seca." Through the use of much imagery, he examines sympathetically the female quest for eternal beauty and ideal love. Pobres flores!--Son tan frescas y tan lindas, y viven tan poco, sin que el brillo de sus colores, ni el encanto de su aroma, pueda prolongar un instante su fugaz ecsis- tencia. jPobres flores!25 23 Francisco Zarco, "El libertino" (Segundo artxculo), La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 405. o / Zarco, "El libertino" (Segundo artxculo), p. 406. "^Francisco Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), V, 114. 349 Though it makes us sad to contemplate the truth, physical beauty is transitory because all is transitory: "iAy! Si, 9 6 todo decae, todo perece, nada es duradero. ..." As Zarco moves from image to image, and from one sym bol of the fleetingness of beauty to another, he takes the reader behind the scenes to show him why beauty is so fleeting, and why pretty girls should take warning. Admitting that he has couched his true intent in symbolic language to gain the reader’s attention in order to teach a lesson, he addresses women directly. He says ironically, not defining the term "beauty," that women are more beauti ful than flowers and that if he were to continue talking of the transitoriness of life, it would be necessary for him to preach virtues which are the only things that do not die. Zarco does not wish to incur the displeasure of women by reminding them of unpleasant considerations! iAy! Tiemblo al pensar que cualquier muger linda, de esas que conocen su propia belleza y aman el lujo, y se entregan gozosas al torbellino del mundo, puede fruncir el ceno, disgustarse, hastiarse al encontrar reflecsiones que la entristezcan, recordandole que sus verdes anos pasaran, que su belleza se marchitara, y que su historia tambien se reasumira en estas palabras: Boton, rosa, hoja seca.27 26 < Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 115. 9 7 Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 115. 350 He says that it is necessary to employ metaphoric language to express his satire, because his female readers would not read his articles if he preached to them: ”... bien se yo que la verdad nunca puede decirse a las mugeres, 9 ft ni mucho menos escribirse con letras de molde. ..." Moving in for a more direct attack upon the vanity of physical beauty, he shows us the preparations that go into a dance which serves no useful purpose, except to show the superficiality of female existence. He shows us the "serious business" of flirting that goes on between galan tes and coquetas at the dance. Women are pictured as possessing an unearthly beauty with whom mere earthling males are not worthy to associate: ... cada muger parece una criatura sobrehumana, sobre- natural, divina, superior a cuanto conocemos en este mundo. ... Entonces es cuando el hombre se siente humillado, entristecido; cuando se cree infinitamente inferior a la muger, indigno de acercarse a tanta gran- deza, a tanta hermosura, el que es tan tosco, tan humano, tan material, tan prosaico. ...29 In the minds of men themselves, as well as in the minds of these flowers of unearthly beauty, men are de picted as being very mundanely coarse and crude, unworthy 28 ' Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 115. 29 * Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 117. 351 of association with such divine beings. We must not give his words a denotative value. What he appears to be praising, he really means to condemn even though he uses pleasant images. He does not readily reveal his actual viewpoint; however, in this quotation there is a strong note of lampooning which should portend his bringing these angels crashing to earth as he tells how they became angels: ^Veis a todas esas mugeres que se os figuran caidas del cielo? ^Os fascinan su gracia y sus encantos? Pues sabed que cada una ha necesitado dias de estudio, de calculo de meditacion, para aparecer bajo una forma tan encantadora. ...30 Heaping ridicule upon these flower-angels, he throws aside pretense and describes women as being treacherous and bewitching and says that they cannot be accepted on the basis of appearance. Woman and flowers are brought to- gether--type meets antitype in this passage: La muger es entonces un hechicero y tiemo capullo, que poco a poco va abriendo sus hojas, tinendolas del color mas bello, ... El misterioso retrete del tocador es el invemaculo de la muger; alii hay actividad, rapi- dez, inteligencia, y nada se olvida de cuanto ha de contribuir al completo desarrollo de capullo. ... 30 / Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," pp. 117-118. ~^Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 118. 352 Satirizing female vanity further, Zarco ridicules their inability to view reality objectively: "Alii a solas la 32 muger se deleita con su propia belleza.' In the course of this article, woman changes from an opening flower to a calculating warrior going into battle: Todo esta listo. La muger se arma como el guerrero antiguo; contemplando y bendiciendo cada uno de sus arreos. Todo esta calculado; en el dia solemne no se nota ni una vacilacion. ...33 Returning to the imagery of the flower, Zarco says: "La muger entra al salon del baile. La rosa se abre en el pensil a la bora del alba." With a note of mockery, he adds: Pero unas tras otras brotan tantas rosas, que las mira- das suelen vagar de una en otra, sin fijarse en ninguna. Primera espina que punza a las mismas rosas. No hay rosas sin e s p i n a s . 3 5 As the dance begins and the female dancers swirl like flowers, Zarco uses the imagery of a storm’s developing, subsiding, and fading away to give the feeling of excite ment, tension and "let-down" which follows the dance. 30 / ‘ ‘ ■Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 118. Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 118. o / Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 118. 35 r Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 118. 353 The storm image is especially effective in reflecting the relationship between husbands and wives who become con fused and forget their marital status at the dance. The women are likened to wilted flowers after the storm: Si habeis visto un campo por donde ha pasado el huracan, si os ha entristecido el aspecto de troncos quebrados, de ramas arrancadas, de yerbas marchitas, de plantas destruidas, podeis figuraros lo que es un salon de baile al amanecer.3® He ends this article by returning to the recurring and predominant image of flowers: MjPobres flores! Tan lindas, y su historia se reasume en tres palabras ... Boton, rosa, hoja seca. " ^ Not intending that women should be the sole object of this satire, Zarco adds this epilogue: Y esta es la historia no solo de las flores, sino tambien de las esperanzas y de las ilusiones, de los ensuehos y de los amores, de la juventud y de la belleza, del hombre y de la muger. ... Por ahora pensemos en todas las historias que pueden encerrarse en el titulo de esta charla: Boton, rosa, hoja seca.38 36 Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 119. o -j 'Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 119. 38 / Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 119. 354 39 In "Fragilidades" women are again the object of Zarco!s satire as he uses Paulita to symbolize the deceits, infidelities and coquettishness of women. He describes the "attractive” characteristics of Paulita which are not really considered by Zarco to be attractive. Through a series of adventures involving several men, he reveals her basic weaknesses and blemishes of character. She is "joven," "encantadora," "timida," "inocente," "amable," "graciosa," "ligera." She knows how to dance, sing, draw, and embroider, which qualities in themselves are not abhor rent to Zarco. It is what she does with her attributes that is abhorrent to him. She likes a life of excitement, praise and flattery. Her only thoughts are to be charming and loved. She is not at all modest: "Se amo mucho a si misma. Araaba tambien el lujo y las grandes reuniones. Her qualities of character and the episodes of the nar ration have as their focal point her marriage to a rich man whom she soon finds boring. Abandoning pretensions of satirizing an individual, he rails against all women saying that Paulita, with all ■ ^ F r a n c i s c o Zarco, La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 655-657. A f) Zarco, "Fragilidades," p. 656. 355 of these attributes and characteristics, is not unlike other women. "Hay tantas mugeres asf, que Paulita no llamo mucho mi atencion, ni crei interesante estudiarla, ... era una joven que estaba de moda. . . . " ^ She is "una rosa sin perfume, aunque de brillantes colores.If she is loving or charming, it is for selfish purposes. The character istics which, at the beginning of the article, appeared to be agreeable, now appear as blemishes as the reason for her charming ways becomes evident: Paulita, sin embargo, solia ser demasiado amable, y no vacilaba en dar muestras de afecto y de interes a ciertos hombres que le parecian algo estimables; pero esto era un medio de tener quienes estendieran su fama, quienes proclamaran su merito.^^ 44 In a second article entitled "Fragilidades," once again demonstrating his unwillingness to condemn human foibles, Zarco says laughing: "Lo que vd. [sic] ha hecho no es gran cosa."^ Suggesting the line "viene el diablo ^Zarco, "Fragilidades," p. 656. ^Zarco, "Fragilidades," p. 656. ^Zarco, "Fragilidades," p. 656. ^Francisco Zarco, "Fragilidades" (Segundo articulo), La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 677-679. ^Zarco, "Fragilidades" (Segundo articulo), p. 679. 356 46 y sopla," he adds: "El hombre es fuego y la muger estopa. . .."^ He makes no attempt to solve Paulita's problems which are a result of her own follies. He sug gests to his readers that they not be hasty to judge and he, in turn, will not judge them for their opinions. He observes human foibles and smiles sympathetically, but does not judge. "^Donde hay mugeres?" a sequel to "Tras de la cruz esta el diablo," is, like "Tras de la cruz," another mild satire on the relationship between the sexes, and one which again points up Zarco's sympathy for human foibles. Zarco uses a lengthy dialogue between himself and Antonio, the same Antonio of "Tras de la cruz," in which the latter verbalizes his "no soy nada" philosophy. Zarco suggests that an unfortunate love affair, a woman, lies behind Antonio's attitude. To which suggestion, Antonio responds with: "--jMugeres! Estas loco ... dime, dime, ^donde hay 48 mugeres?" which is Zarco's way of leading into an 46 Zarco, "Fragilidades" (Segundo articulo), p. 679. ^Zarco, "Fragilidades" (Segundo articulo), p. 679. 48 * Francisco Zarco, "^Donde hay mugeres?" La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 421. 357 excellent satire on the battle of the sexes. Antonio in sists that women for him do not exist because he has not found in them that for which he was searching. He main tains that he has looked for reasons for woman's existence and has not found them; therefore, for him women do not exist. Zarco assures Antonio that the same passions, senti ments, defects, and weaknesses that exist in men are present in women. He suggests that Antonio is responsible for the vacuum which no woman has filled. Antonio of his own admission wants in woman an enduring enchantment, eternal pleasure, constant love. When such a woman does not present herself, he blames woman and maintains that women do not exist. In this essay Antonio symbolizes male foibles, and women are represented as being superior to men. Zarco asks Antonio: "--^Y por que no preguntas tambien: donde hay 49 hombres?" When we start comparing, Zarco asserts, there are more cross-eyed, hunchbacked, lame, ugly men than cross-eyed, hunchbacked, lame, ugly women. So it is not flattery to call woman the fairer sex--they are the 49 * , Zarco, "^Donde hay mugeres?" p. 423. 358 fairer sex. We see in this and other essays that women are not dealt with as harshly as a superficial treatment of his satire might indicate. He admits that women do not excel intellectually, but women’s lack of intellectual accom plishment is attributed to their not having educational opportunity rather than to an inferiority of the sex. In defense of women, Zarco says that it is men who abuse and deceive women. He asks rhetorically how can women be happy at the side of such as Antonio? Further evidencing sympathy for persons such as Antonio and the woman who has disillusioned him, Zarco sug gests that one must expect to find the same defects in women that are found in men, some on a greater scale, some on a lesser scale. He appears to favor neither sex. But even in his statement, which ends on a note of irony and banter, we are not sure how serious he is: Yo francamente no me inclino ni en pro, ni en contra del uno, ni del otro secso. Me parecen iguales. Creo que no puede haber mas grande imparcialidad, a menos de no volverse hermafrodita.^ "^Zarco, "^Donde hay mugeres?” p. 427. 359 Zarco fully realizes that his readers usually see everybody’s faults but their own in his satire. In "Los seres escepcionales" he places the mirror of satire di rectly before his readers so that they will see their own reflection. Zarco begins by speaking of satire as being directed to people in general for the purpose of social criticism and of the reader's considering himself an excep tion to the object being satirized. He says that danger lies in each reader’s seeing himself as "un ser escep- cional," for then the general objects of satire disappear to become "seres escepcionales." Zarco, accepting a part of the blame, says that the satirist is, to a degree, responsible for such an attitude on the part of the reader. Because, he says, the satirist, not wishing to make his attacks too direct, frequently asserts to his readers: No lo digo por vd., anadimos siempre que mas o menos impensadamente creemos haber lanzado una indirecta, una de esas alusiones que por generales que sean, pueden herir la susceptibilidad de nuestros interlocutores. Justifying the satirist, however, Zarco says that this is the only means the satirist has by which he dares attack the many social defects everywhere evident. Because the 51 Francisco Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 387. 360 reader of satire sees everybody's faults but his own and condemns those faults in others is one reason why satire is successful as didactic literature. There is a chance that in order to avoid being the object of ridicule, the reader will not only attempt to appear virtuous but will be virtuous. Zarco is not really concerned about the attitude of his readers. All of the foregoing are disarming devices which lead into the real purpose of this article which is to satirize those "exceptional persons," i.e. the reader if he considers himself an exceptional being. To those who consider someone else the victim of his satire, he says with evident irony: Yo se que ecsisten esos seres escepcionales, y lo se de boca de ellos mismos. ... Esto es concluyente, incon testable; confesion de partes releva de p r u e b a . ^ 2 Launching into his attack Zarco says that he has come to this conclusion after gathering these confessions from those who are offended by ignoble ambition, avarice, in fidelity, inconsistency, perfidy and falsehood. Such con fessions from people of all ages and all walks of life compel Zarto to report sarcastically: "Me he convencido 52 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. 361 de que es una verdad de a folio, una verdad de bulto, la S3 ecsistencia de hombres y mugeres sin defectos. . .."^ Assuming the usual superior position characteristic of all satirists, Zarco, without saying so, evidently con siders himself to be un ser escepcional. He says to those who are incredulous and still lament the inconstancy of women, the infidelity of friends, the pride of benefactors, the ingratitude of the protege and human imperfection that they should not flee from society, or become bitter, doubt ing all virtue, but rather "Venid y oidme, que os traigo palabras de consuelo. Reanimaos, incredulos, reunid vues- tras creencias marchitas • Ironically insisting to his readers that human nature is perfectable, he says that those virtues for which they dream are not hidden like diamonds in dark caves, but are, on the contrary, to be found everywhere. They are evident in the many seres escepcionales, which are on every hand. He asks us how we can doubt the existence of such beings if we believe the statement which each individual makes of himself? 53 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. ■^Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. 362 Zarco has made his general statement on the problem, now he is going to present the evidence for his case. He suggests that we listen to some of the declarations of those seres escepcionales. He begins with women, which is not surprising. He first lists a few qualities which we should look for in the seres escepcionales: Comencemos por la muger, por la obra maestra de la naturaleza, como lo dicen unos, por el animal mas lindo, como le llaman otros. ^Cuales son los defectos que mas se censuran en la muger de nuestra epoca?^ He is not asking his readers to answer this rhetorical question; he intends to answer it by listing the foibles which, in his opinion, are most evident in women: La coqueteria, la ridfcula vanidad, la presuncion, en algunas el interes, el escesivo amor a las riquezas como medio de la sensualidad, la inconstancia, la in- fidelidad.56 Zarco blames the bad examples of mothers and some fathers for these qualities in their daughters because the parents care more for physical and material beauty than they do for beauty of the soul. A corset that tightens the waist is more important than counsel which moderates the passions. But where do we find such persons? They are 55 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. c/ : Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. 363 everywhere. MPero las escepciones? He aqui el consuelo, senores declamadores. ^Donde encontrarlas? En todas par tes."57 So that his readers will not accuse him of prejudice or lack of insight, Zarco presents women to corroborate his views. He asks us to listen to Margarita who decries all of the follies, vices and foibles of women. Zarco in pre senting her says: "Es casi una nina. Cuenta a lo mas diez y ocho Abriles. Oidla, o£dla y admiradla.Margarita lists those qualities mentioned by Zarco which she condemns in other women and interjects in the midst of her denunci ation: "Yo no soy as£" (he aqui la escepcion),5^ says Zarco ironically as if to say to his readers, "What did I tell you?" When Margarita has finished her declaration of her own virtues and condemnation of other women, Zarco says, as if sharing knowledge about Margarita with his readers: "jMag- / 60 nifico! ^no es verdad?" Now that Margarita has helped 57 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. 5 8 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. 59 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. fin Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. 364 to prove Zarco right, he will show his readers more proof: ”Pues ahora escuchad a Lucia, verdadera perla del mundo elegante. Lucia also decries and condemns the infidelity of f 62 women ending with: ”Yo no soy asi. ;Dios me libre!" She, too, has helped to prove Zarco right by declaring her self to be another ser escepcional. Of Lucia’s declara tion, Zarco says banteringly, almost giggling with delight: / 63 "A ver si esto no es bueno. Pero oigamos a otra." Matilde is her name; she decries marriage for money. She says: "Que mugeres, las de ahora, ;Dios mio! se venden como animales. ... Yo gracias a Dios, no soy asi.11^ Of Matilde's confession of her own virtue, Zarco mockingly says: "Sublime abnegacion en verdad, desinteres que re- cuerda el Contigo pan y cebolla. ... Ella se declara ser 6 S escepcional, y como ella, otras muchas." 61 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. 62 Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 388. ^Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 389. 6Zl Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 389. 6 S Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," p. 389. 365 Other seres escepcionales appear to declare their virtues. Some declare yo no fui as£; others yo no soy asx; still others yo no sere asx. So the list increases. Zarco has effectively satirized human foibles, vices and follies by saying in effect to his readers that they condemn them selves if they declare themselves to be seres excepcio- nales, or if they possess those qualities decried by the seres escepcionales. Honor, the theme dealt with so often in Spanish and Spanish-American literature, is the object of Zarco’s satire in "La honra y trabajo.” Enrique, the protagonist, is utilized by Zarco to ridicule Mexican’s dislike for manual labor. Enrique represents all of the manoeuvres through which a member of the aristocracy goes in order to avoid physical work. He is the son of an old military man and a woman whose primary life's preoccupation is with her own Spanish nobility. Enrique represents most of the qualities of the aristocracy which Zarco detests. He is ignorant, proud and arrogant. He attends a preparatory school for two years where he learns nothing because he considers the discipline of the school a most unreasonable despotism. Through his father’s efforts he gets a military 366 appointment; however, in the face of the enemy he turns and flees. Everything he undertakes he fails. He has nothing but contempt for his peers and associates. Enrique era orgulloso y altanero y se cre£a muy superior a todos los jovenes de su edad porque era hombre decente y caballero, y para el todos los demas eran canalla.^6 Enrique, que habia estudiado en el colegio, que tenia mundo y que habia sido militar, miro con desden a sus compafleros y a sus gefes, que le parecieron desde luego ignorantes, cobardes, y sobre todo, un poco plebeyos." Those who long for the colonial era, frequent objects of Zarco1s attacks, are symbolized by Enrique and his mother of whom Zarco says: Su madre se afligio, deploro las injusticias de las republicas: la pobre senora estaba persuadida de que en tiempo del gobiemo espanol.su hijo hubiera sido oidor, o cuando menos sub-delegado. ° Enrique, who has served the purpose of presenting the topic, gives way to a more direct attack on society. Attacking society in general, Zarco says that the truly industrious are hard to find in Mexico. In Zarco's opinion, this is a grave illness in Mexican society. Francisco Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 219. ^Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 219. ^Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 219. 367 Los hombres verdaderamente trabajadores son una escepcion entre nosotros, y todos los demas cierran los ojos, y no quieren reconocer que el trabajo activo y constante, es a menudo el origen de la fortuna y de una distinguida posicion s o c i a l . * * ” Though Zarco says he is not one who abhors Spain, he finds very little for which to praise her. He says: "es evidente que muchos de nuestros defectos los debemos a nuestros dominadores. A most unfortunate aspect of that colonial heritage, Zarco believed, was the widespread belief that the military and the priesthood were the only honorable occupations which the likes of Enrique could pur sue. All others were unworthy of a person who considered himself noble and who would rather be a social parasite than do physical labor. Most of the aristocracy were even yet in Zarcofs time disdainful of anyone engaged in com merce or business. The rich landowners abhorred work and were even generally unwilling to enter into lucrative 71 speculation, Zarco maintained. Zarco’s concept of honor, quite different from that of Enrique, is a broad one which goes beyond family lives 6Q Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 221. 7^Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 217. 71Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 220. 368 to include the dignity of everybody because each person justifiably has a high opinion of his own dignity. Conse quently, everybody sees many individuals whom he considers to be beneath him; this attitude when misdirected results in a national disease. Zarco expresses it in these words: Cualquiera consentira en manchar su vida privada y en faltar a sus deberes; pero nunca se denigrara a si mismo descendiendo a ejercer la profesion que le parezca in ferior a su rango.72 From this national attitude arises the "Escudero" complex of which he gives examples: Un licenciado prefiere morirse de hambre, a hacer las funciones de escribano, y este a su vez se creeria degradado si fuera escribiente o ministro ejecutor.^3 As a result, Mexico has a parasitic society in which "toda la gente que vive sin trabajar para no deshonrarse, gravita sobre los demas."^ Zarco laments that most Mexi cans are not willing to get an education which will fit them for a useful occupation, but rather are willing to remain ignorant though starving. Enrique serves as Zarco's example of ignorance and bad education prevalent among 72 Zarco, MLa honra y trabajo," p. 218. 73 Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 218. ^Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 218. 369 a large number of people. Having made his points, and not wishing to press a direct attack on his object, Zarco returns to the story of Enrique to tell us that after the death of Enrique’s parents, he reveals his complete lack of character and true honor when his father’s friends endeavor to provide him with an income and a place to live. He is asked by his benefactor, who was a merchant, to mail some letters, whereupon Enrique becomes incensed and leaves declaring that "los comerciantes no conocian la decencia y eran gente ordinaria. As Enrique goes from one progressively humble master to another, he reveals the decadence of character which is a heritage of the colonial period. With the obsession of the dishonor of work, he has made himself incapable of learning. Continually lamenting his misfortunes and miseries, he has become a bitter and miserable person who has enjoyed nothing in this world. To indicate the universality of the problem, Zarco ends this satire with a frequently used device of remind ing his readers that they have known people such as he ^Zarco, "La honra y trabajo," p. 220. 370 is satirizing: "^Quien no ha conocido hombres como este? ^Quien no tropieza con ellos todos los dias y a cada paso?"^ Demonstrating the didactic purpose of his satire, he addresses his readers directly to admonish them that they should take care not to be guilty of fostering false con cepts of honor in themselves or their children. Los padres de familia deben desechar tan funestas preocupaciones. El trabajo es la gloria del hombre y de la civilizacion. No hay trabajo cjue deshonre. ... Todos los holgazanes son danosos a si mismos, y enteramente improductivos a la s o c i e d a d . ^ 7 Zarco suggests a remedy for this social illness in this passage: ”Las leyes debian obrar contra el hombre que vive 78 sin trabajar, ..." For women who must work for a living, Zarco favored education so that they need not have to revert to the dishonorable occupation of prostitution. Mucho mejor es que una muger bien educada pueda vivir independiente con el fruto de su trabajo, que verse espuesta a todo genero de humillaciones. 7^Zarco, MLa honra y trabajo,” p. 220. 77Zarco, ”La honra y trabajo,” p. 221. 78 Zarco, ”La honra y trabajo,” p. 221. 79 Zarco, ”La honra y trabajo,” p. 221. 371 Zarco was striving for change in Mexican society. Notwithstanding his intense preoccupation with social prob lems, he was realistic enough to recognize that Mexican society was not likely to change its attitudes and social values very quickly: Sin embargo, mucho tiempo ha de transcurrir todavia antes de que en Mexico se desarraige la preocupacion de que el trabajo esta en pugna con la honra. ® Zarco’s pessimism appears to be complete in ”Vendu- tas." Man’s cruelty to man and animals is apparently to be dealt with in this satire on public sales. He begins by giving a brief history of western civilization from Roman times to the present. It is not a history which speaks well of the Christian nations’ application of the prin ciples found in the Sermon on the Mount: Los juegos sangrientos del circo, las luchas de los gladiadores y de las fieras, caracterizan al pueblo romano, guerrero, grande y conquistador; los millares de martires que con su sangre inundaron a la Roma de los emperadores, nos dan una idea de los primeros siglos del cristianismo; los tomeos, las fiestas, los bufones, los trovadores, son el distintivo de los tiempos caballeres- cos; las cruzadas, con sus grandiosas y atrevidas em- presas nos pintan la epoca de las ideas religiosas y de la union de los principales pueblos de la Europa para conquistar la tuniba de Jesus; la reforma y con ella Enrique VIII, Calvino, Lutero, Wallenstein, la guerra ^Zarco, "La honra y trabajo,” p. 221. 372 de 30 anos, ... la inquisicion y los autos de fe, Felipe II tenido con la sangre de su muger y de su hijo, y de su pueblo, el trono y el altar en curioso diptongo, son el vestigio del fanatismo y de la opresion; . ..^1 This, Zarco says, is the history of man in the western world; this is the society that has provided the grist which has been ground in the mills of Boileau, La Bruyere, 89 Voltaire, and other satirists. This is the civilization that Zarco considered to be a failure up to his time. As has been the history of western civilization, so has been the history of Mexico--bloody. But, as the title suggests, man’s cruelty to man is not the subject of this article; but neither does he plan to discuss budgets with his readers, to do so would be like dissertating over the square of a circle. Rather he intends to deal with "vendu- no tas" because they are "materia mas facil y menos arida.” Some Mexicans may think that interest in literature, art and philanthropic endeavors reflects their national souls, but if they will bother to look a bit more closely, they will see another characteristic which, in Zarco*s 81 ' Francisco Zarco, "Vendutas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 586. ^Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 586. ^Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 587. 373 opinion, reflects the national character--materialism, a materialism which is best seen in the desire to sell every thing, including Mexican honor and national territory, to the highest bidder. He rails: "Somos, pues, mercaderes y Q A economistas antes que nada." Society in general has become materialistic. Man's concern is to obtain gold; glory is no longer sought. There are no longer crusades, or causes for which men may die. Zarco avers that the problem is not new; the alche mists during the Middle Ages tried to turn everything to gold. Using words on more than one level of meaning, Zarco says that in modern society, man turns things to gold which the alchemist of the Middle Ages never dreamed could be turned to gold: ... se trasforman hoy en oro, tales como la libertad, la fe, la devocion, el patriotismo, y todas las virtudes y vicios de la humanidad. He adds mockingly: ",Pobres alquimistas! iQue poco i . •., 8 b sabian: ^Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 587. ^"*Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 587. ^Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 587. 374 By constantly jumping from one level of meaning of words to another and apparently digressing, Zarco hopes to cause the reader to react with a feeling that all is not well with society, though he is not sure what it is. Zarco hopes that by painting scenes from a public sale he will reveal truth. The scenes at the public sale with a priest bidding for an English watch and an American bidding against an Andalucian for an American rifle symbolize the willingness of society to sell to the highest bidder. Will nobody bid more is the cry of men and women throughout society: "... ^no hay quien de mas? y el martillo, resuenan en mi 87 oido y creo escucharlos por todas partes." In one of those rare occasions he addresses his readers almost with a voice of contempt: "Vosotros los defensores del comercio, regocijaos, porque ahora se comercia con todo, y todo se O Q remata al mejor postor. As Zarco lists the "items" that are sold at auction, we see that none are material or concrete. All are quali ties or concepts: "Aplausos, elogios, celebridad, amistad, ^^Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 591. ®®Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 591. 375 89 amor, ... virtud y el genio." In government as well as society, even among the supposedly virtuous married women and men, virtue and favors are sold to the highest bidder. ’ ’Look as I do," he says to his readers and you will see sales taking place on all sides with the same anxiety of the auctioneer, the same pride and arrogance of the bidders, the same disgust after receiving the desired object: "... refleccionad, observad un poco, y el misterio se aclarara."^ The glory of other ages was in killing, but the glory of Zarco’s age, he says, is in the selling of honor and virtue. La gloria de nuestro siglo consiste en el comercio, y en el comercio libre ^por que se ha de evitar que se venda el honor, &c.?91 He says sarcastically that this is good for the nation's economy because it puts new products on the market to sell. Hombres y mugeres, que sois rematados en venduta, en- orgulleceos porque sois una nueva produccion comercial, un elemento de riqueza y de prosperidad para vuestro pais!9 89 Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 591. 9®Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 591. 9^Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 592. 9^Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 592. 376 Further demonstrating ridicule and contempt, he says with biting sarcasm: Y vosotros los que no podeis comprar ni honor, ni fama, ni amor, ni amistades, consolaos diciendo como Candido: todo esta bien; y cuando siempre que querais obtener also os quedeis sin ello y oigais que de mil modos, dis- tintas gentes, hembras y machos, ricos y pobres, sabios y tontos, preguntan ;no hay quien de mas? conformaos con conocer que este es el grito del siglo mas civilizado de todos los s i g l o s . 9 3 Zarco is really saying that ours is a world with confused values, which the sane person finds intolerable. We have seen repeatedly how Zarco strove to expose the hidden side of society to public view. His ability to look beneath the surface of human behavior and enter the minds of his victims to expose to close scrutiny human foibles is well exemplified in the following bit of exaggeration from "Un entierro": Los sepultureros, contentos de ver que D. N. era todo lo que les faitaba para concluir su tarea, arrimaron unas escaleras con muy buen humor; tomaron en peso la caja, y entonces suscitose una discusion sobre cual era el nicho en que aquel hombre debia quedar en paz. Des pues de una acalorada disputa entre las personas encar- gadas de alojar a los difuntos, en la que por supuesto no se omitieron las mas soeces interjecciones, D. N. entro a empujones, que le daban con colera los sepultu reros, dentro de uno de aquellos nichos.^ 93 Zarco, "Vendutas," p. 592. 94 * Francisco Zarco, "Un entierro," La Ilustracion Mexi- cana (Mexico, 1851), II, 273-274. 377 Then he adds the final ironic touch to the scene in the following imagery: ’ 'Despues un albanil subio con unos adobes y un poco de mezcla, y tapo la boca del sepulcro que , 05 acaba de tragarse a D. N. 1 Parodying the actions of don N.’s friends, Zarzo selects the extremes of their behavior after the funeral to show us the absurdity of human behavior. The burial scene quickly forgotten, each person gets back into his carriage which returns him to the world from which the burial of D. N. removed him momentarily. --jAl Progreso! decian unos. --jAl Teatro! --;A1 Bazar! Los mas iban a comer con buen apetito, porque se les habia hecho t a r d e . ^ 6 Further pointing out the faults of those who attend funerals and emphasizing their weakness as human beings, but not condemning them, Zarco describes what an interment is to various classes of people. Un entierro es un paseo para ciertas gentes, una obligacion que impone el mundo para otras, un negocio para el cura y el sepulturero, una medida de higiene para la policxa, una mera ostentacion de vanidad para ^Zarco, "Un entierro,” p. 274. Zarco, "Un entierro,” p. 274. 378 ciertas familias, un dolor horrible para los deudos del muerto £salvo algunas escepciones, como los que heredan, y las jovenes que enviudan de viejos) y para el muerto no es nada, porque el alma al desprenderse del raundo, le deja la cama inmunda para que la estudie, la llore, la honre, la sepulte, la £§nga asco, le cause miedo, o se divierta con ella. ... What perspicacious person who has attended funerals cannot say of Zarco's satire "How true!" The satirist has shown us that a funeral is a somewhat ridiculous social convention as are many of the manners which make up our life. Rich people always make a good object to attack with satire. In "jPobres ricos!" Zarco does not always demon strate the degree of objectivity that he may wish his readers to infer. He shows his contempt for wealthy people and the evil consequences of being wealthy in general; he frequently expresses his sympathy for poor folks without examining the reasons for their poverty. He gives the rich a verbal chastizing in these words: jlnsensatos! Creeis que la felicidad consiste en las riquezas, y no sabeis que la felicidad no es de este mundo. ... Sonais que con un poco de oro podeis comprar ^Zarco, "Un entierro," p. 275. 379 algunos placeres, y olvidais que el placer verdadero, el del alma, huye muchas veces de la riqueza. ...98 In an apparent effort to comfort his poor readers while actually wishing to shame the rich, Zarco describes the woes of wealth: M;Ah! si supierais cuantas ansias y congojas, cuantas angustias y miserias trae consigo la for- tuna, . . . Zarco does not claim that the poor man is happier than the rich; he merely wishes to show that the poor man enjoys some advantages over the rich man, and that the wealth of the rich man does not liberate him from the same miseries and pains of the poor man. Zarco recognizes the unfortu nate reality of the power of wealth in society. He says: Pero el rnundo se inclina ante el oro! Pero en nuestra epoca la riqueza abre todas las puertas! Pero ahora se entiende por posicion social, tener una gran fortuna, y con dinero se adquieren amigos, y se gana celebridad, y se gozan las delicias del amor, y se hacen buenos matri- monios con mugeres lindisimas que se burlarian de un pobre diablo por honrado que fuese, por grandes que fue- sen sus virtudes, su valor y sus talentos! 98 ' Francisco Zarco, ";Pobres ricos!” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), V, 145. ^Zarco, "; Pobres ricos!" p. 145. ^^Zarco, ”; Pobres ricos!" p. 145. 380 Though claiming to pass no moral judgment on the opulent, Zarco does pass judgment on all of the things money can obtain by calling them "humo."^- ^ A poor man with one true friend is wealthier than he who has all of the things money can buy. There is no lasting joy in those things which vanish like' smoke; they are all vanity. He also says it is only the fool who is impressed with wealth. Those who are wealthy and those who are impressed with wealth are "pobres-ricos." The miser who gets no pleasure out of life, who dies leaving his fortune for distant rela tives, lawyers and clerics to fight over is a "pobre rico." Imbeciles and women who sell themselves are found in the presence of the wealthy who say of the joys which they 1 f)9 have: "Todos mis goces son comprados. Zarco does not condemn wealth which results from hard work which he says is the only wealth which should cause satisfaction. He condemns wealth which is not the result of hard work and whose possessor disdains work while basing his wealth on wealthy antecedents. Zarco quotes "pobres ricos" as saying: ^■^Zarco, "; Pobres ricos!" p. 145. ^•^Zarco, "; Pobres ricos!" p. 146. 381 ”Yo soy rico porque lo fueron mis bisabuelos, porque desde tiempos inmemoriales mi familia tiene vasta propiedad territorial; luego valgo mucho mas que este otro que debe su fortuna al trabajo de su padre, hombre honrado, s£, pero de humildes panales.” As he so often does, Zarco insists that education is more to be desired than wealth. It is a better inheritance than wealth to leave one's children. Zarco asserts that existence without education is existence on the animal level: Un hombre que queda sumergido en la ignorancia, tiene una ecsistencia puramente animal, y se encuentra privado de toda vida moral e intelectual. Es preciso, pues, que el joven reciba de su familia un capital mas permanente que nadie pueda arrebatarlo: una profesion, una instruccion solida, conocimiento del mundo. Iirmorality in all areas of human behavior is fre quently the object of Zarco's satire. As was seen in the chapter on political satire, Zarco believed that at the root of public immorality is corruption and immorality of public officials. He questions how civil virtues can be fostered or stimulated when honors, positions of social or political importance and distinction are rewarded on the Zarco, " j Pobres ricos!” p. 147. •^-^Zarco, ”j Pobres ricos!” p. 149- ■^^Zarco, Pobres ricos!” p. 149. 382 basis of favoritism and personality. Zarco laments the lack of morality in virtually all phases of human intercourses in "Dos lobos no se muerden." This is one of his best satires on public morality and it is an example of his use of animals to satirize human be havior. In Zarco's opinion when people become dehumanized, they assume the characteristics of animals. Zarco, the satirist, shows these animalistic characteristics which, he believes, are evident in many aspects of society. His emotions, which appear to be amused, are really quite tor mented. He uses as his vehicle a proverb which embodies a truism regarding human behavior and, as Zarco reminds us, it is a truth which Figaro would call verdadera. By comparing human behavior with that of an animal whose characteristics are not pleasing to man, Zarco hopes to cause change in human behavior. Suggesting that one iiranoral person does not select another immoral person as its victim, he says: Un lobo conoce demasiado la fuerza de cualquiera otro lobo, y por esto no se atreve a atacarlo; y as£ mas facilmente se convienen en unir sus intereses para i o a destrozar rebahos y ganados.-1 -^0 106 Francisco Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," La Ilustracion Mexicans (Mexico, 1851), I, 203. 383 Since wolves do not bite each other, it follows that if anything is bitten by a wolf it will not be another wolf, but a lamb, a sheep, or a shepherd or similar inno cent being. Attacking his objective directly so that there will be no doubt that he is speaking of people rather than wolves, Zarco says sarcastically: Pues bien, lo mismo que sucede entre esos rusticos habitantes de los campos, ocurre sin cesar aqui entre esta sociedad culta y civilizada. The use of the words rusticos habitantes to describe the oppressors of the people causes the qualities of animals and people to be fluid, so that each assumes the character istics of the other; wolves are "rustic inhabitants" and people are "hungry wolves." The ironic use of the terms culta and civilizada to describe his society contributes to his dramatic ambiguity. Zarco recognizes the difficulty of having his readers respond favorably to this type of satire which is more direct. Disregarding the danger, he attacks his victims directly by comparing human vices to the depredation of solves: ^^Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," p. 203. 384 ... pues si la gente de Atenas mato al deforme Esopo porque los comparo a las ranas que querian un rey, ^que debia hacerse, con quien esto escribe, que no deja de tener sus deformidades, que osado y temerario se atreve a comparar a la sociedad entera con hambrientos lobos? Zarco continues to apply animal qualities to human behavior as he gives examples of social, political and moral behavior of human beings which is analogous to the behavior of two wolves which do not bite each other. As dos lobos no se muerden so highwaymen do not rob each other, and millionaires do not exploit each other. In the legislative bodies, notwithstanding thunders, threats and confusion, when all is over antagonists and gladiators exchange promises, the sun shines, the rainbow of peace appears, for after all Zarco says, dos lobos no se muerden. Lobos who look very much like lawyers, he opines, are con cerned only with spoils to be gained from litigation. They are not really concerned with law or justice, though they 109 may appear to be enemies in court. Society's problems do not stem from wolves', i.e. con servatives and other exploiters of the people, biting each other, but rather from wolves biting weaker animals, 108 Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden,” p. 203. 109 Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," p. 204. 385 i.e. the people. Extending his satire to include all societies, he says: Dudareis acaso de cuanto os he dicho, porque aten- diendo al estado actual del mundo, supondreis, que si cierto fuera que dos lobos no se muerden, reinarla la paz mas completa en las sociedades humanas. No seais ligeros; esos odios que mirais por todas partes no son entre lobos, sino de lobos a otra clase de animales.^^-® Enlarging the scope of his satire to extend beyond the stratum of experience of most members of societies to in clude the realm of the metaphysical, he satirizes the struggle between good and evil: El crimen persigue a la virtud; la pequenez no puede sufrir el merito ageno; la charlatanerla y la erudicion de hojarasca son enemigas naturales del verdadero merito. En cualquier contienda, en cualquier disension, estad seguros de que hay algun lobo; si ambos fueran lobos no se morderian. m Railing against his readers who are prone to be too pre occupied with the material to protest the status quo, Zarco says: "... el que no tiene filosofla bastante para conver- / I I O tirse en lobo, debe resignarse a ser siempre oveja. In Zarco’s opinion, the root of Mexico's problems lay in the general ignorance of the population which was ^■^Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," p. 204. 111 Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," p. 204. 112 Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," p. 204. 386 a result of the oppressive policies of the colonial regime. His indignation is aroused when he considers the colonial period when, in his opinioti, people were not informed. He says with evident sarcasm: Cuando el pals gozaba de la clasica felicidad del siglo pasado, ni habia periodicos que contaran lo que sucede y lo que no sucede, ni habia esa comezon de curiosidad que hoy devora a los habitantes de nuestras ciudades. Los correos eran tan imperfectos y tan morosos, como conviene a una sociedad tranquila y dichosa; . . . Continuing his sarcasm, Zarco reminds his readers that the people, to their credit, were not satisfied to allow the peaceful society of the colonial era to remain undis turbed . A spirit of agitation developed which aroused a desire for information;' such a desire not having existed during the colonial era: Pero aquella dulce paz de la colonia, aquella indo- lencia con que se vefan toda clase de noticias, habian de desaparecer para dar lugar a esta inquietud de hoy, a esta pemiciosa agitacion, a esta ansia insaciable de tener noticias todos los dias y a todas horas, y de querer saber cuanto ocurre en el pais y en el rnundo.^-^ But even with the coming of independence, Zarco rails that ignorance still prevails; people are still concerned 113 / Francisco Zarco, "El paquete," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 12. ^■^Zarco, "El paquete," p. 12 387 with trivialities. As proof of this Zarco describes the behavior of the people at the arrival of the packet boat. To his eyes, the behavior of his fellow countrymen just before the arrival of the packet boat is ridiculous because the purpose of their apparent excitement is to impress the foreign visitors. The arrival of the boat does little more than provide topics of minor importance for discussion both before and after its arrival. El publico despues se apodera de las noticias, las comenta, las ecsagera, las discute, las transforma en cuestiones de partido, y tiene materia abundante para charlar algunos dlas. All of this activity does not, however, make them better informed or more intelligent. Nor does the mere possession of a bundle of newspapers. Hay also de gala, no se por que, en lucir por las calles un paquete de periodicos estrangeros, que por supuesto no vienen para ser lefdos, sino simplemente ensehados, ... Zarco is, through the use of ridicule, satirizing the expressed desire for news on the part of the political, merchant, and literary nobodies, and their actual super ficiality and concern with trivialities. He suggests ■^“*Zarco, "El paquete," p. 13. ^■^Zarco, "El paquete," p. 13. 388 to his readers that it is well to know what is happening in the world, but it is of more importance to know Mexico and her problems. Zarco once again is attempting to get his readers to see the need for change. Superstition, a form of ignorance, was also frequently attacked by Zarco. Wherever he found this social vice, he attacked it. The clergy were, in Zarco's opinion, prime examples of ignorance and superstition. In the true story 118 of the case of the witch of Ahuatelco, Zarco vents his indignation toward superstition and ignorance among the clergy, politicians and the general population. Maria Clara was accused of being a witch and was tortured by the local officials to confess her guilt. In so doing she implicated two others. Not being satisfied with the death of Maria Clara, her executioners went after the other two. One was defended by her husband, but the other fell into the hands of the modern witch hunters and was cruelly beaten by a mob which included her own son. Zarco says that it should not be strange that, in a land where 117 Zarco, ”E1 paquete,” p. 14. 118 1 Francisco Zarco, "El suplicio de las brujas de Ahuatelco,” El Siglo Diecinueve, February 14, 1869, in Castaneda Batres, pp. 429”433. 389 the inquisition celebrated autos de fe, where the secular arm lent its power to support ecclesiastical tribunals, the 119 people should still believe in witches and sorcerers. Zarco points out that such ignorance is not limited to Mexico. In the so-called enlightened countries of Europe and America, people are still exploited by their credulity in astrology to help in matters of business and commerce. As is usually the case, Zarco proposes a remedy: El remedio de estos males consiste en la escuela de primeras letras, en la escuela para ninos, para mujeres, para adultos; en la escuela, en los ranchos, en los cuarteles, en las carceles, donde quiera que haya in- teligencias adormecidas por la ignorancia, y que puedan despertar a la luz de la civilizacion, al conocimiento del alfabeto y de los numeros, . . . Superstition is the apparent object of attack in the article ";Una palabra!" the superstitious belief that the number seven is a lucky number, that thirteen is an unlucky number or that Friday is an unlucky day, or that it is better to marry on Sunday than on Tuesday. But this is only a disarming device to prepare his readers for a satire on a human foible that most of us are guilty of--talking 119 Zarco, "El suplicio de las brujas de Ahuatelco," p. 432. ■^^Zarco, "El suplicio de las brujas de Ahuatelco," p. 432. 390 and bragging too much. Examples of individuals who just want to say a few words are the frequent callers who interrupt Zarco for Mjust a word"; those who have the disturbing habit of call ing at very inopportune times just to say one word concern ing the matter that is always very urgent--a poor displaced Spaniard who wishes a favor so that his son may attend school; a friend slandered by a newspaper who wishes help in writing a rebuttal; a friend who wants un momento. una palabra with Fortun just to waste the latter's time. After several of these episodes, Zarco says: "^Por que diablos me habia hoy el mundo entero para contarme sus 121 negocios?" He sighs with Larra: ";Ah! Larra, Larra! Cuando decias: 'Felices los que no hablan porque ellos se 122 entienden,* ..." We said that Zarco could not tolerate ignorance, therefore he strove to educate. But, if he could not tolerate ignorance, he could tolerate less the half enlightened fool whom he describes in "El hombre-eco." 121 ^ Francisco Zarco, "jUna palabra!" La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 585. ■^^Zarco, "jlJna palabra!" p. 586. 391 The "me-too" man is the "erudite” who thinks universal knowledge is his. He knows how to find the square root and nothing more; he explains all the important problems that perplex man, such as the blood, lost races of man, Galvan ism, etc. as having their sources in magnetic attractions and geological strata. For such persons Zarco has only scorn. Against these and the audience of the half- enlightened, Zarco rails. He avers that the hombre-eco is the source of all the half-backed opinions of mankind. One thing the hombre-eco does not do is think. Zarco is attempting to get his readers to see the ridiculousness of not being a thinking person. He admon ishes his readers to think and be superior to the animals. He believes that people can open their eyes and that they will follow light, i.e. knowledge, if given the oppor tunity. Zarco does not deny that there are those who think. But, he suggests, even that can be a danger in society; if there is one thinker or apparent thinker in a given situation, and the rest of society followers: "En cada cosa hay un pensador, o uno que parece que piensa; los demas repetiran con todas sus fuerzas lo que el diga." TOO , ^-'Francisco Zarco, "El hombre-eco," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 132. 392 Hombres-ecos are to be found everywhere because ignorance is found everywhere. With an excellent display of the use of ridicule, Zarco attacks the snob, a form of the hombre-eco, who tries to impress people with qualities or knowledge which he does not actually possess. There are those who are impressed with the pseudo-knowledge of the hombre-eco at the tertulias; there are those who would try to emulate the behavior of the snob: Si uno de esos entes que se Hainan elegantes declara que una fonda es de buen tono, todos los que quieren pasar por hombres de gusto van a gastar su dinero en comer carnes de diez dias, en beber vinos agrios, y des pues de usar servilletas sucias, de sentarse en sillas rotas y de contraer una indigestion, se empenan en pro- bar que jamas ha gozado mas de la mesa, solo por no contradecir la opinion de un hombre de moda, y para constituirse en su e c o . -^4 Lest his readers rebel against such whiplashings, Zarco implies that he is not judging but merely reporting what he observes. And he says to his readers that if they will take the time to observe, they will see that the non thinkers are very abundant; hence, his criticism is valid: ’ ’Ecsaminad la opinion en cualquier materia, y os conven- cereis de que la especie de mi hombre-eco es demasiado ■^^Zarco, "El hombre-eco," p. 133. 393 abundante. The difference between the ideal and the real is very evident to Zarco and that difference is worthy of ridicule. He does not, however, condemn man as being entirely respon- 1 * ? f \ sible for his lack of capacity to think and to judge. Indirect satire sometimes is not successful in its efforts to get people to see their faults in the mirror of satire. This may be due to refusal to examine reality or an inability to do so. This refusal or inability to recog nize or face reality is the object of satire in "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas." He begins this article with an unusually direct attack on his victim. He assumes a superior position to that of the object of his satire by implying membership in a group which has understanding and insight into the fallacies of society, but are unfortu nately compelled to participate in an inferior society: Los escritores viven en la sociedad a pesar de su caracter escepcional, y a querer o no, participan de las manias y de las preocupaciones de su ep oca.-^7 ■^^Zarco, "El hombre-eco, " p. 132. ^^Zarco, "El hombre-eco," p. 132. 127 Francisco Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 332. 394 Disarming devices are, however, not discarded. He does appear to attack one object while in reality it is his intention to attack another. Appearing to have as his intention a discussion of the state of literature, Zarco asks: ”... ^cual es el caracter dominante de las letras en . 9tl128 Mexico?' In answering his own question, it becomes apparent that he is not concerned that there are no more epic poems, but rather the reasons why there are no more heroes and why there is no more spiritual love. Patriotism, love and a living faith are not reflected in literature because these are not found in society. As charades, anagrams and puzzles reflect doubt, so does everything in society re flect doubt and vagueness: ... lo unico que deja una hue11a notable, es la duda y la vacilacion. y . . . los gobiemos y sus enemigos tienen el aire de com- plicado logogrifo, y cuanto ocurre presenta el aspecto de insulsa charada. El entendimiento se ejercita en adivinar, en hacer calculos indeterminados, en descifrar cosas que no estan claras, ... 128 Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," p. 332. 129 Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," p. 332. 130 Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," p. 333. 395 Zarco laments that the people are preoccupied with guessing games and trivialities, while they ignore the weightier matters of politics, literature and the problems of the nation's economy. The indifference of the people to the national needs in times of turmoil and violence is attacked with special vigor. We are not surprised to see that women are the first objects to be criticized. With obvious irony which becomes sarcasm, he says: El bello secso, tan injustamente tratado de frrvolo e indolente, ama mucho los enigmas, se consagra a ellos con tanto ardor, con tanta adhesion, que se olvida de la cr£a de canarios, de la pintura a la oriental, y de otros graves asuntos. ... Haceis bien de consagraros con tanto afan a las chara- das; ... Hombres y mugeres de todas las clases de la sociedad, seguid, seguid por la floriosa senda que habeis comenzado, y los conocimientos que adquirais no podran menos de seros muy utiles en esta vida transitoria. -^l The use of a number of satirical devices is evident throughout this article as he shifts from ridicule to dimi nution, to mockery, to irony, to sarcasm satirizing women in particular, and society and the total social and politi- can scene in general. His use of ridicule is evident in the following pas sage which reveals the discrepancy that exists between 13] ^"Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," pp. 333- 334. the ideal and the real in the mind of Zarco: Mirad que todo lo grande se achica, y todo lo chico se engrandece; observad que lo que debfa estar en el polvo se eleva hasta las nubes; que la bajeza se llama heroismo, el fraude, desinteres; ...-^2 Diminution is used very effectively to speak of the atti tude of the people toward a war which was decimating the country: La guerra no es ya mas que el intento de hacer una charada; se quiere disminuir y cambiar territorio, como se suprimen sxlabas de una palabra por ver lo que queda. ■ ‘ ■ "*3 To such an attitude, Zarco reacts with mocking indignation Esto es portentoso; quitad de un pais una provincia, Ique queda? Otras provincias. ... Nada de eso. Queda una turba envilecida y degradada. As he attacks the vices and fallacies of his own society without naming his country, he expands in a show of sarcasm to condemn other Latin societies as possessing similarly undesirable qualities: He aqui al filosofico siglo XIX; ... ;Y este siglo tan pomposo, tan sabio, tan ilustrado, siempre se equi- voca cuando trata de esplicar uno de los acertijos que el mismo se propone! jFabricantes y descifradores 132 Zarco, ’ ’Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," p. 334. 133 Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," p. 334. 134 Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," p. 334. 397 de charadas, marchais al nivel de los paises en que vivis; poraue casi todos sois franceses, espanoles y mexicanos! ^ We have seen many examples of Zarco's sympathetic treatment of human frailty, but the habits of laziness, dullness, procrastination, the placing of values on the transitory, and dishonesty of all kinds came under sharp attack from Zarco*s pen. Dishonesty is satirized in MLa ocasion hace el ladron." Several characters, the most im portant being Pepita and don Meliton, enter on stage to illustrate that, given the opportunity, the apparently purest of souls will succumb to the temptation to deceive and profit at another's expense. The characters described in this essay, which are used as types, suggest intrigue, i o/ : if not treachery. The characters which move across stage are not well delineated, or is there much action; they are described sometimes with irony, sometimes with banter, sometimes with humor. Echoing the sentiments of many who are unwilling to accept responsibility for their behavior, Zarco comments 135 Zarco, "Charadas, logogrifos y enigmas," p. 334. 1 Q /* Francisco Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 423. 398 sarcastically that a thief is not really a thief but a victim of the circumstances of the moment over which he has no control: La ocasion hace al ladron es una gran disculpa de todas las acciones humanas, ..• suponga Vd. que uno de sus criados le roba cuanto tiene, no tiene el la culpa, sino la ocasion que Vd. misma le proporciono, y as£ en todo. ... In an excellent display of irony, Zarco says that it is the occasion that causes one to be avaricious, generous, TOO powerful, etc., etc. After each character representing an undesirable quality is described briefly, D. Meliton, forty-five years old, is delineated more in detail. It becomes evident that his own foolishness provides the occasion for his being made a fool of by Pepita, an eigh teen or nineteen year old coquette. Of Pepita's attitude toward her middle-aged husband, Zarco says, revealing her basic materialism: Pepita estaba contenta tambien con sus schales, con sus joyas, con su palco en el teatro, con sus coches, y lo unico que solia enfadarle en medio de tanta felici- dad era ... el Sr. D. Meliton. ^ ^^Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 424. •too Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 424. 1 Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 428. 399 Don Meliton's foolishness is made even more evident when Zarco describes Pepita*s physical attractions and lack of artistic and intellectual accomplishments, suggesting that reason played no part in his marriage to her. The second occasion which produces a thief is the entrance of D. Conrado, a good friend who complicates the relationship of the young coquette and the middle-aged fool. He gets money and advice from D. Meliton. The money he gambles, the advice he ignores. Pepita*s attitude toward D. Conrado was not one of hostility. She obviously is providing the occasion for some more stealing to be done: Pepita recibia con gusto a D. Conrado, porque D. Con rado tenia gracia para conversar, y Pepita era eminente- mente sociable. Zarco adds ironically: "Pepita era pues un tesoro y un portento de virtudes. The plot gets thicker as Pepita, in her "innocence" of four months of marriage to a grocery merchant, encour ages the attentions of her cousin, Manuel, Barbilucci, D. Pedrito, Mr. Straw, an American opportunist, not to ■k^Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 429. ^■^Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 429. 400 mention D. Conrado. Two examples will suffice to show the mocking irony which Zarco employs to treat with human weak nesses throughout this article: Las galanterias de D. Pedrito subieron de punto, y como el y ella estaban solos y ella estaba tan triste con la ausencia de su esposo, y como la ocasion hace al ladron, ^entiende Vd., lector? ... Pero Pepita permanecia pura y sin mancha. 4 Una noche cantaban un duo Barbilucci y Pepita. El entusiasmo y la emocion de ambos crecia por instantes, estaban ambos tan llenos de armonxa, de poesia, y tan posesionados de la letra que estaban cantando, que insensiblemente se abrazaron y siguieron cantando, y su voz corria aun sonora, tiema, melodiosa, y suspiraban, y gemian, y lloraban, y deliraban. ... Oh! El arte! El arte!143 The irony of the last quotation is more evident when we realize that Zarco had said of Pepita's ability to sing: "... sabia ademas dar gritos desesperados que llamaba arias 144 y cavatinas." Pepita, who represents undesirable female qualities, is treated quite roughly. She is satirized by Zarco throughout this article by such ironic statements as: ... Pepita era eminentemente sociable.143 142 „ Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron, M P- 430. 143Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron, f t P- 430. 144Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron, f t P- 428. 145Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron, T 1 P- 429. 401 Pepita era pues un tesoro y un portento de virtu- d . . ™ ' 147 Pepita estaba avergonzada. ; Era tan buena! . . . Pepita permanecia pura y sin mancha.^® ... al fin su suegra (mama de Pepita) le probo que Pepita era inocente; que el era un bruto; ... The non-existent Pepita and don Meliton are not the real victims of Zarco’s satire. Humanity in general is being satirized as the following words indicate: MLa mayor parte de las gentes que faltan, no faltan ellas, sino que les sobra ocasion. Pero todas son tan buenas como Pepita, 150 ..." Pepita, of course, is not to be blamed or censured for her behavior. The reader should not forget that it is la ocasion que hace el ladron? and that he, given the occa sion, would behave in a like manner. Though Zarco smiled sympathetically at human fallacies and foibles, it is evident from his use of irony and sar casm that he himself does not excuse individuals from 1A-6 / , Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 429- *1 / *7 Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 430. 148 / ' Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 430. k^Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 431. 1 C A Zarco, "La ocasion hace el ladron," p. 431. 402 responsibility for their behavior. He rejects the doctrine that society must bear this responsibility while the Pepi- tas, the don Conrados, the don Melitons escape responsi bility . The unfortunate consequence of being frank at all times is satirized in the article "Un caracter franco." What is called "frankness" by society is, according to Zarco, one of the many forms of deceit. Sterling frankness in a person will lead to his being called envious, in tractable and being the target of epigrams. Zarco gives several examples of this human foible. There are the women who ask their lovers and friends to tell them their faults and are scandalized when dealt with frankly: Vuestras novias o queridas tambien se jactaran de francas y querran que con franqueza les digais lo que en ellas os disguste. Then there is the country lad who had resolved always to tell the truth because he had always told the truth at 1 s? home. We need not mention the difficulties he got into with his frankness and face of innocence in a society where '^'''Francisco Zarco, "Un caracter franco," La Ilustra- cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 623. ■^“ ^Zarco, "Un caracter franco," p. 623. 403 everything is feigned. Zarco concludes that sometimes it is better to be discreetly silent: "En sociedad es menester no tener mas opinion que la que este mas en boga." He concedes that the frank person is not accepted by the masses, even though truth may be on his side. As the writer well knows, nothing arouses so much hate and causes so many enemies as telling the truth: "Un caracter franco es una especie de escomunion que pesa sobre el que lo ,,154 posee. The person who is accepted socially is the one who has no opinions of his own, he laments: El hombre amable, cortes, bien educado, es fanatico en casa de los ultra-catolicos, es tolerante en otras partes; es todo en un dia, en una hora. Un hombre asi, sera una joya que todos estimen. The penchant for portrait painting, another form of human vanity, is attacked by Zarco in "Los retratos." He makes his position on the subject clear by contemptuously saying to his readers that if he were a painter, he would never paint portraits. He jumps to the attack, discarding 153 / Zarco, "Un caracter franco," p. 625. ■^■^Zarco, "Un caracter franco," p. 625. ^■^Zarco, "Un caracter franco," p. 625. 404 all pretenses of disarming devices as he heaps sarcasm and insult on his victims: Si yo fuera pintor, no haria retratos. ... ;Ay del pintor que se deja imponer el yugo de los que se retra- tan! Ha de saber rejuvenecer a las viejas, ha de em- bellecer las mas estupidas fisonomfas, ha de pintar tontos en la actitud menos natural, ha de prescindir de la belleza del colorido y del dibujo, para producir siempre colorados mofletes y frentes relumbrosas. ^ Alas, Zarco laments, the poor painter is not supposed to concern himself with the study of the human body or is he supposed to notice the beauties of nature, or the effect of light. Zarco asks rhetorically: ^Creeis que es mas bello estudiar toda la vida los celages purpureos del crepusculo, o un rayo de luna, o la sonrisa de la inocencia, o la espresion del pudor? Pues sois un loco, un pobre diablo. . . . -^7 What does the painter see when looking into the faces of the subjects sitting for their portraits: "... buscadles la espresion de algun afecto, solo encontrareis ridicula e insufrible vanidad; . The nonsensical parapher nalia which the painter must have in his studio to satisfy the whims of the customers is disgusting to Zarco, but 156 Francisco Zarco, "Los retratos," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 371. •^■^Zarco, "Los retratos," p. 371. ^■^Zarco, "Los retratos," p. 371. 405 their vanity disgusts him more: ... todas las mugeres han de tener en el lienzo un cutis blanqu£simo, unas megillas de rosa, labios encendidos, dientes finxsimos, escesiva gracia, y todo esto lo ha de inventar el pintor. No se han de copiar las arrugas, ni los lunares con vello, ni las manchas del cutis, ni los mechones de canas, ni las primeras invasiones de la calvicie. ...160 Zarco asks sarcastically: "^No seria mejor mandar pintar una imagen enteramente fantastica?"^^^ Railing against all whose vanity drives them to the portrait painter’s studio, Zarco describes the vanity of members of various professions who have their portrait painted, each wishing to be surrounded by objects of his trade. Military men are dealt with succinctly in one sen tence in which the imagery comes tumbling out to inundate the illustrious protectors of the fatherland: Un militar se empena en que su mirada tenga algo de terrible y sus bigotes algo de sombrxo, y no omite ninguna [sic] las cruces que atestiguan sus hazanas, esas cruces a que con razon los franceses han dado el nombre de crachats, puesto que muchas veces no son mas que la nada arrojada a manos llenas por el poder sobre todos sus aduladores.162 159Zarco, "Los retratos, P- 372. 160Zarco, "Los retratos, i i P- 372. •^^Zarco, "Los retratos, i i P- 372. 162Zarco, "Los retratos, i t P- 372. 406 Lawyers, surgeons, surprisingly enough, and botanists are dealt with rather kindly. But with writers he waxes even more satirical. Poor to mediocre writers who think that a painter can compensate for their literary deficien cies are the victims of some excellent lampooning: Los escritores encargan al pintor que los corone con la aureola del genio; o estan acariciando alguno de sus libros con tanto amor como si solo ellos lo hubieran lefdo; o con una pluma en la mano, sin pensar que una pluma inmovil no caracteriza al escritor, sino al ofi- cinista; o bien con el cabello erizado, los ojos salidos y la frente plegada, para espresar as£ un momento de frenetica inspiracion. Sea dicho en obsequio de la ver- dad, y por doloroso que sea al gremio a que pertenecemos; de cuantos se retratan, nadie tiene tan ecsageradas pretensiones como los escritores. ... Quieren que un retrato suyo sea la edicion completa de sus obra, la historia de su vida, su mas pomposa b i o g r a f i a . Mistresses who have portraits of their dogs painted are the objects of some very direct satire in which he says sarcastically: ";Es tan bella una muger acariciando y teniendo sobre el seno un perrito malcriado! Su teraura 1 f \ L . se desborda, y cae sobre el repugnante animal. ..." According to Zarco, the penchant for portrait painting is a faithful measure of the times. The society which he sees is not a very healthy one; it is sick, materialistic, 1 Zarco, "Los retratos," p. 372. 164 Zarco, "Los retratos," p. 373. 407 ^ ^ • 165 proud and vain. "Los distraidos" provides us with an excellent example of Zarco's bantering with his readers in order to gain their attention and to disarm them so that he might gain their confidence: Ya parece que veo que el titulo de este artfculo provoca una sonrisa desdenosa en los labios de muchos de mis lectores. jTambien esto venis a censurar! esclamaran; . . . 166 But wait! He tells his readers that none less than La Bruyere16^ waxed eloquently angry against the many dis gusting traits of the distraido. He, Zarco, will not, however, go to the extreme of exaggeration that the French do, but he does become distracted, i.e. attracted, by the subject of the distraido. Bantering further, he says: Para probaros que yo tambien tengo mi poco de erudi- cion, basta de citas, y sin hacer caso de lo que otros dijeron, voy yo a decir lo que pienso de los distrai dos.168 1 6 S Zarco, "Los retratos," p. 373. 166 t / Francisco Zarco, "Los distraidos," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 65. 1 crn The French satirist, La Bruyere, was much read and appreciated by Zarco, La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 569. 168Zarco, "Los distraidos," p. 65. 408 The extreme and intermediate conditions of being out of contact with the material world are examined. Those who only come down to earth to eat, talk with a tailor or pay a bill include prophets, the illuminati and poets who write fantasy. Still employing weapons leaning more to jest, he parodies human foibles as in this bit of buffoon ery: Mirad a ese poeta que busca con afan un consonante en oque.--;Que tal te parezco con este vestido? le pre- gunta su hermana. - -Un . .. alcomoque . . . responde el vate,Hombre! esclama ella sorprendida.--Pues sera bodoque, o Roque.--^Que dices, hombre?--Choque, toque, estoque. ... ^Pero, por Dios, que estas diciendo?-- Entonces vuelve en si el poeta, y furioso esclama: He has venido a distraer, y ya no puedo concluir los versos mas lindos que he hecho en mi vida.^9 Zarco is actually attacking a ’ ’straw man" rather than a real person as is true in most of his social satire. The exaggeration is very evident as he extends his satire to include a pattern of human behavior that no one person could possibly represent: El hombre profundamente distraido, nunca sabe lo que hace, ni lo que dice. Vaga en la calle; lo saludan, no contesta; llueve, y mantiene cerrado su paraguas; pasa el Viatico, y no se quita el sombrero; entra a comprar algo a una tienda, y sale sin pagar; olvida su baston "^^Zarco, ”Los distraidos,” p. 67. 409 en un cafe; quiere visitar a un amigo, y al verlo en la escalera se vuelve, creyendo que ha equivocado la casa; . . . -^O And so Zarco's straw man, which represents human weak ness, stumbles from one episode to another. Zarco includes just about every social group in his exaggerated depiction of the antics of the distraido: husbands, lovers, clerics, generals, lawyers, physicians, politicians. In his social satire, Zarco deals at times with a foible or vice at great lengths developing its various manifestations and its consequences to society. At other times his treatment is more fleeting. For example, in the article ";Pobre!M Zarco satirizes several aspects of society in a very brief space, by using words on several levels and by moving quickly from object to object with very deft and sweeping strokes. He ranges over much of society to examine the concept "pobre." He begins by being very general and by defying his readers to draw a line in defining the term. This device gives him license to range far and wide in his satire: ^Quien hay que jactarse pueda de distinguir perfectamente el vicio de la virtud, guiandose solo de apariencias? ... ^^Zarco, "Los distraidos," p. 67. 410 Distinguid, si podeis, el patriotismo desinteresado de la ambicion de puestos y honores; la modestia y la calma de ciertas notabilidades, de la estupidez y de la inaccion; adivinad si una muger es coqueta o amable, mogigata o devota;, si un marido es enganado vilmente, o si esta dotado de la mas profunda filosofla; conoced a primera vista si las citas de autores y la erudicion denotan al charlatan o al estudioso. ... Intentadlo, lectores, y os perdereis en un mundo de confusion y laberintos. 171 In examining the popular uses of the term and the various meanings which the term may have, he says that the popular concept of pobre is in terms of money. All other forms of wealth are termed such ironically. Zarco adds his bit of ironic inversion: ^Para que sirve, por ejemplo, la virtud, el honor, la instruccion, &c., en los civilizados tiempos que nos ha tocado atravesar?-*- Without settling on a definition of "pobre," Zarco is able to satirize several fallacies. Expressing his indignation at the inability of man to see his own absurdities, he con tinues his efforts to strip away false fronts to expose these hidden obstacles to human happiness. When one hears 1 73 "Ah! Pobre de Juan!" it is certain that his wife has 1 7 1 Francisco Zarco, ";Pobre!" La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 148. ^■^^Zarco, "j Pobre!" p. 148. ■^^Zarco, Pobre!" p. 149. 411 deceived him. Extending the meaning of pobre further, he says that "jPobre hombre!" means a presumptuous, a con ceited person or a person short of funds; Pobre muger!" a girl who has been dishonored or has made a bad marriage or a mother abandoned by her children; Pobre nino!" is used to describe an orphan. Pobre expresses many human emotions and describes many human vices and foibles; the reader may choose his defini tion. Displaying an attitude of near contempt which is not uncommon for Zarco, he ends this article with: Al que no guste este articulo, ya le oigo decir ;Pobre Fortun! Decid lo que querais. Abur. Zarco enjoyed mingling with the people and dissecting their behavior and exposing their vices, foibles and falla cies. This he does in "Cronica de la exposicion." Al though Zarco includes in this article much that is of a strictly expository nature in which are reflected economic and social conditions and customs of his time, he sees much to satirize in the exhibits in the main exposition hall and in the behavior of the spectators and authorities. He 174 Zarco, "jPobre!" p. 149. 175Zarco, "jPobre!" p. 150. 412 1 7ft begins with the confused arrangement of the displays. The next object that attracts his attention is the reward ing of a prize for an exhibit of a profile in plaster of Paris for political reasons despite its mediocre 177 quality. Whatever his gaze falls upon that is not spiritually elevating or of utilitarian value, he criti cizes : En muy buen lugar se veia un muheco de mantequilla, objeto horrible y asqueroso, que parecia un feto mal formado: en buen lugar tambien, estaba una plaza de toros de pulgas vestidas. ... ^Vestir pulgas es arte, es industria, puede tener alguna utilidad, algun buen gusto? £No debe esto considerarse entre esos estra- vios del ocio que tanto condenaba uno de los mas ilus- tres pontifices?-^° Among the things which Zarco considers of no value is a statue of a general which he assumes to be of President Arista. Whether the statue is or is not of Arista is not important to Zarco who sees everything through the eyes of a satirist: ... vimos un muneco de barro verdaderamente detestable, en que se pretendia representar a un general. La cabeza es cinco veces mas grande que el sombrero, y todo era ■^^Francisco Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 61. ■^^Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 61. 1 7 f t Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 65. 413 lo mas toscos y lo mas grosero que se pueda imaginar. Oxmos decir, y no respondemos de la esactitud de la especie, que era obra de un ciego, que habia querido retratar al actual presidente de la republics. ;Vano y desdichado esfuerzo! Pensando de pronto que podia esto ser cierto, triste destino, nos dijimos, el del presidente! iLo retratan los ciegos, lo aconsejan los necios, lo rodean los transfugas, y asi todo tiene que salir como su r e t r a t o ! ^ 9 The lack of qualified judges at the exposition is also satirized by Zarco who suggests that a shoemaker and not a 1 80 political hack or diplomat should judge shoes. In de scribing the exposition, Zarco has done much more than describe the exhibits, he has with keen insight, inter preted what he has seen and related what he believes to be Mexico’s needs. He has done this most effectively by sati rizing things which he believes Mexico does not need. After describing the exposition, Zarco cannot resist the temptation to describe the spectators and the authori ties, and analyze their behavior and motives. He describes the disdain which the rich have for the poor. During the evening hours, the ’’decent" people are not evident because: A esa hora por supuesto no es de buen tono concurrir a la plaza: ^quien puede sufrir el contacto de una frazada? ■'■^Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 65. ■^^Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion,” p. 66. 414 ^Quien puede sin degradarse dejarse llevar por una corriente de hombres y de mugeres que andan tomandose de la mano y comiendo cuanto pueden c.omprar?18' 1 - His attitude toward the rich is hard to conceal: La aristocracia de nuestra republica es la mas rara de todas las aristocracias. Se tiene entrada libre a todas las funciones solemnes, escepcion de servir en el ejer- cito y en la guardia nacional; ...^ ^ He lampoons the social forces which predominate and the powers which perpetuate them: Y esta aristocracia esta reconocida en todo y por todos, hasta en la i^lesia, de donde a veces se escluye por los pastores a las ovejas que estan detnasiado trasqui- ladas!183 It is apparent that Zarco feels sympathy toward the masses of people. At the same time, he feels superior to them. He sympathizes with them because he believes them to be oppressed by the ruling classes, but he enjoys observing their behavior as they attend the exposition, and as they put themselves on exhibition: Una niha mueve los ojos en todas direcciones porque le han dicho que los tiene hermosos; otra sonrie siempre porque sabe que tiene dientes bonitos: ... - * - 8^ 1 0 1 Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 67. ■ 1 Q O Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 67. 183 / / Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 67. ^■^Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 68. 415 So the mad whirl continues until the multitude disperses and only the watchmen and soldiers, who capriciously impose order, remain. The majority go home with no new ideas. 18 S Most return to their valleys of dry bones. Other examples of Zarco’s propensity for mingling among the people are found in "Mexico de noche,” "El cre- pusculo en la ciudad," and "Los transeuntes." In these essays, as in "Cronica de la exposicion," Zarco observes, analyzes and describes his victims and leaves them to go on life’s way in a manner that is analogous to a boy’s picking up a toad or many toads, examining them, and setting them down to hop away. In "Los transeuntes" Zarco does not go into the homes of the people, instead he brings the people out of their houses onto the street to examine them, as though bringing them out of their holes. Again in "Los transeuntes" it is evident that Zarco feels superior to the objects which he is satirizing as he assumes the omniscient point of view and tells his readers that people are indifferent to each other: ■^’ ’Zarco, "Cronica de la exposicion," p. 69. 416 Cada cual piensa demasiado en si mismo para ocuparse de los demas.^°6 Diez mil, cien mil personas se reunen ah£ sin cono- cerse, rauere una, mueren diez, mueren mil, no hay quien las eche de menos. ... ' All of society, the rich and the beggars, the happy and the sad, the miserable and the opulent, the greatly criminal and the greatly virtuous are sojourners in Zarco’s world of satire. Those who fascinate him most are the women, the same coquettish, treacherous women who are very much aware of themselves and the role which they play in society. Las mugeres que reinan en la familia, que seducen en la tertulia, que fascinan en el baile, parecen hallarse entorpecidas en la calle. ° Hay una que otra llena de descaro, provocativa, que resiste la mirada mas indagadora sin rubor, y que fija sus ojos con avidez, con curiosidad en cuantos la ven. ... Otras infelices venden poco a poco su hermosura, ostentan sus gracias, convidan al placer, para despues ser despreciadas, envilecidas, y pedir limosna, y es- pirar en un hospital, sin que haya un hijo que les cierre los parpados. ...1 " 186 ' Francisco Zarco, "Los transeuntes,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 164. ■^^Zarco, "Los transeuntes," p. 165. 1 88 Zarco, "Los transeuntes," p. 164. 189 Zarco, "Los transeuntes," p. 164. 417 Once again Zarco attacks conventional respectabilities which are in reality absurdities to convince his readers that they should be concerned less with trivialities and more with preparation for death for all are pilgrims and sojourners in this life: La vida no es mas que el camino entre la cuna y la tumba. Transeunte por este sendero, la humanidad, no puede variar su destino. Fuera orgullo, fuera arro- gancia, nada de ruines pasiones, nada de locas ambi ciones. ... ^ When Zarco is through satirizing, he returns all his victims to their homes with the hope that they will return with less love for things of the world and with a greater awareness that they are "aves de paso" and "transeuntes." His victims, of course, are in reality his readers. Zarco seldom misses a chance to extend his satire to include the whole human race. In "El crepusculo en la ciudad," we see Zarco dealing with the theme of the democ- 191 racy of death. He is saying that, notwithstanding appearances, there is essentially little difference between individuals. Death is the best proof of that fact. Though 190 Zarco, "Los transeuntes," p. 165. 191 ' Francisco Zarco, "El crepusculo en la ciudad," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 237. 418 there may be all classes of beliefs, passions and even vices, death makes all equal. Zarco*s indignation toward those, including his readers, who are unable to see reality becomes so intense that it grows into contempt. He rails against them by saying: --Vosotros, los que sois poetas, seguid, seguid cantando a la hora del crepusculo, y haciendo comparaciones entre nubes y cortinages, y rumores, y besos, y lirios, y vir- tudes! Seguid, seguid, porque yo a esta hora, cuando vago por la ciudad, vuelvo con un humor negro que ahora he querido dividir con los que me leyeren.^92 His contempt for all who fail to consider the reality of life becomes more intense: "^Se fastidiaran? ^Que se me da a m£? ^Que me importa que haya quien sienta tedio o . 9„193 cansancio?" In "Mexico de noche" Zarco describes the variety of unfortunates who throng the streets at night. He describes the beggars installed in doorways; the principal streets of the city lined with mugeres desgraciadas. He stands and gazes; he muses that something is about to begin. The thing that occurs at that moment surprises the reader. 192 Zarco, "El crepusculo en la ciudad," p. 237. 193 ' Zarco, "El crepusculo en la ciudad," p. 237. 419 Se escucha una campanita vibrante y aguda y los tambores de las guardias que tocan marcha. El viatico sale en su coche lento y parsimonioso; todos se arro- dillan y se descubren, no siempre de muy buena gana; los hermanos entonan cantos al rededor del Senor sacra ment ado, . . . ^-°4 Zarco queries: ^Por que se conserva esta costumbre? Quien sabe! Ella hace frecuente la irreverencia, ella disminuy§ la idea de magestad que debe acompanar a la religion. He believed that there existed a chasm between true religion and the form which religion had taken. He lamented that all around him, in spite of the presence of God, there was only disorder and darkness. This moral and spiritual darkness disturbed Zarco. Changing the level of meaning, he asks why must there be darkness where the light of religion should shine. He expresses his indignation toward the conservatives for frustrating progress in bringing literal and figurative light to Mexico in these words: Se nos ofrecio alumbrado de gas, y el proyecto se frustro porque un particular tuvo miedo de quemarse ... y luego dicen que las mayorras son opresoras! ... Mentira! sobre ■^^Francisco Zarco, "Mexico de noche," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 158. 195 ✓ Zarco, "Mexico de noche," pp. 158-159. 420 todo en Mexico, donde siempre, siempre, una insignifi- cante minorfa oprime al pais e n t e r o . ^ 9 6 Going down a street in another direction, Zarco de scribes men fighting and being separated by the police, shouts of women, people imploring for help for fear of thieves. Notwithstanding disorder and danger, Zarco con cedes that conditions at night on the streets of Mexico have improved, not because the police have improved, but because ignorance has somewhat diminished and the people have improved. Although other scenes, not so sordid, are described by Zarco--tertulias, bailes, serenatas--he returns quickly to the sordid: Cuando se ve mucha luz tambien, pero no se oye rausica, ni se ven dibujarse sombras en las cortinas, sino que estan abiertas todas las vidrieras ... entonces no hay baile; ha ... muerto, que pasa en su casa la ultima noche, para ir al dia siguiente al c e m e n t e r i o .^7 He describes the crowds on the streets leaving the theatres and going in all directions to their homes. As 1 98 in El diablo cojuelo, Zarco makes the roofs of the now ■^^Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 158. 107 , Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 160. ^^Velez de Guevara, El diablo cojuelo (1641). 421 quiet city transparent and gives us a peek at the intimate life of the city: La ciudad duerme y esta quieta y tranquila. Pero no duermen todos los habitantes: que unos se retuercen en el lecho del dolor; otros lanzan su ultimo suspiro; otros no pueden dormir porque los desvela su ambicion; la muger esta en insomnio luchando con pensamientos de amor; para muchos es la primera noche de boda; hay horn- bres que permanecen hasta el amanecer en el tapete del juego; hay maridos que entran tarde a su casa sin que nadie los sienta; hay esposas que cometen infidelidades; hay poetas y literatos que escriben o estudian en medio del silencio, hay reuniones misteriosas que tratan de conspiraciones; hay canciones en los cuerpos de guardia; sacerdotes que salen a confesar a un moribundo; infelices que duermen en la calle porque no tienen casa; hombres de estado que estan inquietos, y hombres y mugeres y ninos que duermen tranquilos sin agitacion, sin ensuenos, sin visiones. ... La calma nocturaa es, pues, una tregua a la lucha que tienen entablada todas las pasiones y todos los deseos. ...^99 This, Zarco says, is the world. Each inhabitant is igno rant of the pains and pleasures of the other. While the rays of the sun are fading on one portion of the earth, another portion is illuminated by the sun. Time and des tiny spread fortune and misfortune over all of mankind. All find equality in the sleep of the tomb. There, he says, everything is worms and corruption, dust and nothing. After these morbid thoughts, Zarco tells his readers: iqq , Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 160. 422 iLector! ;Buenas noches! ;Ojala y seas de los que duermen sin inquietud, sin locas esperanzas, sin recuer- dos de felicidad perdida, sin necias ambiciones de gloria y sin remordimientos. ' Variety of approach is one of the outstanding charac teristics of Zarco*s satire, as is also his ability to deal with a number of human foibles in one article of satire. His variety of approach and targets is well exem plified in "Miseria." Before launching his attack, he proceeds to disarm his readers with banter in order to establish a relationship of intimacy and confidence. Almas sensibles, corazones delicados! No os horripile el tltulo de este artfculo, no volvais contristados la hoja temiendo conmoveros, no; tranquilizaos, que quien os habla es Fortun, el que se ha impuesto el deber de bus- carle a todo, el lado agradable, el lado que hace reir. ... Os conozco demasiado, seres de alfenique, para abu- sar de vuestra temura. ^ He tells his readers ironically that he knows better than to discuss any unpleasant aspects of society. But as he feels that he is gaining their confidence and interest, his irony borders on sarcasm as he says: Dios mio! Ha habido quien diga que yo trino contra el congreso, contra el presente siglo, contra el amor, ^^Zarco, "Mexico de noche,*' p. 160. o m Francisco Zarco, "Miseria," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 433. 423 contra la religion, contra el entusiasmo, contra la patria, contra los logogrifos, enigmas y charadas, que me ensangriento contra la lectora del periodico que tan bien me trata, y contra sus preciosas companeras! Y todavia me acusa de atrabiliario rebato, de que olvido que el amor es germen y causa de muchas cosas, y de que ultrajo a la m u g e r . 2 0 2 Feigning injury of soul because a Sr. "X" has criti cized Zarco, Fortun says that he bears all detractions and accusation with a forgiving spirit of humility as if to say, "Father, forgive them for they know not what they say"; but turning suddenly on his detractor, he attacks with direct sarcasm: Cargos tremendos, que me confunden, me anonadan; pero no me irritan, porque ni un momento supongo que quien tan severamente me juzga se deje guiar de ningun senti- miento indigno, sino que a pesar de ser tan buen escri- tor, no sabe leer, cosa que no es precisa en un perio- dista galante, o si lee, no sabe entender lo que lee, desdicha de que ni el, ni yo tenemos la culpa. Heaping further sarcasm upon his victim, he displays his feelings of contempt toward his detractor by saying: "Como para tentarme, la firma del articulo que tan atrozmente me regana es una X. Pressing the attack, he hurls his heavy weapons of mockery, ridicule and contempt at Mr. "X": 202 Zarco, "Miseria," p. 433. ^^Zarco, "Miseria," p. 433. ^^Zarco, "Miseria," p. 433. 424 ... me parecio incognita de alguna ecuacion; pero soy poco curioso, y no he pensado en despejarla, porque soy perezoso, y porque me temi mucho que el resultado de mis calculos pudiera darme este resultado: x = --o. No val£a ciertamente la pena, y desde ahora, haciendo voto por la gloria de mi crftico, deseo que pase su vida haciendo charadas, le recomiendo un poco de calma para corregir su propiedad de ecsaltarse, le aconsejo que no se enoje contra los que escriben, porque el no los en- tiende; ... ^ Zarco would be quite happy if his victim would slink away and die of shame after this attack. After these apparent digressions which serve effec tively to gain his readers' confidence by giving them an opportunity to laugh at the vices of another, Zarco comes to the point of his essay which is the inequitable distri bution of wealth. Though his viewpoint is thinly cloaked in humor, it is made in all earnestness: ... la riqueza esta desproporcionadamente dividida en este prcaro mundo, es una verdad que se puede decir sin parecer comunista; ... Mientras hay hombres que viven en medio de los placeres que prodigan el oro y gozan de cuantas comodidades materiales son posibles, hay otros que sufren, que se mueren de hambre, que estan espuestos a toda clase de padecimientos.^06 He adds ironically: "Esto tiene la belleza de los contras- ,,207 tes. ^"’zarco, "Miseria," p. 433. ^^Zarco, "Miseria," p. 434. 207 Zarco, "Miseria," p. 434. 425 Boiling with indignation, Zarco attacks the rulers and the powerful who are content to ignore human suffering. He says that in order that these unfortunate souls will not know their misfortune, the oppressors of the people make them soldiers so that they may defend their country to which they owe so much! Contrasting the ideal with the real and discarding all pretense of humor, he rails against the leaders of society, describing with words that startle and dismay the repugnant conditions of the miserable masses: "... saben muy a tiempo que su pais les da solo carcel, hospital, y cementerio (solo en tiempo de epidemia). asks mockingly: "^Que 0 ,,209 mas quieren? Continuing to heap scorn on the aristocracy for its oppressive measures against the poor and ignorant masses, he says sarcastically that the masses do not need a change of social conditions to enable them to realize their happy destiny: "Su pobreza no es obstaculo para lo que pueden ser, cargadores, aguadores, cocheros, contrabandistas, ^^Zarco, "Miseria," p. 434. ^^Zarco, "Miseria," p. 434. 426 e ,,210 rufranes &c. : ... Demonstrating the variety of his targets, Zarco not only attacks the conservatives, who oppress the masses, but he rails against a materialistic society which judges a man by how much money he has and how prodigal he is with that money in buying favors, especially those of women: Un hombre decente quiere decir en todas partes un hombre bien vestido; ... Las ideas del honor, de la decencia, de la buena education, del talento, y de la instruceion, siempre tiene alguna mezcla con la grande idea dinero, ... Los jovenes deben ser gastadores, elegantes, prodi- gos; El amor es el gran negocio de este mundo, ... El amor sin fortuna es evidentemente una cosa trunca e incom- pleta, tin entretenimiento de ninos. 13 El matrimonio £§,un negocio, tan claro como la compra de abarrotes . ...^14 Again, Zarco*s attack has been varied as have his victims. He has been sometimes gay, sometimes acid, sometimes 210„ Zarco, ’ ’ Miseria, ” p. 434. 211Zarco, "Miseria, ” p. 435. 2^2Zarco, "Miseria, " p. 435. 213Zarco, "Miseria, ” p. 435. 2^Zarco, "Miseria," p. 435. 427 bantering, sometimes scornful; but, behind it all, always serious. Purpose of Social Satire Juvenal's model, Lucilius, first gave satire its function of social criticism which it did not lose under Zarco. Although Zarco did not have to fear the arena as did the Roman satirist, or did he have to fear the concen tration camp of modern times, he did have to fear and suffer fines and imprisonment for writing against the governments of Santa Anna, Arista, Zuloaga, and Miramon. Zarco says ironically that all that he had done since birth had been worthless, and that he, as a journalist, could not resist the habit of writing because it was his second nature. He says banteringly that his purpose in writing was not to miss seeing his articles in print. His basic purpose in writing, however, was to fulfill his mis sion as a reformer. Zarco expresses it in these words: Estamos persuadidos de que la mision mas grande de la imprenta consiste en satisfacer las necesidades morales de la sociedad, reanimando sus esperanzas en el porvenir, calmando un tanto sus dolores presentes y recordandole las glorias de lo pasado.^15 215 / / Francisco Zarco, "Introduceion,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, i. 428 To accomplish his mission Zarco used his satiric genius. As was the case with Larra and Quevedo, Zarco was accused by his contemporaries of unpatriotic feelings in his attempts to set forth the weaknesses of society. Not withstanding the attacks of his detractors, he ruthlessly held up to scorn those aspects of Mexican society which he felt needed changing. The function of satire is a regulatory force in society. It often serves a social purpose more effectively 0 " 1 £ than do civil legislation and church laws; Zarco be lieved that the latter had proved themselves ineffective in Mexico during most of the nearly 350 years of the colonial period. He, therefore, strove with all his energy to bring about change in Mexico and to alleviate the suf fering of mankind--much of which was a result of their own ignorance. He proposed to accomplish his objective by helping them through the process of education to help them selves. He wished to make them aware of their weaknesses, fallacies and foibles. He tried to show the people a better way of life and to direct them to higher values. ^■^David Worcester, The Art of Satire (Cambridge, 1940), p. 10. 429 In short, to help his countrymen was his purpose and it remained such throughout his life. He wrote: "Poder ser utiles a nuestro pais, ... es el deseo mas ardiente que nos ,,217 anima; ... Zarco's use of satire had the noble ends of informing and instructing mankind so that he might make man ashamed of his vices and effect change. He was persistently con cerned with the incongruity between appearance and reality because, in his opinion, mankind, in large part, blinded itself to an accurate and total observation and evaluation of external objects. It was evident to Zarco that most people tended to confuse words with the objects which they describe. He believed that most people, especially the conservatives, converted the objective facts of nature into a system of social, religious and governmental philosophy without bothering to observe that the facts failed to con form to their artificial abstractions. In Zarco's opinion, most people confounded the accidental and secondary quali ties of an object with the truth of the whole; others were content to observe only the external and first appearances of objects without further empirical examination of those ^■^Zarco, "Introduceion," I, ii. 430 truths which may lie beneath the surface. Zarco wished to help his readers focus their gaze on things as they were and be able to contrast what they saw with what should be, at least in the mind of the satirist. This, in Zarco's opinion, was the job of the costumbrista satirist. He must strip away coverings and false fronts of society. Zarco tells us in "Los distraidos": Tal vez antes, la descripcion de los trages era bastante para clasificar a una sociedad entera, la observacion de las habitaciones seria mas que suficiente para conocer a sus moradores; pero ahora, a los que escribimos de costumbres, nos sucede lo propio que a Victor Ducange; ni los trages, ni las casas, ni las esterioridades, no indican nada; todo eso es la forma en que se confunden los mil tipos que es necesario ir buscando con cuidadoso empeno, para encontrar alguna especialidad.218 The above quotation shows us the essential difference between Zarco and Guillermo Prieto as a costumbrista. Prieto, like Mesonero Romanos, described from a distance a lovely Indian girl leading her burro laden with products to sell in the market. Zarco, like the latter tremendis - tas, but without dwelling exclusively on the sordid, focused his pictographic gaze on a segment of society from which he lifted the deceivingly charming exterior for the Zarco, "Los distrafdos," p. 65. 431 purpose of revealing reality rather than describing appear ance. To Zarco, description of the es terioridades meant nothing. Zarco did not express hatred in his social satire. His purpose was not to vex people, or was it to divert them, it was to educate them. If, however, vexation and diversion aided him in this objective, he utilized either or both, singly or in combination. He could do this be cause he was not concerned with having his own person or fortune maligned. He was struggling for an ideal. Effectiveness of Zarco*s Satire as a Force for Social Change To measure the degree of influence of Zarco’s satire as a force for social change is not as easy as demon strating his influence on the course of political events in Mexico. Nevertheless, I believe it is possible to show that his constant attacking of Mexico’s social, political and economic problems over a period of twenty years (1849- 1869), during which time Mexico's social, political and economic institutions underwent profound changes, did con tribute to those changes which took place during his time and are still taking place. When we keep in mind the 432 direction which the development of Mexico’s social insti tutions have taken, and when we recall the force and fre quency with which he wrote and spoke, the influence of Zarco’s satire as a force for social reform becomes evi dent. In 1867, after many years of bloodshed and chaos, the Constitution of 1857, which embodied not only political but social reform, became the law of the land. From 1867 to the present, except for the period of the Diaz dictator ship, the conservative minority, which had for centuries imposed its will on the majority, no longer enjoyed pre eminence. The landed aristocracy and clergy, who had with every ounce of their strength fought change, no longer dictated to the masses a code of morality whose purpose was to protect their selfish interests. The changes in the meaning of life, which had begun during the Renaissance and had culminated in the Romantic Movement in Europe, finally prevailed in Mexico. Change which for so long had been considered evil by the conserva tives became man's opportunity after the triumph of the liberal ideals. Few would argue that the American Revolution succeeded solely as a result of Washington's frequent military 433 defeats, or that the French Revolution which, according to Robespierre, was a "putting into the laws the moral truths 219 culled from the works of the philosophers," would have succeeded without Rousseau, Montesquieu, and Voltaire among others. It would follow then that to understand the causes of revolution, it is necessary that we understand those forces which influence people to the extent that they are willing to "storm the Bastille." We cannot understand the great political and social revolution of mid-nineteenth century Mexico without an understanding of the role of the journalist’s influence on the ideologies of the times. Though journalism did not enjoy the dignity of wearing covers like a book, or even the somewhat less aristocratic dress of a pamphlet, it did constitute the primary source from which sprang the liter ary works produced during the extremely chaotic period of approximately forty-five years between the independence period and the end of the MaximiIlian episode. In the battle for men's minds, it is not the cover that is impor tant but the effectiveness of the message. 219 "French Revolution," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1960 edition, Vol. 9, p. 805. 434 Realizing that ideologies were involved in the Reform as much or more than were military or political action, we may say of Zarco, as Bancroft said of Juarez’ political leadership, that without him to act as spokesman for the Reform ’ ’there would have been an entire change in the 220 country’s political affairs for some years at least." If we concede that the printed word influences man's be havior, it becomes evident that Zarco was very influential in the course of Mexican social as well as political his tory, for Castaneda Batres says that Zarco was the most 221 outstanding journalist of the last century in Mexico. It cannot be argued that democratic political and social institutions would have evolved naturally. None of the other nations of Latin America has developed democratic institutions comparable to those of Mexico; none of the other Latin American nations has had a Juarez and a Zarco. It cannot be controverted that of all of the Latin American nations: . . . Mexico is the most advanced on the road towards a real social as well as political democracy. This fact, 220"History of Mexico, 1824-1861," The Works of Hubert Howe Bancroft (San Francisco, 1887), V, 735. ^Castaneda Batres, p. 16. 435 as well as her population (31 million), . . . as well as her proximity to the United States, make [sic] Mexico one of the key countries in the New W o r l d . 222 A Mexico of which the above was said has not resulted out of accident. It is the result of a long and bitter struggle between two opposing ideologies. It is true that western societies in general have made gradual progress on the road to stable, liberal and democratic governments. But, except for Mexico, Latin America has not kept pace with most of the nations of the western world in the de velopment of democratic social and political institutions. 222 Salvador de Madariaga, Latin America Between the Eagle and the Bear (New York, 1962), pp. 38-39- CHAPTER IX SATIRICAL DEVICES USED BY ZARCO When we discuss Zarco's prose as satire, the question arises "What quality or qualities in his prose permit us to call it satire?" It is not always easy to say when Zarco is writing satire, when he is writing parody, or when he is writing expository prose which closely reproduces the mannerisms and personality of his subject. If we are to discover his satire, we must be on guard because his smile is often subtle, his humor mild, and he pretends rather convincingly to be telling the "truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth." It is easy to mistake Zarco’s satire for expository prose with a slight degree of amiability. Sometimes Zarco*s sentiments are so orthodox as to escape the detec tion of good critics as being satire. At the beginning of a study on Zarco's satirical style, it should be said, however, that it is difficult for Zarco to avoid writing 436 437 satire even though he pretends not to be writing satire. After we have read much of his prose, we are led to be al ways on guard, for experience has shown us that we can usually expect satire. He had what might be called a sa tirical mind. Zarco says of himself that he writes satire, that satire is his field, and he speaks of other satirists as being models whom he will follow. He announces himself as a satirist.1 His topics are usually personal and his subjects are usually topical, which is typical of satire. He deals with actual problems and alludes to, and sometimes mentions, O real people or describes them unmistakably and usually unflatteringly. Who these characters are is not important when we are considering his work as art. The modern reader, unless he is a historian, is not vitally interested in who Santa Anna, Marquez, Miramon, Mejia, or Maximillian were. He is interested in the way in which Zarco expresses ^Francisco Zarco, "Introduceion," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, iii; and II, ii-iii. 2 Zarco stated in the introduction to Vol. I of La Ilustracion Mexicana that individuals would not be men tioned in the satirical articles appearing in that publica tion. He adhered to this policy in general in La Ilustra cion Mexicana, but he did not in much of his other satire. 438 his attitude or shows his hatred toward these individuals or the society to which they were a contributing factor. 3 In other words, he is interested in Zarco's technique. In this chapter I shall examine the satirical devices which Zarco used to select and to organize the material of his universe. As was stated earlier, satire is valid only when there is a set of values against which to judge the object satirized. Zarco's values were those of a "positive romanticist" who, according to Peckham,^ moves from doubt and despair to a reaffirmation of faith in cosmic meaning and goodness. Zarco satirized all manner of political and social evil which resulted from the ruling classes con ceiving of the universe as a static mechanism in which organic change was not admitted, a universe that was be lieved to be a perfect machine. The criterion for Zarco's criticism and action was whether a thing was, in his opinion, good for Mexico. Believing that the universe 3 Mark Schorer, "Technique as Discovery," in Gerald J. Goldberg and Nancy M. Goldberg, eds., The Modem Critical Spectrum (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1962), p. 70. ^Morse Peckham, "Toward a Theory of Romanticism,” in Robert E. Gleckner and Gerald E. Enscoe, eds., Romanticism, Points of View (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1962), p. 220. 439 is not dead, but a living, growing organism, he fought the tendency to reduce everything to a formula. It is important, then, to remember when reading Zarco's satire that we are viewing the world as it is structured by a liberal who, it has been well demonstrated, was the spokesman of the Liberal Reform Movement. He was a man who loved his country, but not as three centuries of Spanish colonial rule had left it. His every effort was directed toward change as a positive value. He was con cerned with the social order of the here and now, rather than heaven or a hereafter. His was a world of the "holi ness” of the liberal cause and the "terribleness" and "tragedy" of the conservative element in Mexico. Zarco's satiric purpose determined his technique. His purpose was to portray his world in all its complexities, inconsistencies and incongruities, and then to reform his society. He knew that to attack in a fit of rage would detract from his purpose. He knew that gentle criticism is more effective than stomping and shouting and wearing out his readers. He realized that too much shock would leave his readers numb and wishing for escape. He realized that variety of attack is necessary to retain the reader's 440 interest. So, he used a variety of satirical and stylistic devices to criticize political and social institutions, human vices, foibles and follies coldly and impersonally. On a scale from the humorous to the serious these were: banter, diminution, caricature, exaggeration, mockery, ridicule, irony, sarcasm, contempt, vituperation and invec tive. These devices were also, not accidentally, used to enable him to evade, outwit or override the censor. People have often identified satire with humor because there is frequently humor to be found in lighter satire and even the derision of more serious satire is considered to be humorous. But the satirist uses lightness and gaiety, not for the purpose of the comic effect, but for getting his readers into a more playful, hence receptive, mood. If the satirist can through humor create an almost childish mood of hilarity in his reader, especially when viewing the misfortune of another, he can lure his reader into a recog nition of reality and thus the reader is susceptible to change. We may say, therefore, that humor is a bait and a lure which entices the reader into a net of the sati rist's devising. There are many examples of this in Zarco's use of banter with his readers whom he addresses 441 in "Miseria" with the following bit of banter: Almas sensibles, corazones delicados! No os horripile el txtulo de este artxculo, no volvais contristados la hoja temiendo conmoveros, no; tranquilizaos, que quien os habla es Fortun el que se ha impuesto el deber de bus- carle a todo, el lado agradable, el lado que hace rexr. ... Os conozco demasiado, seresJde alfenique, para abusar de vuestra temura! Here we see Zarco assuming the role of the payaso or buffoon whose task it is to reassure the public of his humorous intent as these had to reassure the king. The irony of the above is evident when we read Zarco’s true tragic sentiments: ”... la mayor£a quiere reir, y es pre- ciso sacrificar las minorxas."^ As Zarco points out in "El payaso," the job of the satirist is very similar to that of the clown whose real ability would enable him to serve as secretary of the interior, but who has to make the people laugh by wearing outlandish clothes and by using satire to reveal truth in jest. Zarco wrote: ;Ay! Triste es decirlo, el escritor satxrico, el escri- tor de costumbre es el payaso en la literature. La Bruyere, Beaumarchais, Fr. Gerundio, Fxgaro y tantos ^Francisco Zarco, "Miseria," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 433. 6 / Francisco Zarco, "El payaso," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 540. 442 otros, han tenido el triste oficio de hacer reir al mundo de sus propios defectos!^ Zarco's bantering usually appears at the beginning of an article. If it appears later in an article, it is be- cause he does not wish to lose his reader's interest and feels that a bit of banter is necessary to retain him in his grasp so that he might, howbeit usually gently, shame his reader by showing him his vanities, absurdities and hypocrisies. In a descending order from humor to seriousness, diminution occupies our attention next after banter as a satirical device. I define diminution as the association of normally pleasant images with normally unpleasant images for the purpose of degrading an object, an occupation, or a profession in the mind of the reader, or the juxtaposing of a dignified object with an undignified object or pro fession for the same reason. This satirical device is often found in Zarco's satire on foibles and fallacies, in satirizing these he seldom uses images which arouse con tempt. It is against the conservatives, however, that he uses diminution most devastatingly. Against them he uses ^Zarco, "El payaso," p. 542. 443 ugly images to show that his opponents are no longer dangerous, but shameful and unpleasant. In his estimation, the conservatives had failed Mexico and were impotent in her affairs. He indicated that they were too weak to inspire terror in Mexicans; hence, their attempts to frighten Mexicans with all manner of dire consequences if they supported the liberal cause was not to be feared. They were, in his opinion, nauseous and offensive, but not dangerous. Zarco very effectively diminishes the objects of his hate by suggesting that the conservatives have no heroes and can have no heroes. At least they cannot have heroes who are Mexican. Speaking of one of the victims of the massacre of Tacubaya, he says: "... habiendose desde nino dado a conocer por sus poesxas, que repiraban un entusiasta patriotismo y en que cantaba la gloria de nuestros ' 8 heroes." Zarco would have his readers believe that patriotism and heroes belong only to the liberal faction. 8 ✓ Francisco Zarco, Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, Edicion y Prologo de Daniel Moreno, Coleccion "El Siglo XIX," Num. 1 (Mexico, 1958), p. 10. Hereafter cited as Las Matanzas; all references are to this edition. 444 Most effective diminution is achieved by Zarco by his use of ugly images juxtaposed with the groups of the con servatives. Wherever the words matadero, asesinos, ver- dugo, monstruos, traidores, sacrilegos, mujeres, ladrones, truhanes, tahures, barbarie and fuerza brutal appear, the names of the conservatives and words which refer to the conservatives such as clero, religion, dianas, Te Deum, catedral and ayuntamiento are juxtaposed. As we might expect, Las Matanzas de Tacubaya contains many examples of diminution used against the conservatives. In the following example, however, diminution works some what differently from our earlier definition in that the objects satirized are diminished in our minds as they are contrasted with objects which Zarco considers their oppo sites. That is, he shows the conservatives’ cowardice by the juxtaposing of contrasting qualities which emphasize the goodness of the liberals and the evilness of the con servatives : Ese joven, ese nino pidio que se le permitiera despe- dirse de su hermano; los verdugos le dijeron que no habia tiempo. Quiso escribir a su familia; los verdugos le dijeron que no habra tiempo. Entonces el poeta regalo su reloj al oficial que mandaba la ejecucion, distribuyo sus vestidos y el dinero ... entre los 445 soldados, abrazo a su companero Sanchez, resignado y tranquilo, se arrodillo a recibir la muerte.^ Zarco uses the same form of diminution when he refers to the victims of Marquez by their full names, titles, and military rank, thus implying that the liberals are worthy of kind treatment but the conservatives are not. The following serve only as examples: MD. Ildefonso Portugal, D. Gabriel Rivero, D. Manuel Sanchez, D. Juan Duval (sub- dito ingles), D. Alberto Abad."^ Diminution is achieved in the following quotation by not only giving the victim's full name and rank, but by describing the noble way in which he died: En el jardxn del arzobispado sucumbio la primera victima, el General D. MARCIAL LAZCANO, antiguo militar, que acababa de batirse con su valor admirable, y que al ser conducido al suplicio fue insultado por oficiales que habxan sido sus subaltemos, y a quienes habxa corre- gido faltas de subordinacion y disciplina. El General les dijo: "Hay cobardxa v baieza en insultar a un muerto■" Le intimaron que iba a ser fusilado por la espalda como traidor, el opuso resistencia; pero des pues dijo: "No soy traidor, solo por mi familia siento la muerte; por lo demas, me resigno a mi destino." Tomo un vaso de agua, y cayo atravesado por las balas, del pecho y de la cabeza.^-1 - 9 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 20. 10Zarco, Las Matanzas, P- 19. ■^Zarco, Las Matanzas, P- 18. 446 He also gives data of a more personal nature of the victims which tends to diminish their murderers. Of the son of the well-known Mexican poet, he says: "Diaz Covarrubias tenia 19 ahos: era hijo de Diaz, el celebre poeta veracruzano; su aspecto era simpatico; en su frente se veian las huellas 1 rj prematuras del estudio y de la meditacion." But in referring to the conservatives, he uses only their last names as Miramon, Mejia, Marquez. When he does give a conservative the dignity of a title it is followed by ridicule: "D. Servero Castillo, el llamado Ministro de guerra de Miramon." In this quotation, Zarco is not only unwilling to dignify Castillo's position as minister of war in Miramon’s government, he is also unwilling to dignify Miramon’s regime with the term "government." Thus he effectively belittles both Miramon and Castillo. Bestial diminution, attributing qualities of lower animals to conservatives and other objects of his satire, is frequently used by Zarco. In the following example, we see military figures reflecting the ugly characteristics of dogs which are aggressive toward the weak, but servile Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 20. 13 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 19. 447 before the strong: Mirad al militar terrible en los garitos, tremendo con los caseros y con los sastres; miradlo con sus arriscados bigotes, con su aire despreciativo hacia todos los que no son soldados; brama contra los gobier- nos en los cafes, quiere pasar como gefe de partido, amenaza con conspiraciones, tiene duelos, escribe libe- los; pero se humilla ante cualquier ministro que lo regana, huye al frente del enemigo; en una asonada es de los que sacan partido, sin arresgar el cuerpo; si hay quien acepte sus duelos, traba amistad con el desafiado, y lo que se le escapa a todas horas, y es el ente mas manso del mundo, el animal mas facil de domesticar.^ Against politicians he uses still uglier images: De todos los ladridos, los mas fuertes, los mas sono- ros, son los de los perros que gobiernan; estos son los mastines mas guapos, los mas atrevidos; pero como siempre gusta conservar el poder, y como las caidas son tan faciles, nadie quiere quedar con enemigos. La energia se queda en circulares; las medidas estrepitosas, se llevan a cabo contra un portero, contra una viuda, con los demas, las amenazas bastan. Un agiotista, un gefe de partido, un administrador de aduana que ha robado algo, estan enteramente seguros, tanto mas, cuanto tienen un pedazo de came con que hacer cesar los ladridos. Another excellent example of Zarco’s use of bestial diminution is found in an attack on timorous journalists and the ignorant masses: Si llegais a ser ministro, accidente de que nadie esta escento, por estupido y bribon que sea, al principio os asustareis al escuchar los ladridos de la prensa, 14 Francisco Zarco, "Perro que ladra no muerde," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 233. 15 Zarco, "Perro que ladra no muerde," p. 233. 448 ladridos tumultuosos; pero tranquilizaos, los periodis- tas ladran recio, pero se asemejan a los perros de las aldeas que se rodean del viagero, y se entretienen y se callan al mirar un latigo o al ver una migaja de pan. ... Si sois un poco pensador ^cosa que sera estrana), no debeis hacer caso, porque aqui nadie lee, los que leen no piensan, los que piensan no hacen nada, y los que algo hacen se conforman con adularos y ponderaros.--Pero si sois un poco quisquilloso, si quereis ser elogiado con letras de molde, llamad al escritor mas iracundo, dadle algo o prometedle, y quedara contento, y la oposicion cesara. A final example from "Dos lobos no se muerden" of bestial diminution will suffice to illustrate Zarco*s use of diminution as a device of satire. Un lobo conoce demasiado la fuerza de cualquiera otro lobo, y por esto no se atreve a atacarlo; y asi mas facilmente se convienen en unir su interes para destro- zar rebanos y ganados. De que dos lobos no se muerden, logicamente se deduce que el que recibe un mordizco de lobo, no es lobo sino cordero, oveja, pastor, o ente semejante. Pues bien, lo mismo que sucede entre esos rusticos habitantes de los campos, ocurre sin cesar aqui entre esta sociedad culta y civilizada. ' Caricature, a form of exaggeration, is a device fre quently used by Zarco. Most dramatic satire is a carica ture of contemporary life. As Highet says, caricature as a satirical device mocks the virtues of men and exaggerates X6 Zarco, "Perro que ladra no muerde," p. 233. 1 7 Francisco Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 203. 449 their vices, disparages their greatest human gifts, treats their religion as hypocrisy, "their art as trash, their literature as opium, their love as lust, their virtue as 18 hypocrisy, and their happiness as an absurd illusion." Zarco utilizes caricature most frequently when treat ing with human foibles such as the qualities of being garrulous, overly frank, weak opinioned, vacillating, or scatterbrained. The scatterbrain is caricatured in these words: El aturdido es un hombre sin juicio ni talento.--Los aturdidos no piensan, no discurren,--Su caracter con- siste en la mas absoluta falta de prudencia.--Desconocen la moderacion, ...^9 Although one can find the above list of character traits in several individuals, it is unlikely that all would be found in one individual. This is true in all caricatures. The photograph or objective description would not reveal the same object. But the object of the carica ture could be found in an accumulation of disagreeable qualities. His purpose in parading before us a series of 18 Gilbert Highet, The Anatomy of Satire (Princeton, 1962), p. 190. 19 * Francisco Zarco, "El aturdido,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 297. 450 exaggerated portraits is to cause us to view more accu rately what he considers to be reality. In some cases the attempts of people to make them selves better than they are elicit our contempt. For example, the women of "Los seres escepcionales" make cari catures of themselves by the exaggeration of what they consider to be their own exceptionally fine qualities. They say: ... ”yo no soy asi, yo tengo principios fijos, no los agandono, soy prudente, estudioso, humilde, constante en mis principios, e incapaz de una falta, de una defeccion. To say that one is incapable of having faults or defects is a slight exaggeration. Zarco’s caricatures take one aspect of reality and exaggerate it, but he does not become obscene in his cari catures as did Juvenal, Swift and Quevedo. He does force the reader, however, to realize that he cannot postpone forever a confrontation with reality. His exaggerations, therefore, qualify as literary caricatures whose purpose is to cause his readers to find ridiculous the character 20 Francisco Zarco, "Los seres escepcionales," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 390. 451 traits of the ones satirized rather than to find them revulsive. A good deal of Zarco's satire results from the dis parity which he perceives as existing between the appear ance of things and their reality, a disparity which he finds at times laughable, at times lamentable, and at times tragic. Zarco's principal claim to consideration as a literary artist lies in his ability to verbalize the dis parity between the ideal and the real, and in presenting the problem to man in a sustained and artistic manner to enable the reader to find expression for his own concern. Zarco would have men, especially those in government, rewarded on the basis of piety and virtue. He is aware, however, that princes and political leaders are neither pious nor virtuous, or are they truly desirous of having pious and virtuous men around them. So it is the satirist who must take over the task of making men's vices socially disagreeable and cause politicians, clerics, and other persons and groups whom he satirizes to feel present shame, rather than the somewhat uncertain Christian fear of the hereafter. So Zarco uses ridicule as a device to expose men's vices as being shameful and ludicrous in this present life. 452 Wherever the chasm between the appearance of beauty and the reality of vice is evident, there is also found the ridiculous. This is true of the person who appears to be virtuous or beautiful and in reality is full of vice and deformity. Likewise the person who pretends to be wise, but is in actuality ignorant is a ridiculous person. Two excellent examples of the use of ridicule in Zarco’s satire are "La honra y el trabajo" and "Los miopes." In Zarco's opinion, one of the most reprehensible examples of social deformity in Mexico was to be found in the misplaced and perverted concepts of honor which he embodies in a person whom he calls Enrique--a person whose pretense to breeding and education reveals his ignorance of reality. Of Enrique, Zarco says: "... era un modelo de O 1 ignorancia y de mala educacion." Enrique's opinion of himself, which was not that which was expressed by Zarco, brought him into much conflict with reality. Zarco reports the consequences of his pretensions to honor on the occa sion of Enrique's being sent on an errand: No volvio a la casa del comerciante, y a los seis dias le escribio una carta que decia, "que sus desgracias Francisco Zarco, "La honra y el trabajo," La Ilus- tracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 128. 453 lo habian abatido; pero que ni su educacion, ni sus principios, le permitian envilecerse hasta el punto de servir de criado domestico, y que por lo mismo le de- volvia las cartas que le habia dado para el correo."22 Enrique masquerades as a person of honor in order to gain veneration. He represents that group of persons who have outmoded concepts of honor and who pretend to possess qualities which are not theirs. Enrique thus reveals his mistaken concept of himself and the group which he repre sents, and the lack of agreement between appearance and reality. Zarco detects and lays bare this discrepancy between pretension and reality, thus revealing the ridicu lous. He attacks those who consider themselves as being too honorable to work as actually being parasites who must, whether an escudero or gente decente, beg to exist as Enrique was finally forced to do. Zarco*s reaction to such a person is: Un hombre que pide limosna cuando es joven y robusto y goza de salud, no inspira lastima, sino desprecio. ... El orgullo de Enrique era tan ciego, ... Queria que las familias que lo admitian en su casa y que lo mantenian, pasaran la vida haciendole cortesias, ...2^ 22 Zarco, "La honra y el trabajo," p. 219* 23 Zarco, "La honra y el trabajo," p. 220. 454 Zarco is well aware that ridicule in order to bring about social change must not only cause the reader to laugh at human foibles, but must cause him to condemn them, though it be for the basically selfish reason of fear of social rejection. Zarco is aware that ridicule causes the reader to condemn social ills while retaining a good opinion of himself. Zarco says, knowing that his readers will see someone else's face in the mirror of ridicule: "^Quien no ha conocido hombres como este? ^Quien no tro- pieza con ellos todos los dias y a cada paso?"^ The reader wonders if Zarco is speaking to him, but knowing that he is a "ser escepcional," he glances about to see someone else as being the victim. He nevertheless wonders if Zarco may not be considering him as he reads: MLos hombres verdaderamente trabajadores son una escepcion 25 entre ifosotros, y todos los demas cierran los ojos, ..." Zarco suggests a solution to the problem of outmoded and exaggerated concepts of honor, and hopes that his readers will look more kindly on physical labor. He says rhetorically: "... y no quieren reconocer que el trabajo ^Zarco, "La honra y el trabajo," p. 220. 25 Zarco, "La honra y el trabajo," p. 221. 455 activo y constante, es a menudo el orxgen de la fortuna 26 y de una distinguida posicion social." Through the use of ridicule, Zarco shows the essential fraud of a human fallacy and the vast chasm that exists between the real, so-called honor and the ideal, honest labor. Zarco's technical skill is abundantly evident in those instances in which his sense of ridicule overrides his sense of the tragic. Ridicule is a device frequently used by Zarco; however, he often precedes his use of ridicule with a large dose of sarcasm in which he speaks of how wonderful the status quo is, and that no change could be desired because reality could not be improved upon. When he believes that his reader is disarmed, he attacks social customs and political institutions with a barrage of ridi cule and mockery, which are usually followed by suggestions for improvement or change, or with the hope that change will occur. ZarcoTs use of ridicule in exposing vices is all the more effective since he himself certainly did not seek self aggrandizement, wealth or position. He was, on the contrary, greatly admired, venerated and applauded by his 0 Zarco, "La honra y el trabajo," p. 221. 456 contemporaries for his virtues- Success and praise did not cause him to become vain or did he give himself a dispro portionate evaluation for the things which he had done or the qualities which he possessed. He ever kept before himself the true worth of man. He made no false evaluation of himself or of his fellowmen. Zarco was well aware that ridicule is most effective when joined with humor, but his satire probes much more deeply than does simple, good-humored raillery. This deeper probing frequently takes the form of irony, another satirical device often employed by Zarco. In this study we shall define irony as a device of dissimulation which the satirist uses to condemn what he appears to be praising, and to praise what he means to con demn. The reader, in effective irony, is left to decide whether the satirist is actually praising or criticizing the object of his satire. Of all devices of satire, irony is the least direct in its attack. It causes the reader to believe mistakenly that the satirist is not serious in his satire. Thus, the satirist, at least, and the more perspicacious readers are able to enjoy the exposure of the vices and foibles of "the others" to their view. 457 27 "The ironist appeals to an aristocracy of brains," be cause irony is not readily or easily discovered and appre ciated. It requires mental exertion to comprehend even the 28 simplest and crudest form of irony, sarcasm. As Wor cester says when dealing with irony: The reader has a prodigious task to perform if he would follow all the cross-shafts of irony; indeed, it is too great a task for most minds, as the history of Swiftian criticism shows.^ Those who perceive irony consider themselves to belong to a select and secret society who, with the author, per ceives the vices and follies of the masses. The effective ironist uses the deception of irony even more effectively than even the perspicacious reader is aware, for those who consider themselves to be the knowing elite are, in turn, tricked by the satirist who considers them as possessing those very vices and follies which he is satirizing. In presenting some examples of Zarco's use of irony, we might begin with his apparent satirizing of himself; for when Zarco appears to satirize himself, the irony 27 David Worcester, The Art of Satire (Cambridge, 1940), p. 78. “ ^Worcester, p. 78. 29 Worcester, p. 105. 458 is apparent to those who have an acquaintance with his literary journalism. Having no intention of making himself the butt of a joke, he says with evident irony that to devote himself to logic would not be in keeping with his role as a journalist. With noticeable feelings of superi ority to the object of his satire, he says that he became a student of humanity through the process of thinking, meditating, reflecting and studying, and, with obvious understatement"^ and mock modesty, he says: MVoy a ensenar la ciencia mas util, la que vale un poco mas que la alqui- 31 ma, ...” He does not really believe what he has to say is so trivial, or, on the other hand, does he really be lieve himself to be the saviour of the world, the following notwithstanding: Pero para salvar a la humanidad, no emprendere una propaganda, ni buscare adeptos, ni escribire tomos; sino que e^errare grandes verdades en un articulo de perio- The irony becomes apparent when we discover his true 30 Understatement, according to Worcester, is a form of irony, p. 88. "^Francisco Zarco, "Tramitologia," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 189. "^Zarco, "Tramitologfa,M p. 189. 459 sentiments toward his fellow humans which are expressed in these words: "Todos son torpes; todos se pierden en una region que no conocen; todos se entregan al acaso, y por 33 eso se estrellan en tantos arrecifes." The irony in these quotations does not lie in Zarco's wishing to say that he is not a student of humanity or that he does not think that people are stupid, but rather in his actually feeling that humanity cannot be saved. Or is^ this how he feels? As Elliott says: "The satirist’s status with respect to society is like that of the magician: it is O / necessarily problematic.” We do not really know what Zarco's attitude is toward himself and his readers. After a careful reading of a great deal of Zarco's satire, it would appear that his basic attitude is one of optimism. Zarco seldom makes the mistake of explaining his ironic satire, even though at times he may run the risk of not being perceived. It is only after carefully consider ing what Zarco has said that the perceptive reader realizes that he means the reverse of what he has said. This is 33 Zarco, "Tramitologla," p. 189- o/ Robert C. Elliott, The Power of Satire (Princeton, 1960), p. 265. 460 as it should be because good irony does not give its mean ing readily. Some excellent examples of Zarco*s irony appear in "Cronica." He begins this article by saying that happiness is something which is felt everywhere that one goes in Mexico. There is no one, he insists, who does not feel in effable pleasure at seeing all that transpires in Mexico. He, Zarco, is not lacking in this ability to appreciate the happiness that exists throughout his country. His only wish is to communicate his pleasure to his readers because nobody wishes to enjoy a good thing all alone: La felicidad publica es ya en Mexico una cosa que se siente, que se palpa, que circula por todas partes sin trabas y sin dificultades, y no hay quien no sienta placer inefable al ver todo lo que pasa. No me quedo yo atras en este negocio, y ahora deseo comunicar mi placer a mis lectores, porque quien sabe quien ha dicho que el hombre no puede gozar solo. Mis esperanzas se van realizando. El ano de 1852 es todo ventura; de Providencia ya no se complace en hun- dirnos en abismos, como dijo un sehor rauy importance, y tocamos ya la feliz epoca de las transformaciones.^5 Nothing in these lines in itself indicates displeasure with affairs in Mexico. Yet they were written during the Arista administration which was odious to Zarco. Knowing o r Francisco Zarco, "Cronica," El Siglo Diecinueve, February 24, 1852. 461 Zarco's attitude toward the Arista government, the irony bordering on sarcasm becomes evident. He continues his ironic attack by telling his readers that Zamora was not taken in an hour and that they should not become dis couraged at the seeming lack of progress. As for his hopes, he asserts that they are already becoming realized. It is evident from the above that we find in Zarco*s satire understatement of what he does mean and overstate ment of what he does not mean. Thus, he says the opposite of what he does mean because the intensification of the understatement or overstatement results in inversion; that is, a situation which is directly opposite. As Worcester says: Irony of inversion ordinarily compels the reader to convert apparent praise into blame. Its shocking power is greatest when it is thus used to shatter complacent truisms and unthinking optimism. ° Zarco attempts to shatter complacent truisms in "El joven juicioso," which contains excellent examples of irony. He appears to be criticizing the inability of youth to use good judgment and respect traditions, and venerate old age, but he is actually attacking the status quo: 36 Worcester, p. 80. 462 ^De que sirve, por ejemplo, cjue un joven sepa mas que muchos viejos, si se atreve a bailar un scottisch con la mayor coqueta de nuestros salones? iQue hay que esperar del que aunque tenga pocos anos, tiene una energia varonil a toda prueba y vigorosa inteligencia, si no vacila en cometer una calaverada? jAh! Los ninos pre- coces suelen ser la plaga del mundo por toda su vida; orgullosos, altaneros, no respetan a las gentes que son respetables solo porque nacieron antes que ellos; tienen arrojo para burlarse de los usos establecidos, y nada hay que pueda arredrar su caracter altanero, que ellos llaman independiente. ... Abominad a esos ninos, de los que salen los innova- dores peligrosos, los revolucionarios, y todo lo malo de nuestra epoca.^7 He states ironically that the astute young man is quite the opposite of the innovation seeking youth: El joven juicioso es todo lo contrario. Su juicio es solido, profundo; tiene la fe de lo antiguo; jamas piensa por s£ mismo; siempre sigue la opinion de los que tienen canas, y reverencia y acata las tradiciones de su familia por ahejas que sean. El joven juicioso tiene calma de espiritu; vida metodica, moderada instruccion; suma pru- dencia; algo de timidez; mucha modestia, y es, en fin, el hombre mas a proposito para toda clase de cosas utiles. ^ Then, apparently in all seriousness, Zarco describes the ideal "Braulio" who exhibits none of the character istics of the youthful revolutionary. Except for an occa sional "slip" such as "solo porque nacieron antes que 3 7 / Francisco Zarco, "El joven juicioso," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 365. O Q , Zarco, "El joven juicioso," p. 365. 463 ellos” or "jamas piensa por si mismo," we do not know Zarco's true purpose; he seems to be innocently praising Braulio's excellent qualities. And this is what we would expect in effective irony. As Johnson says, there is the pretense of innocence in all successful irony. By such an appearance of innocence, the satirist using irony gives the 39 impression that satire was farthest from his mind. Throughout the first part of the article, Zarco appears to be trying to convince us that Braulio is his ideal. It is not until the end of the article that Zarco expresses his true sentiments about Braulio: Yo para mi, concluyo con que un joven juicioso como el que he pintado, es incapaz de nada grande, de nada util. Que como hombre es una maquina dentro de casa, y que como ciudadano si en el hay ausencia de malas cuali- dades tambien la hay de buenas. Sin embargo, el mundo harto de sus locuras, tal vez aplaude y eleva a los que le parecen juiciosos, creyendo que la falta de imagina- cion es juicio, que la falta de inteligencia es cordura, y que la falta, en fin, de pasiones, es virtud. He ahf el origen de tantas nulidades. ^ Zarco has shown us that he is a master of irony; throughout the greater part of the article he appeared to be praising el joven juicioso, a typical conservative lad. 39 Edgar Johnson, A Treasury of Satire (New York, 1945), p. 26. ^Zarco, "El joven juicioso," p. 369. 464 Yet, knowing Zarco, we should have been well warned that he could not write with sympathy of a conservative. Any sympathy that might have been evidenced was only apparent. His real feelings are those of pity and contempt. At times it is difficult to differentiate between irony and sarcasm. For our purposes, however, we shall use Highet's definition of sarcasm which says that: In general usage, the word means irony whose true under lying meaning is both so obvious that it cannot be misunderstood and so wounding that it cannot be dismissed with a smile.^ Sarcasm serves the satirist in a much more limited way and is much more direct than is irony; as Worcester says, sar- / O casm is irony which carries its stinger exposed. The satirist may use the weapon of sarcasm for stabbing only; its effects are tragic and have only unpleasant connota tions. Whereas irony may convey several meanings and "tends to neutralize passions and increase the reader's 43 sense of being a spectator," sarcasm may appear as a curled lip, which is a substitute for fist fights.^ ^Highet, p. 57. 4? Worcester, p. 78. 43 Worcester, p. 141. ixli. Worcester, p. 79. 465 We can expect to find among the victims of Zarco’s sarcastic jabs those objects which were to him most repre hensible, hence, were the victims of his direct satire: these include politicians, conservatives, the clergy, and certain human vices. Las Cosquillas contains some of his most mordant sarcasm. He places these sarcastic jabs in this journal under the title of "Avisos." In rapid succes sion, utilizing in general one short paragraph for each target or victim and imitating an announcement section of a journal, he hurls his barbs of sarcasm. The following are representative of the many such sarcastic jabs which appear in this journal of satire: En la calle de Montealegre se alquilen unas caballe- rizas muy comodas y propias para redactores de periodicos conservadores.^ "Se rasura muy bien a los conservadores en las bar- berfas establecidas con el nombre del Universal y del Omnibus: los gobernantes acuden con profusion a las que tienen por rotulos el Monitor, la Esperanza y el Consti- tucional, y los clerigos a la que es conocida por Voz de la Religion, donde se les hace muy bien la barba."^° His sarcastic shots are lethal and straight to the target. He wastes no words in humor. Gentle irony is virtually 45 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Avisos," Las Cosquillas (Mexico), Vol. 1, Nc 9, June 2, 1852. ^Zarco, "Avisos," p. 4. 466 absent. The bit of irony and humor which do appear quickly give way to sarcasm. General Arista is again one of the objects of sarcasm from Zarco*s pen in Las Cosquillas. The first article on page one of number one, volume one, epoca one, for example, begins with: "Vivir en Mexico y no sentir el mayor buen humor, es cosa absolutamente imposible.After sarcasti cally proclaiming the joys of living in Mexico under what Zarco considered to be the chaotic conditions that existed in 1852, he attacks Arista directly: Vemos al presidente impavido, sereno, ver que el pars se acaba, que el diablo nos lleva, y S-E. ni hace caso de Tehuantepec, ni de Avalos, ni de Yucatan, ni de la frontera; persiste en hacemos f el ices, y con sus pro- pias manos pone y quita todos los dias el ferrocarril del derecho de consumo, y achica y agranda las puertas de la jaula que le sirve de residencia. ;Ja! jja! ;ja! jque felicidad! ;Viva el general Arista. ° Zarco takes another jab at Arista in Las Cosquillas by appearing to report a news item concerning the queen of Portugal. He says: LA REINA DE PORTUGAL--S. M. fedelisima ha tenido la ocurrencia de ceder al erario parte del sueldo que le concedieron las cortes. ^Francisco Zarco, MiJa! jja! ija! jque felicidad!" Las Cosquillas (Mexico), Vol. 1, N° 1, 1st epoca, May 5, 1852, p. 1. ^Zarco, "iJa! jja! ija! jque felicidad!" p. 1. 467 iQue disparate tan monarquista! Nunca lo imitas, ;oh grande Arista!^ Both articles entitled "El palacio nacional" contain much excellent sarcasm directed at His Excellency, which could be any conservative president, but in this instance is directed against Arista. Suponed que es la hora que gusteis; el presidente por supuesto ha dormido, ha almorzado con tranquilidad, se ha vestido y se ha resignado a sufrir un nuevo dia de su gobierno. ... El presidente puede, pues, por la manana tomar el aire del jardin, puede pasearse por sus habi- taciones, puede recostarse sobre un sofa y hojear los periodicos buscando impaciente los elogios que se ha man- dado hacer desde la vispera, o irritarse o mirar con desden los gritos de la oposicion. Pocos presidentes aman la lectura; los mas de ellos solo tienen tiempo para dar un vistazo a los avisos: ^para que es mas? Un hombre que gobierna a una nacion entera ha de em- plear su tiempo leyendo, jque desatino!^ The annihilation of his victim is implied in this final bit of sarcasm which ends the second article on "El palacio nacional": "Habra quien diga que hay algo en este artrculo de personalidades; pero ^tengo yo la culpa de que ciertos 51 entes pasen por personas?" ^Zarco, "jja! ija! ija! jque felicidad!" p. 3. 50 Francisco Zarco, "El palacio nacional," La Ilustra- cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 106. ■^Zarco, "El palacio nacional," II, 109. 468 Contempt, vituperation and invective were used fre quently in dealing with the conservatives and with the vice of hypocrisy. His contempt for conservative politicians and hypocrisy is well demonstrated in the following examples of the use of contempt as a satirical device taken from "Dos lobos no se muerden” and "Perro que ladra no muerde." Relating the cowardice of wolves to the cowardice of conservatives, he says: En los golpes de energia de los gobernantes, sobre todo contra los debiles, no vereis mas que el instinto cobarde del lobo.52 Zarco was contemptuous of all forms of dishonesty. Hypocrisy was an object of Zarco's contempt because, to him, it was the worst form of dishonesty. It represented the widest chasm which separated reality and the ideal: Apariencias de libertad, de civilizacion, de honor, de valor, de amor, es todo lo que encontramos; ^y que mas queremos, sobre todo, en nuestro siglo, que es la epoca de los diamantes falsos; de las perlas artificiales, de las mercancias de imitacion. ...53 He shows his contempt for the lack of honesty among politi cians when he says: "... la verdad ... para un ministro 52 Zarco, "Dos lobos no se muerden," p. 204. 53 Zarco, "Perro que ladra no muerde,” p. 232. 469 es el mas atroz insulto; . .."^ Zarco*s real invective and vituperation, however, are reserved for the clergy. There are examples of these throughout his satire. The most annihilating, as we might expect, appear in Las Matanzas de Tacubaya. A few examples of Zarco*s use of invective and vituperation against the clergy serve to show his contempt for them: ... el clero reclama su parte de complicidad, cuando en los templos en que ha establecido sus mostradores y sus tarifas para vender las gracias espirituales y pagar la opresion de los pueblos, se apresura a entonar himnos de gozo en honor de los v e r d u g o s . ^ 5 Recuerdese lo que ha pasado desde que el clero comenzo a derrochar los fondos de la Iglesia en promover asonadas para defender sus fueros y privilegios, ...-*6 Sus verdugos que defienden los fueros de clerigos y frailes, han atropellado los fueros de la humanidad, las leyes de la civilizacion, los preceptos del derecho de gentes sancionados por los pueblos cristianos.57 And this final, rather lengthy, example of vituperation in which Zarco bellows out his contempt for the clergy exem plifies very well his satirizing of the role which the 54 Zarco, "Perro que ladra no muerde," p. 233. ■^Zarco, Las Matanzas, P- 11. ■^Zarco, Las Matanzas, P- 14. 57 Zarco, Las Matanzas, P- 2 1. 470 clergy played in the struggle between the liberal and the conservative factions: El clero ha lanzado del ara al Dios de los cristianos, y ha puesto en el santuario sus fueros, sus privilegios y el oro que ha arrancado a los pueblos. Cristo arrojo del templo a los sacerdotes judios porque lo habxan con- vertido en cueva de ladrones. iQue haria con los que lo transforman en guarida de asesinos? No es apasionada esta ilusion. La guerra civil ha sido comenzada, atizada y mantenida por el alto clero de la Republica, cuyos tesoros han pagado todos los movi- mientos reaccionarios y las farsas del Gobiemo comenza- das por Zuloaga. Se ha querido encender en el pa£s una guerra de reli gion; se han querido renovar las cruzadas contra los albigenses, la persecucion de los hugonotes, los crimenes de los Ravaillac y se estan palpando los resultados: camicerias como la Saint-Bar thelemy, hechos inaudit os de barbarie, asesinatos tan fnos como cobardes, extin- cion completa de todo sentimiento piadoso, lagos de sangre, retroceso a la barbarie; y por todo esto hay Te Deum y misas de gracias!^® These passages do not qualify as effective satire because invective and vituperation are not good satire; satire which tends to be true tends to be a distortion.^9 Notwithstanding Zarco's statement which he inserts in an effort to prove his objectivity, "No es apasionada esta ilusion," in the above quotation, he does not have control of his satire. His invective and vituperation are full 58 Zarco, Las Matanzas, pp. 28-29. ^^Highet, p. 198. 471 of hatred, and he wishes only to destroy his victims. As we have said before, Zarco would have been happy to hear that most of the clergy had gone out and hanged themselves. He hopes that they will not be able to rise under the vituperation. The directness of his attack weakens his satire. Technically, Zarco's procedure in satirizing the clergy and the conservatives is, as Johnson said of Juvenal, ’ ’about as complicated as knocking the reader down and burying him beneath a drayload of muck." In stating his case against the clergy in outbursts of vituperation, Zarco simply tars and feathers them. Whereas good satire has an element of humor and laughs or smiles at human vices and follies, invective wishes to punish them. Good satire contains an admixture of jest and earnest, sometimes one, sometimes the other being more evident. This "is the 61 central method of satire." Zarco's best satire technically is that in which he 6o "tells the truth with a smile so that he will not repel” Johnson, pp. 77-78. ^Highet, p. 233. ^Highet, p. 235. 472 his readers. Readers of his invective are apt to turn away in disgust, depending on their viewpoint. "Women in par ticular, with their kind hearts, are prone to make this . . . ,,63 criticism. Zarco seldom used a single satirical device to attack an object. His satiric prose is characterized by flitting from one object to another and using a variety of devices. His satire is truly a satura or fruit bowl. Acquaintance with his prose causes his reader to be on guard for satire whenever he reads anything written by Zarco. Highet's statement that "satire must be various, but ought not to lose its special astringent tone" surely applies to Zarco. He writes to the Mexican people in a way that reaches them, fully aware that "the ordinary man likes stew or fish chowder, or minestrone, or paella, or pot-au-feu, or garbure, or a platter of mixed cold cuts with pickles and potato-salad and a couple of slices of cheese, in fact a satura. ^Highet, p. 235. ^Highet, p. 201. ^Highet, p. 231. 473 The articles on modas serve Zarco especially well in enabling him to vary his devices to attack his victims. "(Jltimos cambios de la moda" illustrates well his use of a variety of satirical devices to satirize a number of dif ferent objects in a single article. He begins this article by thrusting a sarcastic jab at politicians: Son tantos y tan frecuentes los cambios que en la moda se advierten, que mas que moda parece ya politica de ministerio m e x i c a n o . ^ 6 And, on an apparently serious note, he says, focusing his reader’s attention momentarily on styles: Paris continua siendo la metropoli de sastres y costu- reras, si bien los Estados-Unidos comienzan a disputarle este rango en el mundo civilizado. ' Appearing to return to his subject, he says that he is going to tell his readers about the recent changes which are seen in the capital of what is still called the French Republic: ”... a pesar de la dulce dominacion de Luis Napoleon, ...” Without any warning, he has hurled another sarcastic thrust. But he draws his reader's Francisco Zarco, "Ultimos cambios de la moda,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 111. ^Zarco, "tfltimos cambios de la moda,” p. 111. ^Zarco, "tfltimos cambios de la moda," p. 111. 474 attention quickly back to the style plate which accompanies the article. He discusses the style plate seriously for several lines before he registers mock indignation at rib bons being called bridles: Los listones deben ser de color oscuro, y no se llaman mas que un escritor que quiere pasar por galante, haya tenido la audacia de llamarlos bridas. Usar esta palabra de iockey tratando de vestidos de muger, es un delito de lesa-galanterra. iAh! si esa denominacion se adoptara, I a donde iriamos a parar? Se admitirian entonces todas estas: carona, cabezadas, albardon, &c., cuando se oyera hablar de ropa, seria preciso preguntar, ^se trata de caballos o de senoras?°^ He returns to a discussion of ribbons on a somewhat humor ous note of banter: ^Para que son estos listoncillos? Para nada; no son mas que uno de tantos caprichos de la moda que no tienen esplicacion, como si fueran disparate de gabinete un poco atarantado.™ Alternating an apparently serious comment on styles with a satirical attack on a human folly, he becomes in creasingly direct in his attack as toward the end of the article, he discards his mask which reflects a grimace which can be confused with humor, and attacks censorship, political corruption, lack of national spirit, inferior ^Zarco, "tJltimos cambios de la moda," p. 111. ^^Zarco, "tfltimos cambios de la moda," p. 111. 475 literary production, dishonesty, hypocrisy, and anything else that comes within range. He again reserves his most direct attack for the clergy: En cuanto al nuncio, no es nuncio, ni legado, ni diplomatico, ni ... y el caso es que Monsenor Clementi es verdadero logogrifo; ha venido a que lo descifren, guarda secreto en cuanto a lo que es, y el gobiemo es tan discreto que no le ha dado la menor senal de curio- sidad.71 We have seen in this chapter that Zarco effectively utilized a large number of satirical devices to attack a variety of objects which were the targets of his satire. Toward some his attitude was one of understanding sympathy, toward others it was one of disgust, and toward others it was one of contempt. In attacking each victim Zarco chose his satirical weapons carefully and hurled them with great accuracy. 71 Zarco, "tJltimos cambios de la moda," p. 114. CHAPTER X STYLISTIC DEVICES USED BY ZARCO Literature is quite literally language, but it is not simply language; it is the selection of and arrangement by the artist of linguistic raw material which represents his world. As Wellek and Warren say: "A work of art is . . . a system of sounds, hence a selection from the sound system 1 of a given language.' A consideration of euphony, rhythm and meter are, therefore, important in a study of prose as well as in poetry. A work of art is also vocabulary with its concern for meaning, and syntax with its concern for arrangement. Although to attempt a one-to-one relationship between every word and figure would be virtually impossible, a study of relationships between stylistic traits and effects is possible. We shall endeavor to discover and examine ^■Rene Wellek and Austin Warren, Theory of Literature (New York, 1956), p. 165. 476 477 those stylistic devices which establish a general aesthetic aim which pervades Zarco*s satire. As an artist, Zarco seems to get aesthetic pleasure in selecting his material and manipulating it in a compli cated manner so as to cause his reader to find his satire delightful. As Highet states: ’ ’ The patterns of satire . . . o are interesting because they are so complicated." The successful satirist must be attracted to this complicated genre. He must have a large vocabulary, a sense of humor with a serious point of view, and his imagination must be several jumps ahead of his reader’s. He must be able to say shocking things without causing his readers to turn from his satire in disgust. He must appear to be im provising yet show the reflective reader that an underlying structure is evident. With an analysis of that underlying structure we shall end this study of Zarco*s satire. A situation or a series of situations is the basis of Zarco*s satire. Once the situation has been suggested and its tone and flavor have been given, satire promptly takes 2 Gilbert Highet, The Anatomy of Satire (Princeton, 1962), p. 242. ^Highet, p. 243. 478 command and proceeds to grow and develop by virtue of the inherent qualities of the material and Zarco's emotional attitude toward it. Zarco's satire is, however, character ized by certain basic vehicles: monologue, narration, the illusion of digression, discursiveness, imagery, and a carefully selected vocabulary. Satirical monologue is used by Zarco to cover almost every theme which is the object of his satire. These take the form of introvert monologues in which Fortun, i.e. Zarco, has quiet talks with one individual in which dia logues he is actually both persons, and the extrovert monologues which are vigorous protests "aimed at awakening and instructing the mindless public, which has hitherto 4 been terrified into silence or sunk in lethargy." Whether he uses introvert or extrovert monologues, the voice of Zarco is not usually difficult to detect, although on occa sion Zarco's sharp eyes are the only thing visible through the mask. His voice is deceptively calm at times. At other times, it is lightly amused. There is usually per fect control of the figure behind the mask. This con tributes to the reader's believing that the mask is ^Highet, p. 65. 479 uttering truth and that the speaker believes and means all that he says. Introvert monologue is employed as a stylif;tic device most notably in "Confidencias de un marido," ”Confidencias de una esposa," "Tras de la cruz esta el diablo,” and "^Donde hay mugeres?" in all of which Zarco is actually all of the persons. Each of these begins with a short intro ductory passage in which Zarco speaks directly to his readers as an impartial observer and reporter of the skir mishes in the battle between the sexes: Enrique es un escelente joven, pero es casado. No soy quien le pongo tal pero, sino muchas mugeres y algunos de sus amigos.^ Zarco, or the narrator, continues to describe Enrique and Carolina as two people who, from all appearances, are the ideal couple, but Zarco from the point of view of the omniscient third person knows that all is not well even though he has seen them few times since their wedding. Enrique confirms his suspicions when they meet quite by accident. Enrique further confirms Zarco observations when he pronounces at great length on his misery and misfortune Francisco Zarco, "Confidencias de un marido,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 454. 480 as a married man. Through the words of Zarco and Enrique, Zarco succeeds in painting the latter as an egotistic, immature product of his society who considers it beneath his honor to work to avoid boredom. Enrique is permitted no insight; Carolina in "Confidencias de una esposa" is permitted considerable insight and a much greater degree of perspicacity than Enrique. When not involved with one of the interlocutors, Zarco assumes an omniscient third person point of view. Even though Zarco assumes an attitude of objectivity and omni science, it is apparent that the characters mouth the ideas of their author. Enrique and Carolina are not real persons from history. Zarco is using them as his aides in perform ing an autopsy on a typical marriage which has died. We do not think, however, of the words of Enrique and Carolina in "Confidencias" or of Antonio in "Tras de la cruz" and "^Donde hay mugeres?" as being those of Zarco. He appears to be apart from his characters. Nevertheless, the words are Zarcofs and are only ostensibly spoken by his charac ters . Extrovert monologues serve Zarco most effectively to satirize anything and everything that comes under his 481 penetrating gaze. They are not tiresome because he uses a variety of satirical and stylistic devices, under excel lent control, to persuade his readers. Zarco keeps his monologues alive by tricking his readers or by setting the object of his attack before them in the first few lines, and pressing the attack by piling up argument upon argu ment . An example from "Los retratos" will serve to illus trate Zarco's use of extrovert monologue. The article begins with a vigorous protest: "Si yo fuera pintor no f L haria retratos." Without any attempt at digression or trickery, he gives his reasons for making the opening statement. His attitude toward his readers appears to be almost insolent as he attempts to instruct their dull minds and rouse them out of their lethargy so that they will see the pride, worthlessness, despotism and vanity of those who are worse than fantastic images, who want to look like wrinkle-free fashion models even though they are graying, balding, or have skin blemishes. 6 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Los retratos," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 371. 482 Throughout the article from the opening sentence to the end, Zarco piles up arguments to support his opening statement. His purpose is to awaken in the vulgus a sense of the ridiculousness of participating ip an activity that is basically positivistic and materialistic and, in Zarco's opinion, anti-artistic. He appeals to their own pride by saying: "No hagais caso de la opinion del vulgo sobre el merito de un retrato."'7 Such objects are far from being art. The penchant for having one's portrait painted, in Zarco's opinion, is proof that "nuestro siglo no es ar- . f . . ., 8 tistico. Zarco's literary style is referred to by Spell as "admirably discursive."^ He often appears to be rambling, digressive and even desultory. In his portrayals of various types of generally undesirable individuals and social ills in Mexican society, we find coquettes, gigolos, army officers, politicians, clerics, and human fallacies, vices and foibles to name a few of the objects of his ^Zarco, "Los retratos," p. 374. Q Zarco, "Los retratos," p. 374. a Jefferson Rea Spell, "The Costumbrista Movement in Mexico," PMLA, 50:301, March 1935. 483 satire which can be found in one article. Sentiments ranging from appreciation of female beauty to disgust at women’s capacity for deceit and treachery are evident in the same article, e.g. "Las cabezas en la opera." The reader would be unprepared to read: ^Que cosa mas horrible que esos peinados monstruosos como el globo de M. Petin, que hacen desaparecer el rostro y presentan un fenomeno deforme y repugnante? ... y se pregunta con tristeza: ^es posible que debajo de todo ese aparato haya algo que piense? No, mil veces no; esa cabeza tan frondosa, tan fertil en estravagan- cias por el esterior, esta por dentro enteramente t 10 vacia. . . . after having read: Estamos acostumbrados a admirar a la muger en su movimiento compasado y armonioso, cuando al andar tiene armonfa en su paso; en el teatro contemplamos no mas los bustos, las cabezas. Este es otro estudio no menos lleno de atractivos. ^Que importa no mirar el cuerpo todo, si lo que se descubre basta, para hacer adivinar otras perfecciones? La hermosura es siempre mas po- derosa, cuando esta medio velada, como el sol es mas bello cuando se envuelve a la hora del alba o del crepusculo de la tarde entre cendales de leves va- pores. if he had not read: iAh! una idea lugubre, triste. ... jPerdonad! ... Al ave mas parlera se le escapan quejidos de dolor. ... La an- gustia esta tan cerca del placer. ... ^Para quien no hay "^Francisco Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), V, 41. T 1 Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 40. 484 recuerdos dolorosos? ... iPara quien no comienza desde temprano a convertirse el trrundo en un cementerio? By jumping from subject to subject, and viewpoint to viewpoint, Zarco keeps the reader off balance. He is un prepared to match wits with Zarco's apparently disconnected attacks. Zarco satirizes bald-headed obstacles to his viewing pleasure, coiffures as they symbolize virtue and vices, and the dressing table which symbolizes vanity and love of the material. He ends the article with: jAh! nunca producira la industria nada que conmueva, que estremezca tan deliciosamente como el cabello de la muger. ... Hay tanta delicia en mirar lucientes, tersas, delicadas esas finisimas hebras de seda, y se esperi- menta una conmocion tan dulce al llevarlas al labio. 13 • • « The only pattern evident in these satires is one of constant change. There is no basic plot or development of characters. To have either would create a kind of sensible or sane world. The unexpected occurs constantly. This is characteristic of satire, according to Highet: "In the world of satiric fiction, almost anything may happen at any 14 moment." 12 / Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 40. 1 7 Zarco, "Las cabezas en la opera," p. 41. ^Highet, p. 11. 485 Some of Zarco’s satire is written in the third person as narrative in which he does not appear. In such cases, coherence depends to a large extent on a simple course of events which resemble cuentos. These narratives are short, interesting, and well told, but the narrative is not the end; it is a means to an end. Sometimes Zarco conceals this fact and pretends to be concentrating on reporting an actual occurrence just as it happened. He assures his readers that he is not going to say a single word that is false. His story turns out, however, to be not merely an amusing piece of fiction, but contains much that is impor tant truth about life, society, politics, and religion. Some examples of Zarco's use of narrative are "El salto del imprudente," "Parabola," and "El piloto y los navegan- tes." "El salto del imprudente" is a tale which makes obvious the results of impatience. Zarco does not appear until the very last lines to say: Hombres impetuosos, cuando en vuestro camino encon- treis barranca, no salteis, si podeis hacer puentes. Porque el que salta puede romperse una piema o que- darse en la barranca. 5 15 Francisco Zarco, "El salto del imprudente," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 314. V. 486 The intent is obviously didactic rather than the telling of an episode. "Parabola” is another short narration which tells a story which makes it evident that pride and ostentation have no friends when adversity comes. But just to make sure that the lesson is learned, Zarco ends the tale with: "Obsequiad a los ricos y a los grandes, y sereis abando- nado; servid a los pobres y a los pequenos, y un dia ellos * 1 6 os serviran en la desgracia." "El piloto y los navegantes" is the best example of Zarco's use of narrative. The didactic purpose is more evident, but the rapid forward movement of the action, and the element of suspense make the satire palatable to the reader. Another type of satiric narrative depends on showing human beings and human activities and foibles in a ludi crous or debased light by depicting people as animals, but not in terms of "go to the ant, thou sluggard, consider her ways and be wise."-^ George Orwell's Animal Farm, for 16 ' e Francisco Zarco, "Parabola," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 329. 17 Proverbs 6:6. 487 example, is ostensibly a story about animals; it is in reality a bitter attack on the communist revolution in Russia and its betrayal by Stalin and the communist bureaucracy. Not all tales about animals are satirical. Some tales in which animals talk and exchange ideas like human beings are not about people, but about animals. They are an attempt to explain the behavior of animals. Other animal stories, as in Aesop's Fables, disguise human characters in which animals act enough like human beings to convey a moral lesson. These are sometimes smiling, not often funny, and seldom critical. Reynard the Fox is a biography of one of the cleverest of animals which Highet calls "very nearly a satirical epic," because "it mirrors the world of the Middle Ages, taut, narrow, pyramidal, authoritarian, and unintelligent."^ To be successful, the satirist may not permit his animals to be sometimes animals and sometimes human, even though the satire is really about humans and not about animals. Zarco succeeds well in satirizing base behavior of human beings in "Perro que ladra no muerde" and "Dos ■^Highet, p. 178. 488 lobos no se muerden." These are not stories about dogs and wolves, rather they tell of bestial behavior and impulses of people as exemplified in their dishonesty, ignorance, greed, and vices, qualities which are also supposed to be characteristics of these animals. Zarco's bias and rancor toward the objects of his satire are not so obvious as to distort its structure. His animals play roles in animated cartoons in which the disagreeable aspects of human behavior are imaged in the behavior of lower animals. This device serves as a guise to point out the discrepancy between the real and the ideal. Digression, one of his basic satirical weapons, is a stylistic device frequently used by Zarco. He appears to digress repeatedly from the title of his article or his announced topic which is usually of an apparently unin teresting or trivial nature about which he professes to know nothing. After a few sentences, when he believes his readers are disarmed, he switches to the real object of satire. Zarco's use of digression is well demonstrated in "tfltimas modas de Paris": La frecuencia con que recibimos figurines de Paris, me hace creer que mi mision en este mundo es la de 489 cronista de modas, y que vengo a ser un punto de transi- cion entre el sastre y el elegante. Idea inesacta! Porque entre estos dos entes quien suele medlar es la justicia. Pero sea como fuere, cada figurxn ha de arrancarme un artxculo, una vez que tengo ya un compro mise tacito con los suscritores, cosa que no es rara en estos tiempos de tacitos desobedecimientos, de revolu- ciones tacitas, y en que tan malo es callar como hablar. Por fortuna, la innovacion en todo sigue adelante, sin esperar la consigna de Paris, en los trages, y en cuanto a cosas serias y tremendas, parece que no hacemos caso de Paris, sino de una ciudad mas cercana, y de cuyo nombre no tjuiero acordarme, para hablar como Cervantes. Nuestro paxs, mal que pese a los sistematicos detractores de todo lo bueno, progresa rapidamente, y yo consignare en un artlculo de modas cuales son todas las novedades utiles y grandiosas. Pero para cumplir el compromiso que envuelve el tltulo de estos renglones, preciso es hablar algo de trages, y de trages de muger. Los vestidos mas bonitos son por ahora (ya se sabe que la moda es tan transitoria como las medidas financieras) los de tafetan azul, tramado de bianco. Se ha conocido, pues, lo util de las tramas, y la trama es esencial en todo; en el tafetan la mezcla de los dos colores bianco y azul, da un resultado feliz, y queda una bonita apariencia. En lo demas, las tramas surten bien; mucha ignorancia con trama de charlatanerla y desparpajo, sirve mucho para los hombres de estado; patriotismo con trama de interes y de republicanismo, no puede menos de producir notabilidades parlamentarias. In these lines Zarco has devoted very few words to styles, none seriously, but he has satirized nearly a dozen social and political victims. ■^Francisco Zarco, "(Jltimas modas de Parxs y de otras partes,” La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 373- 374. 490 A first glance may cause a reader to accept his stated title as the topic of his essay. A closer examination, however, reveals that the apparent digressions are really the subject with which Zarco, from the start, intends to deal. These digressions are literary tricks which are intended to help the satirist dash through enemy territory, i.e. the reader's indifference or ignorance, throw a javelin with deadly accuracy, and return to the topic un scathed, and without the reader's becoming aware of what is happening to the extent that he might resist the satirist's intrusion. But Zarco is well aware of what he is doing as the following examples indicate: No pudiendo esplicar un figurin, hemos creido que esta clase de observaciones pueden ser utiles a las damas para no entregarse servilmente a los caprichos de la moda, . . . ^0 21 Volvamos, pues, al figurin, y basta de digredir, ... Pero voy cayendo en un estilo de moralista antiguo que no viene bien en un articulo de modas. Perdon por esta inadvertencia, senoritas, y adelante.^2 20 + Francisco Zarco, "Modas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 565. 21 Francisco Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 117. 9 9 Francisco Zarco, "Modas recientes," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 241. 491 9 ^ Perdonad esta ultima digresion, lectores, y adios. Basta por ahora; y si este no es articulo de modas, atrevase alguien a decirlo y a probarlo.^ Perdona, lector, esta digresion de digresiones que tan lejos me ha llevado de mi asunto, . . . 5 Pero nos hemos metido por la ventana por mera dis- traccion. Volvamos a nuestro camino con mas calma, con mas tranquilidad.^6 "Charla sobre un figurin" provides us with further excellent examples of Zarco's use of digression. The style plate is the focus of the reader’s attention in the first part of the first sentence; the garden setting in which the models are showing their beauty becomes the object on which our attention is fixed in the second clause. Before the sentence is ended, the freshness of the night, the light of the moon, the caressing breeze, and the sweet smell of flowers have captured our attention. The setting becomes a point of departure to discuss an idyllic pastoral setting 23 Zarco, "Modas recientes," p. 244. "^Francisco Zarco, "Modas," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), IV, 393. 9 c Francisco Zarco, "Miseria," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 434. 26 Francisco Zarco, "El palacio nacional," La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 106. 492 which, in turn, is contrasted with the miserable life of the cities. From the miserable city life, Zarco's gaze turns to actual life in the countryside of Mexico which, with its thousand mortifications, is still superior to life in the city. As if he has awakened out of a dream, he says: "Pero Ciceron y Roma, ^que tienen que ver con un 27 figurin de modas?" Modas means many things; they relate only incidentally to women. "Al fin las modas recuerden, s * * 28 quien sabe por que, a la muger, ..." Mention of the word muger is the point of departure to talk of the transitory qualities of those things which women symbolize: ... personificacion de la gracia, de la inconstancia, de la volubilidad, de la ligereza, de ese atractivo tan vehemente, tan dulce y tan pasagero, tan efimero, que cualquiera cosa lo devanece y lo borra. ... ^ From this point he digresses from digressions: "Pero ha- q r\ blabamos del atractivo que tiene el campo." But a return to a former point of departure or to digress means an opportunity to satirize another object; this time people's ^Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 116. 28 < Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 117. OQ . Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 117. Q A Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 117. 493 laziness: "... los que jamas hacen nada lo apetecen para 31 variar su ocio, ..." Finally, after repeated digressions which are not really digressions at all, he says, admitting his having digressed: Volvamos, pues, al figurin, y basta de digredir, como diria Espronceda, que tanto gustaba de digresiones.^2 He tries once again: "Pues al figurin," but even then he discusses the setting of the fashion plate rather than the style figures in the fashion plate. And, in the next para graph, he is moralizing on the merits of women being in a natural setting. He ascends into the realm of poetry as he describes the scene in his mind: Cualquier muger evidentemente vale mas, mientras mas se acerca a la naturaleza. ... Amar, y amar como poeta, y amar en medio de la pompa de la creacion, Again he tries to discuss the figurin: "Pero del Paraiso 3 4 terrenal volvamos al figurin," but he digresses imme diately: "|0h! ique progresos! ique cambios de la humanidad 31 i Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 117. O o Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 117. 33 t Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 117. 34 ✓ Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," p. 118. 494 35 en este contraste! iEva y un figurin!” A final effort is made to discuss the figurin: ”iPero, y el figurin! Alla „36 voy. We know by now that he will never get there as he once again banters with his readers: "Pues a pesar de los ' 37 arboles (no temais un trozo de arboricultura), ..." Con tinuing to satirize one object and then another, he ends the article with: "Basta ya, y omito por mil razones entrar 3 8 en pormenores acerca del figurin. ..." These examples of digression suggest clearly that Zarco is not interested in ladies' styles, or whatever the stated title may be, or is he really repentant for having digressed. Notwithstanding the following bit of buf foonery, his general purpose is satire: Dejando pendientes mis peligrosas escursiones al Palacio nacional, y mis estudios acerca de la miseria, voy a hablaros de modas, porque me ha caido encima un figurin, de Paris por supuesto, que no debe empolvarse, ni envejecerse en la redaccion. Con la moda poco & poco me voy familiarizando, y yo mismo me pasmo a veces de 3 5 Zarco, "Charla sobre ^Zarco, "Charla sobre 37 Zarco, "Charla sobre ^Zarco, "Charla sobre un figurin," P- 118. un figurin," P- 118. un figurin," P- 118. un figurin," P- 118. 495 mi vasta erudicion en punto a cortes de vestidos, a generos elegantes y a graciosos peinados. Si alguna muger bonita quiere nombrarme su consejero intimo en negocios de toilete le aseguro que no le pesara, ni a ella ni a su modista. Pero convencido de que tan difi- cil es c^ue obtenga yo este empleo como cualquiera otro, vuelvo a mi mision de periodista frrvolo e insustan- cial. ^ The serious purpose is evident in the following: Pero para cumplir el compromiso que envuelve el titulo de estos renglones, preciso es hablar algo de trages, y de trages de muger. Los vestidos mas bonitos son por ahora (ya se sabe que la moda es tan transitoria como las medidas financieras) los de tafetan azul, tramado de bianco. Se ha conocido, pues, lo util de las tramas, y la trama es esencial en todo; en el tafetan la mezcla de los dos colores bianco y azul, da un resultado feliz, y queda una bonita apariencia. En lo demas, las tramas surten bien; mucha ignorancia con trama de charlatanerfa y desparpajo, . Articles on modas provide the best vehicle for digres sion by the very nature of their capacity for change. He uses asides twice in "Un entierro," and once in "^Ilusiones o locuras?" At other times, apart from the articles on modas, when he wishes to digress, he uses a potpourri to range over a large number of objects to satirize. Such is the case in "Tramitologia," "Mexico de noche," and "Los transeuntes" among others. 39 ✓ Francisco Zarco, "Modas y novedades," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 13. ^Zarco, "(jltimas modas de Paris y de otras partes," pp. 373-374. 496 In concerning ourselves with Zarco's use of language, we shall consider his diction, use of anaphora, repetition, pleonasm, rhythm, syntax and imagery. By diction, we mean simply his choice of words to convey a particular meaning or to achieve a particular effect such as disgust, hate, abhorrence, excreation, pleasure, humor, sensuality, or to achieve a poetic or religious effect or ambiguity. Notwithstanding his romantic revolutionary tendencies, we can relate much of Zarco's restrained manner of writing to his background of classical writing. From his own remarks regarding the ancients, we may conclude that his tastes and predilections were influenced by them. Albarran, his biographer, says that the two years spent at the School of Mines, though they constituted his educa tion beyond the elementary grades, gave him an intellectual discipline which conditioned his reading habits throughout his life,^ which, in turn, influenced his writing habits. Albarran further says that Zarco was well read in the / 9 classics of English, French and Italian literature. ^Antonio Albarran, "Francisco Zarco," Liberales Ilustres Mexicanos de la Reforma y la Intervencion (Mexico, 1893), p. 246. ^Albarran, p. 246. 497 Zarco’s verbal style is varied. It is generally simple and direct, but it is also sometimes ambiguous. The degree of clarity and precision or ambiguity in his prose is very important in his eliciting the desired re action in his readers. He seldom engages in verbal pyro- techniques; however when he does, it is to rail against the c ons ervat ive s. "El piloto y los navegantes," which Zarco calls a parabola, exemplifies his use of short sentences and para graphs to convey a direct message with the simple vocabu lary of the narration of a short story intended to satirize a conservative government and relate a moral lesson. This article also serves well to demonstrate his use of anaphora in which he uses the conjunction "y." Y el cielo se oscurecio, y el mar bramo, y el rayo estallo, y el trueno ensordecia, y el miedo hacia que todos dijeran: "Nada oimos." Y el piloto decia: "buen tiempo tenemos," y no sabia que hacer, y se enfurecia contra los que conocian el peligro. Y la barca se estraviaba y estaba entre escollos y arrecifes; entre rocas y bancos de arena. Y la navegacion se prolongaba, y los viveres se acababan, y los navegantes tenian hambre y sed. Y cuando alguno se atrevia a murmurar del piloto y a indicar el peligro, lo mandaba echar al agua. Cayo un rayo sobre el mastil, y todos se asustaron, y el piloto dijo: "Cayo el mastil; pero la barca esta bien." Se estropeo la quilla, y el piloto dijo: "No importa; la barca esta bien.” 498 Y entraba agua a todos los camarotes, y las velas estaban destrozadas, y los cables rotos, y el piloto siempre decia: MLa barca esta bien, a m£ me debeis no perecer, a m£ me debeis el buen tiempo, yo se conjurar la tempestad. These are basically simple sentences joined by the conjunction. The effect is to give the reader the impres sion that the unadorned truth is being told. The articles on modas also contain simple and direct vocabulary which exemplifies much of Zarco’s prose. His choice of words whose meanings are slippery give these articles a particu lar flavor. By using words with more than one meaning and selecting words which connote as well as denote abhorrence or execrable qualities, or merely qualities of disgust, and by using words in association, Zarco is able, with his ever-present irony, to move quickly from one object to another and effectively satirize each. The tension set up by the use of words on the level of the concrete and abstract is evident. The use of the word trama on one level to mean weave or texture when speaking of dress material, and on another level to mean scheme or plot is effective in causing the reader to detect / Q Francisco Zarco, "El piloto y los navegantes," La Ilustracion Mexicans (Mexico, 1852), III, 443. 499 the ridiculousness that exists between the ideal and the real. Three further examples from "{Jltimas modas de Paris” serve to demonstrate the very effective manner in which Zarco uses words on more than one level: El talle todo abierto, libertad en el seno, a manera de gobierno franco o de meeting electoral. ... muy estrecho, parecera sofocar el cuello, y se ase- mejara a los golpes de estado, . . .^ La camisola sube apenas hasta el hombro, donde se queda indecisa a manera de diputado aspirante que desea un sillon ministerial, y por esto se lanza a las filas de la oposicion.^6 In these quotations, the words: libertad, estrecho, sofo car, indecisa are used simultaneously on the abstract and the concrete level, thus enabling Zarco to impute qualities to essentially unrelated objects and concepts. On occasion even after Zarco has used a term as a vehicle to express his criticism of an object or a variety of objects, the reader cannot define the term. For example, ^Zarco, "tfltimas modas de Paris y de otras partes,” p. 374. ^Zarco, "tfltimas modas de Paris y de otras partes,” p. 374. ^Zarco, "{Jltimas modas de Paris y de otras partes," p. 374. 500 the definition of the word "spleen" is no clearer after reading the article entitled "El spleen" than before. Nevertheless, he knows that it is a disease which attacks certain classes of people: "... la gente que no esta ni muy arriba ni muy abajo, de esa clase media tan elogiada por todos los escritores, ..."^ And Zarco tells the reader that the symptoms of spleen are: Fastidiarse de todo, no amar nada, no recordar con delicia lo pasado, ni pensar en el porvenir, contar los instantes y las horas, que se hacen largas como siglos; no tener fuerzas para veneer ese decaimiento del espxritu, ni anhelar siquiera algo que divague; no poder pensar, ni trabajar, ni llorar; no tener fe, ni esperan- za, verlo todo al traves de un velo que eclipsa cual- quier brillo, sentir la imaginacion sin fuerza, el corazon sin teraura, la inteligencia arida y sin ideas. He aquf lo que es el spleen, ... Zarco tells his reader that the causes of spleen, a moral disease, are many; he says that it is contracted in society, not in solitude; he states that it is worse in women than in men; he concludes that the best ways to pre vent spleen are: "... no pensar, no sentir, y todavxa es A Q mas seguro no nacer, which knowledge only serves to 47 ' Francisco Zarco, "El spleen," La Ilustracion Mexi cana (Mexico, 1851), III, 301. ^Zarco, "El spleen," p. 302. ^Zarco, "El spleen," p. 304. V 501 confuse the reader more. Zarco leaves us with the feeling that we have been the victim of his mockery. Repetition of words is used in different ways to achieve the same purpose“-that of intensifying an image or an action. In the two articles entitled "Fragilidades,” Zarco repeats the name of a young woman, "Paulita," to in tensify the social criticism directed against coquettish ness, libertinage, infidelity, pride, materialism, and vanity. Paulita is, however, only a symbol of the person ality who exhibits or causes others to exhibit such charac ter traits which Zarco calls "fragilidades,” or weaknesses. The subject pronoun is omitted in preference to the re peated use of the name. In the first article of two and half pages, Paulita's name is repeated seventeen times. The third person singular of the verb is seldom used in situations where her name does not appear. Several examples of the repetition of a name show the effect of intensifying the action or the image: Paulita es una muger joven, ... Paulita era encantadora. Paulita crecia, y pasaba su vida aturdida, ... Paulita penso en ser siempre amable, ... Paulita amaba 502 el conjunto de los salones, ... Paulita quedaba satis- fecha con el brillo de un tertulia, . . . 50 Indicating that Paulita is not an historical person, Zarco says: "Hay tantas tnugeres asi, que Paulita no llamo mucho r *1 mi atencion, ni crel interesante estudiarla, ..." The patterns of emphatic repetition and anaphora which characterize these articles succeed in causing the reader to conclude that he should indict members of society for manifesting such "fragilidades," although Zarco himself does not condemn; he merely observes. Las Matanzas de Tacubaya well exemplifies the frequent repetition of adjectives, verbs and nouns, and the piling up of these in an effort to intensify the emotion and to paint the conservatives as being all black and the liberals as being all white: Seguid, seguid felicitandoos mutuamente, dandoos, recompensas porque habeis sido asesinos, insultando al Criador con vuestros sacrilegos votos de gracia, paro- diando a los heroes triunfadores, preparando agasajos de mujeres fanaticas <jue olvidando la temura de su sexo, se transforman en Eumenidos paganas, en furias que se gozan con la sangre; todo eso no importa: en medio de vuestro triunfo, todos ven en vuestra frente la sehal de Cafn el fratricida, y vuestras bandas y trofeos estan ■^Francisco Zarco, "Fragilidades," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 655-656. "^Zarco, "Fragilidades," p. 656. 503 manchados de sangre; pero no de esa sangre que se vierte en las batallas, sino de esa sangre inocente derramada cobardemente por asesinos. Si, asesinos son los heroes de esa joraada funesta; asesinos son Marquez y Miramon; asesinos todos sus complices, ...52 The repetition of the verb seguid, seguid intensifies the action of mutual congratulations; the repetition of the noun asesinos places the stigma of murderers firmly on the conservatives; the repetition of the noun sangre and the piling up of ugly imagery of sacrilegos, muj eres f anaticas indelibly stains the character of the conservative govern ment which Zarco says consists of "Truhanes, tahures, 53 ladrones y asesinos.” Contrasting the liberals with the conservatives, Zarco effectively uses anaphora to depict the liberals as being all white: No, los liberales no pueden ser asesinos, ... No, el partido liberal jamas vertera la sangre del medico. ... No, el partido liberal no extinguira jamas con la muerte los sentimientos de caridad. ... No, el partido liberal jamas entregara al verdugo cabezas de ninos, ... 52 / Francisco Zarco, Las Matanzas de Tacubaya, Edicion y Prologo de Daniel Moreno, Coleccion "El Siglo XIX," Num. 1 (Mexico, 1958), pp. 10-11. Hereafter cited as Las Matanzas; all references are to this edition. 53 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 12. 504 No, el partido liberal jamas en sus triunfos hara una camicerla de hombres. ... No, el partido liberal que proclama la libertad de conciencia, ... No, el partido liberal jamas seguira el barbaro ejemplo del 11 de Abril; porque el partido liberal cree en Dios. ... A final example will suffice to illustrate Zarco’s use of anaphora: ... ni en las guerras mas encarnizadas. Se ha visto entrar a saco a los ejercitos en paxs extranjero; se ha visto el incendio de las ciudades; se han visto actos de crueles represalias; pero ni en los tiempos barbaros, ni en la Edad Media, ni en las conquistas de los musulmanes, ni en la guerra de Rusia en Polonia, ni en la del Austria en Italia y en Hungrxa, ni en los desastres carlistas de Espaha, ni en la actual sublevacion del a India,^5 se han encontrado barbaros que arranquen de la cabecera del enfermo al medico para asesinarlo.56 There is considerable use of pleonasm by Zarco in words, clauses and sentences. This gives an element of balance to his prose. Its purpose is to intensify the im pression, imagery or metaphor by the imputing of some of the qualities of each of the parts of a pair, triplet or quadruplet word association to the object of his satire. ■^Zarco, Las Matanzas, pp. 15-16. C C In the edition of Las Matanzas used, "del a India” should obviously be ”de la India.” -^Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 21. 505 The least conspicuous form of pleonasm found in Zarco's prose is the simple use of words wherein each word gives a more or less special meaning to a special referent. This cannot always be regarded as being the result of conscious, stylistic effort on the part of Zarco, very often they are inevitable. Many of them are stock phrases. They become more significant as they appear more frequently within a given work of art in a given sentence or a given paragraph. In such cases they form a deliberate device of Zarco to secure a certain effect: ... al amanecer esta perezosa, aletargada, . ..“*^ * 58 La ciudad duerme y esta quieta y tranquila. , 59 ... ellos tienen un caracter muy franco, y muy sincero. Vuestras novias o queridas tambien se jactaran de mcas. ... 0 ... no solg^vengativa e implacable, sino salvaje e impia. "^Francisco Zarco, "Mexico de noche," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1852), III, 157. ^^Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 160. 59 * Francisco Zarco, "Un caracter franco," La Ilustra cion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 623. 60 / Zarco, "Un caracter franco," p. 623. 61 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 10. 506 Some parallel elements may stand in oblique relation to one another rather than overlapping in meaning: ”... a 69 fuerza de resbalones y tropezones se puede andar.” We find that a single noun or verb seldom expresses the full scope of Zarco’s ideas. The use of pairs of words, triplets or even quadruplets covers the whole meaning of a word better than a single word could do. Zarco does not use pleonasms as synonyms. Quite naturally some repetition is bound to occur since the second, third or fourth element repeats a portion of the meaning of the first; however, it adds new meaning of its own. Therefore, one may say that Zarco expresses his thought one and a quarter, two times or two and a quarter times more fre quently, and with proportionate intensification, than he would with one word. He is not simply examining the thing from different sides; it is the intensification of one side while slightly revealing a different side that results from his use of pleonastic word pairs, triplets or quadruplets. 62 / Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 158. (LO Triplets and quadruplets are pleonastic word pairs extended and made heavier. They attract attention to a higher degree than do pleonastic word pairs. They can also be used in alliteration. 507 His use of parallel elements is such an integral part of his style that it often does not appear that he uses pleonasms, as the following shows: ... ese partido ha excedido a sus antecedentes histori- cos de crueldad y de odio, de rencor y de barbarie, y con su espantosa y cobarde iniquidad. ...^ The use of pleonastic word pairs also serves as a rhythmic function since the use of intensifying words also has a tendency to double the cadence of the words. It often serves to cause the prose to flow more evenly. A double word or pleonastic pair makes for vividness and harmony of parts. The sentences appear balanced to the eye and to the ear. Zarco*s ear seems to be delicately tuned to the importance of balance and rhythm. If we were to exclude one word in each word pair, triplet or quadruplet, we would not greatly impair the meaning, but we would upset the balance and rhythm considerably. Seguid, seguid viviendo contentas y felices; si el mundo os parece bello, tanto mejor; gozad, gozad, apurad el placer de ser bellas, aumentad vuestros encantos, sed^id, deslumbrad, convertid el tocador en arsenal. • * • 64 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 9- f i c f “ Trancisco Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," La Ilus- tracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1854), V, 115. does not differ greatly in meaning from: Seguid viviendo contentas; si el mundo os parece bello, tanto mejor; gozad el placer de ser bellas y aumentad vuestros encantos y convertid el tocador en arsenal. ... but the rhythm, balance and effect are noticeably impaired. A factor of which Zarco must have been aware in his satire was that by eliminating one word in each balanced element, ideas would follow each other much more closely, as is evident in the above example, thus giving the mind little opportunity to rest. The use of pleonastic word pairs and other balanced groups makes ideas follow more slowly, permitting a savoring of the satirist’s desired effect. "Rhythm and sound are important, certainly, in prose 66 as well as verse." They are needed to avoid an awkward choppy sound and to lend a certain dignity and grace to good prose. The rhythm and poetic alliteration are fre quently evident in Zarco’s prose, as is readily evident from the following: Pobre flores!--Son tan frescas y tan lindas, y viven tan poco, sin que el brillo de sus colores, ni el encanto 66 Marlies K. Danziger and W. Stacy Johnson, An Intro duction to Literary Criticism (Boston, 1961), pp. 48-49. 509 de su aroma, pueda prolongar un instante su fugaz ecsis- tencia. ; Pobres flores!67 The passage begins with an exclamation and is followed by the alliteration in the repetition of the word tan. These are followed by a series of liquid sounds broken once by the sound of "t." Then follows a shorter passage with the words instante and existencia containing sounds which balance with "tan." The passage ends with the opening exclamation: Pobres flores!” This passage, when read aloud, has a pleasing quality of balance, rhythm and sound, as does the following: La muger es entonces un hechicero y tiemo capullo, que poco a poco va abriendo sus hojas, tinendolas de color mas bello, dando al viento sus pistilos. ... Hay capullos que necesitan para ser flores, el calor de un invemaculo, si no se abririan demasiado tarde. . . . El misterioso retrete del tocador es el invemaculo de la muger; all£ hay actividad, rapidez, inteligencia, y nada se olvida de cuanto ha de contribuir al completo desarrollo del capullo. ... Alii a solas la muger se deleita con su propia belleza, se complace en sentir la tersura de su cutis, lo sedeho de sus cabellos; alii ensaya sus sonrisas y sus miradas. Antes dal baile, boton, boton que promete la mas bella de las rosas.68 With a preponderance of sibilant and liquid sounds of "1,” "11," "r," "rr," and "palabras lianas," and an almost 67 / Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 114. Q j ° Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 118. 510 complete absence of esdrujula words, the rhythm flows smoothly and musically as though the sounds are muted. Of the following, even though it deals with violence, we can say as was allegedly said of Jose Marti when speak ing in Tampa, Florida: "No se lo que dijo pero lo dijo muy lindo." Cuando las revoluciones tienen por movil la justicia, el progreso y la libertad, no se ahogan con sangre. El suelo regado por la sangre del inocente y del martir, no se esteriliza, brotan, si, nuevos adalides que deno dados y auxiliados por el cielo, hacen triunfar la causa de la civilizacion y de la humanidad. La verdad compri- mida por el error ilumina al fin el espfritu del pueblo, y se alza majestuosa y serena, como se levanta el sol en el horizonte disipando tinieblas de la noche, como Cristo se elevo de la tumba, quebrando las ligaduras de piedra para ascender glorioso a los c i e l o s . 6 9 The rhythm and cadence of this passage from Las Matanzas move one with the majesty of its flowing lines. Zarco's execration of the conservatives in the following quotation ends with a prayer and a final groaning and wailing in this lamentation which well illustrates the poetic quality that is evident in much of Zarco's prose: ;Dios santo! Tu que amparaste al pueblo mexicano en sus tribulaciones; tu que inspiraste a su primer caudillo la obra sublime de la abolicion de la esclavi- tud, alientalo para que labre la tierra que le diste, 69 Zarco, Las Matanzas, p. 31. 511 y la purifique de las manchas sangrientas que le imprimen sus verdugos. jDios de las naciones! Tu que eres mi- sericordioso y justiciero, alienta, alienta a este pueblo para que recobre sus inalienables derechos, para que asegure su porvenir, para que sea digno de contarse entre los pueblos cristianos que siguen la ley de gracia, traida al mundo por tu Hijo a costa de su sangre! iDios de las naciones! Haz que el crimen tenga expia- cion; permite que este pueblo se lave del baldon de sus opresores, haciendo reinar la paz, la justicia y la ver- dad, y haz por fin que este pueblo oprimido, quebrante sus cadenas y sea el terrible instrumento de la justicia inexorable. ;Ay de los asesinos! jAy de los verdugos! jAy de los modernos fariseos! jMalditos seran sobre la tierra que regaron con sangre inocente, con sangre de sus hermanos que vertieron con crueldad y alevosia!^ The final aspects of Zarco's style which we shall con sider are his use of imagery, that is, the mental reproduc tion of sensory experience by the use of words on other than a one-to-one basis, and his syntax. In a sense, all language is imagery or symbolic, but Zarco's meaning is often conveyed to us by means of images in figurative lan guage which imprint themselves on our mind's eye with dramatic vividness. The art in Zarco's prose satire is proved in his control of his imagery and sentence struc ture. With the exception of his satire against the clergy, Zarco's prose is under such conscious control. ^Zarco, Las Matanzas, pp. 32-33. 512 Imagery, according to Wellek and Warren, is "that which presents an intellectual and emotional complex in an 71 instant of time." Imagery may result from description or from association of sounds and words, or, as Wellek and Warren further say, it may result from "an object which refers to another object but which demands attention also 1 9 in its own right." Zarco's imagery is not mere decoration. It functions well to cast his ideas under a new and usually tragi-comic light. It helps to make a clear differentiation between the real and the ideal. He uses imagery "to draw the mind 73 back a little from the main action or idea" so as to show things as they really are. He is usually successful in limiting the imagery to the associations, ambiguities and extensions desired. There is considerable compression and word density which good literature requires, but not to the extent that obscurity may result. Zarco wishes to elicit impressions and emotions in his readers which will result ^Wellek and Warren, p. 176. ^Wellek and Warren, p. 178. 73 E. J. Lovell, Jr., "Irony and Image in Don Juan," in M. H. Abrams, ed., Poets, Modern Essays on Criticism (New York, 1960), p. 243. 513 in a desire for change. The desired effect is frequently- accomplished by a juxtaposing of unlike images in the description of a common subject in such a way as to show that something is wrong. For example, in "{Jltimas modas de Parrs,” eyes which shine like the sun lose their beauty when beauty is classed with a person with a head cold who coughs loudly. The image of unpleasant noises of a cold, moreover, are associated with noises of complaints and ridicule: ”... los ojos brillan al traves, como un sol que se oculta entre celages. ..."^ Such a simile juxtaposed to an ugly image causes the former to assume qualities of the latter: Ha sido de moda tener catarro, que ha sido bautizado con nombres epigramaticos de todo aquello que mas llama la atencion de los pacientes. Yo me guardare muy bien de referir esos nombres, porque se perfectamente que debo respetar a toda clase de autoridades, por poco respe- tables que sean en si mismas.75 The imagery becomes more ugly: Al mismo tiempo que un constipado nos_ hace oir por todas partes toses mas o menos sonoras, desde la del sesenton hasta la de la hermosa jovencita, la energia, 74 ✓ f Zarco, "Ultimas modas de Parrs y de otras partes," p. 374. ^Zarco, "tJltimas modas de Parrs y de otras partes," p. 374. 514 la intrepidez, el valor, &c. &c., de ciertas gentes, hacen oir quejas y silbidos, grltos de ira y de burla. 76 • • • Auditory images are also juxtaposed as pleasant and unpleasant images. In ’’ Mexico de noche," the quietness of the city is contrasted with the sounds of life and death which are heard within the walls of the individual houses and apartments. "La ciudad duerme y esta quieta y tran- 7 7 quila. Pero no duermen todos los habitantes: He draws our attention to some of the sounds of Mexico at night which contrast with the silence. They are sounds which are sweeping, impressive and half explained: "... unos se retuercen en el lecho del dolor; otros lanzan su ultimo suspiro; ..."^ Then, auditory and visual images are mixed; violence is contrasted with repose which is only a truce in the struggle of life. ... otros no pueden dormir porque los desvela su ambi- cion; la muger esta en insomnio luchando con pensamientos de amor; para muchos es la primera noche de boda; ... 7 6 Zarco, "(Jltimas modas de Paris y de otras partes," p. 374. 7 7 Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 160. 78 * Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 160. 515 La calma noctuma es, pues, una tregua a la lucha que tiei^en entablada todas las pasiones y todos los deseos, Except ^hen satirizing conservatives, Zarco generally uses a non-specific image. He does not, for example, tell us just what he means by "catarro" or "spleen." When speaking of men or women, he does not give details that would apply to an historical person. His characters are simply given the name of Luis, Enrique, Antonio, Paulita, Carolina, or Margarita. The reader must supply the full name or the face to the coquette, the vain person, the proud, unfaithful or materialistic person. Descriptively, of course, all metaphors are similes. When Zarco says: "La hora del crepusculo! ;Hora sublime, tetrica, dudosa!he means that the twilight hour is like something which is sublime, gloomy or doubtful. And, when he says: ^Quien no ha pensado y no ha sentido, y no ha escrito a la hora de las nubes de gualda, cuando bosteza el sol, y despierta la luna, y cuchuchean las brisas, y estomu- dan los torrentes, y tosen las cascadas?^ 79 ' Zarco, "Mexico de noche," p. 160. ^Francisco Zarco, "El crepusculo en la ciudad," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 234. O-J , Zarco, "El crepusculo en la ciudad," p. 234. 516 he is saying that the sun setting is like someone who yawns; the moon appearing is like someone waking up; the breeze is like someone whispering; the torrents like some one sneezing and the waterfalls like someone coughing. In indirect satire, Zarco often uses imagery as a disarming device. He just as often, however, employs imagery in direct satire in which conservatives are usually his victims : ... ^y que mas queremos, sobre todo, en nuestro siglo, que es la epoca de los diamantes falsos; de las perlas artificiales. ... Por todas partes oireis amenazas, gritos, protestas, acusaciones, insultos, pero siempre vereis que perro que ladra no muerde. Guardaos del perro que calla, porque suele hincar el diente sin previo aviso, sin anunciarse, como lo ecsige la etiqueta. ^ The ugly images of the last quotation are only hypo thetically analogous. Zarco, of course, does not believe that conservatives are dogs and wolves, but that they are like dogs and wolves because they exhibit the most disa greeable aspects of animal behavior. He thus compares human behavior to that of barking dogs which are not 82 Francisco Zarco, "Perro que ladra no muerde," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), I, 232. go Zarco, "Perro que ladra no muerde," p. 233. 517 supposed to bite and to hungry wolves who do not attack other wolves because of their cowardice. Thus, two unlike objects of human and animal behavior are united by use of imagery. The best examples of Zarco’s use of imagery are found in ’ ’Boton, rosa, hoja seca," in which a rose bud, a bloom ing rose and a faded dead rose symbolize the transitoriness of female beauty. This in itself is not unusual imagery, but the satirical twist in which he contrasts the real and the ideal as he examines beneath the surface to reveal that contrast serves to ridicule female vanity. ^Quereis que os cuente en poco tiempo la historia de las flores mas bellas, toda su vida en tres palabras? Boton, rosa, hoja seca. ... he ah£ la historia no solo de las flores, sino de todo lo que nos parece mas bello y mas deslumbrante. ...°^ Suggesting that he is not really speaking of literal flowers, he says: La observacion de la vida de la mas humilde florecilla, puede conducir a consideraciones tristes, melancolicas, de esas que afligen y que inspiran tedio. ...85 Y despues, despues, un dia mas o menos tarde, el perfume se ecshala, el color se desvanece, se borra, uno a uno van cayendo los pistilos, una a una las hojillas, y luego 84 ✓ Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 115. Or ^ Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 115. 518 no queda ni huella, ni memoria de la rosa que las aves saludaban con sus trinos como reina del pensil. ^ The rose is not necessarily a botanical rose or the bird a zoological one, but the qualities described do elicit visual, olfactory and auditory images which cause the reader to say that the beauty of women i£ like that and so is life. And we are led to exclaim with Zarco: ’ ’take warning, pretty girl!" The analogy is made more complete when Zarco takes his readers to a dance at which the girls are likened to pretty flowers, and falling petals equal declining beauty: Mirad, alii cae una cinta, all£ se rompe un abanico, alia se desprende un ramillete, alia cae una joya, flota un rizo descompuesto; son las primeras hojillas de las rosas que comienzan a caer. . Uniting the two images, Zarco says to the girls: ";Pobres flores! Tan lindas, y su historia se reasume en tres palabras. ... Bo ton, rosa, hoja seca. 89 Syntax, closely related to diction and imagery, is an important aspect of an author’s style. It helps to 86 / Zarco, ’ ’ Boton, rosa, hoja seca,” p. 115. 87 ' Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca," p. 119. 88 / Zarco, "Boton, rosa, hoja seca,” p. 119. 89 Danziger and Johnson, p. 47. 519 establish the balance, pattern and tone of the ideas being expressed. Zarco achieves variety in his satire by use of long sentences which reach a climax only at their conclu sion. These are often followed by a short simple sentence. He does not usually reveal his full meaning until near the end of the sentence. This is consistent with his style of trickery, digression and occasional ambiguity. Though his sentences are not consistently short or consistently long, their length and degree of complexity is important in achieving the desired effect. In general, Zarco*s sen tences involve considerable complexity consisting of balancing and qualifying clauses. An excellent example of employing long sentences to keep his real purpose from being evident is found in the opening sentences of "El libertino": A1 mirar la escomunion social que pesa sobre el hombre que tiene reputacion de libertino; al observar el desden con que lo miran todas las notabilidades polrticas; al ver que es rechazado del seno de las familias; ^ue las viejas se santiguan al oxr su nombre; que los jovenes juiciosos vuelven a otro lado la cara si lo encuentran; que las mugeres se ruborizan al descubrirlo; que los maridos y los padres le huyen; que tiene pocos amigos; que es por unos temido, por otros odiado, por otros amargamente censurado, y que los que lo admiran no se atreven a propalar sus sentimientos, ^debera tambien el escritor de costumbres esquivar su pluma de un 520 estudio del libertino, y creer indigno de su magisterio consagrarle uno de tantos artlculos que escribe por € ' • 1 o90 mania o por caprrcho?^ After this non-committal introduction, we still do not know what Zarco's attitude is toward the libertine. He has merely told us that the costumbrista, since he is inter ested in everything, should be interested in the libertine. In succeeding long sentences, he continues to tell us that it is the role of the costumbrista to look beneath appear ances and expose reality. Zarco's style is flexible and contains a strong col loquial element. He is more often solemn than bombastic; he is more often serious than light. The frequent alter ation of lyric and narrative qualities of his prose indi cates the emotional complexity which is characteristic of satire. 90 * Francisco Zarco, "El libertino," La Ilustracion Mexicana (Mexico, 1851), II, 256. CHAPTER XI CONCLUSION The purpose of this thesis has been to study the ele ment of satire in the prose of Francisco Zarco, and to make his prose better known as some of the most effective of the Reform era. After placing him in his historical setting and after establishing his place among Mexican satirists, I examined his ideas on political, cultural and social institutions. I then considered the objects of his satire, and the purpose and effectiveness of his satire. Finally, I examined the satirical and stylistic devices employed by Zarco. The results of my study follow. The period of Mexico’s history into which Zarco was bom was one of great political and social conflict. The conflict resulted because the Mexican conservatives’ efforts to maintain the economic, political and social status quo and retain their privileges was highly incom patible with the desires of the liberal elements to 521 522 revolutionize Mexico’s political and social institutions. Society suffered greatly because of the resultant political and social chaos which lasted throughout Zarco's lifetime. Zarco's father, an army colonel, who was a passionate fighter for liberal ideals, early imbued those ideals in Francisco. As Francisco Zarco matured, he became the most ardent spokesman for liberalism in the nineteenth century in Mexico. He contributed in greater measure than any other individual to liberal ideals and to the impressing of those ideals on the public mind and verbalizing them before the liberal Constitutional Convention of 1856-1857. Gomez Farias was the first real champion of reform and progress in Mexico, but the spokesman for the reform was Francisco Zarco. It was primarily through journalism that Zarco was able to verbalize the ideals and aspirations of the liberal reform and to educate his readers to those ideals Of Zarco, Castaneda Batres says that he was the most outstanding journalist of the last century in Mexico. He was a writer who, according to this author, made the newspaper his favorite weapon for fighting for liberty and democracy, and for the political and social transformation of Mexico. 523 Though Zarco is mentioned in literary histories as an orator, his oratory was limited primarily to the debates of the Constitutional Convention of 1856-1857. His liter ary production, however, included thousands of articles which he published as editor of the most influential jour nal in Mexico from 1849 to 1869• Zarco signed his articles "Francisco Zarco," "Fortun," and "F. Z." The majority of the articles signed "Francisco Zarco" appeared in El Siglo Diecinueve and tend to be less satirical than those signed "Fortun" which appeared in La Ilustracion Mexicana and Las Cosquillas. His artfculos de costumbres, which appeared almost exclusively in La Ilustracion Mexicana, were always signed "Fortun." Zarco insisted that man had the basic right to choose his own form of government and to develop his potential of happiness to the limits of his ability. Zarco was fully aware, however, of the imperfection of man, but he insisted on his ability to grow in a society which is a living organism rather than a perfect, but static, machine. He further insisted that the fundamental principles which motivate man are universal; therefore, liberties should not be limited by time and space. The basis of a society 524 must be, in the opinion of Zarco, freedom of conscience and freedom of expression. There was no class of people who should not share in these rights. He said that constitu tions are written for the people and that they should be intelligible to the least intelligent without need of voluminous explanations. Zarco's journalism was a journalism of progress. In his twenty years of writing, he made an all-consuming effort to make of Mexico a modern, progressive nation. To Zarco, progress meant moral, political, social, and eco nomic growth. He believed in progress as an act of faith. Zarco believed that growth came only as a result of sacri fice and suffering. He believed that by educating his readers through his journalism, he could persuade the majority to be willing to make the necessary sacrifices to help Mexico gain her self respect and national integrity. It was inconceivable to Zarco that rational man should not attempt to alter the villainous behavior of man against man. He was incapable of an indifferent or smug attitude toward reality as he saw it. He was unwilling,to look the other way and thus to avoid having to confront the problem of imperfection and evil. He did not accept the conserva tives' viewpoint that whatever is is right. It was his 525 objective to shatter the complacency of his readers and make them share his painfully acute awareness of what he felt to be wrong in a world which the conservatives felt to be well ordered. It was Zarco's desire to bring to his readers the realization that what is. only seems to be right and is only right in the minds of those who were willing to be deceived. Zarco was unable to accept the disparity between the real and the ideal without reacting strongly against the real. He had a sincere desire to make the inner reality of things resemble the ideal or even the surface of things. This very earnestness caused reality to appear more de formed and horrible by its contrast with his ideal. It would appear that this desire to improve upon reality, to analyze and to dissect was the central impulse behind Zarco's satire. I suspect that the villainies of man dis tressed him greatly and exhausted his spirit so completely that it was this as much as an undiagnosed disease and a weakened physical condition that contributed to his un- _t-imely death. If Mexico's distant provinces, their products and their people could be brought in closer contact, Mexico, 526 in Zarco*s opinion, would make progress toward its goals of economic, social and political improvement. He felt that improvement of the nation's communications was one of the remedies to Mexico’s backwardness. Public schools were to provide basic education for all Mexicans, and the church and the home were to provide spiritual assistance. Unearned wealth as was represented by the clergy, the landed aristocracy and the military clique was antithetical to Zarco*s ideas of growth and progress. Zarco accepted Church dogma, but he did not accept Church interference in affairs of politics and economics--things which he con sidered to be the prerogatives of the government. Nor did he accept the interference of government in affairs of religion. He believed in a separation of church and state. In his efforts to bring about changes in which he believed with his whole being, he utilized every means at his com mand to convince his readers and hearers of his ideas. Wheat calls Zarco the molder of public opinion through his "powerful" editorials.'*' He was most instrumental in helping to frame the Constitution of 1857. Wheat evaluated ^"Raymond Curtis Wheat, "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma," unpub. diss. (Univ. of Texas, 1956), p. 441. 527 Zarco's role in the Constituent Congress as being perhaps the greatest service rendered to his country. Wheat fur ther says that time and time again Zarco rose in the halls of the Constituent Congress to bolster the drooping courage of his liberal colleagues. After the Constitution of 1857 became the law of the land, Zarco was the strong and stead fast supporter of Juarez during the struggle to establish legality in Mexico. During the twenty-year period from 1849 to 1869, the name of Francisco Zarco appeared in El Siglo Diecinueve more often than any other name. Zarco contributed two and three articles to almost every issue. In these articles he dealt with virtually every aspect of Mexico's political and economic problems. Occasionally an article dealing with Mexico's social problems appeared in El Siglo Dieci nueve , even though it was primarily a journal which con cerned itself with political matters. He constantly analyzed the motives of politicians and demanded that municipal, state and federal governments give account for their actions. Occasionally he expressed approval of an action taken by a governmental body. Zarco’s attacks upon social customs, human foibles and corruption were frequent. Some themes recur so often that 528 the modem reader might find some of his essays tedious. Perhaps it is a weakness that he nearly always has a thesis to prove. His keen observation and sharp wit, however, help greatly to offset the didactic quality of much of his work. Consequently, as Zarco satirizes the problems of his times, it is not difficult for the modem reader to substi tute names and places, and discover that Zarco is sati rizing our contemporary society. Because the first three quarters of the nineteenth century were a period of violent stress and strain, and agitation for change in Mexico, it was a time that could easily produce satire in literature. Although Zarco*s satire dealt with abuses and customs that were of appar ently topical interest, these abuses and customs were far from being limited in time and space to Mexico. He exposed weaknesses and vices that are a constant danger in most societies. The values against which Zarco weighed man have wide range and flexibility, and are those which are of persistent importance. This flexibility and range of criticism characterize effective satire. Although at times he was playful and at times effer vescent, Zarco did not find life to be a laughing matter. The compelling power with which Zarco presents the real man 529 against the ideal man when dealing with manners, morals and human foibles reveals a basically tragic nature. His intellectual perception caused his view of life to be primarily a tragic one. He did not, however, permit him self to view it as completely tragic. I submit that emo tionally he found life a tragic-comedy affair. Some of Zarco's satire is mirth provoking; sometimes there is a very evident display of wit by piling of one image upon another which sometimes pushes his ideas to the region of the fantastic or the absurd. He delights in puns and verbal wit of all kinds, which attracted many readers to his articles toward which they looked forward eagerly. Zarco was basically a very patient man who in his satire usually smiled at human foibles. The times that Zarco really became angry were relatively few for a man of his high ideals. Against the clergy and other conserva tives, however, he vented his unrestrained wrath, and would not be content until all rational and honest men were of his opinion. Zarco did not expect to attack his victims with im punity. He fully expected, and wanted, them to react in kind. He invited them to enter into verbal duels with him and he was perfectly willing to print their replies in the journals which he edited. More often, however, he was the victim of economic and political reprisal. The positive side of Zarco is found in his many attempts to found and to promote institutions and changes which changes had as their sole objective the melioration of the lot of the masses of Mexicans. He was, however, realistic in his efforts to construct a new Mexico within its cultural mold. He did not strive to construct a strange and unbalanced Mexico. He called for revolt against only those forces which had kept the people in bondage. Although his ideas sometimes came into conflict with the Church, the social code, wealth and authority, the solutions which he suggested for Mexico's problems did not call for the abolition of Mexico's heritage, but rather for a revolt against the repressive groups within those insti tutions. He was not desirous of a non-Catholic Mexico; he did wish to see more application of the Bible concepts of Christianity. He was truly a patriotic citizen; he was trying to prepare the Mexican people to accept the rights and privileges which, in his opinion, they deserved. Zarco's attitude toward the conservatives became in creasingly critical as he observed them fighting desper ately to retain their privileges and fueros. What Zarco considered to be the inhuman and unchristian actions of the conservatives in the Three Years' War or the War of Reform, 1857-1860, contributed to the profound change in Zarco*s attitude. He believed that murder and assassination were a way of life to them. Zarco suffered much personally at the hands of the party of Marquez, Miramon and Mejia. Thus, he came to consider the liberal government the only legal government of Mexico. He considered it to be Mexi can, Christian and human. The actions of the conservatives in promoting the French intervention of 1861 to 1864 con firmed his opinion. Zarco endeavored to reach his conclusions through reason and logic rather than applying intuitive methods to observe Mexican society; the method which, in Zarco's opinion, the conservatives employed to a considerable degree, which resulted in a subjective and private inter pretation of society. He further believed that the mecha nistic minds of the conservatives ground out syllogisms which resulted in their demands for religion y fueros 532 while refusing to accept the realities of Mexico's social needs. It was Zarco's belief that the conservatives were incapable of seeing things beyond the size, shape and color which they themselves imposed upon the Mexican people. The net result, in Zarco's opinion, had been self illusion and lack of economic, social, political, and moral progress. Zarco purposed through his satire to discredit the conservatives whose political and social institutions were, in his opinion, bankrupt. He wished to educate his fellow Mexicans to believe that the conservatives represented that class of people who always wish to tyrannize their fellow- men. He hoped also to cause his readers to reject the materialism and the moral code of the ruling classes. It was his further purpose to rip the mask from hypocrisy and all forms of dishonesty which he believed to be everywhere present. He hoped to point out specific and general vice and folly and cause them to appear ridiculous so that his readers would correct their imperfections. His purpose was not altered by personal discomfort and persecu tion. Nothing could dissuade him from his duty as he saw it. His purpose, in short, was to serve his country well and contribute to his beloved Mexico's becoming a nation 533 with dignity and integrity under a legal government which offered freedom to all regardless of religious or political persuasion. The effectiveness of Zarco*s satire is to be found in the fact that, as Madariaga says, of all of the ex-Spanish colonies in the New World, only Mexico, if we exclude Puerto Rico, has successfully carried out a political and social revolution. The political phase of the revolution was led by Benito Juarez, but Zarco was the acknowledged intellectual and ideological leader of the liberals. Both Wheat and Castaneda Batres have furnished us abundant evidence of Zarco's influence on Juarez, the Constituent Congress, and the course of Mexico's political and social evolution. The satirical devices used by Zarco to express his basically satirical personality reveal effective literary qualities. The devices which he uses to express his atti tude toward individuals, groups and human weaknesses are as varied as are the objects of his satire. His satiric purpose determines the satirical device used. Knowing that it would detract from his purpose to attack the object of his satire in a fit of rage, except when satirizing the 534 conservatives, he most often resorts to gentle criticism as being more effective than direct attacks. On a scale from the least serious to the most serious, the satirical devices used by Zarco are: banter, diminu tion, caricature, exaggeration, mockery, ridicule, irony, sarcasm, contempt, vituperation and invective. Lightness and gaiety in Zarco’s satire do not have as their purpose a comic effect; they serve to get his readers into a more playful and receptive mood. By so doing, he hopes to lure his readers into a recognition of reality and thus be susceptible to change. At times we see Zarco assuming the role of a payaso who clowns and banters with his readers; at times he degrades the object of his satire through the use of diminution and ridicule; at times he arouses feel ings of contempt through the use of exaggeration and caricature; and at times he arouses feelings of intense hostility through the use of contempt, vituperation and invective. Irony is often used by Zarco to probe much more deeply into social ills than is humorous or lighter satire, or even more direct satire such as sarcasm, contempt or vituperation. Irony enables the satirist to probe more 535 deeply than do other satirical devices because the victim is often unaware of the fact that he is the victim, and only a select few perceive, or believe they perceive, the object of the satirist's attack. Behind the apparent humor in his irony is the face of a deadly serious Zarco. It is generally conceded among literary critics that satire is a very complicated genre. As an artist, Zarco apparently derives much aesthetic pleasure from selecting and manipulating his material in a complicated manner. To select and manipulate his material the satirist must have a large vocabulary, a sense of humor and an imagina tion which is several jumps ahead of his readers. Zarco's style reveals all of these traits. He is able to say shocking things without having his readers turn from his satire in disgust. Although apparently improvising, a closer examination by the reflective reader reveals an underlying structure. That structure, i.e. unity, is evi dent in everything that happens in the situation and is a part of his satire. In dealing with the stylistic devices used by Zarco, we find that there are basic vehicles which Zarco utilizes. These are monologues, narration, a discursiveness, an 536 illusion of digression, and a special use of colloquial language to secure emphasis, a special effect, and to build to a peak. Satirical monologues, both introvert and extrovert, enable Zarco to discuss a human weakness quietly with one individual (he is actually both persons) or to make a more vigorous protest which is-intended to awaken an indiffer ent, terrified or silent society. Whether extrovert or introvert monologue is used, the voice of the characters is always that of Zarco and the ideas are those of the author. Zarco's use of digression is one of the most note worthy of his stylistic devices. Through such a device he is able to express sentiments ranging from appreciation of sensual female beauty to profound disgust at man's capacity for deceit and treachery. Digression also enables Zarco to satirize in a single article a variety of victims in cluding coquettes, gigolos, politicians, clerics, and human vices and weaknesses. Digression also serves excellently to disarm and to detract the reader because such jumping from subject to subject and viewpoint to viewpoint keeps the reader off 537 balance. Very few readers are, moreover, prepared to match wits with Zarco’s apparently disconnected attacks, which are in reality literary tricks. But the perceptive reader sees a unity of purpose as Zarco satirizes, for example, hair-dos which symbolize virtue and vices, and the dress ing table which symbolizes vanity and love of the material all under the announced subject, for example, of women's styles. It is in articles on modas, i.e. women's styles, that we find planned digression used most frequently. To Zarco, modas means many things; they relate only incidentally to women's styles in the concrete sense. The word modas is only a point of departure to satirize all manner of foibles and vices of males and females. As is characteristic of satire, the unexpected occurs constantly. The only pattern that is evident is one of constant change. The nearest thing to continuity which we find in Zarco's satire is found in his narratives, which are short and well told. These are, however, a means to an end and not an end in themselves. These stories are not simply amusing pieces of fiction, but rather have as their purpose an attack upon some human weakness, or political 538 or social corruption. Thus, they have a unity of purpose. Although Zarco's verbal style is generally simple and direct, it is also sometimes rather complex and ambiguous. Some of the distinctive features of his style are his use of pleonasm, repetition, anaphora, rhythm, involved syntax and imagery, and words used on different levels of meaning. Zarco's use of verbal pyrotechniques is most often found in his railing against the conservatives. Most frequently, however, he uses apparently simple sentences joined by con junctions whose effect is to give the impression of un adorned truth. But even in simple sentences, Zarco uses words whose meanings are slippery. By using words with more than one meaning he sets up a tension between the con crete and the abstract. He is thus enabled to impute qualities to essentially unrelated concepts and objects. On occasion Zarco uses terms in such ways as to defy definition after one has read an entire article in which the term is used. Nevertheless, it is evident that the term is effective in satirizing an object by the special connotation which Zarco gives the term, thus creating tension between the concrete and the abstract. The meaning of the term is suggested by association with disagreeable, 539 and sometimes agreeable, concepts, but the reader is never certain whether he is a member of the select few who per ceive the object of Zarco’s satire or whether he is the victim of that satire. A distinctive feature of Zarco*s style is his repeti tion of words to achieve a certain effect or to intensify an image or action. The device of repetition takes the form of anaphora which is the beginning of clauses and sentences with the same word or short phrase, and emphatic repetition which is the repetition of a word or short phrase in any position that intensifies or builds to a peak an image or an emotion. The patterns of emphatic repeti tion and anaphora characterize many of Zarco's articles. The best examples of these devices, however, are found in Las Matanzas de Tacubaya. In this essay, adjectives, verbs and nouns are piled up in an effort to intensify the emotions and to paint the conservatives in the darkest colors. Alliteration, repetition, pleonasm, rhythm and balance are very much a part of Zarco*s prose style. Pleonasm, a frequently used stylistic device of Zarco, like repetition, intensifies the impression, image or metaphor, and gives 540 balance to his prose. Zarco's pleonasm takes the form of pleonastic word pairs, triplets and sometimes quadruplets. Pleonasm is not merely emphatic repetition or anaphora; rather it intensifies by imputing some of the qualities of each of the parts of a pair, triplet or quadruplet to the object of his satire. It is not used as synonyms. It serves well a rhythmic function in that it tends to double, or triple, the cadence in much of Zarco's poetic prose. Zarco must have been aware that the deletion of one word in each element would greatly impair its effect. Imagery serves Zarco well to add to the poetic quality of his prose. Except when satirizing the conservatives, especially the clergy, Zarco proves his artistic ability in the control of his imagery. His imagery is, however, not mere decoration, but an integral part of his content. It functions to cast his social concern under a new and usually a tragic-comic light. Its purpose is to show things as they really are. Compression and word density are very evident, but these are controlled to a desired degree of associations, ambiguities and extensions. Again his purpose is to cause his readers to desire the change he is espousing. 541 In general, we might say that Zarco juxtaposes un pleasant or ugly images with pleasant and beautiful images, and these most always in a non-specific sense. Though he gives people names when speaking of men and women who suffer from social ills, he does not give details that would apply to an historical figure. The reader must supply the face or the full name. An examination of Zarco’s syntax reveals much use of short sentences joined by conjunctions to give balance and tone to his prose, and the use of longer sentences which do not reach their climax and give their meaning until near the end of the sentence. In general, Zarco’s sentences reveal considerable complexity consisting of balancing and qualifying clauses. The complexity of Zarco’s style reveals great emo tional and intellectual flexibility wherein the colloquial element is very evident. The utilization of many satirical and literary devices to express his ideas of what the uni verse was as contrasted with what he thought it should be indicates the emotional complexity which is characteristic of satire and the emotional complexity which was character istic of Zarco who lived in a complex age. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY About, M. E. La cuestion romana, traducido por Francisco Zarco. Folletin del Siglo XIX. Mexico, 1861. Aguilar, Luis. Costumbristas espanolas. Madrid, 1948. Beals, Carlton. Mexico, An Interpretation. New York, 1923. Blasio, Jose Luis. Maximiliano. Yale University Press, 1941. Bullitt, John Marshal. Jonathan Swift and the Anatomy of Satire. Cambridge, Mass., 1953. Burgos, Carmen de. "Colombine," Figaro. Madrid, 1919. Calcott, Wilfred Hardy. Church and State in Mexico 1822- 1857. Duke University Press, 1926. . Santa Anna. 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Artxculos de costumbres, Prologo y notas de Jose R. Lomba y Pedraja. Madrid, 1952. . Selected Essays, Edited by Caroline B. Bourland. San Francisco, Calif., 1932. 546 Lefevre, Eugene. Documentos oficiales recogidos en la Secretaria de Maximiliano: Historia de la intervencion francesa cn Mejico. Brussels and London, published by authorization of President Juarez, issued simul taneously in Spanish and French, n.d. Lovell, E. J. Jr. "Irony and Image in Don Juan." In M . H. Abrams, ed., English Romantic Poets. Modern Essays on Criticism. New York, 1960. MacLean, Malcolm. Guillermo Prieto, Life and Works of (1818-1897). Doctoral dissertation, University of Texas, 1951. Madariaga, Salvador de. Latin America Between the Eagle and the Bear. New York, 1962. Manning, William R., ed. Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States. Inter-American Affairs, 1831-1860. 12 vols. Washington, 1932-1939. Martinez Ruiz, Jose, "Azorin.” Rivas y Larra, razon social del romanticismo. Madrid, 1916. McGuire, E. A Study of the Writings of Don Mariano Jose de Larra, 1809-1837. Berkeley, 1918. . Mora, Jose Maria Luis. El clero, la educacion y la liber- tad. Mexico, 1949- _ . El clero, la milicia y las revolu- ciones. Mexico, 1951. _____. Obras sueltas. 2 vols. Paris, 1837. Moreno, Daniel. Los hombres de la reforma. Mexico, 1956. Munro, Dana Gardner. The Latin American Republics, A History. New York and London, 1942. Murry, J. Middleton. The Problem of Style. London, 1961. Osborne, Harold. Aesthetics and Criticism. New York, 1955. 547 Parkes, Henry Bamford. A History of Mexico. Boston, 1950. Parra, Porfirio. Sociologla de la reforma. Mexico, 1948. Paulson, Ronald. Theme and Structure in Swift* s "Tale of a Tub." New Haven, Conn., 1960. Payno, Manuel. Mexico and her Financial Questions with England, Spain and France. Mexico, 1862. Perez Gallardo, Basilio. Guia para c-onsultar la historia del Congreso constituyente de 1856-57, que escribio y publico el Senor Don Francisco Zarco, y las actas del mismo Congreso. Mexico, 1878. Peter, John. Complaint and Satire in Early English Litera ture ■ Oxford, 1956. Prieto, Guillermo, , T Fidel.M Memorias de mis tlempos. 2 vols. Mexico, 1948. Quevedo, Francisco. Prosa y verso. Buenos Aires, 1948. _. Los Suenos. Buenos Aires, 1945. Quintana, Ricardo. The Mind and Art of Jonathan Swift. London and New York, 1936. Riva Palacio, Vicente. Correspondencia, Letters and manuscripts, 1844-1896. University of Texas Archives. Rivera, Augustin. La reforma y el segundo imperio. Guadalajara, 1897. Roeder, Ralph. Juarez and His Mexico. New York, 1947. "Sacrificio Fecundo” (Los martires de Tacubaya), Hispano Americano, Vol. XXXIV, Num. 885, 20 de abril de 1959, pp. 3 ~4. Schlarman, Joseph H. L. Mexico, A Land of Volcanoes. Milwaukee, 1950. 548 Sierra, Justo. Obras completas del maestro Justo Sierra: Evolucion polxtica del pueblo mexicano. Tomo XII. Mexico, 1948. Spell, Jefferson Rea. "The Costumbrista Movement in Mexico," PMLA, 50:290-315, March 1935. Swift, Jonathan. Gulliver's Travels. Robert A. Greenberg, ed. New York, 1961. ________________ . Gulliver's Travels, A Tale of a Tub, The Battle of the Books. Modem Library College Editions (Random House). New York, 1950. ________________ . Satire and Personal Writings. Oxford, 1958. Tannenbaum, Frank. Mexico: The Struggle for Peace and Bread. New York, 1951. Teja Zabre, Alfonso. Breve historia de Mexico. Second edition. Mexico, 1935. Toro, Alfonso. Compendio de historia de Mexico. Second edition. Mexico, 1937. Valle, Juan. Poesias de Juan Valle. Precedidas de una noticia biografica del autor, por Francisco Zarco. Mexico, 1862. Watkins, Walter B. C. Perilous Balance, the Tragic 'Genius of Swift. Oxford, 1939- Wellek, Rene, and Austin Warren. Theory of Literature. New York, 1956. Wheat, Raymond Curtis. "Francisco Zarco, the Liberal Spokesman for La Reforma." Unpublished doctoral dis sertation, University of Texas, 1956. Wilgus, A. Curtis. Development of Hispanic America. New York, n.d. _______ . Histories and Historians of Hispano- america. New York, 1942. 549 Worcester, David. The Art of Satire. Cambridge, Mass., 1940. Zarco, Francisco. Comentarios de Francisco Zarco sobre la intervencion francesa ^1861-1863) prologo de Antonio de la Peha y Reyes. Mexico, 1929- Comentarios del tratado de Miramar y ■ ■ ■ i i . i i i , i i ' ■ ■ . . . ■ .i —« ■ ■ ■ " i ■ ■ ■ ■ ’ j r~........ - y- ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ ■ » ■ dificultades practicas para transformacion monarquica de Mejico. Colima, 1864. __________________. Cronica del congreso estraordinario constituyente (1856-1857), Estudio preliminar, texto y notas de Catalina Sierra Casasus. Mexico, 1957. __________________. Historia del Congreso constituyente de 1857. Edicion acordada en Veracruz, poe el c. Venus - tiano Carranza. 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Pierce, Lester Charles
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Satire In The Prose Of Francisco Zarco
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