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Perception Of The Power Structure By Social Class In A California Community

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Perception Of The Power Structure By Social Class In A California Community

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Content This d issertation has been 62— 6083 m icro film ed exactly as received ROGERS, Robert Burtch, 1920- PERCEPTION OF THE POWER STRUCTURE BY SOCIAL CLASS IN A CALIFORNIA COMMUNITY. U n iversity of Southern C alifornia, Ph.D ., 1962 Sociology, general University Microfilms, Inc., Ann A^bor, Mi. biq n PERCEPTION OF THE POWER STRUCTURE BY SOCIAL CLASS IN A CALIFORNIA COMMUNITY by Robert Burtch Rogers A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Sociology) June 1962 UNIVERSITY O F SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES 7. CALIFORNIA This dissertation, written by ..................R.o.hert .JBuxtch..R ogers...................... tinder the direction of hi.$.. ..Dissertation C o m mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Dean of the Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean Date. J u n e, 19 6Z DISSERTAT Chairm an TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES v LIST OF FIGURES xi Chapter I. THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITION OF TERMS . . 1 Statement of the Problem Definition of Terms Importance of the Study Organization of the Study II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 9 Introduction Leadership Social Stratification and Social Class Indices of Social Class Power and Power Structure Community Summary of the Review of Literature The Interview Schedule The Sample Interviewing Analysis of the Data Summary IV. ORCHARD CITY .......................... 78 Geographical Features Community Income Social History III. THE METHODOLOGICAL DESIGN 68 ii ill Chapter Population V. PERCEPTION OF POWER STRUCTURE IN ORCHARD CITY ........................ Analysis of Question 5 Perception of Decision-Makers Analysis of Question 6 Summary of Responses by Class to Question 6 Analysis of Responses to Question 7 Summary of Analysis of Question 7 Analysis of Responses to Question 10 Analysis of Responses to Question 11 Analysis of Responses to Question 12 Analysis of Responses to Question 13 Analysis of Responses to Question 13 Analysis of Combined Responses to Eight Questions Perception of Decision-Makers as a Large Group, Small Group or Few Perception of Decision-Makers as Public Officials, Civic Leaders and Elite Models of Power Perception in the Community Perceived Wealth of Decision-Makers Perception of Decision-Makers Decision-Makers Ranked by Social Classes Perception of Decision-Makers and Industrial Growth Industrial Growth and Perceived Dec is ion-Makers Characteristics of Perceived Dec is ion-Makers Perceived Decision-Makers as "Power Class" Community Organizations in the Decision-Making Process VI. SUMMARY AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH ............................... Page 93 220 Conclusions Concerning the Hypotheses iv Chapter Page Other Hypotheses Summary of Methods and Techniques Other Findings Suggestions for Further Research BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................ 230 APPENDIX............................................. 245 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Results of Sample Design .............. 71 2. Hollingshead1s Two-Factor Index of Social Position ......................... 73 3. Length of Residence in Orchard City of Respondents by C l a s s .............. 80 4. Population Growth in Orchard City, 1880-1959 87 5. Racial Composition of Orchard City, 1950 89 6. Age Composition of Orchard City, 1950 . . 90 7. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 5 that Decision-Makers are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6 to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 persons (Few), and Do Not Know 96 8. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 5 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders ............................... 99 9. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 5 (Given in Percentages by Social Class) .... 102 10. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceive More Than One Person as Decision-Maker, in Response to Question 5................................ 105 v vi Table Page 11. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 6 That Decision-Makers Are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6 to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 Persons (Few), and Do Not Know.......... 107 12. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 6 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders ............................... 108 13. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 6 (Given in Percentages by Social Class) .... 110 14. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceive More Than One Person as Decision-Maker in Response to Question 6 112 15. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 7 That Decision-Makers Are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6 to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 Persons (Few) , and Do Not Know.......... 116 16. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 7 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders.......................... 117 17. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 7 (Given in Percentages by Social Class .......... 118 18. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Names of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceived More Than One Person as Decision-Maker, in Response to Question 7 119 Table 19. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 10 That Decision-Makers Are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6 to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 Persons (Few), and Do Not Know ......... 20. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 10 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders .......................... 21. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 10 (Given in Percentages by Social Class) . . . . 22. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceived More Than One Person as Decision-Maker, in Response to Question 10 ........................ 23. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 11 That Decision-Makers Are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6-to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 Persons (Few), and Do Not Know ......... 24. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 11 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders .......................... 25. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 11 (Given in Percentages by Social Class) . . . . 26. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceived More Than One Person as Decision-Maker, in Response to Question 11 * . . . . vii Page 124 125 126 127 130 131 132 133 viii Table Page 27. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 12 That Decision-Makers Are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6 to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 Persons (Few), and Do Not Know.......... 137 28. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 12 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders.......................... 138 29. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 12 (Given in Percentages by Social Class) .... 139 30. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceived More Than One Person as Decision-Maker, in Response to Question 12 .......................... 140 31. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 13 That Decision-Makers Are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6 to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 Persons (Few), and Do Not Know .... 143 32. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 13 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders.......................... 144 33. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 13 (Given in Percentages by Social Class) .... 145 34. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceived More Than One Person as Decision-Maker, in Response to Question 13 146 ix Table Page 35. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 15 That Decision-Makers are 12 or More Persons (Large Group), 6 to 11 Persons (Small Group), Less Than 6 Persons (Few) , and Do Not Know......... 149 36. Percentage by Social Class Responding to Question 15 That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Elite or Civic Leaders.......................... 150 37. Perception of Wealth of Persons Named as Decision-Makers in Question 15 (Given in Percentages by Social Class) . . . 151 38. Percentage by Social Class Who Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, Do Not Know Name of Perceived Decision-Maker, and Those Who Perceived More Than One Person as Decision-Maker, in Response to Question 1 5 ...................... 152 39. Respondents Stating That Decision-Makers Are a Large Group (12 or More), Small Group (6-11), of Few (Less Than 6) . . . 156 40. Respondents Stating That Decision-Makers Are Public Officials, Civic Leaders, Elite ........................ 161 41. Perception by Social Class of Wealth of Decision-Makers .................... 177 42. Identification of Decision-Maker by Social C l a s s ................... 178 43. Ranking by Frequencies of Decision- Makers by Social Class ............... 182 44. Total Frequencies Public Officials, Civic Leaders and Elite Named as Decision- Makers ............................... 185 X Table Page 45. Percentages Public Officials, Civic Leaders and Elite Named as Decision- Makers (Based on Frequencies in Table 4 4 ) .................................. 187 46. Perception by Social Class of Possibilities of Industrial Growth of Community . . . 197 47. Perception by Social Class of Industrial Growth of Community....................... 198 48. Groups Perceived to Be Influential in Decision-Making ....................... 200 49. Response Frequencies and Percentages Stating Decision-Makers for or Against Industrial Growth of Orchard City . . . 201 50. Rank Order and Characteristics of Decision-Makers Named by All Social Classes .......................... 205 51. Wealth of Public Officials, Civic Leaders, Elite, Perceived as Decision-Makers . . 208 52. Community Organizations Named as Important in Decision-Making Process . . 214 53. Civic Leader, Public Official, and Elite Groups and Organizations Named as Important in Decision-Making Process (Class I-II and III)....................... 217 54. Civic Leader, Public Official, and Elite Groups and Organizations Named as Important in Decision-Making Process (Class IV and V) ......................... 218 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Age and Sex Composition of Orchard City, 1950 91 2. Perception by Class of Decision- Makers as Large Group, Small Group or Few .......................... 158 3. Perception by Class of Decision- Makers as Public Officials, Civic Leaders, Elite .......................... 163 4. Identification of Decision-Makers by Classes (Percentage) .................. 180 xi CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITION OF TERMS Statement of the Problem This study attempts to determine (1) if there is a differential perception of persons constituting the power structure in the selected community, and (2) whether or not there is a significant difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among members of several social classes. A related aim of the study is to determine whether there is an informal, unofficial group which exerts power in a community and to what extent its power is perceived by persons of different social classes. At the outset, several hypotheses were advanced. These null hypotheses were: 1. There is no difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among the several social classes. 2. There is no difference among social classes in the perception of elite as decision-makers in the community 2 power structure. 3. There is no difference among social classes in their perception of what individuals constitute the elite. 4. There is no difference among social classes in the perception of public officials as decision-makers in the community power structure. 5. There is no difference among social classes in the perception of civic leaders as decision-makers in the community power structure. 6. There is no difference in status of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision makers . 7. There is no difference in age of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision makers . 8. There is no difference in wealth of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision makers . 9. There is no difference in length of residence in the community of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision-makers. 3 Definition of Terms Dec is ion-Making Decision-making is a function of individuals who see that the social, economic or political forces of a community are directed in one channel when alternate channels are available. It involves executing determined policy, that is, policy thought necessary by the community or by the decision-makers themselves. Decision-making combines subjective and behavioristic connotations. It implies initiative consideration and enactment.^" Perceived Decision-Makers A person who directs the social, economic or political forces of a community, when alternate channels are available, is a decision-maker. If, in the opinion of one person of the community, another person is thought to be a decision-maker, then this person is a perceived decision-maker. It is quite possible that a person per ceived as a decision-maker does not in fact make the decision under scrutiny. Since, however, people often act ^Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure: A Study of Decision-Makers (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1953), pp. 65-66. 4 on their perception of a "hunch" rather than on a knowledge of the fact, the persons perceived as decision-makers were selected as the focal point of study. Voluntary Association Voluntary associations are formalized groups which the members have joined for the purpose of solving prob lems of civic, religious, economic, political or social 2 nature through the group process. Church groups, chambers of commerce, P.T.A., V.F.W., Rotary or Y.M.C.A. are examples of voluntary asso. iations. Community The community is a place in which the members are able to live together and find the essentials of life. The community does not necessarily need to be self- sufficient; it is more likely to be dependent economically and politically on surrounding communities, the metropolis, the region. The bases of community are locality and "we- feeling." Locality is the area in which the larger part 2 F. S. Chapin, "The Growth of Bureaucracy - An Hypotheses," American Sociological Review. XVI (1951), 835-836. 5 of the social relationships take place. "We-feeling" is characterized by collective participation and identifica- 3 tion on the part of individuals within the community. Social Class Social class is arrived at by using Hollingshead's two-factor analysis placing individuals in five social class categories.^ These two factors are education and occupation. Hollingshead and Redlich, in their study of social class and mental illness combined classes I and II for purposes of analysis.^ In a similar manner, classes I and II are combined for analysis of the power structure of Orchard City. Elite For the purposes of this study the working defini tion of an elite is as follows: An elite is a person not ^R. M. Maclver and Charles H. Page, Societv: An Introductory Analysis (New York: Rhinehart, 1949), pp. 6-10. ^A. B. Hollingshead, Two-Factor Index of Social Position (Published in mimeograph form by Sociology Depart ment, Yale University, 1958.). ^A. B. Hollingshead and Fredrick C. Redlich, Social Class and Mental Illness: A Community Study (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1958), pp. 18-44. 6 elected to office to make decisions, though In reality, he Influences important decisions affecting the community. An elite is not necessarily a civic leader who makes important community decisions through voluntary organiza tion. An elite is able to make decisions important to the community sometimes "behind the scenes." These decisions may or may not be beneficial to community welfare. Importance of the Study Many sociologists have pointed to the community as being the basic unit of people working together to gain the essentials of life, physical and social. In many cultures, particularly the United States, the community is thought of as being the foundation of the democratic process, where the opinions of the members of the com munity are sought, and through their chosen leaders, expressed for the general welfare of the community. To what extent is this a reality? To what extent is it myth? To what extent is it perceived as reality by segments--by classes--of the community? In what way do classes in the community differ in their perception of the power struc ture of the community? It is attempted in this study to analyze the power structure of a community through the 7 perception of decision-makers held by several classes within the community. Other studies have approached the study of the power structure of the community from different perspec tives. In Regional City, Hunter approaches the study through a selected group of decision-makers.^ The study of Orchard City has its approach through an area or probability sample of all classes in the community. All such studies attempt to understand better the functioning of the community. The study of Orchard City attempts to find the perception of this community functioning as held by members of differing social classes. In so doing, it is a further aim of this study to shed some light on the extent to which the democratic process is involved in decision making in the community and whether it is reality or myth. Organization of the Study The method of the study has been to (1) state the hypotheses significant to the problem, (2) define the operational definitions used as key concepts, (3) review ^Hunter, op. cit., p. 26. 8 the literature related to leadership, social stratifica tion and social class, power and power structure, volun tary associations and power structure, and community, (4) delimit the boundaries within which to conduct the study, (5) investigate the social setting of the bounded area with respect to factors connected with the problem, (6) select techniques suitable for empirically testing the hypotheses, (7) review and analyze the findings, and (8) draw conclusions and implications for further study. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE Introduction An approach to the study of a community such as undertaken in Orchard City requires that considerable and varied literature be reviewed to arrive at hypotheses, to find an experimental design applicable to the study, to sharpen definition of terms, to interpret adequately the data, and to relate the findings to existing sociological knowledge. It was felt that a review of literature relat ing to leadership would be fundamental. This literature would supply, it was hoped, concepts of the elite and the class or classes from which these leaders arise and through which they circulate. This literature would be a source of information on decision-making as an element of leader ship. In order to compare the perception by social class, social stratification must be made apparent. Thus, a study of the literature by sociologists recognized in the field might provide a foundation for such a comparison. 9 Since an index of social class is needed in the analysis of the data, a knowledge of the various indices would be pertinent to the selection of one applicable to this research. Literature on power and power structure would, it was hoped, render definitions, as well as power struc tures which could be used for comparison. A vital part of the study of Orchard City is voluntary associations and their function in the community. Thus, sociological writings concerned with these associations would serve as a frame of reference. And, finally, since this is a com munity study, some of the many studies of communities should be referred to in seeking hypotheses, definitions, techniques of analysis and findings which could be incor porated in this study or used in comparison. Leadership The power structure of a community may or may not be made up of recognized leaders of the community. In what ways are those persons perceived as a power elite different from others perceived or known as civic leaders The characteristics of leadership as set forth in the literature on the subject serve as a guide for such a comparison. Since most early studies of leadership 11 arrived at theory based on speculation, rather than empirical studies, It might lend clarity to discuss early studies before reviewing more recent leadership theory, much of which has empirical basis. Early Studies Social thinkers of ancient times have recorded thoughts and observations on the nature of leaders and leadership. Did they view leaders as the decision-makers? Were the leaders a power elite? How did they attain their position in the power structure and maintain this posi tion? A review of the literature of early social thinkers would supply, it was thought, theory and insight for interpreting the position of leaders and decision-makers in present day social structure. More than two thousand years ago Plato developed the concept of the ideal state,^ a vital part of which concerned the training and requirements of wise leaders-- decision-makers. Aristotle, a student of Plato, was more empirical in his method. He observed society as it existed and stated that society is most stable when ^Plato, The Republic (London: Macmillan Company, 1874). 12 leadership derives Its sanction from the masses. Nlcolo Machiavelli made shrewd observations of the theory and practice of leadership which he recorded In his Discourses and The Prince. He noted that in order to be a successful prince or leader, a person should make himself both beloved and feared by his people. In contrast to Plato's idealized conception of leadership, Aristotle and Machiavelli could be classified as pragmatists or empiricists. Writing in the 18th century, Montesquieu analyzed four types of government and the leadership accompanying each: (1) democracy based on patriotism and the desire for equality; (2) aristocracy, which urges the best few to rule in behalf of the welfare of all; (3) monarchy, with its emphasis on class distinctions; and (4) despotism, which is the rule of one person by the use of fear.^ N. Machiavelli, Discourses (New York: Modern Library, 1940), Book I, Chap. XLVI, p. 192. ^N. Machiavelli, The Prince (Chapel Hill: Uni versity of North Carolina Press, 1944), Chaps. XV, XVI, XVII. ^Charles L. Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laws, trans. Nugent (London: Bell & Sons, 1894), Book II, pp. 4-8. 13 Saint Simon contributed to the theory of leader ship in asserting the inherent necessity of a ruling class. He proclaimed that the ruling class has to possess the requisites and aptitudes most necessary to social leader ship at a given time and in a given type of civilization. Saint Simon's idea was a fore-runner of some of the ideas expressed by Pareto.^ An interesting and valuable concept in relation to leadership is Pareto's elite theory. Pareto hypothesized that in every society there are people who possess in a marked degree the qualities of intelligence, character, skill and capacity to be leaders. They are the aristoc racy. They are elite in all respects except in their ability to reproduce themselves sufficiently to maintain their elite group. As a result, some of the non-elite or lower classes rise to replace the depleted elite class. Pareto calls this interclass movement the circulation of the elite.^ ^Gaeto Mosca, The Ruling Class, ed. A. Livingston (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., Inc., 1939), pp. 329-330. ^Vilfredo Pareto, The Mind and Society, ed. A. Livingston, 4 vols. (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1935), I, 245-247. 14 In his analysis of genius, Lester F. Ward has cast light upon a type of leadership that has been overlooked by many. Ward held that genius, a type of leadership, is largely a focalization on psychic energy. A person, by using all of his energies, emotional and intellectual, can become a leader and contributor to group action.^ In the latter part of the 19th century Gabriel Tarde gave a psycho-social interpretation of leadership and its concomitant, followership. In his book, The Laws o of Imitation, Tarde states that the outstanding element in social life is a psychological process in which inven tions are followed by imitation, and the "superior" are imitated by the "inferior." E. A. Ross gave further social psychological insight into the nature of leadership and followership through his analysis of suggestion and imitation.^ ^Lester F. Ward, Dynamic Sociology (New York: Appleton and Co., 1911), I, 697-699. o Gabriel Tarde, The Laws of Imitation, trans. E. C. Parsons (New York: Henry Hold & Co., 1903), p. 139. ^Edward A. Ross, Social Psychology (New York: The Mac.nillan Co., 1908), pp. 32-33. 15 The role of emotion and its social control in crowd behavior was emphasized by Gustave LeBon.^ Accord* ing to him, the subconscious minds of the individuals are charged with emotions. In a crowd these emotions are dominant; therefore the proletariat is untrustworthy and incapable of choosing wise leadership for a stable govern ment . Two thinkers widely separate in time disagree with the ideas of LeBon. Aristotle believed that the masses could, through democratic processes, arrive at wise leader ship and that the most stable government was that in which the masses chose their leaders. C. H. Cooley, nearly 2000 years later, was convinced of the ability of the masses to think for themselves and to choose competent leaders.^ Cooley also concluded that the leader succeeds only if he sensitively responds to the goals and wishes of the people whom he leads. The place of leaders, decision-makers, in the power structure of society has been a focus of observation ^Gustave LeBon, The Crowd (London: Unwin, 1896), pp. 15-20. 11C. H. Cooley, Social Organization (New York: Charles Scribner's and Sons, 1909), p. 198. 16 and speculation for social thinkers of the ages. Their observations have been the basis of much present-day belief; a review of this literature has given some insight into the power elite in the community today. Recent Leadership Theory Sociological writing emphasizes the place of decision-making in leadership theory. The power elites emerge as such by their ability to make decisions which satisfy their followers. Similarly, members of gangs or small groups become leaders when others in the group accept their decisions. Hunter reports that the community power structure is highly influenced, if not controlled, by a small group of decision-makers who work together as a "clique." If the study by Hunter is an accurate description of the community power structure, then litera ture on leadership, followership and small group leader ship would greatly aid in the analysis of the data of the present study. 12 Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure: A Study of Decision-Makers (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1953), pp. 77-78. The literature on leadership the past few decades has been prolific and can be categorized under the general headings of theory derived from speculation and theory derived through empirical studies. Bogardus stressed the role of the "other person" in the leadership process. Leadership grows out of the social situation and can emerge only in relation to fol- lowership. Therefore, the group approach to the study of leadership is essential to its understanding. Bogardus treated extensively the various theories of leadership and categorized them under the headings of (1) intro version and extroversion, (2) marginal uniqueness and magnetism, (3) localization of psychic energy, (4) flashes of insight, (5) ability in disability, (6) balance and integration, (7) polarization and saturation, (8) situa tion and process, and (9) achievement and appreciation.^ The Gestalt approach or field theory of Kurt Lewin is related to that of Bogardus. The focal point, group 13 E. S. Bogardus, "Leadership and the Social Situation," Sociology and Social Research, XVI (1931), 167-170. ^E. S. Bogardus, Leaders and Leadership (New York D. Appleton-Century Co., Inc., 1934), Part V. 18 primacy, is the most fruitful method of understanding the emergence of leadership. The leader is both a part of and a product of the social unit.^ Homans has devoted much attention to leadership behavior. To the degree that a leader embodies his group's norms and values, he attains his high rank and status. A leader's most valuable personality traits are those that most nearly coincide with the group values. According to Homans, the successful leader (1) will live up to the group's norms better than any follower, (2) will not thrust himself upon his followers on social occasions, (3) will be a "listener," (4) will be unusually well informed, and (5) will always take the total situation 1 6 into consideration. One of the purposes of the present study is an investigation of a power elite perceived to make decisions "behind the scene." The person who seemingly makes the decisions is sometimes directed by another individual, or *--*K. Lewin, "A Research Approach to Leadership Problems," Journal of Educational Sociology, XVII (1944), 392-393. 1^G. C. Homans, The Human Group (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1950), pp. 423-440. 19 he may be directed by the shifting desires of the group. Reisman gave insight into leadership by the term "other* directed. Reisman concluded that "other-directed" personali ties are the typical leaders today. "Other-directed" personalities rather than "inner-directed" or "tradition- directed" are people whose whole mode of behavior is sensitively geared to the goals and proprieties sanctioned by the reference groups to which they owe their current allegiance. The other-directed leader has the ability to shift his behavior to accord with current group demands, whereas the inner-directed or tradition-directed leader's norms are life-long, tightly structured and largely insensitive to environmental pressures. The other- directed leader may be characterized by anxiety, desire for approval and conformity, rather than by independence and self-sufficiency.^"® Small Group Leadership Hunter states that the po^/er elite of a community works together as a "clique." The power elite is a small . Reisman, The Lonely Crowd (New York: Yale University Press, 1950}”! pp. 19-20” 18 Ibid... PP. 295-306. 20 group characterized by a high degree of esprit de corps. This small group supplies community leaders to "carry the ball" when problems arise in the community. These leaders work with and through a larger group of executors who put into effect the policies decided upon by the small group 19 of leaders. There is then, a relationship between leaders in the community power structure and leaders in the small group. In the past two decades the study of small groups has been a most fertile field for the study of leadership, and the power elite in particular. Stouffer's studies of the primary group in the army calls attention to the great importance of primary group loyalty for military morale and leadership and to the relative unimportance of direct identification with total symbols (total army, state, political cause, etc.). u 19 Hunter, op. cit., p. 65. 90 S. A. Stouffer et al., The American Soldier (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), IV, 149-162. 21 In his study of leadership behavior in the navy, Shartle found that the stereotype leader is one who places few demands upon his followers, does not interfere with their freedom, is "one of the boys" himself, and gets 21 things done. These observations by small group analysts were evident in the study of Orchard City. As an interviewee stated, "When a big rancher wants to get something done he will have a beer with the mayor, and things will get done." This suggests that sociological literature of small groups would aid in the analysis of the elite in the power structure of a community. To mention only two studies of gangs among the many that have been made, Thrasher's The Gang (1927)22 23 and Whyte's Street Corner Society (1945) are important field researches in showing how leadership emerges in small informal and formal groups. 2*C. L. Shartle, "Studies in Naval Leadership," in H. Guetzkow (ed.), Groups, Leadership and Men (Pitts burgh: Carnegie Press, 1951), pp. 119-133. 22F. Thrasher, The Gang (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1927), pp. 344-363. 23W. p. Whyte, Street Corner Society (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1945), pp. 94-98. 22 Other leaders in the field of social psychology such as Muzafer Sheriff and T. M. Newcomb2^ maintain that the person chosen as a leader will retain his position only as long as he is acutely sensitive to the range of norms, from the subtlest to the most patent, which the group assesses as vital. Of all basic leadership traits, it is maintained the most imperative is conformity to group values and skillful perception of group goals, aspirations, codes and folkways. Social Stratification and Social Class The primary aim of the present study is to under stand the perception of the power structure by several social classes in a community. This presupposes that social stratification is a reality and that social classes do exist. How many social classes are there and by what means are social classes determined? A review of the literature pertaining to social stratification and social class is pertinent and essential in order to arrive at 2^M. Sherif, An Outline of Social Psychology (New York: Dryden Press, 1950), pp. 170-171. 25T. M. Newcomb, Social Psychology (New York: Dryden Press, 1950), pp. 264-299. 23 some basis for determining social classes for the present study. It was hoped that literature on social stratifica tion and social class would reveal the function of the power elite in social organization. Of what class or classes are the elite members and through what channels do they carry out their decisions? An investigation of the literature might disclose some answers to these questions. Social thinkers from earliest times have noted that individuals in society are bound together in a matrix to perform for each other the variety of occupational roles and functions the individuals and the group require. In this interaction process, which supplied man's social as well as his physical needs, values are placed on the various occupations and activities, and from this a status hierarchy emerges. This hierarchy, the product of the interaction of social differentiation and social 26 evaluation, is social stratification. 26 Bernard Barber, Social Stratification: A Com parative Analysis of Structure and Process (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Co., 1957), pp. 11-14. 24 Some utopian writers have created in fiction, societies of a classless nature. These societies were created to do away with the social injustices of a par ticular time. Where attempts have been made to put these utopian societies into practice, an adjustment to "the practical world" has been necessary, and social stratifica tion has resulted. In The History of Utopian Thought, Hertzler points out that life is and probably always will be a constant struggle, that ideal states are not neces sarily the final goal in social endeavor.^ Social strati fication is a phenomenon of society. The myth of class less societies is as erroneous in utopian theory as it is in Marxist philosophy. Surveying the literature on stratification, Barber has arrived at a list criteria of evaluation of individuals in society in the stratification process. "Only such a list will bring out the similar problems that all societies face and the similar hierarchical systems of functionally differentiated roles that exist to meet these problems," ^J. 0. Hertzler, The History of Utopian Thought (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1923), p. 301. 25 Barber further states.2® This list includes political roles, military roles, religious roles, economic roles, birth or lineage, and wealth. Since social stratification is an element inherent to society, it can be perceived as a structure. This structure is divided ^.nto units referred to as social classes. Using the family as the basic unit of society, a set of families that share equal or nearly equal pres tige according to the criteria of evaluation in the system of stratification make up a social class. As Barber states, . . . viewed along its vertical axis, the structure of a stratification system consists of two or more social classes, that is, sets of families sharing roughly equal prestige, the classes being ranked as superior or inferior to one another.29 Although social scientists are in agreement regard ing the reality of social class, there is disagreement as to (1) the criteria for defining social classes and (2) the number of social classes. In his study of social stratification in Citrus City, T. E. Lasswell concludes: OQ Barber, op. cit., p. 30. 29Ibid.. p. 73. 26 While a class stereotype may serve as a basis for the treatment of behavior of individuals, there does not appear to be any scientific criteria of general applicability for defining particular social classes with any degree of precision.30 The number of classes delineated by students of stratification usually varies from two to six. Among the O 1 European theorists, Marx is one of the best known. Marx emphasized the bi-polar nature of society and the inevi table conflict that arises between these two classes. Marx pointed out that historically, society has been at various times divided into two social classes: freemen and slaves, patricians and serfs, and at present, capitalists and proletarians. Marx saw only two social classes in society. One of the most creative and prolific writers on class in America is W. Lloyd Warner. Warner's studies lead him to the conclusion that American society is divided into six different classes: upper-upper, lower- upper, upper-middle, lower-middle, upper-lower and lower- ^Thomas E. Lasswell, "Status Stratification in a Selected Community" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Depart, of Sociology, University of Southern California, February, 1953), p. 72. ■^Karl Marx, Das Kapital, trans. Moore and Areling (Chicago: Kerr, 1909), Vol. I, Chap. 32. 27 lower.32 Warner used this larger number of social classes to better understand the different kinds of correlated behavior in American society. Warner has been criticized for assuming that there are always and only six classes in American society.^3 He has been criticized for not seeing that other numbers of classes might be useful for other purposes. Although Warner’s Yankee City Series has been highly acclaimed, it has not been without criticism. C. W. Mills, in reviewing the first volume, written by Warner and Lunt, called "The Social Life of a Modem Community" wrote: Stated as precisely and in as balanced a manner as I can, the "pluses"and "minuses" of this study are as follows: Plus in general focus (topic) and in accumulated "data." Minus: In theory and in conceptual distinctions. They sum up like this: Because the accumulation of "data" is intrinsically related to conceptual distinctions, the "data" accumulated are "plus" only to the extent that they are presented "in the raw." Therefore, the chapters of the volume can be ranked in terms of how much Lloyd W. Warner and Paul S. Lunt, "The Social Life of a Modern Community," Yankee City Series (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1941), I, xx-460. ^Kingsley Davis, "The Status System of a Modern Community," American Journal of Sociology, XLVIII (January, 1943), 511-313. 28 reporting there is and how little conceptualizing is attempted.™ As a result of his research in Elmtown, Hollings- head outlined a five-fold class structure of mid-western 35 American communities. In concluding that there are five classes, Hollingshead used a methodological tool developed by other social scientists in the 1930's. This method utilized local people of long residence in a community as raters or judges of the person's prestige, status or class position.^ Hollingshead used this method because the use of local people as judges to place the families of the adolescents in the social struc ture would utilize local values to define posi tion, standing, or class in a more functional way than an arbitrarily imposed factor such as a single criterion or index could have done.^ O / C. W. Mills, in Warner and Lunt, op. cit. Ameri can Sociological Review, VII (April, 1942), 271. Cf. also reviews by Davis, loc. cit., and Helen Wolfe, Science, CX (October 28, 1949), 436. 35 A. B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1949), p. 439. 36 Edgar A. Schuler, "Social and Economic Status in a Louisiana Hills Community," Rural Sociology, V (March, 1940), 69-85. "^Hollingshead, op. cit., pp. 27-28. 29 Suimnarizing the agreement and disagreement as to the hierarchical structure of society, Barber concluded: There seems to be no reason to suppose that there are any gaps in the linear dimension of evaluation based on the functionally significant social roles that are the determinants of strati- ficational position in society. There also seems to be no reason to suppose that there are any breaks in the continuum of knowledge and responsi bility that are the dimensions underlying the criteria of evaluation and--the various indicators of stratificational position in society--such indicators as what people say, whom they associate with, and what symbols of position they possess-- do in fact arrange the members of a society along a continuous vertical dimension.38 Indices of Social Class To what class or classes do the perceived power elite of the community belong? Do the various social classes perceive differing power structures in the com munity? A method of establishing the social class of interviewee and perceived decision-makers had to be arrived at in order to carry out the aim of the study. Therefore a review of the literature on indices of social class is an essential part of this study. The growing volume of empirical studies based on the assumption of class differences indicates that 38 Barber, op. cit. , pp. 77-78. 30 sociologists feel the need for finding shorter and more reliable methods of placing the individual in a position in the class structure. This need has resulted in several indices of social class. As scientific study is constantly seeking indi cators that have a series of characteristics not always present in common-sense usage, indicators must be stand ardized so that they can be applied in precisely the same way to all the things they are supposed to point to or to measure. An indicator must be reliable, i.e., give the same result when used by different people. A third required characteristic of an indicator is that it be scalar. This makes it possible to arrange different amounts or degrees of phenomena along a true scalar range. A scientific indicator with these qualifications may be OQ called an index. Construction of indices of social class position is a relatively recent undertaking. Some pioneers in the field of occupational indices have been Edwards^ and 3^Ibid., pp. 168-169. ^See sixteenth census of the United States: 1940 population, Occupation Statistics for the United States. 1910-1940 (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office). 31 41 Centers. Utilizing the actual evaluations that people made of different occupations were the approaches used by Counts,^ Lehman and WittyAnderson,^ Smith,^ Deeg and Patterson,^ and Welsh.^ These studies were criticized on the basis that'they were not representative of the American population. In 1946 the National Opinion Research Center made a study of occupational evaluation. As criticized by ^Richard Centers, The Psychology of Social Classes (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 34-54. ^George S. Counts, "Social Status of Occupations," School Review, XXX (1925), 16-27. c. Lehman and P. A. Witty, "Further Study of the Social Status of Occupations," Journal Educational Sociology, V (1931), 101-112. ^W. A. Anderson, "The Occupational Attitudes of College Men," Journal of Social Psychology, V (1934), 435-466. ^Mapheus Smith, "An Empirical Scale of the Pres tige Status of Occupations," American Sociological Review, VIII (1943), 185-192. ^M. e . Deeg and D. G. Patterson, "Changes in Social Status of Occupations," Occupations, XXV (1947), 205-208. 47 Maryon K. Welsh, "The Ranking of Occupations on the Basis of Social Status," Occupations, XVII (1949), 237-241. 32 48 Hatt, the occupational titles were not specific enough and the 90 categories of occupations not sufficient to cover the broad number of occupations. Hatt found that by using the Guttman scaling technique* the list of 90 occupa tions did not* in fact, form a single scale. However, by grouping certain "families" consisting of occupations of similar type, Hatt found that a scalar series did exist. Eight scalable occupational families isolated by Hatt were: the political; the professional; business; recreation and esthetic; military; agricultural; manual work; service occupations. Thus, a superior index of social class position was developed. In a study of Jonesville, Warner and his associates relied upon evaluated participation (E.P.) as an indicator of social class p o s i t i o n .^9 Although this method had its merits, a simpler method was desired. Recently, Warner constructed a multiple-item index using occupation, amount of income, source of income, house type, residential loca tion and amount of education. For each, a seven-point scale was used. For example, the seven-point scale 48pa«l K. Hatt, "Occupation and Social Stratifica tion," American Journal of Sociology. LV (1950), 533-543. 49 W. Lloyd Warner, M. Meeker and Kenneth Eells, Social Class in America: A Manual for Procedure for the Measurement of Social Status (Chicago: Science Research Associates, 1949), Chaps. 8-14. 33 for source of income item consisted of inherited wealth, earned wealth, profits and fees, salary, wages, private relief, and public relief and nonrespectable income. The items were given different weights since the items were not considered equally significant as indicators of social class position. The computed results gave an "Index of Status Characteristics," or "I.S.C.," as Warner designates this index. Chapin's "Living Room Scale" is another type of multiple-index of social class position.^ Chapin defined class position as follows: Socio-economic status is the position that an individual or family occupies with reference to the prevailing average standards of cultural possessions, effective income, material pos sessions, and participation in the group activities of the community. In accordance with this definition, Chapin constructed four different scales--one scale to measure cultural equipment, one to measure effective income, one to measure material possessions by another list of articles of house hold equipment and a fourth scale to measure participation . S. Chapin, Contemporary American Institutions, (New York: Harper & Bros., 1935), Chap. 19. Ibid., p. 374. 34 in the group activities of the community. These scales were weighed and a score computed. Upon analysis, Chapin found that, "The totals of the weights given to living- room equipment were found to correlate so highly with the combined weights of the four indices that equipment of the living-room could be taken as a fair index of socio economic status. "-*2 One of the merits of the Living Room Scale is that it can be easily applied. It has been criticized-^ because it has been standardized for an urban population only and it must be re-standardized from time to time. Conspicuous consumption during times of prosperity on the part of some members of the lower class may render this index unreliable. Hollingshead developed a two-factor index of social p o s i t i o n . Occupation and education are the two factors 32Ibid., p. 373. F. H. Finch and A. J. Hoehn, "Measuring Socio- Economic or Cultural Status: A Comparison of Methods," Journal of Social Psychology. XXXIII (1951), 51-67. 3V B. Hollingshead, Two-Factor Analysis of Social Position (published in mimeograph form by Sociology Depart ment, Yale University, 1958). 35 involved. Each is scaled and weighted individually to obtain a single score. The educational scale is based upon the years of school completed by the head of the household. There are seven categories on this range. Correct use of the occupation scale demands a precise knowledge of the occupation of the head of the household. Hollingshead classified occupations into seven main groups with sub-groups. When the index of social position score is cal culated, the individual may be stratified either on the continuum of scores or into a "class." There are five classes similar to those found in Elmtown. Kahl and Davis have made a study of the intercor relations among a great many different items used as indicators of social position.Their analysis shows the two best indicators to be occupation and quality of the house and the residential areas. This concurs in part with Hatt who has shown that occupation is the best single index of social position in contemporary American society. ^Joseph a . Kahl and James A. Davis, "A Comparison of Indexes of Socio-Economic Status, " American Socio logical Review, XX(1955), 317-325. 36 In order to obtain an index of social class usable for the study of Orchard City, the foregoing literature was reviewed. As a result, Hollingshead’s Two Factor Analysis of Social Position was thought most applicable to the study. This method is discussed in a following chapter. Power and Power Structure Since the study of Orchard City was to center on an analysis of the power structure of the community, it was essential to review literature which would supply applicable concepts and definitions. The field of power has been approached in a limited fashion--both in theoretical analysis and empirical studies. As late as 1947, Maclver stated, There is no reasonably adequate study of the nature of social power. The majority of works on the theme are devoted either to proclaiming the importance of the role of power, like those of Hobbes, Gumplowicz, Ratzenhofer, Steinmetz, Treitschke, and so forth, or to deploring that role, like Bertrand Russell in his Power.^6 56Rc>bert M. Maclver, The Web of Government (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1947), p. 438. 37 Concerning the influence and power, Barber states, A hard look at contemporary social science will show that there is little consensus on the theory of influence and that there is also very little sound empirical research on which such a theory might be based.57 Power Defined In Community Power Structure, Floyd Hunter uses a working definition of power. Hunter states: One hypothesis taken is that power is a necessary function in a society. Power is also a necessary function in the community, for it involves decision-making and it also involves the function of executing determined policies-- or seeing to it that things get done which have been deemed necessary to be done. The term "power" is no reified concept, but an abstract term denoting a structural description of social processes. Or, in simpler terms, power is a word that will be used to describe the acts of men going about the business of moving other men to act in relation to themselves or in relation to organic or inorganic things.58 In a somewhat similar fashion H. D. Las swell arrived at a definition of power in relation to decision making . "^Bernard, op. cit. , p. 234. 58 Hunter, op. cit-, pp. 2-3. 38 The decision process appears to combine sub jective and behavioristic connotations, and to imply phases of initiative, consideration, enactment and enforcement. A decision can be defined as a severely sanctioned choice. When statuses, ordinances and awards are flouted or disregarded, they are not true decisions; we speak of them at best as presumptive decisions. Power we can now define as sharing in decisions. Decision-makers and decision-making is the focal point of power according to Mills in The Power Elite. The power elite is composed of men whose positions enable them to transcend the ordinary environments of ordinary men and women; they are in positions to make decisions having major con sequences . Whether they do or do not make such decisions is less important than the fact that they do occupy such pivotal positions; their failure to act, their failure to make decisions, is itself an act that is often of greater con sequence than the decisions they do make.60 Weber defines power as the probability of being able to control the actions of other people.61 It is the end desired by parties. Power, then, is a potentiality QO H. D. Lasswell and others, The Comparative Study of Elites (Palo Alto: Hoover Institute Studies, Stanford University Press, 1952), pp. 7-8. 60C. Wright Mills, The Power Elite (New York: Oxford University Press, 1956), pp. 3-4. ^Max Weber, The Theory of Social and Economic Organization, trans. A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons (New York: Oxford University Press, 1947), p. 152. 39 in social behavior. Since it is potential, it is often impossible to see. Kahl in The American Class Structure also treates power as a "latent factor in all behavior."62 He approaches the study of power through the delineation of the cliques of important men in a community. He espe cially examines the potentialities of power among those who win and control capital wealth. The "utopian" ideology that all influence is "power" and that power is both intrinsically evil and functionally unnecessary is an ideology not shared by social scientists, Barber emphasizes.*>3 Power, like stratification or division of labor is an element of society and cannot be avoided by those in society. It should be studied by students of society. In arriving at a definition of social power, Maclver notes that there is an interdependence among the terms authority, property, power and status. Authority, he states, is often used to define power, the power to command obedience. Property conveys both power and status. 62Joseph A. Kahl, The American Class Structure (New York: Rinehart and Co., Inc., 1957), p. 10. ^Barber, op. cit., p. 233. 40 Status confers power and power confers status. He defined power as meaning "the capacity in any relationship to command the service or compliance of others. In his analysis of social power, Bierstedt observed that power is a social phenomenon, not merely a political or economic one, and that power should be dis tinguished from prestige, influence, dominance, rights, force and authority. Power is latent force; force is mani fest power; authority is institutionalized power.^ Bierstedt noted that as late as 1950 the field of power was one almost untouched by sociologists. It is a field that has been left to the political scientists. He emphasizes that the roots of power are to be found in the community and the task and opportunity for sociologists lies in analyzing power here at its source.^ Power Structure Where power lies and by whom it is used is closely allied to social stratification and class structure. Mayer ^Maclver, op. cit., p. 82. ^Robert Bierstedt, "An Analysis of Social Power," American Sociological Review, XV (1950), 730-738. 66Ibid.. p. 730. 41 described a three-dimensional structure of social strati fication.^^ First, the economic dimension stratifies modem populations according to the amount and source of income, which usually is derived from a set of occupational activities, the ownership of property or both. A second dimension is the status order, where the term status is used to refer to differentiation of prestige and differ ence among individuals and groups in a society. The power structure is the third dimension of social stratification, where power is defined as the ability to control the behavior of others. Maclver contrasted the structure of three types 6 8 of power pyramids diagrammatically. In one, the caste pyramid, the base of the structure is wide and thick and is made up of slaves, serfs and peasants. Higher in the pyramid, but occupying a much smaller base and smaller area are the administrative class and clergy. At the top of the pyramid, occupying a still smaller area, are the nobility and monarchy. The oligarchical pyramid 67Kurt B. Mayer, Class and Society (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., 1955), p. 26. ^®MacIver, op. cit., pp. 100-104. 42 assumes a more triangular shape, but is still narrower at the top than the third pyramid of power--that describing the power structure of a democracy. Social mobility is shown in a more fluid state in the democratic power pyramid than in the other two. The sociometric school has supplied a device which suitably lends itself to analysis of the power structure and particularly to leadership in this structure. This 69 technique, pioneered by Moreno, has been used extensively by small group analysts and recently has been applied to the study of community power to advantage by Floyd Hunter/^ Jennings,^ a student of Moreno, has used this socio metric approach in the study of social structure and leadership. Jennings believes that group social structure is the crucial determinant of leadership. Using the ^Jacob L. Moreno, Who Shall Survive? (New York: Beacon House, Inc., 1953), pp. 333-379. ^Hunter, Community Power Structure, Chap. 4, pp. 60-113. 7lHelen H. Jennings, "Structure of Leadership-- Development and Sphere of Influence," Sociometry, VII (1937), 138. 72 Helen H. Jennings, "Leadership--A Dynamic Re- Definition," Journal of Educational Sociology, XVII (September-May, 1943-45), 431. 43 sociometric approach, she notes that the "overchosen," or leaders have been found to show an "unusual orientation to the more subtle elements of the group situation; they seem to internalize their own private worries and anx ieties," and they are notably more successful than non leaders in establishing rapport with others. By using the sociometric method, Hunter has demonstrated the structure of power in Regional City by showing the number of mutual choices among leaders of the city.^ This has enabled him to point out the channels of communication among members of the power group of the community. Other theoretical and empirical studies of the structure of power have been enlightening. In describing power and the flow of influence, Katz and Lazarsfeld utilize a three-dimensional structure. (1) position in the "life-cycle," (2) position on the community’s social and economic ladder, and (3) gregariousness, or the extent of social contacts.^ The Lynds, in Middletown in ^Hunter, "The Structure of Power in Regional City," Community Power Structure, Chap. 4, pp. 60-131. ^Elihu Katz and Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Personal Influence (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press, 1955), pp. 220-223. Transition, describe the lines of communication and the structure of power operating in an American community Holling8head does not fully define the difference between the power structure and prestige structure of Elmtown; however,, he shows how the cliques and dating groups of Elmtown's high school students are functionally related to the prestige structure of the adult society.Several community studies, though not outlining the power struc ture, have shown the close relationship between class structure and power. Some of these studies are Caste and 77 78 Class in a Southern Town, After Freedom, Plainville, U.S.A. a n d Social Stratification in a Plains Com munity . ^Robert S. and Helen M. Lynd, Middletown in Transition: A Study in Cultural Conflict (New York: Harcourt Brace & Co., 1937), Chap. IX, pp. 319-372. ^Hollingshead, op. cit. , Chaps. 4 and 9. ^John Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town (New York: Harper & Bros., 1949). 78 Hortense Powdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: The Viking Press, 1939). ^James West, Plainville. U.S.A. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945). 80 Wayne Wheeler, Social Stratification in a Plains Community (Minneapolis, Minnesota: Wayne Wheeler, 1949). 45 Voluntary Associations and Power Structure In this study the Interviewee was asked to name voluntary organizations as well as other organizations which, in his estimation, played a role in the power structure of the community. A review of the literature pertaining to the relationship of voluntary associations and the power structure revealed a spareity of material on this subject. Some studies, however, were pertinent and helpful in showing this relationship as perceived by the people of Orchard City. In 1943 Chapin made a study attempting to show the relationship between leadership in voluntary associations 81 and the power structure of the community. A follow-up 82 study was made in 1949. Using the data collected by Chapin, Olmstead expanded the analysis of the original data of the social participation scores and was able to trace the patterns of participation of 43 community 81 F. S. Chapin, The Impact of War on Community Leadership and Opinion in Red Wing (Minneapolis, Min nesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1945). ft 9 F. S. Chapin, The Social Participation Scale (rev. ed.; Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1952). 46 leaders of 1943, and 64 of 1949, of whom 36 were the same QO persons on each date. J The two hypotheses supported were (a) the social participation scores provided an objective basis for inferences regarding patterns of leadership in voluntary organizations and (b) these voluntary-organization leadership patterns constitute an integral part of the power structure or influence systems of the social organization of the community studied.8^ The many studies of community structure have pointed to the growing number of voluntary associations in contemporary society. Arnold Rose developed a theory of the function of voluntary associations in present-day culture in his recent book, Theory and Method in the Q C Social Sciences. Rose identifies three functions of voluntary associations: (a) they distribute power over 88D. W. Olmstead, "Organizational Leadership and Social Structure in a Small City," American Sociological Review, XIX (1954), 273-281. See also R. S. Vaile, Red Wing Five Years Later (Minneapolis, Minnesota: Univer sity of Minnesota Press, 1952). 8^Ibid., pp. 280-281. 85Arnold M. Rose, Theory and Method in the Social Sciences (Minneapolis, Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1954), pp. 50-115. 47 social life; (b) they provide a sense of satisfaction with the modern democratic process; and (c) they provide a social mechanism for continually initiating social 86 changes. Rose builds the thesis that these functions developed because the conditions of community life in the United States encouraged them. Their functions are an outgrowth of weak local governments in frontier days and a traditional distrust of central government. The increasing mobility of the population and the rapidity of social change were also favoring factors. Before the industrial revolution the expanded family, the church and community met the needs for human fellowship, personal security and an "explanation of the forces of the per ceived world." With the coming of the industrial revolu tion, the social institutions of the local community were weakened, and as a consequence, voluntary associations began to form to fill the need. Durkheim perceived the need for and the place of voluntary associations in the societal structure when he said, 86Ibid., p. 51. 48 A nation can be maintained only if, between the state and the individual, there is inter calated a whole series of secondary groups near enough to the individuals to attract them strongly in their sphere of action, and drag them in this way into the general torrent of social life.®^ Komarovsky describes the prevalence of voluntary associations and the role they play in the social class system in an article in the American Journal of Sociol- In 1951 John E. Tsouderos made a study of the formalization process in the social structures of 91 89 voluntary associations in Minneapolis. This study is largely concerned with the forms and patterns of structure rather than psychological correlates. Concerning the growth of bureaucracy as an out growth of voluntary associations, Chapin has put forth the following hypothesis: ®^E. Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, first edition of 1893, trans. G. Simpson (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1933), p. 7. ^®M. Kamarovsky, "Cultural Contradictions and Sex Roles," American Journal of Sociology, LII (1956), 184-189. Q Q J. E. Tsourderas, "Organizational Change," American Social Review, XX (1955), 206-210. 49 Bureaucratic tendencies, usually identified with political institutions, whether business corporations, industry, churches, universities or school systems. Beginnings of the formaliza tion process may be seen in the history of ^ voluntary organizations of American culture. Chapin traces voluntary organizations from their inception to their formalized state. In its first stage, an informal group of citizens will get together to solve a community need. A chairman is selected, and later, committees are formed. As the structure begins to formalize the original purpose of the group, i.e., solving a community need, becomes secondary to desire for dignity and status which goes with the various offices within the organization. Dignity and status of office take on added prestige and social position is sought for by interested 91 persons. Emphasizing the structural features and function of voluntary groups in the community's social system, Komarovsky’s study in New York City reveals that (a) associational membership and participation were much more characteristic of the upper white collar classes than of ^F. S. Chapin, "The Growth of Bureaucracy--An Hypothesis," American Social Review, XVI (1951), pp. 835-836. ^ Ibid. , p. 836 . 50 blue collar workers; (b) a large proportion of the adults, especially those on working class levels, had no associa- tional affiliations.*^ Dynamic Nature of Power In approaching the study of the power structure of Orchard City, a review of the literature analyzing social mobility and the dynamic nature of power was found to be helpful in designing the schedule, categorizing comments and analyzing the data. This literature proved to be invaluable as the perception of the many power pyramids became evident. The dynamic nature of power is closely related to O ') Sorokin s concept of social mobility. The relationship between the distribution of power, class structure and status hierarchy is highly dynamic. The positions that most people occupy in the power structure, class structure and status structure during stable periods are quite similar. During times of social, technological or no M. Komarovsky, "The Voluntary Associations of Urban Dwellers," American Social Review, XI (1946), 686-698. 93Pitirim A. Sorokin, Social Mobility (New York: Harper & Bros., 1927), pp. 133-163. 51 economic upheaval, the discrepancies between these three dimensions are widened. Invasion and succession in the community sometimes causes a subtle or dramatic shift in power. In the occupa tion hierarchy, invasion and succession cause power to move from individual to individual and from group to 94 group. Homans has shown the dynamic nature of power in Q C small groups. J Group needs are constantly changing and leadership is conferred on the member who is most able to direct the group to a satisfactory answer to its felt needs. Power is as dynamic as needs and leadership in the group. On the national level, Mills has shown the dynamic nature of power around the conference table between labor and management leaders.^ The winds of public opinion ^Kurt Mayer, Class and Society (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday & Co., Inc., 1955), pp. 69-79. ^^G. C. Homans, The Human Group (New York: Har- court, Brace & Co., 1950), pp. 172-189. 96C. W. Mills, The New Men of Power. America's Labor Leaders (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1948)„ pp. 73-75. 52 may one day confer power on the labor leader and the next day a disgruntled public may reduce the leader to a less favorable position at the conference table. Community Reviewing the literature on community and com munity studies was deemed important for several reasons. A definition of community was desired as well as an out line of the boundaries of the community in order to establish the geographical limits of the study. The ecological approach to the study of a community renders terms and theories useful in analyzing the comments by the interviewed sample concerning the place of residence of the decision-makers of the community. Reviewing previous studies of communities supplied a number of sound sociological methods and techniques which were applicable to the present study. Much insight necessary for the interpretation of the data obtained was supplied by previous studies. Community Defined The term community has been used rather loosely at times in sociological writings. Some sociologists 53 have attempted to delineate the meaning of this term. Maclver and Page define community as a place where . . . the members of any group, small or large, live together in such a way that they share, not this or that particular interest, but the basic conditions of a common life. . . . The mark of the community is that one's life may be lived wholly within it. One cannot live wholly within a business organization or a church; one can live wholly within a tribe or a city. The basic criterion of a community, then, is that all of one's social relationship may be found within it.^7 Communities do not necessarily need to be self- sufficient. Although primitive tribes often are self- sufficient, modern communities are more likely to be within a larger community and dependent economically and politically upon surrounding communities, the metropolis, Q O the region, nation and world. The community is an area of social living which exhibits some degree of social coherence and supplies the basic needs of the individuals within it. m . Maclver and Charles H. Page, Society: An Introductory Analysis (New York: Rinehart and Co., Inc., 1949), p. 9. 98 Maclver, The Web of Government, p. 193. 54 The bases of community are locality and community sentiment. Locality is the territorial area to which a community adheres. It is the area in which the larger part of the social relationships take place. Community sentiment is depicted by a highly significant set of group attitudes. These are: (1) "We-feeling," which is char acterized by collective participation in an indivisible unity and an identification on the part of the individuals with the group. The "we-feeling" is attached to a ter ritorial locality and is intensified when the community is threatened. This feeling or sentiment exhalts the members to sacrifice individual needs for the group needs. (2) Role-feeling, which is the sense of place or station of the individual in the group. (3) Dependency-feeling, which involves the economic aspects of material needs and psychological aspects which allow the expression of 99 the individual's social nature. Tonnies has given three criteria of community or Gemeinshaft. These are, "(1) kinship, (2) neighborhood, 99 R. M. Maclver, Society: A Textbook of Sociology (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, Inc., 1937), pp. 147-150. 55 and (3) friendship as definite and meaningful derivations of these original categories."100 The household constitutes the realm and the body of kinship; neighborhood describes the general character of living together in the rural village. Friendship is independent of kinship and neighborhood. It is conditioned by similarity of work and intellectual attitudes. In studying Elratown, Hollingshead considered the 102 town and surrounding dependent area as the community. Ecological Approach to Status in the Community At the outset of this study it was proposed that Hollingshead's Three Factor Index of Social Position be used in the analysis of social classes. One of these factors demands an accurate knowledge of ecological areas of the community. Thus, it was thought, a review of the ^^Ferdinand Tonnies, Fundamental Concepts of Sociology, trans. Charles P. Loomis (New York: American Book Co., 1940), p. 48. 101Ibid., Chap. III. 102 Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth, pp. 64-65. 56 literature setting forth the ecological approach to the community would be essential. A knowledge of the ecological areas of the com munity was important in dividing the base map into four areas that would equally distribute the ecological areas. It was proposed in the preliminary stage of the study that these four areas be used on the basis of a stratified sample. Here, also the literature on ecological areas would be helpful. The ecological approach to the study of the com munity was founded by Park and furthered by McKenzie and Burgess.Park's approach was largely processual. He delineated certain elements in the ecological process as competition, conflict, accommodation and assimilation. Burgess' concentric zone theory of urban growth repre sented a zonal approach.Hoyt's sector theory of urban 103 Robert E. Park and Ernest Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1921), p. 507. 104 J. A. Quinn, "The Burgess Zonal Hypothesis and Its Critics," American Sociological Review, V (1940), 210-218. 57 expansion was a modification of Burgess' t h e o r y . 105 A present-day theorist who remains fairly closely identified with the "classical" point of view is Hawley. To him "sustenance activities and relationship" is the main focus of community study.^06 Another present-day ecol ogist, Quinn, is concerned largely with the application of ecological principles and concepts to the urban com munity and the metropolitan region.107 yis emphasis upon the "impersonal, sub-social aspects of a real structure and change" and his attempt to distinguish between "social and ecological levels of coexistence relations" reveal the influence of McKenzie and Park. Methodological instruments for the measurement of ecological patterns and processes have developed, espe cially those related to the measurement of segregation and natural areas. Hatt's study of natural areas in Seattle was one of the first demonstrations to measure lO^Homer Hoyt and A. M. Weimer, Principles of Real Estate (3rd ed.; New York: Ronald Press Co., 1954), pp. 334-338. IO^a . H. Hawley, Human Ecology: A Theory of Com munity Structure (New York: Ronald Press Co., 1950),p. 73. 107James Alfred Quinn, Human Ecology (New York: Prentice Hall, 1950), Chaps. VIII and IX, pp. 163-218. 58 108 quantitatively the phenomenon of natural area. Jahn, Schmid, and Schrag developed four indices applicable to the measurement of segregation of Negroes in American 1 QQ cities. Census tract data have been utilized to find an index to the degree of racial segregation in a city. The Cowgills have developed a technique which affords a degree of precision in the measurement of segregation. In seeking to develop a procedure for the delinea tion of urban social areas, Shevky and Williams employed three indices: (1) social rank, indicated by measurement of occupation and education; (2) urbanization, representing measures of fertility, gainfully employed women, and single-dwelling or multiple-dwelling residences; and (3) segregation, representing measures of ecological l^®Paul K. Hatt, "The Concept of Natural Areas," American Sociological Review, XI (1946), 423-427. 109 J. Jahn, Calvin F. Schmid and C. Schrag, "The Measurement of Ecological Segregation," American Socio logical Review, XII (1947), 292-303. ^•^Donald and Mary S. Cowgill, "An Index of Segregation Based on Block Statistics," American Socio logical Review, XVI (1951), 825-831. 59 segregation of social or ethnic groups. 111 Some studies using ecological segregation as a tool are Mack's study of Swedes and Italians in an indus- 112 trial port on Lake Erie, Lee's study of American 113 Chinatown, and Jonassen's study of Norwegians in New York.114 Ecological decentralization has been the focus of social scientists interested in urban communities. Queen and Carpenter analyzed census data for seven medium sized cities and their fringe areas.11^ In ascertaining the reasons for movement into the interstitial zone, and the direction of movement, Rodehaven emphasized the 111Eshref Shevky and Marilyn Williams, The Social Areas of Los Angeles, Berkeley and San Francisco (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1949), p. 61. 112 Raymond W. Mack, "Ecological Patterns in an Industrial Shop," Social Forces, XXXII (1954), 351-356. 113 Rose Hum Lee, "The Decline of Chinatowns in the U.S.," American Journal of Sociology, LIV (1948-49), 422-432. 114Christen T. Jonassen, "Cultural Variables in the Ecology of an Ethnic Group," American Sociological Review, XIV (1949), 32-41. 11^Stuart A. Queen and David C. Carpenter, "The Rural-Urban Fringe: From the Urban Point of View," Rural Sociology, XII (1947), 254-263. 60 cultural, social and demographic characteristics of the fringe population. Other studies of decentralization have been made by Firey,*^ Dewey,Gist,*^ Martin, 1 o o Whyte,121 jaco and Belknap. Community Structure The community study attempted here, for obvious reasons would demand a thorough review of other community studies. This literature would be helpful in supplying concepts of community, community structure and dynamics. H^Myles W. Rodehaven, "Fringe Settlement as a Two-Dimensional Movement," Rural Sociology, XII (1947), 49-57. 117 Walter Firey, "Social Aspects of Land Use Planning in the Country-City Fringe," Michigan State Col lege Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 339 (1946). 118 Richard Dewey, "Peripheral Expansion in Mil waukee County," American Journal of Sociology, LIV (1948- 49), 118-125. 119 Noel P. Gist, "Developing Patterns of Urban Decentralization," Social Forces, XXX (March, 1952), 257-267. 120waiter T. Martin, The Rural-Urban Fringe: A Study of Adjustment to Residential Location (Eugene: Uni versity of Oregon Press, 1953), pp. 39-49. H. Whyte, Jr., "The Transients," Fortune, XLVII (1953), 112-117, 221-226. 122 E. G. Jaco and I. Belknap, "Is a New Family Emerging in the Suburb?" American Sociological Review, XVIII (1953), 550-557. 61 Questionnaires, schedules and interviewing techniques would be helpful. The observations and interpretations made in previous field studies would be a guide for the study being undertaken in Orchard City. Early sociologists during the first quarter of the 20th century in both Europe and America were concerned primarily with building theories of community and com munity structure. The study of Middletown by the Lynds was the beginning of many field studies which attempted to shed light on this subject. The participant-observer method introduced a new method of insight into community 121 structure. Middletown in Transition added another dimension to field studies of this sort. Longitudinal studies had been made of other groups but this marked the first application to the community. The key to institu tional arrangements and basic institutional processes was to be found in the processes of social mobility and social stratification, the Lynds concluded. The idea that there were a number of social classes or horizontal levels of 123 Robert Staughton Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown, A Study in Contemporary American Culture (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1929), pp. 505-506. 62 124 stratification was developed. Maintaining or achieving a social level by a resident involved his adoption of or adherence to the institutionalized amenities of that level. The Lynds' study represents one of the first sociological analyses of bureaucracy and power in a local community setting. Subsequently, sociologists have directed their research efforts to the study of large-scale organization and its relation to the system of power. A few years after the Lynds' study, Blumenthal's A Sociological Study of a Small Town^^ appeared. This study was occupied primarily with social institutions, social control and social change. A new method of col lecting data was employed. This method is described by Burgess, who edited the document for publication, as follows: A house-to-house canvas launched for the purpose of securing formal statistical data was abandoned shortly after it was begun. Such a 1 9 A Robert Staughton Lynd and Helen Merrell Lynd, Middletown in Transition: A Study in Cultural Conflicts (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1937), pp. 458-461. 125 Albert Blumenthal, A Sociological Study of a Small Town (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932). 63 venture, likely to encounter the running fire of gossip, should have been planned so as to be completed, if possible, in one day's time. Some data were plotted upon maps, but this method was not extensively employed. The main method relied upon was, in short, that of friendly conversation in which the other person communicates his experiences, feelings, and attitudes much as if he were talking to himself. This is essentially the method which Charles H. Cooley has named "sympathetic intro spection." But it was something more in that chief reliance is here placed upon the documents obtained rather than upon the interpretation given to the material.126 A noteworthy contribution to community studies was Dollard's Caste and Class in a Southern Town. The empha sis here was social-psychological rather than social- organizational as was the case with earlier studies. Dollard was largely concerned with the impact of the caste-class relationship on the Negro personality than the study of class or caste structure per se. In carrying out this research, Dollard used interview and case study 107 techniques. Using some of the same research techniques as Dol lard, Powdermaker conducted a community research, the 126Ibid., p. 10. ^ 'John Dollard, Caste and Class in a Southern Town (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1937), pp. 22-28. 64 results of which appeared in After Freedom3^ in 1939. Community structure was observed in an effort to determine the number of social classes in a community. A landmark in the study of community structure is the Yankee City Series by Warner and Lunt called The 129 Social Life of a Modern Community. Although mainly concerned with class in American communities, these authors made a definitive study of social institutions and social organization. Among social scientists, this study created controversy and vigorous interest, for it called attention to a wide variety of problems needing study in the fields of social organization, community research, social psychology and social anthropology. West's Plainville, U.S.A.appeared in 1945. This study of social stratification in a small midwestern community has general significance for understanding the role of the school in the community organization. In 131 Elmtown's Youth, Hollingshead approaches the study of A °Powdermaker, loc. cit. 1 9 Q Warner and Lunt, op. cit. , p. 460. 130 West, loc. cit. 131 Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth, pp. 9-10. 65 community through its institutions. Understanding the youth of the community depended upon understanding the social structure of the community. Hollingshead found that the behavior of adolescents is largely a function of the position that their families occupy in the social structure of the community. Clique membership was pri marily of students in the same school grade and the same prestige class or adjacent one. Dating occurred within the same social class and adjacent classes. The social system of the high school operates as reflection of the social class system of the community. Differentials in rewards and punishments, participation in school activities are correlated with position in the community prestige structure. Hollingshead's use of local people long resident in the community as raters or judges of their fellows prestige, status, or class positions was a refine ment of an earlier technique used by others. Summary of the Review of Literature A review of the literature pertaining to leader ship and the power structure, social stratification and social class, indices of social class, a definition of power and the dynamic nature of power, voluntary associa 66 tions and the power structure, community and community structure has been attempted. These fields of sociology are important to understanding the perception of the power structure of the conmunity by social classes. Early writings on leadership as well as recent theory of leadership reveal a relationship between decision makers and leadership. Empirical studies of small group leadership sheds light on leadership by the power elite in the community. The dynamic nature of leadership out lined by sociologists aids in the analysis of power pyramids perceived by the members of a community. In order to analyze the perception of the power structure of a community by social class it was necessary to investigate literature establishing a stratification in society and delineating social classes. Probing this literature has aided in outlining the classes to which decision-makers belong. This literature has been essential in determining whether or not there is a differential perception of the power structure by class. A review of the literature of power and power structure has been beneficial to the study in several ways. It has revealed that power is defined differently by sociologists; a definition of power based on previous 67 studies was arrived at for this study. The methods and techniques of studying the power structure of several communities were outlined in the literature. Some of these methods and techniques were useful in outlining a method of studying the power structure of Orchard City. Literature probing the dynamic nature of power gave insight to an analysis of the power pyramids perceived by social classes in Orchard City. The perception of voluntary associations in the power structure is an integral part of the study. Litera ture on voluntary association rendered theories which attempt to explain the function of these associations in the power structure. These theories are useful in inter preting the data obtained in this study. Community has been defined in several ways by social scientists. In order to arrive at a definition of community for this study, a community study, it was essential that the literature on this subject be reviewed. CHAPTER III THE METHODOLOGICAL DESIGN Although the study of this community covered a period of seven months, the design is essentially cross- sectional. This type of design attempts to give a picture of a community for a particular time. This study is largely based upon opinions and attitudes of selected respondents. Its purpose is to find who are the perceived decision-makers of the community at a particular time. Whether or not these opinions coincide with social reality is not the main purpose of this study. The main purpose is to focus on opinions as to who are the decision-makers and, by comparison of per ception by social class, determine the difference of this perception, if such difference exists. 1 ^It has been suggested that a further study of the actual characteristics of leaders of the community be made and the results compared to those found about the per ceived leaders. The differences found, if such exist, would be most enlightening to students of community as well as to those involved in community work. 68 The Interview Schedule 69 In designing the interview schedule, questions pertaining to the main interests or problems of the com munity were sought. Questions of community planning such as those involved in planning highways, schools, play grounds, shopping centers, new industry and hospitals were found to be effective in eliciting the perceived leaders in the community. Questions pertaining to salaries of public employees and questions concerning decisions made between local and state government served their purpose well. The question involving "behind the scenes" decision makers was most effective in determining perceived leaders in other areas of community interest. It was also effec tive in clarifying and verifying answers given to previous questions. A pilot study was conducted in a nearby town of comparable size and composition. Questions found to be ineffective were omitted or restated. The Sample A 10 per cent probability sample of the selected community was decided upon, resulting in 178 interviews. o See Appendix A for Interview Schedule. 70 The male head-of-household of every tenth dwelling unit was interviewed. Using only male heads-of-household as respondents considerably increased the time necessary to gather the data since most male heads-of-household could be seen only after working hours. However, male heads- of-household were selected as respondents because it was thought that they would have a broader basis upon which to form opinions of the community power structure. Interviewees must have resided in the community three years or more. If not, the occupant of the tenth dwelling unit next to and to the right of the previous dwelling was selected. The same Droceedure was followed when a house was found to be vacant or, upon three "call backs,0 no one answered. Table 1 gives the results of the sample design. A 1958 base map of the city depicting all single and multiple dwellings was secured from the city manager. This base map was brought up to date and it aided in laying out plans for interviewing and keeping a record of dwellings in which interviewees resided. Thus, some mistakes in sampling were avoided. Each such dwelling was numbered on the map. The city limits were used as the border of the community. 71 TABLE 1 RESULTS OF SAMPLE DESIGN Number of dwelling units contacted 215 Number of households not eligible and replaced 19 Number not at home (three call backs), vacant 16 Number of refusals 2 Number of completed interviews 178 Interviewing It was anticipated that interviewing would be the most difficult phase of the study in view of the type of information sought. To the contrary it was found that most interviewees were most cooperative and in many cases enthusiastic both in talking about the community and its leaders and asking about the study itself. The approach was to inform the interviewee that the study was being conducted under the auspices of the Uni versity of Southern California and that it was a study of the problems concerned with the rapid growth of communities 72 in California. It was stated that such a study, it was hoped, would shed light on how communities could better solve their problems arising from this rapid population growth. In most cases this statement sufficed as an introduction and the interviewer was usually invited into the house to conduct the interview. A summary of the main ideas of five or six questions served to orient the inter viewee in the general direction of the interview. Then the first question was asked in detail. In many instances on the first question it was necessary to emphasize that the respondent was asked to give the person or group he thought to be most influential rather than the person he believed should be most influential. This helped to let the respondent know that it was his perception of the power centers of the community that was wanted. Analysis of the Data Hollingshead's Two-Factor Index of Social Posi tion was used to arrive at the social class position of each respondent. The two-factor index utilizes occupation and education. These factors are scaled and weighted individually and a single score is obtained. 73 The educational scale is based upon the years of school completed by the head of the household. The scale values are presented in Table 2. TABLE 2 HOLLINGSHEAD'S TWO-FACTOR INDEX OF SOCIAL POSITION^ Years of school completed Scale value Professional (M.A., M.S., M.E., M.D., Ph.D., LL.B.) 1 Four-year college graduate (A.B., B.S., B.M.) 2 1-3 years college (also business schools) 3 High school graduate 4 10-11 years of school (part high school) 5 7-9 years of school 6 Under 7 years of school 7 The effective use of the occupational scale depends on the precise knowledge of the head-of-the-household1s 3 A. B. Hollingshead, Two-Factor Index of Social Position (published in mimeograph form by Sociology Department, Yale University, 1958). 74 occupation. A factor weight of 7 is given to occupational position and a factor weight of 4 is given to educational position. These weights are multiplied by the scale value for education and occupation of each head-of-household. The calculated weighted score gives the approximate posi tion of the family on the over-all scale. The individual may be stratified either on the con tinuum of scores or into a "class," when the Index of Social Position score is calculated. The range of scores in each class is: Class I.S.P. Scores I 11-17 II 18 - 31 III 32 - 47 IV 48 - 63 V 64-77 In the study of Orchard City only a small percent age of respondents fell into Class I. Classes I-II were combined for purposes of analysis in this study as they were in the study of social class and mental illness by Hollingshead and Redlich.^ A. B. Hollingshead and Fredrick C. Redlich, Social Class and Mental Illness: A Community Study (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1958), pp. 18-44. 75 An explanation of the categories used to describe the perceived wealth of persons named as decision-makers should be made. As noted in the interview schedule the three response categories are "Moderate Income," "Wealthy," "Very Wealthy." Since the question to which these cate gories pertained concerned more than one perceived decision-maker, in many instances, and these perceived decision-makers varied in wealth, more categories were needed in order to contain the responses of the people interviewed. Therefore when the data were tabulated the following categories were necessary: Moderate Income Wealthy Very Wealthy Moderate Income and Wealthy Moderate Income and Very Wealthy Wealthy and Very Wealthy More than 95 per cent of the frequencies distributed themselves in the three categories "Moderate Income," "Wealthy and Very Wealthy," "Moderate Income and Wealthy." Therefore the remaining few responses were distributed in one of these three categories. This aided in presenting a clearer analysis. In analyzing the data the responses of interviewees to nine of the questions on the interview schedule are 76 analyzed separately. The response categories for eight of these questions are the same; the response frequencies in these similar categories are combined in later analysis. Where applicable, the chi square technique is employed to compare the response frequencies among the four social classes. After all interviews had been completed a list of perceived decision-makers was compiled from the informa tion recorded on the interview schedule. Data such as age, wealth, length of residence, of those perceived to be decision-makers were secured from official records. A public official in a capacity to supply such information did so, knowing the purpose of the study. An attempt has been made for clarity by presenting the data graphically in some instances; tables of fre quencies and percentages are utilized where necessary. Summary The design of the study is essentially cross- sectional. It attempts to give a picture of the perception of community decision-makers at a particular time. The interview schedule contains questions relating to the main interests or problems of the community. These 77 questions were designed to elicit from the interviewee his perception of the decision-makers of the community. For purpose of refining the interview schedule a pilot study was conducted in a nearby town of comparable size and composition. A 10 per cent probability sample of the community was decided upon resulting in 178 interviews. The male head-of-household of every tenth dwelling unit was interviewed. A 1958 base map of the city brought up to date depicting all single and multiple dwellings aided in keeping an accurate record of the sample. In the analysis of the data Hollingshead's Two-Factor Index of Social Position is used. Classes I and II are combined in this study as they were in the study by Hollingshead and Redlich of social class and mental illness. In analyzing the data, the responses given to nine of the questions on the interview schedule are analyzed separately. The response categories for eight of these questions are the same; the response frequencies in these similar categories are combined in later analysis. Where applicable, the chi square technique is employed to compare the response frequencies among the four social classes. CHAPTER IV ORCHARD CITY Orchard City, a fictitious name given to the place chosen for this study, is a community of about 6,000 persons, located in a valley of a mountain range in central California. The names of all persons mentioned are, of course, fictitious. The data for this study were gathered between June 1958 and May 1959. Orchard City was selected for study for reasons that census data revealed this town to have a growing population similar to many California towns, and one com prised of the various ethnic groups that would be found in many California communities. Also, its location was convenient to the researcher. Although the residents are largely dependent upon income from agriculture, a goodly portion of the community income is derived from local industry, manufacturing and to a lesser degree, from mining. Orchard City, which is not located on a main transportation artery, has grown considerably less rapidly 78 79 than some California towns in other areas of the state. It was also thought that a town such as this might be more integrated and that the inhabitants would be more closely acquainted with the power relations in the com munity, more so than in a community which is in the process of very rapid population change. Table 3 shows the average length of residence of respondents in the community. The size of Orchard City and the length of residence in the community of the larger portion of the population made it quite likely that the people of the community would have definite knowledge of and opinions concerning the leaders and perceived decision makers of the community. In order that Orchard City may be compared with other communities some data concerning its geographical and demographic characteristics and its social history are presently described. Geographical Features Orchard City is located in a broad valley in Central California. Through this valley and on the border of the city a river runs during the rainy seasons from November through March. From 285 feet elevation of Orchard 80 TABLE 3 LENGTH OF RESIDENCE IN ORCHARD CITY OF RESPONDENTS BY CLASS Class Number in sample Average number of years residence in Orchard City I-II 34 21.1 III 63 29.9 IV 53 20.6 V 28 23.5 City the river winds through the valley on its course to the Pacific Ocean. A most striking feature to a person approaching from any direction is the groves of prunes, pears, apricot, peach and walnut trees which surround the town and extend for miles through the valley. From these orchards comes the principal source of income for the inhabitants of Orchard City. The climate is mild, the temperature ranging between 45 degrees and 77 degrees fahrenheit. Summers are dry with mild days and cool nights. Even on the warmest days the low humidity prevents the heat from being oppressive. It is far enough inland to be free of the 81 heat of the inland region of California. Orchard City though not isolated, is not dominated by other communities. The dominant metropolitan area is about 100 miles away. The nearest town of 30,000 popula tion is 30 miles distance. It is not located on a main federal highway, but a state highway leading to a federal highway 10 miles away runs through the town. Rail trans portation provides daily freight service utilizing a railroad spur. Motor truck lines are equally important as a means of freight transportation. No passenger ser vice is available but bus companies maintain a schedule of several trips daily to the surrounding areas. As in many areas of California water supply is a problem to the residents of Orchard City. A combination well and infiltration galleries system originating a few miles to the southwest is the main supply of water for the community. Community Income Prunes, apricots, pears, walnuts, apples, peaches, cherries, and almonds bring in the largest portion of income to the residents of Orchard City. Row crops of sugar beets, garlic, potatoes, tomatoes, lettuce and seed 82 crops are another source of income of almost equal impor tance. Livestock and poultry farms are found in the areas surrounding the cultivated areas. Livestock ranging through the mountains are an important source of income to the county but less important to the larger population of Orchard City. The farms in general are small, however some of the cattle ranches are extensive and owned by a relatively small number of people. The homes of the owners of these farms and orchards are located in or near the community and virtually all homes have the conven iences of city living. Social History Indians of the Costanoan group roamed the hills and valleys surrounding the area where Orchard City now stands. The Indian's way of life was disturbed by the early Spanish explorers and later by the Spanish mission aries. In 1797 a mission was founded not too many miles from the present site of Orchard City. The story of Orchard City actually dates from the arrival of Colonel Armistead in 1855. He and Dr. Floyd purchased an old Spanish grant of approximately 35,000 acres, which took in most of the valley. In making this 83 purchase these men dispossessed a group of Mormons who had settled there thinking it was government land. A few years later Floyd and Armistead dissolved the partnership, Floyd taking all the land east of the river and Armistead the land west of that stream, and dividing their sheep evenly. This was the beginning of the town of Orchard City for in 1868 Colonel Armistead sold his holdings to a home stead association for $400,000 receiving $100,000 in cash. The land was divided into tracts of 172 acres each. An auction was held and the land brought a premium of $87,352. A. J. Holmes was the high bidder, offering a premium of $4,000 for first choice of the tracts. He selected one adjoining the townsite on the south, which was later annexed to the town as Holmes addition. The town was laid off the same day. The streets north and south were given proper names; the streets east and west were given numbers. When a nearby town failed to grasp the opportunity presented by the Southern Pacific Railroad, which wanted to build a main line south from San Francisco, the men who founded Orchard City invited the railroad to build into the new town, and they backed their invitation with 84 many inducements. The coming of the railroad caused rapid growth. In 1868, John Riley established the first mer chandise store; four stores were started the following year. In 1870 the first two-story brick building was erected. At this time the inhabitants numbered 400. In 1872 the railroad changed the route of its main line and Orchard City was left a branch line only. This did not disparage further growth. The town was incorporated in 1872 and two years later the state legislature granted it a charter. By 1880 the population had grown to 1,000. Like most California communities before the turn of the century, Orchard City was "wide open" and the saloon and gambling businesses were among the principal enterprises. The early-day population was made up of descendants of the original Indians, descendants of Spanish immigrants who first colonized California, and a large number of pioneers and adventurers. Of this last group, many came from Missouri, Tennessee and other southern states, with a lesser number from New England and a sprinkling from other sections of the nation. One historian commented that many of these earlier settlers underwent the usual hardships and dangers of the 85 California pioneer, and most of them were well equipped to meet them, being hardy, courageous and willing to take their chances with any man in a horse race, a poker game, breaking a wild horse, setting-up a business in the new boom town or reclaiming a wilderness. In 1870 a large wheat mill was built, and when, in 1874, it was discovered that an excellent brand of Timothy wheat and oat hay could be grown, Orchard City became a leading producer in California. Shortly after the turn of the century, orchards began to replace wheat and oat fields, and in 1909 the manufacture of flour was dis continued. Today canneries stand where the flour mill once stood. Establishing churches was a concern of the early inhabitants of Orchard City. In 1869 the Methodist- Episcopal, North, was the first church established. In the next five years Christian, Catholic, Episcopal, Methodist-Episcopal, South, and Presbyterian churches were built. Four years after Orchard City was organized the first weekly newspaper was published. In 1883 a competing newspaper which later became a daily, appeared. Recently these newspapers merged and are now housed in a modern 86 building. In 1908 one of the original builders of the town erected a hospital which has served the surrounding areas as well as Orchard City. At the present time a new hospital bearing the family name of this early citizen is now in the process of being built. An improved elementary school was built in 1892 and three years later a high school was functioning. Today Orchard City has a junior college which serves the community and surrounding area. As one approaches the town, signs along the highway announce that Lions, Rotarians, Elks and other groups are active in the community. The names of streets allude to the history of the town's early settlers. New buildings are going up but old landmarks remain as sentinels to community history. Population As reported in the census each decade has found an increase in the population of Orchard City. Table 4 indicates that a rapid increase in population occurred during the decade 1940-1950. The next decade saw a con tinual increase in approximately the same percentage as 87 TABLE 4 POPULATION GROWTH IN ORCHARD CITY, 1880-19593 Per cent Year Population Net increase increase 1880 1,000 1890 1,234 234 19 1900 1,734 500 29 1910 2,308 564 24 1920 3,200 892 28 1930 3,757 557 15 1940 3,881 124 3 1930 4,903 1,012 26 1959 6,100 1,197 24 aThese data obtained from the archives of the Orchard City newspaper. 88 the previous decade. This rapid increase in population growth of California in general during these years is reflected here. The racial and ethnic population of Orchard City is shown in Table 5. A striking feature is the high per centage of native and foreign-born white persons, and the virtual absence of Negroes. The foreign-born white persons of Scandanavian and Mediterranean origin constitute a sizable portion of this segment of the population. Although Orchard City might appear to be atypical in that over 98 per cent of its population is white, according to the census, certain local conceptions tend to offset the presence of what might appear statistically to be an unusual homogeneity. Whereas ethnic discrimination within the community clearly delineates between the Mexican-Americans and the non-Mexicans, the federal census does not enumerate this sizable group separately. It was found during the interviewing that the feelings toward the Mexican group were quite comparable to those identi fied as "race" feelings in other sections of the United States. Table 6 presents the age composition of Orchard City in 1950. In the age group 65 and over, 11 per cent 89 TABLE 5 RACIAL COMPOSITION OF ORCHARD CITY, 1950a Race Male Female Total Per cent White 2,405 2,448 4,853 98.9 Native 2,072 2,178 4,250 86.6 Foreign - born 333 270 603 12.3 Negro 6 9 15 .03 Other 22 13 15 .07 Totals 2,433 2,470 4,903 aUnited States Bureau of the Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States: 1950. Characteristics of the Population, Vol. 11, California, Part 5 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), pp. 5-135. 90 are noted. Although this percentage is not high the statement is often heard that Orchard City "attracts retired people." TABLE 6 AGE COMPOSITION OF ORCHARD CITY, 1950a Age (years) Orchard City Per cent 0-4 548 11 5-19 1,062 22 20-44 1,756 36 45-64 987 20 65-over 550 11 Total 4,903 100 g United States Bureau of the Census, Seven teenth Census of the United States: 1950. Char- acteristics of the Population, Vol. 11, California, Part 5 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), pp. 5-135. Figure 1 is a population pyramid for Orchard City based on the 1950 census of the United States, showing the age and sex composition of the population. Fig. l.--Age and sex composition of Orchard City, 1950.a £ United States Bureau of the Census, Seventeenth Census of the United States: 1950. Characteristics of the Population, Vol. 11, California, Part 5 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1952), pp. 5-135. 91 92 75-over 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 0-4 Male Female 300 200 100 0 100 200 300 Figure 1 CHAPTER V PERCEPTION OF POWER STRUCTURE IN ORCHARD CITY The people of Orchard City were asked to give their reaction to nine important questions involving community life. By giving reactions to these questions the respondents would probably be naming groups, organiza tions, or individuals who in their opinion were the most influential in decision-making in the community. The responses to eight of these questions are here analyzed separately. Later these responses are combined for analysis; finally the responses to the ninth question are analyzed. The eight questions^- are: (5) If a new elementary school were to be built in the community, what person or group would be influential in saying where the school would be located? ^■The complete schedule is given in Appendix A. 93 94 (6) If the county were planning a project that would affect the community, for example, re-routing the county highway through or around the community, who in the community would be most influential in determining this decision? (7) If a community project were needed, for instance planning and locating (building) a play ground for children, who would be most influential in getting this project done? (10) If an important project is to be undertaken, for example, zoning and planning a new shopping center, who would be most influential in getting the project going? (11) If an important decision were to be made in Sacramento by the state legislature or other officials at Sacramento that the people of this community would not like, who might go to Sacramento to exercise strong influence against the measure? (12) If a decision were to be made in Sacramento that would greatly benefit the community, for instance, locating a state hospital here, who in the community would exert strong influence in 95 this decision? (14) In many cities there are persons who are very influential but who are "behind the scenes." Can you give me the names or positions of these persons in this community? Analysis of Question 5 The fifth question asks, "If a new elementary school were to be built in the community what person or group would be influential in saying where the school would be located?" The frequency responses are presented in Tables 7-10. As noted in Table 7, this question reveals that 38 per cent of Class I-II, 27 per cent of Class III, 15 per cent of Class IV and 11 per cent of Class V stated that few persons (less than 6) would be most influential in the decision-making involved in school location. Thirty-two per cent of Class I-II stated that fewer than 12 persons would be most influential in this decision, whereas 10 per cent of Class III, 25 per cent of Class IV and 25 per cent of Class V responded in this category. Combining the two categories, small group and few, shows that 70 per cent of Class I-II perceive fewer than 12 persons as most influential. The percentage of responses 96 TABLE 7 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 5 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PEkSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP), LESS THAN 6 PERSONS (FEW), AND DO NOT KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not know I-II 30 32 38 0 III 41 30 27 2 IV 56 25 15 4 V 61 25 11 3 Chi square = 12.569, P >.05 97 decreases from Class I-II to Class V (Class III, 57 per cent; Class IV, 40 per cent; Class V, 36 per cent). Con versely, 61 per cent of Class V, 56 per cent of Class IV, 41 per cent of Class III, 30 per cent of Class I-II stated that a large number of persons (12 or more) would be most influential in deciding where an elementary school was to be located. The pattern outlined here is one of the upper classes, particularly Class I-II, perceiving the decision makers on this question to be a few persons or less than 12 persons; a majority of the lower classes perceive a large number of persons in the decision-maker category. After the respondent had given his reaction related to the size of the most influential group, he was next asked whether these people were public officials, civic leaders, or, as stated in the schedule, "neither." The category "neither" was explained to the respondent as being an elite. This elite was not elected to office to make decisions, though in reality he did make important decisions in the community. This elite was not considered a civic leader who was a person making community decisions through voluntary organizations or other institutions of community life generally thought of as existing for the 98 general welfare of the community; this elite sometimes manipulates decisions "behind the scenes" and not always for community welfare, often for personal motives. The elite might work together in concert and might be mutually 2 supporting. For purposes of this study these persons are referred to as an elite. When asked in Question 5 if these decision-makers were public officials, civic leaders or elite the respond ents replied in the frequencies and categories noted in Table 8. A comparison of the several social classes shows that 44 per cent of Class I-II and Class III perceive public officials as decision-makers. Classes IV and V responded in this category considerably more frequently, i.e., 64 per cent. Referring again to Table 8, little difference is found among the several social classes in the second cate gory, civic leaders. From 14 per cent to 18 per cent responded in this category for all classes. However, combining the second and fourth categories in Table 8, i.e., civic leaders, and public officials and civic 2 Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1953), pp. 65-66. 99 TABLE 8 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 5 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Class Public officials Civic leaders Elite Public offi cials and civic leaders Do not know I-II 44 18 9 29 0 III 44 17 16 21 2 IV 64 17 11 6 2 V 64 14 14 4 4 100 leaders, and public officials and civic leaders, shows a differentiation in responses by class. Class I-II responded in these two categories 47 per cent of the time; Class III, 38 per cent of the time. Nineteen per cent of Class IV, and 18 per cent of Class V answered in this category. There was little difference among the social classes in the perception of elite as the decision-makers on the question of school location. The range is from 9 per cent to 16 per cent for all classes. On the question of locating an elementary school building, the indications from these data are that Class I-II perceive civic leaders and public officials to be the decision-makers. They are few in number and in about equal proportions civic leaders and public offi cials. The perception of the Class III respondents coincides closely with that of Class I-II. Classes IV and V have a different perception from the other social classes. These two classes perceive a large group making the decision in locating a new school. This large group is predominantly public officials; civic leaders thus take a minority role in this decision-making. The infer ence here is that the upper classes perceive a narrow 101 power pyramid and one in which membership is equally distributed among civic leaders and public officials. In contrast Classes IV and V perceive a broader power pyramid comprised predominantly of public officials. Table 9 presents the response frequencies in percentages by class of the perception of wealth of those viewed as decision-makers on the question of school loca tion. Notable here is the number of respondents in Classes IV and V who answered in the "do not know" cate gory; 36 per cent of Class IV and 68 per cent of Class V responded in this category compared with 12 per cent and 16 per cent for Class I-II and Class III respectively. Little difference is noted among the several social classes in the categories "moderate income" and "wealthy and very wealthy." A greater difference is found in the third category, "moderate income and wealthy." We thus observe 23 per cent of Class I-II and 16 per cent of Class III responded in this category, whereas only 2 per cent of Class IV and 4 per cent of Class V responded in this category. 102 TABLE 9 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 5 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Moderate Wealthy and Moderate income Class income very wealthy and wealthy Do not know I-II 56 9 23 12 III 54 14 16 16 IV 51 11 2 36 V 18 10 4 68 Chi square = 21.666, P <C .01 103 Perception of Decision-Makers In part 9 of each of the eight questions the respondent was asked to give the name, title or position of the individual he thought to be the most influential decision-maker of the group previously mentioned. Before the study was begun it was thought that this question would be one to which the respondent would hesitate to answer. Therefore it was decided instead of asking the respondent to name the person he had in mind, the respond ent was asked to identify this perceived decision-maker by name, title or position. In many instances respondents did not hesitate to name the person or persons they had in mind. In other cases they identified the person by his occupation or position in the community. After fewer than fifteen interviews it became obvious to the inter viewer the particular person the respondent had reference to, even though in some cases he did not give this person's name. The responses to this question fell into three categories: (1) name, title, or position given; (2) respondent did not know the most influential person; or (3) the respondent stated no one person was the most 104 influential as the decis ion-maker, Table 10 presents the frequencies in per cent by class for each category. Class I-II and Class III had the highest per cent (50 per cent) giving name, title or position. In this category the percentage decreases for Class IV and V. The indication here is that members of the higher social classes are more apt to perceive individuals as community decision-makers. In the case of Class V respondents, 71 per cent did not know name, title or position of the most influential decision-makers in the community. Thirty-five per cent of Class I-II and 32 per cent of Class III did not perceive a single individual to be the decision-maker, but as was often expressed, "decisions are made by the group." Analysis of Question 6 "If the county were planning a project that would affect the community, for example, re-routing the county highway through or around the community, who in the com munity would be most influential in determining this decision?" Analyzing the responses to this question, a pattern somewhat similar to that of question 5 is noted. 105 TABLE 10 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVE MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER, IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 5 Class Know name of perceived de- c ision-maker Do not know name of perceived dec is ion-maker No one person named as perceived decision-maker I-II 50 7 41 III 30 20 50 IV 30 59 11 V 14 75 11 Chi square = 16.812, P < .01 106 Again Class I-TI and Class III are closely aligned in their perception of the number of decision-makers most influential in this matter of highways. Classes IV and V have somewhat similar perception and one that diverges markedly from Classes I-II and III. Twenty-six per cent of Class I-II and 27 per cent of Class III perceive a large group determining this question, whereas 55 per cent of Class IV and 53 per cent of Class V responded in this category. There was little divergence, per centagewise, among the several social classes perceiving a small number of persons most influential in this decision. However, there is a wide range of differences among the social classes in the category of "few." Twenty-seven per cent of Class I-II, 22 per cent of Class III, 13 per cent of Class IV and 4 per cent of Class V perceive the decision-makers to be fewer than six. These percentages are noted in Table 11. As noted in Table 12, Class I-II is the only class with less than a majority (41 per cent) stating that decision-makers are public officials. Classes III and IV are very similar in their perception of decision-makers being public officials. Class III responded in this cate gory 62 per cent of the time and Class IV 60 per cent. 107 TABLE 11 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 6 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PERSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP), (FEW) LESS THAN 6 , AND DO NOT PERSONS KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not I-II 26 44 27 3 III 27 49 22 2 IV 55 30 13 2 V 53 39 4 4 Chi square = 17.235, P <.01 108 TABLE 12 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 6 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Public offi- Public Civic cials and Do not Class officials leaders Elite civic leaders know I-II 41 35 12 12 0 III 62 14 16 3 0 IV 60 13 17 6 4 V 75 0 18 0 7 109 Class V has the highest per cent (75 per cent) responding in this category. Conversely, in the category civic leader, Class I-II has the highest per cent (35 per cent) stating that these persons are the decision-makers; while Classes III and IV are again similar in this response category--Class III 14 per cent and Class IV 13 per cent. Class V shows a marked difference in perception from the other social classes in this category. No Class V interviewees per ceive civic leaders solely to be decision-makers on the question relating to county roads. As noted in Table 12 the perception of elite as decision-makers on this question is somewhat similar among the several social classes. The perception of wealth of persons named as decision-makers is given in Table 13. A striking feature of these responses is the high percentage of Class V in the "do not know" category, and the few responses in this category for Class I-II. This latter class named, pre dominantly, civic leaders as decision-makers on the ques tion of county roads. These decision-makers are perceived in the majority of responses (53 per cent) as having a moderate income. Twenty-one per cent of Class I-II 110 TABLE 13 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 6 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Moderate Wealthy and Moderate income Class income very wealthy and wealthy Do not know I-II 53 21 17 9 III 41 22 19 18 IV 51 7 6 36 V 18 11 3 68 Chi square = 21.666, P <.01 Ill respondents interviewed perceived the financial standing of persons named as decision-makers to be wealthy or very wealthy; whereas 17 per cent of this class answered in the category "moderate income-wealthy." Class HI follows more closely the pattern of Class I-II in the perception of wealth of decision-makers, although these Class III respondents indicated a higher percentage (18 per cent) in the "do not know" category. A comparatively high percentage (51 per cent) of Class IV respondents indicated in the "moderate income" category, however 36 per cent answered in the "do not know" category. The indication here is that Class I-II perceive civic leaders to be of moderate income, while Class IV perceive the income of public officials to be moderate. Table 14 records the percentage by class who know names of perceived decision-makers, those who do not know names of perceived decision-makers, and those who perceive more than one person as decision-maker. Class I-II is distinguished from the other social classes in that a high percentage (62 per cent) know the names of perceived decision-makers. Classes III and IV were similar in responses in this category both having 40 per cent. Class 112 TABLE 14 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVE MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 6 Know name of Do not know name No one person named perceived of perceived as perceived Class decision-maker decision-maker decision-maker I-II 62 14 24 III 40 30 30 IV 40 47 13 V 14 79 7 Chi square = 33.709, P <.01 113 V differs significantly from the other social classes in this category, only 14 per cent being noted. Conversely 79 per cent of Class V and only 14 per cent of Class I-II indicated a response in the "do not know" cell. Classes III and IV range between the extremes of the social classes with 38 per cent and 47 per cent, respectively, reacting in this category. Class III interviewees had the highest per cent (30 per cent) indicating that no one person was perceived as decision-maker. These respondents perceived several individuals acting in a group and arriving at a decision. Summary of Responses by Class to Question 6 A majority of Class V respondents perceives the decision-making power structure to be composed of a large group of public officials whose names or official posi tions they do not know nor do they perceive the wealth of these individuals. A minority of Class V perceives the decision makers to be a small group of elite whose names or position in the community they know. The wealth of these elite, as perceived by this minority of Class V respondents, ranges from moderate income to very wealthy. 114 A majority of Class IV respondents perceives a power structure composed of a large group of persons, primarily public officials, whose income is thought to be predominantly moderate. The largest number of Class III respondents on this question of county roads perceives a power pyramid composed of a small group of public officials whose names, titles,or positions are known to these respondents. The income of those named as decision-makers is perceived as moderate. The largest number of Class I-II respondents perceives a power pyramid composed almost equally of civic leaders and public officials, whose names titles or positions they know. These Class I-II respondents per ceive the decision-makers as predominantly of moderate income. The responses to question 6 indicate a difference of perception of decision-makers among the several social classes; however the patterns of responses of Classes I- II and III show a similarity, while Classes IV and V show a greater divergence from either Classes I-II or III. 115 Analysis of Responses to Question 7 If a community project were needed, for instance, planning and locating (building) a playground for children, who would be most influential in getting this project done? The responses to this question are presently analyzed and references are made to Tables 15-18. A majority (54 per cent) of Class V respondents perceives a power pyramid composed of a large group of people, predominantly public officials (46 per cent). A majority (57 per cent) of these respondents did not know what the financial position of these perceived decision makers was. However a considerable number (32 per cent) of Class V respondents stated that the income of these decision-makers was moderate. A majority (71 per cent) of Class V respondents did not know who the most influential decision-maker was, however a minority (29 per cent) of these respondents could identify one individual perceived as the most influential decision-maker on the question of planning and building a playground. The respondents in Class .IV are divided in their perception of the size and composition of the power pyramid acting on this public question. Thirty-four per cent of 116 TABLE 15 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 7 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PERSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP), LESS THAN 6 PERSONS (FEW), AND DO NOT KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not know I-II 41 47 12 0 III 28 43 24 5 IV 34 32 21 13 V 54 18 14 14 Chi square = 17.242, P < .01 117 TABLE 16 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 7 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Class Public officials Civic leaders Elite Public offi cials and civic leaders Do not know I-II 18 56 14 12 0 III 26 38 10 13 8 IV 41 38 8 4 9 V 46 18 14 0 22 118 TABLE 17 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 7 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Moderate Wealthy and Moderate income Class income very wealthy and wealthy Do not know I-II 67 3 26 6 III 65 9 11 15 IV 49 11 4 36 V 32 8 3 57 Chi square = 21.666, P <.01 119 TABLE 18 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAMES OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVED MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER, IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 7 Know name of Do not know name No one person named perceived de- of perceived as perceived Class cision-maker decision-maker decision-maker I-II 44 21 35 III 44 24 32 IV 38 53 9 V 29 71 0 Chi square = 34.319, P < .01 120 the respondents perceive a large number of persons com posing the power pyramid, whereas 32 per cent of the respondents perceive this decision-making group numbering 11 or less. Twenty-one per cent of the Class IV sample stated that this pyramid consisted of fewer than 6 persons. The largest number (41 per cent) of Class VI interviewees perceived this power pyramid as consisting of public offi cials. A nearly equal number (38 per cent) stated that civic leaders comprised the decision-making group on this issue. Only a few interviewees (8 per cent) stated that an elite were the decision-makers in this power pyramid. In this power hierarchy 38 per cent of Class IV male heads-of-household interviewed perceive a particular indi vidual as the decision-maker, 53 per cent did not know a particular individual perceived as the most influential decision-maker. Almost a majority of Class IV respondents per ceived the decision-makers in the power pyramid to have a moderate income; 36 per cent stated that they did not know the wealth of the perceived decision-makers. A few (15 per cent) perceived the wealth of these decision-makers as ranging from moderate income to very wealthy. 121 Civic leaders predominantly (38 per cent) were perceived as occupying an ascendant position in the power pyramid by Class III respondents. Twenty-six per cent perceived this pyramid to be composed of public officials, and 13 per cent of these respondents perceived a pyramid composed of both public officials and civic leaders. To 43 per cent of these respondents this pyramid is occupied by fewer than 12 persons; 28 per cent perceived the pyramid to be composed of 12 or more, while 24 per cent stated that fewer than 6 persons would make the decisions on this question. Forty-four per cent of Class III respondents could identify a particular person perceived as the most influ ential decision-maker, while 32 per cent stated that, although they could identify the perceived decision-makers, no one person was the most influential decision-maker. Twenty-four per cent could not identify perceived decision makers. Decision-makers of moderate income was the per ception of 65 per cent of Class III respondents. Fifteen per cent stated they did not know the wealth or income of the perceived decision-makers, while the responses of 19 per cent of Class III interviewees fell in the categories ranging from moderate income to very wealthy. 122 On this same question a majority (59 per cent) of Class I-II perceived a pyramid of less than 12 persons. Fifty-six per cent of Class I-II stated that civic leaders were the decision-makers on this question, whereas 18 per cent perceived public officials, 14 per cent elite as the decision-makers in this pyramid; 12 per cent perceived a pyramid composed of both public officials and civic leaders. Class I-II could identify perceived decision-makers in more instance than any other social class. Forty-four per cent of Class I-II stated that they could identify one individual as the most influential decision-maker. Thirty- five per cent could identify no one person as the perceived decision-maker. Sixty-seven per cent of Class I-II, more than any other class, perceived the income of decision makers as moderate. Summary of Analysis of Question 7 Summarizing the differences among the several social classes it is found on this question that perceptions of Class I-II differ greatest from those of Class V. Class V perceives again, primarily, a large group of public offi cials forming a power pyramid, whereas Class I-II perceive primarily a small group of civic leaders composing a power pyramid in this instance. Class V differs from Class I-II 123 in ability to identify perceived decision-makers. Seventy- one per cent of Class V and 21 per cent of Class I-II could not identify those perceived as decision-makers. A difference between Class I-II and Class V exists in the perceived wealth of income of those named as decision makers. A moderate income was the perception of 67 per cent of Class I-II, while 32 per cent of Class V responded in this category. The perception of composition of the power pyramid by Class III respondents more closely parallels that of Class I-II, whereas the perception of Class IV more nearly coincides with that of Class V. Analysis of Responses to Question 10 An analysis is made here of the reactions of the respondents to the question, "If an important project is to be undertaken, for example, zoning and planning a new shopping center, who would be most influential in getting the project going?" References are made to Tables 19-22. Seventy-one per cent of Class I-II respondents stated that fewer than 12 persons would constitute the decision-making group, and 76 per cent of respondents in 124 TABLE 19 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 10 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PERSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP), LESS THAN 6 PERSONS (FEW), AND DO NOT KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not know I-II 26 50 21 3 III 21 46 33 0 IV 44 28 28 0 V 57 18 4 21 Chi square = 51.353, P < .01 125 TABLE 20 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 10 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Public offi- Public Civic cials and Do not Class officials leaders Elite civic leaders know I-II 12 62 14 12 0 III 33 30 28 5 2 IV 62 15 17 2 0 V 60 17 4 0 25 126 TABLE 21 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 10 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Moderate Wealthy and Moderate income Class income very wealthy and wealthy Do not know I-II 47 9 35 9 III 65 11 13 11 IV 40 17 19 24 V 21 11 7 61 Chi square = 13.333, P <.05 127 TABLE 22 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVED MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER, IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 10 Know name of Do not know name No one person named perceived de- of perceived as perceived Class cision-tnaker decision-maker decision-maker I-II 50 15 35 III 27 22 51 IV 38 55 7 V 21 71 7 Chi square = ■ 55.413, P .01 128 Class I-II perceived this power pyramid to be composed of civic leaders, predominantly, along with a small number of elite. Fifty per cent of the Class I-II respondents perceived one decision-maker to be the most influential in this power hierarchy. Thirty-five per cent could identify the decision-makers they perceived to constitute this pyramid but they did not select one to be the most influential. The largest number (47 per cent) of Class I-II interviewees responded in the moderate income cate gory for those perceived as decision-makers. Thirty-five per cent perceived the wealth of these individuals to range from moderate income to wealthy. On this question Class V respondents differ from Class I-II in their perception of decision-makers more than any other social class. A majority (57 per cent) of Class V respondents perceive a large group (more than 12) of persons constituting the power pyramid. Sixty per cent of Class V interviewees stated that public offi cials were the decision-makers in this hierarchy and 25 per cent stated they did not know who the decision-makers were. Only 11 per cent perceived civic leaders and 4 per cent perceived elite as decision-makers in this pyramid. 129 Of the Class V respondents 21 per cent could identify one decision-maker to be most influential in their perception. Seventy-one per cent could not identify a decision-maker. A majority (61 per cent) of those interviewed in social Class V stated that they did not know the wealth of the persons named as decision-makers. Of those respondents who did give an opinion 21 per cent stated that the perceived decision-makers were in the moderate income category, 7 per cent stated moderate income to wealthy, and 11 per cent wealthy to very wealthy. Here again, the perception of Class III respondents is more closely correlated to that of Class I-II, whereas the perception of Class IV is closer to that of Class V. Analysis of Responses to Question 11 An analysis of the responses is made here of the next question, "If an important decision were to be made in Sacramento by the state legislature or other officials at Sacramento that the people of this community would not like, who might go to Sacramento to exercise strong influ ence against the measure?" Tables 23 to 26 are referred to in this analysis. 130 TABLE 23 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 11 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PERSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP), LESS THAN 6 PERSONS (FEW), AND DO NOT KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not know I-II 24 32 44 0 III 3 40 44 13 IV 21 21 26 32 V 21 23 11 42 Chi square * * AO.418, P <T .01 131 TABLE 24 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 11 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Public offi- Public Civic cials and Do not Class officials leaders Elite civic leaders know I-II 24 38 12 12 14 III 34 40 2 6 10 IV 38 24 2 4 30 V 50 4 4 0 42 132 TABLE 25 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 11 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Class Moderate Wealthy and Moderate income income very wealthy and wealthy Do not know I-II 24 26 24 26 III 33 49 7 11 IV 35 26 9 30 V 50 7 0 43 Chi square = 38.975, P <.01 133 TABLE 26 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVED MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER, IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 11 Know name of Do not know name No one person named perceived de- of perceived as perceived Class cision-maker decision-maker decision-maker I-II 67 21 12 III 43 27 30 IV 21 64 15 V 11 86 3 Chi square * 51.19, P .01 134 The responses to this question show a similarity in pattern between Class I-II and III in regard to the number of decision-makers perceived. Seventy-six per cent of Class I-II and 80 per cent of Class III stated that fewer than 12 persons constituted the decision-making hierarchy. A similarity of composition is perceived by these classes also. This power pyramid is composed pri marily of civic leaders. Public officials are next in size of representation with elite being represented in smaller number. Classes IV and V responded in a somewhat similar size pattern. Those who responded in the "do not know" category are much higher for these two classes than for Classes I-II or III. There is a difference in the perception of the composition of this pyramid. According to Class IV and V respondents the pyramid is composed primarily of public officials. Thirty-eight per cent of Class IV and 50 per cent of Class V responded in this category. Considering the large number of Class IV and V respondents categorized in "do not know" the above percentages constitute a majority of the responses. 135 Analyzing the response frequencies listed in the perception of wealth columns, it is noted that 50 per cent of Class V responded in the moderate income category, and only 7 per cent in the next two categories (wealthy and very wealthy, moderate income and wealthy). Twenty-four per cent of Class I-II perceived decision-makers as moderate income persons, 26 per cent stated wealthy and very wealthy, 24 per cent moderate income and wealthy. Subsequent analysis will show that public officials have less income than either civic leaders or elite. This accounts partly for the difference in perception by class of wealth of decision-makers. On this question 67 per cent of Class I-II, con siderably more than other classes, perceived a particular individual as decision-maker. At the opposite extreme is Class V which in 86 per cent of the responses could not identify a particular individual decision-maker. Analysis of Responses to Question 12 "If a decision were to be made in Sacramento that would greatly benefit the community, for instance, locating a state hospital here, who in the community would exert strong influence in this decision?" The responses are 136 noted in Tables 27-30. An analysis of the responses here indicates that 88 per cent of Class I-II and 95 per cent of Class III perceive decision-makers to be fewer than 12. Sixty per cent of Class IV and 53 per cent of Class V indicated that fewer than 12 would constitute this pyramid. According to Class I-II respondents, this power pyramid is composed primarily of civic leaders (44 per cent) and public officials (32 per cent). The responses of Class III closely parallel those of Class I-II. Fifty- eight per cent of Class IV and 68 per cent of Class V indicated that public officials would constitute this power pyramid. Twenty-six per cent of Class IV and 10 per cent of Class V interviewees perceive the pyramid to be composed of civic leaders. In both size and composition of the power pyramid the sharpest class difference in these responses is noted between the two upper social classes and the two lower social classes. Analyzing the perception of wealth of those named as decision-makers, it is noted that a majority of Class 'I-II and III stated that these persons are in the moderate income category; a majority of Class V did not know the 137 TABLE 27 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 12 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PERSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP), LESS THAN 6 PERSONS (FEW), AND DO NOT KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not know I-II 3 35 53 9 III 3 38 51 2 IV 32 34 26 8 V 36 32 21 11 Chi square = 34.731, P < .01 138 TABLE 28 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 12 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Public offi- Public Civic cials and Do not Class officials leaders Elite civic leaders know I-II 32 44 3 3 12 III 33 40 2 9 2 IV 58 26 2 4 6 V 68 10 4 0 14 139 TABLE 29 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 12 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Moderate Wealthy and Moderate income Class income very wealthy and wealthy Do not know I-II 53 6 26 15 III 59 15 13 13 IV 40 7 13 40 V 19 7 0 64 Chi square = 37.223, P <.01 140 TABLE 30 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVED MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER, IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 12 Know name of Do not know name No one person named perceived de- of perceived as perceived Class cision-maker decision-maker decision-maker I-II 67 9 24 III 56 16 28 IV 41 46 13 V 18 79 3 Chi square = 50.31, P <.01 141 Income category of the decision-maker named. A percentage of the responses appears in the column "very wealthy" on most of the questions. These responses frequently referred to a few elite whose wealth was generally perceived by the residents of Orchard City to be in the millions of dollars. Later analysis will give greater insight into this perception. A higher percentage in the category "moderate income and wealthy" usually appears for Class I-II than for other classes. A higher percentage of Class I-II has usually stated that civic leaders are the decision makers on various questions. Subsequent analysis will attempt to show the perception of wealth of public offi cials, civic leaders and elite. The response frequencies in Table 30 indicate that a higher percentage of Class I-II interviewees per ceive a single individual to be the most influential decision-maker in this situation. The small percentage in the "do not know" category for Class I-II tends to indicate a more definite perception on the part of members of this class. A sharp difference is noted here among the several social classes; 79 per cent of Class V, 46 per cent of Class IV and 16 per cent of Class III recorded 142 for these classes in the category "do not know." In the column "no one individual most influential" the respondents indicated that the decision-making was a "group process" and one individual was not perceived to be the most influential or final decision-maker. The responses for question 12 indicate that Class III more than any other class perceives a "group process" decision. Analysis of Responses to Question 13 "If a decision were to be made on raising the salaries of county or city employees, who would exercise the most influence in this decision?" Tables 31-34 present the responses to this question. A majority of each social class (65 per cent of Class I-II, 73 per cent of Class III, 77 per cent of Class IV and 71 per cent of Class V) indicated that public offi cials would be the decision-makers on this question. Twenty-one per cent of Class I-II, 19 per cent of Class III, 8 per cent of Class IV perceived a power pyramid in which civic leaders and elite played a dominant role. Seven per cent of Class V indicated that civic leaders would be the most influential decision-makers, and no elite were named decision-makers by this class. I V v TABLE 31 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 13 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PERSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP) , (FEW) LESS THAN 6 , AND DO NOT PERSONS KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not know I-II 18 44 32 6 III 14 40 37 9 IV 13 38 36 13 V 39 32 8 21 Chi square = 28.794, P <.01 144 TABLE 32 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 13 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Class Public officials Civic leaders Elite Public offi cials and civic leaders Do not know I-II 65 3 9 9 14 III 73 8 6 3 8 IV 77 4 4 0 15 V 71 7 0 0 22 145 TABLE 33 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 13 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Class Moderate income Wealthy and very wealthy Moderate income and wealthy Do not I-II 32 9 44 15 III 40 10 24 26 IV 32 13 6 49 V 22 3 11 64 Chi square = 35.757, P <\01 146 TABLE 34 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVED MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER, IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 13 Know name of Do not know name No one person named perceived de- of perceived as perceived Class cision-maker decision-maker decision-maker I-II 47 18 35 III 29 29 42 IV 17 53 30 V 7 68 25 Chi square = 27.964, P < .01 147 The size of the power pyramid perceived does not vary greatly among Classes I-II, III, IV, V. A variation of only 7 per cent in all categories for these classes is noted. The perception in this instance is one of the most uniform of any analyzed thus far. Class I-II differs from other social classes in identifying one individual perceived as the most influ ential decision-maker. Forty-seven per cent of Class I- II responses were in this category, 29 per cent of Class III, 17 per cent of Class IV and 7 per cent of Class V responses were in this same category. Here again a majority of Class IV and V could not identify a most influential decision-maker, whereas 18 per cent of Class I-II and 29 per cent of Class III responded in this way. A distinctive feature of the power pyramid indi cated by Class I-II respondents is the perceived wealth of the constituents of this pyramid. Sixty-five per cent of Class I-II perceived a pyramid composed of public officials and 44 per cent indicated that these decision makers are in the moderate income to wealthy category. This percentage is higher than that for the other social classes. To some extent this reverses a trend for Class I-II to perceive public officials less wealthy than the 148 other social classes. The high percentage in the "do not know" category for Class IV (49 per cent) and Class V (64 per cent) tend to nullify any but a very tentative pattern formation. Analysis of Responses to Question 15 "In many cities there are persons who are very influential but who are 'behind the scenes.' Can you give me the names or positions of these persons in this community?" In analyzing the responses to this question, power pyramids different from previous ones appear. A difference of perception of these hierarchies among social classes is evident. Noted in Tables 35 to 38 are the responses to this question. Fifty-three per cent of Class I-II reported the size of this decision-making pyramid to be between 6 and 12 members. Eighteen per cent of this class stated it to be less than 6 , while 23 per cent indicated the size to be more than 12 persons. Class III differed from all classes in the cate gory of "few." Thirty-five per cent of this class responded that fewer than 6 persons constitute this 149 TABLE 35 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 15 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE 12 OR MORE PERSONS (LARGE GROUP), 6 TO 11 PERSONS (SMALL GROUP), LESS THAN 6 PERSONS (FEW), AND DO NOT KNOW Class Large group Small group Few Do not know I-II 23 53 18 6 III 8 55 35 2 IV 23 39 19 19 V 39 25 18 18 Chi square = 30.373, P ^.01 150 TABLE 36 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS RESPONDING TO QUESTION 15 THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, ELITE OR CIVIC LEADERS Class Public officials Civic leaders Elite Public offi cials and civic leaders Do not know I-II 6 9 59 14 6 III 6 19 50 6 5 IV 28 8 35 6 15 V 53 0 32 4 11 151 TABLE 37 PERCEPTION OF WEALTH OF PERSONS NAMED AS DECISION MAKERS IN QUESTION 15 (GIVEN IN PERCENTAGES BY SOCIAL CLASS) Moderate Wealthy and Moderate income Class income very wealthy and wealthy Do not know I-II 23 41 24 12 III 11 42 21 21 IV 2 25 13 60 V 3 25 8 64 Chi square = 42.080, P < .01 152 TABLE 38 PERCENTAGE BY SOCIAL CLASS WHO KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, DO NOT KNOW NAME OF PERCEIVED DECISION-MAKER, AND THOSE WHO PERCEIVED MORE THAN ONE PERSON AS DECISION MAKER, IN RESPONSE TO QUESTION 15 Know name of Do not know name No one person named perceived de- of perceived as perceived Class cis ion-maker decision-maker decision-maker I-II 32 12 56 III 26 19 55 IV 19 51 30 V 7 75 18 Chi square = 40.709, P < .01 153 decision-making pyramid. Only Class V had the highest percentage of responses in the category "large group." A majority of all other groups perceive fewer than 12 persons consti tuting the decision-making pyramid. The composition of the perceived pyramid is dif ferent from that previously reported. Except for Class V all classes indicated that the decision-makers were primarily elite. Fifty-nine per cent of Class I-II, 50 per cent of Class III, 35 per cent of Class IV and 32 per cent of Class V stated that elite were dominant in this hierarchy. Classes I-II and III show a similar distribution of response frequencies in the categories "public offi cials," "civic leaders," and "elite." The distribution of the response frequencies of Class IV indicates that its perception is a pyramid constituted primarily of elite (35 per cent) and public officials (28 per cent). Class V reported this pyramid to be 53 per cent public officials and 32 per cent elite. It should be noted here that 75 per cent of Class V could not identify the decision-makers in the power pyramid perceived. It might be deduced tentatively that this social class merely 154 presumes such a power hierarchy to exist without identify ing its members. One Class IV and many Class V respondents made a comment to the effect that, "I don't know who is working 'behind the scenes' in this town, but every town has people like this who sort of run the town." Comparing the "do not know" categories of Table 37 and Table 38 it might be deduced that Class V perceive the "behind the scenes" decision-makers to be wealthy or very wealthy. Here again the perception of the power pyramids differ in size and composition among the several social classes; this tends to refute the first hypothesis that there is no difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among the social classes. Also the third, fourth and fifth hypotheses tend to be refuted by these responses. Analysis of Combined Responses to Eight Questions As noted in the interview schedule the response categories are the same for each of the first eight questions analyzed in the pages immediately preceding. In order to present a summary view of the responses to these questions, the response frequencies are combined 155 for analysis in the following pages. Perception of Decision-Makers as a Large Group, Small Group or Few Table 39 shows the frequency and percentage by class answering In the categories related to perception of decision-makers as being a large group, small group or a few. As mentioned in an earlier chapter, Hollingshead*s five social classes are used in this analysis. As noted in the schedule a large group is composed of 12 or more individuals, a small group 6 to 11 and a few less than 6 persons. These data suggest that Class I-II and III believe that the major decisions in the community are most influenced by a small group or a few people, whereas Classes IV and V hold the opinion that these decisions are most influenced by a large group of people. The per centage of respondents answering "do not know" is highest in Class V, next highest in Class IV. This high per centage of "do not know" among Class V respondents is a pattern which holds almost throughout the schedule and is consistent with the term "apathy" by which Kahl typifies 156 TABLE 39 RESPONDENTS STATING THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE A LARGE GROUP (12 OR MORE), SMALL GROUP (6-11), OR FEW (LESS THAN 6) Class Frequency Per cent I-II Saying dec ision - makers are: large group 62 24 small group 111 42 few 82 31 do not know 8 3 263 100 III Saying decision makers are: large group 91 18 small group 214 43 few 178 35 do not know 19 4 502 100 IV Saying decision makers are: large group 145 35 small group 129 31 few 98 23 do not know 45 11 417 100 V Saying decision makers are: large group 101 44 small group 63 28 few 27 12 do not know 38 229 16 100 157 the lower classes. Presented graphically in Figure 2 the percentage of respondents answering large group shows a line essentially positively accelerated except for Class I-II. This slight deviation by Class I-II is explained by the fact that many of the respondents in Class I were retired professional people who had lived in the community only a few years and according to their statements had not taken an active interest in the "local political scene." For example, two Class I respondents were retired clergymen, one a man of 79 who had lived in Orchard City only 3 years. He stated that he knew little about the political life of the community. Perception of Decision-Makers as Public Officials, Civic Leaders and Elite As stated previously the answers to eight questions were combined, the frequency for each class tabulated and the per cent by class for each category was determined. The combined responses related to decision-makers as public 3 Joseph A.Kahl, The American Class Structure (New York: Rinehart and Co., Inc., 1957), p. 225. Fig. 2.--Perception by Class of Decision- Makers as Large Group, Small Group or Few. 158 159 100 90 80 70 60 "few decision-makers" ."decision-makers a small group" __"dec is ion -makers a large group" "do not know" 50 40 30 20 10 0 / M M C M > t —1 M (-1 > CO 03 CO CO CO CO CO CO c0 CO CO CO 1 —1 u o U Figure 2 160 officials, civic leaders or elite are presented in Table 40. An analysis of these responses shows that fewer (24 per cent) respondents of Class I-II felt that public officials were most influential as decision-makers. The percentage in this category increased directly going from Class I-II to Class V. Sixty per cent of Class V stated that public officials were the decision-makers on these community questions. These data are presented graphically in Figure 3 and show a line essentially positively accelerated. Conversely more Class I-II stated that civic leaders were most influential in decision-making, whereas only 8 per cent of Class V expressed themselves this way. Shown graphically in Figure 3 these data produce a line positively decelerated. In this category of civic leaders as perceived decision-makers, the range of difference between Class I-II and Class V is 24, not as large as that obtained in the category of public officials. One of the surprising results and one which tends to substantiate the second hypothesis of the study, is the next category to be analyzed. Sixteen per cent of Class I-II were of the opinion that the most influential 161 TABLE 40 RESPONDENTS STATING THAT DECISION-MAKERS ARE PUBLIC OFFICIALS, CIVIC LEADERS, ELITE Class Frequency Per cenl I-II Saying decision-makers are: public officials 76 24 civic leaders 86 32 elite 43 16 public officials and civic leaders 36 13 public officials and elite 5 2 civic leaders and elite 7 3 all 0 0 do not know 24 9 III Saying decision-makers are: public officials 197 39 civic leaders 129 26 elite 81 16 public officials and civic leaders 40 8 public officials and elite 15 3 civic leaders and elite 14 3 all 2 0 do not know 23 5 IV Saying decision-makers are: public officials 226 54 civic leaders 77 18 elite 51 12 public officials and civic leaders 14 3 public officials and elite 7 2 civic leaders and elite 4 1 all 0 0 do not know 43 10 162 TABLE 40 (continued) Class " Frequency Per cent V Saying decision-makers are: public officials 136 60 civic leaders 1.8 8 elite 26 11 public officials and civic leaders 1 0 public officials and elite 2 1 civic leaders and elite 1 0 all 0 0 do not know 41 18 Fig. 3.--Perception by Class of Decision- Makers as Public Officials, Civic Leaders, Elite. 163 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 Class I-II 164 "public officials" "civic leaders" "elite" "do not know" # ^ ' * ^ ' t-l w > M M > CO CO CO CO CO CO a s (0 <d r—J r—4 T"^ a CJ U Figure 3 165 decision-makers were an elite. Class III also responded in the same proportion, 16 per cent. Classes IV and V were only slightly different with 12 per cent and 11 per cent, respectively, who perceived an elite as the most influential decision-makers of the community. These data are also presented graphically in Figure 3. Models of Power Perception in the Community Perception varied within each class almost as much as it did between classes on the question of the elite. There were different perceptions as to who the elite were and how they influenced decisions in the community. As one Class II respondent, a bank manager, stated: There is some "behind the scenes" influence in this community but not like a city boss; nor is it controlled always by the same few. The political power in this town is distributed. A few leading businessmen wield influence on certain projects in the town. The head of the Farm Bureau is a "silver-tongued orator" and he speaks for the farmers. He has quite a bit of influence. And there are a few cattlemen who are consulted on matters outside of the city. Some of these men are considered civic leaders, others are success ful and wealthy; their judgment is respected. They influence decisions on some questions in public meetings and "behind the scenes." Another Class II respondent had been a resident of the community for 45 years. He was a public official 166 in one of the most important capacities in the community and county. During the interview he said: In order to understand this town you have to understand the Chamber of Commerce and how it works. It has a committee for every undertaking in the community. The appropriate committee would be influential on certain decisions. However there is a group of businessmen and ranchers who are consulted and who are very influential in making decisions--not all decisions, but many. These men also exert influence on the County Board of Supervisors and on the City Council. They are respected for their sound judgment. They are wealthy and they wish to remain so. A Class II respondent, a resident of Orchard City for 45 years stated: We haven1t had a "behind the scenes" dictator in our town since Old Judge Hardin died 40 years ago. He ran the bank and the town. If he liked you, you could borrow any amount of money; if he didn't like you, you couldn't get a cent. But we haven't had anything like that since. If there is anyone, I don't know who it is nor do any of my associates; and I know this town. Now there are a few businessmen, one in particular, whose judgment is respected. He is listened to on some questions, but not on others. These comments are representative of the percep tion of the power structure of the community by many of the respondents who had observed the community for a considerable number of years. An analysis of the data for each individual question shows that the people of the community perceive the power to be widely distributed. 167 Stated briefly an analysis of the comments and data can be interpreted thus: 1. On some questions there is perceived a concert of power expressed by a "group"; however, on other questions no group is perceived to be functioning, only interested individuals. 2. There is perceived no one group which answers all the important questions in the community. This perception of the power as being distributed among a "power class" is consistent with Durkheim’s 4 observations on the division of labor in society. It might be said that a community or nation utilizes a "power class" to make decisions affecting the general welfare of people within its bounds. Some members of the "power class" are vested with authority to put into effect their decisions. Others in this "power class" act through those with authority to affect their decisions. This authority, Maclver has defined as: . . . the established right, within any social order, to determine policies, to pronounce judge ments on relevant issues, and to settle ^Emil Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, 1st edition of 1893, trans. G. Simpson (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1933), pp. 75-83. 168 controversies, or more broadly, to act as leader, a person or body of persons possessed of this right. Models of the perception of the power structure are given by other respondents. One Class III interviewee reported: There are a few influential people in this town, less than six businessmen and ranchers. They are well-known to the people in the com munity. They are interested in community growth and their own financial growth. They are con sulted on questions of community interest but they are not the "final say so." A strongly opinionated Class III respondent stated: This town is run by a clique of cattlemen, orchardists and a few businessmen. Romano and Genetti speak for the cattlemen and large land owners and Irvine speak for the businessmen. They get people in public office to control and they keep new business out so they can keep this town sewed up. The orchardists and cattlemen control by keeping control of the land. They've got friends in the assessors office. As soon as a piece of land is for sale they know about it, and buy it up. They won't let any new industry come in here. Wrigley Chewing Gum wanted to build a plant here, but they were kept out by these people because they controlled the City Council. They didn't want Wrigley to come in because Wrigley would have brought in a strong union. Irvine owns most of the best businesses on main street and he is the most influential man in the town. He's not a civic leader; he wants to control the town and stay wealthy. ^Robert M. Maclver, The Web of Government (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1947), p. 83. 169 This model of the perception of the power as residing in a small group, in "a clique," which decided all the major issues of community life, is a perception held by only a small percentage of the people of Orchard City. This perception of power as controlled by a small elite group of the community is given much supporting £ evidence by Hunter in his study of Regional City. The study of Orchard City tends to refute the theory that a small group of elite hold the power of decision-making over all of the major issues of the community. It must be borne in mind, however, that Hunter's study was based on interviews conducted with community leaders who were self-recognized leaders. The study of Orchard City is based on an entirely different sample, only a small per centage of which turned out to be self-recognized community leaders. Even so this small percentage of self-recognized leaders of Orchard City saw themselves as being decision makers on only a few of the major issues arising in the community. Floyd Hunter, The Power Structure of a Community (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, 1953), p. 11. 170 Considering the theory of an elite of the community as working together in concert in one power pyramid as a valid one, it can be stated from an analysis of the data gathered in Orchard City that only a small percentage of the people of the community perceive this to be the fact. A tractor driver and ranch hand, a Class V respondent, gave his perception as to how decisions were made and who made them: There are about eight big cattlemen in the community; Romano and Ingram are the biggest. Romano owns over 100,000 acres and he's worth 30 to 40 million dollars. Most everyone in the court house owns a ranch. When something comes up Romano will have a beer with the mayor and things get done or they don't get done. The opinion of these cattlemen counts. But they don't try to run all the community problems, they're mostly inter ested in getting good prices for hay and cattle. Another Class V interviewee stated: I don't believe there is anyone who has the town tied up. There are about six wealthy busi nessmen and farmers who are pretty important. They go to most of the City Council meetings and they have a lot to say. The City Council listens to them. A Class III respondent familiar with the financial workings of the community and active in the Chamber of Commerce viewed the power structure as one in transition when he said: 171 A few years ago one or two big landowners ruled the town, but not now. These big land owners would affect decisions where tax money was concerned. Today there are about eight or ten people who are influential publicly and privately. They make appearances in public meetings and state their opinions. They are also consulted privately. During another interview a farmer stated that there was an elite consisting of eight businessmen and farmers. This Class IV respondent said: There are about eight wealthy businessmen and farmers who are well-known to the people in the Community. Their opinions are expressed "behind the scenes" and they get things done. They are influential because their opinions are respected but sometimes they just want their way. A retired plumber who had been a resident of the community for 21 years stated that the Chamber of Commerce had the greatest influence in the decisions made by the City Council. The head of the Chamber of Commerce is a friend of mine. He told me once, "We've got this town the way we want it. We can keep industries out or let them come in." A rancher wanted to bring in a cannery, but he was kept out by the Chamber of Commerce. This town is run by the Chamber of Commerce. They control the City Council. That the power of decision-making was in transi tion was a feeling expressed by a Class III respondent. He stated: 172 The power was formerly held by a few old and wealthy families but now it is held about equally with the Chamber of Commerce. The local business men influence through the Chamber of Commerce. The ranchers used to influence the town a lot but now they have less influence in city politics, although they still control the county politics. This perception of the power structure is a model of a large segment of the population who perceived a changing power structure. This changing structure can be expressed sociologically in terms of Pareto's theory of "the circulation of the elite."^ The researcher felt that the statements given by some respondents had more basis in fact than others; statements by other respondents were based on information obtained from secondary sources and less factual. From several well-informed citizens of the community the fol lowing brief resum£ of the political history of the com munity was obtained. Two years prior to the beginning of this study Orchard City elected a new City Council. This election was a reaction against a closely controlled eco nomic and political life by a few wealthy people working through a former hand-picked City Council--hand-picked by ^Vilfredo Pareto, The Mind and Society, ed. A. Livingston, 4 vols. (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1935), I, 245-247. 173 the ranchers and big businessmen. This reaction brought in a new City Council which was made up of more small businessmen of the community rather than the wealthier members of the community formerly on the City Council. A City Manager was selected by the Council to help run the business of city government. Regardless of the accuracy of their opinions many people of the community felt that the former City Council represented the desires of the cattlemen, large farmers, and industry leaders of the community. The new City Council along with the City Manager type of government was a reaction against the former City Councils and the interests they were believed to represent. Consequently, there seems to be some basis for the often stated opinion that the power in the community is in transition. This seems to account for the wide variance of opinion as to who are the elite of the community. A long-time resident of Orchard City, a man of Mexican descent, gave an outline of this power in transi tion. This Class IV respondent, a minor public official connected with the courthouse, was in a position to observe and participate in the inner workings of the community's political maneuverings. By his own statement he was 174 influential with the people of Mexican background. Sub sequent interviews with other respondents gave greater validity to this statement. This Class IV respondent said: The past mayor controlled the town along with the past City Council. They were all big ranchers. They were put out of office through the efforts of me and three others who organized the Spanish people. We voted in a new council made up of businessmen in town. This new council voted in a city manager. The old City Council knew how to run a city better but they had a lot of graft and "behind the scenes" decisions. The new Council is not as good at running the City but there is no graft. An analysis of the data in Table 40 (p. 161) relating to the perceived decision-makers along with the comments by respondents tends to show that Class I-II per ceive the decision-makers to be civic leaders. In his analysis of power, Maclver points out that authority is a g necessary element of decision-making. Where do civic leaders get the authority to make decisions? Class I-II view the civic leaders as working through legal channels such as the City Council or County Board of Supervisors which supply the legal authority necessary to carry out the decisions already made by these civic leaders. Class I-II Q Maclver, op. cit., p. 83. 175 perceive decisions to have been made in many cases prior to and remote from the legal council chambers. The stamp of legal authority is given in these chambers to decisions previously arrived at by civic leaders. Such statements as, "having a beer with the mayor," "you have to understand the Chamber of Commerce if you want to understand this town," "the Farm Bureau is a strong organization," "rump sessions," suggest places and channels of communication other than legal chambers where decisions are made. Looking at Table 40 (pp. 161-162) broadly it might be interpreted that Class I-II, and, to a substantial degree, Class III feel that decision-making comes about after a greater communication among the elite, civic * leaders and public officials. Whereas, in the case of Class IV, and particularly in the case of Class V, the opinion is that decision-making rests with public offi cials more exclusively. This broad picture becomes more apparent when the fourth category of Table 40 is included. When the large number in the "do not know" category of Classes IV and V are considered the feeling by these two groups that public officials are the decision-makers stands out boldly. 176 Perceived Wealth of Decision-Makers The respondent was next asked to give his opinion as to the income or wealth of the people he perceived as 9 decision-makers in the community. These responses fell in the categories as shown in Table 41. This table gives the frequency and percentage by class of these responses. Perception of Decision-Makers In part 9 of each of the eight questions the respondent was asked to give the name, title or position of the individual he thought to be the most influential decision-maker of the group previously mentioned. The responses to this question fell into three categories: (1) name, title, or position given; (2) respondent did not know the most influential person; or (3) the respondent stated no one person was the most influential as the decision-maker. Table 42 presents the frequencies and per cents by class for each category. ft It might be mentioned here that the term "average income" rather than "moderate income" would have been a better term since the word moderate had to be interpreted for some respondents. One of the first respondents inter preted the term as "modem income." In subsequent inter views the term "average income" was used by the interviewer. 177 TABLE 41 PERCEPTION BY SOCIAL CLASS OF WEALTH OF DECISION-MAKERS Class Frequency Per cent I-II Saying decision-makers are: moderate 115 42 wealthy and very wealthy 40 15 moderate and wealthy 71 26 do not know 46 17 272 100 III Saying decision-makers are: moderate 222 44 wealthy and very wealthy 102 20 moderate and wealthy 66 13 do not know 134 23 504 100 IV Saying decision-makers are: moderate 159 37 wealthy and very wealthy 61 14 moderate and wealthy 40 10 do not know 164 39 424 100 V Saying decision-makers are: moderate 62 28 wealthy and very wealthy 23 10 moderate and wealthy 10 5 do not know 129 57 224 100 178 TABLE 42 IDENTIFICATION OF DECISION-MAKER BY SOCIAL CLASS Class Frequency Per cent I-II: giving name, title or position 141 52 do not know name, title or position 40 15 saying no one person most influential 90 33 271 100 III: giving name, title or position 184 37 do not know name, title or position 116 23 saying no one person most influential 199 40 499 100 IV: giving name, title or position 128 31 do not know name, title or position 224 53 saying no one person most influential 65 16 417 100 V: giving name, title or position 34 15 do not know name, title or position 168 75 saying no one person most influential 21 10 223 100 179 As might be anticipated Class I-II had the highest per cent (52 per cent) giving name, title or position. In this category the percentage decreases for each class going from Class I-II to Class V. Shown graphically in Figure 4 these percentages describe a line essentially decelerated. The indication here is that members of the higher social classes are more apt to perceive individuals as community decision-makers. In the case of Class V respondents, 75 per cent did not know name, title or position of the most influential decision-makers in the community. Decision-Makers Ranked by Social Classes Table 43 presents the decision-makers of the com munity according to the frequency mentioned by classes as most influential. Since some names do not appear on all lists it is not possible to give a rank order. However, the presentation made in the table has some merit. During the interview the respondents were asked to rate the person named as the most influential decision-maker. These decision-makers were rated as public officials, civic leaders or elite. According to the ratings of the respondents these decision-makers are, as noted in Table Fig. 4.--Identification of Decision- Makers by Classes (Percentage). 180 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 181 "percentage by class giving name, title or position of decision-maker" _____________ "percentage by class who do not know name, title or position of decision-maker" "percentage by class saying no one person is decision-maker" ............. / / h-1 t —1 1 M > M M H-C > C f l CO cn CO CO CO CO CO f f l <0 (0 CO 1 — I » — 1 r-H CJ o O o Figure 4 182 TABLE 43 RANKING BY FREQUENCIES OF DECISION MAKERS BY SOCIAL CLASS Position Name Frequency Class I-II Civic leader Bowden 18 Public official Bryson 16 Civic leader Lewis 15 Civic leader Henderson 11 Public official Caldwell 8 Public official Harris 8 Civic leader Tweedy 7 Civic leader Hook 7 Public official Brasher 7 Civic leader Gleason 5 Public official Hepple 4 Elite Harwell 3 Elite Romano 1 Public official O' Donnell 1 Civic leader Hyde 1 Civic leader Coyle 1 Class III Civic leader Bowden 24 Public official Harris 22 Public official Bryson 18 Civic leader Hook 15 Civic leader Lewis 13 Public official Caldwell 12 Elite Irvine 10 Elite Romano 7 Elite Harwe11 3 Elite Genetti 3 Public official Brasher 2 Civic leader Tweedy 2 Public official Sanders 2 Civic leader Henderson 1 Civic leader Gleason 1 TABLE 43 (continued) 183 Position Name Frequency Class III (cont.) Elite Gomez 1 Public official O'Donnell 1 Public official Nastasi 1 Civic leader Coyle 1 Public official Aranda 1 Class IV Public official Caldwell 18 Public official Harris 16 Public official Bryson 14 Civic leader Bowden 9 Elite Romano 3 Elite Harwe11 4 Public official Brasher 4 Civic leader Lewis 3 Public official Hepple 3 Public official Borawski 2 Public official Sanders 2 Public official Aranda 2 Civic leader Henderson 1 Public official 0 1Connell 1 Elite Genett i 1 Elite Irvine 1 Class V Public official Caldwell 10 Public official Bryson 8 Public official Harris 6 Civic leader Hook 4 Elite Harwell 4 Elite Romano 1 Public official Brasher 1 Public official Hepple 1 184 43, public officials, civic leaders or elite. The reader may note the frequency of appearance of civic leaders at the top of the list for Class I-II and Class III. This is consistent with earlier findings that Class I-II and to a lesser extent Class III believe civic leaders to be the most influential decision-makers in the community. Selecting from Table 43 the name Bowden, a civic leader, it is noted that this name appears at the top of the list for Classes I-II and III, fourth position for Class IV and it does not appear on the list for Class V. The name of a prominent public official, Caldwell appears at the top of the list for Classes IV and V, whereas this name holds fifth position on the Class I-II list and sixth position on the Class III list. Table 44 presents the frequency by class that public officials, civic leaders and elite were named as the most influential decision-makers. This pattern is generally consistent with earlier findings, i.e., that Class IV and V feel that public officials are the com munity decision-makers; Class I-II perceive civic leaders to be the decision-makers of the community. Class III is almost evenly divided in its perception relating to public 185 TABLE 44 TOTAL FREQUENCIES PUBLIC OFFICIALS, CIVIC LEADERS AND ELITE NAMED AS DECISION-MAKERS Classes Pos ition I-II III IV V Public officials 44 59 61 26 Civic leaders 65 57 22 4 Elite 4 25 7 5 186 officials and civic leaders. These findings are more significant when the frequencies of Table 44 are converted to percentages as shown in Table 45. A comparison of the perception of the power struc ture as noted in Hunter's study of Regional City and that which might be noted in this study of Orchard City can be made here. Hunter says: . . . the "men of independent decision" are a relatively small group. The "executors of policy" may run into the hundreds. This pattern of a relatively small decision-making group working through a larger under-structure is a reality, and if data were available, the total personnel involved in a major community project might possibly form a pyramid of power, but the constituency of the pyramid would change according to the project being acted upon. . . . through analyzing the mutual choices made by those interviewed, it will be shown that there is an esprit de corps among certain top leaders, and some of them may be said to operate on a very high level of decision in the community; but this will not necessarily mean that one of the top leaders can be considered subordinate to any Qther in the community as a whole. On specific projects one leader may allow another to carry the ball, as a leader is said to do when he is "out front" on a project which interests him. On the next community-wide project another may carry the ball. Each may subordinate himself to another on a temporary basis, but such a structure of sub ordination is quite fluid, and it is voluntary. ^Hunter, op.cit., pp. 65-66. 187 TABLE 45 PERCENTAGES PUBLIC OFFICIALS, CIVIC LEADERS AND ELITE NAMED AS DECISION-MAKERS (BASED ON FREQUENCIES IN TABLE 44) Classes Position I-II III IV V Public officials 39 42 68 74 Civic leaders 58 41 24 12 Elite 3 17 8 14 188 A pyramid of power as described by Hunter is not the perception of Class I-II in Orchard City on all impor tant questions of the community. On some questions, par ticularly that of industrial growth, Class I-II perceive two pyramids of power, one for and one against growth each pyramid containing names of those considered decision makers in some questions. The indication here is that the people of Orchard City see a list of people as decision-makers. These decision-makers can act as a group on some projects, separately on others and in opposition on still others. They do not act as a clique, and the "esprit de corps" characterizing the feeling among the leaders of Regional City is not perceived by the people of Orchard City or, at least, to a much lesser degree. Further comparison between the Regional City study and this in Orchard City shows that Class I-II, Classes III, IV and V perceive differing pyramids of power with dec ision-makers placed in different positions in the pyramid. Classes IV and V have a perception of public officials as decision-makers on most projects of community interest. Class I-II, in contrast, see a greater number of civic leaders as decision-makers in various pyramids 189 of power. Not only is there a perception of different pyramids of power by different classes but also a percep tion of pyramids in conflict on specific community ques tions. The decision-makers are not in concert or main taining an "esprit de corps" on all questions of community interest according to the perception by class and within classes. This is strikingly obvious in the perception of power related to the question of industrial growth. Here some decision-makers are viewed as favoring industrial growth and others as retarding industrial growth. This differential ranking of decision-makers by social classes tends to refute the first hypothesis of this study that there is no difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among the several social classes. Perception of Decision-Makers and Industrial Growth As delineated by Park and Burgess, the social processes of competition, conflict, accommodation and assimilation are constantly at work in comnunity 190 life.^ These processes became strikingly evident when the question of industrial growth was investigated in Orchard City. As the study progressed it became clear that a conflict of interests existed between the upper classes and the lower classes. This conflict hinged on the industrial growth of the community. Taken as a whole, Class I-II and part of Class III were not in favor of a rapid growth in the industrial life of the community. The reason was sometimes given by upper class members them selves, but often expressed forcefully by lower class members when they said, "They've got things the way they want it and they want to keep it that way." As one upper class respondent frankly said: I like the town the way it is; it's quiet and pretty; it’s not crowded and smoky like a big city. That's why I came here. Some people would let all kinds of industry come in here and before long it would be as messed up as San Jose. This was typical of the statements made by many Class I-II respondents. A dentist, another Class I respondent, stated: ^Robert E. Park and E. Burgess, Introduction to the Science of Sociology (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1921), p. 507. 191 Now this question of industrial growth needs clarification. This town is constantly arguing this question. Frankly I'm against industrial growth of just any sort. But I'm not against industrial growth of quality. By that I mean, other research industry, such as the new missile parts manufacturing company, would be welcomed into the community. This industry brings in educated people; it doesn't pour smoke into the atmosphere and create problems of the big city. Industry which would bring a large number of migrant workers and which would create traffic problems and smog would take away the best qualities of this quiet community. This, again, was a feeling expressed by many Class I-II interviewees. If growth were to come, it should be controlled and it should not disturb the existing way of life. Other Class I-II members were against industrial growth and expressed their feelings by giving many reasons why growth was not feasible. The reasons given were the lack of adequate physical and natural resources. Lack of water, lack of adequate railroad facilities, and the fact that a main highway artery was 15 miles away, were the usual reasons given. On the other hand a few Class I-II members were for growth and saw as the only stumbling block to growth, the status quo attitude of the property owners and some decision-makers of the community. Almost invariably these 192 few Class I-II who had this contrary opinion were young men, ambitious and usually short-time residents of the com munity. One respondent who was typical of this group was a man in his early thirties, a college graduate and an important official in one of the local industries. He was on first name basis with all of the leaders of the community and strongly opinionated as to who made the decisions in the community. He stated: This community has tremendous physical assets of a certain type for industrial growth. Our company thoroughly investigated the whole area. Our company is having difficulty in expanding not because of physical assets of the community but because of some of the influential people in the community who oppose industrial growth. Before coming to Orchard City our company was sought after by the Chamber of Commerce, and the City Council approved the use of public land and buildings at the airport by our company. We've been here for over five years and our rapid expansion makes our payroll one of the largest in the community. We need additional buildings and land to house this expansion, but the City Council won't make these available to us. I have worked with the City Council publicly and privately as individuals, and with the Chamber of Commerce. Many of these people are anxious to see our plant grow but there are a few wealthy landowners and farmers who want the coiranunity to remain agricultural. These people are active in Chamber of Commerce and Farm Bureau. They are very influential and they control the vote of some members of the City Council. So far we have met a hard core of resistance. If this resistance continues, we will seek another community that looks more favorably on industrial progress. 193 At the time that this study was being conducted, much space in the community newspaper was devoted to reporting the discussions and disputes between this company and the City Council. The correspondent quoted above was the representative of the company in these meetings with the City Council. The latest report in the newspaper is that this company is preparing to move to a nearby town. This statement was atypical of Class I-II as a whole but expresses the feeling of a small but vigorous younger element of these classes. This younger ambitious element of the community is a model of social mobility. It is seeking status and a greater expression in the power structure. These are marginal men in the power structure awaiting their opportunity to rise on the escalator of the circulating elite. They also represent a neophyte power pyramid, one in competition with other power pyramids and one which eventually might overshadow, dislodge or merge with other power pyramids. Class IV and V had strong feelings on the question of industrial growth. They wanted to see industrial growth of any kind, particularly the type of industry that would hire many laborers year round. These people are aptly described by Kahl as ones whose outlook on life is "to get 194 by." They often gave reasons why Orchard City would be a favorable location for industry, naming the physical resources of the community as adequate in contradiction to the statements made by many Class I-II members. Water was no problem, the existing spur railroad was adequate and could be expanded if needed, highway facilities were good, and the climate ideal. Invariably they named several industries that had investigated the community as a pos sible location for a plant. Wrigley's Chewing Gum Company and a nationally advertised canning company had shown much interest in building in Orchard City. A large western university had investigated the possibility of locating a campus in the community. Further analyses of differences expressed by classes on the question of industrial growth are made later in this chapter where the data from question 16 are considered. Industrial Growth and Perceived Decision-Makers In the very early stages of interviewing it was found that the crucial question in the community, as stated previously, was that involving the industrial growth of the community. It was in answer to this question 195 that the most heated responses were forthcoming. And there seemed to be evidence that the community was divided in its perception of the problem and the opinions seemed to differ from upper to lower classes. The upper classes in general were more satisfied with the industrial growth as it was; the lower classes had strong feelings that industrial growth was being suppressed. The upper classes gave one set of reasons why industrial growth was limited while lower classes gave a differing set of reasons for lack of industrial growth. This question, then, of industrial growth needed a more penetrating approach than that supplied by question 8 in the original schedule. As a result question 16 was designed and added to the schedule. The purpose of the first part of this question was to find out from the respondent whether or not he felt the community had any possibility for industrial growth, whether it was growing as fast as it could, and, if not, what was holding back the growth of the community. The next section of this question was to determine the respondent's perception as to what person or groups were most influential in promoting or retarding the industrial growth of the community. The rest of the question was similar in design to the previous 196 questions in the schedule; its purpose was to attempt to determine the most influential member of the group or the most influential person who would determine the industrial growth of the community. And finally, the characteristics of this person were sought. Question 16a attempts to find the possibility of industrial growth of the community as perceived by the several social classes. The response frequencies and per centages are presented in Table 46. The chi square obtained from analyzing the responses to question 16a was 11.45. With 6 degrees of freedom chi square at the .05 level is equal to 12.59. Therefore the obtained chi square is not significant, and it must be concluded that there is no difference among the class groups. The next question (16b) brings into focus a more sharply defined class difference. The response frequencies and percentages are presented in Table 47. Sixty-eight per cent of Class IV and 71 per cent of Class V stated that the community was growing industrially not nearly as fast as it was capable of doing. Only 35 per cent of Class I-II and 43 per cent of Class III reacted in this way. 197 TABLE 46 PERCEPTION BY SOCIAL CLASS OF POSSIBILITIES OF INDUSTRIAL GROWTH OF COMMUNITY Class Frequency Per cent I-II Saying: no growth 0 0 small amount 8 24 average 15 44 very much 11 32 34 100 III Saying: no growth 0 0 small amount 16 25 average 38 60 very much 9 14 63 100 IV Saying: no growth 0 0 small amount 12 23 average 27 51 very much 14 26 53 100 V Saying: no growth 0 0 small amount 4 14 average 11 40 very much 13 28 46 100 Chi square = 11.45, P >.05 198 TABLE 47 PERCEPTION BY SOCIAL CLASS OF INDUSTRIAL GROWTH OF COMMUNITY Class Frequency Per cent I-II Saying community growing industrially: as fast as it can 4 12 almost as fast as it can 18 53 not nearly as fast as it can 12 35 34 100 III Saying community growing industrially: as fast as it can 1 1 almost as fast as it can 33 56 not nearly as fast as it can 27 43 63 100 IV Saying community growing industrially: as fast as it can 7 13 almost as fast as it can 10 19 not nearly as fast as it can 36 68 53 100 V Saying community growing industrially: as fast as it can 3 11 almost as fast as it can 5 18 not nearly as fast as it can 20 71 28 100 Chi square = 27.87, P < .01 199 The chi square obtained from the analysis of the question 16b data is 27.87. With 6 degrees of freedom, a chi square of 16.812 is significant at the .01 level. Table 48 lists the groups and frequencies mentioned as being influential for or against industrial growth. An integral part of this question is question 16f in answer to which the respondent gave his reaction to whether this influential group named is for or against industrial growth. The responses to question 16f are presented in Table 49. It is here that there is a sharp division by class. Class III is almost equally divided. Forty-four per cent feel that the influential groups are for growth, 49 per cent feel that the influential groups are against growth. It is at the extremes of the social scale that a marked difference exists. Sixty-five per cent of Class I-II stated that those influential on the question of industrial growth were for industrial growth; 35 per cent stated that these groups were against industrial growth. Class IV sharply disagreed with Class I-II, 23 per cent of Class IV stated that those influential in decisions concerning industrial growth were promoting industrial growth, 77 per cent felt they were retarding industrial growth. 200 TABLE 48 GROUPS PERCEIVED TO BE INFLUENTIAL IN DECISION-MAKING Class Frequency Per cent I-II Saying: old families and property owners 22 65 civic leaders 1 3 industry leaders and merchants 3 9 farmer leader 7 20 city council 0 0 chamber of commerce 0 0 do not know 1 3 III Saying: old families and property owners 35 56 civic leaders 0 0 industry leaders and merchants 9 14 farmer leader 11 17 city council 2 3 chamber of commerce 1 2 do not know 5 8 IV Saying: old families and property owners 22 41 civic leaders 3 6 industry leaders and merchants 11 21 farmer leader 7 13 city council 5 9 chamber of commerce 2 4 do not know 3 6 V Saying: old families and property owners 11 39 civic leaders 1 4 industry leaders and merchants 2 7 farmer leader 5 18 city council 0 0 chamber of commerce 1 4 do not know 8 28 201 TABLE 49 RESPONSE FREQUENCIES AND PERCENTAGES STATING DECISION-MAKERS FOR OR AGAINST INDUSTRIAL GROWTH OF ORCHARD CITY Class Frequency Per cent I-II: for growth 22 65 against growth 12 35 do not know 0 0 III: for growth 28 45 against growth 31 49 do not know 4 6 IV: for growth 12 23 against growth 41 77 do not know 0 0 V: for growth 11 39 against growth 17 61 do not know 0 0 Chi square = 16.23, P <\01 202 The differences in the distribution of responses among these groups were assessed by the chi square method. A chi square of 16.23 was obtained, with 3 degrees of freedom. This chi square is significant at the .01 level. It was observed during the research that Class IV respondents were the stable labor market of the community. They were of longer residence in the community than were Class V respondents who, although permanent residents of the community, migrated to other areas seeking work part of the year. Class IV remained in the community year round but changed jobs during the year as seasonal jobs became available. A statement by one Class IV respondent is repre sentative of many in this category. This respondent stated: The town is held back by a few families that own the nutshelling plant and the canneries. They don't want any other companies to come in here and take away what they've got. We've had a lot of big companies that were going to build here. One of them was Wrigley, another was Del Monte. What happened to them? These big families wouldn't sell them the land to build on. A kid getting out of school hasn't got a chance in this town unless he's awful lucky. There just ain't any jobs for 'em. So they have to go to other towns like Monterey, or Salinas or San Jose to make a living. Why doesn't Orchard City grow like these other towns? Those towns are growing fast; they 203 got new industry and jobs, but we're no bigger than we were fifteen years ago. That's because the people who own the industry here don't let anybody else come in. Another interviewee, a Class IV member purported: The orchardists own all the land right around the town. They want to keep this a farmer's town so they won't sell any land to the companies that want to come in here. If a person wants to build a new house here the orchardists won't sell any land or the price is so high you can't afford it. You have to tear down an old house to get land to build a new one on. The orchardists want to keep this town from growing; they want to keep it the way it is . Only 60 per cent of Class V stated that the com munity leaders were against industrial growth, whereas 77 per cent of Class IV stated this. From the analysis of the comments made by various respondents the researcher attributes this lower percentage by Class V to the follow ing reasons: (1) greater apathy on the part of Class V members to community problems, (2) the fact that they receive in many instances only a part of their income from community industry, and (3) the fact that unemployment compensation is enjoyed by many Class V members alleviating the necessity for greater employment opportunities. Many members of the community felt as did a Class II respondent who said, 204 This town doesn't have enough year 'round jobs to offer. But when the fruit picking begins a lot of farm laborers won't get out and take the jobs; they don't want to lose their unemployment compensation. Then they complain about the scarcity of jobs. An interpretation of these data on industrial growth as related to the perceived power structure of the community yielded supporting evidence (1) that the several classes perceive the power structure differently, and (2) that the several classes perceive the decision-makers as working toward different goals in different power pyramids. These data concerning industrial growth tend to refute the first hypothesis of the study that there is no difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among the several social classes. Characteristics of Perceived Decision-Makers Table 50 presents the decision-makers in order of frequency mentioned by all classes. Those named as public officials by respondents are so designated here. The same is done for civic leaders and elite. The average age of all decision-makers was found to be 56.7 years. The average age of those designated as civic leaders was 58 years; the average age of public TABLE 50 RANK ORDER AND CHARACTERISTICS OF DECISION-MAKERS NAMED BY ALL SOCIAL CLASSES Length of Position Name Frequency Age residence Income-wealth Public official Bryson 56 49 3 average Public official Harris 52 48 14 average Civic leader Bowden 51 59 47 average Public official Caldwell 48 64 17 average Civic leader Hook 45 65 36 average Civic leader Lewis 31 72 50 average Public official Brasher 15 50 3 above average Elite Harwell 14 57 25 above average Elite Romano 14 60 30 very wealthy Civic leader Henderson 13 45 27 wealthy Civic leader Irvine 11 63 40 very wealthy Civic leader Tweedy 9 55 5 wealthy Public official Hepple 8 61 45 wealthy Civic leader Gleason 6 67 22 above average Elite Genetti 4 82 50 very wealthy Public official Sanders 4 56 35 average Public official O' Donnell 3 29 25 average Elite Coyle 2 65 40 wealthy TABLE 50 (continued) Position Name Frequency Age Length of residence Income-wealth Public official Civic leader Elite Elite Public official Public official Borawski Hyde Ingram Gomez Nastasi Aranda 48 44 68 54 47 43 48 43 68 51 47 18 average above average very wealthy wealthy average average Average age of decision-makers Average age of civic leaders Average age of public officials Average age of elite 56.7 58.0 49.5 64.1 Average length of residence of civic leaders Average length of residence of public officials Average length of residence of elite 35 25.5 44 206 207 officials was 49.5 years. The average age of those desig nated as elite was found to be 64.1 years. This tends to refute the seventh hypothesis that there is no difference in the age of perceived decision-makers. The annual income of those in the average category is below $10,000 per year, those in the above average category between $10,000 and $15,000 per year. Those designated as wealthy have an income above $15,000 per year and those in the category of very wealthy have assets totaling from $1,000,000 to several million dollars with an annual income well above $15,000. The wealth of perceived decision-makers categorized as public officials, civic leaders and elite is also given in Table 50. From a public official in the community with intimate and official knowledge of the financial position of those named as decision-makers, this information was obtained. Table 51 shows that the average wealth of elite is greater than that of either civic leaders or public offi cials. The average wealth of civic leaders is greater than that of public officials. This tends to refute the eighth hypothesis that there is no difference in the average wealth of elite, public officials and civic 208 TABLE 51 WEALTH OF PUBLIC OFFICIALS, CIVIC LEADERS, ELITE, PERCEIVED AS DECIS ION-MAKERS Salary per year Public Civic official leader Elite Below $10,000 $10,000 - $15,000 $15,000 - $20,000 (one - several million assets) average 8 above average 1 wealthy 1 very wealthy 0 3 2 2 0 0 1 2 209 leaders. It would tend to refute, also, that there is no difference in status of perceived decision-makers, the sixth hypothesis of this study. Referring to Table 50 (pp. 205-206), the average length of residence in the community of public officials perceived as decision-makers is 25.5 years. Civic leaders perceived to be decision-makers are older residents, their average length of residence being 35 years. The elite are the oldest residents, having resided in the community 44 years on the average. This tends to refute the ninth hypothesis of the study, that there is no difference in the average length of residence in the community of those perceived as decision-makers. Briefly summarizing the characteristics of per ceived decision-makers it is noted that elite are on the average older, their income greater, and length of residence in the community longer, than civic leaders or public officials. Civic leaders, on the average, are older, have larger incomes, and have resided in the community longer than public officials. 210 Perceived Dec is ion-Makers as "Power Class" If the perceived decision-makers listed in Table 50 were placed in social classes according to Hollingshead's two-factor analysis of social class most would be in Class I-II and a few in Class III. This would mean, then, that the perceived decision-makers of the community are not members of a single social class. If they are to be cate gorized or "grouped" they can best be referred to as a "power class." A further inference can be made that they do not work in concert as a group to decide all major issues of community life. This "power class" is perceived by the community as containing individuals and groups capable of supplying needed decisions which arise from time to time in the community. This "power class" is a repository of that needed element in any group, and community--decision- makers. These decision-makers operate singly at times, and in groups formed by other members of the "power class." 1 O Giddings' concept of "consciousness of kind" is in operation here. The community as a whole is conscious 12 F. H. Giddings, Principles of Sociology (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1896), p. 17. 211 of this kind of group. Members of this "power class" are conscious of other members being in this class, but they do not necessarily work together in a single power pyramid. Though all social classes ?re conscious of decision-makers who may be termed a "power class," the social classes perceive this "power class" differently. Further, different persons are included in this "power class" by members of different social classes. This tends to refute the first hypothesis of this study, that there is no difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among the several social classes. Community Organizations in the Decision-Making Process Hollingshead has shown how the people of Elmtown rate groups, clubs, organizations in the prestige structure 13 of the community. Hunter has analyzed the importance of clubs, organizations and business groups as information gathering centers for decision-makers. It is through these organizations that decisions and policy are 13 A. B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth (New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1949), p. 6 8. 212 implemented.^ Arnold Rose develops a theory of the function of voluntary associations in present-day culture in his recent book, Theory and Method in the Social Sciences.^ Rose identifies three functions of voluntary associations: (a) they distribute power over social life, (b) they provide a sense of satisfaction with the modern democratic process, (c) they provide a social mechanism for continually initiating social change.Rose builds the thesis that these functions have developed because the conditions of community life in the United States have encouraged them. The increasing mobility of the population and the rapidity of social change are favoring trends. Durkheim perceived the need for and the place of voluntary associations in the societal structure where he said, . . . a nation can be maintained only if, between the state and the individual, there is inter calated a whole series of secondary groups near enough to the individual to attract them strongly ^Hunter, op. cit. , pp. 8-25. ^Arnold Rose, Theory and Method in the Social Sciences (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1954), pp. 50-116. 16Ibid., p. 51. 213 in their spheres of action, and drag them in this way into the general torrent of social life. 18 In 1951, Tsouderos made a study of the formaliza tion process in the social structures of 91 voluntary associations in Minneapolis. His study is largely con cerned with the forms and patterns of structure rather than decision-making processes within these associations. In Orchard City groups, clubs and organizations are perceived as playing an important role in the decision making process. Meetings of these groups are channels of communication. Their members are repositories of informa tion; they are also antennas receiving the latest news of community interest. It is here that decision-makers operate and play their vital role in the life of the com munity. These organizations are perceived by the people of the community as being a necessary function in the power structure of the community. How these organizations are perceived by classes as instruments in the decision-making process of the com munity is outlined in Table 52. The frequencies that ^Durkheim, op. cit. . p. 153. 18 J. E. Tsouderos, "Organizational Change," American Sociological Review (1955), XX, 206-219. 11 1 25 0 6 6 7 5 25 4 0 3 5 0 0 0 0 0 TABLE 52 COMMUNITY ORGANIZATIONS NAMED AS IMPORTANT IN DECISION-MAKING PROCESS Class I-II Class Fre- Per Fre- Organization quency cent quency Chamber of Commerce Farm Bureau City Council County Engineers School Board State Highway Commission County Board of Supervisors Planning Commission Business leaders Farm leaders Rotary Parent Teachers Association Cattlemen leaders American Legion Veterans of Foreign War Employees Association Public Officials Property Owners TOTAL 58 18 50 3 1 5 58 18 109 1 0 0 18 5 26 2 1 28 25 8 32 28 8 23 45 14 108 30 9 18 12 4 2 3 1 16 25 8 23 0 0 2 2 1 1 19 6 1 1 0 1 0 0 1 303 446 TABLE 52 (continued) Class IV Class V Fre- Per Fre- Per Position Organization quency cent quency cent Civic leader Chamber of Commerce 24 7 6 5 Civic leader Farm Bureau 0 0 0 0 Public official City Council 103 32 43 35 Public official County Engineers 0 0 0 0 Public official School Board 14 4 5 4 Public official State Highway Commission 8 2 4 3 Public official County Board of Supervisors 32 10 11 9 Civic leader Planning Commission 5 2 3 2 Elite Business leaders 65 21 27 22 Elite Farm leaders 11 4 3 2 Civic leader Rotary 1 0 0 0 Civic leader Parent Teachers Association 14 4 17 14 Elite Cattlemen leaders 10 3 4 3 Civic leader American Legion 0 0 0 0 Civic leader Veterans of Foreign War 2 1 0 0 Civic leader Employees Association 1 0 1 0 Public official Public Officials 25 8 0 0 Elite Property Owners TOTAL 0 315 0 0 124 0 216 these groups, and organizations were named as most influ ential in the decision-making process are given by class. Percentages based on these data are indicated in the next column of this table. The respondent was asked to classify the organiza tion he named as influential in the decision-making process as public official group, civic leader group or elite group. It was explained that a public official group was one to which the members were elected, or one to which the members were appointed in a salaried capacity by public official groups such as the City Council. Civic leader groups were voluntary associations but membership might be obtained by appointment; but members were not salaried. Civic leader groups, it was explained, existed for the welfare of the community to a large extent. Elite groups, it was explained, were primarily groups in which the members furthered the interests of its members or a particular segment or occupational group of the community. The ratings given these organizations by the respondents are shown in Tables 53 and 54. The frequencies appearing in the column next to the organizations are the same as those in Table 52. The number in the percentage column indicates the number of times percentage-wise that 2X7 TABLE 53 CIVIC LEADER, PUBLIC OFFICIAL, AND ELITE GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS NAMED AS IMPORTANT IN DECISION MAKING PROCESS (Class I-II and III) Class I-II Class III Civic Leader Groups or Organ izat ions Chamber of Commerce Farm Bureau Planning Commission Rotary Parent Teachers Association American Legiot. Veterans of Foreign War Employees Association Public Official Organizations City Council County Engineers School Board State Highway Commission County Board of Supervisors Other public agencies Elite Groups or Organizations Business Leaders Farm Leaders Cattlemen Leaders Property Owners Fre- Per Fre- Per quency cent quency cent 46 50 3 5 23 23 5 2 3 16 0 2 2 1 19 1 98 33 100 22 50 109 1 0 18 26 2 28 25 32 1 1 105 32 196 44 45 108 36 18 25 23 0 1 100 35 150 34 TABLE 54 218 CIVIC LEADER, PUBLIC OFFICIAL, AND ELITE GROUPS AND ORGANIZATIONS NAMED AS IMPORTANT IN DECISION MAKING PROCESS (Class IV and V) Class IV Class V Fre- Per Fre- Per quency cent quency cent Civic Leader Groups or Organizations Chamber of Commerce 24 6 Farm Bureau 0 0 Planning Commission 5 3 Rotary 1 0 Parent Teachers Association 14 17 American Legion 0 0 Veterans of Foreign War 2 0 Employees Association 1 1 47 15 27 22 Public Official Organizations City Council County Engineers School Board State Highway Commission County Board of Supervisors Other public agencies 103 43 0 0 14 5 8 4 32 11 25 0 182 57 63 51 Elite Groups or Organizations Business Leaders Farm Leaders Cattlemen Leaders Property Owners 65 27 11 3 10 4 0 0 86 27 34 27 219 public officials groups, civic leader groups, and elite groups were named by classes as most influential in the decision-making process. The data were analyzed by means of the chi square method. The obtained chi square was 31.08. With 6 degrees of freedom, the obtained chi square is significant at the .01 level. Based on the theories of Rose, previously stated, it can be interpreted from Tables 53 and 54 that the people of Orchard City perceive these civic leader associa tions as a means of distributing power in the community and as providing a means of exercising the modern demo cratic process. Noted also is the perception of civic leader organizations by Class I-II members as being equal to public official groups and elite groups as decision making organizations. It might be inferred that Class I- II perceive civic leaders organizations as being equal in importance with public official groups as carrying out the democratic process. The difference in perception by class of organizations in the decision-making process tends to refute the first hypothesis of this study that there is no difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among the several social classes. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH A summary of the material presented in this dis sertation will be made from these perspectives: (1) conclusions reached about the hypotheses, (2) a report of the essential methods and techniques used, (3) the findings of the empirical study, and (4) suggestions for further research. Conclusions Concerning the Hypotheses This study is an investigation essentially of the power structure of a community. In particular it attempts to record the perception of the community power structure held by members of social classes of the community, and to note any differences of perception among these classes. The first hypothesis of this study is a more general one, therefore it might be logical to present the conclusions reached concerning other hypotheses first and relate these to this general hypothesis. 220 221 The second hypothesis states that there is no difference among social classes in the perception of an elite as decision-makers in the community power structure. The third hypothesis states that there is no difference among social classes in their perception of what individ uals constitute the elite. The findings of these two hypotheses are treated together. Only a small percentage of each social class perceive an elite as decision-makers in the community power structure. There is no significant difference in this percentage of each social class. How ever there is a difference among classes as to what indi viduals constitute the elite, and the relative importance as decision-makers of these individuals. Some conclusions reached concerning the fourth and fifth hypotheses are combined here for purpose of contrast. The fourth hypothesis states that there is no difference among social classes in the perception of public officials as decision-makers in the community power struc ture, and the fifth hypothesis states that there is no difference among social classes in the perception of civic leaders as decision-makers in the community power struc ture. Among social classes there is a significant differ ence in the perception of public officials as decision 222 makers in the conmuniy power structure. Classes IV and V perceive public officials as occupying the most influential position in the power structure. These classes perceive civic leaders as decision-makers in few instances; they occupy a very low position in the power hierarchy, accord ing to Classes IV and V. Class III differs from other classes in its perception of the position of public offi cials in the power structure. This class perceives public officials as the predominant decision-makers of the com munity, but this position in the power structure is more closely shared with civic leaders. Class I-II perceive civic leaders as occupying the dominant position in the power structure, public officials occupying a subordinate position in this structure. From the previous conclusions it can be stated that there is a significant difference in the perception of the power structure of the community among the several social classes. Therefore the general hypothesis, the first hypothesis, is refuted. Other Hypotheses 223 Social Class Status of Perceived Dec is ion-Makers Utilizing Hollingshead's Two-Factor Analysis of Social Position to determine the social position of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision makers it was found that all perceived decision-makers were not in the same social class. Some perceived decision-makers occupied a position in social Class I, while others were in Class II, and still others in Class III. This finding tends to refute the sixth hypothesis that there is no difference in status of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision-makers. A&e. of Perceived Decision-Makers The average age of the elite perceived as decision makers was found to be greater than the average age of civic leaders. The average age of civic leaders was greater than that of public officials, but less than that of elite. This tends to refute the seventh hypothesis that there is no difference in age of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision-makers. 224 Wealth of Perceived Decision-Makers The average wealth of the perceived elite Is greater than that of either civic leaders or public offi cials. The average wealth of civic leaders is greater than that of public officials. This finding tends to refute the eighth hypothesis of the study. Length of Residence in Community of Perceived Decision-Makers On the average there is a marked difference in the length of residence in the community of elite, civic leaders and public officials. Residing in the community the least number of years are public officials, whereas the elite have had the longest residence in the community. The average for civic leaders is between the averages of the elite and public officials. This tends to refute the ninth hypothesis that there is no difference in length of residence in the community of public officials, civic leaders and elite perceived as decision-makers. Summary of Methods and Techniques The design of this study is essentially cross- sectional. It attempts to give an accurate picture of 225 the perception by class of the power structure of a Cali fornia community at a particular time. Questions relating to the main interests of the community were outlined in a preliminary interview schedule. These questions were designed to elicit from the person interviewed his per ception of the community decision-makers. Orchard City was selected for study for several reasons. Census data revealed this community to have a growing population similar to many California towns, one comprised of various ethnic groups that would be found in many California com munities. Also this community was convenient to the researcher. The interview schedule was refined after a pilot study was conducted in a nearby town of comparable size and composition. A 10 per cent probability sample of the community resulted in 178 interviews. Perhaps greater authenticity of the findings was achieved, it was thought, by using only male heads-of-household as respondents. The male head-of-household of every tenth dwelling unit was interviewed. A 1958 base map of the city depicting all single and multiple dwellings aided in keeping an accurate record of the sample. All data were punched on I.B.M. cards. Hollingshead's Two-Factor Index of Social Position was used in the analysis of the data. The two-factors, 226 education and occupation, are weighted values used to place respondents in five social classes. The response frequencies of the several social classes are compared by means of the chi square technique and significant differences noted. After all interviews had been com pleted a list of perceived decision-makers was compiled. Data such as age, wealth and length of residence of those perceived to be decision-makers were secured from official records. Other Findings Power Structure as "Cliques" Social classes do not perceive the members of a power structure as a "clique" who work together on all questions of community interest. Power Pyramids Within the Power Structure Power pyramids are perceived by social classes. Some decision-makers are perceived to be in some power pyramids concerned with one or more questions of community interest, but absent from other power pyramids. Some power pyramids are in opposition to one another. Per ceived decision-makers are viewed as working together in 227 some power pyramids and as working in opposition in others. Decision-Makers as a "Power Class1 1 All of the perceived decision-makers do not belong to the same social class. Decision-makers are perceived by social classes as existing in the community and perform ing a necessary function in the division of labor organiza tion. This body of decision-makers perceived by social classes has been termed the "power class." Decision-Makers as Small and Large Groups On many questions of importance to the community fewer than six decision-makers are perceived by Classes I-II and III as acting in this capacity; and in most questions fewer than eleven decision-makers are perceived as performing this function, by these classes. Classes IV and V, however, perceive a large number, twelve or more, decision-makers acting on questions vital to the community. Identification of Perceived Decision-Makers To a greater extent than all other classes, Class I-II (52 per cent) are able to identify the person most influential in decision-making on particular questions of 228 importance to the community. Thirty-five per cent of Class III and 35 per cent of Class IV are able to identify the person perceived as the decision-maker on these ques tions. Only a small percentage of Class V are able to identify the persons perceived as decision-makers. A corollary to this finding is that Class V are the most apathetic toward questions of community interest. Suggestions for Further Research A most rewarding study would be one in which those perceived as decision-makers were interviewed to discover whether or not they are "self-recognized" decision-makers. What is their perception of the power structure and in what position would they place themselves in this struc ture? Comparing this power structure given by these per ceived decision-makers to the structure perceived by a sample of the community would probably render more accurate knowledge of the actual power structure. Another suggestion is one relating to the inter view schedule. After the respondent has given his per ception of the decision-makers a final question could be put forth. The respondent would be presented a list of names of public officials and civic leaders and asked to 229 place these, as well as the names he had previously men tioned, in a hierarchy. 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"Proposals for Making a Scale of Occupational Status," Sociology and Social Research, XX (September- October, 1935), 40-49. Sorokin, Pitirim A. Social Mobility. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1927. Stouffer.S.A.et al. The American Soldier. 4 volumes. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1949. Tarde, Gabriel. The Laws of Imitation. Translated by E. C. Parsons. New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1903. Thrasher, F. The Gang. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1927. Tonnies, Ferdinand. Fundamental Concepts of Sociology. Translated by Charles P. Loomis. New York: American Book Co., 1940. Tsouderas, J. D. "Organizational Change," American Sociological Review. XX (1955), 206-210. Useem, John, Tangent, Pierre, and Useem, Ruth. "Strati fication in a Prairie Town," American Sociological Review, VII (June, 1942), 331-342. Vaile, R. S. Red Wing Five Years Later. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1952. 243 Veblen, Thorstein. The Theory of the Leisure Class: An Economic Study of Institutions* New York: Vanguard Press, 1926. Ward, Lester F. Dynamic Sociology. 2 volumes. New York: D. Appleton-Century Co., 1911. Warner, W. Lloyd, et al. Democracy in Jonesville. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1949. _______ , Robert J. Havlghurst, and Loeb, Martin B. Who Shall Be Educationed: The Challenge of Unequal Opportunities. New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1944. _______ , and Lunt, Paul S. The Social Life of a Modern Community. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1941. _______ . The Status System of a Modern Community. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942. _______ , Meeder, Marchia, and Eells, Kenneth. Social Class in America: A Manual of Procedure for the Measurement of Social Status. Chicago: Science Research Associates, Inc., 1949. Weber, Max. The Theory of Social and Economic Organiza tion. Translated by A. M. Henderson and Talcott Parsons. New York: Oxford University Press, 1947. Welsh, Maryon K. "The Ranking of Occupations on the Basis of Social Status," Occupations, XXVII (1949), 237-241. West, James (Carl Withers). Plainville, U.S.A. New York: Columbia University Press, 1945. Wheeler, Wayne. Social Stratification in a Plains Com munity. Minneapolis: Wayne Wheeler, 1949. White, R. Clyde. "Low Income Classes," American Journal of Sociology. XLW (May, 1942), 918-928. Whyte, W. F. Street Corner Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1945. 244 Whyte, W. H., Jr. "The Transients," Fortune, XLVII (1953), 112-117, 221-226. Wilks, S. S. "Representative Sampling and Poll Reliability," Public Opinion Quarterly, IV (June, 1940), 261-269. Young, Pauline V. Scientific Social Surveys and Research: and Introduction to the Background, Content. Methods and Analysis of Social Studies. New York: Prentice- Hall, Inc., 1946. Zorbaugh, Harvey W. The Gold Coast and the Slum. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929. APPENDIX APPENDIX INTERVIEW SCHEDULE 1. Occupation _____________________________________________ 2. Length of residence in community ____________________ 3. Age ________ 4. Education (grades completed) _________________________ 5. If a new elementary school were to be built in the conmunity, what person or group would be influential in saying where the school would be located? (5-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? ______ (5-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? ______________ (5-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? ______________ (5-3-1) Could identify these people ___________ (5-3-2) Did identify these people _____________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation _____________________ 2. Name ___________________________ (5-4) Would these people be public officials? ______ (5-5) Would these people be civic leaders? __________ (5-6) Neither of above ________________________________ (5-7) Would these people be (5-7-1) of moderate income _____________________ (5-7-2) wealthy _________________________________ (5-7-3) very wealthy ___________________________ (5-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? _____________________ (5-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? ____________________________ (name, title, position) (5-10) What is this person's occupation? _____________ Sex? _______________ Age?_______________________ (5-11) How long has this person lived in the community? (5-12) Is this person considered wealthy? (5-13) Why is this person influential? (5-13-1) Public official? ________ 246 247 (5-13-2) Civic leader? (5-13-3) Wealthy? ____ (5-14) Comments? 6. If the county were planning a project that would affect the community, for example, re-routing the county highway through or around the community, who in the community would be most influential in deter mining this decision? (6-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? ______ (6-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? _____________ (6-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? ______________ (6-3-1) Could identify these people ___________ (6-3-2) Did identify these people _____________ (a) Identify these people _____________ 1. Occupation ______________________ 2. Name ____________________________ (6-4) Would these people be public officials? ______ (6-5) Would these people be civic leaders? _________ (6-6) Neither of above _______________________________ (6-7) Would these people be (6-7-1) of moderate income ____________________ (6-7-2) wealthy _________________________________ (6-7-3) very wealthy ___________________________ (6-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? _____________________ (6-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? ___________________________ (name, title or position) (6-10) What is this person's occupation? _____________ Sex? _____________ Age? ____________ (6-11) How long has this person lived in the community? ____________________________________ (6-12) Is this person considered wealthy? ____________ (6-13) Why is this person influential? _______________ (6-13-1) Public official? ______________________ (6-13-2) Civic leader? _________________________ (6-13-3) Wealthy? _ _ ___________________________ (6-14) Comments? 248 7. If a community project were needed, for instance, planning and locating (building) a playground for children, who would be most influential (effective) in getting this project done? (7-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? ______ (7-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? _____________ (7-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? ______________ (7-3-1) Could identify these people ___________ (7-3-2) Did identify these people _____________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation _____________________ 2. Name ___________________________ (7-4) Would these people be public officials? ______ (7-5) Would these people be civic leaders? __________ (7-6) Neither of the above ___________________________ (7-7) Would these people be (7-7-1) of moderate income _____________________ (7-7-2) wealthy _________________________________ (7-7-3) very wealthy ___________________________ (7-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? _____________________ (7-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? _______________________ (name, title or posi tion) (7-1Q) What is this person's occupation? _____________ Sex? _____________ Age?______________ (7-11) How long has this person lived in the community? (7-12) Is this person considered wealthy? (7-13) Why is this person influential? __ (7-13-1) Public official? ________ (7-13-2) Civic leader? ____________ (7-13-3) Wealthy? _________________ (7-14) Comments? 8. If a new industry, for example, a food-processing or canning, were planning to build a plant in the com munity, who would be most influential in the matter? (8-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? ______ (8-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? _____________ (8-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? ______________ (8-3-1) Could identify these people ___________ 249 (8-3-2) Did identify these people _____________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation ______________________ 2. Name ____________________________ (8-4) Would these people be public officials? ______ (8-5) Would these people be civic leaders? __________ (8-6) Neither of above ________________________________ (8-7) Would these people be (8-7-1) of moderate income _____________________ (8-7-2) wealthy _________________________________ (8-7-3) very wealthy ___________________________ (8-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? _____________________ (8-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? ___________________________ (name, title or position) (8-10) What is this person's occupation? _____________ Sex? _____________ Age?______________ (8-11) How long has this person lived in the community? ______________________________________ (8-12) Is this person considered wealthy? ____________ (8-13) Why is this person influential? _______________ (8-13-1) Public official? ______________________ (8-13-2) Civic leader? _________________________ (8-13-3) Wealthy? ______________________________ (8-14) Comments? 9. If an election were to be held for the purpose of increasing the taxes on property, who would be most influential in this election? (9-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? ______ (9-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? ____________ (9-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? _____________ (9-3-1) Could identify these people _________ (9-3-2) Did identify these people ____________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation ____________________ 2 . Name ____________________ (9-4) Would these people be public officials? _____ (9-5) Would these people be civic leaders? ________ (9-6) Neither of above ____________________________ (9-7) Would these people be (9-7-1) of moderate income ___________________ (9-7-2) wealthy___________ ____________________ (9-7-3) very wealthy __________________________ 250 (9-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? _____________________ (9-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? ___________________________ (name, title or position) (9-10) What is this person's occupation? _____________ Sex? ______________ Age?_____________ (9-11) How long has this person lived in the community?______________________________________. (9-12) Is this person considered wealthy? ____________ (9-13) Why is this person influential? _____________ __ (9-13-1) Public official? ______________________ (9-13-2) Civic leader? _________________________ (9-13-3) Wealthy? _______________________________ (9-14) Comments? 10. If an important project is to be undertaken, for example, zoning and planning a new shopping center, who would be most influential in getting the project going? (10-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? _____ (10-2) Would it be a small group (6*11)? ____________ (10-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? _____________ (10-3-1) Could identify these people ________ (10-3-2) Did identify these people ___________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation ___________________ 2. Name ________________________ (10-4) Would these people be public officials? _____ (10-5) Would these people be civic leaders? ________ (10-6) Neither of above ______________________________ (10-7) Would these people be (10-7-1) of moderate income __________________ (10-7-2) wealthy __________________________ (10-7-3) very wealthy _________________________ (10-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? ______________ (10-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? ________________________ (name, title or position) (10-10) What Is this person's occupation? ____________ Sex? ______________ Age? _____________ (10-11) How long has this person lived in the community? 251 (10-12) Is this person considered wealthy? (10-13) Why is this person influential? __ (10-13-1) Public official? _______ (10-13-2) Civic leaders? _________ (10-13-3) Wealthy? ________________ (10-14) Comments? 11, If an important decision were to be made in Sacramento by the state legislature or other officials at Sacramento that the people of this community would not like, who might go to Sacramento to exercise strong influence against the measure? (11-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? _____ (11-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? ____________ (11-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? _____________ (11-3-1) Could identify these people ________ (11-3-2) Did identify these people ___________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation ____________________ 2, Name ___ ___________________ (11-4) Would these people be public officials? (11-5) Would these people be civic leaders? (11-6) Neither of above ________________________ (11-7) Would these people be (11-7-1) of moderate income (11-7-2) wealthy ___________ (11-7-3) very wealthy (11-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? ___________________ (11-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? __________________________ (name, title or position) (11-10) What is this person's occupation? ____________ Sex?_______________Age?_______________ (11-11) How long has this person lived in the community? (11-12) Is this person considered wealthy? (11-13) Why is this person influential? __ (11-13-1) Public official? _______ (11-13-2) Civic leader? ___________ (11-13-3) Wealthy? ________________ (11-14) Comments? 252 12. If a decision were to be made in Sacramento that would greatly benefit the community, for instance, locating a state hospital here, who in the community would exert strong influence in this decision? (12-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? _____ (12-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? ____________ (12-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? _____________ (12-3-1) Could identify these people ________ (12-3-2) Did identify these people (a) Identified by ___________________ 1. Occupation ___________________ 2. Name (12-4) Would these people be public officials? (12-5) Would these people be civic leaders? (12-6) Neither of above________ ________________ (12-7) Would these people be (12-7-1) of moderate income (12-7-2) wealthy (12-7-3) very wealthy (12-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? ___________ (12-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? __________________________ (name, title or position) (12-10) What is this person's occupation? ____________ Sex? ___________ Age?_____________ (12-11) How long has this person lived in the community? _____________________________________ (12-12) Is this person considered wealthy? (12-13) Why is this person influential? __ (12-13-1) Public official? ________ (12-13-2) Civic leader? ___________ (12-13-3) Wealthy? ________________ (12-14) Comments? 13. If a decision were to be made on raising the salaries of county or city employees, who would exercise the most influence in this decision? (13-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? _____ (13-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? ____________ (13-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? _____________ (13-3-1) Could identify these people ________ 253 (13-3-2) Did identify these people ___________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation ___________________ 2. Name __________________________ (13-4) Would these people be public officials? _____ (13-5) Would these people be civic leaders? _________ (13-6) Neither of above ______________________________ (13-7) Would these people be (13-7-1) of moderate income __________________ (13-7-2) wealthy ______________________________ (13-7-3) very wealthy _________________________ (13-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? ______________ (13-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? __________________________ (name, title or position) (13-10) What is this person's occupation? ____________ Sex? ____________ Age?________________ (13-11) How long has this person lived in the community? _____________________________________ (13-12) Is this person considered wealthy? ___________ (13-13) Why is this person influential? ______________ (13-13-1) Public official? ___________________ (13-13-2) Civic leader? _______________________ (13-13-3) Wealthy? ____________________________ (13-14) Comments? 14. If someone ran into red tape in getting something done, for example, getting a building permit or a liquor license, who would he see to eliminate the red tape and get the permit or license? (14-1) Would it be a large group(12 or more)? ___ (14-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? ________ (14-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? _________ (14-3-1) Could identify these people _____ (14-3-2) Did identify these people _______ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation ________________ 2. Name _______________________ (14-4) Would these people be public officials? __ (14-5) Would these people be civic leaders? _____ (14-6) Neither of above ___________________________ 254 (14-7) Would these people be (14-7-1) of moderate income __________________ (14-7-2) wealthy _______________________________ (14-7-3) very wealthy ___________________ _ (14-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? _______________ O 4-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? _________________________ (Name, title or position) (1440) What is this person's occupation? ____________ (14-11) How long has this person lived in the comnunity? ____________________________________ _ Sex? ___________________ Age?____________ (14-12) Is this person considered wealthy? ___________ (14-13) Why is this person influential?_______________ (14-13-1) Public official ________________~ (14-13-2) Civic leader ________________________ (14-13-3) Wealthy _____________________________ (14-14) Comments? 15. In many cities there are persons who are very influ ential but who are "behind the scenes." Can you give me names or positions of these persons in this com munity? (15-1) Would it be a large group (12 or more)? _____ (15-2) Would it be a small group (6-11)? ____________ (15-3) Would it be a few (less than 6)? _____________ (15-3-1) Could identify these people ________ (15-3-2) Did identify these people ___________ (a) Identified by 1. Occupation ___________________ 2. Name __________________________ (15-4) Would these people be public officials? _____ (15-5) Would these people be civic leaders? ________ (15-6) Neither of above ______________________________ (15-7) Would these people be (15-7-1) of moderate income __________________ (15-7-2) wealthy ______________________________ (15-7-3) ve_y wealthy _________________________ (15-8) Do these people act together as a group or just separately as individuals? ______________ (15-9) Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? __________________________ (name, title or position) 255 (15-10) What is this person's occupation? Sex? ____________ Age?__________ (15-11) How long has this person lived in the community? (15-12) Is this person considered wealthy? _________ (15-13) Why is this person influential? ____________ (15-13-1) Public official? __________________ (15-13-2) Civic leader? _____________________ (15-13-3) Wealthy? __________________________ (15-14) Comments? 16. a. Do you think this community has possibility for growth? Yes_____ No ____ Small Amount ____ Average ____ Very Much ____ b. Do you think it is growing as fast as it can? Yes ____ Almost_____ Not Nearly As Fast ____ c. Is something holding back this growth? d. Of the following factors which one seems to be retarding community development: Large Small No. Few (12 - more) (6-11) (less than 6) Property owners ________ _______ ______ Old families __________ _______ ______ Civic leaders _________ _______ ______ Industry leaders __________ _______ ______ Others __________ _______ ______ Natural resources e. What group in the community is most influential in promoting growth? _____________________________ f. Which of the two groups is most influential? Those: for growth ______ Against growth __ 256 g. Why do these people wish to hold back growth? h. Who would be the most influential member of the group you mentioned? ______________________________ (name, title or position) i. What is the person's occupation? _________________ Sex? ____________ Age?_____________ j. How long has this person lived in the community? k. Is this person considered wealthy? 1. Why is this person influential? __ (l.-l) Public official? ___________ (1,-2) Civic leader? ______________ (1.-3) Wealthy? ___________________ m. Comments?

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Creator Rogers, Robert Burtch (author)

Core Title Perception Of The Power Structure By Social Class In A California Community

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Sociology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Sociology, general

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor McDonagh, Edward C. (committee chair), Sabagh, Georges (committee member), Seward, Georgene H. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-270420

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Document Type Dissertation

Rights Rogers, Robert Burtch

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Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

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