University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Ego Diffusion In Women With Behavioral Disorders And The Integrating Effects Of Psychodrama In Identity Consolidation

(USC Thesis Other)

Ego Diffusion In Women With Behavioral Disorders And The Integrating Effects Of Psychodrama In Identity Consolidation

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content T h is d is s e r ta tio n h a s b een 64— 1 2,460
m ic r o film e d e x a c tly a s r e c e iv e d
M AAS, J ea n n ette P a u lin e , 1 9 2 3 -
EGO D IFFU SIO N IN W OMEN WITH BEH A V IO R A L
DISO RDERS AND THE INTEGRATING E F F E C T S
O F PSYCHODRAM A IN ID E N T IT Y CONSOLIDATION.
U n iv e r s ity of S ou th ern C a lifo r n ia , P h .D ., 1964
P s y c h o lo g y , c lin ic a l
U niversity M icrofilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, M ichigan
Copyright (c) 196^ by Jeannette Pauline Maas
All Rights Reserved
EGO DIFFUSION IN WOMEN WITH BEHAVIORAL DISORDERS
AND THE INTEGRATING EFFECTS OF PSYCHODRAMA
IN IDENTITY CONSOLIDATION
by
Jeannette Pauline Maas
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Psychology)
June 1964
UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, w ritten by
Jeannette Pauline Maas
under the direction of hSX....Dissertation C o m
m ittee, and a p p r o v e d by all its m em bers, has
been presented to and accepted by the Graduate
School, in partial fulfillm ent of requirements
fo r the degree of
DO CTO R OF P H IL O SO P H Y
Dean
Date. J.ima...19.6.4
Chairman
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
No extensive psychological research project would
ever be completed without the aid and assistance of a large
number of people. It would be impossible to mention by
name everyone who offered support and help in the present
project, but my thanks go foremost to Dr. Georgene Seward,
my chairman, for the many hours she spent in helping me
with the manuscript. My thanks also to Drs. C. E. Meyers
and Constance Lovell for their helpfulness and willingness
while serving as members of the Dissertation Committee.
The cooperation of staff at two large institutions
made it possible to undertake the investigation. Singled
out for particular acknowledgment are Iverne Carter,
Director of the California Institute for Women, who made
the facilities, records, and inmates available, and R. B,
VanVorst, Staff Psychologist, who spent many hours working
out institutional problems, who shared his extensive know
ledge of the population, and who served as participant-
observer in the psychodrama sessions. Also in this setting,
thanks go to Joel Bryant, Student Professional Assistant,
who attended to much of the actual test administration. At
iv
Metropolitan State Hospital, Mrs. Cole, Supervisor of
Nursing Education, made the classes of pyschiatric techni
cian trainees available, and gave of her time in helping
select those who fulfilled the criteria for matched con
trols. Mrs. Tastor permitted use of her class time, and
gave of her own efforts in passing out and collecting test
materials. To both of these women go my appreciation. And
last but not least, a debt of gratitude is owed to the many
women in both institutions who participated as subjects.
Of the various others who contributed time and
effort, sincere appreciation is extended to R. G. Milton
and Phyllis Bond, both psychologists in state institutions,
who judged the spontaneous write-in responses on the TDH
Response Probability Measure. Thanks also to Dr. Joel Shor
and Vo B. Cozens for their many helpful ideas and criti
cisms. And in the statistical field, thanks are in order
to Drs. Robert Hadley and Arthur Silverstein for their help
with the theory and design in testing the hypotheses, and
also for Curtis Miller, who supervised the carrying-out of
the computations.
Thanks are also extended to Joan Morrow who spent
many laborious hours in scoring, typing, and proofreading,
and to V. P Lever who gave unstintingly of his aid in the
execution of various tasks, not the least of which was
attending to the photography necessary for the Appendix.
Finally, honorable mention is due my children, who,
V
although they did not assist in any way with the actual in
vestigation, did give up many hours due them for outings,
projects, and simply "getting together with mother," so
that she could devote that time to this research project.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Acknowledgments .................• . • ............ iii
List of T a b l e s .................................. viii
List of Figures .............................. x
Chapter
I. THE P R O B L E M ..................................... 1
Introduction
Theoretical Background of the
Present Investigation
Etiological Factors
Organic features
Psychogenic factors
The home situation
Theoretical inadequacies
Theories of Development
Socialization theory
Theory of psychosocial
development
Patterns of communication
Therapeutic measures
Purposes of This Investigation
Hypotheses to be Tested
II. PREVIOUS STUDIES ................................ 23
;
III. METHODOLOGY .....................................
The subjects
Instruments used
Procedure
Statistical analyses
vi
vii
Chapter Page
IV. THE RESULTS......................................... 49
Testing the First Hypothesis
Testing the Second Hypothesis
Testing the Third Hypothesis
Testing the Fourth Hypothesis
V. DISCUSSION................................ . . . 68
Ego Identity Versus Diffusion
Trust, Hope, Doubt and Mistrust
Problems in the Development of
Autonomy
Working Toward Integration and
Consolidation of Ego Identity
The Psychodrama Sessions
Implications for Further Investi
gation
VI. SUMMARY.............................................. 108
LIST OF REFERENCES............... 112
APPENDICES................................................... 121
APPENDIX A
APPENDIX 3
APPENDIX C
APPENDIX D
APPENDIX E
ge
35
50
52
53
55
56
57
58
59
60
62
63
LIST OF TABLES
Comparison of the Experimental and Control
Group Members
Comparison of the Means of the Experimental
and Control Groups to the Ego Identity
Scale .................. . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary of Analysis of Variance of the
Responses to the Dyadic Situations . . . .
Summary of the t Tests of the Differences
Between Means of Responses to the Dyadic
Situations . . . . . . . .....................
Comparison of the Pre- and Post-test Means
of the Ego Identity Scores . . . . . . . .
Comparison of Semantic Distance on Concepts
"me" and "mother"
Comparison of Semantic Distance on Concepts
"me" and "father" ............
Comparison of Semantic Distance for Closeness
to Either P a r e n t ......................... ..
Comparison of Semantic Distance Between
"mother" and "mother as I would like her
to be" ...........................................
Comparison of Semantic Distance Between
"father" and "father as I would like him
to b e " ..........................................
Comparison of Semantic Distance Between
"maleness" and " me"...........................
Comparison of Semantic Distance Between
Concepts "femaleness" and "me" . ..........
viii
ix
Table Page
13. Comparison of the Semantic Distance on
Concepts "mother" and "trust" • .............. 63
14. Comparison of the Semantic Distance on
Concepts "father" and "trust" . . . . . . . 64
15. Comparison of the Semantic Distance on
Concepts "mother" and "love" . . . . . . . 65
16. Comparison of Semantic Distance on
Concepts "father" and "love" . . . . . . . 66
17. Comparison of the Semantic Distance on
Concepts "love" and "sex" ............. 67
18. Comparison of the Semantic Distance on
Concepts "trust" and "sex" . . . . . . . . 67
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Fage
1. Semantic Space for Women With Behavioral
Disorders. Concepts "me," "mother,”
"father," "maleness" ................... 83
2. Semantic Space for Women Psychiatric
Technician Trainees. Concepts "me,”
'•mother," ^father," "maleness" .. ..... 83
3. Semantic Space^for Women With Behavioral
Disorders. Concepts^"mother," "father,"
"mother as I would like her to be,"
"father as I would like him to be," "love,"
" t r u s t " .......................................... 84
4. Semantic Space for Women Psychiatric
Technician Trainees. Concepts "mother,"
"father," "mother as I would like her to
be," "father as I would like him to be,"
"love," "trust" ................................ 84
V .
X
CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
Introduction
The personality patterning of individuals with
behavioral disorders has been and still remains a puzzle.
Speculations are legion as to etiological factors, and
little agreement is found regarding specific diagnostic
features. The most commonly used set of criteria for
defining behavioral deviance is to be found in the Diagnos
tic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric
Association (1952). This manual describes persons with
behavioral disorders as "ill primarily in terms of society
and of conformity with the prevailing cultural milieu"
(p. 38). Other authors (e.g., Cleckley, 1955; Karpman,
1948; Lindner, 1944) offer diagnostic features derived from
their views as to the etiology of the disorders. These
etiological views may be classified into three major cate
gories: organic, functional, and views which incorporate
both organic and functional features. Some of the organic
views stress inherited neurological defects, while others
1
stress acquired organic dysfunctions (Thompson, 1953). Some
functional theorists focus on psychoanalytic personality
development concepts (Alexander, 1948), while others focus
on social learning concepts (Gough, 1948). Opinions as to
treatment procedures and their likelihood of effectiveness
are derived from these etiological views. Literature
devoted to description and to philosophical argumentation
abounds, but there is a paucity of well controlled studies
which include research data.
The present study is planned to investigate psycho
logical factors associated with behavioral disorders in
women, and the effectiveness of psychodrama as a treatment
method. The theoretical background from which the present
research stems is twofold. One portion stems from theories
of socialization, and the other from psychoanalytic theory
as modifed by Fenichel (1945), Lindner (1944), and Erikson
(1956).
Theoretical Background of the
Present Investigation
Etiological Factors
Organic features
Those theorists who take a predominately organic
view are of the opinion that factors located in the cere
brum cause abnormalities in behavior. These are seen as
neurological defects which prevent the individual from
developing the normal reaction to social conditioning, that
is, failure to develop anxiety and guilt, which are seen as
necessary for personality alteration (Thompson, 1953). Some
evidence has been presented to show that persons with behav
ioral disorders tend, as a group, to have a higher incidence
of abnormal brain waves than normals. Kiloh and Osselton
(1961) found that there was a linear relationship between
abnormal waves and so-called "crimes." It must be remem
bered, however, that many persons who do not act out
against society also have abnormal brain waves.
Psychogenic factors
Certain observers, notably Partridge (1928), Healy
(1936), and Alexander (1948), regard the manifest symptoms
to be a result of psychogenic factors. Partridge was the
first to study the influence of early environment, and was
instrumental in changing the diagnostic label of "psycho
path" to "sociopath." He found that the persons he studied
had all been rejected as children (Partridge, 1928), and
others (e.g., Greenacre, 1945; Szurek, 1942) followed his
lead. Alexander (1948) applied Freudian principles, and
came to the conclusion that the symptoms noted were pur
posive acting out of unconscious conflicts and pathological
situations. Bergler (1947).feels that in criminosis the
earliest preoedipal conflicts are decisive. He finds two
factors involved: a variable factor in the psychologic
contents which is multitudinous in form differing in every
case, and a constant or pathognomic one. He calls this
latter factor the mechanism of orality, He sees the indi
vidual as constantly constructing situations in which re
fusal and disappointment are inevitable. Repressing this
initial provocation, the individual then resents and fights
against the self—created "enemy." Following this can come
self pity, and assurance that others are against him. Thus
Bergler sees behavioral deviations not as a wish to get or
take, but an unconscious assurance that he will be refused,
or that good things will be taken away.
The home situation
A number of writers have discussed etiological
factors in terms of the home situation, seeing these rooted
in the presence of a cold, often obsessional father, and a
frivolous, adulation—seeking mother who obtained pleasure
for herself by indulging and overprotecting the child
(Greenacre, 1943; Heaver, 1943; Szurek, 1942; Levy, 1943).
Later, however, Johnson and Szurek re-evaluated this former
work, and decided that most of these subjects were really
acting-out character neurotics, since they exhibited a good
deal of anxiety and evidenced severe guilt feelings. Levy
(1943) cited cases in which he found overprotection to be
an important factor. From his description, it is clear that
his subjects had formed affectional relationships, and did
feel a great deal of guilt. Haller (1942) postulated that
/
true behavioral disorder, or sociopathic personality, was
laboring under a subconscious overattachment to the mother
which was the result of rejection and neglect, which in turn
heightened rather than lessened the desire for affection.
In line with this view, Sears, Maccoby, and Levin (1956)
state that rejection usually leads to dependency rather than
aggression. Rabinovitch (1950) stated flatly that "emo
tional deprivation is the definitely known factor." Field
(1940) and Bowlby (1951) agree that emotional deprivation
coupled with rejection is the key to behavioral disorders,
but others are not convinced that these are the only
factors. The G-luecks (1950) noted that these persons did
indeed have backgrounds of social rejection, but that not
all children so rejected became involved in sociopathic
behavior. They found a cluster of personality traits such
as adventurousness, extrovertiveness, stubbornness, sug
gestibility, and emotional instability, but noted that these
traits could also be found in individuals who had not become
involved in difficulties because of their behavior.
As if to reconcile the dissenting factions, Karpman
(1944) postulated two different types of personalities among
those persons who run afoul of the law. He noted that some
might be constitutional, and some neurotic. He later stated
that he thought it possible to find a neurotic basis to all
such manifestations (Karpman, 1948). Thompson (1953) takes
the view that there is a neurological defect present, but
that the deviant behavior does not become manifest until
certain sociological conditions are also present.
Theoretical inadequacies
The McCords (1956) summarize the etiological issues
by stating that none of the above views, considered alone,
offers conditions which are either necessary or sufficient
for development of deviant or sociopathic behavior.
Although the background histories of these persons often
contain evidences of the factors discussed above, these
same factors can be found in the backgrounds of so-called
normal persons (Renaud and Estes, 1961).
Examples of recent trends in research directed
toward a better understanding of the psychological func
tioning of the psychopathic personality are well summarized
by White (1959). An extensive content analysis of the
literature regarding the psychopathic personality was
recently carried on by Albert, Brigante, and Chase (1959),
and current psychoanalytic views are discussed by Michaels
(1959) and Cleckley (1959). There is agreement that the
sociopath seems unable to play the participant role appro
priately and acceptably in his society, but a large amount
of disagreement as to the point or points of origin of the
syndrome and even more disagreement as to possible thera
peutic and rehabilitative measures.
7
Theories of Development
Socialization theory
A leading proponent of the application of social
theory is Gough (i960), who believes that manifest behavior
symptoms are due to defective socialization, and that
persons can be located on a continuum from more to less
socialized. This view has its roots in the writings of
Mead (1934), who sees socialization as the introjection of
societal standards. He wrote that the degree to which a
person would be able to govern his or her behavior in
accordance with the imperatives of society would be depen
dent on the degree of "socialization anxiety," created by
fear of withdrawal of love which leads to the internaliza
tion of societal standards. It should be noted that fear
of punishment is not cited as necessary for this internali
zation. As Sternbach (1963) says, children are able easily
to incorporate cultural norms without physical punishment.
Cleckley (1955) likens the standards to the brakes on a
vehicle, and feels that these are built-in as a result of
all of life’s experiences. Furthermore, he sees emotion
ality as an important factor; that is, he regards an indi
vidual’s behavior as influenced by the extent to which he
has a feeling for what will happen and the degree to which
the consequences of a certain act will matter.
Alexander (1956) also noted that both neurosis and
sociopathy are due to defective social adjustment, and that
only the mode of expression is different. The neurotic
chooses socially innocuous, symbolic symptoms, whereas the
sociopath acts out conflicts in deeds that are antisocial.
Where the socialization theorists talk of identifi
cation with society’s demands, psychoanalytic writers talk
of the development of the superego through identification.
Fenichel (1945) brings this out clearly when he says that
identification with a "good object" is prerequisite for the
development of a good character, that persons with behav
ioral disorders have suffered anomalies in the formation of
identification, and that the superego deficiencies are due
to disturbances which have prevented the individual from
identifying. Bender (1947) also discussed etiology in
the.se terms. She says deprivation in close emotional rela
tionships with others gives too little opportunity for
identification, and in turn creates inability to build
close relationships. The recurring theme in these writings
is that without identification with a "good object," a
mature superego does not develop. Maslow (1954) postulates
that lack of love is the key to the lack of identification,
and also the key to apparent ability to ignore others and
casually to hurt them. Freyhen (1951) postulates that the
natural need for excitement, variety, and self actualization
are not coupled with rewards for human communication, and
that these needs are then met in an antisocial way.
Lack of identification leads to false definition of
the self, and to the frequent changes which are seen by
others as impulsivity (Frankenstein, 1959). Kaufman and
Heims (1958) see this lack of a feeling of identity as due
to a feeling of abandonment. In discussion of the problems
of identity, Erikson (1956) talks about the person's accrued
confidence in his inner sameness and continuity which are
matched by the sameness and continuity of meaning he has for
others. It is evident from their behavior that persons with
sociopathic disturbance have no such confidence. They learn
to parrot the demands of society, but have not identified
with them, and do not appear to see a continuity in the
application of these demands. They do not see a correspond
ence between their internal states and the external state
of affairs, nor do they accept others’ perceptions of them
as valid.
If one proceeds from the assumption that defective
socialization is due to lack of identification with signi
ficant others, and that this lack of identification has as
its concomitant lack of a sense of personal identity, which
in turn leaves the individual more diffuse, more stimulus
bound, less sublimated as to drive states, more dependent
upon external than internal controls, one can account for
behavioral disorders in terms of identity difficulties.
10
Theory of psychosocial
development
Erikson (1953, 1956, 1959) talks of a gradual unfold
ing of the personality through phase-specific psychosocial
crises which are precipitated by a combination of environ
mental and societal pressures and the individuals readiness
and capacity to deal with such pressures. It is not expect
ed that each crisis will be completely resolved, but that
resolution of each will be predominately in the positive
direction. If in negative direction, subsequent crises will
be more difficult, and such negative resolutions show up as
weaknesses in the adult.
The first psychosocial crisis develops in the child*s
relationship with the mother figure. Ideally, unipolarity,
i.e., a dominant sense of the ’ ’goodness" of existence and an
awareness of the reality of "good" powers both without and
within the self develops. If the crisis is not adequately
handled, premature self-differentiation occurs, which is
characterized by a "diffusion of contradictory introjects
and a predominance of fantasies which pretend to coerce
hostile reality with omnipotent vengeance" (Erikson, 1956,
p. 96). This negative attitude results in a "time diffu
sion"; a general orientation represented by mistrust, which
in turn is felt as an inability to endure delays, waiting,
long-term plans, and so on.
The second psychosocial crisis occurs in relationship
11
with immediate family members as well as the mother figure.
If adequately resolved, a sense of personal autonomy devel
ops which leads to a sense of self-assurance. Erikson
refers to this as a bipolarization which is synonymous in
the psychoanalytic framework with object cathexis. If such
object cathexes are established a sense of healthy self
certainty develops, as opposed to shame, doubt, and self-
consciousness .
The third psychosocial crisis is met in the child's
relationship with peers and siblings. In this period, role-
taking activities are most important, since identifications
are now taking place such as sex role and ethnic identifica
tion, identification with mother and father figures, finding
one's own place in a hierarchy of greater and lesser social
positions, and so on. The healthy resolution of this period
is development of initiative. Negative identifications
which may occur in this period are being the "bad one," the
"black sheep," the one who is "always in trouble."
The fourth psychosocial crisis comes when the child
begins to have to relate to teachers and other significant
adults. If normally resolved, the individual will develop
an anticipation of achievement in work, and will see himself
as capable of operating on his environment in such a way as
to have success in his endeavors in that area. The converse
is "work paralysis," in which case there will be a feeling
of inferiority and inability to "do things right" and to
12
keep on vith a task until its completion. White (1960)
elaborates particularly on effective competence. He sub
sumes activity, manipulation, and exploration under a moti
vational principle of "effectance," and sees these as devel
oping in their own right, without relation to zonal pleasures
or impulses. He sees the conflict in the second and fourth
psychosocial stages as intrinsic crises in competence, which
are important for the development of reality testing, inte
gration, and mastery over impulses. In any event, in order
to cope adequately with both intrinsic needs and extrinsic
requirements, the child must develop a sense of both auto
nomy and.competence.
The fifth psychosocial crisis involves the integra
tion of all of the previous task derivatives, and occurs in
the adolescent period. Here peer relationships and hetero
sexual relationships help solidify ego identity, or result
in isolation with continuing diffusion. The development of
the strong sense of ego identity necessary for consolidation
of what Fenichel (1945) refers to as the "genital charac
ter," or mature individual, is dependent on the resolution
of the four preceeding crises. Erikson (1956) states that
the manifestations of satisfactory ego identity include a
clear perspective cf the future, an adequate self concept,
ability to relate positively to others, and an inner assured
ness of anticipated recognition from those who count.
It should be pointed out that ego identity does not
13
involve merely the sum total of the derivatives of each of
the preceeding stages, but an inner "capital" accrued from
the experiences of each successive stage vhich results in a
successful integration of basic drives vith the individual's
endowments and opportunities.
Patterns of communication
It is relevant here to discuss a point of view held
by several authorities with regard to one fundamental factor
in this lack of identity. Cleckley (1955) notes that al
though broken homes, spoiling, harshness, and so on are
evident, these gross and overt traumatic events cannot be
considered to be the whole answer in the search for etiolo
gical factors. He sees as much more important subtler per
sonal influences involving veiled rejections or pathological
stimulations, "unspoken but powerfully communicated appeals
evoke efforts resulting in frustration. The abstruse, para
doxically compounded, and ambivalent nature is deeply masked
[Cleckley, 1955, pp. 482-485]." Spiegel (1957) illustrates
how this "masking," as he calls it, can disrupt communica
tion, and shows that it can often be displaced. He cites a
case in which the resentment in a mother over a father's
sexual attraction to a daughter was displaced onto another
daughter. Withholding of correct information or substitu
tion of incorrect information can include such behaviors as
pretending, evading, censoring, distorting, and may be on
the conscious or unconscious levels.
14
Veakland (i960) refers to the situations described
above as the "double bind." In order for a person to main
tain a close relationship vith another, there is a necessity
for accurate discrimination of messages being communicated
so that an appropriate response may be made. At times an
individual is placed in a situation in vhich the communi
cant is expressing two orders of messages, one of which
denies the other. When this occurs, the recipient of the
messages is unable to make a discrimination between the two,
and thus to know to which message he is to respond. Weak-
land states (i960, p. 375):
. . . the "victim" soon learns similar or reciprocal
patterns of communication, such as giving incongruent
messages of his own, or_ responding to any and all com
munications he receives as if they were incongruent
| _ italics mine"]".
This double bind theory has been applied most
directly to schizophrenia since the schizophrenic does in
deed give out incongruent messages, as is evident in his
confabulations and contaminations. Persons with behavioral
disorders such as are found among sociopaths, on the other
hand, give out what seem to be congruent messages. There
is no distortion of reality in their messages, but if we
analyze their behavior, we find that they treat messages
they receive as if they were incongruent. This is evident
in the belief that the demands of society do not apply to
them. Society informs them that certain behaviors are
unacceptable, and that if they perform them, certain
1 5
consequences will follow, but they behave as if this message
were incongruent, for their acts say that they do not be
lieve that the logical consequences will follow. This
treatment of messages as if they were incongruent may be
the basis for the seeming lack of judgment, unreliability,
lack of insight, seeming egocentricity, and lack of planning
ability found in many of these people. They simply do not
believe in the act—consequence relationship, although they
may verbally state that they do.
If the individual, at the time when a sense of per
sonal identity is being formed, is placed in a situation in
which significant others are constantly giving out messages
on more than one level, and these messages are incongruent,
he will be in a constant state of frustration. Studies of
experimental neurosis have shown that under situations of
continual frustration there may be a formation of a stereo
typed manner of responding (Wilson, 1963). It may be that
the stereotyped manner chosen by some antisocial persons is
to treat messages received as if they were incongruent.
Therapeutic measures
Certain authorities feel that the antisocial person
ality is untreatable (Chornyak, 1941). Others believe that
psychoanalytic therapy is the preferred method of treatment
(Schmideberg, 1949; Lindner, 1944), while others are as sure
that psychoanalytic methods will not work (Corsini, 1958).
Undoubtedly all treatment procedures known to therapists
16
have been tried. Very little has been done in the way of
verifying effectiveness or ineffectiveness experimentally,
both because of difficulties involved in experimentation
with treatment procedures and because of the nature of the
population. The attitude of the therapist is also an im
portant factor. Many therapists feel threatened by these
persons, since they treat the therapist's messages as in
congruent, question his authority, appear to lack sufficient
guilt and anxiety and good judgment. Some authorities offer
more hopeful pictures than others. One of these is Salz—
mann (i960) who feels that it is erroneous to assume that
the psychopath is incapable of experiencing guilt and
anxiety, but rather avoids the development of these exper
iences by not allowing any really significant interpersonal
relationships. By so doing he attempts to avoid commitments
which would allow him to experience trust and tenderness.
The compensatory defensive system is to appear invulnerable
to such influences. Difficulties in treatment are not, says
Salzmann, due to the intrinsic nature of the illness but to
therapeutic deficiencies. Successful therapy involves elu
cidation of these defenses.
Sarbin (1956) has postulated that persons with behav
ior disorders have not learned to take on society's roles.
We can see, however, if we look closely, that they are
taking on a certain role. It is a role of seeming invulner
ability, of mistrust, of a poverty of affection. If we
17
accept that this is a role, then role modification may be
necessary before behavioral changes can take place. Accord
ing to Spiegel (1957) role modification can be achieved but
such modification is not accomplished as often by verbal
formulation as by actual participation in new behaviors.
Exploration of new alternatives can bring about compromise,
which is defined as adjustment and redistribution of roles.
New role behavior is consolidated through adjustment and
redistribution of reward and can be internalized by the ego
as these rewards are discovered.
Gough (1948) sees the role-taking experience as
vital in the treatment of these persons, pointing out that
they have never taken on the role of the "generalized
other," nor of seeing themselves through the eyes of other
people. Corsini (1958) notes that the verbal symbols
usually used in the therapeutic situation with neurotics
are not useful with behavioral disorders, and that actional
procedures appear to be a better means of communication with
them. Vith actional procedures success is not dependent
upon verbalizations, but on actions and counteractions im
portant to life’s experiences (Parrish, 1959). One of the
outgrowths of social role theory is an interest in psycho-
drama as a means of giving individuals experiences in role-
taking and role-playing (Overholzer and Enneis, 1959).
Through the use of this technique, many different feelings,
attitudes, and values are played out in the open so that
18
the participants can get a clear view of the dynamics that
operate behind the actions and reactions of the individuals
involved (Fein, 1962). The participants can get a better
understanding of the several orders of messages, and of how
these can be operating at the same time. They can, in turn,
gain a clearer view of how others see them.
Purposes of This Investigation
It is the purpose of this investigation to explore
several psychological dimensions concerned with the devel
opment of ego identity or diffusion in a group of women
with behavioral disorders. This will involve a study of
the degree of identity or diffusion, and certain perceptions
of their own roles and the roles of certain significant
other individuals in their lives. In addition to this, in
accordance with double-bind theory, their treatment of
verbal messages as congruent or incongruent will be tested,
and finally the technique of psychodrama will be used for
the purpose of discovering whether this method of role-
playing will increase a sense of personal identity in these
women, and reduce their tendency toward diffusion.
Hypotheses to be Tested
In accordance with Fenichel’s (1945) statements re
garding the formation of identification, and Erikson's
(1956) statements regarding identity formation, it is
reasonable to suppose that women with behavioral disorders
19
will exhibit signs of role diffusion, that is, they will be
changeable in their reactions to various other persons:
Hypothesis One: The experimental subjects in this
study will exhibit more ego diffusion, as measured by
an Ego Identity Scale (Block, 1961) than will normal
controls.
As previously discussed, inability to establish a
sense of personal identity, or to identify with relevant
others, may stem from a double bind—situation. If in the
rejection of relevant others, messages are treated as more
or less incongruent, then we can hypothesize that there may
be a basic confusion or distortion in interpretation of
messages received, as verified to some extent by Holzberg,
Holzberg, and Unger (1951):
Hypothesis Two: The experimental subjects will
interpret spoken messages as more incongruent than will
their controls.
This hypothesis will be tested in two separate ways.
Both experimental and control subjects will be given
the opportunity to respond to a message by using a
multiple choice condition, and by expressing themselves
spontaneously.
Following the assumption that a sense of personal
identity is, in part, a learned phenomenon, and that this
element is built up in part through relationships with
others (Erikson, 1956), it is expected that opportunity to
20
experience such relationships through role-playing will
result in stronger personal identity*
Hypothesis Three; The mean interpersonal consistency
scores, as measured by the Ego Identity Scale (Block,
1961), will show a greater mean change in the direction
of increased interpersonal consistency after a period
of psychodrama sessions than will the scores of similar
subjects not participating in the psychodrama sessions.
Since the process of identification involves percep
tions of others, and in turn, self perceptions (Diamond,
1961), we may measure such perceptions by means of the
Semantic Differential Technique (Osgood, 1957). Through
descriptions of the behaviors of these individuals (Galvin,
1956} Cleckley, 1955; Kaufman, Makkay, and Zilbach, 1959),
certain predictions can be made regarding the meanings of
significant others and significant concepts held by these
persons:
Hypothesis Four: The women with behavioral disorders
will show evidences of a greater separation from, and
lack of identification with, certain significant other
persons in their lives, and will see these persons as
more threatening than will the control subjects.
a) The semantic distance between points representing
the concepts "me" and "mother" will be greater for
the experimental group than for normal controls.
b) The semantic distance between points representing
21
the concepts "me" and "father" will be greater
for the experimental group than for normal con
trols.
c) There will be a lack of identification with either
parent. If for each subject a measure is taken
equal to the smallest of the two distances "me/
mother" and "me/father," the experimental group
will show a larger mean for this measure than the
normal controls.
d) The semantic distance between the concepts
"mother" and "mother as I would like her to be"
will be greater for the experimental subjects
than for controls.
e) The semantic distance between the concepts
"father" and "father as I would like him to be"
will be greater for the experimental subjects
than for the controls.
f) Because the nature of the defensive system is to
appear invulnerable, assertive, and undefeated
(Salzmann, 1960), and because these concepts are
in turn identified by our culture as "male"
characteristics, the semantic distance between
the concepts "me" and "maleness" will be smaller
for the experimental subjects than for normal
controls.
g) The semantic distance between the points
22
representing the concepts "me" and "femaleness"
will be greater for the experimental subjects
than for controls.
h) The semantic distance between the concepts
"mother” and "trust" will be larger for the ex
perimental subjects than for the controls.
i) The semantic distance between the concepts
"father" and "trust" will be larger for the ex
perimental subjects than for controls.
j) The semantic distance between the^ concepts
"mother" and "love" will be larger for the ex
perimental subjects than for the controls.
k) The semantic distance between the concepts
"father" and "love" will be larger for the ex
perimental subjects than for controls.
1) The semantic distance between the concepts "sex"
and "love" will be greater for the experimental
subjects than for controls.
m) The semantic distance between the concepts "sex"
and "trust" will be larger for the experimental
subjects than for controls.
CHAPTER II
PREVIOUS STUDIES
As mentioned above, there is a paucity of well con
trolled studies in this area. Much that has been reported
has been in the nature of behavior descriptions, or subjec
tive statements by therapists as to dynamics and treatment.
Rasmussen (1961, p. 5) attributes the "rather shocking lack
of systematic investigation" to a lack of clear understand
ing and agreement as to where the responsibility lies for
attacking the problem. Is it a "social disease," because
the subjects are not psychotic or psychoneurotic? Yet
social psychologists shy away because the problem may be due
to psychopathology. He also notes society*s attitude as a
factor since delinquent, inadequate, or inept behavior
arouse hostility or rejection rather than sympathy as mental
illness does. "They could conform if they chose." Thus the
problem is tolerated by ignoring, by supporting through
public welfare, or by incarceration in penal institutions.
In addition there is the difficulty in formulation of
theoretical constructs that will account for the observed
phenomena.
23
24
One of the most famous studies, anthropological
rather than experimental, is that of DuBois (1944). Her
analysis of the effects of a changing, inconsistent, re —
jective atmosphere brought to light the relevance of child-
rearing practices for character development. Many of the
so-called sociopathic signs were found in the Alorese, and
her descriptions of the child-rearing practices showed the
presence of both overt and covert messages which were given
on more than one level and which were incongruent0
In connection with the i’els research studies of
child development, Baldwin, Kalhorn, and Breese (1945)
devised a parent behavior scale which divided parents into
three broad, general categories. These were acceptant
parents, casual parents, and rejectant parents. Acceptant
parents were further divided into democratic, indulgent,
and mixed democratic and indulgent. Casual parents were
subdivided into autocratic and indulgent, and rejectant
parents into nonchalant and active rejectors. Throughout
the longitudinal Fels studies, all children received ex
tensive testing and observation at half year intervals
throughout preschool, nursery school, and school years.
Included in the tests were both projective and nonprojec-
tive personality tests. When children and parents of the
seven various groups were studied it was found that the
degree of rejection and lovelessness was important as well
as the fact that such factors were present. As the degree
25
of rejection and lovelessness increased, emotional control
lessened, and resistance to adult authority and nonconform
ity increased0
Using a test of ego identity which he devised, Block
(1961) found that role variability related significantly to
maladjustment in a group of college students. He assumed a
correlation between the extent to which an individual per
ceives himself as varying when in a variety of interper
sonal situations and Erikson's (1956) ego diffusion.
In a lengthy study of behavior disorders in boys,
the McCords (1956) wished to discover whether a specialized
atmosphere and program could cause real personality changes.
In their study they used matched groups of boys. One group
of boys was in a special school in which there was a warm
permissive 'atmosphere, with both group and individual
counseling, and in which the whole environment was mobil
ized against the character disorder. The other group was
in a typical public reformatory, in which an authoritarian
atmosphere prevailed, and in which conformity was stressed
through the use of punishment and isolation. All boys were
given extensive personality evaluations which included pro
jective tests, questionnaires, counselor behavior ratings,
sociograms, and an adult interaction test. The boys* re
sponses were analyzed and computed according to months of
residence. Repeated measures were taken over a two-year
period. The boys in the public reformatory showed no sig
26
nificant change over time. The boys in the experinrental
atmosphere showed significant decreases in aggression and
in hostile views of authority. They also showed a signifi
cant increase in internalized guilt, in positive feelings
toward parental figures, and in development of a positive
self-image. The McCords attributed these changes to four
factors. They felt that the rapport with the therapists
increased the internalized guilt, that the permissiveness
mitigated the boys* views of authority figures as punitive,
and therefore decreased aggression, that the group influ
ences increased behavioral control, and that the counseling
increased realistic self-perception. The really important
conclusion coming from this study is that persons with
behavior disorders can learn more socialized ways of
dealing with frustrations. They can incorporate construc
tive action, sublimation, and withdrawal from aggression.
This is certainly a more hopeful picture than Cleckley
(1955) gives when he discusses "defective brakes."
Some time ago Lindner (1944, 1947) reported on the
successful treatment of seriously confirmed psychopaths.
He called his technique hypnoanalysis, a technique which
used the procedures and interpretations of psychoanalysis,
and the probing and penetration of hypnosis. Through the
use of this technique, Lindner came to reject the theory
that aggressive and debasing acts are due to some inherited
or organic defect. He came to the conclusion that failure
27
in development of identification was the most important
factor. His procedure was psychodramatic in nature in that
it called for reliving of many experiences. As Lindner
worked with these men, he found definite evidence that one
of the major peculiar symptoms was the inability to exper
ience closeness to another person on an emotional level.
Lindner reports how this defensive measure engulfs the whole
personality from an extremely early age. Vhen successful he
could observe introjective processes.
In a study of sociopathic men, Beardsley (1961) used
projective techniques and found definite disturbance in
identification. Also significant was her finding of a lack
of reality testing which differs from that of psychotics.
There is a disregard of reality rather than a fragmentation,
with shallowness and poor integration rather than thought
disorder or perceptual distortion.
Using social learning theory (Rotter, 1954) as a
springboard, Buss (1963) notes that a necessary correlate
of ability to delay gratification is the feeling that the
desired goal will eventually be attained, and the trust
that others will offer assistance in the achievement of the
hoped for, but delayed, gratification. This is in line
with Eysenck’s (1961) formulation that persons who dis
charge their affect quickly are less amenable to social
conditioning. Buss (1963) based a study on the premise
that the more aggressive and acting-out type of individual
28
seeks immediate gratification, since he does not trust in
significant others to provide the reward they promise. He
found this to be true, and also found that he could train
such individuals to trust the experimenters to keep their
promises to provide future reward.
Although Erikson's work has become increasingly
popular in recent psychological literature, few studies
related to his concepts of ego identity and diffusion seem
to be extant at this date. One of these is a study by
Bronson (1959), who used Osgood's semantic differential
techniques and interview information in order to assess
characteristics which are indicative of ego diffusion. He
postulated that ego diffusion was characteristic of the
adolescent period, and felt it reasonable to suppose that
such diffusion underlines much of the seemingly maladaptive
behavior which often manifests itself during the adolescent
period. Gruen (i960) hypothesized that there should be
little discrepancy between the real and ideal self in in
dividuals with a sound ego identity. He used college
students as subjects, asking them to Q sort 100 items des
criptive of personality characteristics, both for real and
ideal self. After a period of one week had elapsed, the
subjects were presented with personality sketches osten
sibly drawn from the Q sort results. Actually, the sketches
were unrelated to the Q sort. Persons demonstrating high
degrees of ego identity rejected the personality sketches
29
which were not descriptive of themselves. Recently Ras
mussen (1961) studied the relationship between character
disorder and Erikson's psychosocial stages. He found evi
dences for fixation at the various stages, and also found
a greater degree of ego identity in individuals with a more
adequate psychosocial adjustment. To date, there seems to
have been no systematic attempt to relate Erikson's con
cepts of ego identity and ego diffusion to women with
behavioral disorders.
In order that the seeming disparity between knowledge
and action might be tested, Holzberg, Aoizberg, and Unger
(1951) set up two experimental conditions. Under one con
dition, subjects read a description of a situation which
entailed conflict between desire and social mores, and were
given multiple choice responses from which to choose. Under
the other condition, the subjects were to write in the
response as if it were a sentence completion test. Signi
ficantly more subjects chose the socially acceptable re
sponse under the multiple choice condition. Under the
spontaneous condition, subjects chose to make responses
which disregarded the wishes of others.
Some application of experimental procedures to the
technique of psychodrama has been made, but in an extensive
review of the literature, Mann (1956) found only two or
three studies that could be called experimental, and these
were not with subjects with behavioral disorders. Haskell
30
(1957) wished to evaluate the effectiveness of role-taking
experiences in establishing an eventual set toward greater
socialization and conformity to societal standards. An ex
perimental group was given role-taking experiences for 15
sessions, and compared with the control group, the experi
menter interpreted the results as favorable. Corsini (1958)
experimented with one boy who had been recurrently in
trouble with the law, and who was felt to fit the criteria
for psychopathic personality. The psychodrama experiences
were so structured as to emphasize to the boy the possible
harm that might come from his acting-out. Subsequent im
provement in his behavior and a reduction of his brushes
with the law were noted. The therapists felt that psycho
drama overcomes barriers to communication with others.
Eglash (i960) used volunteer male prisoners who participated
in role-playing sessions in which they acted out interview
sessions as if applying for a job. The object was to over
come bitterness over the outcome of the interview. Evalua
tions of subsequent behavior showed that, compared with
controls, the role players were less defensive and more
open. In psychodrama with inpatients, Hoffman (1961) de
cided that this technique tends to elicit a relatively high
level of emotional involvement since being a protagonist is
an anxiety-evoking venture. The participating individual
does not know exactly what will evolve, and thus defenses
may be threatened.
31
Only one study with female subjects seems to have
been reported, that of Borden (1940), vho thought that there
is catharsis in self-presentation and that, when there has
been a disturbance in interpersonal relationships, psycho
drama affords an opportunity for retraining.
Practically no experimental work has been conducted
using women as subjects. The results of studies using
males should not be generalized iji toto to women.
CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
The sub.jects
An accurate and workable classification has never
been developed for the so-called "psychopathic" or "socio-
pathic" personality. A complete review of the history and
terms used with regard to these persons shows the confused
development of the concepts. Thirty-one different terms
have been applied, mostly based on the opinions of social,
legal, medical, and religious persons. The necessity for
so much compromise, as to what does or does not comprise
sociopathic behavior, makes differential diagnosis almost
impossible, and shows a tendency either to deny the exist
ence of a particular category or to delineate its nature
(Maughs, 1941). Classification must apparently be inclu
sive enough to prevent encroachment of other categories.
In other words, these persons are considered deviant yet
otherwise unclassifiable. For these reasons the experi
mental subjects used in this study are referred to as women
with behavioral disorders, although all of them could be
classified under one of the subcategories of the socio
pathic personality.
32
33
The experimental subjects were women between the ages
of 18 and 30. The average age of the experimental group was
25 years. They were all inmates of the California Institu
tion for \vomen at Frontera, California, which is located
near Corona.
Location below the cutting score on the socialization
continuum recommended by Gough (1960) was determined by the
administration of the California Psychological Inventory
(Gough, 1957). This measuring instrument is a 480—item
true-false inventory which uses items that correlate with
socially significant criteria. It locates extreme groups
who have the same psychological similarity. The test con
tains 15 scales and three validity check scales, a "fake
good," "fake bad," and a "highly popular." A 54-item
socialization—asocialization (SO) scale was developed from
the theoretical conception that individuals can be posi
tioned on a continuum from more to less socialized. The
definition of this scale can be given as follows: "To in
dicate the degree of social maturity, integrity, and recti
tude which the individual has attained [Gough, 1960]."
Large samples of socialized and unsocialized females were
used in the establishment of this scale, and it was found
that for females the optimum cutting score is 28 for less
socialized persons, and 38 for more socialized ones. This
scale was validated on a sample of 9776 more socialized and
800 less socialized, including prison inmates in several
34
states, county jail inmates, and California Youth Authority
cases. The differences between means for the more and less
socialized was significant at the .001 level. Split-half
reliabilities in the .70's were established through the use
of the Kuder-ftichardson formula number 21. In this parti
cular study the average socialization score for the experi
mental group was 24 with scores ranging from 16 to 29.
There was an absence of any other type of pathology„
A Rorschach was administered to each one of these subjects
by a clinical psychologist and it was determined that none
of these women was psychotic, or predominantly psycho-
neurotic. Individual administration of the Rorschach
seemed particularly appropriate not only from the standpoint
of reality testing and ego strength, but also in light of
the well-known manipulative tendencies of the population,
which tend to bias their responses to question and answer
inventories.
The concepts used in the measuring instruments em
ployed in the study were selected for use with the average
population, and it was established that the subjects used
in this study were either average or above intellectually
through administration of the Vechsler Adult Intelligence
Scale. IQs ranged from 91 to 119 with a mean IQ of 103.
The mean educational age of these women was 11 years with
a range from 8 to 13. Hollingshead*s Index of Social
Position (1957) was used to determine similarity of socio
35
economic status. A total of 46 women were found to satisfy
the foregoing criteria. Of these, 40 were Caucasian and
six were of mixed race, having some Negro and either
Spanish or French ancestry. Three of these mulattoes fell
in the psychodrama group and three in the nonpsychodrama
group.
This group of women was matched with a control group
which consisted of 40 women of the same age range, intelli
gence, education, and socio-economic position. These con
trol subjects were serving as psychiatric technician
trainees at Metropolitan State Hospital, Norwalk, Cali
fornia. Their average age was 23.5 years, their mean edu
cational age was 11.8, with a range of 9 to 13 years, and
the average socialization score of these women was 39.
These scores ranged from 35 to 50. This information is
summarized in Table 1 •
TABLE 1
COMPARISON OF THE EXPERIMENTAL
AND CONTROL GROUP MEMBERS
Group
Age Education
Mean Range Mean Range
Experimental 25.00 18-30 11 .00 8-13
Normal 23.53 18-30 11 .80 9-13
Psychiatric aides usually have a higher socialization
score than do many other groups of people (including women
36
graduate students in social work and psychology). The
question arose as to whether the trainee status might make
these women apt to answer questions in a more socialized
manner. In order to eliminate such bias, their test
materials were identified by number only, and no individual
among the controls could be matched to her test materials
by institutional personnel. Some difficulty was encoun
tered in obtaining a large group of well—socialized indi
viduals, for 57 individuals were administered the sociali
zation scale in order to procure 40 whose score was above
35. This indicates that there is a fairly large percentage
of individuals who score relatively low on the socialization
continuum who are not incarcerated for behavioral disorders.
In fact, none of the control women reported having been in
trouble with any law enforcement agency.
In addition to the deliberate selection of groups at
two ends of a continuum, the question also arose as to the
possible contribution of a social desirability factor. It
has been inferred that there may be a high correlation
between what we refer to as "emotional health" and sociali
zation. Wiener, Blumberg, Segman, and Cooper (1959) asked
a group of clinical psychologists to Q—sort 100 cards as
they thought a well-adjusted person would sort them, and
another group of clinical psychologists to sort them in as
socially desirable manner as they could. There was a cor
relation of .88 between the two sets. Wiener et al. suggest
37
that what is labeled "emotionally healthy" and what is
labeled "socially desirable" may be similar. Block (1959)
does not agree with this conclusion, however. He points out
that, although emotional health entails behaviors that are
socially desirable, the idea of social desirability includes
the notion of a facade built on repression and denial and is
not necessarily indicative of emotional health. In light of
this, we cannot say that simply because the control subjects
were higher on the socialization scale than the average pop
ulation they were any more emotionally healthy than average
persons who do not have difficulty with society's standards.
Neither can we say that this should account for differences
being any greater than they ordinarily would have been.
Instruments used
1. Ego Identity Index (Block, 1961). In accordance
with Erikson's theory of identity formation, this
index purports to measure the extent of interpersonal
consistency exhibited in reacting to relevant others.
The more interpersonally changeable a subject is from
situation to situation, the more diffusion exists.
Block (1961) states that "the merits and properties
of the interpersonal consistency measure cannot be
fully evaluated at present," but support is offered
for construct validity, and experimental evidence is
presented to show that women who are stable in inter-
38
personal roles are described in ratings obtained in
dependently of scores on interpersonal consistency
as "relatively indulgent and forgiving, protective
of those close to her, sympathetic, efficient, ade
quate in her sexual role, turned to for advice and
reassurance."
The instrument consists of a set of 20 adjectives
selected for the purpose of reflecting various facets
of interpersonal behavior. These adjectives are:
1 .
relaxed
1 1 . humorous
2. formal 12. ins incere
3. indifferent 13. feminine
4. warm 14. wise
5. independent
1 5.
unselfish
6. witty 16. trusting
7. cooperative
17.
worrying
8. assertive 18. suggestible
9. indecisive
19. respons ive
10. distractible 20. protective
Subj ects were asked to rank these adjectives so as
characterize their own behavior while with each of a
specified number of relevant others. These others
are :
1. Someone in whom you are sexually interested.
2. An acquaintance you do not care much about.
3. Ajx employer or similar figure.
39
4. A child or someone for whom you have been
responsible.
5. Parent of the other sex.
6. Parent of the same sex.
7. A close friend of the same sex.
8. An acquaintance whom you would like to know
better.
¥hen administered to the subjects, this scale was
referred to as the "How I React Index."
2. Semantic Differential (Osgood, 1957). This
measure has been widely used as a measure of a sub
ject's perceptions of, and similarity to relevant
others. This technique consists of a seven point
rating scale with each end of the scale representing
a pair of bipolar adjectives. The subjects wer re
asked to rate a person or concept on nine pairs of
adjectives derived from Osgood's (1957) factor
analyses. Three pairings from each of the three
general factors, evaluative. potency, and activity
were used. There was a random ordering of the dimen
sions so as to control for response set. The con
cepts used in this study were as follows: "me,"
"mother," "father," "mother as I would like her to
be," "father as I would like him to be," "sex,"
"love," and "trust." The adjectives, together with
their factor loadings, were as follows:
Evaluative dimension coefficient
good—bad 1.00
kind-cruel .52
wise-foolish .57
Potency dimension coefficient
deep-shallow .48
strong—weak .40
prohibitive—permissive .21
Activity dimension coefficient
active-passive .98
emotional-unemotional .26
difficult-easy .25
Administration of this procedure to many different
groups and cultures shows high stability and relia
bility. Evidence is presented for pretest and post
test reliability coefficients in the .90's (Osgood,
1962).
3. A measure of interpretation of messages. These
test materials consist of line drawings depicting
interpersonal situations in which one person is in
dicating to another person his or her plan to take
some future action, or is asking another person to
believe some statement. The drawings are similar t
those in the Rosenzweig Picture-Prustration Test
(Rosenzweig, S., Fleming, E.E. and Clarke, H„ J.,
1947). The figures are ambiguous as to facial ex-
41
pressions. This instrument was especially construct
ed by the present investigator for the purpose of
measuring the degree to which an individual accepts
a spoken message as congruent. More specifically, it
can assess the degree to which the individual receiv
ing the message trusts or mistrusts the giver of the
message, and the extent to which the recipient hopes
or doubts that there will be fulfillment. This in
strument will be hereinafter referred to as the T1)H
Response Probabilit.y Measure, with the initials "T,"
"D," and "H" standing for trust, doubt, and hope.
Each picture depicts a dyad. These consist of a
father—like figure, a mother—like figure, a young
man, a young woman or girl. There are sixteen
pictures with statements as follows:
Mother speaking to daughter:
You can tell me about the trouble you have
gotten into.
I promise to get it for you next week.
You know I love you.
No matter what, I really like you.
Father speaking to daughter:
You can trust me.
I cannot take you now, but I will take you
next time.
You know I love you.
42
Your happiness and welfare mean a lot to me.
Young man speaking to young woman:
I want you with me because I love you.
I will try to make life tip-top for you.
I am really interested in you for yourself.
Believe me, you can trust me.
Young woman speaking to young woman:
You can depend on me to stand up for you.
I want to be good friends.
I really care a lot for you.
I cannot do it for you now, but I will be
sure and do it later.
There are two forms of this instrument. On one of
these forms subjects choose from four possible
statements as to how the recipient of the statement
is interpreting the message. The statements are in
the following format, being modified to fit each
situati on:
1. He (or she) will do it (or does mean it).
2. He (or she) probably will do it (or probably
does mean it).
3. He (or she) probably will not do it (or
probably does not mean it).
4. He (or she) will not do it (or does not mean
it).
The alternate form is identical with the first, but
43
has a blank space instead of the multiple choice
items, and the subject is requested to write in how
the recipient is interpreting the message. Photo
graphs of the two forms of the TDH Response Proba
bility Measure are included in the Appendix. These
reproductions are reduced by one-third.
Procedure
The California Psychological Inventory, Block*s Ego
Identity Index, the TDH Response Probability Measure, and
the Semantic Differential were administered to all subjects
in that order. The order was determined on the basis of
judged ease of response by the subject.
The procedure used in testing hypothesis II, that is,
that the experimental subjects would interpret spoken mes
sages as more incongruent than would controls, entailed
dividing both experimental and control groups into two equal
sub-groups on a random basis. One sub-group of the women
with behavioral disorders and one control sub-group received
the spontaneous response form.
The experimental subjects were divided into two equal
groups independently of the division made for the testing of
hypothesis II. This division was made through a procedure
already in effect in the California Institution for Women
which assigns the inmates to living "cottages.” One half
of the inmates residing in a cottage are randomly assigned
44
to a "side" labeled "A," and one half to a side labeled "B."
The inmates so assigned to the "B side" were placed in the
psychodrama group and those on the "A side" were used as
experimental controls. This assignment was necessary
because, due to institutional demands, it was impossible to
haVe subjects from both "sides" meet at the same time.
Following the psychodrama sessions, which met twice each
week in hour-long periods for a total of 26 sessions, both
the psychodrama group and the subjects receiving no special
treatment repeated the Ego Identity Beale.
The techniques used in the psychodrama sessions were
those described by Moreno (1959):
1. self presentation— the patient represents himself,
and also tells how other relevant others would act.
2. double or auxiliary ego— an alter ego is placed
with the subject and interacts with him "as himself"
or talks for him.
3. multiple double— several doubles act with the sub
ject at the same time.
4. mirror technique— subject sees himself, through the
double, and notes how others perceive him.
5. role reversal— subject takes the role of a signifi
cant other. Distortions in perceptions of the other
may be brought to the surface, explored, and cor
rected. This is a most effective technique for
self integration and socialization.
Perusal of the individual summaries included in the
Appendix will show that the women who participated in the
psychodrama sessions were intelligent, fairly well educated,
but certainly disturbed in their relationship to society and
its standards. They were all remarkably good looking, and
seemingly healthy. No one body type predominated. Although
45
many had experimented with drugs, and many had been involved
with drug trafficking, none was an addict. At the beginning
of the sessions the majority of them appeared to have high
muscle tonus, and to be very alert. Attendance was volun
tary through four sessions and after that mandatory. The
same two psychologists attended every session, with one
acting as therapist and one as observer participant, and at
times as auxiliary ego, double, or filling roles as needed.
It is felt that at least two or three more trained thera
pists would be needed in order to make the best use of
every situation in a group of 20 or more of this kind of
patient, particularly in a beginning group which has never
had any experience with psychodrama. The women were in
formed that they would not be forced, or even asked, to
produce problems and that, although their presence was
mandatory after the fourth session, what they brought out
for use in the therapy settings would be voluntary. They
were not informed of a time limit.
The therapist was particularly careful not to impose
any requirements or set any limits on the progression of the
sessions, or on the topics that were to be handled, with the
exception that, by nature of the setting, the group would
not deal with problems related to the personalities of staff
members. This is, of course, one of the realities of a
penal setting, for inmates cannot very well use authority
figures in the institution to play out transference
46
relationships (Abrahamsen, 1948), and they are only too
ready to make use of the technique of trying to play one
authority figure against another.
Statistical analyses
In order to test the hypotheses regarding a greater
degree of ego diffusion in the experimental subjects and the
integration of ego identity, the eight objective rankings
obtained from each subject through use of the Ego Identity
Scale (Block, 1961) were processed through use of an I.B.M.
7094 data—processing computer. The rankings were intercor
related by the Pearson formula, and the factor matrix
factor—analyzed by the principal axis method. This method
of treatment of the data differed from that of Block (1961),
who used Spearman's rank—difference correlation method, and
factor—analyzed the matrices by the Thurstone centroid
method. For each matrix, the percentage of total communal
variance explained by each unrotated factor was calculated.
In order to obtain a measure of identity versus diffusion,
Block (1961) derived an index by dividing the mean first
factor loading (squared) by the average communality of the
matrix. This computation is statistically equivalent to
dividing the eigenvalue of the first factor by the sum of
all the eigenvalues for the obtained factors, and is also
equivalent to the cumulative proportion of variance account
ed for by the first factor. In the present investigation,
it was found that an even more stable index could be derived
47
by averaging the cumulative proportion of variance accounted
for by the first two factors. The index so obtained is com
parable from matrix to matrix, and hence from individual to
individual, and is referred to as an ego identity consist
ency score. A mean ego identity consistency score was com
puted for the women with behavioral disorders and for the
women in the control group. The difference between these
means was evaluated with a one-tailed t—test.
It will be remembered that the testing under hypo
thesis II, using the TDH Response Probability Measure,
called for two conditions, a multiple choice form and a
spontaneous form. Under the multiple choice condition, the
number 3 was assigned to each response that was in complete
accord with the spoken message, the number 2 when the
"probably does mean it" response was selected, the number 1
when the "probably does not mean it" was chosen, and 0 was
assigned when a completely negative response was underlined.
To avoid the effects of possible examiner bias in assigning
scores to the spontaneous response form, two independent
judges in addition to the writer judged the responses to the
situations. Numbers were assigned to the written responses
in accordance with the degrees of agreement or disagreement
provided in the multiple choice form, and the three scores
so assigned were averaged. Interjudge reliability through
multiple correlation was computed between the sets of total
scores ascribed by the three judges. The total scores were
48
analyzed by means of a tvo dimensional analysis of variance.
The dimensions used for this analysis were:
a) diagnostic group— control vs. behavioral disorder.
b) response form— multiple choice vs. spontaneous.
In treating the data which was collected to verify
hypothesis IV, that is, that the women with behavioral dis
orders would show a greater separation from certain signi
ficant others, a measure of semantic distance between two
concepts was determined by the following method:
1. Subtract the rating for one concept from that
for the other on each of the sets of rating
scales.
2. Square each difference.
3. Sum the squared differences.
4. Extract the square root of this sum.
In treating the data collected for this investiga
tion, a mean was computed for each of the 13 difference
scores for the control and for the sociopathic subjects,
and one-tailed t—tests of the differences between the means
was performed.
CHAPTER IV
THE RESULTS
Testing the Pirst Hypothesis
This hypothesis predicted that the women with behav
ioral disorders would exhibit more role diffusion than would
their normal controls, using the Ego Identity Scale (Block,
1961). Higher scores indicate that the individual views
herself as essentially the same person as she relates to
others, that is, she is interpersonally consistent, whereas
lower scores indicate that the individual has ranked her
behaviors as different, or that she is more interpersonally
changeable. When the objective rankings obtained from each
subject were analyzed statistically it was found that the
women with behavioral disorders obtained a mean ego identity
consistency score of 55, with a range of 42 to 62. The
women in the control group, on the other hand, reached a
mean ego identity score of 67.20, ranging from 59 to 73.
The difference between these means resulted in a t of 14.88
which is significant beyond the .01 level, using either one-
or two-tailed tests. These results are summarized in Table
2. It was noted that subjects used either three, four, or
49
five factors to account for the ways in which they reacted
to eight relevant others. These could be thought of as
typical modes, or ways of behaving. Thirty-five per cent
of the normal subjects accounted for their reactions with
three factors, 57 per cent with four factors, and eight
per cent with five. Seventy-four per cent of the experi
mental subjects, on the other hand, needed four factors,
13 per cent used five, and only 13 per cent used three such
modes. Thus the hypothesis which states that individuals
who are shown to differ on a socialization scale or con
tinuum also differ on an operationally defined measure of
ego identity is supported.
TABLE 2
COMPARISON OP THE MEANS OP THE
EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
ON THE EGO IDENTITY SCALE
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 67.20
3.35 59.00 - 74.00
Behavioral
Disorder
55.00 3.98 42.00 - 62.00
14.88*
♦Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
Testing the Second Hypothesis
The second hypothesis was based upon the theory that
one method used by sociopathic individuals to reject signi
ficant others might be to treat incoming messages as incon-
51
gruent, that is, to reject or distort the spoken messages
they receive. It was predicted that the experimental sub
jects would interpret spoken messages as more incongruent
than would their normal controls. This hypothesis was
tested through the use of the TDH Response Probability
Measure, as described in the section on methodology. The
judges who judged the spontaneous response form were clini
cal psychologists employed by the California State Depart
ment of Mental Hygiene. The interjudge reliability coeffi
cient based on the scores assigned was .84 using the
multiple correlation method.
The method used for the two-dimensional analysis of
variance was that of the unweighted mean analysis for
dealing with studies involving unequal cell frequencies as
described by Winer (1962, pp. 222-224). There was a total
of 85 subjects, with 22 in the multiple choice section,
experimental group, 23 in the spontaneous response form,
experimental group, and 20 in each of those sections for
the controls.
In the comparison of controls with behavioral dis
orders an F of 228.18 was obtained. When comparing spon
taneous response with multiple choice form an F of 51.38
occurred. Testing for interaction yielded an F of 13.96.
All of these Fs are significant beyond the .001 level.
These results are summarized in Table 3.
52
TABLE 3
SUMMARY OF THE ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE RESPONSES TO
THE TDH RESPONSE PROBABILITY MEASURE
Source of
Variation
df
Mean
Square
F
Control vs.
behavioral
disorder
1 8,387.77 228.18*
Spontaneous
vs. multiple
choice
1 1,888.58 51.38*
Interaction 1 513.36 13.96*
Error 81 36.76
Total 84 13,766.87
■^Significant beyond the 1 per cent level
Following the analysis of variance, _t-tests were performed
to ascertain the significant differences between the means
of the groups. It was discovered that these differences did
in fact exist. The most highly significant difference
occurred when the mean responses of the two groups on the
spontaneous response form were compared, and a t of '13.42
resulted, being beyond the .001 level. The comparison of
the means of the responses made by the experimental subjects
to the two forms resulted in a t of 7.94, which is also
significant beyond the .001 level. The same comparison for
the control group yielded a t of 2.35 which is significant
beyond the .05 level. We can thus assume that the control
53
subjects' multiple choice responses and spontaneous re
sponses to the same situations were more nearly similar than
those of the experimental group, Comparison of the experi
mental and control groups on the multiple choice form yield
ed a t of 8.01, again significant beyond the .001 level.
These results are summarized in Table 4. In the light of
the foregoing statistical findings, it is evident that hypo
thesis II was supported. In the table, the letters "M.C."
will be used to signify "multiple choice" and the letter "S"
to signify "spontaneous"; "E" will be used to signify ex
perimental condition, and "C" to signify control condition.
TABLE 4
SUMMARY OF THE t TESTS OF THE DIFFERENCES
BETWEEN THE MEANS OF THE RESPONSES TO
THE TDH RESPONSE PROBABILITY MEASURE
Source Mean Range t
Experimental
S. 12.90 6 o 00 20.67
M.C. 27.27 2.00 - 36.00 7.94**
Control
S. 37.73 32.00 — 46.00
M.C. 42.2 5 37.00
-
48.00 2.35*
Spontaneous
C 37.73 32.00 — 46.00
E 12.90 6.00 — 20.67 1 3.42**
Multiple choice
C 42.25
37.00
—
48.00
E 27.27 2.00 — 36.00 8.01**
*Significant beyond the 5 per cent level.
**Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
54
Testing the Third Hypothesis
According to the third hypothesis, the mean ego
identity score would show a greater mean change in the
direction of increased interpersonal consistency after a
period of psychodrama sessions, than would the scores of
similar subjects not participating in psychodrama sessions.
The group of women with behavioral disorders was
divided into two groups, as described in the section on
methodology, and members of one of these groups partici
pated in a total of 26 psychodrama sessions. The sessions
met twice each week for one hour per session between the
two administrations of the Ego Identity Scale.
At the beginning of the psychodrama sessions the
mean ego identity score of the group that did not partici
pate in the sessions was 55.70, with a range of 48.00 to
61.00. The mean ego identity score of the group that did
participate in the sessions was 54.29, with a range of
42.00 to 62.00. After participation in the sessions, and
after an equal period of time had passed for the nonpsycho—
drama subjects, administration of the Ego Identity Scale
resulted in a mean ego identity score of 55.85 for those
not participating and 57.05 for those who did participate.
The range of the nonpsychodrama group on the post—test was
48.00 to 62.00, and of the psychodrama group 45.00 to
63.000 The t—test for differences between the means of
the nonpsychodrama groups, pre— and post—test, resulted in
55
a t of .13, indicating that there was no mean change in
that group. A t—test of the pre— and post-test means of
the psychodrama group yielded a t of 1.83. This latter _t
is significant beyond the .05 level, and therefore lends
support to the hypothesis. Table 5 presents the compari
sons made in testing this hypothesis.
TABLE 5
COMPARISON OF THE PRE- AND POST-TEST MEANS OF THE
EGO IDENTITY SCORES FOR PSYCHODRAMA
AND NONPSYCHODRAMA PARTICIPANTS
M
Psyc
SD
hodrama
Range t
Nonpsych
M SD
odrama
Range t
Pre-test 54.29 5.00 42t-62 55.70 3.70 48-61
Post-test 57.05 4. 55 45-63 55.85 3.65
48-62
1 .83* .13
*Significant beyond the 5 per cent level.
Testing the Fourth Hypothesis
This hypothesis stated that the women with behavioral
disorders would show evidences of a greater separation from,
and lack of identification with, certain significant others
in their lives, and that they would see these persons in a
more negative way, than would the control subjects.
Hypothesis Four (a).— This prediction stated that
the semantic distance representing the concepts "me" and
"mother" would be greater for the experimental group than
for the controls. When the means were compared, a t of
2.48 was obtained, which is beyond the 1 per cent level of
confidence, since with a 1-tailed test a t of 2.33 would
indicate a significant difference between the means at the
1 per cent level. The comparison of these means is pre
sented in Table 6.
TABLE 6
COMPARISON OF SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS
"ME" AND "MOTHER" FOR EXPERIMENTAL
AND CONTROL SUBJECTS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .92 1 .01 0.00 - 3.74
Behavioral
disorder
2.59 1 .21 1.00 - 8.72
2.48*
♦Significant beyond the 1 per cent level
Hypothesis Four (b).— According to this hypothesis,
the semantic distance between the points representing the
concepts "me" and "father" would be greater for the experi
mental group than for controls. Table 7 shows that the
mean distances obtained from each group, when compared,
yielded a t of 6.85. This was a highly significant differ
ence, being far beyond the figure required for confidence
at 1 per cent, and was the largest % to be obtained.
57
TABLE 7
COMPARISON OF SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "ME" AND
"FATHER" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range jt
Control 1 .70 .52 0.00 - 3.74
Behavioral
disorder
2.78 1 .1 5 0.00 - 6.00
6.85*
*Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
Hypothesis Four (c).— It was hypothesized that there
would be a lack of identification with either parent. In
order to show that this difference existed, the smaller of
the distances, whether this smaller distance was between
"me" and "mother" or between "me" and "father" was chosen
as a measure of closeness for each subject, and group means
were computed. The difference between these means, when
evaluated by the jt—test was significant beyond the 1 per
cent level, since the t obtained was 3.70. Table 8 pre
sents the comparison of these means. No predictions were
made regarding the selection of the same- or the opposite—
sexed parent. However, in the course of testing the hypo
thesis a simple tabulation was made, and according to a
Chi-Square test, there was no significant difference
between the groups as to the closer parent. A trend was
noted in that more experimental subjects rated themselves
as closer to mother than did control subjects* However,
more control subjects rated themselves as similar to both
parents, and consequently no generalizations can be made as
to differences between groups in this respect.
TABLE 8
COMPARISON OF THE SEMANTIC DISTANCE FOR CLOSENESS TO
EITHER PARENT FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 ,44 .71 0.00 - 2.45
Behavioral
disorder
2.07 .89 0.00 - 3.74
3.70*
*Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
Hypothesis Four (d).— The prediction made in this
hypothesis was that the semantic distance between the con
cepts "mother" and "mother as I would like her to be" would
be greater for the experimental subjects than for the con
trols. This hypothesis was supported in that a t of 4.20
resulted from comparisons of the means, which is signifi
cant quite beyond the 2.33 required for significance at the
.01 level. This quite large obtained value indicates that
the idea of the ideal mother is quite distant from the
impressions the experimental subjects have about their
actual mother figures. These results are summarized in
Table 9.
59
TABLE 9
COMPARISON OP SEMANTIC DISTANCE BETWEEN "MOTHER"
AND "MOTHER AS I WOULD LIKE HER TO BE" FOR
EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL SUBJECTS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1.10
cn
00
•
0.00 - 3.74
Behavioral
disorders
2.1 5 1 .21 0.00 - 5„39
4.20*
*Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
Hypothesis Four lei- -It will be recalled that Hypo
thesis Four (e) was similar to Hypothesis Four (d) in that
it compared real and ideal images. The comparison was made
between mean distances between the concepts "father" and
"father as I would like him to be." From Table 10 it can
be seen that the obtained was 6.50. Although not quite
as large as that obtained when comparing "me" and "father,"
the ranges were greater, and so were the means. It is
quite evident that the women in the behavioral disorder
category are much more dissatisfied with their idea of
father as he is, when he is compared with their idea of an
ideal father figure.
Hypothesis Four (f).— It was predicted that the
sociopathic women would have identified more strongly with
so-called "male"-characteristics, which in our society
include being assertive, invulnerable, and undefeated, and
60
TABLE 10
t
COMPARISON OP SEMANTIC DISTANCE BETWEEN "FATHER'1
AND "FATHER AS I WOULD LIKE HIM TO BE" FOR
EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .26 .80 0.00 - 2.24
Behavioral
disorders 3.21 1 .75
0.00 - 7.55
6.50*
♦Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
that this identification would be measurable through com
paring the concepts "me" and "maleness." The hypothesis
specifically stated that the distance between these con
cepts would be smaller for the women with behavioral dis
orders than for the control group. There was indeed a
difference between the means of the two groups, since a t
of 2.03 resulted, which when compared with the 5 per cent
level of confidence for 1-tailed tests, is significant (see
Table 11). Using a 2—tailed test, this difference would
also be significant at the 5 per cent level, since that
figure calls for a t of 2.02. The striking finding is,
however, that the direction is the reverse of that pre
dicted. In actuality, the controls see the concept "male
ness" as closer to the "me" than the women in the behav
ioral disorder category do. Thus, although a statistically
61
significant difference was found between the groups, the
hypothesis is unconfirmed, and in fact reversed. Interest
ingly enough, however, the fact is that the experimental
subjects did allow the concept ' ’maleness1 1 to be closer to
"me" than any other concept except "femaleness."
TABLE 11
COMPARISON OP SEMANTIC DISTANCE BETWEEN "MALENESS"
AND "ME" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .76 .79 0.00 - 4.36
Behavioral
disorders
2.43 1 .28 1.00 - 5.83
2.03*
♦Significant beyond the 5 per cent level, but in the oppo
site direction from the predicted one.
Hypothesis Four i B l - -This hypothesis stated that
the semantic distance between the concepts "me" and
"femaleness" would be larger for the experimental subjects
than for the normal controls. The comparisons of the means
of the two groups resulted in a t of .57. Since a t of 1.64
is required in order to reach even the 5 per cent level of
confidence, we can be sure that for these samples there is
no significant difference. The women with behavioral dis
orders and the women in the control group rated these two
concepts in the same way, and therefore this hypothesis
was not confirmed. Table 12 presents the results of this
62
comparison.
TABLE 12
COMPARISON OF SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "FEMALENESS"
AND "ME" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .69 .85 0.00 - 3.32
Behavioral
disorders
1 .85 .88 0.00 - 3.61
.57
Hypothesis Four (h).— This hypothesis stated that
the semantic distance between the concepts "mother" and
"trust" would be larger for the experimental subjects than
for the normal controls. As can be seen in Table 13, this
hypothesis was supported beyond the 1 per cent level of
confidence with a t of 3.40. Whatever the connotation the
concept "trust" holds for the two groups as a whole, the
experimental subjects located this concept at a signifi
cantly greater distance from the concept "mother" than
did the controls.
Hypothesis Four (i).— It was hypothesized that the
semantic distance between the concepts "father" and "trust"
would be greater for the women with behavioral disorders
than for the controls. As with the previous hypothesis
regarding "mother" and "trust," there was confirmation of
the prediction, for comparison of the means yielded a t of
63
TABLE 13
COMPARISON OP THE SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "MOTHER"
AND "TRUST" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t^
Control 1 .73 1 .29 0.00 - 5.00
4
Behavioral
disorders
2.76 1 .40 0.00 - 5.39
3.40*
♦Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
5.70 in the predicted direction. These results are sum
marized in Table 14. The very large differences between
the groups when these concepts are compared indicated that
the sociopathic women place the concept "trust" at an ex
tremely distant point from the concept "father." It will
be remembered that in testing hypotheses Four (b) and Four
(e), extreme distances were found between the ideal held of
"father" and the concepts "me," and "father as I would like
him to be." Since the present hypothesis is supported so
strongly, it appears that the meaning the concept "father"
has for the behavioral disorder group is indeed quite dif
ferent from that of the control group.
Hypothesis Four (j ).— The prediction was made that
the semantic distance between the concepts "mother" and
"love" would be greater for the women with behavioral dis
orders than for the controls. The results of this compari-
64
TABLE 14
COMPARISON OP THE SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "FATHER"
AND "TRUST" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .76 .82 0.00 - 4.69
Behavioral
dis order
3.13 1 .37 1.00 - 6.71
5.70*
♦Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
son are presented in Table 15. The hypothesis vas supported
beyond the 1 per cent level of confidence with a t of 2.96.
This would be true if one were using either 1- or 2-tailed
tests. In actuality, the distance is farther from "mother"
to "love" than from "mother" to "trust" in the experimental
subjects. The distances are not, however, nearly as great
as those found when the concepts "trust" and "love" are
compared with "father."
TABLE 15
COMPARISON OF THE SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "MOTHER"
AND "LOVE" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 2.04 .87 0.00 - 4.69
^ 0.00-6.7!
2.96*
♦Significant beyond the 1 per cent level
65
Hypothesis Four (k) .— This hypothesis stated that
the distance between the concepts "father" and "love" would
be greater in the experimental than in the normal subjects.
As can be seen by reference to Table 16, a t of 5.04 was
obtained in the predicted direction. The women with behav
ioral disorders do place these two concepts significantly
farther apart than do the normal controls. The difference
is significant far beyond the 1 per cent level of confi
dence, and appears to fit in with the findings in hypo
theses Four (b), (e), and (i). The experimental group does
indeed place "father" much farther from "love" than the
control group does, and this hypothesis is thus confirmed.
TABLE 16
COMPARISON OF SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "FATHER"
AND "LOVE" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .79 .94 0.00 - 3.74
Behavioral
dis orders
3.05 1 .30 0.00 - 8.77
5.04*
*Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
Hypothesis Four (l).— The prediction made was
that the concepts "sex" and "love" would be located at a
greater distance from each other by the sociopathic women
than by the normal women. Reference to Table 17 shows that
66
a comparison of the groups yielded a t of 3.13 in the pre
dicted direction, supporting the hypothesis veil beyond the
1 per cent level of confidence.
TABLE 17
COMPARISON OP THE SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "LOVE"
AND "SEX" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .39 1 .04 0.00 - 4.12
Behavioral
dis order
2.14 1.10 0.00 - 7.00
3.13*
^Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
Hypothesis Four (m).— In this hypothesis, it was
stated that the semantic distance between the concepts
"sex" and "trust" would be larger for the experimental sub
jects than for the controls. The t obtained was 3.13, and
the direction taken was the predicted one. The comparison
is summarized in Table 18. The connotations the words
"sex" and "trust" have for the experimental subjects causes
them to place these concepts at a greater distance from
each other than normals place them, and the hypothesis is
conf irmed.
67
TABLE 18
COMPARISON OF THE SEMANTIC DISTANCE ON CONCEPTS "TRUST"
AND "SEX" FOR EXPERIMENTAL AND CONTROL GROUPS
Group Mean Standard Deviation Range t
Control 1 .60 1.18 0.00 - 4.12
Behavioral
disorder
2.60 1 .21 0.00 - 6.16
3.57*
♦Significant beyond the 1 per cent level.
CHAPTER V
DISCUSSION
Ego Identity Versus Diffusion
The statistical verification of the hypothesis that
women with behavioral disorders would show a greater degree
of ego diffusion lends support to Erikson*s (1959) theory
of identity versus diffusion. He describes the "evolving
configuration" of identity, which integrates
constitutional givens, idiosyncratic libidinal needs,
favored capacities, significant identifications,
effective defenses, successful sublimations, and con
sistent roles [Erikson, 1959, p. 116].
Personal identity so described sounds very much like a
"core" which would maintain a rather consistent image of
the "self" in the consciousness of a stable individual. In
other words, when the individual refers to the way in which
he or she would react, as for example in the adjective
rankings on the Ego Identity Scale, the stable individual
apparently can select a larger number of these adjectives
as being consistently typical of the self. In effect, the
persons with higher scores may be saying, "I am this, and
this and this, with that amount of variability," whereas
the diffuse individuals may be saying, "What amount of
68
69
variability will get me what I want?" Erikson (1956) des
cribes this as the diffusion of contradictory introjects—
pretending to coerce hostile reality. Pottharst (1963)
observes that seemingly simultaneous, or quickly alternating
alloplastic and autoplastic behaviors are related to this
open, vulnerable, chameleon-like self. Ve might liken this
diffuse self to a "conglomerate aggregation" rather than a
"successful integration" of the givens out of which per
sonal identity develops.
In Bronson's (1959) study of ego diffusion in young
college students, there emerged some characteristic pat
terns. He found that diffuse persons do not seem to have
as strong a sense of early identifications, their feelings
about themselves show greater variability over time, their
ideas about themselves are less firmly conceived with re
gard to modes of interpersonal behavior, and they appear
to be more anxious. In the present study, the experimental
subjects showed evidences of the first three of these
characteristics in the various test materials and in the
psychodrama sessions. For example, when the adjective
rankings from the Ego Identity Scale were factor analyzed,
it was noted that subjects used either three, four, or
five factors to account for the ways in which they reacted
to eight relevant others. These could be thought of as
typical modes, or ways of behaving, and indicate that the
women with behavioral disorders tend to vary more in their
70
reactivity. Verbal verification of this pattern vas given
from time to time in the psychodrama sessions, when such
statements as these were made:
"I put on a big front, man, but I'm not sure vho I
am."
"How come I never knov for sure if I'm in the right
or in the wrong?"
"I think maybe I vatch to see what the other guy
wants, and play it."
"What makes me 'trigger off* without knowing if it's
safe?"
This variability appears to be related to external
rather than internal stimulus patterns. The individual
appears not to have the ability to project the self-image
into a situation and, through thought—processes, to engage
in projected trial and error behavior to determine the
probabilities of outcomes in light of the hypothesized
behaviors. Rather, she is more likely to react to external
stimuli in accordance with fluctuating drive levels and
intensity of stimuli. According to Wilhelm Reich (1949),
persons who have reached the highest level of character
development are able either to open up to environmental
offers and demands or to close them out in accordance with
that which will result in the highest degree of self-
fulfillment, autonomy, and self-realization. The same
pattern may exist in the internal economy also, in the
71
creative individuals relationship to unconscious processes.
The creative individual, in regressions in the service of
the ego and in true ego flexibility, can allow experimenta
tion with so-called "libidinal, unconscious material," but
can at the same time maintain a sense of ego identity so
that these experimentations in fantasy can be indulged in
or rejected more or less at will. Thus the person who has
developed a strong sense of ego identity can be flexible,
but is not fluctuating from being at the mercy of the
environment at one time and the internal drive state at
another.
Behaviorally, of course, the women in the experi
mental group of the present investigation show an inability
to exercise autonomy, or to gain self-fulfillment. An
examination of the case summaries included in the Appendix
will show the confusion, the inability to refrain from
maladaptive actions, and the self—destructive escapades
in which these women have embroiled themselves. There is
little evidence of their having developed a picture of
their own identity, and then being able to project that
image into imagined situations in order to predict logical
outcomes before engaging in behaviors.
On the surface it may seem paradoxical that anxious
individuals appear to have a greater amount of ego diffu
sion (Bronson, 1959), and also that women with behavioral
disorders, any one of whom could be classified as socio—
72
pathic, also shov more diffusion. The controversy over
vhether sociopathic individuals experience anxiety has
raged for many years. Although there is pretty general
agreement that outward manifestations of anxiety are often
absent, many authors are not so sure that there is no
anxiety simply because ve are not able to detect it.
Kaufman and Heims (1958) are among those believing that
there is a very deep root of anxiety in sociopathic indivi
duals, and that such individuals are combatting and defend
ing against it. They attribute the behavioral symptoms to
a too early separation of the self from the nurturing one,
and this is reminiscent of Erikson*s premature self
differentiation. Later in this discussion, more time will
be devoted to examination of the place of anxiety in the
personality structure of the persons who comprised the
experimental group in the present study.
In identity formation the first psychosocial stage,
as defined by Erikson (1953, 1956, 1959), is the develop
ment of trust or confidence, both in the self and in the
nurturing ones; and the virtue developed through successful
resolution of the crisis is hope. Buhler (1962) devotes
some discussion to the dawning experience of self-discovery,
and notes that the affect in this self-discovery would be
either good or bad according to the feelings about the
self-functioning and the relationships with others at the
time. Thus, in any discussion of identity versus diffusion,
73
it is relevant to take into account the concepts of trust
and hope in their apposition to doubt and mistrust.
Trust, Hope, Doubt, and Mistrust
The conflictual state of the diffuse identity seems
to include many elements of doubt and mistrust. Earlier
reference vas made to double—bind situations in which con
flictual messages were conveyed to the recipient individual.
If we are to relate the double-bind theory (Veakland, 1960)
to the theory of psychosocial development, we would need to
infer that, since trust is developed in the very early
stages of ego development, the opposing messages would have
to begin being conveyed at a very early age. Sullivan
(1953) has theorized that such messages can be conveyed not
only through looks and tones of voice, but through bodily
tensions and movements of the nurturing ones, and perhaps
even through such means as differential rates of breathing,
increased heart rates, and so on. If such "danger signals"
are paired with the offerings of nurturance and solicitude,
it can be hypothesized that the infant defensively differ
entiates himself from the nurturing one too early, although
the infant is still too young to either label the messages
appropriately or do anything about them.
In the course of normal development, probably during
the first year, the infant undoubtedly sees the nurturing
ones as a series of part objects which satisfy a series of
74
various biological and narcissistic needs0 For example,
the bottle of warm milk, the varm cover, and the safety
from falling are likely part images fused with the nurtur
ing one. The reliability and continuity of these supplies
encourage the extension of the part images into a whole
image which includes the essential "goodness” of supply
that Erikson (1956) talks about, and later of course the
differentiation between the "good" supplies and the "good"
supplier. It would seem that the degree to which the indi
vidual can believe in the reliability of the nurturing one
as a supplier would influence the ability to construct a
whole image, and later form a sense of completeness about
identification. Deficiencies in the nurturing ones in con
junction with negative messages may well prevent the
acceptance of whole object images, leaving rather a sense
of part images which are experienced as unreliable and
dangerous. This in turn would prevent the development of
the correspondence between the internal and external lines
of continuity of the meaning of the self. In other words,
since the residual part images are felt to be unreliable
and dangerous, the tendency would be to seize the oppor
tunity for immediate satisfaction, rather than trust in
future rewards. The cynicism about and rejection of
"whole person" offers such as "love me," "trust me," or
"I love you," and "I trust you" follow from the sense of
incongruence inherent in the diffusion.
75
Although it was hypothesized that the experimental
subjects would tend to reject overt offers made to them,
the degree to which they would do this was not predicted.
Comparison of the mean scores for the subjects taking the
TDH Response Probability Measure Test in multiple choice
form and in spontaneous response form is revealing in this
connection. Table 4 shows that the control subjects
chosen to take the multiple choice form of the TDH Response
Probability Measure Test obtained somewhat higher scores
than those chosen to take the spontaneous response form.
Some effects of social conformity are to be expected when
comparing such materials, and these probably account for
the moderate difference between the two forms, the spon
taneous response form really being in the nature of a pro
jective device. The women with behavioral disorders also
marked more responses in a positive direction on the mul
tiple choice form than on the spontaneous response form.
Moreover, in their responses to the spontaneous form, there
was practically no agreement with the spoken messages.
These women seemed to have no reservations about writing in
exactly how they felt the recipient individual in dyad
would respond. Upon examination of the scores assigned,
only a very few responses were rated by the judges as even
probable acceptance of the messages as congruent, whereas
in the control group, there were many complete agreements
and almost all others were in at least partial agreement.
A rather interesting bias appeared in the spontaneous re
sponses in terras of the pronoun used. The vomen with be
havioral disorders tended to respond in the first person,
showing that they identified with the individual in the
drawing. The control subjects, on the other hand, often
responded in the third person, thus removing themselves
slightly from the situation. Some of the typical responses
given by members of each group to the spontaneous form were
the following:
Typical responses given by control subj ects to
mother figure.—
I believe you.
Vhat will she think of me?
I feel this is true.
Mother senses that the daughter needs to confide in her.
I'm sure you do.
O.K., I'll wait.
She wants her daughter and herself to understand each
other.
It isn't important, but thank you anyhow.
She loves and cares about me.
Typical responses given by control subjects to
father figure.—
I know my health and welfare mean a lot to you.
I love you too.
No matter what happens, I know you hope for the best
for me.
Father always wants to help.
In spite of her faults, he always wants to help her.
I have always trusted you.
77
That makes me feel very good.
I*m sure of that, you didn*t hare to tell me.
I can alvays count on you, Dad.
Typical responses given by the control sub jects to
the girl friend.—
I hope so.
1 am happy to have a friend like you.
It is nice to have a friend like you to turn to.
The feeling is mutual.
Xes, and 1*11 do the same for you.
I knov I can depend on you.
Typical responses given by the control sub jects to
the boy friend.—
1 hope you mean it.
He loves her, and being around him is pleasant to her.
1*11 alvays cherish that statement.
I love you too.
I knov I can.
It*s all right to try, but I have to help myself be
happy.
He1s probably being honest, and vants to convince the
girl.
They probably have had a little misunderstanding, and
he*s telling her he loves her.
I certainly hope so.
Typical responses given by the experimental subj ects
to the mother figure.—
Why do you say it vhen you don*t mean it?
Why don*t you ever shov it?
Why? you vouldn*t believe me anyhov.
Never.
Ridiculous! but I*d like to believe it.
78
No thanks, 1*11 keep my distance.
As long as nothing ugly comes into the picture.
For what? so you can blow your stack?
She'll only condemn me.
Promises, promises, promises.
No you won't!
Would not be able to comprehend me.
I've heard all that before.
Xou know better than that!
It's too late now.
Typical responses given by the experimental subjects
to the father figure.—
It's too late.
Same old story!
How can I when you've let me down so bad?
Why don't you prove it?
Xou don't love anybody but yourself.
There won't be any next time.
Oh, get on, you never could understand me.
I wonder how many times I've heard this one?
I'll bet!
This is a lie!
Why does he try to use that ' ’trust bit on me? I
wouldn't trust him with something he doesn't under
stand."
Since when?
I don't believe him.
I wonder why he says he loves me?
Famous last words.
He sounds so phony!
Xou never gave me any reason to trust you.
Xou lie!
Typical responses given by the experimental subjects
to the girl friend.—
79
Until the going gets rough.
Xou*re phony.
Vh&t does she v&nt?
If you prove you can be trusted.
Vh&t do you need nov?
Can*t rely on that.
Veil, ve*ll wait and see.
I’m not sure for what, but it really doesn’t matter.
It irritates me to have you tell me you like me.
I don*t believe her.
Typical responses given by the experimental subj ects
to the boy friend.—
B. S.
Because you want to go to bed with me.
For what I can give you.
Ha! Ha!
I can just imagine!
Ve*ll see— you have to prove it.
I hesitate to believe you.
I won’t drop my guard to find out.
Boy, that’s a line!
Only temporarily you can add to my enjoyment of life.
Now would you like to hear my line?
Xou should not place yourself in such a situation.
Love is a responsibility I don’t want.
I wish I could believe you.
Veil, really!
Liar!
In romance magazines, not in real life.
Xou*re a damn liar!
There is no such thing as love.
Study of the above responses shows that, although
the majority of the women with behavioral disorders treat
80
the spoken message of promise as incongruent, there are
varying degrees of acceptance or rejection, suggesting that
elements of both doubt and hope are present* Such state
ments as:
"Are you serious?"
"You don't understand."
"Since when?"
"I hesitate to believe you."
demonstrate that large elements of doubt are present, but
not complete mistrust. These comprise the "probably won*t"
category, but still leave open the possibility for the
doubted nurturing one to "prove" his or her offer. The
partial acceptance of offers seems to come together with
the "probably will" category, in which there is hope that
the offer will be fulfilled. In this category, there are
statements like these:
"I hope you mean it."
"I'd like to believe it."
"Why don't you prove it?"
"I wish I could believe it."
These seem to entail a larger amount of acceptance than re
jection of the offer.
In both the doubt ("probably won't") and hope
("probably will") categories, the responses seem to include
both invitations to be won over, and challenge of the offer
ing person to fulfill the promise inherent in the message.
Thus, although a strong sense of identity has not been
81
consolidated and the too early differentiation has resulted
in mistrust and doubt, the promise of a desire to believe
is present in the midst of the rejection of the messages.
Problems in the Development of Autonomy
Erikson (1959) states that in the development of
autonomy "a convincingly continued stage of early trust is
necessary.” He goes on to show that this trust must be
felt both about the emerging self and about the outside
world and, in the second psychosocial stage, most particu
larly about the parental figures. Out of this stage can
emerge either an ideal bipolarity with a mutually satis
fying exchange of positive emotions, or the other extreme,
labeled autism, where there is no cathexis toward the
nurturing one by the child. We can envision many positions
between these two points, of course, since the majority of
persons do not approximate either of these two ends. It
will be remembered that when the women in the present study
were given the opportunity to demonstrate the degree to
which they believed or disbelieved messages of promise,
there were elements of both doubt and hope present in their
responses. Going on to the measurement of distances between
these persons and relevant others in their lives, we find
that a kind of bipolarization has occurred, but that it is
an investment of negative emotions, and the distance between
individuals representing the bipolarities seems much greater
than in the average person.
82
The results of the semantic differential comparisons
show that in the controls the individual allows a constella
tion of relevant others and concepts to "gather around," or
be close to the concept "me." "Father," "maleness," and
"father as I would like him to be" can all be close to each
other, and can all be tolerated close to the self. The same
is true of the idea of "mother," and "mother as I would like
her to be," and of the closeness of the concepts "mother,"
"father," (see Figs. 2 and 4) and "sex" to the concepts
"love" and "trust." It can be assumed that this is evidence
for positive emotional cathexis, or healthy bipolarization.
The women with behavioral disorders not only sepa
rated the concepts much more widely, they also separated
them in a somewhat different pattern (see Figs. 1 and 3).
Their separateness as "me" is not the encapsulation of
autism, but the hostile rejection inherent in the conflict
over "holding on" and "letting go." The wide separations
between the concepts "father as I would like him to be,"
"love," and "trust" which appear in close proximity with
each other, and the image of the actual father are indica
tions of this. The individual is "tied" emotionally to a
"bad" image, but the tie is perhaps even more relevant than
a good object cathexis would be, since by its nature it
shows that the conflict has not been resolved.
Apparently in the women with behavioral disorders,
the idea of "femaleness" is not as dangerous as the idea of
83
inothtr
father
Fig. 1. Semantic space for Fig. 2. Semantic space for
women with behav— women psychiatric
ioral disorders. technician trainees.
84
ffoAhtr>
as I would
i U k e h im
\ t o be y
^mother\
as I w ould
like her
Vto be y
Pig. 3. Semantic space for
vomen vith behav
ioral disorders.
mother
Fig. 4. Semantic space for
vomen psychiatric
technician trainees.
83
"maleness," and "mother" can be closer than "father*"
"Mother as I would like her to be" is a good deal closer to
actual "mother" than are the same ideas about "father."
"Mother" is also somevhat more trustworthy than "father,"
although "love" is a little closer to "father" than to
"mother*" The messages conveyed seem to be that females
are not so dangerous as males; however, both father and
mother are dangerous, with father much more so.
It was hypothesized that the distance between "me"
and "maleness" would be shorter for the women with behav
ioral disorders than for the controls, and this hypothesis
was not supported. Vhen considered in relationship to the
total picture, however, this is not surprising, since the
"maleness" the women with behavioral disorders know began
as a concept in relation to the father figure, and he is
so soundly rejected. Their cynicism about sex in comparison
to trust and love is another indication that they cannot
allow "maleness" close to "me."
Landis (1962) has reported that closeness to father
is more predictive of positive values, than is only close
ness to mother, and that closeness of both parents is most
predictive. These findings were in response to straight
questionnaire method, using college students. The values
he cited were high self-evaluation in both personality and
attractiveness, little difficulty in making friends,
greater confidence, and fewer undesirable attitudes about
86
sex. In the present study, we might say that closeness to
both parents, and parents* closeness to the subject's ideal
parents are related to higher socialization. In the theo
retical formulations of this investigation it was noted
that the ordinary socialization process as we know it
seems based on identification with so-called "good” objects,
and that this can take place through anxiety aroused over
fear of losing the love of that object. Now we are dis
covering in an objective fashion that, in women with behav
ioral disorders, the parental figures with whom most highly
socialized persons identify are being held at greater dis
tances than in controls. Furthermore, ideal parents were
placed at even greater distances. Obviously, one does not
identify with persons who are seen as being far from the
self, and also far from ideal persons.
Johnson and Szurek (1952) discuss parental attitudes
in relation to the young child who is endeavoring to
develop autonomy. They feel that "love" and "warmth" as
concepts need clarification. If these attitudes in the
parents include the conflictual components of guilt and
sado-masochistic impulses, they will convey to the child
doubtful alternative images with which he cannot identify
fully. Certainly "love," as pictured by the experimental
subjects, is far away from either parent, and also from the
concept "sex."
Earlier in this discussion, reference was made to
■the seeming absence of anxiety in sociopathic individuals,
and this has been seen as a basic defect which has prevented
these persons from becoming socialized. Sullivan (1953)
discusses this not as a lack, but as a repression. He re
fers to the occurrence of a "malevolent transformation,"
seeing this as a result of rejection of the child’s need
for tenderness. When the child, in a dependent fashion,
searches for tenderness and is rebuffed, the awareness* of
a need for tenderness becomes associated with "badness."
When such needs tend to surface, the child feels endangered,
and the anxiety so aroused is cut off with anger, since he
must refuse to risk this anxiety by not expressing need for
tenderness. Such conditioning against tenderness may be
come strongly fixed, and then the child becomes capable of
acts of hostility that are not tempered with either tender
ness or anxiety. The idea that many hostile reactions are
rooted in an effort either to cover or compensate for
dependency needs is fairly often expressed in the literature
(Bloch, 1954; Bender, 1961). Cassell and YanVorst (1961)
identified and described relevant psychological needs of
delinquents and criminals after observation through 10 years
of work in both group and individual therapy settings, and
through hundreds of reports, self-evaluations, and peer
evaluations. Most prominent was a need for intimacy that
♦Italics mine
88
seems to stem from affectional starvation, which is then
defended against through emotional isolation. A paradoxi
cal state develops in which the individual must so structure
the emotional economy as to maintain distance from others in
terms of not allowing himself to feel warm, tender emotions
toward others, or to allow others to feel these toward him.
This is interesting in light of the measured distances ob
tained from the vomen tested for the results reported here.
It may be that to allow the experiencing of affect hunger
appears to these individuals to be a direct route to being
placed in a vulnerable position, since, as seen in the re
sults of the TDH Response Probability Measure, nurturing
individuals are held to be vengeful, manipulative, and
depriving. On the other hand, cutting off these desires
leads to difficulty, since they are always perilously near
the field of awareness. When the defense of isolation
seems to be threatened, anger is the first emotion to be
experienced, and this is usually a signal to engage in hos
tile behavior.
Relevant others must be fended off, not only because
they appear untrustworthy, but because the individual with
severe ego diffusion fears interpersonal fusion, since
there are no real lines of demarcation. Erikson (1959,
pp. 124-125) has this to say:
It must be remembered that the counterpart of intimacy
is distantiation. i.e., the readiness to repudiate, to
ignore, or to destroy those forces and people whose
essence seem dangerous to one's own.
In the same section he discusses the extreme sense of dan
ger felt by the individual vho does not have a strong sense
of ego identity as others attempt to get closer to him.
Here ve find a basis for the cynicism expressed about sex,
that is, "sex'* cannot be close to "love" and "trust” for
the person with a weak sense of ego identity. Greenwald
(1958), using a population of call girls, reports that time
and time again such persons distantiate sex from love and
trust so that the body becomes an instrument seen as almost
outside the self, rather than the self and the body being
one. He also comments on the ability of these persons to
cut off affective involvement in any interpersonal relation
ship.
The present investigation has thus far submitted
evidence that individuals who are unsocialized show a
greater degree of ego diffusion, with concomitant lack of
trust, and defective bipolarization. In these persons, the
conflicts of the first and second psychosocial stages are
still being actively engaged in. It is as if these persons
cannot give up the conflicts, either by resolving them in
a healthy way, or by becoming fixated in some psychotic or
neurotic character position.
Working Toward Integration and Consolidation
of Ego Identity
It is well to remember that the crises and phase-
specific tasks taking place in the epigenetic sequence do
90
not result in achievements, but in ratios— for example, the
ratio betveen confidence and reality. The person who has
developed a strong sense of ego identity has thus become
better able to deal vith reality in an undistorted manner,
rather than having an overabundance of psychic energy tied
up in earlier conflicts which are not settled. Erikson
(1959, p. 113) shows that first introjection and projection
occur, leading to mutuality, then identification through
interaction with others, and finally identity formation
which involves selecting some childhood identifications for
assimilation, and rejecting others in order to make a new
configuration of qualities. The true sense of identity
(p. 118) is experienced as a sense of psychosocial well
being, with concomitants of "feeling at home in one *s body,"
a "sense of knowing where one is going," and "an inner
assuredness of anticipated recognition from those who
count." This configuration becomes more or less integrated
in the "normal" individual after the identity crisis, typi
cal of the adolescent period, has passed, whereas in the
individual with a diffuse sense of ego identity, the
negative aspects of the ratios continue to plague him into
continuing the conflicts.
Ve have presented evidence that women with behavioral
disorders present a more variable, and thus a more diffuse
picture of their ego identity. Ve cannot say, of course,
that this difference is the "cause" of the particular
91
difficulty in vhich these persons find themselves, since
undoubtedly many other pathological syndromes also include
individuals with diffuse identitites. On the other hand,
we can say that it is a concomitant factor, and also we can
say that persons who are higher on the socialization con
tinuum do not have the particular difficulties that the
women with behavioral disorders have, and concomitantly,
they have a more well defined sense of ego identity,. As we
attempt to discuss ways and means of consolidating ego
identities in those who have passed the chronological ages
during which integration ideally takes place, it might be
well to note several theoretical points regarding both
character development, and work with persons with behavioral
disorders.
In the first place, the harsh picture of therapeutic
hopelessness presented for many years is diminishing. This
modification seems to stem from the work of Aichorn (1935),
Lindner (1944), Schmideberg (1949), Johnson (1949 and 1952),
and others. These therapists* views differ greatly from
that of Darling (1945) who flatly stated that "the psycho
pathic personality will not respond to any kind of therapy."
In reality, if we are to combine the idea of the socializa
tion continuum (Gough, 1961) with the theory of psycho
social development (Erikson, 1959) we will have to come to
the conclusion that there are many "hitching posts" along
the way, and obviously those persons who have become more
or less fixated at some very early conflictual level will
need longer and more patient handling than those who have
worked through more of their conflicts. Chwast (1961) has
discussed the problem of whether or not some problem cases
should be considered irreversible, and concludes that no
person should be considered "irreversible" in his totality.
He suggest admitting our inadequacies, rather than assert
ing that change is not possible in any environment or under
any circumstances. Kozol (1961) notes that treatment
methods will have to be devised that will fit the patient,
rather than trying to fit the patient to preconceived
treatment methods, and then, when they don’t work, assuming
that the patient is untreatable. Erikson (1959, p. 134)
advocates the therapist's taking over the task of the mother
who must introduce the baby to life's trustworthiness. The
task is much harder, however, when the "baby" has deeply
embedded and oft confirmed assurances that he will "lose"
(Henrikson, 1962). The therapist must accept the patient’s
negative attitudes, Erikson says (1959, p. 135), without
concluding that "that is all there is in him," and must
prove that someone can maintain understanding and affection
without "devouring" or "being devoured." The same tech
niques and principles apply to these persons as apply to
"borderline" individuals who also have severe identity
problems.
In the present study, it was hypothesized that par-
93
ticipation in psychodrama sessions vould bring about a
greater degree of integration and thus a stronger sense of
ego identity in vomen vith behavioral disorders than vould
occur as a result of natural events over the same period
of time. Evidence vas presented to substantiate this pre
diction. It must be emphasized, hovever, that this is
merely substantiation. Vith only 20 subjects in each
group, and vith a testing instrument which is only theoreti
cally validated, ve cannot now make the assumption that ve
have proof of a method of "cure." Ve do have, hovever,
some evidence for the reliability of the Ego Identity Scale
(Block, 1961). Included in the Appendix are lists of indi
vidual scores, and reference to these vill shov that in the
nonpsychodrama group, nine individuals' scores increased
slightly, 10 decreased slightly, and one remained unchanged,
vith no changes over five points either vay from the pre
vious score. In the psychodrama group, hovever, 15 persons
increased their scores, six decreased them, and no score
remained unchanged. In this group, one person's score
changed from 42 to 54, and another's from 48 to 55, vhich
added substantially to the total over-all degree of change.
Thus ve must be quite cautious in saying that, for a group
of 21 experimental and 20 control subjects, there vas a
significant degree of change in vhat ve have objectively
defined as an ego identity score. furthermore, the signi
ficance vas found using a one—tailed test. If a tvo-tailed
94
test had been used, ve could not have said that the results
vere significant beyond the 5 per cent level. On the other
hand, more individuals in the psychodrama group did change
their scores in a positive direction than did those in the
nonpsychodrama group.
The Psychodrama Sessions
In addition to the results of the objective tests,
information relevant to the theoretical background of this
paper evolved out of the group sessions. In retrospect,
the sessions seem to have followed a pattern vith regard to
the attitude of the participants, and vith regard to the
kinds of dynamics involved in the scenes that vere played.
During these phases a large amount of material emerged that
seems to substantiate some previous observations and hypo
theses made by other workers in the field.
The first stage might be called testing stage. There
vas a good deal of questioning, jockeying for position among
the members, bandying, and testing of the therapists as to
vhat this vas all about. Problems vere brought up for role-
playing, but as often as not the women vould then decide
that that vas not a real issue. Efforts vere made in every
way to discover if the therapist vas going to try to make
them do something, or give forth vith something. At times
there vere prolonged, dramatic silences, but these persons
vere not given to allowing too much of that sort of drama,
since action is much more interesting to them* For some
time it vas quite difficult for the participating women to
take on roles and play them through. Being a protagonist
certainly evokes anxiety, and these participants, by the
very nature of their defensive system, are averse to ex
periencing anxiety. Although they vere cooperative for the
most part, they vould tend to "come out of role" as soon as
emotional involvement started taking place. Typical vould
be the remark, "I can't do it any more," or the participant
role—player might simply start interpreting, or talking as
if not in role. Cautiously, but surely, they began to try
out more personal problems as if to experiment as to vhat
vould happen.
The second stage vas one of open hostility. This
hostility vas directed outward against the sessions,
against the institution, against each other, and against
society in general. The majority of the group members
wanted to quit the group, and only active cooperation of
the institutional personnel kept them coming. Interesting
ly enough, hovever, once they arrived for the sessions and
began actually working, the hostility vould subside as the
session progressed, and often they vould wish to stay and
work longer, although the time vas then up. The kinds of
problems that were brought out for psychodramatic action
during this stage vere especially slanted toward the con
flict vith authority. It became pretty evident that there
96
was & continuing battle for autonomy which had never been
resolved. Prominent were their wishes to prove the evilness
of authority figures, and to test out what can and cannot be
done. During these sessions, problems relating to their
inability to keep a job, to their often setting up situa
tions so they would lose, or get caught, or get fired were
dealt with. Typical statements were:
Everytime I get a good job and things are going right,
I blow it.
People who say they want to help you really want to own
you.
Why do I always have to have something different from
what I*m doing?
As much as was possible, actual experiences were
played out in drama sessions to try to give the women some
awareness of the ways in which they set up situations for
themselves. Friedlander (1960) has commented that delin
quent individuals seem to behave in a manner which is
reminiscent of children before they are three years of age,
and often this could be seen played out before their eyes.
It became apparent that there was an extreme predominance
of problems stemming from the kinds of conflicts that occur
in what psychoanalytic literature calls the oral stages and
the anal expulsive stages. Pretty obviously, little in the
way of compulsivity had developed in any of the group mem
bers. Constant projection of "badness" and "evilness" was
the rule during this period, and one is reminded of Klein*s
(1960) theoretical position which holds that the young child
9 7
introjects hostile components in the inevitable wish for
unity with the nurturing one, and whenever isolation is
threatened, these are then projected outward*
Expecially during this period it was noted that
defiance of authority was pleasurable because of its "shock
value," More than half the group agreed that this was one
of the attractive elements in declaring oneself a homo
sexual, This latter problem came up as an important topic
a number of times, and problems of identifications were
manifest, Vith whom could one identify and at what age?
The problems of being branded by society if one does not fit
the typical feminine stereotype, and again, how this could
be important in terms of the battle with authority were
relevant topics. Also tied to this is the search for
identity. If one can be "labeled"— e,g,, "the bad one,"
"the homosexual one," these negative identifications are at
least an indication that there is an identity which seems
more concrete.
Erikson (1959, p« 89) notes that "the accruing ego
identity gains real strength only from wholehearted and con
sistent recognition of real accomplishment, that is,
achievement that has meaning in the culture." Throughout
the second stage of the sessions these women kept referring
to their feelings of failure, of their seeming inability to
really "be somebody," and to "amount to something." Thus,
there is some evidence that these people who have more
98
diffuse identities hare not felt a sense of achievement.
Gradually the hostility began to be centered upon
the mother figure. In session after session, and scene
after scene, vindictiveness against mother was the important
topic to be handled. Here the double—bind situation became
apparent. Especially were the women conscious of paradoxi
cal situation having to do with contradictory actions.
For example, one woman remembers her mother lining her up
with a group of other four and five year olds, and smelling
their fingers while making an issue of "seeing whether
you’re been playing nasty." Her revulsion when she saw her
mother engaged in coitus in the living room with a man
friend was almost more than she could bear, yet until the
psychodrama session dealing with the scene, she had never
paired the two scenes, and did not understand why she felt
extreme hostility paired with guilt when she thought of
either instance,
Johnson (1949) discussed how parents may convey the
alternative image to the child by constantly accusing the
child of being what he is not, or of wanting to do some
thing which the child perhaps might otherwise not have
wanted to do. One woman in the group kept asking, "Why did
I always want to kill my mother?" Working on this feeling
in several psychodrama sessions led her to understand that
her mother seemed to have planted the idea through often
accusing the child of wanting to kill her, and of sometimes
telling her she vas afraid the child vould do so. Again,
an important issue seemed to be the paradoxical denial of
reality on the part of some of the parents in order to
cover up their ovn misdeeds. For example, children vould
be asked to lie to one parent about the other, or to deny
the existence of some situation vhich the other parent
should not knov about. At times there vould be complete
denial that something had happened, even though the child
had seen it happen. As one group member put it, "Sometimes
if they say it didn't happen often enough, you begin to
vonder if it really did happen, even if you saw it,"
Gradually, the group seemed to shift into a third
stage. This shift vas noticed by the tenor of the frequent
questions asked. All during the second stage, the questions
vere couched in the manner of, "Why did they do that to me?"
Nov they seemed to change to, "Why did I do that?" This
may have been an outgrovth of interpretations they made,
or had made to them by the therapists as a result of the
role-playing experiences. Though the questions vere cer
tainly of a more introspective nature, they seemed to want
to get involved in intellectualization and rationalization,
and to resist actual involvement in any affective vay.
This vas, hovever, preconsciously understood by them, for
if the therapist interpreted this, they vould sometimes
become angry and at other times verge on tears. As one
woman expressed it, "What do you vant us to do, let our
feelings take us over?1 1 Interpersonal relationships vith
the opposite sex became pretty important at this time. In
spite of their seeming acquaintance vith the vays of the
world, they displayed a startling naivete, vhich seemed to
stem from either a lack of empathy, or a lack of any good
experiences with the opposite sex, or both. The consensus
vas that sex is a bargaining point, a useful tool in getting
vhat one wants, but other than that separate from the self.
It vas during this period that their real feelings about
themselves came up. Prevalent vas the idea that "my body
is not me," The body is seen as something separate, and
sensations can be cut off. As one woman said, "If the
telephone wires are down between my body and me, I can stay
out of trouble." Bodily sensations are seen as dangerous,
and ready at any moment to rise up and take one over. One
is reminded of the Biblical account of punishment by having
a body tied to the punished one, and his not being able to
do anything about the sentence. A group member said, "I
can*t make ice cubes out of this or that feeling, so I have
to glacierize myself." Another said, "You can*t have just
a little emotion; if you let it in, it takes you over."
Many psychodrama scenes were acted in which it was evident
that hostility and anger were actually covering up extreme
feelings of loneliness and isolation, but that to allow
any warm, tender feelings vas felt to be extremely dan
gerous. The consensus vas that one becomes vulnerable to
101
any kind of manipulation by another if these are recognized.
Throughout most of the phases just described the
vomen maintained their seeming alertness and isolated de
fensiveness. They very much resented the impulse to cry,
either in the self or in others. As the sessions con
tinued, crying became more acceptable. The therapists
emphasized that it is a natural, human function and told
the subjects it vas all right to cry in these sessions.
The stance of the vomen seemed to change as they began to
relax in their chairs, often to sit vith their heads bent
or leaning against someone else. The phenomenon of de
pression began to be brought up in almost every session.
The vomen felt that any real introspection led to depres
sion, and they expressed it as an "impossible thing to deal
vith." One said, "It's a terrible thing, a veighty thing,
pushing me into a tight little space so I have to do some
thing." The favorite thing to do vas to stir up some kind
of activity. This phase of depressiveness seemed to be
most useful, hovever, because it helped many in the group
realize that much of their "acting out" vas actually a
defense against the depression. It vas noticed that almost
every time a member brought up some incident for use in the
sessions that vas concerned vith love, sooner or later the
focus vould turn tovard the depressive feelings. It vas
during this phase that some real group cohesiveness began
to develop. The vomen began to call it "our group" and
102
began to form some real sense of identification with each
other as group members• They began to believe that they
could use these sessions to help them with their problems,
and they expressed the desire to continue the sessions after
the experimental period was passed*
Earlier in this report reference was made to the
seeming absence of anxiety in these persons* In the judg
ment of this investigator a deep underlying depressive
trend was manifest in all of these women. Prom what we
know of depression, we must believe that it is rooted in
anxiety. It is, however, a depressiveness that seems to be
related to fears of being annihilated, either from external
danger or as a result of the many contradictory impulses
within the diffuse self. If therapists could work with
this depressiveness long enough to permit these people to
become quite dependent, and then form new identification
with trustworthy love objects through some rather infantile
transference relationships, perhaps the more usual forms of
anxiety would be developed, and a regular socialization
process could be instigated. This may sound optimistic,
but the optimism stems from the cooperation of the women
themselves, the majority of whom, at bottom, are not happy
and satisfied, but rather quite miserable, and who are in
terested in more self-fulfilling lives for themselves.
In reviewing the 26 sessions in their entirety, it
does not seem presumptuous to say that the methods used
103
present at least a hopeful trend for future investigation.
It is apparent that in a moderately large group there are
alvays some members vho are in a cooperative mood, and vho
vill help in communicating vith other members. In addition,
once some measure of group security and cohesivencss has
developed, the members themselves are much more apt to
detect the nuances of the problems peculiar to this parti
cular syndrome than an individual therapist vould be, and
thus the situations can be exploited more fully. The group
members are much less inclined to "take each other on a
trip," (their expression for game—playing to cover real
feelings) than they vould therapists in general. In addi
tion, vhen major problems are realized to be mutual ones,
concentration on such problems is more effective through
the compounding of insights. In addition, some of the
other meaningful gains seemed to be the folloving:
1. By role reversal some group members came to
recognize that one of their major problems vas
a lack of empathy, and that "putting oneself in
another's shoes" is really a most useful method
of predicting hov others may act, and also hov
one's ovn future vith another may turn out.
2. By devising various situations as they might
have occurred, members demonstrated for each
other that cognitive trial and error, and even
practice role-playing vith others is really
104
practice for reality, and that one can risk
mistakes and learn from them without suffering
irreversible consequences.
3# Through dialogue, soliloquy, auxiliary uncon
scious, and mirror techniques, individual group
members could explore their feelings and gain
personal insights in a protected situation where
verbal and physical expressions of affect were
less dangerpus. Tensions could be released, and
emotions experienced.
As previously pointed out, standard forms of psycho
therapy have been found to be somewhat ineffective with
women with behavioral disorders. Many therapists have felt
that such patients were uninterested in modifying their
behavior. They also present extremely trying problems in
transference situations due to their immaturity, while at
the same time being able to operate as adults in society.
Further experimentation with the presently reported method
needs to be carried out, perhaps with more auxiliary thera
pists, and over longer periods of time, for purposes of
exploration of the greater possibilities that this method
seems to present.
Implications for Future Investigation
A number of important questions arise out of the
findings in this study. What is the nature of the separate
ness, which is almost akin to encapsulation of emotions?
105
The communication coming from the experimental subjects
seems to be defensive, a daring others to break through,
without risking exposure to warmth and tenderness. Erikson
(1959, pp. 134-135) discusses what he refers to as identity
resistence. This seems to arise out of fear over arousal
of so many contradictory introjects, or impulses— of being
devoured or of devouring, of urges to attack or destroy, or
of melting in the identity of the other. Resisting these
urges leads to impulsive flights into "acting out" episodes.
How often in the natural course of events is the isolated
position threatened? One could postulate that it would be
often enough to keep the hostility and anger at a fairly
high level with consequent destructive actions occurring
frequently. Can the depressive nucleus, which seems to
manifest itself if acting out does not occur, be dealt with
effectively in order to develop a nucleus of positive emo
tions centered around a trustworthy substitute nurturing
figure?
Lazowick*s (1955) work on identification brought out
some relevant information regarding closeness and distance
from important family figures in that he found normal
college women closer to "father" as a concept than to
"mother," but he found that normal, low anxiety women in
the general population tended to identify more with
"mother." He discussed the implications of cultural norms
in terms of the "masculinity" concept, and its value to
106
professional people. The findings that both the control
and experimental vomen in the present study identified vith
"femaleness" may be a function of the social class norms,
since they vere matched for socio-economic level. Hovever,
it is also vorthy of note that the experimental subjects
feel more identified vith "maleness" than vith either
"mother" or "father," vhereas the normal vomen identify
"maleness" vith "father," More work vith vomen vith behav
ioral disorders in this area vould probably furnish more
information about these implications.
Gough's socialization continuum seems to be a very
useful instrument for differentiating unsocialized indivi
duals from socialized. Might one postulate a "bipolariza
tion" continuum, in line vith Erikson*s second—psychosocial—
stage concepts? Ve postulate that unification takes place
betveen infant and mother, and that the symbiotic schizo
phrenic child (Mahler, 1952) refuses to give up this uni
fication, vhereas the autistic child (Kanner, 1943) either
does not establish unification, or differentiates vithout
subsequent bipolarization. Sociopathic individuals seem
to establish negative bipolarization. If one could estab
lish position of distance from others, or degree of nega
tive affect, such information could be very important in
so far as prognosis in therapy, recidivism, and over-all
interpersonal adjustment are concerned.
An additional thought regarding therapeutic
107
approaches might concern itself vith investigation of a
combined group—centered and individual—centered approach in
vhich individual therapy sessions vould be augmented by
psychodrama participation by the same patient and therapisto
Lastly, there is alvays the question regarding the
particular combination of constitutional givens and environ
mental circumstances that enable some individuals to deviate
tovard the sociopathic syndrome rather than tovard psychotic
adjustments, since psychotic individuals are also subjected
to similar etiological factors in the environment, as are
also many so-called "normal” people.
We have not yet developed research methods vhich
vill adequately handle many of the questions vhich are
raised through investigations of this kind. Hovever, each
time ve gain a little more relevant information, ve can
then be in a position to ask more questions, vhich in turn
may provide more far-reaching evidence. If our attempts to
unlock the doors behind vhich the secrets of human character
development seem cached yield even glimmers of nev evidence
that ve are succeeding, perhaps these glimmers vill spur
us on tovard more concentrated efforts. It is hoped that
the findings reported in this paper vill be instrumental
tovard that end.
CHAPTER VI
SUMMARY
This study vas concerned vith psychological factors
associated vith behavioral disorders. Its main theoretical
rationale vas derived from Erik Erikson*s theory of psycho
social development. The aim vas to explore several dimen
sions concerned vith the development of ego identity as
opposed to ego diffusion.
The subjects vere 46 vomen ranging in age from 18 to
30 years, vith a mean age of 25 years. These vomen vere
incarcerated at the California Institution for Vomen, and
could all have been classified "sociopathic•" Evidences of
other types of pathology vere ruled out by use of the
Rorschach. The subjects vere matched on age, education,
and socio-economic level with a control group of 40 vomen
vho vere beginning their training as psychiatric techni
cians. The tvo groups vere clearly differentiated on the
Gough Socialization Continuum.
The hypothesis that the vomen vith behavioral dis
orders vould show a greater degree of ego diffusion than
the controls vas supported by evidence based on Block’s
Ego Identity Scale.
108
109
Through the use of the Semantic Differential Tech
nique, the following hypotheses were supported:
The women with behavioral disorders showed a greater
semantic distance between the concepts "father" and
"mother" and the concept "me" than the controls, and
they shoved a greater distance from either parent.
The women with behavioral disorders placed the con
cepts "love," "trust," and "father as I would like him
to be" at a greater distance from "father" than did the
controls. Analogous results were obtained with regard
to "mother."
The women vith behavioral disorders placed the con
cepts "love" and "trust" at a greater distance from
"sex" than did the controls.
It vas predicted that the control group would place
the concept "femaleness" closer to "me" than vould the
women with behavioral disorders. When these means were
compared, the differences were insignificant. Ifc was
further hypothesized that the women with behavioral
disorders vould place the concept "maleness" nearer to
"me," and this prediction was reversed.
Predictions were made to the effect that the vomen
with behavioral disorders would respond to spoken messages
as if they vere incongruent, that is, with mistrust or
doubt. In order to test this hypothesis, 16 dyads were
constructed. In each of these situations, one person was
110
represented as giving a spoken message to a young woman.
This instrument was entitled the TDH Response Probability
Measure, with the initials representing the words "trust,'*
’ •doubt," and "hope." One-half of the control and on —half
of the women with behavioral disorders received a multiple
choice form, and one—half of each group received a form
requiring spontaneous write-ins. A significantly greater
number of women with behavioral disorders responded to
these messages with mistrust and doubt.
In addition to the above predictions, it was hypo
thesized that the women with behavioral disorders would
show an increase in their ego identity scores after parti
cipation in psychodrama sessions. One-half of these women
took part in 26 sessions, and subsequently all women with
behavioral disorder were retested with the Ego Identity
Scale. The mean of the psychodrama group increased to
the extent that the difference was significant.
Although the evidence gathered to support the
effectiveness of psychodrama as a therapeutic technique
must be regarded as only tentative, the results are in the
positive direction, and deserve further investigation.
On the basis of the above results it can be inferred
that the women who were found to be more diffuse in their
ego identity were also more isolated in their affective
relationships, and that they had formed negative rather
than positive bipolarizations. They evidenced little in
the vay of hope and trust, and their conflicts appeared to
stem from the kinds of crises met in the first tvo psycho
logical stages* Signs of depression underlying the isola
tion vere manifested*
LIST OF R E F E R E N C E S
LIST OF REFERENCES
Abrahamsen, D. Evaluation of the treatment of criminals.
In Hoch, P. H. (Ed.) Failures in psychiatric treat
ment. New York: Grune & Stratton, 1948.
Albert, R. S., Brigante, T. R., and Chase, M. The psycho
pathic personality: a content analysis of the con
cept. J. genet. Psychol.t 1959, 60, 17-28.
Aichorn, A. Wayward Youth. New York: Viking Press, 1935.
Alexander, F. Fundamentals of psychoanalysis. New York:
Norton, 194^1
Alexander, F., and Staub, H. The criminal. the judge, and
the publie. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956.
Baldwin, A. L., Kalhorn, J., and Breese, F. H. Patterns of
parental behavior. Psychol. Monogr.. 1945, Vol. 58,
3, whole 268.
Beardsley, Katherine. Analysis of psychological tests of
persons diagnosed sociopathic personality disturb
ance. Arch, crira. Psychodyn.. 1961, 4, 403-406.
Bender, Lauretta. Psychopathic behavior disturbance in
children. In Lindner, R., and Seliger, R., (Eds.)
Handbook of correctional psychology. New York:
Philosophical Library, 1947.
Bender, Lauretta. Psychopathic personality disorders in
childhood and adolescence. Arch. crim. Psychodyn..
1961, 4, 412-415. “
Bergler, E. Application of the mechanism of orality in
neurosis and criminosis. In Lindner, R. M., and
Seliger, R. V. (Eds.) Handbook of correctional
psychology. New York; Philosophical Library, 1947.
Bloch, D. A. Some concepts in the treatment of delinquency.
Children. 1954, 1_, 49-55.
Block, J. Ego Identity, role variability, and adjustment.
J. consult. Psychol. . 1961, 2j>, 392-397.
113
114
Block, J. Some differences betveen the concepts of social
desirability and adjustment. J. consult. Psychol.,
1962, 26, 527-530.
Borden, Ruth. The use of psychodrama in an institution
for delinquent girls. Sociometry, 1940, 3 , 81-90.
Bovlby, J. Maternal care and mental health. Geneva:
World Health Organization, 1952.
Bronson, G. V. Identity diffusion in late adolescents.
J. abnorm. soc. Psychol.. 1959, 59, 414-417.
Buhler, Charlotte. Genetic aspects of the self. In Harms,
E. (Ed.), Fundamentals of the psychology of the
self. Annals of the New York Academy of Science,
1962, 96, 730-764.
Buss, F. H. Development of trust in emotionally disturbed
adolescents. Devereaux Schools Forum. The
Devereaux Foundation.
Buros, 0. K. (Ed.) The fifth mental measurement yearbook.
Highland Park: Gryphon Press, 1959.
Cassell, R. N., and VanVorst, R. B. Psychological needs of
women in a correctional institution. Amer.
Correction, 1961 , 23., 22—25.
Chornyak, J. Some remarks on the diagnosis of the psycho
pathic delinquent. Amer. j. Psychiat., 1941, 97,
1326-1340.
Chwast, J. Reversibility—Irreversibility. Amer. j_.
Psychother.. 1961, 1_9, 221—232.
Cleckley, H. The mask of sanity. St. Louis: Mosby, 1955.
Cleckley, H. The psychopathic states. In Arieti, S. (Ed.),
American Handbook of Psychiatry. Vol. I, New York:
Basic Books, 1959.
Corsini, R. Psychodrama in prison. Group Psychother.,
1950, 3, 77-91.
Corsini, R. Psychodrama with a psychopath. Group Psycho—
ther.. 1958, 1J_, 33-39.
Darling, H. F. Definition of psychopathic personality.
J. nerv. ment. Pis., 1945, 101. 125.
115
Diagnostic and statistical manual. Washington: American
Psychiatric Association, 1952.
Diamond, B. L. Identification and the psychopathic person
ality. Arch, crim. Psychodyn., 1961, 4, 456-465.
DuBois, Cora. The people of Alor. Lansing: University
of Michigan Press, 1944.
Eglash, A. Stigma: a springboard to mental health. J.
soc. Ther., 1960, 6 t 44-49.
Erikson, E. H. On the sense of inner identity. In Health
and human relations. New York: Blakiston, 1953.
Erikson, E. H. The problem of ego identity. J. Amer.
ps.ychoanal. Assn. , 1956, 4, 56-121 .
Erikson, E. H. Identity and the life cycle. Psychol.
Issues, 1959, 1_, No. 1.
Eysenck, H. J. Abnormal Psychology. New York: Basic
Books,1961.
Fein, Leah G. Psychodrama in the treatment of disciplinary
problems. Group Psychother., 1962, 2, 147-153.
Fenichel, 0. The psychoanalytic theory of the neuroses.
New York: Norton, 1945.
Field, Minna. Maternal attitudes found in 25 cases of
children with primary behavior disorder. Amer.
Orthops.ychiat. . 1940, J_0, 293-311 .
Frankenstein, C. Psychopathy. New York: Grune & Stratton,
1959.
Freyhan, F. A. Psychopathology of personality functions in
psychopathic personalities. Psychiat. Quart., 1951,
25, 469-474.
Friedlander, Kate. The psychoanalytic approach to .juvenile
delinquency. New York: International Universities
Press Inc., 1960.
Galvin, J. Some dynamics of delinquent girls. J. nerv.
ment. Pis. . 1956, 123, 292—295.
Glueck, B., Jr. Changing concepts in forensic psychiatry.
J. crim. law, crim., & pol. Scia, 1954, 7, 135-139.
116
Glueck, S., and Glueck, Eleanor. Unraveling .juvenile
delinquency. New York: Commonwealth Fund, 1950.
Gough, H. G. Sociological theory of psychopathy. Amer.
Sociol., 1948, 53.
Gough, H. G. Manual for the California psychological
inventory. Palo Alto, Calif.: Consulting Psycho
logists Press, 1957.
Gough, H. G. Theory and measurement of socialization. In
Sarbin, T. R. (Ed.), Studies in behavior pathology.
New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Vinston, 1961.
Greenacre, Phyllis. Conscience and the psychopath. Amer.
j_. Qrthopsychiat. . 1945, 1_5, 495-509.
Greenwald, H. The call girl: a social and psychoanalytic
study. New York: Ballantine Books, 1958.
Gruen, ¥. Rejection of false information about oneself as
an indication of ego identity. J. consult. Psychol..
1960, 24.
Haller, B. L. Some factors related to the adjustment of
psychopaths on parole from a state hospital. Smith
College studies in social work. 1942, Vol. 13.
Haskell, M. R. Psychodramatic role training in preparation
for release on parole. Group Psychother., 1957, 10.
51-59.
Healy, ¥. New light on delinquency and its treatment. New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1936.
Heaver, ¥. L. A study of 40 male psychopathic personal
ities. Amer. j[. Psychiat.. 1943, 100-113.
Henrikson, L. V. Risk taking and the behavior disorders.
Correct, psychiat. soc. Ther.. 1962, 8, 133-143.
Hoffman, J. J. Psychodrama with inpatients. Group Psycho
therapy. 1961, 14;, 186-189.
Hollingshead, A. B. Two factor index of social position.
New Haven: A. B. Hoilingshead, 1957.
Holzberg, B., Holzberg, J., and Unger, Joan. A study of
judgment in the psychopathic personality. Psychiat.
Quart.. 1951, 25, 132-150.
117
Johnson, Adelaide. Sanctions for superego lacunae of
adolescents. In Eissler, K. R. (Ed.), Searchlights
on Delinquency. New Yorks International Univer-
sities Press, 1949.
Johnson, A. M., and Szurek, S. A. The genesis of anti
social acting out in children and adults. Psychiat.
Quart.. 1952, 21_, 323-343.
Kanner, L. Autistic disturbances of affective contact.
Nervous child. 1943, 2, 217.
Karpman, B. Seven psychopaths: a correlative, nonstatisti-
cal study of predatory crime. J. clin. psychopath.
& psychother., 1944, 6, 299-317.
Karpman, B. The myth of the psychopathic personality.
Amer. psychiat., 1948, 104. 523-534.
Kaufman, E., and Heims, Lora. The body image of the
juvenile delinquent. Amer. j. Orthopsychiat., 1958,
28, 146-159.
Kaufman, 1., Makkay, Elizabeth S., and Zilbach, Joan. The
impact of adolescence on girls with delinquent
character formation. Amer. j. Orthopsychiat.. 1959.
29, 130-143.
Kiloh, L. G. and Osselton, J. ¥. Clinical encephalography.
London: Butterworth, 1961.
Klein, Melanie. Envy and gratitude. New York: Hillary
Press, 1960.
Kozol, H. L. Dynamics of psychopathy. Arch. crim. Psycho—
dyn.. 1961, 4, 526-541.
Landis, Judson T. A re—examination of the role of the
father as an index of family integration. Marriage
and family living. 1962, 24, 122-128.
Lazowick, L. M. On the nature of identification. J.
abnorm. soc. Psychol.. 1955, 5±, 175-183.
Levy, D. Maternal overprotection. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1943.
Lichter, S. 0., Rapien, Elsie, Siebert, Frances, and
Sklansky, M. A. The drop-outs. Glencoe: The Free
Press, 1963.
118
Lindner, R. Rebel without a cause- — the hypnoanalysis of a.
criminal psychopath. New York: Grune & Stratton,
1944.
Lindner, R. The hypnoanalytic technique with prisoners.
In Lindner, R., and Seliger, R. V. (Eds.) Handbook
of correctional psychology. New York: Philosophi-
cal Library, 1947•
McCord, V., and McCord, Joan. Psychopathy and delinquency.
New York: Grune & Stratton^ 1956.
McNemar, Q. Psychological statistics. (3rd ed.) New York:
John Viley & Sons, Inc., 1962.
Mahler, M. On child psychosis and schizophrenia. In The
psychoanalytic study of the child., Vol. 7, New York:
International Universities Press, 1952.
Mann, J. H. Experiments and evaluation of role playing.
Psychol. Bull., 1956, 53, 227-234.
Maughs, S. A concept of psychopathy and psychopathic per
sonality: its evolution and development. J. crim.
Psychopath.. 1941, 2, 3’ 30-3 51.
Mead, G. H. Mind, self. and society. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1934.
Michaels, J. J. Character structure and character disorder.
In S. Arieti (Ed.), American handbook of psychiatry.
Vol. I, New York: Basic Books, 1959.
Moreno, Zerka. A survey of psychodramatic techniques.
Group psychother., 1959, 5, 14-19.
Osgood, C. E., Suci, G. J., and Tannenbaum, P. H. The
measurement of meaning. Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 1957.
Overholser, Winfred, and Enneis, J. M. Twenty years of
psychodrama at St. Elizabeth*s Hospital. Group
psychotherapy. 1959, t2, 283-292.
Parrish, Marguerite. The effects of short term psychodrama
on schizophrenic patients. Group psychother., 1959.
1_ 2, 15- 2 6.
Partridge, G. E. A study of 50 cases of psychopathic per
sonality. Amer. 1* Psychiat.. 1928, 7, 953-973.
119
Pottharst, K. E. Patterns of pathological parent-child
interaction in families of acting out adolescent
girls. Paper read at Amer. Orthopsychiat. Assn.,
Washington, March, 1963.
Rabinovitch, R. Psychopathic delinquent children. Amer.
Orthopsychiat. . 1950, 20, 223-265.
Rasmussen, J. E. An experimental approach to the concept
of ego identity as related to character disorder.
Unpublished doctoral dissertation, American Univer
sity, 1961.
Reich, V. Character analysis. (3rd ed.) New York:
Farrar, Straus & Co., 1949.
Renaud, H., and Estes, F. Life history interviews with
one hundred normal American males: pathogenicity of
childhood. Amer. Orthopsychiat.. 31, 786-802.
Rosenzweig, S. The Rosenzweig picture frustration test.
St. Louis: Published by Saul Rosenzweig, 1948.
Rotter, J. B. Social learning and clinical psychology.
New York: Prentice Hall, 1954.
Salzman, L. Masochism and psychopathy as adaptive behavior.
J. indiv. Psychol. t 1960, 1_6, 182-188.
Sarbin, T. R. Role theory. In Lindzey, G. (Ed.) Handbook
of social psychology. Vol. I, Reading, Mass: Addison-
Wesley, 1954.
Schmideberg, Melitta. The analytic treatment of major
criminals: psychology and treatment of criminal
psychopaths. Inter, Psychoanal.. 1949, 30.
Sears, R., Maccoby, E., and Levin, H. Patterns of child
rearing. Evanston: Row, Patterson, 1956.
Spiegel, J. Resolution of role conflict. Psychiat.. 1957.
20, 1-15.
Sternbach, R. A. Congenital insensitivity to pain: a
critique. Psychol. Bull.. 1963, 60, 252-264.
Sullivan, H. S. The interpersonal theory of psychiatry.
New York: W. W. Horton, 1953.
Szurek, S. A. Notes on the genesis of psychopathic per
sonality. Psychiat.. 1942, 5., 82-89.
120
Thompson, G. The psychopathic delinquent and criminal.
Springfield: Charles G. Thomas, 1953.
Weakland, J. H. The double bind hypothesis of schizo
phrenia and three party interaction. In Jackson,
D. (Ed.), The etiology of schizophrenia. New York:
Basic Books, 1960.
White, R. V. Abnormalities of behavior. In P. P. Farns
worth (Ed.), Annual review of psychology. Vol. X.
Palo Alto: Annual Reviews Inc., 1959.
White, R. W. Competence and psychosexual stages of devel
opment. In Jones, M. R. (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium
on Motivation. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 1960.
Whiting, J., and Child, I. Child training and personality:
a cross-cultural study. New Haven: Yale University
Press, 1953.
Wiener, M., Blumberg, A., Segman, Sarah, and Cooper, A.
Judgment of adjustment by psychologists, psychiatric
social workers, and college students, and its rela
tion to social desirability. J. abnorm. soc.
Psychol.. 1959, 59, 315-321.
Wilson, R. S. On behavior pathology. Psychol. Bull.,
1963, 60, 130-146.
Winer, B. J. Statistical principles in experimental
design. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962.
A P P E N D I C E S
APPENDIX A
SUBJECT INFORMATION FOR EXPERIMENTAL GROUP
Subject Information for Experimental Group
Psychodrama
Number
Social
ization
Score
Pretest
Ego
Identity
Fosttest
Ego
Identity
Education Age
IQ
E 2 20
55 58 10
27 102
E 4 25 54 63 10
25 109
E 5 29 51 48 10
25 104
E 6 17 58 59 9 21 101
E 10 26 55 62 10 30 119
E 12 25 58 61 8 28 93
E 13 27 62 56 12 24 109
E 14 17 42 54 11 20 102
E 15 26 62 59 10 29 107
E 16 24 59 60 10
27 101
E 17 17 55 60 ' 10 23 95
E 21 28 60 54 12 21
95
E 22 22 52 58 12 24 109
E 24 20 52 54 9 28 98
E 25 29 58 62 12 20 110
E 26 24 48 55 12 30 108
E 36 19 51
60
9 29 98
E 41 23 50 56 13 26 103
E 42 20 50 45 12 28 101
E 44 28 54 59 12 23 117
E 45 23 54 55 8 24 98
Total 1140 1198
Mean 54.29 57.05
123
Subject Information for Experimental Group
Nonpsychodrama
Number
Social
ization
Score
Pretest
Ego
Identi iy
Posttest
Ego
Identity
Education Age
IQ
E 1 23 59 58 11 26 114
E 8 25 59 62 12 19 117
E 9 20 48 53 11 21
107
E 18 23 50
55 13 26 110
E 19 24 59 57 9 30
99
E 27 25 55 53 10 30 • 113
E 28 24 59 62 12 21 103
E 29 20 50 54 10 25 96
E 30 24 59 55 8 29 91
E 31 22 51 48 12 19 104
E 32 28 61 59 9 25 91
E 33 24 57 60 9 22 96
E 34 16 56 54 12 20
105
E 39 24 55 51 12 23 95
E 40 28 60 61 9 26 110
E 43 27 57 54 10 19 102
E 46 23 52 53 12 28 94
E 35 29 54 54 12
25 118
E 37 24 56 58 12
27 99
Total 967 1114 1117 437 1015 4148
Mean 23.59 55.70 55.85 11 .00 25.0 103.61
Note: E 11 transferred out of the institution
E 23 paroled
E 3 refused to participate
E 7 paroled
E 20 overage, included by mistake, then dropped
124
APPENDIX B
SUBJECT INFORMATION FOR CONTROL GROUP
Subject Information for Control Group
Number
Socialization
Score
Ego Identity
Score
Education Age
E 101 43 73 12 21
E 102 39 66 12 25
E 103 37 65 11 1 8
E 104 36 68
9 29
E 105 38 64 12 22
E 106 37 68 12 29
E 107 40
67 12
29
E 108 36 69 10 28
E 109 40 70 12 21
E 110 40 64 12 21
E 111 35 70 12
25
E 112 39 69 12
19
E 113 42 70 13 29
E 114 36 63 12 20
E 115 37 67 12
29
E 116 38 74 14 20
E 117 40 68 12 20
E 118 41 68 13 21
E 119 37 63 12
19
E 120 46
67 13 30
E 121 39 66 12 18
E 122 43 65 12 18
E 123 39 69 12 30
E 124 40 70
9 27
E 125 36 64 13 22
E 126 43 69 12 25
E 127 43 69 12 30
E 128 39 63 12 22
E 129 35 65 12 22
E 130 35 68 12
23
E 131 40
71 12 21
E 132 50 68 12 18
E 133 38 73 12
19
E 134 40 64 12 18
E 135 37 59 13 21
E 136 39 63 11 30
E 137 37 68 10 26
E 138 40 74 12 22
E 139 41 64
9 27
E 140
35 63 12
27
Total 1 566 2688 472 941
Mean
39.1 5 67.20 11 .80
23.53
126
APPENDIX C
SUBJECTS* SCORES OBTAINED THROUGH THE USE OF
THE TDH RESPONSE PROBABILITY MEASURE
Subjects* Scores Obtained Through the Use of
the TDH Response Probability Measure
Multiple Choice Form
Experimental Control
31
30
23
29
36
35
30
14
34
31
33
35
31
02
27
27
34
29
32
02
29
26
Tot. 600
40
42
46
44
43
42
48
42
44
39
44
38
42
43
42
41
40
43
45
37
845
Mean 27.27 42.25
Spontaneous Write in Form
Experimental Control
8.33
25„67
21 .00
4.67
13.33
16.00
10.67
8.67
16.67
9.33
5.33
12.33
13.67
6.67
19.00
11 .00
17.00
17.67
6.00
20.67
8.00
19.33
1 5.67
296.68
12.90
35.00
32.00
40.33
35.33
40.67
41.00
32.67
42.33
35.00
44.33
32.33
36.67
46.00
33.33
37.00
45.67
35.33
40.33
34.33
35.00
754.65
37.73
128
APPENDIX D
INDIVIDUAL DESCRIPTIONS OF THE
EXPERIMENTAL GROUP
MEMBERS
IQ: 114
Education: 11th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 23
Ego Identity Score: 59
This subject is a beautiful young voman of average
height, slender, a brunette with blue eyes. She has a
"scrubbed" look, as if she were attempting to be as clean
and as well-kept as possible. She appears somewhat re
served, not wishing to volunteer information about herself.
E 1 was convicted on a first degree burglary charge.
She had an accomplice, a man with a long criminal record.
When apprehended, they were found to have stolen a tremen
dous amount of goods, including jewels, furs, radios,
T.Y.s, luggage, and 30 automobile driver*s licenses, each
displaying E 1*s picture. This apprehension was not her
first, however, because her record includes 17 previous
convictions, including vagrancy, forgery, possession of
marijuana, four counts of forgery, and disturbance of the
peace. Among her personal effects officers found a file
of prominent socialites containing information about them
and their possessions, together with accounts of vacation
trips they had taken, all gleaned from newspaper accounts.
She has been married three times, had one common—law
relationship, and has had four children. She has done con
siderable drinking, but could not be listed as an alcoholic.
131
E 1*s emotions seem, at first, to be deeply masked, but
this front is easily broken down, and she develops a child
like defensiveness. Her record shows that there were three
marriages and divorces on the part of parental figures, and
she lived at various times with many of these families, and
also with grandparents, and uncles and aunts. She reports
that she has always had severe temper tantrums, and that
once at a very young age she set a little girl*s dress on
fire. She left school at the age of 16 because she had
become pregnant, and she began forging checks at this time.
Her second marriage was at 18, which she states was a
"spite” marriage. In spite of her marriages and children,
she looks upon sex as a nasty and violent thing, and says
she gives in because "men expect it," The men she chooses
to be with her are usually passive and emotionally dis
turbed, with the exception of her crime partner.
capacity for conventional response, moderate constriction,
and no distortions.
Her Rorschach shows good organizational ability,
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score
Ego Identity Score:
27
102
1Oth grade
Fsychodrama
20
55
The young woman listed as E 2 is a very slim, very
132
good-looking, young person, with coal black hair, and deep
brown eyes. The dark hair and eyes contrast markedly with
her very white skin. She has a charming way of relating,
which is almost, but not quite, flirtatious.
E 2 is presently incarcerated on a sale-of-narcotics
charge. She sold 18 lots of heroin to a state narcotic
agent. She has had 17 previous convictions on various
counts, including transportation of narcotics over the
border at Calexico, failure to register as a narcotics
user, parole and probation violations, and various traffic
misdemeanors.
E 2*s father died when she was very young, and she
says she was never able to communicate with her mother.
She sought escape from this distant mother figure through
marriage at 16, but was divorced a year later. At that
same time, she says, she began to be involved with a
’ ’beatnik" crowd because of her loneliness. She has had
one common—law relationship, and two children.
This subjectfs Rorschach shows no psychopathological
signs, she has good perceptual strength, and gives conven
tional responses. She is unable to respond with full
efficiency to the more emotionally provocative cards.
133
E 3
Age:
IQ:
25
111
12th grade
Psychodrama — refused to
Education:
Group:
participate
Socialization Score:
Ego Identity Score
1 5
Not calculated
This large, attractive young woman is of Caucasian,
Spanish, and Negro extraction. She has a long history of
trouble with law authorities. She was listed by the Youth
Authority as incorrigible, truant, vagrant, and has 8 con
victions, which include resisting arrest, and parole vio
lations. She is in the correctional institution at present
for 2nd degree murder. The man who has been acting as her
pimp for some time had left her when she became pregnant by
him, and actually married another girl. This so infuriated
E 3 that she killed the girl with a barber’s scissors. She
was given a second degree sentence when it was apparent
that she had really intended to kill the man, but the other
girl got in the way.
was 7. Her mother worked as a motel maid, and lived with a
common-law husband throughout E 3*s childhood. She spent
her time divided between her mother and her grandparents*
home, and feels that she was spoiled because she was the
oldest grandchild. She felt that at times her mother was
too strict, and she became truant so she could go to the
homes of various girl friends whose parents were not home.
This girl*s father and mother were divorced when she
134
Her mother turned her over to the Youth Authority when she
could not prevent this behavior. She feels that her family
are all disappointed in her.
At the time of the formation of the psychodrama
group, this girl refused to become a member, saying that if
it was mandatory, she would choose to be locked in seclu
sion in a cell during that hour. It was felt that the re
action she shoved was extreme enough to warrant dropping
her from participation.
Her Rorschach showed capacity for conventional re
sponses^ underlying hostility, and low stress tolerance.
E 4
Age: 2 5
IQ: 109
Education: 10th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 23
Ego Identity Score: 54
Subject E 4 is a young woman of average height,
somewhat on the plump side, quite good looking, with blonde
hair and blue eyes, and with very fair, pink skin. She was
an active participant in the group, but tended to vant to
stay away or be late a good deal.
This young woman has had 19 convictions which in
clude some carry-overs from Youth Authority. Listed are
robbery, disturbing the peace, drunk charges, driving with
135
suspended license, running away, burglary, sale of heroin,
and, while on bail for the latter, again selling heroin*
E 4 has had 3 marriages, 2 common-lav relationships,
and 2 children. She was the fifth of eight children, and
notes that her parents fought constantly. Her mother beat
her frequently, and she left home at 13, getting a job as
a car hop. "When her father found her, she went to live
with an older sister, but her father again brought her back
home. At the age of 14 she married, but had to live with
her husband*s mother, which was also unpleasant, so she
left. She began moving from one crowd to another, and
eventually became involved in narcotics peddling.
Her Rorschach shows her to be impulsive, immature,
with limited control, and adjustment potential is listed as
mediocre.
E 5
Age: 2 5
IQ: 104
Education: 10th grade
Crroup: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 29
Ego Identity Score: 51
This is an average-sized, black-haired young woman
with dark brown eyes. She is of English and Spanish ex
traction. Her participation in the group was active, and
she often expressed her interest through very relevant
136
questions, or insightful observations.
E 5 is incarcerated for sale of heroin, and has a
history of shoplifting, probation violations, and use of
narcotics„
Her history shows that she had had one common—lav
husband, and one illegitimate child. She says that there
was no open friction between her parents, although the home
was quite poor. Her mother was an extremely religious in
dividual, belonging to the Pentecostal church. The subject
felt a good deal of tension due to dissension and turmoil
between herself and her mother. The probation officer felt
that E 5 was rebelling against the religious background.
She herself reports that she isolated herself, and allowed
herself little social contact while young, and that she got
"in with the wrong crowd” when she did begin to socialize.
The Rorschach shows some sensitivity and spontane
ity, some intellectual control, and a capacity for con
ventional responses. Her functioning appears normal.
E 6
Age: 21
IQ: 101
Education: 9th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 17
Ego Identity Score: 58
This young woman is of short and stocky build, with
137
dark hair and eyes. She has some American Indian in her
ancestry. Her eyes are very bright, and her interest high.
She shows a great deal of hostility and negativism, seeming
to be constantly "testing the limits" to find out how much
the other participant in a relationship will take. She is
institutionalized for robbery with a loaded gun, resisting
arrest, and attacking a police officer.
She seems to have had a very chaotic background in
that although her father maintained a relationship with her
mother, he had a number of other wives, and children by
various of these, and this girl lived with different
families at different times. By the age of 21 she has had
3 marriages of her own. She has learned to mistrust just
about everybody, and feels she has to look out for herself.
Her Rorschach shows high impulsivity, immaturity,
much tension, and. little in the way of good organizational
ability.
E 7
Age: 21
IQ: 100
Education: 10th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 18
Ego Identity Score: 47
This subject is a little, thin girl who seems even
younger than her 21 years. She has the pert cuteness of an
138
hyterical personality, but vhen this does not gain her her
way she becomes exceedingly hostile, belligerent, and
aggressive. She has brown hair, bright blue eyes, and very
fair skin.
This girl has a long history as a juvenile delin
quent, and is presently in the institution under conviction
for grand theft. She has one marriage, one illegitimate
child, two legitimate children. She had no conventional
type home, but lived with either a grandmother or in
boarding homes most of her life. She remembers always
being the center of some kind of strife.
Her Rorschach shows a good deal of tension, lack of
spontaneity, labile affect, but withal, capacity for con
ventional responses and little distortion.
Shortly after beginning the project, this girl was
paroled, and consequently could not be counted as a subject
for the psychodrama experiment.
E 8
Age: 19
IQ: 117
Education: 12th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 25
Ego Identity Score: 59
E 8 is a fair—skinned, red-haired young girl, with
green eyes. She is short and stocky, and has a very direct,
139
uncompromising air about her. She openly expresses her
hostility against authority, and feels no responsibility to
conform to society as it is presently organized.
This 19-year-old girl has a long history as a
juvenile delinquent, with charges of running away, drinking,
experimenting with narcotics, taking checks from mailboxes,
and being promiscuous. She has 12 convictions, among which
are prostitution, burglary, and forgery. At present she is
in the institution for armed robbery.
E 8 reports that her father was a very violent man,
but that her mother "was not easily fooled.*’ She lived in
three foster homes. She has always been a loner," and when
she has had a personal sexual relationship, it has been
with a Negro male.
E 8*s Rorschach shows that she is hostile and
resentful, that she is impulsive, and that she has diffi
culty in any close relationship.
E 9
Age: 21
IQ: 107
Education: 11th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 20
Ego Identity Score: 48
This subject is a husky, masculine—appearing young
woman, with black hair worn in a very short bob. She is of
140
German extraction*
E 9 is in a correctional institution because of
several charges for writing fictitious checks* She has had
several common-lav relationships vith men, and has two il
legitimate children.
Her background history shows that her father and
mother separated when she was 4 years of age, and that
there were several common-lav relationships in which her
mother and father participated, and she lived with various
of such families. Her father was an alcoholic, and she
herself went to live vith an alcoholic man when she was 16
years of age.
This girl*s Rorschach shows that she lacks spon
taneity and adaptability, and that she has a good deal of
tension. There are no evidences of psychopathology, how
ever.
E 12
Age: 28
IQ: 93
Education: 8th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 25
Ego Identity Score: 58
This dark, tall, rather slim young woman seems very
much to fit the descriptions given by Cleckley (1957) of
sociopathic women. She appears not to care at all for
141
conventions, standards, or others' feelings and well-being.
She feels that to get for oneself is the only way. Her
manner is often hostile, but she has also an ingratiating
way she can use to try to make things better for herself.
Her great interest is reading poetry, which interest does
not seem to help her make a better personal adjustment.
This woman has a long history of trouble with law
enforcement agencies, having her first conviction 9 years
ago, and having been apprehended and received a sentence
31 times since. Her record includes convictions for
forgery, possession of heroin, burglary, offering, drunken
ness, resorting, soliciting, and disorderly conduct.
E 12*s record shows that she has been married twice,
and that she has had three common-lav relationships. She
lived with two men simultaneously, one of whom was shot
and killed by a police officer at the time of her most re
cent arrest. She has had two children.
This subject seems to have little regard for the
truth, and often tells most conflicting stories, being
given to "tall tales," and saying things for their shock
value. Thus, it is hard to tell which of her many and
varied stories are true of her background, and which are
made up. It has been verified, however, that she left
school at 16 to get married, and that that marriage was
annulled.
Her Rorschach shows that she is highly impulsive and
142
immature, and that she has difficulty in organization.
E 13
Age: 24
IQ: 109
Education: 12th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 27
Ego Identity Score: 62
This subject is a slim-appearing, very pale young
woman, who says very little, and who appears to be depressed
a good deal of the time. She does not participate in group
activities to any extent, beyond an occasional question.
She does interact to some extent with her fellows, however.
E 13 has been committed to prison for smuggling
heroin, and for possession of marijuana. All four of her
convictions have been in the area of narcotics traffic.
This girl is defensive, and hesitant about revealing
much about herself. She reports that her father was in the
Army when she was little, and that she cannot remember him
being at home. Her parents were divorced when she was 6,
and she went to live with her father and stepmother. She
began to be truant from school while quite young, and began
to "run with a fast crowd.” When she began to get jobs as
an office girl she was frequently fired. She married an
addict, and became involved in narcotics traffic through
him. He is now in prison. She has had 2 children.
143
Her Rorschach shovs constriction, and reduced
quantity and quality, but appears conventional.
E 14
Age: 20
IQ: 102
Education: 11th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 17
Ego Identity Score: 42
E 14 is a short, stocky girl of Irish extraction,
with coppery hair and hazel eyes. She appears most alert
and interested, and at the same time quite hostile and
aggressive. She participates only obliquely, that is,
through side comments and remarks. When addressed, or when
questioned, she refuses to participate.
This girl is a Youth Authority transfer. She has a
history of 7 convictions, which include first degree rob
bery, using a knife as a deadly weapon, immorality,
drunkenness, stealing cars, running away, participating in
homosexual acts, and taking benzadrine and seconal. Her
motto is "Don*t knock anything you have not tried."
Her father has been a long standing alcoholic, who
kept irregular hours, and who often struck and beat her.
She remembers quite a good deal of tension in the family.
She has lived in various foster homes, and in State homes
for girls.
144
Her Rorschach shows flat affect, psychosexual con
fusion, mediocre perceptual strength, and emotional con
striction.
E 1 5
Age: 29
IQ: 107
Education; 10th grade
Group; Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 26
Ego Identity Score: 62
Subject E 15 is a tall, very good-looking voman vith
champagne—blonde hair, light blue eyes, and very fair skin.
She seems constricted in that she usually sits with her
arms folded and held close to her, and vith her legs
crossed, or wound, and pressed tightly against each other.
She is not very verbal, preferring to listen, but asks an
occasional question.
This voman was convicted of assult vith a deadly
veapon vith intent to commit gross bodily harm during
attempted robbery. She has 11 prior convictions, including
immoral conduct, drunkenness, robbery, unlawful possession
of arms, petty theft, and pickpocketing.
The subject feels that her trouble stems from
growing up in a small town where the population was pre
dominantly Jewish, whereas she was English. When her
parents were divorced at her age 5, she was made to feel
145
that she and they vere "different," and she felt the gossip
deeply. Neither parent remarried, and she remained an only
child. She left school at 16 to obtain a job because she
"vanted to get things for herself." She lived with several
men, but never married. The one vith whom she established
a common-lav relationship was a criminal, and is now in San
Quentin. She has had two illegitimate children.
The subject*s Rorschach record states that this
woman is apparently normal, and the examiner noted that she
was alert, friendly, cooperative, and personable.
E 10
Age; 30
IQ: 119
Education: 10th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 26
Ego Identity Score: 55
This subject is a short, plump woman, with brown
hair and green eyes. She appears cheerful on first con
tact, but soon one is aware that she is almost always near
tears, and that she has underlying depressive and masochis
tic trends. She participates actively in group sessions,
and while showing a tendency to rationalize, she often is
able to identify vith others and their problems.
E 10 is in prison because she was apprehended while
working as a delivery girl for a wholesale narcotics agency,
146
handling both opium and heroin. She has previously been
arrested for vriting bad checks, and for stealing from
stores„
This voman*s father vas an alcoholic, and her home
life vas quite unhappy. There vas much domestic conflict,
separations, and sibling rivalry. She found herself preg
nant at 14, and she says this vas the result of a drink
being slipped into soda pop at the home of people for vhom
she vas baby-sitting. Her people vould not believe that
she vas an innocent victim, and insisted that she marry a
man vhom she hardly knev "to give the baby a name." This
man vas an alcoholic, and the marriage vas unsuccessful.
The baby born to her vhen she vas 14 has recently had a
baby of her ovn, so E 10 finds herself a grandmother at
30. She also has a mentally retarded boy vho is in a
state hospital.
Her Rorschach shovs good reality testing and objec
tivity in general, but lovered efficiency and constriction
on the more emotionally stimulating cards. She also shoved
depressive trends.
E 16
Age: 27
IQ: 101
Education: 10th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 24
Ego Identity Score: 59
147
This is an extremely attractive young voman of
average height and weight, a brunette, vith gray eyes. She
is always very neat and clean, and appears to have an
alertness and awareness of her environment that is even
beyond that exhibited by most of the group. This was
manifest in her focusing at all times on the persons who
were participating. At no time did she appear to daydream,
or to allow her attention to wander. Her muscular tone is
high. She does not volunteer information, and when asked
questions by an authority figure she confines her responses
to "yes” and "no." She does, however, maintain a polite
manner. She often talks and laughs with fellow inmates.
E 16 was committed to the institution for forgery.
She has had 18 previous violations for which she has been
convicted and imprisoned. These have included forgery,
use of fictitious names, grand theft, robbery, burglary,
addiction to heroin, and parole violations.
Her father was listed as a T.V. repairman. Her per
sonal history states that she was disillusioned by him be
cause he was unfaithful, and she harbors bitterness over
her parents' divorce. She feels her mother made her and
her siblings dependent people. She married, at the age of
15, a man who was already married, and later married a man
who had been in prison many years. It is noted that she
has consistently involved herself with men of "criminal
type." She has had 3 children.
148
E 16*s Rorschach record shovs "that she is emotionally
constricted, shows signs of perseveration, shows no sign of
empathy with others, and rejects threatening stimuli.
E 17
Age: 23
IQ: 95
Education: 10th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 17
Ego Identity Score: 55
This young woman is short and stocky, with dark hair
and eyes. She appeared to be exceedingly hostile during the
first few weeks of the project, although she was one of the
first to take advantage of the psychodrama opportunity.
Her problems, she thinks, center around authority conflicts.
She believes that "something inside" her resents terribly
any idea of conformity to other's orders.
E 17 is incarcerated under a first degree murder
charge. Previous convictions include robbery with a gun,
and possession of narcotics.
Her background history shows multiple rejections.
She was placed in a foster home at an early age, and when
those foster parents died she lived with first one relative
and then another, as well as in various foster homes. She
became pregnant by one of her foster "fathers," saying she
was beaten and forced into intercourse. She felt that her
149
family had lied to her when she found that her real father
was in San Quentin.
The Rorschach shows that E 17 is constricted, under
tension, and that she becomes inefficient when under stress.
E 18
Age: 26
IQ: 110
Education: 13th grade (no H.S. dip—
Group: Nonpsychodrama loma)
Socialization Score: 23
Ego Identity Score: 50
E 18, although 26 years old, looks and conducts her
self like a 16 or 17-year-old girl. She is presently in
prison for forgery, but has had 8 previous convictions,
which include burglary and illegal possession of heroin.
She also once belonged to a gang which stole Cadillacs,
forged papers for them, and sold them.
This young woman states that her early home life was
excellent. She felt that she was "spoiled" by too good
treatment. She felt close to her father, but he shifted
his attention to her brother. She seems very concerned
with the "good-bad" dichotomy, and feels she is "bad." She
thinks she did not get the love and understanding she should
have had, and that she is childishly retaliating with acts
that ultimately hurt her. She married and had two children.
When her husband was jailed for armed robbery, she felt he
1 50
had deserted her, and she retaliated against this by going
out with Negro and Mexican men, of whom she felt he would
disapprove.
Her Rorschach shows that she is capable of conven
tional responses, that she is somewhat extroverted, and
that tension seems to reduce her sensitivity and creativity.
She seemed cooperative at the time of testing, and it was
noted that she appeared to have good potential.
E 19
Age: 30
IQ: 99
Education: 9th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 24
Ego Identity Score: 59
This medium-sized, black-haired woman appears to
have taken on a masculine identification, wearing her hair
in a man's cut, and preferring to wear men's clothing.
Her criminal record shows that she has been con
victed 27 times. Her crimes include a record as a juvenile
delinquent, forgery, vagrancy, possession of a loaded
weapon, being disorderly and drunk, contributing to the
delinquency of a minor, robbery, and grand larceny.
Her background history is difficult to sort out,
since most of her life was spent in the homes of five
different families of stepfathers and stepmothers. Con-
1 51
stantly being shifted around gave her no sense of a real
home, or parents, and that by the age of eight she was al
ready staying in juvenile detention homes.
The Rorschach shows very little productivity, and
a good deal of tension. She was thought to be unstable by
the examiner.
E 21
Age: 21
IQ: 95
Education: 12th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 28
Ego Identity Score: 60
E 21 is a tall, thin, dark girl, who is rather
pretty. She seems open and friendly, and does not hesitate
to talk to others about herself and her problems. She was
hesitant, however, to take part in drama sessions before a
group. She received training as a sewing machine operator
while in a detention home for delinquent girls, but never
really worked at an occupation. Her father died when she
was an infant, and her mother not much later.
There is a long history of juvenile delinquency, and
detention by the Youth Authority. She has been convicted
of breaking the law 14 times. These convictions include
stealing checks from mailboxes, shoplifting, petty theft,
sex delinquency, possession of stolen goods, acting as a
salesgirl for heroin.
This girl has never been married. She has had one
common-lav husband vho is now in San Quentin, and she has
had 2 children. She tells conflicting stories about her
background, first saying that she vas allowed to do as she
pleased, and that she never had anyone to tell her vhat to
do, and then later that she had always been treated strict
ly, and mistreated, and that all she ever wanted to do was
get away. She attempted suicide while in a foster home.
She showed no signs of dysfunction on the Rorschach.
E 22
Age: 24
IQ: 109
Education: 12th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 22
Ego Identity Score: 52
This subject is a rather short, plump voman with
very fair skin, blonde hair, and blue eyes. She makes a
point of shoving that she is defiant of authority, tries
to be late or absent as much as possible, and spends a
good deal of time setting up "straw man" situations, and
fighting them through. She agreed to become a member of
the psychodrama group, and as soon as the time limit was up
for withdrawal, she began to fight against being in it on
the grounds that she did not think she could belong to any
1 53
mandatory group.
E 22 has 19 violations to her credit, having been
under the jurisdiction of the Youth Authority for truancy
and being incorrigible, and then going on to being con
victed for forgery 3 times, for car theft, robbery, illegal
sex activities, and parole violations.
She has been married two times, and has three child
ren. Her first husband divorced her because she had an
illegitimate child while he was in the service. Her
second husband vas an irresponsible person who ran up bills,
and then suggested that she hustle to pay them.
This young woman comes from a family in which she
vas the youngest, and she thinks she was "spoiled.” She
always felt close to her father, but could not take his
advice. She feels her difficulties stem from identifying
vith a "motorcycle crowd" in high school, where she learned
to steal and to be promiscuous. She thinks being placed
in detention homes for delinquent girls made her worse,
since there she really "learned about criminal activities,"
and vas introduced to homosexuality.
Her Rorschach shows good perceptual strength, or
ganizational capacity, some sensitivity about others, and
some spontaneity.
IQ: 98
Education: 9th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 20
Ego Identity Score: 52
E 24 is a heavy-set woman of average height, with
dark hair and eyes. She is rather plain looking, with
somewhat bulging eyes. She is very verbal, and also quite
hostile. She expresses hostility against authority figures,
especially male ones. She does not remember her father.
This woman has had 30 convictions. She was classi
fied as a juvenile delinquent, and has been sentenced for
forgery, possession of narcotics, resorting, prostitution,
and use of fictitious names.
Her background is rather chaotic. There appears to
have been a large family structure, with many relatives
with whom she lived from time to time. Her mother was a
person who completely denied that there is anything wrong
with the world. She was raped by her step-father when she
was 9 years of age, and he continued to have intercourse
with her for several years. She watched him die of an
heart attack, but did not call for help for him, saying she
hated him so much she wanted him to die. After this she
began to become delinquent.
Her Rorschach shows immaturity, rigidity, and
lowered efficiency on the achromatic cards.
1 55
E 25
Age:
IQ:
20
110
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score:
Ego Identity Score:
12th grade
Psychodrama
29
58
This is a pretty, doll-like girl with auburn hair
and greenish eyes* She is very secretive, preferring not
to talk about herself at all, but when questioned she re
sponds in a rather hostile way. She does not volunteer any
comments in a group, but will talk with fellow inmates if
they draw her into the conversation. She seldom laughs.
Eye to eye contact with her is not good, since she turns
away rather than looking into the eyes of the person to
whom she is speaking. Her only job has been as a trainee
to become a State Hospital ward technician.
This subject is in prison for forgery. She had many
run-away charges as a juvenile. At one time she was appre
hended in the act of smuggling hacksaw blades to prisoners,
and was arrested for assisting prisoners to escape. She
also was charged with being illegally married.
E 25's father appears to have been difficult to live
with, in that he was arrested numerous times for being
drunk and for disturbing the peace. He has been in jail
for forgery. One brother is in prison for grand theft.
E 25 never liked school, and was always restless. She
became pregnant at 16, at which time her father beat her
and turned her out of the house.
156
The Rorschach reveals tension, and lack of spontan
eity and flexibility.
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score
Ego Identity Score:
24
48
12th grade
Psychodrama
30
108
E 26 is a large—boned, seemingly relaxed person,
with dark brown hair and blue eyes. She is forthrightly
outspoken, and seems to feel that, although she has had a
great deal of trouble in adjusting in the past, she can
make things go better in the future— all it takes is a
little determination. She is obviously extroverted, and
a "leader type." Her occupation was target maintenance
girl. Her father died when she was 16.
This young woman began her brushes with law enforce
ment at the age of 10 when she began to be truant and was
constantly running away. She has a long criminal record
in several western states for forgery, prostitution,
stealing mail, and probation violations. She married a
man who is now in prison for armed robbery, and forgery.
society, saying she was afraid of her. This mother had
four marriages and several common-law relationships, and
She blames her mother for her maladjustment to
1 57
E 26 reports having witnessed, her mother having sexual
intercourse with men several times.
The Rorschach reports an extroverted personality,
numerous popular responses, good organizational ability,
and a good capacity to relate to people.
E 27
Age: 30
IQ: 113
Education: 10th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 25
Ego Identity Score: 55
This subject is a heavy-set woman of average height,
with auburn hair and greenish hazel eyes. She may have
been quite good-looking when younger, but her face is set
in lines of hostility and discontent. She emulates the
rough, tough "gun moll" manner, and her studied attempts to
look and act like a criminal type seem overplayed. She
listed her occupation as an artist and has, in fact,
attended an art academy. It appears that she had a good
deal of talent along this line. Her ability to manipulate,
charm, and evade is much greater than average.
E 27 is presently in a correctional institution
under a conviction of grand theft. She has 22 previous
convictions which include burglary, theft of clothing and
automobiles, forgery, using fictitious names, prostitution,
and parole violations.
This young voman vas an illigitimate child vho vas
given to her grandparents to raise. She felt that her
grandfather vas overindulgent, vhereas her grandmother vas
constricted and fussy. Her grandmother taught her that sex
vas bad and dirty, and E 27 has always been frigid. Al
though her mother says she adored her, E 27 felt her mother
did not vant her, and there has always been a great deal of
animosity between them. The mother is an alcoholic. At
one period of time E 27 used narcotics to a great degree,
and blamed her mother for this also.
The Rorschach report states that this woman's affect
is repressed, that there is a good deal of tension, that
she is depressed, but that growth potential is present.
E 28
Age: 21
IQ: 103
Education: 12th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 24
Ego Identity Score: 59
This young girl is a tall, muscular person with
blonde hair and blue eyes. She gives one the impression
that she is rather unintelligent, although her IQ test
belies this. She seems cooperative. Her occupation is
listed as ' ’artist."
1 59
E 28 is incarcerated for burglary. She was a ward
of the Youth Authority for years, and has 10 convictions
to her credit which include armed robbery of such items as
furs, jewelry, and Hi-Fi sets, sexual perversions including
homosexuality and rape, possession of marijuana, benzadrine,
and opium, and sexual promiscuity.
This subject has been married once, and has had one
common—law relationship. She has no children. She does
not care to discuss her background to any extent, but
states that she "got along" with her father than with her
mother, who was passive, yet domineering and hysterical.
She says she was always the "family rebel," and has been a
"beatnik." She has always been obsessed with art, and has
not done well in other subjects.
The Rorschach shows schizoid—like tendencies,
sexual ambivalence, lack of insight, and negativism to
authority.
E 29
Age: 2 5
IQ: 96
Education: 10th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 20
Ego Identity Score: 50
This subject was convicted of first degree robbery,
using a loaded gun in holding up a store. She has had pre
vious convictions for robbery, and for possession of
160
narcotics— marijuana and heroin. She has worked in a
factory.
E 29 was an illegitimate child who was placed in a
boarding home at birth. Later she was taken to live with
her mother and step-father, whom she thought to be her real
father. Her mother was an alcoholic, who was hostile and
cruel when intoxicated. The step-father was irresponsible
and the family kept moving from place to place. It was a
great shock to her when she found that this step-father was
not her real father. She says she got into trouble because
she wanted to get money to move somewhere else.
The Rorschach shows good ego strength, conventional
responses, some sensitivity to others, and some spontaneity.
E 30
Ag e: 29
IQ: 91
Education 8th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 24
Ego Identity Score: 59
E 30 is a nice looking, short woman who is part
French and part English. She is rather uncommunicative at
first, but talks readily when she feels safer.
This woman is in prison for sale of narcotics
(heroin and marijuana). She has had 8 previous convictions,
including posession of narcotics, and petty theft.
161
E 30 states that she was an illegitimate child, and
that her life with a step-father was most unpleasant since
he was drunk and rowdy most of the time. She professes a
great love for her mother, but feels that she received in
sufficient attention due to the uproar and confusion in the
home. She became pregnant while in the 9th grade, saying
that this was the result of forcible rape. The family
pressured the man to marry her, but he was so cruel to her
that police jailed him for assault and battery. She then
began living with various men in common-lav relationships
in order to have a home for herself and eventually had
three children. When she did not have such a relationship
she depended on State Aid, and if this was insufficient,
she hustled to get more money.
The Rorschach record shows that she rejected most
cards. It was noted that she had a negative attitude, that
she was rigid, and lacked adaptive capacity.
E 31
Age: 19
IQ: 104
Education: 12th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 22
Ego Identity Score: 51
This girl is a very pretty, child-like person who is
most alert and seemingly vivacious. She gives no evidence
162
of tension, hostility, or remorse. The correctional coun
selor reports, "She seems to vant to learn exactly what is
expected in every instance so she can better play her part."
She lists her occupation as a waitress and auto polisher.
E 31 is incarcerated for second degree murder, She
has been previously convicted of illegal transportation of
heroin.
This girl's parents were old enough to be her grand
parents, and there vas a good deal of culture conflict,
since her parents immigrated to this country from Poland
when they were well along in years. She reports that they
set rigid standards for her, and that her father beat her
with a belt when she did not conform to them. It is in
teresting to note that her only sibling, a brother, is also
in trouble with the law, now being under the auspices of
the Youth Authority. When E 31's parents felt she was in
corrigible, they had her placed in foster homes. She has at
one time had a severe addiction to heroin, although this is
not now the case. She has also participated in homosexual
activities.
The Rorschach shows good perceptual strength, but
there are indications that she labors under tension, and
that she is impulsive.
163
E 32
Age: 2 5
IQ: 91
Education: 9th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 28
Ego Identity Score: 61
This subject is a good-looking, vivacious brunette,
whose flow of conversation is almost constant. She seems
like a garrulous child. She is married, and has four
children.
E 32 has been convicted nine times for theft. She
makes almost constant raids on grocery, department, and
other stores and shopping centers, using her children as
decoys. It seems that she gathers up articles rather
openly and carries them to her car without attempting to pay
for them. She has been called a compulsive thief.
There is very little in the way of background his
tory for this woman. She reports that her stepfather is an
alcoholic, and that she quit school at 16 and got married
because she thought schools were too strict. Her folks
opposed this move.
The Rorschach shows immaturity and rigidity.
E 33
Age: 22
IQ: 96
Education: 9th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 24
Ego Identity Score: 57
164
This young girl has tvo convictions of armed robbery
to her credit. She seems child-like, and says she feels
sorry for herself. She says she is scared to be alone, and
that she "needs someone to take care of me.'1 Her biological
father, an alooholic, deserted her mother and 5 children be
fore she was born. The mother then married her stepfather,
vho was also an alcoholic. Her mother died vhen she vas
eight years of age, and she then vent to live vith an uncle
vho took the velfare checks to buy liquor rather than food.
This uncle tried to rape her vhen she vas 14, and she ran
avay. She tried a marriage vhen she vas 15, since she vas
pregnant, but this did not vork out. She then began allov—
ing herself to become pregnant by various men, none of vhom
seemed to be able to care for her. She has had 6 children.
Her Rorschach record shovs no gross psychopathology.
Her responses are conventional. There is tension present
and spontaneity is reduced on the colored cards.
E 34
Age:
IQ:
20
105
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score:
Ego Identity Score:
12th grade
Nonpsychodrama
16
56
This pretty, dark young girl has been in constant
trouble since she vas six years of age. She has made no
165
marriages and has no children* She is an admitted homo
sexual. Her parents belong to a strict Fundamentalist reli
gious sect, and she reports that she was not allowed normal
social relationships. She reports being brutally beaten,
and felt that there was no love for her. She began running
away frequently at seven, and was then placed in foster
homes, and later under Youth Authority in detention homes.
E 34 has been convicted of criminal activities 9
times. Her present sentence is for armed robbery. She
attacked a man and stabbed him 5 times in the chest and
stomach in order to rob him of his wallet. She has also
been charged with assult with a deadly weapon for attacking
a police officer with a knife. She has also been convicted
of shoplifting, parole violations, and running away from
detention homes. She says she is at a loss to explain her
behavior, but then refers to two instances— one when she was
raped at 14 by a man she considered her friend, and another
when she saw a girl friend killed by a police officer. She
says her nefed to hurt people seems rooted in feelings of
uncontrollable aggression and that these feelings are at
tached to those two instances.
The Rorschach shows that she lack good organizational
ability, that she is impulsive and immature, prone to
maladaptive repetitive behavior, and that she is sexually
ambivalent.
166
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score
Ego Identity Score:
Nonpsychodrama
29
54
25
118
12th grade
This young person is a beautiful, although rather
thin person. She has changed her naturally brown hair to
blonde, and has blue eyes. She is self-possessed and
appears to be friendly.
was a ward of Juvenile Court from the time she was 14, and
had 21 convictions to her credit. These convictions in
clude burglary, robbery, lewd conduct, resorting, offering,
grand theft (automobile), habitual petty thefts, and parole
violations•
seven. Her mother married an alcoholic and became an alco
holic. This girl was an only child and the home conditions
were such that she was given free rein. As she entered
early adolescence she began to go with the "wrong crowd,"
where she began using marijuana and taking part in thievery.
She drifted from one meaningless relationship to another,
and feels that she has never been able to really respond to
anyone. She has one marriage, one common-law relationship,
and one child.
According to the Rorschach, she has a negative atti
tude, is easily provoked to hostility, is immature, and has
E 35 has a long history of trouble with society. She
The history shows that her father died when she was
little in the way of flexibility and resiliency. Her pro
ductions are very inadequate when compared with her intel
ligence score.
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score
Ego Identity Score:
29
98
9th grade
Psychodrama
19
51
This young woman is a tall, large-boned person who
seems very pleasant and straightforward. She appears at
ease, and self-possessed. She does not talk much, but when
she does say something, it is well thought out, and she then
appears ready to defend her position. She seldom laughs,
and smiles little. She took part in the drama sessions
without the protest that came from many of the other mem
bers, and seemed able to take on roles better than most.
having had 47 convictions since the year 1951. These in
clude vagrancy, robbery, proffering, drunkenness, exhibiting
a deadly weapon, possession of heroin, prostitution, and 10
parole suspensions and violations.
remember any gross trouble at home. She thinks she was
always lonely, and that she never trusted anyone. She can
not remember having any friends until she was around 16, at
E 36 has a long history of maladaptive behavior,
This subject was one of eight children. She cannot
168
which time she became involved with a group of young people
who were experimenting with drugs, and at that time she
began using* She became pregnant by a Negro man, and
married him, but then divorced him. Her other attempt at
matrimonial living was a common-law relationship, also with
a Negro man. She has had two children. She is a very
good looking woman, with brown hair and gray-blue eyes.
Because of her seeming self-possession and her looks, she
was able to attract a very high class clientele when en
gaged in prostitution, but says she has always hated that
line of work.
Her Rorschach shows excessive control and withdrawal
from emotional involvement. Her responses were stereotyped,
and she showed considerable inner tension.
E 37
Age: 27
IQ: 99
Education: 12th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 24
Ego Identity Score: 56
E 37 is a very pretty, slim young woman with dark
brown hair and blue eyes. She appears to be quite friendly
and cooperative. She has had 16 convictions, which include
burglary, forgery, possession of narcotics, use of ficti
tious names, and parole violations.
169
This young voman reports that her parents separated
vhen she vas seven, and that she lived in boarding schools
and foster homes. Her mother remarried a number of times.
She feels that she identified more vith her father, and
that she vas quite jealous vhen he remarried. She vas
raped by a stepfather vhen she vas eleven, and vhen her
mother divorced the man, she testified in court to that
effect, and she felt that any tender feelings she had for
her mother vere killed off vhen her mother remarried that
same man vhen E 37 was 14. She has alvays felt disappoint
ment because she could not find a satisfactory mother sub
stitute, and nov exhibits a "don't care" attitude. She has
had 2 marriages. The first at 16, vas to an alcoholic.
The second one vas to a narcotics addict.
The Rorschach shows good perceptual depth, limited
empathetic capacity, little identification vith others,
inability to relate on an affective level, and a tendency
to be dramatic.
E 38
Age: 22
IQ: 95
Education: 11th grade
Grroup: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 23
Ego Identity Score: 57
This young girl is a quiet—seeming person, vho has a
long history of maladjustment. She seems cold and distant,
170
yet aggressive and hostile. She says she does not feel
guilty since her deeds can be justified. She feels indif
ferent about being incarcerated; one place is as good as
another.
having attacked a man with an ice pick. She has also been
found guilty of sexual promiscuity and excessive use of
alcohol.
mother married three times, and she reports a great deal of
physical violence going on in the home. She herself was
very shy and lonely. She was molested by an uncle several
times after she was six years old, but was afraid to tell
her mother about it. She married, but found she liked her
husband’s brother better so the brothers exchanged wives.
She has had 3 children. She has been seen by a number of
psychologists and psychiatrists, and has been diagnosed
variously as sociopathic, schizoid, and character disorder.
Her Rorschach shows poor frustration tolerance,
United organizational capacity, rigidity, and evasiveness.
She has been convicted of second degree murder,
E 38 remembers a very traumatic background. Her
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score
Ego Identity Score:
23
Verbal 95
12th grade
Nonpsychodrama
24
55
171
This is a very pretty girl, with light blonde hair
which she wears in a boy's bob, and light blue eyes. She is
of Scandanavian descent and her skin is very white, with
pink cheeks. She appears to be quite aggressive and
hostile.
E 39 has been convicted of first degree murder. She
shot a man who was a virtual stranger with a .38 caliber
pistol.
The subject is given to "tall tales” and has always
had a vivid imagination. She does feel that she was un
wanted as a child. She had both asthma and tuberculosis.
She has a long history of lying to protect herself. Vhen
she was 13 she began to identify with beatnik gangs, and
there was great controversy with her mother over this. She
says she hated her mother, and that much of this dislike
stems from the mother's overattentiveness to her younger
brother. E 39 first felt the urge to kill someone when she
was 15 years old, and she began imagining what it would be
like to be a lion stalking its prey. By the time she was
17, she was obsessed with this idea. She seems not to feel
remorseful about the fact that she killed a man, but also
says she does not remember what happened. She tried plead
ing insanity, but was found to be sane. The examining psy
chiatrists felt she had a great need for attracting atten
tion.
Her Rorschach shows that she is extremely impulsive,
172
that she withdraws from affect, and that she is preoccupied
with violent behavior. There are no signs, however, of
breaks with reality.
E 40
Age: 26
IQ: 110
Education: 9th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 28
Ego Identity Score: 60
This young Spanish-American woman has been a ward of
the court since an early age, and has lived in various fos
ter homes. She has four brothers who are also in trouble
with the law.
E 40 is incarcerated for involuntary manslaughter.
She was working for a narcotics pusher, and gave an over
dose of heroin to a client. She has also been convicted
for running away while being under the auspices of the
Youth Authority. She dates her sexual activities back to a
foster home in which she was staying at the age of 15. At
that time a 23-year-old son of the family and she began
having intercourse regularly, and he tried to start her out
in prostitution.
Her records note that she does not seem to show any
emotions, that she shows no remorse, and that she forms no
emotional attachments to others. She has never been
173
married. She lived in common-lav relationships with several
men, but simply left them because she tired of them. She
has had two children. At one time she made a suicide ges
ture in order to be sent to the hospital so she would not
be picked up by police.
The Rorschach shows good perceptual strength, in
tellectual control, ability to see the world as others see
it, and no distortions in reality testing.
E 41
Age; 28
IQ: 101
Education: 13 years
Group: Fsychodrama
Socialization Score: 20
Ego Identity Score: 50
This subject is a very small woman, with pixie-like
face and hairdo. She has brown hair and hazel eyes. Al
though 28, she looks more like 21, and acts like 17. She
appears very tense and wary, as if she expected something
to happen to her at any moment. At times she breaks through
with a beautiful smile, which is most engaging. She was
quite willing to participate in the drama sessions, and
often sought to bring up her particular problems.
E 42 is in prison for first degree robbery with a
pistol. She has 10 previous convictions for forgery,
fictitious check-writing, conspiring to rob, theft, and
prostitution.
This girl has a lifelong history of feeling rejected.
Her father said she vas not his child and her mother seemed
to be looking for a mother, rather than trying to be one.
Vhen she graduated from high school no one came to the
ceremony, but vhen she got home she found her things on the
front porch, vith a note saying, "You are nov on your ovn,"
She remembers being told by her grandmother that "You must
get from the other person before the other person gets from
you." She has never been able to enjoy sex, but feels that
it is a commodity. She thinks it better to try to choke off
emotion. She has had tvo marriages, one divorce and one
annulment. She has had one common-lav relationship and one
child.
The Rorschach shovs dimished quantitative and quali
tative productions on emotionally stimulating cards. She
shoved some blocking. It vas noted that her over-all
potential vas good.
E 42
Age i
IQ:
28
101
12th grade
Psychodrama
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score: 20
Ego Identity Score: 50
This subject is a very thin, very pale, and very
175
tense young woman of average height* She has brown hair and
blue eyes. She talks a good deal about herself, tending to
rationalize her previous actions. Her voice takes on a
rather hollow quality when she talks, and she recounts as if
those things which she tells of herself had happened to
someone else.
E 42 is presently in prison for sale of narcotics.
Her first arrest was at the age of 19 for prostitution.
She has also been incarcerated for fictitious cback—writing
and for parole violations. It was not verified that she
was an addict.
This young woman remembers being in constant conflict
with her mother and with law enforcement officials. She has
had three marriages and some common—law relationships. She
states that her husbands were very cruel to her. Correc
tional counselors feel that she has no deep feelings for
others, that she is emotionally immature, impulsive, and
antisocial.
The Rorschach shows her to be narcissistic, egocen
tric, without self-understanding, and tending to overdrama
tize.
176
E 43
Age: 19
IQ: 102
Education: 10th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 27
Ego Identity Score: 57
Subject E 43 is a very petite, dark-complected girl.
She acts vivacious and ingratiating vhen trying to manipu
late her environment, but if things do not go her vay she
becomes quite hostile and refuses to make any concessions*
She often seems to behave as if she were acting or playing
a role and will attempt to continue such a role, even though
the reality of the situation does not call for such behav
ior. If she is subjected to frustrations she becomes quite
aggressive.
This girl has a long record of difficulty with the
law. At 13 she vas placed under the Youth Authority for
participating in immoral sex acts with three different boys.
Since then she has had 11 convictions, including running
away, sexual delinquency, and soliciting. At present she
is incarcerated for first degree robbery using a fully
loaded weapon.
E 43's own father and her stepmother were involved
in a murder charge, and subsequently sent to prison. Her
own mother and her stepfather have always worked and she
was left with her grandmother during her early childhood.
This grandmother, she says, placed no restrictions on her,
177
and indulged her a great deal. E 43 has been married once,
for seven months, and then divorced. She has no children.
The Rorschach shovs good perceptual strength, some
imaginative capacity and sensitivity, and some constriction
on emotionally stimulating cards.
E 44
Age: 23
IQ: 117
Education: 12th grade
Group: Psychodrama
Socialization Score: 28
Ego Identity Score: 54
This young woman is a very large, mesomorphic per
son. She is of French background, and has black, curly
hair and dark eyes. She is self-possessed, seemingly self-
confident, and she initiates relationships and situations
rather than waiting for something to develop. She has a
ready smile, and appears to be less aggressive and less
volatile than many of her fellow inmates. This seems to
stem from her greater sense of assurance about her position
and her abilities.
E 44 is in prison for first degree robbery with a
loaded weapon. She has done a good deal of this kind of
thing and says she has mostly worked alone.
Her home background was extremely traumatic. There
was constant fighting between her mother and father, each
of whom vas extremely jealous and given to uncontrolled
emotional outbursts which included a good deal of physical
violence. She remembers that the mother did not wish the
children to refer to the father as "father." Of the two
parents, the father was the better adjusted. The mother
was at one time committed to a state hospital for paranoid
schizophrenia. However, the father was also a problem,
since he drank a good deal, engaged in petty crimes, and
managed to be jailed a good many times. He had great ambi
tions for the subject, often telling her that she must be
a great success in life. She states that she took up
criminal activities in order to get away from her father.
She appears to have identified with the masculine role more
than vith the feminine, however, since she has taken up the
masculine role in homosexual activities and has had a
period of time when she dressed in men's clothing. On the
other hand, there was a period of time when she partici
pated in heterosexual activities.
Her Rorschach shows low frustration tolerance, con
stricted affect, and psychosexual ambivalence. She re
jected three of the cards.
E 45
Age :
IQ:
Education:
Group:
Socialization Score:
Ego Identity Score:
24
Verbal 98
8th grade
Psychodrama
23
54
179
This subject is a rather short, thin young woman who
looks more like an adolescent than a grownup. She has a
pathetic, sad, frightened appearance, and although she
smiles a lot she is often near tears. She has no compunc
tions about talking about herself, and participated freely
in the group sessions.
E 45 is in prison under the charge of having received
stolen property. She has had 19 prior convictions, includ
ing burglary, narcotics traffic in heroin, disturbing the
peace, prostitution, petty theft, drunkenness, and posses
sion of narcotics.
Background history of this subject shows that her
parents were separated when she was four. She and her
mother went to live in a community housing arrangement com
posed of relatives, and there were always many people
coming and going. Her mother remarried when she was six.
This subject became promiscuous at an early age, and be
came pregnant when she was 14. At that time, her mother
became overcome with guilt feelings and attempted to over
protect her. This was not acceptable to her, and her sub
sequent actions were in an attempt to break off with her
mother. She says she has always felt inadequate. She has
had one marriage, two common-law relationships, and two
children.
The Rorschach shows rigidity, little imagination,
and emotional constriction.
180
E 46
Age: 28
IQ: Verbal 94
Education: 12th grade
Group: Nonpsychodrama
Socialization Score: 23
Ego Identity Score: 52
This subject is rather willowy, with long black hair,
green eyes, and very white skin. She is very pretty,
friendly, and seemingly cooperative.
E 46 has had 26 convictions. These include burglary,
prostitution, grand larceny, lewd conduct, sale of heroin,
prostitution, acting as a lookout for others engaged in
criminal acts, and parole violations. She is suspected of
pickpocketing. The record states that she drinks heavily.
She is an only child of parents who broke up when
she was 9 months old. She says she lived with so many
relatives that she has no feeling of belonging anywhere.
She has never had a consistent job pattern. She has had
one marriage, one common-law relationship, and two
children.
The Rorschach shows good perceptual strength, some
capacity for empathy, some capacity for sublimation of raw
affect, and some originality. Adjustment potential should
be good.
APPENDIX E
THE TDH RESPONSE PROBABILITY MEASURE
NAME DATE
THE TDH RESPONSE PROBABILITY MEASURE
INSTRUCTIONS
Each of the following pictures contains two people. One
person is always shown talking to another. You are asked
to select from the choices provided at the right how the
other person feels. Do this by drawing a line under the
response you select. Remember, choose what you feel, not
what the person might say out loud. Work as fast as you
can.
1 82
183
Boy Friend: "I'll try to make life wonderful
for you."
1. He does mean it.
2. He probably means it.
3. He probably doesn't mean it
4. He doesn't mean it.
Father: "You can trust me."
1. He does mean it.
2. He probably means it.
3. He probably doesn't mean it.
4. He doesn't mean it.
Mother: "No matter what, I really like you."
1. She does mean it.
2. She probably means it.
3. She probably doesn't mean it.
4. She doesn't mean it.
Girl Friend: "I want to be good friends."
1. She does mean it.
2. She probably means it.
3. She probably doesn't mean it.
4. She doesn't mean it.
Mother: "You can tell me about the trouble
you've gotten into."
1. She does mean it.
2. She probably means it.
3. She probably doesn't mean it.
4. She doesn't mean it.
Father: "Your happiness and welfare mean a
lot to me."
1. He means it
2 4
He probably means it.
3. He prohably doesn't mean it
4. He doesn11 mean i t.
Mother: "You and I can be good friends."
1. She does mean it.
2. She probably means it.
3. She probably doesn't mean it.
4. She doesn't irean it.
Girl Friend: "You can depend on me to stand
up for you."
1. She will do it.
2. She probably will do it.
3. She probably won't do it.
4. She won't do it.
185
Father: "You know 1 love you."
1. He roa1ly does.
)
He probably does.
3. He probably doesn
A . He real 1y doesn1t
Boy f'rii'iul: "I'm really interested in you
for yourself."
1. He does mean iI.
2. He probably means it.
3. He probably doesn't mean it.
A . He doesn't mean i t .
Boy l'ricnd: "I want you with me because T .
love you."
1. He does mean it.
2. He probably means it.
3. He probably doesn't mean it.
A. He doesn't mean it.
Girl Friend: "I really carc a lot for you."
1 . She really does.
2 .
She probably does.
3. She probably doesn't
4. She really doesn't.
186
Mother: "I promise to get it
week."
1. She will do it.
2. She probably will do it.
3. She probahlv won't do it
4 . She won't do it.
Father: "I can't take you now
take you next time."
1. He will.
2. He probably will.
3. He probably won't
4 . He wo n't.
(iirl Friend: "I can't do it n>
I'll be sure and
1. She will do it.
2. She probably will do it.
3. She probably won't do it
4. She won't do it.
Boy Friend: "Believe me, you i
1. He does mean it.
2. He probably does mean it
3. He probably doesn't mean
4. He doesn't mean it.
for you next
, but I'll
r ,/ for vou, but
do it later."
an trust me."
NAME DATE
THE TDH RESPONSE PROBABILITY MEASURE
INSTRUCTIONS
Each of the following pictures contains two people. One
person is always shown talking to another. You are asked
to write in the space at the right of the picture the very
first thing that comes into your mind, Vrite in what you
feelt not what the other person might say out loud. Avoid
being humorous. Work as fast as you can.
187
188
Bov Friend: "I'll try to make life wonderful
for vou."
Father: "You can trust me.'
Mother: "No matter what, I really like you.'
Girl Friend: "1 want to be good friends.'
189
Mother: "You can tell mo about; t;tie crour o.
you've gotten into."
Father: "Your happiness and welfare mean a
lot to me."
Mother: "You and I can be good friends."
Girl Friend: "You can depend on me to stand
up for you."
190
Father: "You know I love vou."
Boy Friend; "I’m really interested in you
for yourself.
Boy Friend: "I want you with me because I
love you."
Girl Friend: "I really care a lot for you."
Mothu r
ou can Ll'u s L me

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Prediction Of Therapeutic And Intellectual Potential In Mentally Retardedchildren

PDF

Delinquency As A Function Of Intrafamily Relationships

PDF

Measuring Thought Process As An Ego Function In Schizophrenic, Mentally Retarded And Normal Adolescents By Means Of The Rorschach

PDF

Behavioral Seriousness And Impulse-Control Balance In Delinquency

PDF

Sex-Role Preferences Of Early Adolescents In Relation To Adjustment

PDF

Effects Of Different Treatment Procedures On Reading Ability And Anxiety Level In Children With Learning Difficulties

PDF

Self-Sacrifice, Cooperation, And Aggression In Women Of Varying Sex-Role Orientations

PDF

A Semantic Differential Investigation Of Critical Factors Related To Achievement And Underachievement Of High School Students

PDF

Sex-Role Identity, Self-Concept, And Vocational Interests Of Adolescent Hemophiliacs

PDF

A Study Of The Comparability Of The Wisc And The Wais And The Factors Contributing To Their Differences

PDF

First Steps In An Attempt To Construct An Objective Test Of Character Structure

PDF

Advance Organizers And The Enchancement Of Meaningful Verbal Learning Andretention

PDF

Self-Worth, Future Goals, Mood And Time Perception

PDF

Psychological Test Changes In Schizophrenic Patients Under Brief Stimuluselectroconvulsive Therapy

PDF

The effects of physical proximity and body boundary size on the self-disclosure interview

PDF

Perceptual Defense And Somatization: A Comparison Of The Perceptual Thresholds Of Obese And Peptic Ulcer Patients

PDF

A Descriptive Study Of Mature And Younger Women In An Associate Degree Nursing Program

PDF

The Effect Of Subject Sophistication On Ratio And Discrimination Scales

PDF

Psychological Variables In The Mother Related To Infant Feeding Patterns

PDF

On The Relationship Between Anxiety And Aggression In Nine-Year-Old Boys

Asset Metadata

Creator Maas, Jeannette Pauline (author)

Core Title Ego Diffusion In Women With Behavioral Disorders And The Integrating Effects Of Psychodrama In Identity Consolidation

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Psychology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Psychology, clinical

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Seward, Georgene H. (committee chair), Lovell, Constance (committee member), Meyers, Charles Edward (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-336113

Unique identifier UC11359156

Identifier 6412460.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-336113 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6412460.pdf

Dmrecord 336113

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Maas, Jeannette Pauline

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA