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Apache, Navaho, And Spaniard: A History Of The Southern Athapaskans And Their Relations With The Spanish Empire, 1540-1698

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Apache, Navaho, And Spaniard: A History Of The Southern Athapaskans And Their Relations With The Spanish Empire, 1540-1698

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Content T his d isserta tio n has been 61— 6283 m icro film ed ex a ctly as receiv ed FORBES, Jack D ouglas, 1934- APACHE, NAVAHO, AND SPANIARD: A HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN ATHAPASKANS AND THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE SPANISH EM PIRE, 1540- 1698. U n iversity of Southern C alifornia, P h.D ., 1959 H istory, m odern University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan APACHE, NAVAHO AND SPANIARD: A HISTORY OF THE SOUTHERN ATHAPASKANS AND THEIR RELATIONS WITH THE SPANISH EMPIRE, 1540-1693 by Jack Douglas Forbes A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (History) June 1959 UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N CA LIFO R N IA GRADUATE SCH O O L UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANG ELES 7, CALIFO RNIA This dissertation, written by ....... under the direction of h±s....Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of D O C T O R OF P H IL O S O P H Y Dean DISSERTATIONXO: Chairman HJrlf), TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFACE . TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS INTRODUCTION . Chapter I. THE ATHAPASKANS MEET THE SPANIARDS • * 1 II. MINES, MISSIONARIES AND MOUNTED INDIANS . 40 III. SLAVES, SILVER AND SOULS . • # 57 IV. THE LURE OF WEALTH . . . . 96 V. DEATH AND DESTRUCTION • • 123 VI. ATHAPASKANS AT WAR . . . . 157 VII. A LAND OF STRIFE ................. 195 VIII. PRELUDE TO TRIUMPH . . . . 233 IX. VICTORY FOR THE AMERICANS • • 264 X. THE GREAT SOUTHWESTERN REVOLT • • 299 XI. THE SPANISH COUNTER-OFFENSIVE • # 336 XII. THE END OF AN ERA . . . . 374 XIII. APACHE, NAVAHO AND SPANIARD . • • 422 BIBLIOGRAPHY .............................. 423 Page iii v vi PREFACE The purpose of this study is to trace in the greatest possible detail the history of the Southern Athapaskans and their relations with other Indians and with the Spanish Empire from the beginning of written records until 1698. The latter year has been chosen as the terminal date of this work because it is the most appropriate point of division lying between c .1 5 3 5 and 1821, the extremes of the period of Hispano-Athapaskan relations. The year of 1698 marks the end of one era and the beginning of another with in the above period. It is anticipated that a study cover ing the years of 1 6 9 8 to 1821 will be made in the future. The attempt will be made herein to present the significant facts and details of pre-1 6 9 8 Southern Atha- paskan history. It is perhaps to be regretted that some general readers may find what seems to them to be an over abundance of detail and a lack of generalized information. This is because the primary purpose of this study is a rather technical one. That is, it is anticipated that this work will for some years serve as a guide to the events of Southern Athapaskan history from 1540 to 1 6 9 8, and a guide to be used by archaeologists, anthropologists, ethnonhistor gans, and other scholars and laymen interested in South western Indian history. Obviously a guide which contained only general information would, be of no use to such persons. The author considers that there is already an abundance of generalized information on the Southwest and a serious lack of detailed, year by year historical documentation. Because of the lack of fundamental historical research many of the generalizations current in contemporary secondary sources are inaccurate. It is hoped that this study will help to remedy this situation. V TABLE OF ABBREVIATIONS A.G.I. Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla, Spain. A.G.N. Archivo General de la Nacion, Mexico, D. F., Mexico. B.L.T. Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California. Transcripts. B.M.A.E. Biblioteca del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Madrid, Spain. B.M.H. Biblioteca del Ministerio de Hacienda, Madrid, Spain. B.N. Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid, Madrid, Spain. M.N. Museo Naval, Madrid, Spain. v- N.M.A. New Mexico Archives, Coronado Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, New Mexico. U.T.A. University of Texas Archives, Austin, Texas. INTRODUCTION The Southern Athapaskans,* as the name implies, are those Indians speaking a language belonging to the Athapas- kan linguistic family and residing in the southern portion of the distribution area of that family. The Southern Athapaskans have a number of things in common, aside from their geographical location, among which are similarities in language making all of the known languages or dialects mutually intelligible to some degree and the fact that all of the groups belonging to the Southern Athapaskans were at some time referred to as "Apaches." Prior to about 1850 the Navahos were usually called Navaho Apaches and it has only been in the last one hundred years that they have come to be thought of as distinct from the Apaches. Thus one could conceivably dispense with the cumbersome term "South ern Athapaskan" and simply speak of "Apaches" or "Apacheans" however, certain factors make the latter course somewhat undesirable. Some Southern Athapaskans were treated by the Europeans as being non-Apache as often or more often than they were treated as Apaches. Secondly, at least one anthropologist, J. P. Harrington, has attempted to distin guish the eastern components of the Southern Athapaskans *The name "Athapaskan" has sometimes been written "Athabascan." vii from their western fellows by limiting the use of the term "Apache" to the latter group. While this procedure is his torically unacceptable, since the easterners have been | called Apaches since the 1590's, it nevertheless would seem | the wiser course to use a universally acceptable term for • the whole group rather than one which is under fire.^ i The Athapaskan language family can be divided geographically into three major divisions, the southern, the northern (or Canadian-Alaskan), and the Pacific Coast. Of these the northern has long been regarded as the largest and most important division while the other two branches have been classified as subsidiary and due to comparatively recent migrations. In all probability, though, the southern division was equally as large as the northern in pre-European contact times and can in no way be considered as a mere off shoot of the latter. Unfortunately adequate population statistics for the pre-1600 era are lacking; however, one can judge that the southern division was at least three times as numerous at that time as compared with the post- See J. P. Harrington, "Southern Peripheral Atha- paskawan Origins, Divisions and Migrations" in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, v.C, 194-0. The findings of most anthropologists who have studied the culture of the Southern Athapaskans in detail are in opposition to Harrington's views. See, for example, Grenville Goodwin, "The Southern Athapaskans" in Kiva, v. 4, no. 2, 1938; Charles S. Brant, "Kiowa Apache Culture History: Some Further Observations" in the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, v. 9, no. 2, 1953; and Andrde F. Sjoberg, "Lipan Apache Culture in Historical Perspective" in the Southwestern J ournal of Anthropology. v. 9,•no. 1, 1953. viii 1850 period when statistics are available. By the latter 1 date many Southern Athapaskan groups had entirely ceased to j exist and others were greatly reduced in number. Allowing for the decrease in population which occurred in the south ern area between 1600 and 1850 it seems quite conceivable : ! that the latter group was originally the equal in size of i the northern group. Future studies may in fact indicate that the southern division was the largest of the three, but 2 this remains to be seen. The traditional view of Athapaskan history has been that the members of this family were relative newcomers to America and that the Southern Athapaskans were recent mi grants into the Southwest from Canada. In fact, some anthro pologists such as Frederick W. Hodge and Albert H. Schroeder have gone so far as to assert that the Apaches were still in the process of moving southward and southwestward in the post-1600 period. Still other scholars have examined Apache and Navaho culture in order to find proof of a recent north ern origin and even their language and mythology have been dissected for the purpose of obtaining such evidence. Inter estingly enough the "migrationists" largely ignore the pos sibility of cultural diffusion from north to south as an explanation of "northern" traits in the Southwest. 2 Grenville Goodwin also expressed the opinion that the Southern Athapaskans probably equaled the northerners in numbers in aboriginal times. See his "The Southern Atha paskans , " p. 5 • ix i In recent years certain factors have come to light i which call for a reexamination of the traditional assump- j | tions of a recent movement of the Apache and Navaho to the Southwest, of a recent migration of Athapaskans to the Pacific Coast, and of the picture of the Canadians as i possessors of the "true1 1 and "original" Athapaskan culture. For example, archaeology now reveals that people ancestral to the Navaho were living in New Mexico as early as the 1400's and perhaps as early as the 900's. At Promontory Point, Utah, Athapaskan-like remains possess considerable antiquity and bear similarities to Dismal River (Plains Apache) sites of a later date. It should be noted, however, that the mere presence of Athapaskan-like remains does not prove that the people who were responsible spoke an Athapas kan language. A language group does not often possess a single culture of its own, since even a superficial glance at culture distributions reveals little correlation with language distributions. Nevertheless, it does appear that the Southern Athapaskans have considerable time-depth at least in New Mexico. Cultural studies also reveal that "recent migration" theories must be looked at anew, for the southern and Pacific ' ‘ ’ See Edward Twitchell Hall Jr. , "Recent Clues to Atha pascan Prehistory in the Southwest" in the American Anthro pologist , v. XLVI, no. 1, 1944; Carling Malouf, "Thoughts on Utah Archaeology" in American Antiquity, v. IX, no. 3, 1944; and James H. Gunnerson, "Plains-Promontory Relationships" in American Antiquity, v. XXII, no. 1, 1956. Coast Athapaskan cultures, while perhaps containing certain j "northern" and "Athapaskan" traits, were in fact well inte- ' t grated into the larger culture areas where they existed. i That is, these Athapaskans were not possessors of a radi- ! cally intrusive or foreign way of life but in general were ; I related culturally to their neighbors. For example, on the j Pacific Coast the Hupa were thorough-going members of the way of life of northwestern California, and their material culture can hardly be distinguished from that of their Algonkian and Hokan neighbors. Racially they form one stock with these same neighbors, and the only major elements which they have in common with other Athapaskans are their lan guage and, to some degree, their kinship systems. Certainly this integration must have required a great deal of time. In the Southwest one finds that those Athapaskans living near the Pueblo Indians show Pueblo Indian influences, those in Texas show Texas traits, those near La Junta (the junc tion of the Rio Crande and the Conchos River) show La Juntan influences, et cetera. The Southern Athapaskans, while possessing a basic culture of their own, show precisely those variations which would be due to the influence of their Southwestern neighbors. For example, it is the Mes- calero, Lipan, Jicarilla, and Kiowa Apache groups (using modern terminology) which show Plains influences upon the basic Southern Athapaskan substratum. This is just what one would expect, since these peoples lived at least in part on the plains in post-1800 times and farther out on the plains in the pre-1800 period. On the other hand, if a recent migration of the Western and Chiricahua Apaches from the southern plains had occurred (as many have asserted) one would expect them to also show "Plains" traits to some de gree, but, on the contrary, their orientation is more in the direction of the Navaho and Pueblo tribes (this is not so true of the Chiricahua). Furthermore, as shall be seen, historical evidence places the Western Apache in their his toric region as early as the 1580's. Culturally the Western Apache and the Navaho appear to have long been in associa tion, while linguistically the former are much closer to the Chiricahua and Mescalero. Thus once again it can be seen that the historic geographical positions of the Southern Athapaskans correspond, in general, with cultural positions, and give no indication of widespread migration or intrusion. On the contrary, they give evidence of a long period of con tact in the same general geographical position as in the recent historic era. A further argument against a. recent northern origin for the Southern Athapaskans is to be seen in the fact that all of the surviving groups from the Kiowa Apache to the Lipan reveal, according to certain anthropologists, a basic "Apache" culture belonging not to Canada but to the South western culture area. Charles S. Brant has compared the culture of the Kiowa Apache (who lived in the area of the Black Hills prior to 1800) with that of the Kiowa, the j i I Apaches of the Southwest, and the Sarsi (the southernmost ; I Canadian Athapaskan group) and this is his conclusion: ; The older view /of Kiowa Apache culture/ Based on j nothing more than assumption and declaration that the ! Kiowa Apache are a "typical Plains tribe" or that their j origin lies with the northern Athabascan peoples not i only cannot be substantiated, but the evidence cited definitely controverts it. We have shown...that Kiowa j Apache culture is historically derived from that of the ■ Apache of the southwest. More specifically it is a species of the easternmost variety of Apache culture, very closely related to that of the Jicarilla and Lipan tribes. We have shown further that the Plains traits in Kiowa Apache culture were superficial and probably recent accretions to the basic Apache substratum.4 Similarly, Andre'e P. Sjoberg places the culture of the Lipan Apache with that of the other Southern Athapaskans, in spite: 5 of certain "Plains-like" characteristics. Harry Hoijer indicates that all of the known Southern Athapaskan tongues were derived from a common linguistic ancestor, and from the evidence of Brant, Sjoberg, and others, it appears that their basic culture also stems from a common source.^ Thus the surviving Southern Athapaskans, from the Kiowa Apache to the Chiricahua, have to be dealt with as a cultural- linguistic unit, and any migration theory must account for the differentiation which has taken place between the Brant, op. cit., pp. 199-200. This basic Apache culture is to be distinguished from a sometimes proposed basic Athapaskan culture. 5 Sjoberg, pp. cit., p. 98. ^Harry Hoijer, "Southern Athapaskan Languages" in the American Anthropologist. v. 40, 1938. various groups, a differentiation which would appear to havej been well established by 1600. Likewise, any migration j theory must take cognizance of the fact that there does not ! appear to be any gradual cultural progression from the Sarsii to the Chiricahua, and thus migration-wise the southern j f division has to be treated as a unit which was separated j from the Canadians for a considerable period of time before ; internal differentiation occurred. There are a number of other problems which arise to challenge any theory proposing a recent migration from the north, three of which stand out in importance. First of all, the southern distribution of the Athapaskans does not correspond to the southern distribution of such "northern" and plains traits as skin clothing, the sinew-backed bow, the skin tipi, and the use of the travois. For example, the sinew-backed bow was possessed by the Julime of La Junta, an apparently non-Athapaskan group, but it was not used by the Chiricahua. Similarly, skin clothing was used by non- Athapaskans such as the Tonkawa, Yavapai, and Utes, but not by the apparently Athapaskan Sumas and Mans os. In the same way the.tipi was not used by the Suma, Manso, Jano, Jocome, Cholome, Western Apache and Navaho (Athapaskan) groups but was, of course, used by many non-Athapaskan peoples. The travois was absent from the cultures of the Western Apache and other groups. Supposing that the Southern Athapaskans were recent migrants from the north, one would expect a more universal distribution of these "northern" traits. The xiv southernmost Athapaskans, the Suma, Manso, Jano, Jocome, and Cholome, apparently were living in their historic regions as early as the 1530's-1580's and by that time they were inte- j j grated into the culture pattern of the northern Chihuahua- ; i Rio Grande Valley area, and this again argues against a j 7 ! recent migration from the north. ; Secondly, the Pima of the 1690's had a tradition to the effect that the Apaches were among the tribes which forced the abandonment of Casa Grande, Arizona. This indi cates that the Athapaskans could not have been newcomers to southern Arizona in the 1600's and that they were probably in the area in the 1400's, when the abandonment of Casa 8 Grande is said to have occurred. On the basis of the above evidence, supplemented by the archaeology of northwestern New Mexico, it seems highly probable that Athapaskans were living from the latter area to southern Arizona in the 1400's. Interestingly, some tantalizing bits of historical evidence indicate an even greater antiquity for the Apache in the New Mexico region. Two independent sources inform us that the Apaches who sur rounded New Mexico in the 1600's thought of themselves and 7 For a general discussion of the cultures of the surviving groups see Goodwin, op. cit. Q » Juan Mateo Manje, "Breve Noticia...de la Pimena," 1697, manuscript in book 970 of the Biblioteca del Minis terio de Hacienda, Madrid, Spain. Hereinafter to be cited as Manje, "Breve Noticia," B.M.H. 970. XV were thought of as being the "original" people of the area j occupied by the Puebloans at that time. Fray Alonso de ! i Benavides, living in New Mexico from 1626 to 1630, wrote | i that ; all these nations /of Pueblo Indians/ settled in this j most northerly region /New Mexico/ in order to escape i the intolerable cold and to find there a milder climate, j but they met with opposition and resistance from the i native inhabitants of this whole land, that is, from the; huge Apache nation.° In other words, Fray Benavides is saying that the central Rio Grande Valley of New Mexico was at one time inhabited by the Apaches and that the Pueblo Indians coming from a colder region (from the northwest, as archaeology would to some extent indicate) drove the Apache from their former area. This thesis is reinforced by a statement of Juan de Villagutierre y Sotomayor, writing in the 1690's. Villa- gut ierre declared that the Apaches have burned some of their /the Pueblo Indian's/ pueblos many times, because they /the Apaches/ always say that they are the natives of that settled land, or at least_that they went to it first before those others /the Pueblo tribes/ populated it, and as a result they always go about in pretension of throwing them out of it....-^ Q Alonso de Benavides, Memorial of 1634. edited by Frederick W. Hodge, George P. Hammond, and Agapito Rey (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1945) p. 81. ■^Juan de Villagutierre y Sotomayor, "Historia de la Conquista, Perdida, y Restaurazion de el Reino, y Provincias de la Nueva Mexico en la America Septentrional," c. 1698, a manuscript in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid, Spain. Hereinafter cited as Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822. It would seem then that there are good reasons for holding that the Athapaskans were in central New Mexico in the 1200's or 1300’s and then were driven out by the Pueblo Indians coming from the Pour Corners-Canyon de Chelly region. To some extent this thesis is borne out by archae ology, as it appears that many of the Pueblo Indians of central New Mexico did not reside in the latter area prior to c. 1300 but lived instead to the northwest and west. Supposing this to be true, that the Puebloans were absent from their historic region in the prehistoric period, it quite naturally follows that some other group or groups of Indians were living in central New Mexico prior to the migrations of the 1300’s. In theory this group could have as well included Athapaskans as not, but with the testimony of Benavides and Villagutierre it seems probable that it did include them. During the period in question, that is, prior to 1400, the area of southwestern New Mexico was occupied by the developers of the Mogollon-Mimbres culture. Por some unknown reason these Indians apparently abandoned their old area of occupation and, at least in part, migrated south to Chihuahua between 1200 and 1300. Likewise during the same era the Salado people of southeastern Arizona migrated in a southwestward direction and joined the Hohokam in south central Arizona. Subsequently, near 1400, the Saladoans perhaps also migrated to Chihuahua. The important point is xvii that the vacated areas of the Mogollon-Mimbres and Salado ; peoples were apparently occupied by Athapaskans. Thus there appears to have been a generally southward migration ' trend among these several groups of peoples between 1200 i i and 1400, as well as among the Puebloan peoples. The sig- j | nificance of this is that it agrees with and reinforces the ; testimony of Benavides and Villagutierre and allows one to ! postulate the theory that Athapaskans were occupying at least a part of the region from central to west central New Mexico in the pre-1300 period and that they were displaced by the southward moving Puebloans in c. 1300 times. Because of the pressure of the Puebloans the Athapaskans in turn displaced the Saladoans and the Mogollon-Mimbres peoples in southwestern New Mexico and southeastern Arizona. Need less to say, this theory is merely a tentative one and future archaeological and historical research will have to be brought to bear on the problem. It should be obvious from the above discussion that any thesis of a recent Athapaskan movement from Canada to the Southwest must be examined critically. Likewise the assumption that the "original" area of Athapaskan occupa tion in America was in northern Canada and Alaska must be reexamined. From a strictly theoretical point of view it would seem that when a group of people becomes divided into three or more widely separated divisions, two of which are of near-equal size, one would be more logical in postulating xix possible to postulate that the Sarsi. were as far south as j Montana prior to the beginning of this phenomenon. In any case it is known that some of the Sarsi-Chipewyan groups were displaced by the better-armed Cree. I At the very least the above analysis should indicate j t i that a reexamination of the traditional assumptions regard ing Athapaskan prehistory is necessary. The old tendency to make all American Indian migrations ones from north to south because of a supposed recent Asiatic origin for all or part of the Americans must apparently be discarded.^ Interestingly, Harry Hoijer compares the historic use of kinship terms by the various Athapaskans with a theoretical "Proto-Athapaskan" system and discovers that the lipan and Kiowa Apaches have been the most conservative of the southerners in that they have preserved 67% of the Proto-Athapaskan usage. The Jicarilla have kept 50%, the Chiricahua-Mescalero 33%, the Navaho 17%, and the San Carlos (Western) none. On the whole the northerners have been more conservative, although the Sarsi have preserved only 50%. The combination of survivals kept by the Sarsi is distinct from those of the Lipan, Kiowa and Jicarilla Apaches. On the basis of his theoretical reconstruction Hoijer proposes that the Southern Athapaskans migrated from the north in two waves, principally because of the preservation of more traits by the Kiowa, Lipan and Jicarilla Apaches as well as because of the linguistic relatedness of these three groups. This author does not, however, see the necessity of assuming migration in order to explain the loss of Proto- Athapaskan kinship usage. The Southern Athapaskans have been in close contact with alien peoples; in fact, more often than with fellow Athapaskans. On the other hand, the northerners have been geographically more isolated from aliens and the central members of the latter group could have served as a core of conservative influence. A glance at northern distributions reveals that the most conservative groups (Sekani, Hare, Yellowknife, Beaver, Carrier) lived in a north to south belt which lay between other Athapaskans. Harry Hoijer, "Athapaskan Kinship Systems" in the American Anthropologist, v. 58, no. 2, 1956. XX In the study to follow a number of little-known Southwestern and north Mexican tribes will be treated as Athapaskans even though they have not been commonly regarded as such. These include the Janos, Jocomes, Sumas, Mansos, Cholomes, Jumanos of southwestern Texas, Sibolos, Pelones of Texas, and Padoucas. The evidence relating to a linguistic identification of all of these groups except for the Padouca 12 will be found in an article published separately. The Padouca will not be dealt with at any great length because they are primarily significant in post-1700 times and be cause their identity as Plains Apaches has been well demon strated by George Grinnell (1920) and Frank Secoy (1951)» as well as by the archaeology of Dismal River sites. The historical evidence on the problem is quite clear, for an examination of the documentary sources shows that the Plains Apache as a whole were called Padoucas by their eastern neighbors and by the French until the mid-1700's and after that date the term continues in use as the name applied to the Kiowa Apache, the only Athapaskan group left on the high plains after the aforementioned date. For example, in 1724 the French visited the "Padoucas” in western Kansas and opened up commerce with them. In 1726 the Spanish of New Mexico learned that the French were among the "Apaches" of 12 See Jack D. Forbes, "Unknown Athapaskans: The Identification of the Jano, Jocorae, Suma, Manso and other Indian Tribes of the Southwest," in fithnohistory, v. 6, no. 2, 1959- xviii several outward migrations from a central source, rather | I than in proposing that one branch remained stationary and I the others moved away from it. Certainly there is no a j I priori reason for assuming that the Athapaskans could not I have been united in the area which lies between the historic j i lands of the southern and northern groups and near the area j of the Promontory Point archaeological sites, for example. This area, from Montana to Alberta, embraces some of the coldest regions of inhabited North America and certainly would have provided the climate necessary for the acceptance of "northern" traits. There is evidence which tends to indicate that the Athapaskans of Canada and Alaska have indeed moved north ward, although it cannot be shown that they ever resided in the United States proper. Por example, there is historic evidence to support a northward or northwestward movement of the Sarsi-Chipewyan groups of northern Athapaskans. It is a well-known fact that the Algonkians of Canada, particu larly the Cree and the Ojibwa, began pushing westward in the 1600's as a result of several factors including the acquisi tion of French arms, the need to exploit new fur-producing regions, and the displacement of their eastern neighbors by the Iroquois. This westward movement in turn displaced such groups as the Blackfoot, Atsina, Piegans, Kutenai and Siouans and led to occupation of the Alberta-Montana plains by the three former groups. In theory at least it is xxi western Kansas. Throughout the period from 1740 to 1800 the Comanches dominated the high plains and they were usually called Ietanes or Leitanes by the eastern Plains tribes. The term '•Padouca'’ was reserved for the Kiowa Apache's ancestors living in the area of the Black Hills and the upper Platte River. Later, in post-1800 times, some Anglo-Americans confused the Comanche and other tribes 13 with the Padouca. Naturally enough, the history of the Southern Atha paskans from 1540 to 1698 must be looked at for the most part through Spanish eyes. Thus it must always be borne in mind that the description of any event will be a descrip tion from the Spanish point of view and may not, therefore, be objectively true. Certainly the Indian viewpoint is seldom revealed in Spanish sources and the historian who wishes to portray the truth as far as possible must always attempt to see through the biases and preconceptions of the Spanish writers. Any study of the Southern Athapaskans during the era of Spanish intrusion into the Southwest must take into "^Frank Secoy, "The Identity of the Padouca, an Eth- nohistorical Analysis" in the American Anthropologist. v. 53» no. 4, pt. 1, 1951; George Grinnell, "Who were the Padouca?" in the American Anthropologist, v. 22, 1920; Alfred Bamaby Thomas, After Coronado (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1935); Pierre Margry, D^couvertes et Etab- lissements des Francais (Paris: Jovaust, 1877-1886T"v. 6; and A. P. Nasatir, Before Lewis and Clark (St. Louis: St. Louis Historical Documents Foundation, 1952) 2 v. xxii 1 i consideration to some degree the development of the Spanish j ! establishment on the northern frontier of New Spain and, needless to say, Hispano-Athapaskan relations will occupy j a good portion of any such study. In attempting to recon- j i struct Athapaskan history in the Southwest before 1700 it j will be necessary to study the advance of the Spanish | Empire insofar as it has significance for the main purpose : of the subject."^ In this study frequent reference will be made to American Indians as simply "Americans." The-author feels that the natives of the American continents certainly were and are Americans, and from the 1500's to the 1770's the Indians are more properly called Americans than any other group, including the British colonials of the Atlantic sea board. If anyone should object to calling the Indians "Am ericans" let him look at a number of documents of the 17th and 18th centuries where the Indians are treated as the only Americans. For example, in June 1687 Fray Anastasio Donay refers to the natives of north Mexico and Texas simply as "the Americans." A century later, in 1785, the King of France issued instructions for the expedition of Jean de La Perouse to the Pacific. Among other things, La Perouse was to ascertain what quantities of furs the "Americans" of the Northwest Coast could furnish. See Diary of Anastasio Donay, 1686-1687, in Jose'' Antonio Pichardo's "Documentos y Noticias Historicas...," tomo 13, a bound manuscript in the Biblioteca del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores (B.M.A.E.), Madrid, Spain; and Hubert Howe Bancroft, History of Cali fornia (San Francisco: The History Company, 1890) v. 1, p. 429 n. CHAPTER I ; THE ATHAPASKANS MEET THE SPANIARDS I . The Spanish conquest of the valley of Mexico was an j event of great significance for the Indians of the American > Southwest. Spanish armies, aided by Mexican Indian allies and slaves, turned to new fields of endeavor, some of them looking to the north. Rapidly tribe after tribe was subdued, and seemingly nothing was to stop or slow down the Spanish juggernaut until, early in the 1530's, the cruel and ruthless conquistador Nurio de G-uzman was halted by the fierce resistance of the Cahita Indians in Southern Sonora. The Spanish army then retreated to Culiacan in present day Sinaloa. The northward advance of the Spanish Empire in Amer ica might not have reached the area of the Apache Indians in the sixteenth century, except for the tales of northern wealth and rich cities circulated by Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca and his companions after their journey across the continent, from Texas to Sonora and Sinaloa. The gold- hungry Spaniards of New Spain took over these rumors and twisted them to suit their dreams and hopes and the legend of another Mexico to be conquered was born. Cabeza de Vaca began his adventure as a member of the ill-fated expedition of Panfilo Narvaez to Florida. 2 After being shipwrecked on the coast of Texas, Cabeza de ■ i Vaca's small group of Spaniards and a negro slave, Estevan, i began making their way towards the Spanish settlement of j Panuco on the coast of the G-ulf of Mexico. However, before ! really beginning their journey they had to serve as slaves j of the Texas coastal Indians, and, thus, when they began their trek, they had little property to set them off from j Indians. The extent of their cultural impact upon the native American, then, was probably little.^ There has been a great deal of disagreement among scholars as to the route taken by Cabeza de Vaca's party after they abandoned their idea of going to Panuco and turned to the west. Some have proposed that they traveled 2 across the plains of Texas and crossed southern New Mexico. It seems more likely, however, that they wandered across northern Mexico, south of the Rio Grande, until reaching the area of the junction of the Rio Grande and the Rio Conchos of Chihuahua (hereafter to be known as the La Junta region). Here the de Vaca party, probably in 1535, reached their first agricultural people, living in permanent houses, When the Spaniards reached Sinaloa, they were no different from Indians in their dress and looks. They also spoke bad Castilian. See Andres Pe'rez de Ribas, Historia de los Triunnhos de Nuestra Santa Fee, (Madrid: Alonso de Paredes, 1645) p. 24. Cleve Hallenbeck, Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca (Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Company, 1939). 5 3 and having some beans and pumpkins. • I j After taking leave of the agricultural people, who : were, it seems, the ancestors of the historic Julime Indians! i of the same La Junta region, the de Vaca group traveled i northward and westward along the Texas bank of the Rio | | Grande, going among poor peoples who had no maize. Thus j I they traveled until reaching the crossing of the river, j i perhaps as far north as the present El Paso region. Then they turned towards the west and went twenty days, still among non-agricultural groups, until reaching the maize country of Sonora. Prom there to Culiacan (a Spanish settlement) the journey was much easier as they were among A people with more food. In all probability, Cabeza de Vaca failed to contact any of the Apache proper, since he failed to enter the area later occupied by those Indians, but it may be that some individual Apaches saw the wanderers at La Junta. Prom 3 The identification of the La Junta region as the first agricultural area reached by Cabeza de Vaca not only agrees with the geography of the narrative of the journey but also with the known facts regarding La Junta. In 1581, 1582 and subsequently the region was inhabited by agricul tural peoples, with permanent houses; and, in 1581, they remembered Cabeza de Vaca. See George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, editors and translators, Obreg&i1 s History (Los Angeles:; Wetzel Publishing Company, 1928), hereinafter to be cited as Obregon1s History: and Harbert Davenport, translator, "The Expedition of Pdnfilo de Narvaez," in The Southwestern His torical Quarterly, v. xxvii, p. 302; and Fanny Bandelier, The Journey of Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca (New York: A. S. Barnes, 19Q5T~pp. 150-152. ^Davenport, op. pit., pp. 57-65- later documentary evidence it is known that the Apache con- \ 1 tinually traded with, and were in contact with the La Junta ! Indians from 1582 onward;^ and an old "Teyas" Indian (the I Teyas seem to have been Plains Apaches) met by Coronado in | 6 t 1541 remembered having seen Spaniards. In all likelihood, j ( i however, the Spaniards did contact the Mansos, a group of | j Indians related to the Apache who lived in the region of \ El Paso, and the Sumas, another Athapaskan group. In 1565 •the Indians of the Casas Grandes region of Chihuahua, who 7 were probably Sumas, remembered having met Cabeza de Vaca. The influence of this small group of Europeans upon the Indians was probably not as great as its impact upon the conquest-hungry Spaniards in Mexico. The latter eagerly listened to the tales of rich cities to the north, and even the viceroy, Antonio de Mendoza, became interested in the possibility of a new empire to be conquered. By 1538 this interest had taken the form of sending a Franciscan priest, Fray Marcos de Niza, to the north in order to verify the q From 1582 to about 1700 it was the "Jumanes" who were friendly with the La Junta natives while the rest of the Apache were usually hostile. After 1700 the Apaches as a whole become allies and friends of the Julimes. See Forbes, "Unknown Athapaskans." ^George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, Narratives of the Coronado Expedition 1540-1542 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 194077 P- 301. Hereinafter to be cited as Coronado Narratives. ^Obregon's History, pp. 201-202. For a discussion of the problems involved in the identification of the Sumas and Mansos see Forbes, "Unknown Athapaskans." 5 rumors of great cities. He was to be guided by the Negro Esteban, who had been purchased for the purpose. Pray | Marcos was not only to be an explorer, however; for he was ! I also to inform the Indians of their new masters, or as Vice- ' roy Mendoza said: ! You must explain to the natives of the land that i there is only one God in heaven, and the‘emperor on earth to rule and govern it, whose subjects they must all become and whom they must serve.8 On March 7, 1539, Pray Marcos set out for the north, passing among a variety of peoples. Everywhere he went he gathered new rumors on the "seven cities" from the Indians. Esteban, meanwhile, had been sent ahead and he gathered an entourage of Indian women. His methods were not well- received and he was killed by the people of Cibola, that is, by the Zuni. Their reason for so doing was, among other things, the fact that the Indians of Chichilticale (probably Apaches) had told them that Esteban was a bad man because he Q had assaulted their women. Fray Marcos blissfully followed along until he reached the area of Chichilticale, that is, southern Arizona, where he learned that Esteban had been killed.^ ft Instructions of Antonio de Mendoza, November, 1538, in Coronado Narratives, p. 60. Q f Letter of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, August 3, 1540, in Coronado Narratives. p. 177. See also Castaneda's History, in Coronado Narratives, p. 198, for information on Esteban and his women. ■^"Relacion" of Pray Marcos de Niza, in Joaquin P. 6 There is some doubt as to what Fray Marcos did after | i learning of Esteban's fate. Possibly, as he claims, he went; on to where he obtained a view of Gibola. However, there I are very sound reasons for doubting the reliability of his testimony and from the internal features of the narrative, > | as well as from Fray Marcos' character, it is to be ques tioned that he ever went any farther north than southern i Arizona.Certain it is that many of the Spaniards who went with him to Cibola in 1540 doubted that he had been 12 there before I At any rate, it is well-known that Fray Marcos de Niza returned to Mexico and spread glowing ac counts of a fantastic new kingdom, richer and greater than Mexico. These stories certainly helped to stimulate inter est in northern conquest and helped to recruit soldiers for the mammoth expedition now planned under the leadership of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado. As a preliminary to the Coronado invasion of the north, Captain Melchior Diaz was sent out from Culiacan on Pachecho and Francisco de Cardenas, editors, Coleccidn de Documentos In^ditos (Madrid: Manuel B. de Quiros, 1865), tomo III, pp. 528-350, hereinafter cited as Coleccidn de Documentos In^aitos. ^See Carl 0. Sauer, "The Discovery of New Mexico Re considered" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 12, 1937, pp. 270-87, and the same author's "The Credibility of the Fray Marcos Account" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 16, 1941, pp. 233-43. For another approach see Lansing B. Bloom, "Who Discovered New Mexico?", the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 15, no. 2, 1940. * 1 P Castaneda's History, in Coronado Narratives, p. 198. 7 November 17, 1539. He was to reconnoiter the proposed route, a thing easy for him as he had been on the Sinaloa frontier for a number of years, having been there to welcome Cabeza de Vaca in 1537- He went 100 or 150 leagues to the north, reaching the southern edge of the so-called despo- blado (the mountains of south-east-central Arizona) " . . . between here /Culiacan/ and Cibola, . . . Somewhere in this area of northern Sonora or southern Arizona Diaz met people who had lived at Cibola for fifteen or twenty years and consequently he learned a great deal about the Zuni. However, he also reported that the people had received him coldly and with mean faces because the Cibolans had told them 14 that the Spaniards were mortal and should be killed. Thus a basic antagonism against the Spanish had already developed in the area from Sonora to New Mexico by 1539 and this hostility cannot be wholly explained by the activities of Esteban alone. In all probability the Indians of this area knew well enough the character of their would- be conquerors, based upon reports from the south; for Span ish slavers had been raiding north from Culiacan for years. In his narrative, for example, Cabeza de Vaca states that all of the people within thirty or forty leagues of Culiacan were being raided by Spanish slave-hunters and were living q Letter of Antonio de Mendoza, April 17, 1540, in Coronado Narratives, p. 157. ~^Ibid. , p. 157. 8 15 in great alarm and fear. likewise, Pray Marcos noted in 1539 that Spaniards were raiding for slaves as far north as the Rio Sinaloa.^ Certainly the Indians of Sonora had re- ■ ceived many reports of such outrages and this, coupled with : the memory of Nuno de Guzman's bloody entrance into southern: Sonora in 1531, was probably enough to prejudice the natives against the Europeans and this prejudice may well have ex tended all the way to New Mexico. On April 22, 1540, the mammoth expedition of Fran cisco Vasquez de Coronado departed from its organization point, Culiacan. The expedition was far too large to go in one unit, and the largest section of the army with the bulk of the livestock was always behind the advance guard of some seventy-five mounted soldiers and thirty servants n *7 led by Coronado himself. Prom the Rio Sinaloa, the Con queror of the North ordered ten soldiers on horseback to go ahead and explore the now-dangerous Sonora portion of the route. They went north to the valley of Los Corazones, named by Cabeza de Vaca, and found nothing but poor Indians 18 who fought them with poisoned arrows. When Coronado advanced, the Sonora natives evidently made a point of 15 ^Davenport, ££. cit.. p. 63- ■^Report of Pray Marcos de Niza, in Coronado Narra tives , p. 64. 17 "Traslado de las nuevas y noticias...," in Colec- cion de Documentos Ine/ ditos, tomo XIX, p. 529- ■*"®Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. , 2822. 9 avoiding the Spaniards for it was reported that on the whole trip . .no kind of food ..." was found and conse quently one Spaniard and several Negroes and Indians died 19 of hunger and thirst. After entering the present area of Arizona, the Spaniards came to a "pass" called Chichilticale where a change in the culture and the language of the Indians was PO noted. As Castaneda, a chronicler of the expedition, says of the Indians of the valley of Suya encountered before Chichilticale, "they have the same dress, language, cere monies, and customs and all else found up to the despoblado 21 /wilderness.7 of Chichilticale." Unlike the previous Sonorans the new people "live by hunting and in rancherias, without permanent settlements. Most of the region /the area from Chichilticale to Zun/7 is uninhabited. There are large 22 pine forests and pine nuts in abundance."- There has been a great deal of speculation as to just who these non-agricultural and nomadic peoples were. The consensus of opinion, however, has been that they were ■^"Traslado de las nuevas y noticias . . in Coleccic^n de Documentos Inbciitos, tomo XIX, pp. 529-530. 20 Juan de Jaramillo says: "We named this pass Chichilte-calli, for we heard from some Indians whom we met farther back that it was called by this name." Narrative of Juan de Jaramillo, in Coronado Narratives, p. 296. Also found in Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos. 21 Castanedas' History, in Coronado Narratives, p. 250. ^ Ibid. , p. 252 10 Apaches, and it is quite likely that they were members of 23 the Jocome group. There has also been considerable dis agreement as to the precise route taken by the Coronado expedition and it seems that this problem cannot be easily resolved as the accounts of the journey are rather indefin- 24 ite on the matter. It is known, nevertheless, that the nomadic people avoided the Spaniards after this initial contact, for the region between Chichilticale and Zuni was apparently thought by the explorers to be uninhabited (a despoblado). It is easy to assume that the natives, inspired by the rumors 25 from the south, merely remained hidden; and it seems quite possible that some of them went ahead to warn Zuni of the Spaniards' coming. At any rate, when Garcia Lopez 23 There are really only three possibilities involved. One is that the people in question were Apaches, another is that they were Jocomes, and a third that they were Yavapai; this is because these were the only semi-nomadic groups in the area in later times. The Yavapai are eliminated, how ever, because they were apparently late-comers to the area. ^It has usually been accepted that Coronado went ^p the valley of Sonora, in Sonora, and then followed the Rio San Pedro Valley in Arizona, to a point where he angled off for Zuni, that is, to the northeast. One scholar has, how ever, proposed that the expedition went farther to the west, to Casa Grande, Arizona, before turning east. This, however, seems very unlikely. 25 See Harrington, "Southern Peripheral Athapaskawan Origins, Divisions and Migrations," p. 522. The term despo- blado is ambiguous. For example, in 1680, Fray Francisco de Ayeta describes the area from El Paso north to New Mexico as a despobladp inhabited by Apaches. See Memorial of Fray Francisco de Ayeta, in A.G.I. (Archivo General de Indias), Guadalajara 139. 11 de Cardenas was sent ahead to explore the mountainous area with fifteen horsemen, he met four Indians and although signs of peace were at first made a skirmish followed. These In dians were probably Cibolans, although Apaches could have 2 6 been among them; but, whoever they were, they served to forewarn the Zuni that enemies were coming. When, on July 7, 1540, the army reached Hawikuh (the first Zuni pueblo), the Indians had already removed all of their women, children, and old people in preparation for the expected contest. It seems very possible, also, that the Zurfi had taken the pre caution of calling upon aid from neighboring peoples, includ ing the Apache, for Lopez de Candenas says that the Spaniards . . found all the Indians of Cibola and the people of 27 other places who had gathered to meet them with force." The Zuni and their allies were not strong enough to withstand the determined attack of Coronado's small, but well-armed and hungry army and after a respectable (but fruitless) defense, the Spaniards succeeded in occupying and despoiling the first of the many New Mexican pueblos 2 6 It is certainly possible that the Zuni and the Apache were on friendly terms in 1540, as there was, apparently, trade and contact between Zuni and Sonora, by way of Apacherjfa; and, likewise, in 1692 we read of Salinero Apaches who were allies of the Zuni. See Letter of Francis co Vasquez de Coronado, August 3, 1540, in Coronado Narra tives , p. 171. 2 7 s * j* Testimony of Garcia Lopez de Cardenas, in Coronado Narratives, p. 344; and Letter of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, August 3, 1540, in Coronado Narratives, p. 171. 12 fated for such an end. Their success was not a satisfying one, though, for no riches in gold and silver were found and Pray Marcos de Niza had to flee back to Mexico with the soldiers' curses following him. Coronado, however, did not give up hope of finding a rich kingdom to conquer and rumors of the provinces of Tusayan (the Hopi), Tiguex (the Rio Grande Valley), and Quivira were to keep his soldiers moving from place to place for several years. Soon after the subjugation of the Zuni (the other Cibolans fled from their pueblos and were unable 28 to offer serious resistance after the first battle), Coronado dispatched Pedro de Tovar, Pray Juan de Padilla, and some twenty soldiers to Tusayan. The Hopi were afraid, being well aware of the nature of these newcomers, and a battle resulted in which a pueblo was sacked and destroyed by the Christians. The Spaniards were able, subsequently, to obtain information on the Colorado River which led Coro nado to send Lopez de Cardenas to its banks, thus discover- 29 ing the Grand Canyon. The Spanish also turned their attention to the east and prompted by a visit paid them by Bigotes, a Cicuye PR y Letter of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, August 3, 1540, in Coronado Narratives, p. 174. ? Q Castarieda's History, in Coronado Narratives , pp. 214-215. The Espejo expedition of 1582-1583 saw the ruined Hopi pueblo. See George P. Hammond and Agapito Rey, Expedition into New Mexico made bv Antonio de Esne.io 1582-1583 (Los Angeles: The Quivira Society, 1929), p. 96. Hereinafter to be cited as the Relation of Espejo. 13 (Pecos pueblo) chief, Hernando de Alvarado, Fray Juan de Padilla, and soldiers were sent to explore the Bio Grande Valley area. They made contact with the hostile people of 30 Acuco pueblo (Acoma) and continued on to Tiguex and Pecos. In the latter place Alvarado purchased the Turk, a slave who was a native of the interior (probably having been sold to 31 the Puebloans by the Plains Apache}. The Turk was to play a very important part in the eventual failure of the Coronado adventure. While Alvarado was at Pecos, lopez de Cam-denas and another party of soldiers went to the Tiguex a-rea and set up permanent headquarters for the Spanish army of occupa tion. In doing, so they forced the Indians to abandon a pueblo with the Americans losing, in the process, all of ^2 their belongings but their persons and clothing." This was to cause, quite naturally, a great deal of animosity towards the Spaniards, but Coronado's large army had to be housed and fed (the main army had now reached Cibola and all moved subsequently to Tiguex). As conquerors, the Spanish considered that they had every right to take what they pleased and, in fact, Coronado "... was empowered 5°Ibid., pp. 217-218. 71 The Plains Apache maintained a lively traffic in slaves of other plains tribes, notably of the Quivira, with the Pecos in later times. 32 Castaneda's History, in Coronado Karratives, pp. 219-220. 14 to allot the pueblos and repartimientos (allotments of Indians for tribute-paying purposes) among the conquerors who went with him ..." Unfortunately, during this period when all of the pueblo peoples of Mew Mexico were surely animated with fear and excitement, next to nothing is known about the Athapaskans of the area. The narratives of the Coronado expedition fail to reveal"anything about them, with the exception of those living between Sonora and Zuni (the Chichilticale nomads) and the Apaches of the plains to the east of Pecos. However, archaeological investigations in the region of Governador, Mew Mexico (west of the Rio Grande Valley, in the northern part of the state) reveal that the hogan-building Havaho Apache (now known simply as the Navaho) were in that area as early as 1*300. ' Thus they most certainly were aware of the Spanish invasion of Mew Mexico and their ideas of the Spaniards were being formed. Therefore, it is essential that one understands the character of the Spanish occupation of the Pueblo region in order to understand the later Apache animosity towards the Sons of Cortes. Assuredly the ideas acquired about the Spaniards were 33 f Ooregon1s History, p. 13. gA Edwr ard Twitchell Hall, Jr., "Recent Clues to Atha pascan Pre-history in the Southwest," p. 100. The tree-ring dates range from 1491 + x to 1541 - twenty as well as from 1656 to later times. 15 not favorable to the formation of a high opinion of the letter's morality or justice. Prom the very first, the forces of Coronado revealed themselves as wealth-hungry bandits and not as conquerors who had come to establish a permanent kingdom. Por instance, when the Turk informed Coronado that the Pecos Indians had some gold bracelets which had formerly been his, Alvarado was sent to Cicuye to get the gold, by fair means or foul. The chief, Bigotes, was enticed into Alvarado1s'tent, placed in chains, and held as a prisoner for more than six months. The Pecos were made hostile by this high-handed act and their ani mosity was to cause the conquerors considerable difficulty in the future.^ Furthermore, difficulties ensued almost immediately between the invaders and the Indians of Tiguex, the latter certainly resenting the occupation of their pueblos by the intolerant, brazen, and woman-less Spaniards. Ay the time that the main army reached Tiguex, ir: December, 1540, Coro- 56 nado had already burned a pueblo. A full-scale war soon brcke out as a result of a number of factors. First of all, the natives were alarmed ny the seizure of the Pecos chief, Bigotes. Secondly, Coronado asked for 500 or more pieces of clothing, his method being to send soldiers unexpectedly to visit the twelve Tiguex pueblos and "... there was ^5 / ■ - * Castaneda's History, in Coronado narratives, p. 221. , pp. 222-225 • 16 nothing the natives could do except take off their own 17 cloaks and hand them over . . . . Thirdly, a Spaniard went to a pueblo and had an Indian hold his horse. While the latter was holding the animal, the Spaniard "... rav- ished or had attempted to ravish his /the Indian's,/ wife." The Tiguex people, justifiably outraged at such immorality and injustice, revolted, capturing a large number of Spanish horses and killing them in a palisaded area. A fierce battle ensued as the Spaniards under Lopez de Cardenas attempted to storm the pueblo several times. Finally, after smudge-pots had been set aflame in the build ings, some two hundred Indians offered to surrender to Pablo de Kelgosa and Liege Lo'pez. Their offer was accepted and they were usnered to the tent of Lo'pez de Cardenas, who later affirmed that he ha&n't known of the peace agreement, although that seems nardly likely. Coronado had given / orders that no one was to be taken alive and so Lopez de Cardenas ordered ". . . that 200 stakes be driven into the ground to burn tnem alive." - After trie burning had started, one hundred Indians who were still ir. a tent grabbed what was at hand and began to fight, however, "... none escaped alive except a few who had. remained concealed in the pueblo 19 . . . . Thus hundreds of Americans died because they ^ Ibid. , p. 224 ^ Ibid. , pp. 224-225 ^CastarTeda' s Hist cry, in Coronado Narratives , p. 225. 17 objected to oppression ana the raping of a woman, but Span ish authority had been questioned and they had to pay for that crime. The Pueblo Indians were not to be defeated in one battle, and the war continued. Several months of snow halted combat for a time and the Spaniards entertained ideas of making a peace with one of the rebel pueblos. Lopez de Cardenas was sent to Tiguex, but three Indians attempted to kill him and he was only saved by the prox imity of his thirty soldiers. The 'possibility of an easy pacification then failed as tne people of several pueblos fled to the mountains. At Tiguex Lopez de Cardenas suc ceeded in drawing out some of the people and cut a few down, but he foiled to defeat them. In fact, a siege began which was to last for almost two months and as a result of which four or five Spaniards were to ais and one hundred were to be wounded. On tne other hand, most or all of the 4*0 Americans were killed in tne defense of tneir pueblo. The 3panisn continued tneir offensive against several other pueblos, including one called Arenal, and the Indians continued to flee to the country. The invaders "... pur sued and killed many of them."4’ * ' by the early spring of 1941 much of the major warfare was completed and some of the Keres pueblos, such as Chiu (Zia} ’ were forced to submit. 40Ibid.. pp. 2 27-229 4^Cas tarfeda' s r.istory, in Coronado Narratives , p. 229- 18 "However, the twelve pueblos of Tiguex were never resettled as long as the army remained in that region no matter what 42 assurances were given them." In spite of months of war fare the powerful and large 3parish army had really failed to conquer the Pueblo Indians of the Rio Grande Valley. The Americans had simply taken up residence in the mountainous areas as they were to do in subsequent years when under Spanish attack. 'We can well imagine what an impact this must have had upon their neighbors, the Apache, with refu gees probably coming to live with the Athapaskans, especially 43 with the Kavaho. Certainly they must nave heard some fierce descriptions of Hispanic cruelty! In the meantime, Coronado hod teen listening to the tales of rich kingdoms to tne east from Indians who were anxicus, it seems, to entice the Spaniards into leaving Tiguex. He learned, among other things, of the provinces of Axa and Quivira ^also spelled Quibira} and of a king named Tatarrax,^ Anxious to be off, Coronado and a good part of his army left Tiguex on April 23, 1341, just as soon as trie Indians of that area had been rendered, rela- 43 tively impotent as enemies. He took the Pecos chief, ^ Ibid., pp. 230-234. 43 There is evidence of refugee Pueblo influence upon the Kavaho Apache. ^Villagutierre y Sotomayor, b.li. 2822. 4 - S / Letter of Francisco Vasquez de Coronado, October 20, 1341, in Coronado narratives, p. 186. 19 Bigotes, with him to the latter'a pueblo of Cicuye and there acquired a native of Quivira, Xabe, as a slave. He, along with the Turk, another Quiviran named bopete, and other Indians were to serve as guides for the expedition to the plains . ^ For over two months the army of Coronado was to wander across the plains of eastern Few Nexico, tne Texas Panhandle, Oklahoma, and, according to some authorities, Kansas. During this time they experienced the difficulty of traveling in a land with few outstanding landmarks and they were almost completely dependent upon their guides, at least one of whom was trying to lead, the Spanish astray. After traveling some seventeen days (another source indi cates fourteen days and another fewer still;-, the adven turers came upon a rancheria of Querechos, Apache Indians who followed the buffalo.^ Coronado was much impressed by the skin tipis of the plainsmen and also remarked that "these people nave the best physique of any I have seen in 48 the Indies. Their tents are in the shape of pavilons. They set them up by means of poles which they'' carry for the purpose. After driving them in the ground they tie ^Castaneda's History, in Coronado Karratives, pp. 299 and 297. ^See Ibid., p. 295, Letter of Coronado, October 20, 1541, in Coronado Narratives, p. 186, and Narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado Narratives, p. 300. ^Letter of Coronado, October 20, 1541, in Coronado Narratives. p. 186 20 them together at the top. When they move from place to place they carry them by means of dogs, of which they have many. They load the dogs with their tents, poles, and other things . . . .49 Thus in 1541 Europeans met more or less typical Plains Indians for the first time. For several days the army remained in the land of the Ouerechos ana then, after two to five days more, they ^ 0 came upon a group of Indians haunting buffalo."’ These Indians were spoken of as the Teyas and, according to the Spanish testimony, were enemies of the .^uerechos. Never theless, because of tneir geographical location and way of life they seem also to have been Apaches. In fact, they pro bably were either the Li par. or Jumano Apache of later c ' 1 times or a group closely related to them."’ Their mode of living was the same as the previous group and they, like 52 the hierechos, painted their bodies and faces. An old blind Indian among them remembered having seen four ether 4 a / Relacion del Suceso, in Coronado farratives, p. 293. Tne Reia.cio'n del ouceso is also printed in Coleccidh de Documentos Ined itos, torso XIV. 50 Jaramillo disagrees and indicates tnat it was twenty or thirty days from the Querechos to the Teyas. See narra tive of Jaramillo, in Coronado Farmtives, p. 301. 51 There is evidence that the Lipan Apacne, or a branch of them called the Pelones, were hostile to the other plains Apache prior to 1700. J. P. Harrington asserts that "Teya” was a Pecos name for the eastern Apacr.e. dee Harrington, o_p. cit. , p. 512. 52 Letter of Coronado, October 20, 1541, in Coronado Narratives, - p. .186, and Relacion del Suceso, in Coronadc Narratives, p. 292. 21 Spaniards closer to Kew Spain (that is, to the south) and the Coronadc party inferred that this was a reference to Cabeza de Vaca.'s journey.''^ The Teyas had a large pile of buffalo-hides near their rancheria and these were appro priated by the Spanish, in spite of the protests of the 5 A natives. Probably because of the large numbers of the invaders the Teyas refrained from open hostility. This rancheria' of Plains Indians was located one day west of "... an arroyo flowing between some barrancas /cliffs.7 in which there were goca meadows Coronado led his army to this gorge or ravine and a large rancheria. of Teyas was found in the bottom of it. The availability of water and feed for the livestock ana also other pressing needs led the Conqueror of the Pin ins to camp there with his army for several days in tne 1st ter part of hay, 1541. iiany persons hoping to be able t-c trace the route taken by the Coronado army nave attempted to locate this canyon of the plains: and it has usually been equated with the now-famous Palo Duro Canyon of the Red River, located near Amarillo ir; the Panhandle of Texas. However, there are several other arroyos ". . . flowing between some 55 Narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado Narratives, p. 501. 54 Castaneda’s History, in Coronado Narratives, p. 237. 55 Narrative of Jaramillo. in Coronado Narratives, p. 302. 22 barrancas . . ."in that area and it is impossible to say more than that Palo Dure Canyon is one of the more likely contenders for the place where Coronado had.to mane deci- r r q sions on the future course to be taken by his expedition.^ Such decisions had to be made because troubles had arisen, for the army was short on supplies and no maize had been acquired since leaving Pecos (all sources agree that neither the Quereehos nor the Teyas grew maize,;. The major problem faced by the army, however, was how to find Quivira since their guides c o u l d not be relied upon. Juan de Jaramillo asserted, for example, that the Turk . . had guided us away frcm the route we were to follow, arid hoc led us ever the plains as r.e did in order 1 ■ ' 7 that we would exhaust our food."" Likewise, the Teyas ". . . did not corroborate tne information that the Span iards had heard before, to the effect tea t Quivira was to the north," and they said that a good route could not be found. w Thus the Spaniards were placed in a serious dilemma, and apparently, it was decided to depend upon dopete and some Teyas Indians as guides from this point on. ^Although the Palo Lure Canyon guides show you the exact spot where Coronado first came upon the gorge, and a Coronado Lodge is now located nearby. ^ Narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronad o .Nam tlves , p. 301. 38 ^ Castaneda’s History, in Coronado Narratives, p. 239. 23 A .junta (council) was held to discuss the problem and it was decided that Coronado should take thirty picked men and proceed on to Quivira, while the balance of the army returned to lew Mexico. It isn't exactly clear, how ever, where this separation took place. One source (Jara millo) indicates that they parted at the barranca referred 5 9 r- to above. On the other hand, Castaneda says tnat Coronado sent out exploring parties from tnat place and, four days away, they discovered other' r&richerias. lie says further1: This was densely populated country. It produced abundant frijcles, plums like those cf Castile, and wild grapes. These pueblos of rancherias extended for a three days' .journey. It was called Cona. Prcra this place a few Teyas, for so these people were called, accompanied tne army. They traveled witn their packs of dogs, their women and children, to the last of the rancherias, where they furnished guides to proceed beyond. ^ Thus, continues Castaneda, the army reached ". . . tne last barranca . . which was a league from bank to bank with a small river at the bottom. Here the army rested before separating and the Spaniards had an opportunity to observe the Plains Apache closely. These natives are intelligent people. The women are well treated, and through modesty they cover their whole body. They wear shoes and buckskins of dressed skins. Tne women wear blankets over their short underskirts, all of skins, with sleeves1 tied at the shoulders. They wear a sort of short tunic over their underskirts, with small fringes 59 narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado Narratives, p. 302 . ^CastarTeda1 s History, in Coronado narratives, pp. 23B-239. 24 61 reaching to the middle of the thigh. From this barranca Coronado led his thirty men on to the north or to the east, depending upon which source one utilizes. The journey began inauspieiously as the Teyas guides ran away and the country wore an unwelcome aspect. Coronado himself records that they rnet with few arrcyos or rivers, had a lack of wood and had tc burn cow dung, had to go without water often, and for forty-two 6 ? days they lived on nothing but buffalo steaks. " Jaramillo contradicts part of the above by asserting that tney were never lacking water and positively states that they went always to the north, that is, until reaching the River of Taints Deter and Raul some thirty days of travel from the 6 ' 3 barranca of the Teyas. This river has oeen identified oy many scholars as tne Arkansas River of modern times, this supposition being generally supported by the other sources which tend to place buivira to the north' cf hew kexicc by several degrees. loose scholars wno have attempted to restrict Coronado's activity merely to the 6 4 dtate of Texas do so with little foundation, it seems. ^ Ibid., p. 2 39- £ 7 Letter of Coronado, October 20, 1941, in Coronado narratives, p. 187. r *z . narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado Karralives, pp. 302-303. 64 For the opposite point of view see David Doncghue, "The Route of the Coronado, expedition in Texas," New kexico 25 The guide Sopete recognized the river of Saints Peter and Paul as being that of Quivira and said the vil lages were downstream. The army then crossed the river and followed its north bank, turning their route to the northeast. After traveling for three days down the hiver, Coronado met a group of warriors who were out hunting buffalo tc supply their village wnich was about three or four days farther downstream. The Indians started to flee, but tney were quieted as bopete called to thorn in their own language. At this point Coronado dispatched a letter tc the province of Arahe or Harahey. which was said to be fartn-r off, probably to the north.. He hoped to locate survivors of the ihirvaez expedition or other' Jj Christians: no waver, the letter' was returnee, unanswered."' The adventurers toon visited tne firs t six or seven villages cf ^.uivira located on some smell out good arroyos whieu flowed into the hiver of faints Peter and Paul. There were evidently two such arroyos witn an uninhabited area between thorn. The Spaniards spent several days trav ersing this area, going eventually to tne remotest part Historical heview, v. 14, no. 1, 1929; the Coronado Expedition in Texas," in the iJouthwestern Historical quarterly, v. 17, no. 5, 1929- 65 .Narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado i.arrutives. p » J ' J J . iliamutierre y dotomaycr, H. 26 of ^uivira which was expressed to them by the word "teuca- 67 r rea." The "Relacion del Suceso" says, on the other hand, that "Taraque" was another pueblo which apparently, the , , 68 opaniaras aia not reacn. The wealth which tne army had expected to find did not materialize, of course, and Coronado's followers were very angry at the Turk who nad deceived them. Tne result was that this brave Indian, for whom tne present-day Pueblo Indians should probably erect a statue, was garroted. he was said tc have confessed that the Pecos Indians had persuaded him tc get .tne 8poniards lost. Furthermore, he was accused of persuading tne ^uivirn natives into with holding maize from, the troops, of planning a revolt, and 6 b of trying to get the .Quivirans tc attacx the army. ' ' 67 Larrative of Jaram11io, in Ccronadc harru tives, p. 604. This remotest part of Quivira, ceiled "teuearea," seems to bo identical with the nation of the "Touacara" found on the lower Canadian kiver oy La Harpe in 1719. These Touacara were associated with the Toayas {Vawehash; and Is canis ana were apparently the Tawakcni. This, of course, is .good evi dence to support the thesis that tne i.uivirans were Caddoan- speaking people of the >.ichita-Tawenash division. On the other hand, it presents a problem in that if Coronado met the Teuearea in Kansas, on the Arkansas kiver, then they must have migrated southward into central Oklahoma between 154? and 1719- This is possible since it is known that the Osage were always pressing upon the Caddoans from the east. See Herbert k. bolton, Athanase de Xezieres and the Louisiana-Texas .Frontier, 1768-80 (Cleveland: Arthur Clark Company, 1914), v. I., p. 46. k°Relacion del Suceso, in - Coronado narratives, p. 29?. ^Testimony of Coronado, September 5, 1944, in Coro nado narratives, p. 236: Castaneda's Histcry, in Coronado Xarrat.ives, p. 241; and harrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado harratives, p. 304. 27 The province of Ouivira, governed by chief Tatarrax, whom Coronado met, has often been located in the neighbor hood of Wichita, Kansas. This is probably another attempt at too precise an identification considering the vagueness of the documentary evidence. The ^uivira Indians have been equated witn the historic Wichita tribe primarily on the basis of a cultural resemblance between the maize-growing, straw-house using o.uivirans of Coronado and the later Wichita. However, this again seems to ue an oversimplifi cation and it is more likely tnat tne province of Ouivira included much more tnan one trice, for, as Coronado says, there were twenty-five villages, each witn its own langu- 70 age. On the basis of all tr.e evidence at hand, puivira, it seems, must be equated with the whole group of Caddoan- speaking natives located to the north of the Caddo ana to the south of the Pawnee and including the Tawehash, Tawa- kcni, Iscani, Kichai, and several other groups as well as the Wichita.^ After Coronado ana his squad of picked men nod departed for kuivira, the remainder of the army had returned to hew Mexico guided by some feyas Indians who were familiar with the country. The result was that whereas it had taken 70 Letter of Coronado, October 20, l^l, in Coronado Narratives, p. 180. 71 There is some doubt that the Wichita existed as a tribe at an early date. They may be simply the "modern" version of the Tawehash and others. 28 them thirty-seven days to reach the barrancas, it now took them only twenty-five on tne return journey because they 72 were using a . more direct route. They reached the Pecos River about thirty leagues below their former crossing-place, which may indicate that the barrancas, and the lands of the Teyas, were farther to the south than has heretofore been thought: for if it was quicker to go from the barrancas to Pecos Pueblo by way of a point thirty leagues (some seventy- five miles) farther south on the Pecos River, then it follows that the lands of the Teyas lay in a more or less southern or south-easterly direction from Pecos. Palo Eure Canyon, on the other hand, lies to the east of that pueblo. It seems quite likely, for this reason, that the barrancas of Coronado were actually the canyons of the Brazos hiver near present-day Lubbock, Texas'. The Teyas guides informed the oponiards that tne Pecos River flowed for a distance of twenty days of travel to where it joined the liguex (hio Lrande), then the com- 73 bined streams flowed towards the east again. This, of course, indicates considerable knowledge of southern regions by the Teyas as does also the fact that the old Indian among them had seen what was probably the Cabeza de Vaca party a few years before. 72 ^ Castaneda's history, in Coronado Narratives, p. 242. 75Ibid., p. 243. 29 Meanwhile, the corps of soldiers led by Coronado had seen enough of Auivira and early in August, 1541, determined to return to hew Mexico. Five or six quivirans guided them back over the same route we had come as far as the point where I have said we came upon the Saints Peter and Paul hiver. Here they abandoned our previous route and, tak ing off to the right /that is, in a more or less west erly direction/, they led us by watering places and among the cattle /buffaloJ and over good road .... Finally we came to the region, and recognized it. where, as, I said at the beginning, we haa found the rancheria /of the -,;uerechos/ where the Turk took us away from the route we should have f o l l o w e d . ^4 This more direct route was said to have taken only two hun dred leagues in place of the three hundred and fifty leagues traveled on the way to -pa ivira . {' The returning army of Coronado, fatigued oy this tremendous journey, probably hoped to oe .able to relax upon reaching Tew Mexico: but, on the contrary, they found the natives still hostile and war continuing. At Pecos they were met by Tristan oe Lunay Arellano who cculd report that since July of that year he had forced the people of Yuuue- Yuque to abandon two pueblos, that the Americans' provisions had been acquired, ana that the people of Pecos were hostile. In fact, :.e nad fought a four-day battle with the latter ' - j ^ Indians, killing two prominent natives on the first day. f y j Narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado Narratives, pp. 505-506. 7 S / Reiacion del. ouceso, i ' r . Coronado Narratives , p. 292. 7 f i Castaneda's History, in Coronado Narratives, pp. 244-245- 30 While Coronado hed been on the buffalo plains, between July and August, 1541, a party of Spaniards had left Tiguex ana marched about eighty leagues down the Rio Grande, visiting what were probably the Piro pueblos. Then they traveled until they found that the river disappeared under ground and learned from the natives that it reappeared as a 77 large stream later on. These Spaniards probably were near the region of present-day hi Paso in the territory of Atha- paskans (Apaches or Manses;. In later years, it was noted 7 b that the uio Grande flowed underground above hi Paso. The dawn of the year 1547 found tne army of Coronado still in the north and without having located any gold and silver. The Indians of Tiguex and Pecos were still hostile, as undoubtedly were all the rest, ana the Spaniards were unable tc reduce them to submission. If, from the first, ail of the resources of the expedition had been applied tc the end of establishing a firm hold in new Mexico, that area would have probably been tied securely tc the Spanish Empire. However, the strength cf the enterprise nad been dissipated in idle marches and the cruel, high-handed policy of ban ditry had alienated the Americans. This coupled with the ^ Ibid . , p. 245 . ^In 1752 the Rio Grande dried up thirty leagues above El Paso and re-emerged twenty leagues below that settlement. The intervening fifty leagues were dry. See Eleanor S. Adams, "Bishop Taraaron1s Visitation of lew Mexico, 1760" in the New Mexico historical Review. v. 2c. no. 3, 1953, p. 195. 31 infirmity of Coronado, was enough to condemn the expedition to failure and to .lead to the decision of returning to New Spain. By April, 1542, tne army was ready to abandon New Mexico. Nevertheless, not all of those who had come with Coronado were willing tc leave. Tne documents indicate that a number of Mexican and Tarascan Indians (probably along with some from Sinaloa; • ana several negroes remained among the Pueblo Indians. These Americans and Africans, wise to the ways of the Spaniards, undoubtedly helped the New Mexi cans catch up on Mexican nistory from Carte’ s tc Guzman. (it appears also that a Taras can named Andres remained among ,79 the i^uivira.) Several priests also aeciaea to remain in the new lands, although probably for different motives than the Indians. A Pray luis went to the pueblo of Pecos, taking with him a slave named Cristobal: and Fray Juan de Padilla, Pray Juan de la Cruz, accompanied by the Quivira guides, a Portuguese named Andres del Campo, a mestizo, and a Negro, returned to Quivira. According to tne known evi dence, both the latter' priests were killed, enroute or in Quivira, but del Gampo and seme of tne others escaped and reached Panuco after what must nave been a very difficult journey. The fate of Pray Lujfs is not known: however, it is to be assumed that he was killed by the justifiably anti- 79 Narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado Narratives, p. 506. 32 C< • • t J ■ 80 Spanish lecos Indians. The exit of the Coronado army from New Mexico, Ari zona, and Conora was an inglorious one for tne retreating Spaniards. The march from Tiguex is not described but from Cibola it is: . . for two or three days the natives /the Zuni apparently/ never ceased to follow the rear guard of the army to pick up any baggage or Indian servants . . . 31 they rejoiced at keeping some of our people.'1' ' ' ' The despo- blaao between Cibola and Chicnilticale was otherwise passed v/ithout incident, but at the .Latter place the retreating conquerors were met by Juan Gallego who had new troops and supplies. lie had cad news, though, to the effect that the natives of 3 on ora (probably the Cpata; nad revolted anc. destroyed the Spanish supply-stat ion ar.d settlement of Can Geronimo de Corazones. There had been dissensions among the Spaniards there and after the commander, Melchior Difaz, had left to explore the area of the Colorado hiver, a group of soldiers had deserted to Culiacan. The remainder dis honored the Indian women, a frequent Spanish crime, imposed 'a too-heavy tribute, and were otherwise cruel with the result that the already hostile Indians destroyed the F<0 Narrative of Jaramillo, in Coronado Narratives, p. 307; Zarate Geronimo de Galmeron, "kelaciones de todas las cosas, que en el nuevo Mexico se han visto . . . Virreinato de Mexico, tomo I, M.N. (Museo Naval de Madrid) 367; Casta'neda's history, in Coronado Narratives, pp. 262 and 270. O “ I CastarTeda1s history, in Coronado Narratives, p. 272. 33 soldiers and left nothing to be found by later expeditions but several mestizo children.^ Juan Gallego had found the Sonorans still in revolt and had had daily skirmishes with the Indians, perhaps as far north as Chichilticale. (Thus Apaches or becomes may have been involved.) This Spanish officer apparently had led ruthless reprisals against the rebels, destroying several villages without warning ana engendering so much hate tnat Coronado's retreating army had to fight its' way to the valley of Ocrazones. From there the Conquerors of tne forth continued their retreat tc New Spain and reached / S3 Culiacan by June, 1542. The Coronado expedition was, from the point of view of Spain, a definite failure. The stubborn defense of the independence-loving Pueolc Indians, tne revolt of the oppressed Sonorans, and the vast distances involved nad combined to defeat the purposes of the Spaniards. This defeat, coupled with the Kixton 'bar in New Spain itself, made 1542 a year of setbacks for the Spanish bmpire. For the Americans to the north, however, it was, undoubtedly, a year of rejoicing. They were now free, but for how long? The Pueblo Indians must have wondered if the Spaniards would someday return and very likely some preparations were made ^ Qbregon 1 s History, pp. 152-163, 168. ®^Cas tafTeda ' s History, in Coronado Narratives . pp. 272-275, 277-278. 34 for future defense. Certainly, the minds of the Indians were steeled against the Europeans both from the memory of., the Spanish invasion and from the stories probably circu lated by the Mexicans, T'arascans, and Negroes who nad remained among them. The Athapaskans must have been almost as much affect ed by anti-Spanish feelings as 'were the Pueblo tribes, for without a doubt there was a great deal of contact between the two peoples. The documents connected with the Coronado expedition, while saying little.tc nothing about the Western and Navaho Apaches, give us a considerable amount of infor mation on the plains groups, the guerechos, and the Teyas and on their relations witn non-Athapaskans. a It has often been assumed that the Apache were basi cally predatory Indians prone tc raia their neighbors and, in general, a bad group of tribesmen. In particular, students of Jfueolo Indian history, noting the almost con tinuous warfare between the Apacnes and the settled people of New Mexico after 1700, have assumed a prehistoric origin for Apache raiding. In part, at least, the Coronado docu ments (and later ones) do reveal warfare between Pueblo peoples and Athapaskans prior tc 199& (the date of the first successful Spanish entrance into New Mexico), however, they also reveal that there was considerable commerce and friend ly contacts between the two peoples. As a matter of fact, there is no evidence that any Athapaskans were at war with 35 any Pueblo groups in 1540-1542. For example, Castaneda says, The Teyas whom the army met, although they were brave, were known by the people of the towns as their friends. The Teyas often go to the latter's pueblos to spend the winter, finding shelter under the eaves, as the inhab itants do not dare to allow them inside. Evidently they do not trust them, although they accept them as friends and have dealings with them.y4 doth the Querechos and the Teyas carried on a lively trade with the Pueblo Indians, the trade being mostly in. buffalo and deerskins, meat (pemmican), maize, and blankets. "The cattle and deerskins that they do not need, and the meat dried in the sun, they trade for maize and blankets to — -r 85 the natives at the river /of Tiguex/." These Apaches impressed the Spaniards very favorably. Casta'neda says, "They are gentle people . . . and are faithful in their friendship." What would a Spanish lew kexican of 1800 have said to this? One can only imagine 1 There is some evidence that the peaceful relations existing between the Teyas and the Pueblo Indians was a fairly recent development in 1540, for a report says in reference to Tiguex: There are in this province seven other pueblos, uninhab ited and in ruins, belonging to the Indians who daub their eyes, and about whom the guides told your lord ship. They say that they border on the cattle, and that they have maize and straw houses. ^ R A Castaneda's history, in Coronado Narratives, p. 258 Relacion del Suceso, in Coronado Narratives, p. 293 D C Report on Journey of Hernando de Alvarado, 1541, in Coronado Narratives, p. 183. 36 The Indians ''who daub their eyes" seem to be the Teyas for 07 it was said that "... they decorate their eyes." On the other hand, the report is based upon second-hand information and may, therefore,be considered inaccurate in part. When traveling between Pecos and Quirix (the province of the Keres Indians near the Rio Grande), the Spaniards came upon a pueblo which was almost deserted and which seemed to have been destroyed recently. Farther on was another large pueblo, completely destroyed. All that we could find out about it was that some six teen years before /i.e., in the 1320' sj some people called Teyas had come in large numbers to that land and had destroyed their pueblos. They besieged Gicuye /Pecos7 but could not take it because it was strong. Before leaving the land they made friends with all.®® Thus it seems that the Teyas had, at the very least, a war with some of the Pueblos and then, perhaps still in the 1520's, peace was made. It is both surprising ana interesting that the Spanish accounts record more contacts between the Teyas and Pueblo people than between the Guerechos and Puebloans, especiall57 since the Guerechos' lands lay between Pecos and the bar rancas of the Teyas. Furthermore, the Guerechos and the Teyas were described as hostile to each other and this, of course, would have impeded the letter's passage to Few Mexico for trade and for war. However, it may be that the lands O ' “J Castaneda's History, in Coronado .Narratives, p. 258. 88Ibid., p. 257. 37- of the Teyas lay not to the east of the Querechos but to the south or southeast and could have, therefore, spread in an 89 arc with the western end nearer to the pueblos. The relations between the Athapaskans and the Cad- doans of Quivira seem to have been what they nearly always were in later centuries; hostile. Coronado says that the people of Quivira, the Teyas, and the Querechos "... all 90 are enemies of one another." There is little doubt but that the plains Apache sold captive Quivirans to the Pecos and other Pueblo Indians, for the Spaniards of Coronado were able to acquire a number of Quivira slaves in .New Mexico. Apache slaves, taken in battle by the Caddoans were probably sold to the east, as they were to be in later times. The relations of the Athapaskans of Chichilticale (Gila Apaches or Jocomes) with other peoples is never expressed explicitly by the Spanish documents; however, it seems that they were at peace with both the Zuni and the natives of Sonora, for Pray Marcos de Niza and Captain Melchior Diaz both found, in 1539? evidence of contact between Sonora and Cibola. This, of course, would not have 91 been the case if the Indians in between had been hostile. 89 This is another reason for holding that the barran cas of the Teyas were much farther south, in relation to Pecos, than Palo Duro Canyon. -^Letter of Coronado, October 20, 1541, in Coronado Narratives, p. 188. 91rphere is very good evidence to indicate that the Pima (both Gila and Sobaipuris) were friendly with the Apache prior to 1693 when the Spaniards separated them. 38 This is not to say, however, that relations in the area of Arizona had always been peaceful, for the Pima of the Gila Hiver, in 1697. cherished.a tradition to the effect that the Apache had been among the tribes responsible for the abandon ment of Casa Grande, a ruin near Coolidge. Archaeologists estimate its destruction at about the year 1400 which per haps suggests an improvement in the inter-tribal relations go of the area by 1539. There is considerable evidence that the semi-nomadic. Apache cannot be branded as the initiators of all the wars of New Mexico or as being the only war-like people in that area. Por example, the warriors of Acoma (a Peres pueblo) were described as " . . . robbers who were feared throughout the land." The people of Pecos were also to be feared for they "... pride themselves because no one has been able to subjugate them, while they dominate the pueblos they 94 wish." Thus the idea that every abandoned pueblo, or every shift of population in New Mexico, was due to the Apache may be looked upon with doubt. The "ftelacion del Suceso" says, The reason that these pue.blos /of tne Pueblo Indians/ are settled as they are /with an eye for defense/ is believed to be due . . . in part . . . to the war they •^Manje, Juan Mateo, "Breve N’oticia , . . B.K.H. 970. 93 / * * Castaneda's History, in Coronado Narratives, p. 218. -^Ibid . , pp. 256-257. 39 95 wage against each other. The failure of the well-armed and experienced Spanish army of Coronado to defeat the Pueblo Indians and the fact that it took the invaders long periods of time to capture besieged pueolos in spite of their possessing horses, the knowledge of European methods of attacking a fortification, and not having the burden of women and children to protect, certainly demonstrates tne fighting ability of the Pueblo Indians. Thus one may doubt that the Apaches, with only bows and arrows, could have done what Spaniards with steel weapons and gunpowder had great difficulty in accomplishing. It is actually rather difficult to accept the thesis that a band of Indians on foot, always faced with the obligation of protecting their own women, children, and possessions, could have taken the time, or had the strength, to besiege a well- defended pueblo. Certainly, they would nave had no means of quick retreat, being without horses, and any loss of the initiative would have been fatal. Thus the idea of.the Apache as an essentially preda tory race of Indians is probably best treated as a figment of the imagination; nevertheless, the Spaniards were to know them as relentless and fierce enemies for hundreds of years. 9 S / Relacion del Suceso, in Coronado Narratives, p. ?94. See Ralph Linton, "Nomad Raids and Fortified Pueblos,", in American Antiquit.y, v. X, no. 1, 1944, for a discussion of Athapaskan-Pueblo relations and relative effectiveness in war. CHAPTER II "MINES, MISSIONARIES AND MOUNTED INDIANS" The year 15^2 was a tremendously crucial one for "both the Spanish Empire and the native Americans of New Spain. The failure of the Coronado expedition and the savage Mixton War were full of discouragement for the Sons of Cortes, and, at least in part, encouragement for the race of Moctezuma. However, the Indians of Mexico were divided in the revolution of Jalisco. Many aided the Spaniards and their aid, in the end, determined the failure of the war for the rebels. The Mixton War was not entirely a defeat for the native race, for the Spaniards were forced to allow their Indian allies to use horses, and thus the mounted Indian appears. At first he served as an ally of the European, but soon he was to become a deadly enemy. Furthermore, a leader of the rebels, Tenamaxtle, escaped and his raids troubled the Spaniards of Guadalajara well into the 1550's Other refugees also continued the war, carrying hatred of the invaders to the north, and helping to build a bridge of historical causation between the Mixton War and the subsequent Chichimeco War.1 l-See Philip Wayne Powell, Soldiers, Indians and Silver (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1952) pp. 29-30, 159. 41 The Spanish Empire In New Spain might have retreated In 15^2, or, at best, Its further advance might have been seriously retarded but for another event which took place In the same year— an event with great consequences both for Spaniards and Indians. Rich mines were discovered in Zacatecas, the home of the semi-nomadic Zacateco Indians, and Europeans began to stream towards the north to reap the rewards of gold and silver. This new "Mining Frontier" was to bring the Spanish empire, within eighteen years, to the vicinity of the Athapaskans, and, within fifty-six years, to the occupation of New Mexico. The northward movement of the Spanish Empire in Mexico is a very important chapter in the history of the Apache Indians, for, after all, Hlspano-Apache relations are largely to dominate Southern Athapaskan affairs from 1600 to 1821; and the techniques of Indian relations estab lished by the empire from 15^2 to 1600 are to determine in large part the Spanish methods used with the Apache in subsequent years. The advance of the mining frontier into Zacatecas was not received with joy by the Chichimecos, the semi- nomadic and freedom-loving tribes of the central Mexican plateau. By 1550-1551 the Zacatecos, Guachichiles, Gua- mares, and Pames were at war with the invaders, and this bitter war was to continue in the same area until about 1600. The Indians proved themselves to be far from help 42 less and soon became accustomed to fighting Europeans. For example, in 1551 the Guamares raided an estancia (or ranch), stealing livestock; and in 1554 the Americans attacked a wagon train of sixty wagons, carrying off 3 0 ,0 0 0 pesos o worth of goods and mules to haul away the booty. Thus by the early 1550»s these Indians were making use of European livestock, and they probably were already riding horses. The significant thing about the Chichimeco War is that it was constantly extended to the north, for other Indians kept joining the contest, and, in spite of the risk involved, the Spaniards continuously extended their mining activity northward. Apparently by 1554 mines had been dis covered at Mazapil, near soon-to-be-founded Saltillo, and, thus, the Spaniards had leaped clear across the original area of Chichimeco land, for Saltillo was at the northern limits of the Guachichiles.^ In the same year of 1554 Francisco de Ibarra, finan ced by the wealth of Zacatecas, entered Durango and dis covered many very rich mines, such as Sombrerete and San 2Powell, op. cit.. pp. 29, 33* 6l. ^Charles Wilson Hackett, Historical Documents relat ing to New Mexico. Nueva Vizcava and Approaches Thereto, to 1773~TWasHington: Carnegie Institution Publication 33$, 1923-1927) v. 1, pp. 16-17. Hereinafter to be cited as Hackett, Historical Documents: and Joseph Arleguf, Chrcmica de la Provlncia de Zacatecas (Mexico: J. B. de Hogal, 1737) p. 225. Hackettfs dates may be about ten years too early. See Powell, ©g. cit.. p. 101. 43 Mart/n. By 1560 he, or his followers, had penetrated into Chihuahua and the mines of Santa Barbara, Indehe, and San Juan del B^o were producing revenue for the Crown of Spain. In 1563 Ibarra became governor of the new province of Nueva Vizcaya. The northward advance of the mining frontier was halted at Santa Barbara (near present-day Parral, Chihua hua) but Ibarra did not cease his activity, for by-passed areas were explored and the new provinces of Topia and Sinaloa were Invaded. Thus In less than twenty years Spanish soldier-miners had leaped across leagues and leagues of territory occupied by either hostile or soon- to-be hostile Indians. Virtually unknown country geograph ically, It was now tlerra de guerra— a land of war.^ Wherever Francisco de Ibarra’s miners went, blood shed soon followed. In fact, from 1560 to 1600 Nueva Vizcaya was in an almost continual state of war, as one tribe after another responded to the naked thrust of Spanish imperialism. Significantly for the Apache, some of the Indians involved were not very far away from Atha- paskan boundaries. For example, the area of Saltillo was aflame as the Guachichiles revolted time after time, and For accounts of the advance of the frontier see Relacion de Ibarra, In Colecclo'n de Document os Inedltos, tomo XIV, pp. 463-482; Obregdn*s History; Andres Pefrez de Bibas, Hlstorla de los Trlunphos de Nuestra Santa Fee; Vlllagutlerre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2&22; and John Lloyd Mecham, Francisco de Ibarra and Nueva Vizcaya (Durham: Duke Uni versity Press, 1927). 44 the Coahuilas to the north soon joined the war. The new colony of Leon and the mines of New Almaden (present day Monclova) were at first to the north of this area of war, but not for long as the Coahuila’s northern neighbors, some of whom may have been Athapaskans, became involved.^ On the frontier of Durango, Indehe, and Santa Barbara, the powerful Tepehuanes leagued themselves with an anti-Spanish conspiracy, and the northern Zacatecos spread sedition and carried on open war. To the north of the Rfo Nazas and Santa Barbara other wild, war-like, and fiercely independent peoples took up the song of war as the Spanish mines of Indehe and, perhaps, of Santa E^rbara were established within their territory. These were, from south to north, the Cabezas and Salineros, the Tobosos, Cocoyomes and Acoclames, and the Chlsos. The latter tribe ranged into the Big Bend country of Texas, and was, un doubtedly, in contact with the Apaches and, in particular, with the Jumano Apaches (often called Jumanos, Xumanes, and * ' Apaches Jumanes" by the Spaniards) who adjoined them on the north. It is impossible to say exactly when the Chisos themselves became Involved in the Nueva Vizcaya War, but their southern friends were in it by 1560, and it is ^See Arlegu^, 0£. cit. , p. 17; Report of Francisco de Urdlnola, March 4, 1587, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 28; Service of Francisco de Urdlnola, December 16, 1591» In A.G.I., Guadalajara 28. 45 known that some Chisos were at war with the Europeans by To the west of the above mentioned tribes lay another tier of Indian nations, including, from south to north, the Conchos, Cholomes, and Julimes (Patarabueys in early accounts). These Americans had hostilities with Spanish slave-raiders quite early, and war-like relations continued until at least 159^.^ This is particularly significant as the Julimes lived partly in Texas and were close friends and neighbors of the Jumano Apaches, so close that they were considered to be the same nation in g 15^2. Furthermore, there is a very real possibility that the Jumanos were actually involved in some skirmishes that occurred in the 1 5&0 *s. The impact of the Spanish frontier upon the Indian was not confined to warfare, however, for several important 143; He „ ___ecCion de Documentos Ineditos. tomo XIV, pp. 463-478; "Relaclon hecha por Joan de Miranda . . ." in Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos. tomo XVI, pp. 563-567. ^See Obregon’s History., pp. 273-317* George P. Hammond, and Agapito Rev. The Gallegos Relations of the Rodriguez Expedition to New Mexico (Albuquerque: Historical jSociety of New Mexico, 1927) p. 2*>3* hereinafter to be cited jas the Gallegos Relation: Herbert E. Bolton, Spanish Explor- j ation in the Southwest (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1 9 1 6) pp. 172-173* Hereinafter to be cited as Bolton, Span ish Exploration: and Hackett, Historical Documents, p. 3977 Documents, v. 2, pp. 141- g See Forbes, "Unknown Athapaskans" 46 cultural changes took place among the natives of Nueva Galicia (which now Included most of the old Chichimeco i t territory) and Nueva Vizcaya. For one, the Spanish needed j laborers to work in the mines and the estancias de labor | I (farms and ranches) which developed to supply the miners j with food. Mexicans, Tlaxcalans, and other conquered j Indians came north in large numbers, but local labor was needed as well. Since at first the semi-nomadic north erners were not inclined to such work and were hostile anyway, the slave-raiding system developed. It has been noted that slave-raids extended as far north as Texas (La Junta) to supply the mines of Santa Barbara, and in other areas slave-labor was in equal demand. The system seems to have reached a peak from 1575 to 1585 > and all its evils were In force. For example, by the 1580's it was such an important business that the soldiers started wars in order to get slaves. The latter were treated cruelly, and for punishment their hands and feet might be cut off.9 The slave-labor system seems to have been partially replaced by a more or less voluntary labor system, whereby natives were recruited to work in the estancias and were remunerated for their services. In this way Indians from as far away as southern Texas came to work In the area of Santa Barbara and Parral in Chihuahua. These northerners, 9Powell, oj^ cit., pp. 109-110, 184-186. 47 ' t j many of whom in later times were Athapaskan Jumanos, were, | of course, subject to all the cultural Influences of Span- ! i I ish frontier society, most of which were probably evil. | i Nevertheless, some useful things were undoubtedly learned, such as horseback riding (if not already known) and various j Hispanic crafts. Likewise items of European manufacture could be acquired and traded as far away as coastal Texas.10' The period of the Chichimeco War, the first Nueva Vizcaya War, and the mining frontier, 1550 to 1600, is particularly important for the appearance of the mounted Indian as a barrier to Spanish imperialism. The spread of horses and mules northward was extremely rapid during this period, and tribe after tribe acquired the use of them. It has been noted that in 155^ the Chlchlmecos raided a wagon train and used the captured mules to carry away the booty.11 In the early 1580*s and 1590*s the Tepehuanes and Zacatecos were causing a great deal of damage in Nueva Vizcaya (pres ent-day Durango) by stealing mules and horses.12 By 1580 most of the Americans of Nueva Galicia must have had horses, 10An important trade route was from Parral up the R^o Conchos to the Julimes, and then across Texas to the coast, it being carried on by the Jumano Apaches, For a secondary discussion of this trade see J. Charles Kelley, "Juan Sabeata and Diffusion in Texas" In the American Anthro pologist , v. 57, no. 5, 1955- 11Infra., p. 28. ^"Descripcion de la Villa de Nombre de Dios", May, 1608, B.N. 306^. 48 for it was reported of Captain Gabriel Ortiz Fuenmayor that " . . .since 1580 he has been working at this type of pacification, giving freely of his goods (great quan tities of food, clothing, horses, colts, and many other things) . . ."to the Guachichiles. It is to be under stood that the Spaniards would have never given horses to the Indians, unless the latter already had acquired the use of them, and had the possibility of getting them from a different source.13 Further evidence of the rapid spread of horses is to be seen in the fact that a 1582 report states that the Chichiraecos had more horses than their "proper owners" and that the Guachichiles were trading this stolen livestock for women and weapons in the tlerra adentro (i.e., to the north). In the southern range of Chichimeco territory there was a center for handling this livestock. "They have corrals and ride herd on thousands of cattle they have stolen. From here they herd cattle to the tlerra adentro and trade them to other rancherias for women and arms."^ In 1585 it was said that "... they (the Chichi- mecos) are no longer content to attack the highways on foot, but they have taken to stealing horses and fast mares •^See Powell, ojd. cit., pp. 205* 210. lifIbld., pp. 50, 175* 49 and learning to ride horseback . . .m1^ It was not alto- j gether necessary for the Americans to take their mounts In ; \ f \ ’ war, however, for Juan Suarez de Peralta reported In 1579 j that In New Spain "... there are today a very large j i number of horses and mares, so many that they go wild In i the country, without owner, which ones are called elm- ( j arrones." In fact, there were wild horses who lived for twenty years without having an owner.^ Needless to say, the horse was a very marketable commodity among the Indians, and, as cited above, the Chichlmecos soon were trading them to the north. The north Mexican tribes were active In acquiring animals on their own, however, for in the 1580’s the Indians of the Saltillo area revolted, killed a Spaniard and robbed many mules and horses.^-? The northernmost theft of horses occurred, though, in July, 1590. Gaspar Castano de Sosa had abandoned New Almaden (Monclova, Coahuila) in order to jtake the settlers from that place and conquer New Mexico. On the R^o de Nadadores they camped for a few days among ^powell, ££. cit., p. 50. •*-6juan Suarez de Peralta, "Notlcla Inecllta Sobre los Caballos en Nueva Espafta", In Revlsta de Indlas, Ano V, No. 15, Enero-Marzo 1944» P« 324. ^Services of Francisco de Urdlnola, Dec. 16, 1591* in A.G.I., Guadalajara 28. 50 Indians who proceeded to carry off their horses.1® This is not surprising for these Indians had been in contact with the Spanish for a number of years. On the other hand, it is significant for the Coahulla tribes were in contact with the Jumano Apaches and other Texas Indians. It seems almost certain that some horses did reach southeastern Texas dur ing the 1590*s for in neighboring Nuevo Leon the Americans revolted, stealing goats and horses and forcing the Span iards to retire to Saltillo.1^ As has been noted previously, the Indians to the north of Nueva Vizcaya, the Tobosos and their allies, were at war with the Spanish as early as 1560. It is not known when they began to capture livestock or learn to ride horses but by 1576 they had become so powerful that the rich mines of Indehe and San Buenaventura were abandoned, and Santa Barbara was impossible to work.20 Certainly Indians who were able to carry on such warfare had captured livestock and were mounted. In the 1590's campaigns were definitely made against the Tobosos because of their taking of livestock. This, of course, is extremely significant for a study of Southern Athapaskans, for the latter's close ^Memoria of Gaspar Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Documentos Indclltos, tomo IV, p. 284-. ^Alonso De Leon, Hlstorla de Nuevo Leon (Mexico: Bouret, 1909) pp- 95-98. ^°Powell, ojd. cit., p. 114. 51 proximity to the Tobosos would have soon acquainted them with the horse. In 15?^ a Spanish frontier soldier of the Nueva Vizcaya frontier reported, after making a number of campaigns, and by information /gotten/ from some of them /the Chlchimecos, perhaps Tobosos/ whom at times I have captured, I have received reliable /hews7 that, a hundred leagues inland to the north, there is a great population of natives who treat and trade with the said Chichimecas and encourage them and give them aid and assistance In order to commit the said Injur ies /on the Spaniards/. They barter profitably with hides and metals rich In silver {this is what the said Chichimecas use to decorate and paint their bodies) for the mules, horses, Christian Indians and slaves which they /the Chichimecajs7 steal In this way. It will be of much benefit to your royal service for that people to be discovered, conquered and brought under your royal service. They have the name O.uiblra.21 This document would seem to Indicate that the Indians of Texas were getting horses and mules as early as the 1570's, for, although the juivirans of above were probably not as far north as the Quivira of Coronado, they were certainly in, or bordering upon, Texas. The distance from Santa Barbara to La Junta (the Junction of the Rio Grande and R^o Conchos) was considered to be about eighty leagues, and thus it is quite possible that the Julimes were the group who were buying goods from the Chlchimecos. During the later historic period (l680's to 1760*s), there is a wealth of evidence showing that the Julimes and Jumano ^Second Petition of Melchior de Alva, 157^» in A.G.I., Indlferente 138^. 52 Apaches were intensive traders, and that the latter carried goods from La Junta to east Texas and the area to the imme- 22 diate south of Quivira. There is no known reason to suppose that this interest in trade was a late development. It is certain that by 1600 all of the Indians of Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya were acquainted with, and the owners of, horses. The numbers possessed by different groups might vary, but there is no doubt but that horses were among them. In fact, as early as 1608, it was said that none of the Indians of Durango (Tepehuanes for the most part) traveled on foot, as all possessed horses.2- ^ Between the years of 1595 and 1600 the original Chichimeco War was brought to a close, and from 1600 to 1604 a lull resulted in the Nueva Vizcaya fighting, and thus, the northward spread of the horse into the area of the United States may have slowed down. However, it seems very likely that there were by 1600 a number of horses as far north as southern Texas. Undoubtedly this was to be augmented in the subsequent years by peaceful trading, for the Spaniards now had no particular reason for trying to halt the spread of the horse. It was already a phenomenon beyond their control; by the 1620's there were herds of wild horses 22Infra., p. 47. 23 / ^"Descripcion de la Villa de Nombre de Dios", May, 1608,- B.N. 3064. 53 roaming northern Mexico.^ The fifty years preceding 1600 were significant ones for the Spaniard as well as for the Indian. The wars with the semi-nomadic tribes of the Mexican Plateau had forced the invaders to develop a new system of dealing with such peoples, and the experience gained was to be applied in relations with the Apache after 1600. The first policy of the Spanish frontier was, it seems, simply to subdue the natives by killing them, if necessary, or enslaving them when possible. However, the continued resistance of the Americans, and their increased effectiveness when mounted caused the Europeans to develop a more effective system. This approach first took a merely military form, as groups of soldiers were stationed in particularly important places (the presidio system) and campaigns were then made from these bases. The soldiers, though, were apparently of a low caliber and warfare was stimulated rather than elim inated. ^In 1628 a Spanish party reached the area of Santa Barbara, Chihuahua, and "... thirty mules ran away after the heards of wild mares, and, for all their careful search ing, 15 of them could not be found again. "True Report" of Fray Estevan de Perea, 1632, in Alonso de Benavides, Mem orial of 1634, tr. and ed. by F. W. Hodge and others, IXlbuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1945) pp. 210- 211. Hereinafter to be cited as Benavides, 1634. In 1621 the road from Saltillo to Zacatecas was so full of wild mares that they coujLdnrt be counted. Domingo Lazaro de Arregui, Descripcion de la Nueva Galicia (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1946) p. 129. ^Powell f op. cit., pp. 164, 186. 54 Finally, by the 1580*s, the Spaniards came to realize that military action was not enough. The Indians had to be pacified, they had to be brought to a genuine peace, not just defeated in a campaign. For this purpose the policy of bribing the natives to settle down was adopted, and this technique was continued by the Spaniards throughout the balance of their years in America. Once the Indians had been brought to peace, though, there was still a problem: How was it possible to keep' them con gregated and make them into ladlnos (that Is, to make hispanicized Indians, laborers, and- taxpayers of them)? For this purpose, as well as for genuine missionary zeal, the mission system was adopted on the northern frontier. The primary objective of the mission was to gather the semi-nomadic Indians into a "reduction,” a village or mission community, where the natives would be "reduced" to the Roman Catholic religion, taught how to build houses, taught agriculture, and forced to adopt Spanish-style clothing. They would learn the Spanish (or F.exican) language and their tribal heritage would be destroyed. After a period of such "brain-washing,” they were expected to emerge as useful subjects of the King of Spain, although, of course, still Indians, and still inferior to a Spaniard. Thus the primary purpose of the mission was a secular one, with the religious aspect probably secondary (except, per haps, to the priest involved). Since the Pope had given 55 the King of Spain almost complete control over the Catholic Church in the Americas, and since all tithes were collected by, and all expenses met by, the Crown, the mission was definitely a royal institution. There were priests on the northern frontier very early, but they apparently were primarily there to serve the Spanish-speaking communities. In 158^+ the Bishop of Guadalajara, claiming that the costs of the Indian wars were too great, proposed a new method. The wars not only cost money but furthermore, for each nation thus conquered, others nearby, seeing what Spaniards do and thus fearing them, become hostile and fight, and the process is endless. Instead he favored the mission system, and proposed several settlements along the northern frontier, including one at Indehe. Bach congregation was to have two or three Fran ciscan priests, up to eight soldier^ (to keep the Indians from running away or revolting), and Christianized Mexicans or Tlaxcalans to aid in the converting and teaching. Actually, the Jesiilts seem to have been the first order to begin work in the north, establishing missions in the 1590's among the Tepehuanes and Laguneros of Parras, how ever, Franciscans were starting converslones of Conchos 2^As early as 1581 Fray Agust^n Rodr/guez was preaching to the Toboso and Concho Indians near Santa Barbara. See Een£rvide_s, 163^-■> p* 51* 2?Powell, op. cit., p. 182. 56 pQ and Tobosos by l6o4. By this date the mission system had spread to New Mexico as well and plans had already been made to reduce the Apache. By the year of 1598, when Juan de Onate was marching north to invade the lands of the Pueblo and Apache Indians, the northern frontier of New Spain was some forty years old, and the course of Southern Athapaskan history from that time forward was in good part already determined by the events of the preceding years. The trend of Spanlsh-Indian rela tions in northern New Spain had been established, the mounted Indian had appeared, and the knowledge of the Span iard as a cruel and dangerous enemy had spread throughout the region.29 2^See Annua de 1598> B.M.P. 971; and Arlegu^, op. cit., p. 84. 29por a fuller discussion of the northward spread of the horse see Jack D. Forbes, "The Appearance of the Mounted Indian in Northern Mexico and the Southwest, to 1680" in the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, v. 15> no. 2, 1959* CHAI-TEK III 1 1 SLAVES, SILVER, ANL SOULS" Although the northern limits of the Spanish Empire in Mexico remained approximately the same from 1560 to 1596, a number of expeditions penetrated the regions far ther inland, making contact with Apaches and their neigh bors. The Europeans were attracted to those little-knowr. regions for a number of reasons. Two stand out in impor tance; the search for wealth and a desire for converts to the Roman Catholic faith. The Spaniards were net satisfied with the mines that they had already discovered in Mexico and they were constantly on the lookout for signs of min eral wealth beyond. Any rumors of rich ores were greeted with interest, and every unknown area was thought to have rich resources. Legends of wealthy kingdoms to the north constantly circulated and fabulous qulvire was always to be a lure for credulous Spaniards. There was another type of wealth to be secured in the north however, perhaps not as valuable as gold and silver but easier to find; for there were many Indians to be conquered. The practice of Indian slavery seems to have been very common on the northern frontier, even though It was supposed to apply only to enemies captured in war; but then, after all, it was easy to begin a war, and who could 58 tell whether an expedition was a campaign or a raid for slaves" In form and results they differed tut little from each other. On the other hand it was not necessary to take slaves in order to profit from Indian conquests. One might be granted a village or pueblo of natives as a repartlmlentc or encomienda and live an easy life on the tribute of the conquered. One of the greatest of the Indian-conquerors of New Spain was Francisco de Ibarra, the first governor of Nueva Vizcaya. In 1565 he determined upon a journey into the unknown northern regions, apparently, with the view of discovering the area of New Mexico.'5 ' The expedition was organized in the newly-subdued province of Sinaloa. It was to consist of 60 soldiers, 306 pack and saddle horses, 12 or 13 Indian male and female servants, and 2 very impor tant interpreters. The first of the latter was Diego de Sobersnes, Ibarra's page, who could speak the dialect of Sinaloa (that is, Cahlta, the language of the Yaqui, Kayo, and Sinaloa peoples). The other Interpreter was an Indian woman, Luisa, of the Sinaloa village of Ocoroni. She knew the Mexican language (Nahuatl) . . and three other languages of those provinces . . .'‘ to which they ^The date is not absolutely certain. See Kecham, Francisco de Ibarra and Nueva Vl-zcaya, pp. 162-150for a general discussion of the journey. p / Obregon's H1story, pp. 86, 152. 59 were going. Apparently, Luisa had escaped from or had been left behind in Sonora by the Coronado expedition and she was said to be a native of Culiac/n. Her linguistic knowledge included the ability to speak in all the lan guages from Ocoroni to the valleys of Senora and Corazones in Sonora, thus encompassing the Cahita, Pima, and Opata- Jova languages.^ The Spanish members of the expedition included Francisco de Caravajal, who had been in New Mexico with Coronado, and Baltasar de Obregon, the chronicler of the enterprise The adventurers traveled north along the valley of the Rio Yaqui, passing through the lands of the Yaqui and the Pima, or as Obrego'n calls them, the Caytas or Caitas and the Pima Aytos or Pimahitos.^ The natives were sup posedly very astonished at the sight of horses and Negroes, having not seen such things, apparently, for more than twenty years.^ The Indians of the Corazones Valley still cherished the memory of their victory over the Spaniards in 1542, and they were generally hostile in 1565. The towns of Guaraspi and Cumupa were passed and the little ^Ibid.. p. 213; and Coronado Narratives, p. 96. Caravajal had been wounded in New Mexico. ^ObregonTs History, pp. I64, 194. ^Ibid., pp. 156, 161. army reached Sahuaripa, an important Opata pueblo in eastern Sonora.^ Here the Indians planned formal resist ance to the invasion but Ibarra's interpreters offered peace rather than war. This gesture was not accepted by the war-like Opata and a battle ensued in which the Span iards were placed on the defensive. Ibarra had to order . . . every soldier to keep two horses tied at night to prevent the enemy from shooting them, as they were stealing the horses and killing them with a r r o w s . 6 This would seem to indicate that the Spaniards had about 120 horses left, out of the original 300. Some had prob ably perished on the hard journey, but, the natives of / Guaraspl had already stolen a number, and now the Opata were capturing and killing more.' Thus the Indians of Sonora were capable of acquiring horses in 1565 > whether they had the knowledge to mount them or not. Sahuaripa was in the sixteenth century as It is today, near the eastern frontier of Sonora. A s Obregon says: y ‘Sahuaripa was near the territory of the Jova, a group related to the 0pata, however, the pueblo belonged to the latter. See "Descripclo'n del Obispado de Durango," Vlrreinato de Mexico, tomo I, M.N . 56?; and "Kelacio'n de las MIsiones que la Compaft^a de Jesus tiene en el Reyno de Nueva Vizcaya," B.K.H. 971* ^Obregon*s H1story, pp. 1?S, 180, 186. 9Ibld. , p. I?1*. 61 This valley and tovm of Caguaripa is on the frontier_of the Indians of the plains. These people /the Cfpata of Sahuaripa7 are very skilful, warlike and better versed in the use and practice of war than all other_peopls in the provinces as far as the vaqueros /people of the plalns7, called ^.uerechos.10 /" Thus, the Opata's eastern neighbors in 1565 ere said to be the ^uereches, who are also their betters in war. Obregon, in his account, repeatedly asserts that the ^uerechos were to be found near Sonora. He says that the people of Guaraspi are skilful in the art of war, ". . . due to the fact that they are neighbors of the most valiant and daring people in those provinces. These are the ^uerechos, who follow the cattle /buffalo/.1' The same information is repeated for the people of Cumupa, and, as / has been seen, for the Opata of Sahuaripa: both are said to be skilful in war because of being neighbors of the guerechos. Now how is it that Haltasar de Obregon has "v.uerechos," the buffalo-hunting Apaches of Coronado, In the neighborhood of southern Sonora" The answer is, it seems, that Ibarra and Obregon both assumed that they were much nearer to New Mexico than they really were. In consequence of this, they gave the name of %.uerechos" to the semi-nomadic peoples they were to meet to the east of ^^Qhregon1s History, p. 1?8. i:LIbid., pp. 17^-175. 62 Sonora, In the present-day Casas Grandes Valley of Chi huahua. Another possibility is, however, that Caravajal, who had probably seen Coronado's vuerechos in 15^1-15^-2, saw some cultural or racial similarities between the natives of north-western Chihuahua and the Plains Apache. After leaving bahuaripa, Ibarra and his row some what discouraged group of explorers marched for two days to the last pueblo of the Opata with 200 terraced houses. An Interpreter reassured the Indians but, nevertheless, they were more hostile than friendly. This was the last pueblo of the settled people of bonora, and "the confeder ation /against the Spanlard_s7 came to an end in this town. . . . Here they came to the limits of the lands of their /the Opata of bahuarlpas/7 friends.3 Before leaving the village Ibarra prudently acquired ”... two Indian slaves who were from the plains ... ."to use as guides for the next phase of the Journey, which was the difficult task of crossing the rugged mountains separating eastern lonora from the valley of the H^o Casas Grandes in Chihuahua.33 After days of mountainous country the Spaniards finally reached the sought-for valley and found ". . . abandoned houses of two and three stories," thus reaching, apparently, tne famous ruins left by the Casas Grandes 19 / ^Obregon's History, p. 193. 13Ibld., pp. 195, 197. 63 people when they deserted the area In 1400-1450.^^ After reaching these "better lands" they met "... the first Indian of the plains" who was very frightened and had to be run down by two horsemen. After being captured he was presented with gifts and sent on to reassure his people. / The two slaves acquired from the Opata had previously run away and thus the Spaniards had to use sign-language to communicate with him as they had no interpreter "... who could understand the natives of the plains and of the region toward the north.Thus the Spaniards had appar ently reached a people who spoke a language not related to either the FIma-Tepehuan, Cahlta-Opata-Taraumara or Nahuatl branches of the Uto-Aztecan language family.1^ The region of Casas Grandes was Inhabited elghtv- five years later (when our knowledge of the area Is first complete) by the Suma Indians, an apparently Athapaskan group. Nearby (to the south and southeast) were the Conchos, a group classified as belonging to the Ca'nita- Opata-Taraumara branch of the Uto-Aztecan family.-^ The -^Paul S. Kart in, et al_, Indians Before Columbus (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 19^7) PP~ 21^-216. 1^Obregon* s History, p. 198. l^It should be recalled that the expedition's Inter preters were familiar with all of these languages. •^A. L. Kroeber, "Uto-Aztecan Languages of Kexico" In Ibero-Americana, v. 8, 193^> PP* 13-1^* 64 people contacted by Ibarra in 1565 must have been either Sumas or Conchos (because of their way of life, as well as their location). The latter, however, are disqualified by their apparent use of a Uto-Aztecan tongue. As a result the natives encountered by the Spaniards of Ibarra were probably Sumas. As the explorers traveled down the Casas Grandes Valley to the north they met 300 "Querechos1 1 with their women and children, along with the lone Indian they had captured and regaled previously. These Indians had seen Cabeza de Vaca in the 1540's (or other Spaniards) and regarded the latter as children of the sun. (The natives, themselves, were described as sun-worshipers, a thing often said of the Plains Apache as well). The natives gave the information that Cibola was three days away and the buffalo l $ were four days toward the north. These Querecho Indians were described as living on sheltered slopes part of the time (that is, in winter) and in open country at other times. These people are enemies of the Querechos who live among the buffalo. They have droves of dogs .... They eat all sorts of wild reptiles, some corn, acorns, and walnuts, castile prunes, and all kinds of game. They are more friendly, loyal, and valiant than those we had met before. They possess hides from the buf falo; they do not have salt. We could not see what sort of habitations or houses they had. . . .19 l^Qbregon's History, pp. 201-202. 19lbid.. p. 203. 65 Travelling on down the river the Spaniards reached the principal ruins of Casas Grandes located near a village of the v.uerechos (Sumas) called, apparently, Paquime. The ruins were very Impressive, with towers, patios, painted and white-washed walls, klvas, and houses six and seven stories in height. In sharp contrast to all this were the querechos. Obregon says that . . . close by lived wild, coarse, and roaming people, who, rather than live in such large houses, preferred to swell in straw huts like wild animals . . . they are hunters; they eat all sorts of game, wild reptiles, and acorns. The men gc about naked; the women wear short skirts of tanned deerskins or cowhi.de. ^0 The ^uerechos said that the people who had lived in the ruins were living six days to the north and that they had moved because of wars with enemies from the other side of the mountains (i.e., Sonora) Ibarra and his men were undecided now as tc their next stop. Some of the men wished to go further to the north, but the majority fa.vorcmi a return to Sinaloa. The latter course was agreed upon, and they began a tortous journey across rugged mountains (which are largely unex plored to this day) and finally reached the lands of the Yaqui, and, at last, Sinaloa. In the process they were forced to abandon many horses which "... became exhausted and others as their hoofs wore off"; still other's were 20Ibid., pp. 206-20?. 2^ The Gallegos Fselaticn , p. 253* 66 eaten as supplied dwindled to nothing.22 It is conceivable that the Sumas of Casas Grandes acquired some of the aban doned horses. The Ibarra expedition of 1565 is the only genuine Journey of exploration recorded as having gone from Nueva Vizcaya to the north in the two decades from 1560 to 1580, however, many entradas were made for the dual purpose of punishing enemy Indians and capturing slaves to be used in the mining regions of i-'arrsl, Santa Barbara, Indehe, and Nueva Galicia. Unfortunately, the documentation is scant and only hints at the extent of such Journeys. That they were frequent, however, is apparent from what it is pos sible to document. Campaigns were frequently made against the Toboeo Indians and their allies living to the north of Indehe and east of Parrel. More significant for Apache-Spanish rela tions, however, are the raids made for slaves along the Conchos River, as far as Ijz Junta and the border of Texas. Hernando Gallegos, as he contacted the Cabri Indians (Julimes) near La Junta in 1581 records meeting Indians who fled into the sierra for fear of the Spaniards. . . . because the latter had taken and carried off many of their people during the raids of the captains who had sallied forth by orders of de Ibarra. They had caused them much harm.?3 220bregdn * s History, pp. 2^1, 2^2, 255* 2^The Gallegos Relation, p. 253- 67 Thus as early as the governorship of Francisco de Ibarra, 1563“1572, the Spaniards were gathering slaves and sowing seeds of hate on the very border of Athapsskan lands. On another occasion Gallegos declared that . . . he made, together with leaders and captains named for this purpose, many Journeys Into the interior beyond Santa F.arbola /Santa Barbara7 in pursuit of thieving Indians . . . and that a captured Indian, with tales of northern regions, helped to stimulate the Rodr/guec-Chamuscado expedition of 1581 In 1562 the Espejo-EeltrEO expedition reached a place called "El Xacal" two leagues north of the junction of the Conchos and San ledro rivers in Concho Indian terri tory and biego Peres de Lujan records that . . . this place is called SI Xacal because Lope de Aristi, captain from Santa Barbara, took captives there and in order that the people should not get wet he built a Xacal /jacale or hut7 where they remained until they returned with them to Santa Barbara . ^- Upon reaching the ares near La Junta, Lujan met the Otomcaco Indians, who were also called the Fatorabueys. ^''Declaration of Hernando Gallegos" In Bolton, Sourish Exploration, p. lLbn. 2-George 1. Hammond and Agapito Bey, Sxpedition into New Mexico by Antonio d_e Espe jo, I5S2-63 X Los Angeles: ^uivira society, 1929/7 P* 52” TJerTh after to be cited as the Relation of Perez de LuJdn♦ 68 This name Patarabueys was made up by the soldiers when people from this same rancherla were taken by Kateo Gonzalez, chieftain of Juan de Cubis, captain from the mines of Santa Barbara. . . . They were to serve as laborers in the mines. In 15S1 Caspar de Lujaui, a brother of Diego Perez de LuJeui, led an expedition to La Junta . .by commis sion of Juan de la Parra, captain of Indehe, to take captives. ..." He and . . other soldiers of Juan de la Parra . . erected crosses at various pueblos (pos sibly as a sign of possession-taking) including those of Haij BitI ye and Casieo Moyo, reached by the Espejo group in 1582* The former pueblo was at La Junta itself (that is, at the junction of the hio Grande and the Conchos) while that of Caslce. Eoyo was two and one-half leagues away on the opposite bank of the hie Grande. Thus Caspar f 0 de Lujan's slave-raid extended into Texas.1 - ' ' It Is very likely that at the La Junta pueblos these Spaniards came lntc contact with Jumano Apaches, close allies of the La Junts Ind1an s. With the dawn of the l$6o's the Europeans began to take a slightly different interest in the northern regions, in part because of the settled prosperity of the Parral- Indehe region and the availability of manpower and wealth in that area, now twenty years old. Burners of wealth, rich 2^Iblc., pp. 59—55. nela tlon of Perez de Lujan, pp. 59, 59» 60. 69 mines, and lots', of potential.] y exploitable Indians served to whet the appetite of adventurers such as Hernando Gallegos, who learned enough from a slave he captured to make him want to go to the unknown north.2® Likewise, several Franciscan priests became interested in going to the new lands,, ostensibly in order to convert the heathens to nomar. Catholicism, but probably an equally strong motive was a desire to discover new lands and important provinces for His Catholic Majesty. One such priest was Fray Agust i n Rodriguez who obtained a commission to preach beyond Santa Barbara. It was reported "... that along the Rfc Conchas were people where this good purpose might be effected. . . . This, of course:, was very true, as the thousands of Conchos, Cholomes, Julimes and other Indians between Cants Parbara and La Junta had never1 been approached by a priest, while, on the other hand, being affected by all of the evil inf]u- ences of the Hispanic frontier. Nevertheless, Fray Hod- r/guez never seems to have been interested in remaining among these unconverted tribes, rather, his interest merged with that of adventurers such as Gallegos and Francisco Sanchez Charnuscado. The result of this union of Interest ^Declaration of Hernando Gallegos", In Bolton, Spanish.Explorati on, p. 1hbm. 2^fieport of the Viceroy, 1563 » in Bolton, Spanish Exoloration, o. 15&. 1 ' 70 was that on June 6, 1581 a party of three priests led by Fray hoar/guez and nine soldiers under Charnuscado departed on an expedition to discover new lanes far beyond the banks of the Conchos River.3° The route followed was down the Conchos to La Junta, along all of which distance they were well-received by the natives. The Indians at La Junta, however, were afraid of the Spaniards, as a result of the previous slave-reids. They said that the latter had taken their kinsmen, wives, and children captive and carried them away in chains.31 The Charnuscado party reassured them but they also acted boldly. "This fearlessness shown by the said Spaniards towards the natives was primarily to intimidate them so 32 that the news should spread. Fany harquebuses were fired.'*-' This practice of setting off firearms lr, order to strike terrcr into the natives was a commonly practiced art of the Spaniards In the north! The way of life of the La Junta Indians was far superior to that of the natives closer to Nueva Vi zc ay a, for the former lived In permanent log; and mud-plastered houses, as well as p-.racticing agriculture and having many 3°Account of ascalante and Barrado, In Bolton, Snarlsh Exploration, p. 15^, and Obregon's History, pp. JtoK^Zo?. 3^-Qbregon' s History , p. 276. 3^The Gall egos Relation, p. 253* 71 fine articles such as buffal.o-sk.in robes, blankets and garments, and sinew-backed bows (much stronger and superior to those of the Nueva Vizcaya tribes). One Indian had a piece of copper around his neck and others had bits of coral suspended from their noses.33 In order to impress the Americans, the Spaniards told them that the priests "... were children of the sun, that they had come down from heaven, and that we were their ” 3 I j , children. . . From La Junta the F.odr/guez-Charnuscado group travel ed up the hio Grande to the Piro pueblos of New Mexico. On the way, for some IS days, they passed among people of similar language and customs, probably being identical with the Cholome Indians of later times, but perhaps also includ ing some S u m a s . 35 Two days after leaving these people, and one day be fore reaching a swampy area, probably near present-day Ml la so, the Spaniards met a new group of Indians, whom they could understand by means of signs only. These Americans, probably members of the tribe later called Mansos, presented 3-^Ibid . , pp. 252-256. 3^'Iblc., p. 2 56. 3^'fhe Cholomes and Sumas seem to have shared the same tongue, although differing in culture to some extent. Both groups apparently spoke an A^thapaskan language. 72 ^ f \ them with two bonnets made of numerous macaw feathers. seventy leagues of apparently uninhabited land (it was summer on the Jornada del Puerto) brought the suffering bpanish from the swamps of the Manses to the vicinity of the first biro pueblos. Unaware of the latter1s nearness, though, they frantically pursued the first Indian that they saw, but lost him in a sudden shower. Ghortly thereafter they came upon and captured another Indian who guided them to a ruined pueblo. Two leagues farther on, he said, was an inhabited settlement, and he offered to go get corn. This was done "... but as he was of a different nation it seemed that he did not go to the pueblo he had men- . tioned."3'' Thus the people of this Indian were not 1 ires, and In all probability they were A p a c h e s . 3 C On the fol] owing day, however, the hodri'Vuez-Cham- uscado party passed upstream the two leagues and founo the first liro pueblo; abandoned also. The poor lircans, out of fear, had deserted their village, and the Spaniards were in need of food. In fact, Gallegos had said, many days " 3 o before, that com "... was the thing we most desired."-3- ' 3^The Gallegos Eela tion , p. 260. 37Ibid . , pp. 261-262. 3®The earliest record of people living Immediately south of the liro is In the 162.0’s when the Apaches del PerrTllo occupied the area. There is no reason to believe that they were new-comers. 39The Gallegos Relations, pp. 257-63* 73 Contact with the natives was made, however, and peace and corn were acquired. Thus the Fire supplied and sustained the first of many Spanish expeditions which arrived on the threshold of New Mexico empty-handed, but with the empty palm thrust forward. The liro claimed to have twenty pueblos, but that farther on was another nation, the Tewa, with whom they were at war. Thus they were hostile towards nations to north and south (the Mansos). From the Firos the Spaniard: apparently passed on to the north-east, reaching the east ern Tewas and the Tomplros. They described the latter groups as "... bellicose and feared by the other dis tricts, especially because of their towns, for they use the houses as fortresses."^® °Obre£onJ_s H1story, p. 292. The Spaniards seem to have left the Rio ""Grande Val 1 ey at or near Abo as they did not meet the Tiwa Indians. Instead they contacted the Tewas (of the eastern slopes of the Manzano Mountains) and the Tompiros. Gallegos records a small vocabulary for his "Tewa" and it is certainly closer to northern Tewa than to Tiwa. The following is a comparison of the vocabularies: Gallegos _JL581 Tiwa of Isleta Tewa of San Iledefonso 1. corn cunque {-ye or hiCtu-a leu* 2. water pica pa no; no-or* (lake) . 3. turkey dire di-ru-de dl b. woman ayu hliu-ra-de (young girl) Thus while the turkey of the Tiwa is perhaps closer to Gallegos, the words for corn and young girl .definitely link his Tewa with the northern Tewa group. See The Gallegos Relation, p. 266 and id. S. Curtis, The North American Indian ("Cambridge: Harvard University Fress, 1907-193077^."XVI, p. 269; V. IVII, p. 2C1. 74 Having acquired supplies from the settled Indiana, the Spaniards now wished to fulfill a desire to visit the Indians of the plains who lived among the buffalo, and enquired of some of the Tomplros about these vaqueros (literally, cow-people). They indicated to us that the people /of the buf falo/ were not striped /these Pueblo people were7; that they live on game and eat nothing except meat of the buffalo during the winter; that during the rainy season they go in search of prickly pears and dates; that they do not have houses, only huts of buffalo-hides; that they move from place to place; that thej/ were their enemies, but they also came to their pueblos with articles of barter, such as deerskins and buffalo-hides, for making foot wear, and with a large amount of meat in exchange for corn and blankets; that In this way, by conversing with one another, they came to understand their language.^ Tne Spaniards expressed a desire to visit these people of the buffalo but the settled Indians said that . the Indians who followed the buffalo were very brave people, that they used many arrows, and that they would Ll ^ kill . . .1 1 the Europeans. ^ The latter were not to be intimidated, though, and on September 25, 1581, they set out from the pueblo called "F.al lartida" to visit the plains.^ ^ Tne Gallegos Relation, p. 267'. 42Ibid., pp. 267-68. ^3ibid., p. 334 and Obregon's H 1 story, p. 302. This pueblo has been located by some scholars in the Galisteo Valley of New Mexico, however, it may actually be a Tompiro pueblo. The "striped1 ' pueblo people mentioned previously were certainly Tompiro's, probably, of the pueblo later called Jumanas. These were said to be the'only striped people In New Mexico. bee Forbes, "Unknown Athapaskans." 75 After marching to the east for twenty-five leagues the Spaniards reached the Pecos River, which they then followed downstream for four leagues more until reaching a Plains Apache village composed of fifty tipis and huts. Over 400 warlike men armed with bows and arrows came out in alarm to meet them. The Spanish followed their custom ary tactics and discharged a harquebus in order to frighten the Apaches. The result was that "... they were so terrified that not even united did they dare approach a lone horse."^ Gallegos says of the Apaches: These naked people wear only buffalo-hides and deer skins, with which they cover themselves . . . they have dogs which carry loads of two or three arrobas /about twenty-five pounds/* They provide them with leather pack saddles, poitrels and cruppers. They tie them to one another like a pack train. They put maguey ropes on them for halters. . They travel three or four leagues per day.^5 From the Apache rancheria the Spaniards evidently turned to the east and went out onto the plains, becoming uncertain of whether they were lost or not. As a result, Pedro Sanchez de Fuensallda and Pedro Sanchez de Chaves armed themselves and with Fray Rodriguez returned to the Apache rancheria on the Pecos. There they forcibly seized and Indian and forced him to guide them eastward to the "Plains of San Francisco."1 1 ' 6 On October 19 they determined ^ Ibld. , p. 336 and Obregon's History, p. 30^. ^^The Gallegos Relation, p. 336. ^6Ibld. , p. 336 and Obregon * s History, p. 306. 76 upon returning to New Mexico, but they were a little afraid of what the Apache, now hostile, might do. .As a result, they freed the guide, gave him some meat as a good will gesture and hoped for the best; but "they took leave of these people and went on very cautiously, fearing that the 47 natives' might try to avenge the seizure of the guide. . ." The documents do not reveal why, but for some reason or reasons the Hodriguez-Chamuscado party always seems to have left a wake of hostility behind it. Now they sought to return to the lands of the Pueblo Indians to secure food, for their supplies were once again deple-ted. How ever, the Americans were openly hostile. Likewise, there was dissension among the Spaniards themselves. In Septem ber, rather than go out on the buffalo plains, Pray Juan de Santa Maria had separated from the others and, according to Gallegos, determined upon returning to Santa Barbara. That a lone priest would desire to travel over hundreds of leagues of unknown land, among strange Indian tribes, is to be doubted, however. Since none of the priests survived this journey, it Is impossible to know what actually took place, for Gallegos, our sole authority, may have been Involved in a factional dispute with the Franciscans. At any rate, one' suspects that something was seriously amiss among the Spaniards, and it may have involved some of the ^ Q brego'n*s History, p. 307. 77 conflicting goals of the members of the expedition: the soldiers* desires for quick wealth may have set off a dispute with the priests, for example. According to Gallegos, the Indians were alarmed at departure of Santa Mar^a, fearing that he was going to get reinforcements. In order to prevent this, they are said to have followed him for several days and then to have killed him. At any rate, by mid-October, the Pueblo Indians were openly hostile. At Pledra Alta the Spaniards were refused supplies and had to resort to force. At Fialagon the Ameri cans killed three horses and the Spanish raided the pueblo in revenge, found horse remains and the soldiers attacked the pueblo a second time in order to capture some Indians. They actually began to burn the pueblo, but determined to do something else instead. A familiar scheme was used, the object of which was to convince the Indians that the priests were their friends and protectors.- They began as If they were going to behead some prisoners and the priests melo dramatically rushed up and rescued the Indians. The terri fied Americans were not fooled, however, and their hostil ity continued.^® The Spaniards had succeeded in arousing wide-spread hostility among the Pueblo tribes, and their only course of action was now to retreat in near-flight to Nueva Vizcaya. ^The Gallegos Relation, pp. 339-^5- 78 However, for some reason difficult to understand Fray Rod riguez and Fray Francisco Ldpez are said to have decided to remain in the Tiwa pueblo of Puaray, along with the Indian servants brought by the expedition (they had had seventeen servants and two women, nine of them belonged to the sol diers and seven, including a mestizo, had been acquired by the priests from the mines of Santa Barbara)Subsequent ly, after the departure of Chamuscado, Gallegos and the other soldiers, the two priests were killed by the Puaray natives. Actually, it was not Hispanic policy to leave priests among unconverted (and hostile) Indians without at least one armed soldier to protect them. In this instance it may be that the soldiers abandoned the priests in order to fore stall any reports unfavorable to the former in Nueva Vizcaya. However, it should be said that this is merely a guess. The reports of the expedition mention nothing of any goods or slaves brought back from the northern regions, and yet some thing must have happened along these lines, for a new expe dition was ready to return to New Mexico in 1582 lured by dreams of wealth as well as by the plight of the priests. We do know that eleven silver mines were supposedly located by the Rodriguez-Chamuscado expedition.^ ^Ibid.. p. 356 and Obrego'n*s History, pp. 268-69. SO J Account of Escalante and Barrado, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 157. The expedition of 1582, commonly referred to as the ' i Espejo expedition, began in a manner similar to that of the; Rodriguez-Chamuscado journey, that is, with a merger of j t diverse Interests. Ostensibly the viaje was to be made to j rescue the priests left in New Mexico, but actually it was known by October, 1582, that they were d e a d . 5 1 Another j ostensible reason was that Fray Pedro de Heredia received a commission from Juan de Ibarra, lieutenant-governor of Nueva Vizcaya, ". . .by which he was given authority to penetrate and explore, and subdue the Conchos Indians and other nations near them. . . ."52 jn other words, he was to do what Rodriguez had failed to do in 1581. Another view of the origin of this expedition states that Fray Bemaldino Beltran received a commission from Captain Juan Ontiveras of Cuatro Clenagas, a settlement in present-day C o a h u i l a . ^ it would hardly seem, however, that such a commission would be valid for making a journey to New Mexico. Indeed the real origins of the expedition are to be seen in the desires of the men who went on the 51several of the Indians who stayed at Puaray with the priests returned to Nueva Vizcaya with the news of their deaths. See the declaration of Hernando Barrado, October, 1582 in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, pp. 151-52. 520bregon*s History, pp. 316-1?. 53Espejo*_s Account, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 170. (hereinafter cited as Espejo's AccountJ. trek, such as Antonio de Espejo, a fugitive from Justice and hopeful conquistador of a new province, and Gaspar de Lujan, who has been noted as making a raid for slaves to La Junta in 1581. That the expedition was primarily one aimed at profit is to be clearly seen from the following: Fray Heredia was forced to turn back shortly after the depar ture and Diego Perez de Lujan says . . . we were ruined, because some of us had spent our estates, we entreated Fray Pedro /Heredla7 n°t to desert or abandon us, for he could.appreciate how much the expedition had cost u s . In other words, it is clear that the secular members of the party had invested heavily with the hope of gaining a profitable return from their enterprise. The expedition departed from Nueva Vizcaya on Novem ber 10, 1582 and by December they were among the Indians of La Junta, The latter were hostile because of the slave- ralds made upon them, and several of the Spaniards' horses were killed. Peaceable relations were restored, though and the pueblos of the Cholomes and Julimes were visited. These Indians were called Patarabueys as a whole, although divided into two different peoples, the Cholomes (called Otomoacos) and Julimes (called Abriaches). Some of their allies, the Jumano Apaches, were probably also living at La Junta, as Espejo, in his account, confuses them with 5^Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 47. 81 the former g r o u p s . 55 From La Junta the expedition, now under the leader- j ship of Antonio de Espejo and Fray Bernaldino Beltran, traveled up the Rio Grande, going for forty-five leagues among the Otomoaco (Cholomes), then for about nineteen j i j leagues among the related Caguates (Sumas) and then, after j three leagues, reaching the Tanpachoas (Mansos) at the ; lagoons near El Paso. The contacts were all friendly and at one place some Otomoacos gave the Spaniards shawls, tanned deerskins, mescal and ornaments such as bonnets with colored feathers. At another place an old Caguate had been guarding a horse left by Chamuscado. The Tanpachoas were also friendly and presented the Spaniards with food. Perez de Lujan says Their mode of fighting is with Turkish /i.e. slnew- backed7 bows and arrows and bludgeons half a yard in lengtE made of Tomlllo /mesquite7 wood, which is very strong and flexible. A Tlaxcalan gunsmith who was with the Spaniards made stocks for their guns from the wood.56 From the El Faso area to the Piro pueblos, the Espejo-Beltra'n party traveled for fifty-six leagues with out seeing anything but some deserted rancherias and the old abandoned pueblo seen also by Rodriguez in 1581. They 55see Forbes, "Unknown Athapaskans," -^Relation of Perez de Lujan, pp. 6^-69* 82 ~j did see smokes In a nearby sierra, however.^ j i The first Piro pueblo was deserted, as In 1581, by j i its inhabitants but people were found in the next pueblo. j ] "They have a few and poor Turkish bows and poorer arrows" \ remarks Lujan, and he thought them not very bellicose. ; ! One of their weapons, though, was a type of club one-half j yard long with stones strapped on. From the Piros the Spaniards apparently left the Rio Grande and visited the eastern Tewa or Tomplros, finding them a more warlike and better-armed people. Then they returned to the Rio Grande valley, went past Puaray (where the priests had been killed, as they knew) and went to the Keres region. The Tiwa, fear ing Spanish wrath, had deserted many of their pueblos and were living in the sierra.58 After visiting the Keres area Espejo led the group from Zia to Acoma, by way of present-day Laguna. Four leagues before reaching Laguna "we found here peaceful Indian mountaineers who brought us tortillas even though we did not need them. ..." These Indians were the Navaho Apaches, called Querechos by Espejo and Perez de Lujan. This is the first recorded contact between Navahos and Spaniards and it is interesting to note that the former 5?Espejo*s Account, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 176, contradicts this and says that a rancheria of grass ; huts was reached. The Indians found there then guided them to the Piro settlements. These were probably Apaches. ^ Relation of Perez de Lujan, pp. 72-78, and Obregon*s History, p.' 322. 83 were corn-users (making tortillas) in 1582.^9 j ! Subsequently, the Spaniards were impressed by the j j 1 strength of the position of Acoma pueblo. Perez de Lujan ! | says: "Because of the war this pueblo has with the Quer- ! echos Indians, who are like the Chichimecos, it is built ; on a high rocky cliff.Espejo contradicts this, how- j ever, by saying ! The mountains thereabout /around Acoma/ apparently gave promise of mines and other riches, but we did not go to see them as the people from there were many and warlike. The mountain people come to aid those of the settlements, who call the mountain people Querechos. They carry on trade with those of the settlements, taking to them salt, game, such as deer, rabbits, and hares, tanned deerskins, and other things, to trade for cotton mantas and other things. . . .61 Thus we are left in some doubt as to the relationship of the Kavaho and the Keres of Acoma; however, later facts show that Perez' first statement was merely a supposition, for the Qnerechos actually are, as Espejo says, friends of the Keres. The Spaniards continued on to Zuni where they met the Mexican Indians who had been there since Coronado's visit. Here factionalism broke out within the party, again, as with the Rodriguez-Chamuscado group, between priests and soldiers. It seems that the faction led by Espejo wished 5^Relation of Perez de Lujan, pp. 85-86. 6°Ibid., p. 86. ^Esoejo's Account, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 183• --- 84 to move on to the Hopi pueblos and search for mines, while i / j the other faction led by Fray Beltran wished to return to j ■ [ Nueva Vizcaya. i ! The Hopi, remembering Tovar*s destruction of one of j I their pueblos in 15^0, did not choose to welcome these | | Spaniards, and, instead, sent warnings not to come. Like- | wise they enlisted the aid of Navahos or other Apaches for \ the Spanish learned of . .a great gathering of wild and: warlike people to fight us . . . . /and7 that the children, f \ ? women, and girls were in a sierra with their flocks. Espejo, however, was able to get 150 or 180 Zuni warriors to help him (thus indicating that the Zuni and the Hopi were hostile at this time, as they were later). He, nine soldiers, the Zuni allies, and some Concho and other slaves set out for Mohoce (their name for the Hopi area) although two of the Concho slaves fled along the w a y . The Hopi had only been bluffing, though, for they did not want to lose another pueblo to the wrath of these strange men with guns, and when the Spaniards halted at ruins of the pueblo destroyed in 15^+0 the Hopi of Awatobi. one league away, made peace. They ". . . sent away the the warriors that had been assembled in the mountains. ^Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 95; Obregon's History, p. 327; and Espejo's Account, p. 185. ^ Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 9^. 65 These people are called Querechos. They go about naked and the people of this town /Awatobi/ had enlisted their aid."^ Perez de Lujan says "the Lord willed this, that the whole land /of Mohoce/ should tremble for ten lone Spaniards, for here were over 12,000 Indians in this province with bows and arrows, and many chichimecos whom they call Corechos."^ Thus it appears that in the spring of 1563 the Apache (probably Navaho), the Hopi, and the Keres of Acoma were all allies, while the Zuni were apparently at odds with at least the Hopi. On the last day of April Espejo and four other Spaniards left Awatobi to visit some rumored-mines, located in what was later to be called the Sierra Azul— the blue mountains. After fifteen leagues of travel to the south west they reached the Little Colorado River. "This river flows from the south toward the north. It is settled by warlike, mountain people.These people were a branch of the Western Apache, for, although Perez de Lujan tells us little about them, Spaniards in 1605 identified them for us.^ ^Obregorx1 s History, p. 326. ^ Relation of Pe'rez de Lujan, p. 97. 66Ibid., p. 105. ^See Supra.. pp. 154-155* 86 From the Little Colorado Espejo traveled twelve leagues to a large cienaga two leagues In circumference | i I (Mormon Lake probably) surrounded by pines and cedars. j t ". . . This region is inhabited by mountain people. . . . | i During this night some of them came to our horses and fled j /Q j when they heard them as they found the sound unfamiliar. j i The Spaniards left the cienaga and went seven leagues through broken and rough mountain with bad roads and very dangerous in an enemy country. We descended a slope so steep and dangerous that a mule . . . fell down and was dashed to pieces. We went down by a ravine so bad and craggy that we descended with difficulty to a fine large river which runs from northwest to southeast.°9 This was undoubtedly in or near, the Oak Creek Canyon country to the west of Mormon Lake, for such a description certainly fits the area, as seen on a motoring trip from Flagstaff to Sedona even today. The Spaniards called the river that they reached the r/o de las Parras /River of Grapes/ as it was in a warm land with grape-vines, walnut trees, parrots, natural flax and numerous prickly pears. Thus the river valley was probably that of the Verde, with its warm climate and lush vegetation along the river banks. Here they ”... found a rancheria belonging to mountain people who fled from us 6^Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 105* 69Relatlon of Perez de Lujan, p. 106. 87 as we could see by the tracks."70 j -1 Six leagues beyond this rancheria the Spaniards found an abandoned pueblo near a marsh, probably to be j Identified with either the ruins at Tuzigoot or Montezuma i i Castle National Monuments. The fleeing mountain people ; j ! waited for the Spaniards near here, where they had built j a hut of branches. Six paces from It was a large painted cross, and four small ones on the sides. All the men, women, and children were seated around with their heads low, singing of the peace they wished with us. They had crowns of painted sticks on their heads an<^ Jloaras ^baskets/ of mescal and plnon nuts and bread made from it. These mountaineers gave us metals as a sign of peace and many of them came to show us the mines. In this locality we found many peaceful, rustic people who received us well. They had planted maize. We named this cienaga that of San Gregorio.7^ It seems certain that these maize-planting mountain Indians are to be Identified as a group of Western Apaches * Their use of crowns of painted sticks immediately suggests Apache gaun (Mountain Spirit) dancers* headdresses and their use of maize agrees with known fact in regards to these Apaches. Further, in historic times, this area of the Verde Valley near Tuzigoot and Montesuma Castle was a border area between the Western Apache and their Yavapai 7°Ibid. 71Relatlon of Perez de Lu.l^n, p. 107. 88 allies. In 1583 It was a border area between these moun- * tain people and the Cruzado Indians who have always been identified as the early Yavapai.7^ From the Apache rancheria the Spaniards marched four leagues to the mines, crossing midway . .a large and copious river which flowed from north to south. We named it El Rfo de los Reyes. ..." Thus they apparently had left the Verde, and now returned to It, giving it a new name (although it is possible that the RJlo de l'as Parras was merely a branch of the Verde and not the main stream).^3 At the mines (in the area of present-day Jerome, Arizona) "... many rustic people waited for us with crosses on their heads, even the children.7^ These were the Indians later known as the Cruzados, on the basis of their cross-wearing custom. As mentioned above they were undoubtedly the Yavapai, friends of the Western Apache in the 1800's as they seem to have been In 1583- The mines proved to be a disappointment to Espejo as they had no silver, only containing copper. As a result, he made his way back to Awatobi, meeting many peaceful mountain Apaches on the Journey. By May 17 they were at 72Grenville Goodwin, "Social Divisions of the Western Apache" in the American Anthropologist v. 37. no. I, 1935> P* 56. 73Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 107. 7^Ibid. 89 Zuni where they met, and again disagreed with, the group j led by Fray Beltran. The latter determined upon returning j i to Nueva Vizcaya while Espejo and eight other soldiers set off to visit the Tiwas and Maguas (eastern Tlwas or Tom- piros). Perez de Lujan says: "We took an interpreter to pacify the Tiguas, whom we had left in revolt. It is the place where the friars had been killed." The Indians I evidently were anticipating the Spaniards coming for the latter heard rumors that the Americans planned to kill them.75 On June b Espejo reached the area of Acoma and found the Indians in rebellion. The next day a free Concho servant, a Tonaltecan Indian and his Concho wife all fled, laden with blankets and clothes /Pueblo Indian//* The Tonaltecan was found, shot by the Keres, and his wife returned to the Spaniards. The free Concho went to the Zuni. The Tonaltecan, while still alive, confessed that Fray Beltran had persuaded them to flee, and had promised to wait for them ahead.76 More difficulties developed now as the people of Acoma and the neighboring mountaineers /Apaches/ rebelled on account of this death /of the Tonaltecan, it seems/ and keept shouting at us from the hills night and day.When we reached the cienaguilla of the Curechos /identified as Acomita,. perhaps ten 7^Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 110. 76Ibld., pp. 110-11. miles north of Acoma/ with the camp, seeing the Impu- j dence of the Indians, we decided to give them a sur- j prise that morning.7? j The reasons for the hostility of the Keres and Apache are j not very clear; however, one motive may be involved, the j fact that a Spaniard, Francisco Barreto, had acquired a Querecho woman at Mohoce and that morning she had fled \ her people.78 As a matter of fact, it is possible that the Spaniards took the initiative in order to re-capture the woman slave. In any case the Spaniards mounted their horses and prepared to carry out a surprise attack upon the Americans; however, the latter became alarmed and opened fire with their arrows, wounding a horse. The Spaniards and their servants counter-attacked and then ”... half of the men with all of the servants went to the rancheria and set fire to the huts. We destroyed also a very fine field of maize which they had. ..." On the following day the Spaniards destroyed another such field, in spite of Indian resistance. A woman was also captured and on the afternoon of the following Sunday, the opposing forces agreed to an exchange. Francisco Barreto was to get his Querecho slave woman back in exchange for the woman recently captured. 7?Belation of Perez de Lujan, pp. 111-12. Obregon calls the marsh "the Cienaguilla del Rosal" belonging to the Querechos. Obregdn*s History, - p. 332. ^ Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 112. 91 (One suspects that the first woman must have been the j :better-looking one!) j i The following day the "Corechos" tried to put over j a "wicked” plan. They sent Barreto's slave home to her i people and disguised a relative to look like her. When j the supposed exchange was to take place they hoped to get j all the women and give the Spaniards only arrow-shots. ! "This was planned with the help of one interpreter, who was another Indian woman belonging to Alonso de Miranda and who was trying to e s c a p e . Thus we learn of one of the Spanish interests in New Mexico; acquiring Indian women as slaves! Barreto failed to get his first Indian woman back; but, in a rough and tumble encounter the Impersonator and the woman interpreter were kept. Barreto and Perez de Lujan risked their lives to keep these women, and both suffered some wounds as a result. Espejo determined to vacate the lands of the Apaches and Keres and decided to go through the lands of the Tiwas. The Spaniards joueneyed to the latter province and found that, in spite of peace offers, the Tiwa "... would not bring their women to the pueblos," as they were all in the sierra. The Spaniards then decided to punish the Indians Bn in advance, to keep the latter from killing the Europeans. ^ Relation of Perez de Lujan, pp. 112-13. ®^Ibid., pp. 115-16. 92 The Indian men at Puaray and two nearby pueblos refused to j I give the Spaniards food and when the latter found thirty i imen on the flat-roofs of Puaray they seized them and placed I i j them in a kiva. ! . . . and as the pueblo was large and some had hidden j themselves there we set fire to the big pueblo of Puala i /Puara^r7 where we thought some were burned to death j Fecause of the cries they uttered. We at once took out J the prisoners two at a time and lined them up against j some poplars close to the pueblo of Puala and they were i garroted and shot many times until they died. Sixteen were garroted, not counting those who burned to death. Some who did not seem to be of Puala were set free. This was a strange deed for so few people /the Span iards/ in the midst of so many enemies. A rather strange deed is correct; however, the deaths of Pray Rodriguez and Pray Lopez were avenged and the Indians were so intimidated that the Keres of the Rio Grande Valley gave Espejo lots of "gifts" and supplies. The Spaniards determined to return to Nueva Vizcaya by way of the buffalo plains and thus they made their way to the Pecos area. The people of Pocos (or Pocoje) and the related pueblo of Slqui had built wooden palisades in front of their houses as a defensive measure, and they refused to aid the Spaniards. Six armed men, however, were able to obtain supplies with the use of a little force. On July 5 the Espejo party left Siqui and "... took two Indians by force to direct us to the buffalo."®2 They O-l / / °-LRelatlon of Perez de Lujan, p. 116. 82Ibld., pp. 118-120. 93 followed the Pecos River towards the south and after twentyj I leagues they reached a stream coming into the Pecos, call- j ■ | ;ing it El Arroyo de las Garrochas "... because we found \ ' I many goad-sticks with which the Indians kill the buffalo." j However, no Plains Apaches were seen, and one suspects that j j they were avoiding the Spaniards. Thirty-four leagues j i farther downstream the party stopped at a place called "La j R a n c h e r i a ". This abandoned rancheria was large. It was also seen by Gaspar Castanb de Sosa In 1590 and was located one day's journey below the Junction of the Rio Hondo and the Pecos, on the west bank of the latter stream. On July 30 the Spaniards reached a place where a large stream emptied into the Pecos and, because they could see the "sierras of the Pataragueys J /Ea Junta Indians/i" they thought that the stream was one about which they knew. Five leagues farther to the south the Pecos Elver took its big bend towards the east and fifteen leagues later the Spaniards met three Jumana warriors (Jumano Apache) who were hunting. This was probably somewhere near Toyah Lake, Texas. By means of a Pataraguey slave of Perez de Lujan the Spaniards talked with the Jumanos and learned that the Pecos River flowed Into the Rio Grande much below La Junta but the Jumanos knew of a short-cut and would guide the Span iards. Two leagues later the Spaniards reached a stream up . I 1 1 1 | ^ Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 121. ! 94 which they turned, and three leagues up the stream were ; . . . many Jumana people from the rancheria of the j people who were guiding us. They were on their way j to the river to the mesquite trees. We stopped on ] this stream where the rancheria was situated. The : Indians, men and women, received us with music and j rejoicing. As a sign of peace and happiness there was held a dance "between the tents of the Indian j men and women.84 j j The Espejo party continued up the stream (possibly a branch I i of Toyah Creek) for six leagues to its source. On their way they found ". . . settled people of this nation /3umano Apaches/» who in their clothing are similar to the Patara- gueys, except in their houses."®-' Thus it appears that as early as 1583 some of the Jumano Apache were under the influence of the semi-sedentary La Junta Culture. The Spaniards went on for twenty-six leagues, over mountains (the Davis Mountains), through canyons and plains (the Chispa Creek area) and finally crossed a rugged sierra (the area between the Sierra Vieja and Chinati Peak) to reach the Bio Grande fourteen leagues above La Junta. The Indians of the Cholomes (Otomoaco) rancherias on the Rio Grande gave them "... quantities of ears of green corn, cooked and raw calabashes, and catfish. ..." The same was done nine leagues down the Rio Grande at the pueblo of San Bernaldino, and five leagues farther on, at La Junta 8ifIbld. , p. 124. 8 Ibid . , p. 125. 95 itself.86 | At La Junta from August 22 to August 26 j i the companions all traded in blankets /from the Pueblo ! Indiansj?7> of which they had many, bison skins, and j Turkish bows reinforced with sinews. These are the I best and strongest which there are in the land that i has been discovered. They gave us calabashes, beans, j and ears of green corn.8? j Thus it is clear that the Espejo party brought back more j i than slaves from New Mexico. By September 10 the Spaniards were once again at Santa Barbara, arriving there by a new route through the Toboso country to the east of the Conchos Elver Valley. 86Relatlon of Perez de Lujan, pp. 125-26. 8?Ibld., p. 126. CHAPTER IV "THE LURE OF WEALTH" The Rodrfguez-Chamuscado and Espejo-Beltran expedi tions had been able to leave Nueva Vizcaya largely under the pretence of preaching to, or subduing, the Conchos Indians between Santa Barbara and La Junta. They were "private Initiative" affairs and didn't have royal backing, or for that matter, approval. After 1583* however, the king through his viceroy was able to control affairs better and no new expeditions were legally allowed to go to New Mexico until 1598. Nevertheless, as shall be noted, sev eral unauthorized groups did reach the northern regions and Spaniards undoubtedly continued to go as far north as La Junta in search of slaves and booty.^ The northern frontier was far from quiet between 1583 and 1598, though, for the Chlchlmeco War was reaching a peak in the areas of Nueva Galicia and Saltillo and a Spanish advance into present-day Coahuila precipitated warfare there. Slave-raiding bands of Spanish ex-soldiers The La Junta Indians were at war with the Spanish in the late 1590's, in spite of peaceful relations with Espejo in 1583. Thus we are led to believe that new slave- raids were made between 158^ and 1598. 97 ^ were operating in the Nuevo Leon region and, as mentioned before, the settlement of Leon was finally abandoned due to Indian hostility. The Saltillo area was continually aflame with war, and Indians robbed soldiers between that city and the Valley of Coahulla during the years from 1582 to 1592.2 In 1583 Lu^s Carabajal tried to pacify the Indians living between .Nuevo Leon and the Gulf of Mexico, but this proved a failure and led only to continuous wars.-* In 1587 the Guachlchiles near Mazapll were raiding, and in 1588 the tribes in the Saltillo vicinity all revolted.^ The Coahullas to the north Joined the rebellion and peace was not restored until 1595-^ Farther to the west the situation was the same, with the natives of Nueva Vizcaya in revolt, stealing horses and refusing to work in the mines. The Governor, Rodrigo de r/o de Losa, complained in 1591 that the Santa Barbara region was suffering from a lack of Indians to work in the mines as well as from the wars of the enemy.^ In northern 2Arlegu£, o j d. clt. , p. 17. 3"Varlas Noticias de las Mlsslones de las Fronteras de Nueva Espana," Virreinato de Mexico, tomo I, M.N. 567. ^Services of Francisco de Urd'lnola, Dec. 16, 1591 In A.G.I., Guadalajara 28. ^Report of Francisco de Urdinola, July 7, 1595 In 'A.G.I., Guadalajara 28. ^Letter of Rodrigo de R^o de Losa, October 25, 1591 in A.G.I., Guadalajara 28. 98 Sinaloa a whole Spanish settlement was destroyed In the 1580's. These continuous wars, with mounted Indians as opponents, may have been the major factor in halting the Spanish advance between 1583 and 1598. The viceroys were forced to concentrate their efforts upon pacifying the Chlchimecos of Nueva Galicia and their northern neighbors, the tribes of Nueva Vizcaya, Coahulla and Nuevo Leon.^ Many adventurous Spaniards wished to test their mettle in New Mexico, however; and frequent petitions were presented to the royal officials. Espejo wrote an account of his expedition in 1583 with an eye toward being an adelantado or conquistador. Baltasar de Obregdn wrote his history in 1585 for the same purpose. Other hopeful would- be conquerors were Cristobal Martin in 1583 and Juan Bau- Q tista de Lomas in 1589* The men who reached New Mexico prior to 1598 were, however, those who didn't wait for royal favor, but who took the initiative themselves. One such individual was Gaspar Castano de Sosa , the leader of the Spanish settlement at Almaden (now Monclova), in Coahulla. In July, 1590 Castano abandoned Almaden and with all of the settlers, servants, livestock and supplies loaded on ?It Is significant that the first legal expedition to ■New Mexico was authorized in 1595» the same year that many Chlchimecos and Coahuilas made peace. ^Colecclon de Documentos Ineclltos, to mo XV, p. 63 and tomo xVX,p. 277. 99 wagons set out to populate the supposedly rich land of New Mexico. This, of course, was an illegal enterprise, but the Spaniards probably hoped that once they had established a thriving new colony the royal officials would be pleased and give their blessings. It is also possible, however, that they hoped to obtain rich booty in the new lands and later return to New Spain. On July 28 they reached the Itiio de los Nadadores where erstwhile friendly Indians stole some horses from them. September 9 saw the Spaniards on the banks of the Hio Grande, perhaps near Del Rio, Texas. From that date on until October 26 they struggled to cross rough and rugged lands in order to reach the lecos River. Their task was made more difficult in that they failed to realize that the Fecos turns to the west rather sharply (near Sheffield, Texas) and they spent many days trying to locate the river. Finally they did succeed in getting their wagons and livestock to the river on the twenty- sixth, probably near Sheffield.^ This area was in the heart of the Jumano Apache country and contact was soon made with the Americans. Soldiers had been instructed to follow any Indian sign and capture a native of the land so that the interpreters q / ^Relation of' Castano de Sosa, in Coleccion de Documentos Inedltos, tomo IV, pp. 284-295* Castano had more than 1?0 persons In his party. 100 brought along could find out Information on the route ahead. On October 27 Alonso Xaimez returned with a report, saying that he had followed the sign as Castano had ordered and he said that . . . at the end of three days he contacted a very large number of people of the Tepelguan nation /other version says . .of the Depesguan nation. . . He was very well received by them, and giving them to under stand by means of an interpreter what their purpose was, they were very glad and gave them /the Spaniard^7 buf- falo-skins, deer-skins, very nice shoes de su modo, much meat; and they gave them to understand that we could go by there, and that they would guide us to where there is. much corn and settlements. . . .11 These people were living on the H^o Pecos, at a place where another stream came into it, probably near present-day Girvin, Texas. On October 28 the main Spanish party began moving up the Pecos, finding many Indian villages from which the natives had hastily departed. One Indian was seen but none of the Interpreters whom the Spaniards had brought from Almaden (speaking various Uto-Aztecan and Coahulltecan dia lects) could make themselves understood. On October 30 Castano's party reached several old rancherias and spent the night in one. They were located near some marshes made by the river. lOpelation of Castano de Sosa , Colecclon de Docu- mentos In^ditos, tomo XV, p. 207. ^Relation of Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Ineclltos, tomo IV, p. 299* l^Ibid., tomo IV, p. 3°0. 101 The above rancherias had been reached first by three Spanish soldiers who had seer* some people traveling and they went to them and carried off /i.e. captured/7 four persons, because the rest fled, plunging into the marsh. These people had many loaded dogs, because it is the custom in that land, and they /the Spaniards7 saw them loaded, a thing new to us, never seen /before?.^3 The prisoners, two women and two men, were interviewed by a Spanish officer, but they could not be understood, except by signs. They were then released with all the meat and corn that they could carry and ". . .a dog loaded with two rolled-up skins; with its lariat or rope, and taharria, of which all were pleased to see since it was a new thing. Thus these Spaniards were introduced to the Apache trait of using dogs for the transporting of goods. These Jumeno Apaches, who had received Espejo in a friendly manner in 1583* were obviously hostile to, and afraid of the Spaniards in 1590. In 1583 and until as late as the 1770*s these same Apaches were very close friends ana allies of the La Junta Indians, and their relations with the Spanish at any one time were greatly influenced by the attitude of the Julimes and Cholomes. Thus it is very likely that their hostility in 1590 came about from more clashes between the Spaniards and the people at La of Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Ineditos, tomo IV, pp. 300-301. l-^Ibia. , tomo IV, p. 301. 102 Junta. Possibly, slave-raiders had even reached as far north as Juma.no territory in the late 1580's. In any case, it appears that on November 2 a small group of Spanish soldiers went ahead along the banks of the Pecos P.iver to where they saw a body of Indian war riors. They talked with the latter by means of signs for a while, and then departed, leaving an Indian interpreter, Juan de Vega, alone. The Jurnanos then threw Vega Into the river, took his leather-jacket and gave him three arrow- wound s. The next morning a large number of Indians were seen by Castano's lieutenant, who had been out to search for lost horses. These Indians carried off a number of oxen from the Spanish herd and the lietenant and his men went out in pursuit. They made contact with the natives, who retreated shooting arrows, and the Spaniards, In self- defense (as they said) killed some of the enemy, capturing four as well.-1 As punishment for the carrying off of the oxen one Jurnano suffered death by hanging and the other three, who were only youths, were given to three Spaniards. It was hoped that they would learn Spanish and serve as Inter preters in the future.^ Continuing up the Pecos River Castano reached, on l-Sftelatlon of Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Ine'ciltos, tomo IV, pp. 301-302. •^Ibla. , tomo IV, p. 302. 103 November 5» a recently abandoned rancheria "... which ought to have a great number of people, because it covered a very large area. ..." Nearby were found many pools of n r- salt, and two days later very large sand-dunes were seen. ( The party was now apparently in the vicinity of Imperial and Grandfalls, Texas. The balance of the Jumano Apache country was traversed without any further contact with the Americans, except that an Indian man and woman spent the night of November 14 near Castaifo's camp, being afraid to stay with the Spaniards because of the latter*s previous killing of the Indians. No further sign of habitation was seen by the expedi tion until November 23 when they reached a place where the river made a great turn to the west. Here, at a point just upstream from present-day Carlsbad, New Mexico, was found ". . .a very large corral, where the Indians were in the 1 f i habit of enclosing livestock. . . . , | - LO just what kind of livestock was involved, the document does not make clear; however, one suspects that if the natives of southeastern New Mexico were able to obtain cattle or sheep, they must also have had horses. In any case, the livestock was prob ably some of that traded northward by the Nueva Vizcaya Ibid. , tomo IV, p. 302. ■^Relation of Castano de Sosa, in Coleccion. de Docu- mentos In^ditos, tome IV, p. 305. 104 rebels to ^uivlra" as early as 157^»'3 "^ Castano’s Spaniards were now entering the Seven Kivers Valley, well-known from at least the 1650's as the home of a branch of the Faraon Apaches (now known as the Fescalero). Likewise documents of the 1620's Indicate that "los siete rios" was probably occupied by "Vaquero Apaches," and in all likelihood it was part of Faraon Apacherjfa In 1590. Certainly the lands of the Jumano Apache lay farther to the south, for Espejo did not find the latter until reaching the vicinity of Toyah Lake, Texas. Smoke was seen in the sierra to the west (probably in the slopes of the Guadalupe Mountains) and on the fol lowing day, November 24, a large bow was found near an area of willow trees and wild grapevines. On the twenty-sixth the party crossed the river to the western side, having always traveled on the eastern bank until that time. Good grasslands were seen in this area, which was the half-way point for their journey up the Pecos River. This good land was apparently at the north end of present-day Lake McMil lan. On November 29 the Spaniards camped In a grove of trees where they found . .an olla and an ear of corn O p with the kernels recently removed. . . . This pleased 19see Infra., (p. 4i, Ch. II) 20rielation of Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Ineditos, tomo IV, p. 3°7• 105 the party very much as they presumed that they were nearing the lands of the corn-growing Pueblo Indians, but actually they were still some 250 miles from Pecos pueblo and in the lands of the Apache. The next day a very large abandoned rancherla was discovered, apparently on the west bank of the Pecos River. This was, as mentioned previously, the "La Rancheria" found by Espejo in 1583 and probably belonged to an Apache group which had left the river valley for a fall buffalo hunt. On the following day, December 1, the Spaniards worked their way through several miles of brush and reached the Rio Hondo (deep river) which they found too deep to cross. As a result they were forced to cross over to the eastern bank of the Pecos and continue in that manner.2- * - Continuing upstream the party found, on December 12, signs of people and very recently burned grassland. This was apparently near Fort Sumner for a large bend in the river was reached on the following day.22 Finally on Decem ber 23 advance scouts reported that from a summit in a sierra they could see Pecos pueblo. The next day they went to it and were well-received, being allowed to spend the night with the Indians. However, the following day after 2^Ibid., tomo IV, p. 30?. 22R^lation of Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Ineditos, tomo IV, p. 311« being given maize the Spaniards were surprised when the Indians began shouting warcries and showering them with stones and arrows. The Spanish retreated with three men wounded to a plaza and then fled to the rest of their ex pedition. When Castano*s main army moved up to the pueblo they found all of the people in arms. The pueblo had ramparts, walls and stockades located in the places most necessary for defense.^he Spaniards couldn't quite understand why the pueblo was so well fortified until later the Indians told them that it was because they had war with other peoples.In any case, the Americans made use of their A/ defenses against Castano, but after a full day's battle the Spaniards captured the pueblo. Never having seen a New Mexico Indian pueblo, the Coahuila Spaniards were very curious, the pueblo was explored, and sixteen klvas were seen.. The houses were four and five stories high, there were five plazas and the Indians had 30,000 bushels of maize. Each person in the pueblo wore cotton blankets or shawls and on top of that a buffalo-skin robe. Feathers 23’ Wooden palisades had surrounded "Pocos" In 1583* See delation of P^rez de Luja'n, pp. 118-120. ^Relation of Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Ineditos, tomo IV, pp. 311-319* 25Rpiation of Castaifo de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Ineditos, tomo IV, pp. 329-330. of the turkey were used for decoration. ° On January 6, 1591 Casta'no de Sosa departed from Pecos, with the object of visiting the heart of New Mexico and looking for mines. Each Pecos Indian was required to contribute some supplies for the Spaniards to take on his journey, but only a poco de cada.27 While a portion of the ' group remained at Pecos with the wagons, the balance, led by Castano, made their way to the Rio Grande Valley where they visited many pueblos before returning to the camp on January 27* On January 30 the entire expedition left Pecos and journeyed to the Rio Grande Valley by an indirect route, visiting many new pueblos. Finally, they reached the Tlwa region and near some sierras discovered two abandoned pueb los and signs of a bloody struggle. The pueblos had evi dently been attacked by enemies and destroyed. The Spaniards then went to the Rio Grande, which lay above the two abandoned pueblos, and learned that these pueblos were the ones where the priests had been killed.2® Thus they were Tiwa villages, and In all likelihood they were ones destroyed by Espejo in 1583* The Indians living in the vicinity were all afraid of the Spaniards in 1591, even those on the other side of the river.29 Many other 2®Ibid., tomo IV, pp. 329-331* 27Ibid., tomo IV, p. 332. 2®Ibid., tomo IV, p. 350* 29R^iaticn of Castano de Sosa, in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Inddltos, tomo IV, p. 351* 108 i i pueblos were found abandoned although Castano was able to ! i make peaceful contact with some. j l The power of the Spanish Crown eventually caught up | i I with Gaspar Castano de Sosa, for Captain Juan Morlete was ! sent to New Mexico by the viceroy, Castano was arrested, j t and the expedition made its way back to New Spain by way of El Paso and Nueva Vizcaya.30 Very little is known by this journey, except that the Spaniards took ten wagons with them. (The ruts were seen by Onate at El Paso in 1598). Likewise, about six leagues before reaching El Paso, Captain Morlete had four Indians hung ”... because they robbed some horses from them.”31 This was in the region Inhabited by the Manso Indians but whether they were the horse thieves or not one cannot know. In any case It is extremely significant that Indians near El Paso were interested in, and capable of, stealing horses In 1591* Coupled with the presence of a corral for livestock on the Pecos River, it indicates that by the 1590’s the Indians of at least southern New Mexico and Texas were becoming horse-users. The enthusiasm of the would-be conquerors of New Mexico was in no way diminished by the passage of time, ^^Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 200. 31"Discurso de las jomadas” in Colecclon de Docu- mentos Indclltos, tomo SVI, p. 2*4-5. 109 and in 1595 a successful application for royal approval was made by Juan de Onate, a Spaniard with "connections" in the right places. Interestingly enough one of this petition er’s requests was for "... Indians that are to be found in this city of Mexico of the Tataragueyes nation /Che La Junta Indians/, for they are the nearest to that province /of New Mexico/, and in particular an Indian woman /Che Querecho of Perez de Luja^is jounal?/ who was brought from New Mexico. . ."to be used as interpreters.^2 For a time it seemed that in spite of royal approval Onate's plans might be frustrated as a new illegal expedl- dltion led by Captain Francisco Leyva de Bonilla penetrated to the New Mexico region. In 1593, under orders of Diego Fernandes de Velasco, Leyva left with a large party of soldier to attack the Tobosos, Gavilanes and other Nueva Vizcaya rebels who were raiding and stealing livestock. Instead of being content with this limited objective, Leyva and his men determined upon going on to New Mexico, undoubtedly with the hope of acquiring quick wealth. Fer nandez de Velasco sent Captain Pedro de Cazorla after the group, ordering them to return on pain of being declared traitors to the king. Leyva wouldn't listen to Cazorla but some of his men took the sound advice and abandoned Q 2 nf Petition of Don Juan de Onate, 1595, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. I, p. 235* 110 the enterprise. Very little Is known of the Leyva de Bonilla expedi tion and this is unfortunate for when one considers the type of adventurers who were involved, their aims, and the fact that they were outlaws to begin with, it is highly probable that they committed many outrages among the Pueblo and Apache Indians. It is known that they spent about a year at San Ildefonso pueblo in New Mexico, and that they caused such fear to arise among the Pueblo Indians that as late as 1601 the Leyva soldiers were being blamed for Indian antagonism against the Spanish. It was said that 34 they took some Indian women as slaves, . among other things.-' In 1594 the Spanish adventurers left New Mexico apparently with the aim of re-discovering Coronado’s long- lost Qnlvira. They visited Pecos pueblo and then went out onto the plains to a great pueblo of the Vaqueros (Plains Apaches). This village of jacales was described as being about 150 leagues to the northeast of New Mexico, being so large that It covered seven leagues of land.35 still an other description refers to this village of the Vaqueros as being nine continuous leagues in length and two in width, with streets and houses consisting in jaoales (huts). "It 33villagutlerre y Sotomayor, B.N. £822. 3^Testimony of Joan de Ortega, July 31» 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 35Testimony .of Jusepe Vrondate, July 28, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. Ill is situated in the midst of the multitude of buffalo. »36 * • • Leyva and his soldiers wandered about in the buffalo country and then turned northward to some large rivers, finally reaching a great village of grass lodges, with corn but no goldt Shortly thereafter, as a climax to bitter dissensions, a soldier named Antonio Gutierrez de Humana murdered Captain Leyva de Bonilla and assumed command of the expedition.37 Several Mexican Indians who had been brought as servants now fled, and one of them named Jusepe finally made his way back to New Mexico, living among the Vaquero Apaches for about a year. The dissension probably took place along the Arkansas Biver among the Wichita group of Indians.3® The Spaniards, now led by Humana, apparently went 3^Letter of Juan de Onate, March 2, 1599* in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, pp. 218-219* 3?For details see Vlllagutierre y Sotomayor, B*N* 2822j Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 201n; and Zarate Salmeron, Virrelnato de Mexico, tomo 1, M.N. 567. 3®Spanish material has been found in association with Wichita materials dating from this period. Some anthropologists have regarded this as^evidence of the jCoronado expedition of 15^2 or the O-nate Journey of 1601, ihowever, neither of these groups are reported to have lost any equipment while the Humana party lost everything! Thus !lt seems likely that the pieces of chain armour et cetera -found were left in 159^ or 1595 Ly this latter group. See ! Waldo R. Wedel, "Culture, Chronology In the Central Great 'Plains" In American Antiquity, v. XII, no. 3* January 19^7. 112 north as far as the Kansas Elver and then turned back into the lands of Quivlra (i.e., the Wichita people). Here, according to later testimony, they were destroyed by the Quivirans. The story is that the Spaniards had found so much gold that they were worn out with the hauling of It and as they rested the Indians set fire to the grass around them. As a result all were killed except for one Spanish boy, Alonso Sanchez, and a mulatto woman who was half- burned. When the Onate expedition reached the western part of Quivira in 1601 they found "... some things of iron, some boots (or wlne-bags), and the bones of the horses." They also learned that the boy and the woman were still alive.39 Thus the Wichita Indians had apparently by-passed an excellent opportunity for obtaining horses by burning them with the Spaniards! Meanwhile, in New Spain Juan de Onate was attempting to gather men and supplies together for his projected ex pedition into New Mexico. He suffered serious delays as it seems he had many enemies. Nevertheless men were gradually recruited, numerous inspections were held and by 159? the final inspections were ready to be made. Onate was supposed to provide 200 men, and in January, 1597 he had had 205* hut 392ax, ate Salmeron, Virreinato de Mexico, M.N. 567; Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 201. Another copy of Zarate Salmeron’s account is printed in Documentos para la Hlstorla de Mexico (Mexico: Vicente Garcfa Torres, 1857) Series 3i rtomo 1, p. 27 et supra. Hereinafter cited as Documentos- Mexico. 113 by the end of that year this number had decreased to 129* Likewise, he failed to provide the amounts of livestock agreed upon, but this was partly due to the impoverished condition of the frontier.On May 4, 1598 the Viceroy wrote to the king of Spain that the frontier provinces were exhausted due to the long presence of Onate*s army there ". . . and because most of the people who go on new dis coveries are troublesome. If they were troublesome to their fellow Spaniards, what were they to be in New Mexico? Early in 1598 OrJhte felt ready to begin the journey to New Mexico, The main army followed the Conchos River to its Junction with the San Pedro and from there, on February 1^, the Sargento Mayor Vicente de Zald5var (a nephew of Onate) was sent to discover a new, shorter route to the El Paso region. Another reason for not going by way of La Junta, however, was because the Pataragueyes Indians were at war with the Spanish. Zald^var, with sixteen to eighteen companions, began ^°George P. Hammond, and Agaplto Rey, Don Juan de Onate Colonizer of New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1953)» tart^I, pp. 12, 14, 215-216, 220, 228. Hereinafter cited as Onate Documents. ^Count of Monterrey to the King, May 4, 1598, in Onate Documents, Part I, p. 391* ^Letter J1*61*1 Onate, March 15* 1598 in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 1, p. 397* 114 to cut across country In order to reach the Rio Grande. His guides proved useless and the party began to suffer from thirst and hunger. By chance they struck upon an Indian village of 200 huts and two Spaniards wormed their way up to where they could observe the rancheria at close hand. Their report led to the adoption of a plan as follows: Part of the men would sneak up on the Indians, begin yelling and send loose horses running among the habitations. Another group would discharge all the fire-arms while a third party under Gaspar de Villagra* would rush into the camp and de stroy all of the Americans* bows, arrows and other arms. The plan worked to perfection and four Indians were cap tured in the process.^3 These Indians were either Conchos, Chlnarras or Suraas, but the probabilities are that they were the former. In any case, two of them, called Mompit (or Mompil) and Milco, were used as guides and were promised two beautiful horses when the Spaniards reached the Rio Grande.^ Sub sequently they were joined by Milco*s wife Polca who came after her husband, and on February 28 they reached the Rio Grande. Perhaps Milco received his horse here, but Mompll ^3villagutlerre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822. ^Ibid., this is another Indication of the northward 'spread of the horse, since Zaldivar would not give horses to Indians unless they could get them on their own. 115 didn't as he had rim away about five days before.^ On March 7 2ald^var returned to Onate*s camp having pioneered the route and also aroused Indian hostility.^6 The army reached the Rio Grande on April 20, and on the way Oftate made peace with the offended natives. After a rest an act of possession was made on April 30 and on May 3j eight and one-half leagues farther upstream (near El Paso) the first Manso Indians were met as eight came to camp. On the following day forty Indians with "Turkish" bows, with their hair cut in such a way that it looked like a Milan cap and with a crest made stiff with blood or some other substance, appeared. Their first words were "... manxo, manxo, micos, micos, por declr mansos y amigos /Tor saying tame and friends7. . . >" and they held their fingers up in the sign of a cross.^7 Thus these Athapaskans came to be known as the Mansos, that is, the tame; however, they were not to appear very tame in later years! Onate undoubtedly had heard how the southern-most Pueblo Indians, the Piros, abandoned their pueblos and went to the sierras whenever a party of Spaniards appeared, and as a result Captain Pablo de Aguilar was sent ahead to ^Ibid., and Letter of Juan de Onate, March 15* 1598 in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 1, p. 397* ^"Discurso de la Jornada" in Colecclon de Documentos Ineditos, tomo XVI, p. 23^. ^7Ibid., tomo XVI, pp. 2^3-2^. 116 reconnoiter the situation in secret. Disobeying Onate's orders Aguilar entered the first pueblo, thus allowing the Americans to be forewarned. Onate was so furious that he wished to have Aguilar killed but he was persuaded to be lenient. The Governor then gathered together fifty men to rush to the Firo pueblos before the Indians could spread hO the news, carry off their supplies and abandon the pueblo.^ Nevertheless, all of the Firo pueblos were found to be empty except one called Teipana and here, on June 14, the Span iards got the maize that they needed. Because of this the pueblo was named Socorro, a name which a town on the same site bears today.^9 Upon his arrival in New Mexico Onate had trouble with a band of forty-five men who were disappointed at not find ing silver on the ground (as 0i5ate put it) and tried to return to New Spain. Their real intention, however, was to take slaves and clothing and commit other outrages upon the Indians. Onate was at first going to strangle three of them, but subsequently decided not to. It is possible that this may refer to the episode of Captain Aguilar mentioned previously. ^Villagutlerre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822.. ^9*'Discurso de la Jornada" In Coleocl<$n de Documentos Ineditos, tomo XVI, pp. 250-251. ■5®0nate to Viceroy, March 2, 1599 in Ofiate Documents, , Part 1, p. 481. 11? Like the FIros, the Tiwas were very upset by the coming of Spaniards again and oSate found many pueblos empty. On June 27 they passed Puaray where the priests had been killed In 1582 and in July they reached the Keres pueblo of Santo Domingo where, on the seventh, Onate assem bled representatives of some thirty-one pueblos in the vicinity and made them all subjects of the King of Spain.^ In all likelihood the Indians didn't quite realize what was taking place, or if they did they put up with It only to humor the possession-taking Spaniards. However, in later years, whenever a pueblo was to seek Independence the Sons of Cortes always held them to be in rebellion, for had they not willingly rendered obedience to His Majesty in 1598? Anxious to pacify the whole of New Mexico the Span iards visited In quick succession the pueblos of Ficuris, Taos, San Xupal, Galisteo, Fecos and Jemez. By September 9 Of&te was back at his headquarters, the Tewa pueblo of San Juan, where he received the submission of many more representatives from various settlements. On this date also priests were assigned. Fray Francisco de San Miguel received the area from Fecos and Galisteo south to the Tompiro region and Including "... all the vaqueros of that mountain-range and neighborhood as far as the Sierra 51«Traslado a la posesion . . ."In Colecclon de ■Documentos Ineditos, tomo XVI, p. 102. 118 Nevada /Sangre de Christo range7. . • . Even the east ern Apaches (who had not rendered submission) were to receive the blessings of Christianity. Fray Francisco de Zamora was to receive Picurls pueblo and "... all the Apaches from the Sierra Nevada towards the north and west, and the province of the Taos with the pueblos in her neighborhood; and those of the banks of the Rio Grande of that mountain-range.”^3 Fray Juan de Rosas received the Keres region and Fray Alonso de Lugo was assigned to the Jemez and "... all the Apades /sic7 and Cocoyes of its sierras and neighborhood."^ Friars Andres Corchado, Juan Claros and Christobal de Salazar received the balance of the area, including the lands of the Hopi, Zuni, Keres of Acoma, Firos and, for the latter priest, the Tewa pueblos of San Juan and San Gabriel.$5 In mid-September, 1598 Vicente de Zaldfvar was sent to explore the buffalo plains to the east of Pecos pueblo. On September 21 he reached the Galllnas River and, accord ing to one account, met four Vaquero Apaches there. They ^"Traslado a ] _ a posesion. . ." in Colecclo^ de Dooumentos Ineditos, tomo XVI, p.,113. 53ibld., tomo XVI, p. 114. S^ibid., tomo XVI, p. 114. 55»Traslado a la posesion. . ."in Colecclon de Dooumentos Ineclltos, tomo XVI, pp. 114-115. 119 were regaled by the Spaniards and one of them arose and called out, whereupon many Indians who had been hidden came and made friends with the Europeans. The Vaqueros were described as ". . . powerful people and expert bow men ..." and they gladly furnished Zald^var with a guide According to another account the Spaniards reached the river and came upon . . . a ridiculous figure in human form, with ears almost half a yard long, a snout horrible in the extreme, a tail that almost dragged, dressed in a very tight fitting pellico, which encircled the body and was all stained with blood; with his bow in his hand, and quiver of arrows at his shoulder. The Spaniards caught this weird figure and took off his mask, discovering that he was a "savage Indian," but a very frightened, embarrassed and ashamed one. The Apache asked the Spanish to spare his life and return his mask. He said that he had worn It in Jest, hoping to scare the Europeans so that they would flee and leave their baggage.5? Farther on Zald^var's party came upon an Indian who was totally white, with blueish eyes and a graceful and respectable appearance. Behind him came a fair-sized party of Indian warriors. The white Indian advanced without a word, and In an extremely dignified manner he scrutinized the fifty Spaniards. Zald£var, wishing to instill fear and ■^Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 22^. 5?Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822. 120 astonishment in the Apaches, had one of his men discharge a musket. This apparently intimidated the Americans and they agreed to furnish a guide for the Journey ahead. The guide was very fearful, however, and in spite of the fact that he was closely guarded he managed to escape.-*® The soldier who had been watching the Apache, one Marcos Cortels, tried to apprehend the fleeing Indian; however, the latter was such a swift runner that it proved impossible. Cortes was fortunate, though, in that he came upon a group of twelve Indians chasing a deer. The Spaniard shot the deer and had the Apaches come with him bringing their laden dogs to Zaldfvar's camp. Cortes was welcomed with great gusto by the guidless Spaniards and he was acclaimed for his feat of capturing twelve Apaches. He, on the other hand, being quite modest said that if there had been 100 Indians he would have done the same thing! Zald^var then made use of all twelve of the Vaquero Apaches as guides, soon reaching the buffalo country. Here he took special pains to have his soldiers show the Indians that Marcos Cort^V shooting of the deer was no mere acci dent. The Spaniards demonstrated their marksmenshlp for the specific purpose of intimidating the Apaches. Finally, on the return Journey the Apaches were released with gifts and other Vaqueros were also regaled. 58villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822. ^Vlllagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822. 121 The other account of the expedition indicates that six leagues of travel after acquiring the first guides Zald^var met three Indians. Their village was only one league away and the Sargento Mayor and his Interpreter (Jusepe, the Mexican Indian who had escaped from the Humana expedition) went to visit them that night. His account says Most of the men go naked, but some are clothed with skins of buffalo and some with blankets. The women wear a sort of trousers made of buckskin, and shoes or leggins, after their own fashion. Zald^var offered them protection from their enemies and they asked him for aid against the Xumanas, as they call a tribe of Indians who are painted after the manner of the Chichimecos.®0 These "Xumanas" may have been the Jumano Apache, who were sometimes hostile to other Apaches, or they may have been simply some other group of painted Indians. Twenty-three leagues farther to the east Zald£var reached the Canadian River where he hoped to see large numbers of buffalo, but when he reached the river the buffalo had left, because Just then many Vaquero Indians crossed it, coming from trading with the Flcuries and Taos, populous pueblos of this New Mexico, where they sell meat, hides, tallow, suet, and salt in exchange for cotton, blankets, pottery, maize, and some small green stones which they use.®1 ^°Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 225- 6lIbld., p. 226. 122 These Plains Apaches set up a village of fifty tlpls . . . made of tanned hides, very bright red and white in color and bell-shaped, with flaps and openings , . . and so large that In the most ordinary ones four dif ferent mattresses and beds were easily accomodated. . .. Zald/var himself bartered for a tipi and found that in spite of its size it weighed less than fifty pounds. To carry this load, the poles that they use to set it up, and a knapsack of meat and their pinole, or maize, the Indians use a medium-sized shaggy dog. . . . They drive great trains of them. . . . It is a sight to see them traveling, the ends of the poles dragging on the ground, nearly all of them snarling in their encounters. . . .*2 According to Zaldifvar the Apaches were numerous on the plains near the Canadian River. Their weapons consist of flint and very large bows, after the manner of the Turks. They saw some arrows with their long thick points, although few, for the flint is better than spears to kill buffalo. They kill them at the first shot with the greatest skill, while ambushed in brush blinds made at the watering places. . . .°3 The Sargento Mayor failed to capture any buffalo as he had hoped and on November 8, 1598 he returned to San Juan pueblo. At San Juan he found that Juan de Onate had left in October to explore certain as yet unseen sections of New Mexico and Juan de Zaldivar had been left in charge of the headquarters. Vicente now assumed command at San Juan and Juan went on, supposedly to Join oSate in the Ziini or Hopl country, but actually to meet death at Acoma. ^2Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 227. 63ibld., p. 230. CHAPTEB V DEATH AND DESTRUCTION On October 6, 1598, Juan de Onate departed from San Juan in order to visit, and receive the submissions of, the eastern Tewa, Tompiro, Keres of Acoma, Zunl and the Hopi. He traveled along the eastern slopes of the Sandla and Manzano Mountains to Abo and then eastward to the Tompiro pueblos called . . de los Xumanas o rayados." The term "Jumano" in its' various forms was used by the Spaniards of this period, 1598-1602 at least, to denote Indians with a certain type of painting or marking on their faces. The evidence is not absolutely clear but it seems likely that the marking consisted in a line drawn across the face and over the bridge of the nose.'*' Several closely associated Tompiro pueblos (now located at Gran Qulvlra National p Monument) were the only groups to make use of this style -*-0ne Spaniard says ". . . un pueblo que Llaman de los Jumenes que qulere decir yndios Rayados porque tienen encima de la narlz una rraya. ..." Testimony of Marcos ILeandro, July 30> 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. ^See G. Kubler, "Gran Quivira-Humanas" In the New I Mexico Historical Review, v. 1**, 1939» PP* **18-21; an<5 iFrance V. Scholes, and H. P. Mera, "Some Aspects of the jJumano Problem" in Carnegie Institution Contributions to j American Anthropology and History, v. Tl, no. 30-3*+• Here inafter cited as Scholes, "Jumano." 124 of decoration among the Pueblo Indians, and these were called "Jumanos.They are to be clearly dlstinquished from other lndlos rayados (striped Indians) who were also called by this name. From the Tompiros Onate led his party westward to Acoma, where he received a liberal "donation" of maize and fowls, going from there to ZdRi and the Hopi pueblos. At the latter place oSate learned of supposedly rich mines located to the west, and as a result he dispatched Captain Marcos Farfan de los Godos and eight men over approximately the same route as followed by Espejo in 1583* The party crossed the Little Colorado River and angled into the high lands south of Flagstaff. There, in the same area where Espejo had met mountain people in 15^3» the Spaniards met some "Jumana" Indians living in four of five rancherlas. Farfan conversed with them by means of signs and reassured them. In all probability they were the same Western Apaches who Inhabited the area six years later and fifteen years 4 before. After another six or eight leagues of travel the Spaniards came upon another Indian village and beyond that another in which they met Indians called Cruzados In one of the accounts. These Indians were stained with ores and the women and children were dressed in the skins of deer, otter ^Scholes, "Jumano," p. 285. ^"Bolton, Spanlsh Exploration, pp. 240-241. 125 and other animals.-* Nine leagues farther to the west the party crossed the main fork of the Verde Elver and reached the mines near present-day Jerome, Arizona. It is to be expected that the mines reached by Espejo In 1583 and Farfan in 1598 were one and the same, since the geographical descriptions and locations are so very much alike and since the mines were known to the Hopl, who are practically certain to have furnished guides for both expe ditions. Thus one would suspect that there was a well-used Indian trail from the Hopi pueblos to the mines, and this trail would have been followed by any Hopi guides.^ The Farfan account, as well as the Espejo documents and later journals of 1599 and 1604-1605, all agree that there were two groups of people to be found south-west of the Hopi. The first group being the mountain, striped people (the Western Apache) and the second being the Cruz ados, or Yavapai. Thus the tribal situation in the Flag staff- Jerome region was more or less the same in 1583, 1598, 1599 > and 1605 as it was to be in the 1850's.^ Farfan 5ibid., pp. 2^2-243 and "Dlscurso de las jornadas" Coleoolon de Dooumentos Ineditos, p. 276. ^The ores, according to Farfan, were used to color the Hopi blankets. See Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 24^. ^The Apaches west of the Rio Grande did use stripes ; and other markings on their faces. As late as 1886 Chirlcahua warriors painted a white horizontal streak across their nose and upper cheeks. Western Apaches often used 126 noted, as did Espejo, that the Indians of the Verde Valley region were growing maize, a trait carried into the historic Q period as well. When Farfan brought back ore-specimens from the mines Onate remarked that "... more than one hundred men in this camp who were languishing for want of metals to smelt were reanimated.it is possible that the center of Spanish interest in the north might have been transferred at this time from the Rio Grande Valley to the Flagstaff-Hopi re gion, but for a forceful declaration of independence made by the Keres Indians of Acoma pueblo. On October 26, 1598 Onate and his large party had passed by Acoma and there "... the Indians furnished us liberally with maize, water, and fowls" as well as agreeing to be subjects of the King of Spain.10 On December 1, Juan de Zaldivar and a body of soldiers reached Acoma on their more intricate decorations as well. Southwest Museum Library collection of Apache photographs, Southwest Museum, Los Angeles, California. ®Bolton, Spanish Exploration, p. 2^6. ^Onate Documents, Fart I, p. 396. Onate may have been fooling his followers, however. The mines found by Espejo were "worthless" copper deposits with no silver and in a letter to the king, March 31* 1605^Viceroy Monte- Isclaros said that ores sent to him by Onate had only one- eightjn copper and no silver. France V. Scholes, "Juan Martinez de Montoya," in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. XIX, no. 4, 19&4, p. 338n. 100nate Documents, Fart I, p. 39^* 127 way from San Juan to Join Onate, and their reception bore different fruit. The accounts differ as to just what did occur, but, it seems that Zald^var made a request (or demand) for supplies and blankets which the Indians were loath to meet (having just contributed to Onate a month before). Several days elapsed, during which time Zaldfvar and his men waited for the Acoma to gather the goods together. On December ^ eighteen Spaniards and servants entered the pueblo, leaving the balance of the men with the horses. Then, according to the ''official" account as set forth by Onate and his officers, the Keres rebelled because they did not want to give up any supplies; and fifteen men, including ZaldJLvar, were killed.^1 Other accounts and the testimony of certain Acomas reveal, however, that what caused the fighting was the forcible acquisition of goods by a Spaniard or Spaniards. One source Indicates that the cause was . .an outrage that a soldier made upon an Indian woman, 1 7 taking away from her a blanket or a turkey. . . . Another Spaniard, in a private letter, remarked that a Spaniard "... took two turkeys from the Indians. And they killed him from one of the terraces. The entire pueblo ^ Colecclon de Document os Ineclltos, tomo XVI, p. 223 end Onate Documents, Part 1, p. ^2$. •^Testimony of Joan de Ortega, July 31* 1601 in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 128 then rose In arms."1- ^ Indian declarants mention the turkey affair, "but also add that the Spaniards "... asked for such large amounts . , ."of maize and flour and that an Indian was killed or wounded by Zaldivar*s men and this started the actual fighting.1^ In 1601 several Spaniards were sent by the Viceroy to check up on Onate and one of these men, Marcos Leandro, was told in secret by the commissary of the missions, Fray Juan de Escalona, what had actually taken place. According to Escalona, (who_ was an enemy of Opiate) Zaldfvar and his men asked for "... supplies, turkeys and blankets and began to take them by force and seeing this the Indians began to re sist them and defend themselves and they /Escalona and others7 have told this declarant /Eeandro/ that the Spaniards killed one of the Indians and with stones and rocks the said Indians killed ..." the Spaniards.1^ A few months later Escalona wrote to the viceroy that Zald^var took maize and blankets by force "... burning ^Letter Alonso Sanchez, February 28, 1599 In Ofiate Documents, Part I, p. 426. • ^Cnate Documents, Part I, pp. 464-467* Captain Lufs Velasco, in a letter to the Viceroy, said that the Acoma igave Zaldfvar plentiful supplies of food but declined to Igive up any blankets. The Spaniards then began to "abuse" Ithe Indians and the latter defended themselves. See Letter of Captain Velasco, March 22, 1601 in Ofl&te Documents, Part II, p. 614. ^Testimony of Marcos Leandro, July 30* 1601 in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 129 some houses and killing some Indians, because of which the 16 war of Acoma erupted* . . ." In any case, whether we accept the testimony of Onate’s enemies or not, it is clear that the Keres of Acoma were justified in attempting to resist the excessive demands of the Spaniards. Their legitimate resistance was, however, to earn them the deep enmity of Juan de Zald£var»s brother, Vicente, and of his uncle, Juan de Ofiate. The resulting atrocities perpetuated by the Spanish forces are extremely significant for an understanding of the rapid development of hostility between the Navaho Apache and the Europeans during the next few years. The Apache were allies of the Acoma in 15&3, as noted previously, and in 1596 or early 1599 the latter asked the Athapaskans for aid in the person of Bempol, an Apache war chief.^ Therefore, it is possible that some Apaches were at Acoma in January, 1599 when the famous battle occurred. Early in January Onate, now at San Juan, issued the orders that were to be followed in the punishment of the Keres. Vicente de Zaldfvar was to lead some seventy well- armed soldiers to Acoma and there he was to offer the Indi ans peace at least three times, and then if they refused he ^Letter of Fray Juan de Escalona, October 10, 1601 in A.G.I., Mexico 26, Ramo I. 1 ■^Gaspar Perez de Villagra^ History of New Mexico. translated by Gilberto Espinosa (Los Angeles: The Quivira Society, 1933), p. 213. 130 was to attack. This peace offer, however, was nothing but a mockery as the conditions were that the Keres had to leave their pueblo, turn themselves over to the Spaniards and see their home absolutely and completely destroyed. Obviously, the terms were such that the Acoma would never accept them, and this seems to have been Onate*s intention. Inasmuch as we have declared war on them without quarter, you will punish all those of fighting age as you deem best, as a warning to everyone in this king dom. All of those you execute you will expose to public view. . . . If you should want to show lenience after they have been arrested, you should seek all possible means to make the Indians believe that you are doing so at the request of the friar with your forces. In this manner they will recognize the friars as their benefactors and protectors and come to love and esteem them, and to fear u s .18 The poor Keres of Acoma were to be an example. They were to be destroyed, not merely in revenge for the death of Zaldfvar, but to show the other Indians of New Mexico that it was suicidal to revolt against their Spanish masters. And this was done! The details of the massacre on the mesa of Acoma need not concern us here, except to note that at least 800 men, women and children were murdered in cold blood. That they were murdered is evident from the fact that such carnage was planned in advance, that no Spaniards were killed in j <the fighting and that, by the latter*s own admission, a good ^Juan de Onate, January 11, 1599* In Onate Documents! iPart I, pp. 458-^59. 131 part of the Keres died in the kivas of the pueblo, where they had hidden and entrenched themselves. Midway In the massacre, which lasted several days, the Indians attempted to surrender and receive mercy with a payment of blankets and other booty, but Zaldfvar would not allow It (the booty was appropriated afterwards, anyway). Instead he began to bring up prisoners one by one to be cut to pieces and thrown off the cliff. When the Keres refused to be slaugh tered helplessly and Instead took refuge In their kivas where they entrenched themselves, the Spanish commander ordered the war without quarter resumed. According to his testimony, the war of "blood and fire" was ordered to save the Indians who were committing mass suicide. Other sources, however, do not support this assertion, and one soldier who was there said that the Spaniards used artil lery and thus ". . .we forced the Indians to fight. . . The result was that 500 men were killed, along with 300 women and children. About 500 women and children and eighty men were taken alive, thus making a total of 1,380 ^Letter of Alonso Sanchez, February 28, 1599» Ofiate . Documents, Part I, pp. ^27; for other accounts of the mas- Tsacre, see Ibid., Part I, pp. ^60-4?3; Villagrgf', oj>. clt., jpp. 213-263; and many documents In A.G.I., Mexico 26. Also jsee Letter of Captain Luis Velasco, March 22, 1601 In Ofiate .Documents, Part II, p. 61^. 132 Keres.20 Onate estimated Acoma*s original population at about 3i000, which, of course, is probably an over-esti mate. Nevertheless, some Keres probably did escape death or imprisonment and fled to the sierras, very possibly to the Navaho. The pueblo of Acoma was, as Oifete had ordered, com pletely destroyed and the 500 or 600 prisoners were marched to San Juan where they were sentenced. "The males who are over twenty-five years of age I sentence to have one foot cut off and to twenty years of personal servitude." Males between the ages of twelve and twenty-five and all women over twelve received sentences of twenty years of slavery. Girls under the age of twelve were turned over to Pray Alonso Martfnez to be distributed, "... in this king dom or elsewhere. . the boys were to go to Vicente de Zaldfvar.21 From the beginning, however, the Keres fled from slavery and gradually a community was re-established on the mesa of Acoma. By 1601 most of the slaves had escaped and their refounded pueblo, as one might well 20Letter of Alonso Sanchez, February 12, 1599» in Ibid., Part I, p. ^27. The author says 500 men were killed and that 800 persons died in all. 1 21Juan de Onate, February 12, 1599» in Onate Docu ments , Part I, p. ^77 • 133 Imagine, became a center of anti-Spanish feeling.22 It remained as such until at least 1603 or 1604 when nominally 23 peaceful relations were established with the Castellanos. Very little is known of the relations of the Atha- paskans with the Spaniards and Pueblo Indians during the years of 1599 to 1601. Onate wrote in the former year of the Querechos, o. baqueros who live in tents of tanned hides, among the buffalo; the Apiches /Apaches/, of whom we have also seen some, are infinite in number; and although I had news that they lived in rancherias; a few days ago I have ascertained /that7 they live as these pueblo Indians^ In towns, and tKey have one, eighteen leagues from here, of fifteen plazas; It is a people who still haven't rendered obedience to His Majesty by public instruments. . . .2^ It was claimed by advocates of Vicente de Zald^var that prior to his Journey to the Plains in 1598 the Vaque- ros were enemies of the Pueblo Indians and that Zald^var 22Testlmony of Marcos Leandro, July 30, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 2^Scholes, "Juan MartJfnez de Montoya,” p. 339. The Viceroy wrote to the King in October, 1599 In reference to the ”... great cruelty perpetuated by some soldiers of Don Juan at a pueblo named Acoma. . . .” The royal audi- encia took up the matter but decided ”. . . not to proceed against the latter /soldiers of 0fiate7 In order not to [discourage the soldiers and the peopTe.” Letter of the jConde de Monterrey, October 4, 1599, In Onate Documents, |Part I, pp. 502-503. i I 2^Juan de Onate, March 2, 1599, in Colecclon de !Documentos Inedltos, tomo XVI, pp. 308-309. 13^ changed this relationship to one of peace and trade. This, however, is certainly not true since the diary of his Journey shows that the Vaqueros were friends of the Taos, Picuris and others. Late in 1599 or early in 1600 this same informant declared that he had seen a Vaquero chief and 200 warriors come to San Marcos pueblo to trade and 2 * 5 some buffalo meat was presented by them to the Spaniards. ^ It is to be noted that in 1598 and 1599 the Apaches and Vaqueros are mentioned as two separate peoples. The name "Apache" is applied to the Navaho and to the ancestors of the Jicarilla living in the Taos-Fecos region. The term "Vaquero" is used for the Indians living among the buffalo to the south and east of Fecos. 3y 1601, however, the term Apache is extended to the latter group as well. In 1598- 1599 the name "Cocoye" is applied to a group of Indians living towards the north of New Mexico and also towards the northwest and west. Since they are described as agricul tural and living near Jemez they cannot have been the Utes' 26 and must have been a branch of the Navaho. In July, 1599* Vicente de Zaldivar led a party of twenty-five men on a journey to discover the Mar del Sur, that is, the South Sea or Pacific Ocean. Little is known j ^Declaration of Leonis TremiiTo de Banuelos, July 129, 1600, in OfSkte Documents, Part II, p. 827- | ^ 1 ^Coleccion de Dooumentos Ineditos, tomo XVI, pp. 308-309. 135 of the expedition, but Zald£var himself had this to say about it: During the month of July, 1599* 1 went . . . to explore the land toward the west . . . and traveled more than 200 leagues inland, traversing many nations of warlike people, suoh as the Apaches, who are very numerous and extend for more than 200 leagues, judging by what I have seen; and that I left them all at peace and friendly; and that I went up the sierra with a lone companion. . . so that they could see that we intended them no harm . . . they served as guides and gave us native blackberries. These Apaches seem to have been those living in the moun tains of the Flagstaff region and this supposition is con firmed by another declarant who said' that they marched inland for more than 200 leagues, meeting many Indian nations, Apaches, Cruzados, and Tepeguanes, all able fighters. The sargento mayor left them at peace. * . .28 Thus Zaldifvar traveled into the lands of Western Apache and the Yavapai (Cruzados) and then went on to the "Tepeguanes," somewhere in the direction of the Gulf of California. These latter Indians were undoubtedly the Pimas of the Gila River, since the Spaniards (and modern anthropologists) often com mented upon the similarity of the Pima and Tepehuan lan guages.2^ Zald^var*s route then was probably to the mines : ^ ^Declaration of Vicente de Zald^var, July 1600, in lOnate Documents, Part II, pp. 81^-815. ! ’ 28Declaration of Leonis Tremlno de Banuelos, July 29 j 1600, in Ibid., Part II, p. 829. 2^For example, the Onate expedition to the Yuma area j lln 1604 found the Ozaras, a people speaking a language I similar to Tepehuan. They were the Fima or Papago. 136 of Farfan (Jerome, Arizona) where he met the Yavapai, and from there he was perhaps guided "by Apaches and Yavapai down the Verde River Valley to the Pima country. On his way to the west the sargento mayor passed through the lands of the Jumano Tompiros, for it seems that the normal Spanish route from the San Gabriel area to the south or west was by way of this region east of the Manzano- Sandia Mountains. Perhaps this was due to the hostility of the Tiwa of the Rio Grande Valley, or to the fact that the latter were still avoiding the invaders by hiding in the sierras. At any rate, Zald^var found the Tompiros somewhat hostile as they refused his demands for food and blankets, offering stones instead. This Acoma-llke affront to Spanish authority was enough to cause Juan de Ofiate himself to seek their punish ment when he was on one of his frequent tours of the pueblos for tribute-gathering purposes. When he reached the Jumano pueblos he asked for blankets, but the natives gave him only twelve or fourteen, saying that they could spare no more. Onate then retired one-half league away for the night. The following day he returned and informed the Americans by means of an interpreter that he was going to punish those I 'who had not given supplies to Zaldifvar. The Spaniards then ;set fire to parts of the pueblo and as the Indians retired killed five or six and wounded others with gun-fire. Sub sequently two native leaders were hanged and the inter- 137 preter, for not translating correctly, suffered the same fate.3° One can well Imagine that the Jumano Tompiros were rather anti-Spanish after this affair. Thus it is not surprising that in 1601 when five Spanish soldiers deserted Onate and tried to go to Nueva Vizcaya by way of the Tom- piro country two of the soldiers and over twenty of their horses were killed.-^1 The three surviving deserters fled back to the Governor and war was decreed against the Tom piros . Vicente de Zald^var, butcher of the Acoma, now led a large party of soldiers against the three Jumano Tompiro pueblos. A six day battle was fought in which 800 or 900 men, women and children were slaughtered, all three pueblos were burned and leveled and *K)0 prisoners were taken. Each Spanish soldier received a male Indian as a slave, while the balance of the captives were set free. By December, 1601, though, almost all of the slaves had managed to escape.32 3°Testimony of Marcos Leandro, July 30, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. ^George p. Hammond, Don Juan de Onate and the Found ling of New Mexico (Santa Fe: El Falacio Press, 192?) p. 155* 'Hereinafter cited as Hammond, Onate. ^2See Scholes, "Jumano," p. 279* Letter of Fray Juan de Escalona, October 10, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26, Ramo 1; land Letter of Captain Luis de Velasco, March 33* 1601, in Ipfiate Documents, Part II, p. 615. 138 The year of 1601 was a black one in the history of New Mexico. The civilization of the Pueblo Indians was undoubtedly at its lowest ebb (at least since 15^0-15^2), the Keres of Acoma and the Jumano Tompiros were suffering the results of horrible atrocities, and the Spanish Invaders were discouraged, disgruntled and fighting among themselves. In 1599 one of the European settlers had written that the country of the Pueblo Indians promises excellent returns because the native Indians are excellent and Intelligent farmers; they are much given to commerce, taking from one province to another the fruits of their lands. . . .33 In other words the Spaniards hoped to make good profits from the labor of their new subjects! This, however, proved to be an illusion. The Invaders of New Mexico were, as predicted, a "troublesome" lot. They were apparently financially poor but with great expectations of gaining quick wealth from mines or from the exploitation of the Indians. No workable mines were discovered, however, and the Americans failed to provide them with an excess of wealth. Indeed, in December 1600, the Viceroy of New Spain, the Conde de Monterrey, was forced to send succor to the Spaniards in New Mexico. He also sent an "auditor general and assesor" to "help" Juan de Onate. The latter refused to accept the auditor’s com- i -^Letter of Alonso Sanchez, February 28, 1599$ in Onate Documents, Part I, p. ^25. 139 mission., although gladly appropriating the supplies.^ The testimony of the individuals who went with this group, and who returned to New Spain in March, 1601, reveals the extremely bad state of New Mexico at that time. The Spaniards had had only ten or twelve cows and four to six oxen left when the aid arrived; and between the end of December and March they ate 280 of the 630 cows brought by the auditor and Captain Juan de Ortega, thus showing them selves as an improvident lot. Likewise Ofi&te had failed to construct any villa (Spanish settlement) and the invaders were living in the Tewa pueblo of San Gabriel. They had simply ousted the Indians from their 400-house village and had taken over. The Indians, on the other hand, were kept in the neighborhood to do all of the labor, farming, bring ing of water and to take care of all of the livestock. The Spaniards had not bothered to build any fortifications because the Indians were naturally "tame” and made no re sistance; and also because, M. . . the said soldiers are with notable disgust and doubt the persistance /of the Spaniards/ in the land. . . . Thus as early as the be ginning of 1601 many Europeans were ready to quit. In a poorer condition than the Spaniards, however, I -^Testimony of Xinez de Herrera Horta, July 30, 1601, !in A.G.I., Mexico 26. •^Various Testimony in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 140 were the trampled-upon Pueblo Indians. Every month Onate*s soldiers went out to the various pueblos to collect maize and other types of food, leaving very little for the Indi ans. Furthermore, each year every household of Indians had to contribute a cotton blanket or a tanned deerskin, even If the blanket had to be removed forcibly from an Indian's back, as one declarant saw done to some women. The result of all this was that the Pueblo Indians were abandoning their towns and fleeing to the mountains. Captain Juan de Ortega noted the absence of Indians and said that he never saw more than ^00 natives together between the first Piro pueblo of Cualacu and the Spanish camp at San Gabriel. He learned that "... many of them have fled to the mountains ..." out of fear of the Spaniards. As a matter of fact, many pueblos were completely depopulated.-^ Marcos Leandro noted that whenever the Americans sighted Spaniards in the distance they got everything together that they could and fled to the sierras with men, women and children. Exactly fche same statement was made by Captain Lu^s Velasco In March of 1601.^ ^ Various Testimony in A.G.I., Mexico 26, particular ;ly the testimony of Joan de Ortega, July 31» 1601. See lalso the letter of Captain Luis Velasco to the Viceroy, March 22, 1601, in Onate Documents, Part II, p. 615* •^Testimony of Marcos Leandro, July J O , 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 141 The Franciscan missionaries who had supposedly gone to New Mexico to convert the Indians had failed to baptize more than a few children. The priests themselves complained that the cruelty of the soldiers had alienated the Americans to such an extent that they were hostile to the European’s religion. On the other hand, it seems that of the nine clergymen who were there in 1601 three were mozos and six were old men. Herrera Horta reported that ". . . not one religious knows any of the languages. . ."of New Mexico and that they weren’t really trying to reach the Indlans.3® The six priests were distributed among only the Tewas, at San Gabriel, San Ildefonso, Santa Clara and two at San Francisco del Monte, four leagues from Santa Clara.39 As the months passed by the situation became even more desperate. Many soldiers and priests were actively planning to desert the province, and to make matters worse, Governor Juan de Onate decided to take some seventy sol diers, ?00 horses, and servants on an exploratory journey 3 A.G.I., Mexico 26. As early as 1592 the Francis cans were charged with not bothering to learn the languages of the Indians in Nueva Vizcaya. At that time the Governor, ;Eodrigo de Rjfo de Losa, charged it was a major cause of itrouble that not a single Franciscan spoke a native lan guage. Instead they gave the doctrlna in Mexican, which the natives didn’t understand. See Rodrigo de Rio de Losa, ;in A.G.I., Guadalajara 28. -^Testimony of Jusepe Vrondate, July 28, 1601, in I A.G.I., Mexico 26. 142 to the mythical Quivlra which had caused the ruin of Coronado in the 1540*s and Leyva-Humana In the 1590's and which was nearly to ruin oSate in 1601. Doubtless, the Governor had become disgusted with the lack of wealth in New Mexico and hoped to find gold and riches in Quivira. The departure of Onate with most of the horses and half of the soldiers left San Gabriel in the hands of those who were determined upon abandoning the conquest.^-0 The Franciscans took the leading part in attempts to get all of the settlers to return to New Spain, but a few chose to remain at San Gabriel. Among these was Fray Juan de Escalona who, although favoring the abandonment of the province, felt bound by his position as commissary to remain until Onate returned. When this latter event occurred, on November 24, only Escalona, Lieutenant-Governor Francisco de Losa Fenalosa and some twenty-five others were at San Gabriel to meet the Governor.^ The situation of the Pueblo Indians In the summer and fall of 1601 must have been very desperate. Fray Francisco de San Miguel, one of the leaders of the group favoring the retreat to New Spain, charged that the soldiers ”... leave them nothing in their houses, no wheat, nothing to eat, ^°In March, 1601, there were from 150 to 200 soldiers ;of whom only 42 or 50 were married. Various testimony in A.G.I., Mexico 26. ^Hammond, Onate, pp. 28, 148-151» 143. 143 nothing that is alive. ...” He had seen many pueblos entirely deserted because of fear of the soldiers who practiced cruelty when they came to rob the Indians of their food. Indian chiefs had been tortured to locate hidden maize and thousands of natives had died of starva tion. The remainder were eating tree-branches, dirt, char coal and ashes.Fray Francisco Zamora declared that it wasn't possible to convert the Americans because of the terrible injuries Inflicted upon them by the soldiers in order to secure food. Fray Escalona said "... the Indi ans are falling dead from hunger In the places where they live and they eat dirt and carbon mixed with seeds and very 2+3 little maize mixed up in order to sustain life. . . ." J Escalona charged also that "... all the supplies that the Governor and his people carried on the Journey and discov ery that they went to make recently /to Q,ulvira7 was taken away from the Indians ..." and Escalona himself saw the great offenses done in collecting the goods. Captain Lu^s Velasco declared that the Spaniards entered the houses of the Fueblo Indians and took their women by force. Likewise the maize which was gathered every month was taken against the natives' will and their blankets were seized "... ^Declaration of Fray Francisco de San Miguel, 'September ?, 1601, In A.G.I., Mexico 26, Ramo I. ^Letter of Fray Juan de Escalona, October 10, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26, Ramo I. Ikk sometimes when it is snowing, leaving the poor Indian women stark naked. ..." Many Pueblo Indians had died from such treatment It should be absolutely clear, then, that the Span iards were deadly enemies and not "protectors" of the Pueblo Indians from 159B to 1601. During this same period there is absolutely no evidence of any hostilities carried out by the Athapaskans and, as a matter of fact, there is data to show that they were on. good relations with the Pueblo tribes and on at least peaceful terms with the Spaniards. The latter*s headquarters at San Gabriel were located near the lands of the Navaho Apache and yet the Europeans felt absolutely no need for fortifications since the Indians were no danger to them.^5 Likewise, when the Spanish settlers deserted to New Spain they were charged with treason, but this was dropped since there was said to be no war in New Mexico.^ Jusepe Vrondate and Marcelo de Espinosa, living in New Mexico from 159# to March, 1601, both describe the trade which the Vaquero Indians of the plains carry on with the Pueblo Indians. In fact, they describe this as the ^ Ibid.. and Letter of Captain Velasco, March 22, jl601, in Ofrate Documents. Part II, pp. 609-615. ! ^Various Testimony, July 2S-31, 1601, in A.G.I., ! Mexico 2 6. j | ^"Los Puntos de Nuevo Mexico," January 6, 1602, in (A.G.I., Mexico 2 6. 145 only real commerce of New Mexico. The Vaqueros bring their dogs loaded with dried meat, fat (manteca) and tanned hides and trade them for decorated cotton blankets and maize, and this trading takes place not in the plazas but in particular (private) houses.^? Marcos Leandro declared in July, 1601, that the Pueblo Indians trade with a nation of Indians outside of the law /i.e., not a subject of the Crown of Spain7 who are called Apaches and also are called the Vaqueros by the Spaniards since they live in the plains of Civola /Cibola7 where they say there is a great number of ganado civoleno /buffalo/; these said Indians bring to the settlements hides of the buffalo which they kill, meat, and fat and^hey trade it with the settled people for maize. . • • Captain Juan de Ortega in 1601 found that the Pueblo Indi ans' diet included some buffalo-meat that they get in trade from the Vaqueros in exchange for blankets and maize. The exchange is that the Vaqueros come to the pueblos from Cibola, which is some plains that are forty or fifty leagues from the real /San Gabriel/, with the meat, fat, hides and tallow loaded on some dogs a little larger than water-dogs. They have them for that task and in order to carry their tents, which are mostly very white, although some /are decorated7 with little black hands; and they place the tents at 300 or 400 paces from the said pueblo and there the Indians go around; and for the maize and blankets the Vaqueros named Apaches trade all the said things. On this occasion 400 or 500 came. . . .49 4?Testimony of Jusepe Vrondate and Marcelo de lEspinosa, July 28, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. | j 48ipes^lrnony Marcos Leandro, July 30, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. i ^Testimony of Captain Joan de Ortega, July 31, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 146 Not only is this an excellent account of the nature of Pueblo-Athapaskan relations in 1601, but it intimates that the Plains Apache were actually coming into the Tewa region, a whole rancheria at a time and living in the neighborhood of the pueblos during the trading period. Baltasar Martinez in New Mexico during the same year, said that the Apaches who followed the buffalo traded tallow, fat and hides with the Pecos, Taos and Tewas of the area where the Spaniards were established*5® When, in June, 1601, Juan de Onate and his seventy man army set out on the road to Quivira they of necessity passed through the lands of the Plains Apache.51 About eight days after crossing the Pecos River the Spanish expe dition reached the Canadian River and ". . . here some Indi ans of the nation called Apachi came out with signs of peace . . . ," that is, with their hand raised to the s u n .52 The Apaches wore a sort of buckskin jacket which reached to the knees, and some wore dressed buffalo skins like capes or blankets. All carried bows and arrows, leather shields, and war clubs with a stone at^the end like a hatchet, and a strap for the wrist.53 ^ 50Declaration of Baltasar Martinez, April 23, 1602, in Onate Documents. Part II, p. 63 i 5lQne source says that Onate had 100 men. This per haps was including the total Indian servants and slaves. See j"Memorial sobre. . • Nuevo Mexico" in Coleccion de Docu ment os Ineditos. tomo XVI, pp. 193. 52g0Tt;on, Spanish Exploration, p. 252. 55Juan Ledri^ April 24, 1602, in Onate Documents. Part II, p. S52. 147 The Onate party followed the Canadian Elver Valley to the east for over 100 leagues, until they reached some sand dunes which forced them to leave the river.^ During this distance they came across camps of the Apache nation. who are the ones who possess these plains, and who, having no fixed place nor site of their own, go from place to place. . . . We were not disturbed by them at all, although we were in their land, nor did any Indians become impertinent .*.5 The Spaniards left the Canadian River in the area of the sand dunes and also near a great bend. In all proba bility this was a point near the Texas-Oklahoma state line, Just west of the Antelope H i l l s .-56 Upon leaving the Canadian River the party went out onto the Great Plains and followed several small streams towards the east. Occasionally, they lost directions and a small river and a little larger one were crossed before they reached any habitations. Finally after some sixty leagues of uninhabited plains and 200 leagues of travel In all the Spaniards came upon a large village of Indians who were called Escanxaques 5^Large areas of sand occur along the Canadian River from Hutchinson County, Texas to Ellis County, Oklahoma, the largest concentration being in Hemphill County, Texas Just west of the Oklahoma state line. See 0. E. Baker, Atlas of American Agriculture (Washington: U, S. Government Frinting Office, 1936), tlate 5, Section 6. -^Bolton, Spanlsh Exploration, p. 253 56rbid., p. 205- 148 because they pronounced this word when giving the sign of peace. These Indians lived In round huts made of branches and straw, most of them being covered with buffalo hides. Some of their habitations were said to resemble the tipis of the Apaches. Their clothing was of hides and buckskins, but most of the men went naked because of the heat and the women wore only small pieces of skin to cover their privy parts. Both men and women were painted or striped, the latter on their faces, breasts and arms.^® The Escanxaques have sometimes been Identified as a band of eastern Apaches, however, It seems certain that they were not, as they did not speak the Apache language. In all likelihood they were a north-roaming group of Tonkawan Indians, as their customs do not link them with any Caddoan group. There were several Apaches living with the Escanxa ques and the Spaniards were able to converse with the former by means of Jusepe, the Mexican who had lived for a year with the Plains Apache. The people of the Escanxaque rancherla wished to accompany the Onate party In order to attack some enemies of theirs living farther on. The gover nor wanted a guide but refused to allow all of the Indians ^Declaration of Juan RodrCquez, in Onate Documents, i !Fart II, p. 865* j ! i ■^Declaration of Baltasar Martfnez, in Ibid., Part II, p. 841. 149 to come with him, as the latter wished. Onate solved the problem in a very poor way by ordering his soldiers to seize an Escanxaque, place him in chains and use him as a guide.$9 The expedition then moved on to a large river (the Arkansas) and there contacted a Wichita people who were enemies of the Escanxaques but who made friends with the Europeans. Onate, however, had a number of them treach erously seized and kept as hostages. This act caused the Wichitas to desert their village and failed to lead to any good, as the prisoners were released or escaped. Onate also earned the enmity of the Escanxaques by having his men capture a number of them to use as guides and by refusing them the right to plunder more than a little com from the deserted village. Finally, the army became dis couraged and a petition favoring retreat was signed by almost all. Onate agreed to the proposal and on September 29 the Spaniards turned towards New Mexico. The Escanxaques, however, were now entrenched with their women and children in the deserted village, and were hostile. The army was itold not to come near them. Hostilities commenced and the jSpaniards used artillery and guns to force the Indians to give way. Finally Of&te ordered an end to the fighting, ^Ibid. , Fart II, p. 842. 150 as thirty of his men were wounded. Some Indian women and children who had "been captured were released hut one grown man, later called Miguel, was retained and taken to Mexico City In 1602, Ke claimed that he was a native of Tancoa, many days of travel from there and that he had been cap tured and raised by the Escanxaque. He referred to the latter as the Aguacane According to the contemporary sources the return journey was without incident, since no Escanxaques were seen and the Vaquero Apaches were friendly as before. An account written twenty-five years later, however, inserts some new Information to the effect that an ambassador, sent by the Wichita group, caught up with OSiate and asked him for aid against the Ayxaos (Ahijados) Indians. The latter lived near seven little hills and had lots of gold! Onate declined to aid the ambassador's people at that time, but he did listen to some advice. The diplomat informed the Spaniards that they had come by the wrong route and that a better trail was from Taos pueblo and through the lands of the Apaches of Captain 'iulnia. This entire con versation was supposedly carried on in the Athapaskan language which the ambassador knew very well. Two "^ulvlra" Indian guides were furnished by the Indian and they apparently guided Onate home to New Mexico ^®See Onate Documents, Part II, pp. 842-8^9, 85^-855, 859, 868, 872-876. 151 by the better route.^ Whether this latter account is accurate or not the Spaniards reached San Gabriel on November 2^, 1601. Their return journey had taken less than a month although they were absent from New Mexico for about 150 days in all. Little is known of the state of New Mexican affairs during the years of 1602 and 1603 except that a handful of Spaniards and two Franciscans continued to live at San Gabriel and poor relations with the Pueblo Indians were the rule. During this period a punitive campaign was made against the Taos Indians, and possibly at this time Juan de Onate himself carried out the murder of a young Taos chief who was hurled to his death from a roof-top in the p u e b l o . In 1602 Vicente de Zaldfvar made a journey to Mexico for the dual purpose of protecting his and Onate*s Interests and to take from New Mexico ". . . many Indian men and women whom he sold as s l a v e s . " ^ That the butcher of the Acoma and the Tomplro was interested in the slave- acquiring side of northern activities is also to be seen in the fact that prior to 1600 he claimed that he had lost £ -| f 0 Zarate Salmeron In Documentos Mexico, Series 3> tomo 1, pp. 28-29* ^2OSate Documents, Part II, p. 1110. 63Ibld., Part II, p. 1115* 152 ". . . sixty of my men and women slaves worth more than 10,000 pesos. . . as they had run away. As far as is known the Athapaskans surrounding New Mexico remained at peace, apparently until 1605. Pueblo Indian refugees were probably helping to prepare the way for future hostilities, though, as occasional plots were circulated against the invaders. Late in I603 or early in 1604 a party of Spaniards led by Captain Ger<$nimo Marquez visited Acoma, Zuni and the Hopi pueblos. From the latter place the group made its way to the lands of the Cruzados and the mines near Jerome. There they discovered veins of ore and brought specimans back to New Mexico. These ores turned out, however, to be of no value.^ Juan de OiSate had found wealth neither in New Mexico nor in Quivira and now he turned his attention to following up the Marquez expedition by discovering a route to the South Sea as well as to investigate rumors of a rich Mexican kingdom located somewhere to the north and west of the Colorado River region. On October 7, 1604 the party of about thirty soldiers left San Gabriel for the Hopi vil lages, going by way of Zimi. At Zuni they noted that four | I of the six Zuni pueblos, although inhabited, were ". . . . 1 > - .I' . | ■ 6ifIbld. , Part II, pp. 815, 822. j i ' ; ^Scholes, "Juan Martfnez de Montoya," p. 338* 3.53 almost completely in ruins. . . . This may be evidence of Athapaskan or Hopi hostility, or it may indicate con flict with the Spaniards. Four of the five Hopi pueblos were also said to be half in ruins. From the Hopi area the Spaniards traveled ten leagues to the San Jose7 River (the Little Colorado), seventeen leagues farther to the San Antonio (Oak Creek or Sycamore Canyon) and five leagues more to the Sacramento (the Verde). The latter stream flowed from northwest to southeast along the slopes of a high range /Mingus Mountain at Jerome, Arizona/ from which the Spaniards have obtained many copper ores from some mines that had been discov ered by Antonio de Espejo. In the country of the mines were the Cruzados Indians called thusly because of some crosses made of reeds which most of them wore on their foreheads. They were a non- agricultural people (which contradicts the earlier sources,) 67 and they dressed in buckskin garments. The Cruzados said that two days away was a river with little water (Bill William's Fork) which flowed into a larger one (the Colorado River) on which the Amacava (Mohave) Indians lived. The sea go was twenty days away going by way of the latter river. I ^Diary 0f Fray Francisco de Escobar, in Onate Docu- ;ments, Part II, pp. 1013-1014. i I | ^Diary of Fray Francisco de Escobar, in Onate Docu- 1ments, Part II, pp. 1015-1016. ^®Bolton, Spanlsh Exploration, p. 270. 154 Onate led his party up the Verde to its source and then overland to Bill Willlan^s Fork. From there they made their way down the Colorado River to the Gulf of California. After taking possession of the mouth of the river the Spaniards turned north again, eventually reaching the lands of the Cruzados. Few of these Indians were to be seen in 1605, but those with whom contact was made con firmed the rumors of a rich kingdom and monster-like people far to the west. At the province of Moqui /the Hopi villages/, three other Indians of this same nation of the Cruzados who were there gave us the same report, saying that they had heard it from people of their own nation who had come from the sea. Another Indian from a nation called Tacabuy, which is situated at the San Jose.river /the Little Colorado/» gave this report. . . . The expeditions of Espejo in 1583 and Farfan in 1598 had made contact with Indians living between the Hopi and the Cruzados (Yavapai), and as noted previously they seem to have been the same Western Apache who inhabited the area in later years. Then, in 1605, the Onate expedition con firmed this thesis by locating the "Tacabuy*1 on the Little Colorado River. J. Walter Fewkes in 1892 mentioned that the Hopi icalled the Navaho "Ta-cab-ci-nyu-muh" or "Ta-cab people" j ^^Diary of Fray Francisco de Escobar, in Onate Docu- ; iments, Part II, pp. 1027-1028. , 155 since cl-nyu-mfih Is Hopi for people.'*0 This might lead one to suspect that the Ta-cab-uy were a branch of the Navaho. On the other hand, Fray Sllvestre Velez de Escalante In 1775 wrote that the province of the Hopi Is bounded on the south by the Gila Apaches and on the southwest by others ". . . whom they call here /Santa Fe7 Mescaleros and In 71 Moqui, Yochies and Tassabuess." Yochles Is a corruption of Yotche-eme, a Hopi name for the Apache, and Tassabuess Is undoubtedly identical with Tacabuy.^2 The term "Mesca- lero Apache" was applied in the 1700’s to the Western Apache by the Spaniards.^ Thus it appears certain that the Apache of the west were in their historic homeland and on the Little Colorado River In 1583-1605. J. Walter Fewkes, "One Ceremonial Circuit Among the Village Indians of Northeastern Arizona", in Journal of American Folklore, v. V, no. XVI, I8 9 2, p. 33n. ^Letter of Fray Sllvestre Velez de Escalante, October 28, 1775 In Alfred B. Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932)» P* 15i« ^^John R. Swanton, The Indian Tribes of North America (Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1953T* p. 327 ?3see, for example, a map of Bernardo de Miera y Pacheco, 1776, which shows "Apaches Mescaleros" south and [southwest of the Hopi. Also Juan Ldpez' 1795 map shows j"Apaches Mescaleros" in the same region and to the north- jwest has "Coninas que hacen guerra a los Apaches o’Mesca- jleros," See Cartograffa de Ultramar (Madrid: Imprenta del jserviclo Geogr^f ico del EJ^rcite, 1955). 156 On April 25 Onate returned to San Gabriel, his 74 little colony shrunk in size to only about eighty persons. In the next few years this small group of Spaniards and Indian servants was to face a critical test as the dormant hostility of the Navaho Apache flared into open war. "^Hammond, Onate, p. 3 1 . CHAPTER VI "ATHAPASKANS AT WAR." In June 1605 the Spanish settler of New Mexico sent Fray Francisco de Escobar, their new commissary, to Mexico. The friar reported upon the new discovery of the South Sea and asked for aid from the Viceroy. It is quite signifi cant that in his memorials he makes no mention of hostili ties by the Apaches or of revolts by the Pueblo Indians. Escobar did note, however, that the Indians of New Mexico were "... very affable and docile," but that their peace ful inclinations were being severely tested by an extor- tlonately high tribute. In fact . . . many abandon their pueblos at the time when the tribute is gathered. The amount collected Is now very small and a considerable obstacle to their conver sion. . . . The Plains Apache were as always trading with their Pueblo neighbors. In the winter they /fueblo Indians7 wear skins or hides of the buffalo which are tannecf and very well dressed . . . and which are brought to these provinces to trade for corn flour and cotton blankets by the Indians who live among the buffalo. . . ,1 ■This trade must have been extremely Important to all con- Icerned for it was reported that even the ZuJSl and the Hopi I ■^Diary of Fray Francisco de Escobar, in Onate Docu ments , Fart II, pp. 1012-1013. 158 used buffalo hides for winter wear.2 The Franciscans were not having much success at converting the Pueblo Indians, in fact only some 400 to 600 converts had been made since 1598 and not all of these were alive in 1605. The friars placed the blame for this on the cruelties of the Onate regime, while the secular informants uniformly declared that the priests were not interested in learning the native languages.8 Although the Viceroy seems to have accepted the anti-Franciscan point of view, he saw fit to meet Escobar’s request; and supplies, soldiers for an escort, and two friars were to be dispatched to New Mexico.^ There are very good reasons for believing that the docility of the Pueblo Indians was almost entirely due to the cruel punishment which Acoma and the Tomplros had received. In fact there is evidence to show that the conquered Americans were planning to unite and destroy all of the Spaniards when the Acoma affair took place. Their plans were dropped, however, when they saw what the Span- 5 lards were capable of doing to a rebellious pueblo. 2Ibid., Part II, p. 1014. ^Various declarants, in Onate Documents, Part II, pp. 1030, 1056-1057. ^Ibld., Part II, p. 1009. ^Ibid., Part II, pp. 814, 821, 828. 159 One may be reasonably sure that the Apaches, especially the nearby Navaho, were Included In any plots against the Invaders; and one may also suspect that the near-annihilation of the Keres of Acoma had a tremendous Impact upon them. By 1606, on the other hand, much of the fear of the Spaniards must have worn off while hostile feelings were increased with continual contact with Pueblo refugees. Likewise Spanish strength had diminished with the desertion of most of the colony in 1601. In 1606 Juan Martinez de Montoya was granted an encomlenda of the Jemez Indians which, of course, entitled him to the fruits of the labor of these Americans. The Jemez were in very close contact with the Navaho Apache during this period, as always, (in fact, the Tewa name for the Navaho is "Jemez Apache”) and it is not surprising then that Martinez became involved in hostilities with the latter. The encomendero is recorded as having made several campaigns against the Apache prior to October, 1606 and several more during the following year.? The exact nature of these first hostilities is not known;, however, it is probable that they involved raids by | ^John P. Harrington, "The Ethnogeography of the Tewa Indians”, in Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, (Washingtons' Government Printing Office, 1916), v. 29, P* 57*+. I ?Scholes, "Juan Martinez de Montoya," p. 3*4-0. 160 Apaches and refugee Jemez upon the livestock of Martinez. The Indians of New Mexico soon learned that one of the best ways to fight the European was to steal his horses, thus forcing him to fight on the ground and at the same time giving the natives mounts. The Navaho Apache soon extended their hostilities beyond the Jemez area, and sometime prior to August, 1608 they attacked San Gabriel Itself. For this a retaliatory expedition was made by Martinez and Cristobal de Onate.® The nature of the Athapaskans* hostility is made clear by the Viceroy who said in 1609 that the Apaches .... are usually a refuge and shelter for our enemies, and there they hold meetings and consul tations, hatch their plots against the whole land, and set out to plunder and make war. . . .9 Thus he intimates that the Pueblo Indian refugees were playing a big part in the struggle. In the same year Fray Francisco de Velasco wrote that the converted Indians (Tewas) for showing friendship to the Spaniards had . . . lost the good will of the Ficuries, Taos, Pecos, Apaches, and Vaqueros, who have formed a league among themselves and with other barbarous nations to exter minate our friends. The reason for this hostility was that 1 ! ^Scholes, "Juan Martinez de Montoya," p. 3^0* ^Velasco's Instructions to Peralta, March 30, 1609* Iln °£ste Documents, Part II, p. 1089. . . , all the hostile nations surrounding the nations among whom the Spaniards are now settled think that the Spaniards are' scoundrels and people who are con cerned only with their own interests. Many times these hostile natives have selfishly persuaded the peaceful Indians that the latter should throw off the heavy Spanish yoke because the hostile nations believe that no benefit can come to the friendly natives from association with the Spaniards. Thus what was probably the basic reason for Apache hostil ity is revealed by a Spaniard: The Apaches and their Fueblo Indian allies thought that the European Invaders were "scoundrels" and that no good was arising from their exploitation of the Americans. Were they right? The facts say that they were, and that Indian resistance was justified and long overdue. The period from 1606 to 1609 is extremely signifi cant not only because it sets the stage for all later Navaho-Spanish relations but also because the first record of the acquisition of horses by these Athapaskans Is revealed. Late In 160? or early in I608 Fray Lazaro Ximenez went to Mexico City to report on New Mexico's poor situation. He said that the Spaniards and converts were ordinarily molested by the Apache Indians who were burning and destroying settlements, killing people, and 11 ". . . carrying off the horse-herds. . . ." That this 10Memorlal of Fray Francisco de Velasco, in Ibid., Part II, p. 109^. ■^Viceroy to King, March 6, 1608, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 28. 162 was the first acquisition of horses by the Apache is to be doubted, however. As early as 1600-1601 the Spaniards put Pueblo Indians to work herding the horses, sheep, and cattle and since these natives were often fleeing to the Athapaskans it is likely that the latter acquired some livestock quite early.12 Furthermore, the Spanish soldiers may have been very willing to trade horses with the Plains Apache for buffalo hides and meat as they did in later years. Other horses may have been acquired from strays left by Spanish expeditions, such as the Onate trip to the 13 plains in 1601; and, of course, it must not be forgotten that the horse was rapidly spreading northward from Nueva Vizcaya and Galicia at this time as In the 1580's and 1590's.^ The situation of the Invaders of New Mexico was Indeed poor by 1606. Reports of the excesses and cruelties of Juan de Onate had reached official sources and this, 12 Various testimony, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. See Forbes, "The Appearance of the Mounted Indian in Northern Mexico and the Southwest, to 1680." ^Many horses strayed on the Olfiate journey. Ofiate Documents, Part II, p. 797. ^The Indians of northern New Spain were still hos tile and Indeed hostilities had spread farther to the north. Iln 1608 the Indians near Saltillo were again in revolt and Ithe ^uamoquanes, living near the Junction of the Exo Sabinas land Rio Grande, killed a priest. A campaign was made to jthat area by the Spaniards. See Letter of Francisco de. UrdiSola, January 22, 1608, in A.G.I. Guadalajara 28. 163 coupled with the Important fact that he had failed to contribute any wealth to the royal coffers, led to a decision by the king to remove Onate, get him out of New Mexico, and appoint a new governor. This was on June 17, 1606. By the following year 05aate realized that his reign was at an end and he resigned on August 2^, 1607. The viceroy, not unhappy with that action, appointed Juan Martinez de Montoya as governor in February, 1608, but the cablldo of San Gabriel, under Onate*s influence, refused to accept Martinez and named the ex- governor* s son, Cristobal de Onate, to the governorship. As it turned out the viceroy temporarily accepted this act, but on March 30, 1609 Fedro de Peralta was officially appointed as governor and the Onate era came to an end.^ During this period of three years the Spaniards of New Mexico continued to fight among themselves and charges were placed against Onate and Vicente de Zaldi^var which were later to bring about their conviction and punishment. Aside from the charges of cruelty towards the Indians, Oiiate was convicted of sexual immorality and, interestingly enough, such immorality was to be a characteristic of most subsequent governors of New Mexico In that century. The Apache and their allies seem to have kept up •^Onate Documents, Part II, pp. 1038-108^. Onate Documents, Fart II, p. 1111. 164 hostilities as the catlido of San Gabriel in 160? had reference to ". . . the dangers we are facing from the enemy. . . . In February, 1608 Martinez was instructed by the viceroy to protect the province but not to allow individual campaigns against the unfriendly Indians. Instead he was to have friars go to seek the pacification of the enemy.By March, however, he instructed Martinez to send out a patrol to halt the outrages reported by Fray Ximenez.1^ In March, 1609 Peralta was told to congregate the dispersed Pueblo Indians in settlements where they could be controlled and kept from mingling with the Apache.20 From that date until the 1620's our knowledge of Apache relations is limited. Therefore, the success or failure of Peralta's new program is unknown, but the number of villages In New Mexico was probably reduced and the activities of the Franciscans were stepped up. With the end of the Onate period came also a tempor ary end to exploration beyond New Mexico for Martinez and Peralta were not to waste the strength of the colony on fruitless viajes. The last expedition from New Mexico for many years was one made in 1606 to the South Sea by Vicente Ibid. , Part II, pp. 1040-41. l8Ibid., Part II, p. 1053. 19ibld. . , Part II, p. 1059- ' 20Ibld., Part II, p. IO89. 165 de Zald^var, No details of the journey are extant.21 The coming of Pedro de Peralta to New Mexico brought an end to the settlers' plans to abandon the province, but no rapid improvement In the colony occurred. The soldiers were said to be Interested in gold and silver or exploiting the Indians and, as the viceroy himself said In 1608, ". . . no one comes to the Indies to plow and sow, but only to eat and loaf.”22 Therefore, the exploitation of the Pueblo Indians could hardly be expected to end. Some improvement in conditions was perhaps brought about, though, by the presence of new supplies from New Spain and a slight lessen ing in the amount of tribute collected. The activity of the Franciscans seems to have increased somewhat with the addi tion of several new priests and many more baptisms were made. This latter was caused primarily by new policy adopted In 1608 wherein the mass baptism of about 7,000 Pueblo Indians was carried out in order to convince the royal authorities that they could not abandon New Mexico. The 7,000 were baptized in a two month period while in the ten years before only about ^00 to 600 had been c o n v e r t e d . 2 ^ 21Scholes, "Juan Martinez de Montoya," p. 3^0* 22Letter of Fray Francisco de Velasco, April 9* 1609* in A.G.I., Mexico 128, Ramo 1; and Letter of the Viceroy, December 17, 1608, in Onate Documents, Part I, p. 1068. 23lu£s de Velasco, February 27, 1608, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 28j and Onate Documents, Part II, pp. 1067-73* 166 During this period Santa Fe had been founded as a small camp or settlement and In 1610 Peralta set It up as a villa and made It the capitol. San Gabriel was aban doned by the Spaniards and apparently was never resettled by the Tewa. In all probability the pueblo’s proximity to the Navaho made it a dangerous place in which to live. The years of 1610 to 1621 are almost a complete blank in our knowledge of Apache-Spanish relations, how ever, one may infer that the Navaho and their allies were still usually on hostile terms with the Europeans. In 1614 some unconverted Jemez and Apaches killed a Keres Indian of Cochiti. Several Jemez chiefs were made prisoners and as a result one of them was hanged.The areas under Spanish control increased during this era to include the lands of the Keres and Tiwa of the Rio Grande Valley and also in 1613 a mission was established east of the Sandia- Manzano mountains at Chllili.2^ About the year 1617 Pecos began to be used by the Spaniards as a gateway for trade with the Plains Apache who seem to have always preferred peace and commerce to war, as regards New Mexico 26 at least. These years must have seen horses In the hands 2^Fray Francisco Perez Guerta, 161?, in A.G.N., Inqulslcidn 316. 2^Scholes, "Jumano," p. 279 v 26prance v . Scholes, "Church and State in New Mexico 1610-1650", in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 11, no. 1, 1936, p. 1^5* 167 of all the Athapaskans in the New Mexico area. A bitter conflict between the Franciscans and the secular authorities broke out at this time and this struggle, largely for control of the labor of the Fueblo Indians, was to continue for decades. The Spanish hold on the province was weakened by this as well as by the hostility of the unconverted Pueblo and Apache Indians. In 1617 Santa Fe, with only forty-eight soldiers, was described as being in a perilous state.Of the Fueblo tribes, the Hopi, Zuni, Keres of Acoma, Flros, Tompiros, Jemez, Keres of Zia, Plcurls, and Taos remained independ ent although subject to the paying of tribute when and if the Spaniards could collect it. In 1621 the Marquis de Guadalcazar issued an lnforme on New Mexico which sheds some light on affairs in the northern province. At that time there was said to be ". . . peace, security and quietude. . .” among the natives and in the region, but whether this means that the Navaho Apache and the Spaniards were at peace is not known. At any rate the Pueblo Indians were still being taken advan tage of as the Spanish settlers were forcing them to serve ;as human pack animals and the encomenderos were making i jexcessive use of their Indians. They were ordered to pay 2?Donald E. Worcester, "The Beginnings of the Apache ; Menace in the Southwest," in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 16, no. 1, 19^1, p. 6. 168 the natives for their work and not to use them for more than harvesting and livestock-herding. The encomenderos were also grazing their animals in the Indians* fields and they were told to end this practice. The priests were commanded not to interfere in the local elections of the natives, but at least to allow them this freedom. Because of the excessive punishment which had been meted out to the Keres of Acoma, these Indians had returned to their idolatry, as the Marquis put it, and the Spaniards were forbidden to carry out such excessive punishments in the future. Tribute was not to be collected from the Zuni and the Hopi as they were gentiles and were not under Spanish rule.2® In 1621 a group of new priests arrived in New Mexico, and among them was Fray Gercfnimo de Zarate Salmeron, our chief source of information on New Mexico for the next five years. Zarate Salmeron was assigned to the Jemez pueblos and there he established two missions, one being for Jemez who were scattered about the sierras. Trouble arose, though, as the governor, Juan de Eulate, was at this time involved in the usual struggle with the Franciscans. It seems that he encouraged the Jemez in the practice of their own religion. The result was that the Indians revolted in 1623, destroyed at least one of the missions, and success 2®Marquis de Guadalcazar, February 5» 1621, in A.G.I., Mexico 29. 169 fully resisted a campaign by Eulate. Zarate Salmerdn seems to have then transferred his work to the Keres of Zla and Santa Ana and left the Jemez to their own devices. He also claimed that he conquered and pacified the Acoma who were at war with the Spanish. It has been claimed by some scholars that the Navaho were raiding the Jemez during this period, but between 1623 and I626, the evidence indicates just the opposite.3° Indeed the Jemez were at war with the Spaniards and the Catholic Tewas in the latter period, a situation which would seem ingly make them allies of the Navaho Apache.31 Prior to 1623 Zarate Salmeron was able to make contact with the latter people when he was at Jemez and he learned that passed the nation of the Apaches del Nabaxu Indians is a very large river, which carries its currents to this lagoon /of Copala7 • . • the provinces of Quiajula, the Iutas /Utes7* ant farther inland to another settled nation that has stairways of stone in order to climb to their houses, and that all this is known by the Apache Indians, for they have seen all that land.32 ^France v. Scholes, ’ ’Notes on the Jemez Missions in the Seventeenth Century,” in El Palaclo, v. XLIV, no. 7-9» 1938, pp. 65-70. 30scholes, "Church and State in New Mexico 1610-1650" pp. 145-1^6; and Worcester, "The Beginnings of the Apache Menace in the Southwest," p. 6. Benavides 163k. p. 70. 32 -^Zarate Salmeron, Virreinato de Mexico, tomo 1, M.N. 567. 170 The Qu^ajulas were also Navahos as this word Is simply a Spanish version of Kyala, the Jemez name for their Apache neighbors.33 In 1622 or 1623 Pray Juan de Salas attempted to convert the Tomplro Indians and while among them he made contact with the Xumanas (probably the Jumano Apache) who were then at war with the former people. The Xumanas wanted Salas to visit them but he was unable to at that time. Indeed he was not able to convert the Tompiros as that was postponed for later also.3^ The Franciscans were greatly hampered In their efforts at this time by the constant struggle with the governors and by the fact that the Spaniards of New Mexico were "... enemies of all classes of labor. . . ,"35 The situation of some of the Athapaskan groups during the years 1621 to 1626 Is made clearer by Zarate Salmeron. To the north of Taos were the Apaches of a ✓ chieftain called Captain Quinia and our Informant Indicates that they were there under the same chief In 1601 as well.3^ 33curtis, 0£* oi fc # j V• XVIj p• 232* 3^Alonso de Benavides, Memorial of I630» translated by Peter P. Forrestal (Washington: Academy ofAmerican Franciscan History, MCMLIV), pp. 57-59- Hereinafter cited as Benavides 1630 - T C / -^Zarate Salmeron, In Documentos-Mexico, Series 3> 'tomo 1, p. 25- - ' Zarate Salmeron, in Documentos-Mexloo, Series 3 j tomo 1, p. 29- 171 These were probably the same Apaches of the Taos area who were referred to by Onate in 1599 and are the ancestors of the present-day Jicarilla Apaches. From 1621 to 1626 they were In contact with the missionary at Taos pueblo, Fray Pedro de Ortega. The latter place was said to be ten leagues away from Quinla's village. The Vaquero Apaches of the plains were in the 1620's, as earlier, bringing their goods to the pueblos to trade for corn flour. They themselves were said not to grow crops, but to live from the buffalo.^® In the El Paso area lived the Mansos, called by Zarate Salmeron the Gorretas (little caps) because of their hair style. Nearby, to the west, were the related Hanos (Janos) who often visited the Gorretas in order to see the Spaniards passing by to New Mexico or New Spain. The Gorretas and Hanos both seem to have been at peace not only with the Spaniards but also with their western neighbors, the Opata. Some of the latter people, called Cojolas by Zarate Salmercm, came to see the Spaniards in company with the Gorretas and the priest was much interested In visiting them as they were good agri culturalists and blanket-makers. The Conchos Indians, / farther to the south, were enemies of the Opata, but were -^Benavides 163^, p. 89. -^Zarate Salmeron, In Documentos-Mexlco, Series 3» tomo 1, pp. 26-2?. being reduced to missions at this tlme.-^^ In 1626 Fray Alonso de Benavides arrived in New Mexico and his leadership gave the Franciscan missionary effort a new spurt. Priests were dispatched to the trouble some Jemez and Plcuris and Benavides himself began work among the Piros of the lower Rio Grande Valley. He found that those of the pueblo of Seelocu (Sevilleta) were wandering about in the neighboring sierras because their village **. . . had been depopulated through wars with other nations who burned it. . . . Unfortunately, it Is impossible to say who the enemy was in this case as the Apaches of the region are not accused by Benavides. It is possible that the Piros of Seelocu were having a con troversy with other Piros since upon the destruction of their pueblo they went to live In the mountains and not In a neighboring village. It seems unlikely that they would have found It advantageous to flee to the sierras if the mountain-loving Apache were their enemy. While preaching in the Piro pueblo of Senecu Bena vides met several Apaches, among whom was Sanaba, the chief of the Xila (Gila) Apaches. The territory of the latter began fourteen leagues to the west of Senecu and the two I 3S*Zarate Salmeron, Virreinato de Mexico, tomo 1, M.N. 56?. ^°Benavldes 1630, p. 16. 173 peoples, the Piroans and the Athapaskans of the Gila Hiver watershed, were on quite friendly terms. Sanaba, It was said, ". . . oftentimes comes to gamble" at Senecu and in another place he was said to "frequent" the pueblo. The Gila chief was impressed by Benavides' sermons and was disposed to missionary endeavors among his people. On one occasion he presented a deerskin to the priest. It was very white and large; . . . in the middle of it there was a sun painted green, surmounted by a cross; and that under the sun there was a moon painted a dark gray and likewise surmounted by a cross. To the east and southeast of the Piro area lived the Athapaskans who were called the Apaches del Perrillo by Benavides (so called because they lived near a spring called Perrillo, that is, little dog). These Apaches were said to have been on poor terms with the Piros, but never theless one of them was at the pueblo of Seneci/ when the friar preached. This Apache was impressed so much that later on he brought 100 of his people to be instructed with the people of Sanaba. Thus it appears that even these Apaches were not the destroyers of the pueblo of Seelocu, as they were at peace with Senecu and although these Apaches are very warlike, they are more trustworthy than the nations mentioned above /Tobosos, Tepehuanes, Taraumaras, Sumas and Mansos/j and we need to take less precaution when traveling through their country /from the El Paso area7 until we again reach the Hfo del Norte /below the Pirojs7 . . . * ^-'-Benavides 1630, pp. 14, 43-44; and Benavides 1634, pp. 82-84, 91. 1?4 The peaceful attitude of the southern Apaches continued for many years. In 1628 Fray Martin del Espfrltu Santo was placed in charge of the conversion of the Gila Apaches and he seems to have actually gone to Apache country. He had little success in the religious phase of his enterprise although it was reported in 1630 that he had helped the JJio Apache to plant some crops. ^ In 1626 Benavides sent Fray Martin de Arvide to reduce the Jemez to missions and "while he was in that locality, I ordered him to make an expedition to the Apache Indians and to preach . . . to them. This he did. . The Jemez were described as very belligerent and so hostile to their eastern neighbors, the converted Tewas, that one chief wore a string of Christian ears around his neck. Their wars with the Tewas and Spaniards since 1623 had been disastrous, however, and in 1626 they were "... scattered throughout the kingdom and on the point of being exterminated by famine and war." In fact more than half of the Jemez had died, but, as Benavides put it, the king still had over 3 >000 tribute-paying servants.^ Arvide refounded the two old missions and the Jemez seem to have settled down to a quiet acceptance of ^2Benavldes 163^> p. 83 and Benavides 1630> p- ^5* ^ Benavides 163^, p. 79- ^Ibid., p. 70 and Benavides 163°> P* 26. 175 Spanish rule at least for a few years. The PIcurls continued to resist the invaders as they had in I609. Benavides found that these Indians were the ". . . most indomitable and treacherous. . ."in New Mexico and the priests who tried to subdue the FIcuris underwent great suffering. Indeed these allies of the Plains Apache went so far as to try to kill a friar who was among them. The first Franciscan to stay with them was Fray Ascensio de 2arate, 1629-1632, and this priest also attempted to convert the Apaches of Q,ulnia living in that vicinity. ^ In 1627 Chief Q.ulnia visited Benavides and asked for baptism, or so the latter said. The active friar now under took a journey to the rancherias of these Apaches beyond Taos and there he planted the first crosses. Not all of the northern Apache were willing to accept the religion of the Europeans, however, and it was reported that ^uinia was wounded by one of his own people as a result of his pro- Catholic attitude.^ In 1628 Quinia went to Santa Fe to escort Fray Bartolome^ Romero to the Apaches* lands, but before leaving one of his sons and *'. . .a famous Indian warrior whom Quinia had captured in war., and whom he greatly loved ..." were baptized. The establishment of a mission jnorth of Taos was regarded as an Important undertaking by ^^Benavides I630 > P* 27 and Benavides 1634, pp. 71, 96, 28ln. ^ Benavides 1634, pp. 89-90. 176 Governor Phelipe Sotelo Ossorio and he, along with fifty Spanish soldiers, personally accompanied Romero to the village of Quinia. There ". . . in one day they build a church of logs, which they hewed, and they plastered the walls on the outside." Hopes were now high for the success of the conversion, especially when Chief Manases, another Apache, became interested. But, as Benavides said, the devil perverted Captain Quinia, the Athapaskans rebelled and fled to a new rancheria. Fray Romero was forced to give up the conversion for the time being.^ In May 1629 Romero and Fray Francisco Munoz were ready to try again. According to Fray Esteban de Perea, they . . went to the nation of the Apaches of Quinia and Manases; as this was the first visit to that warlike nation, they were escorted by Don Francisco de Sylva, governor of those provinces, and twenty soldiers. . . ." The Apaches were friendly, but, the conversion never was to be a success. ^ After all, with their Taos and Picuris neighbors always ready to revolt against the rule of the priests and soldiers, one could hardly expect the northern Apaches to submit to a life of coercion. The Plains Apache to the east of New Mexico were, in ^ Benavides 1634. p. 90; and Benavides 1630. p. 43. 48ltTrue Report» pray Esteban de Perea, in Bena vides 1634 p. 212. Silva Nieto became Governor of New Mexico m 1629. 177 1626, at peace as they had apparently always been. Fray Benavides declared that: They trade these hides /Suffalo7 throughout the entire region and in this way gain their livelihood. These skins provide the dress commonly worn by both Indians and Spaniards. They use them not only for making clothing, but also for sacks, tents, cuirasses, footwear, and many other useful purposes. The Apaches ". . .go out through the surrounding provinces, using these skins to trade and bargain," taking their entire villages along. The merchandise was carried on the backs of their dogs and was traded for cotton cloth and other ltmes. Here, then, is more evidence of "continuous lnter- 50 course" between the Vaauero Apaches and the Pueblo Indians. Not only that, but the plains people were still, as in 1601, bringing whole villages into the Rio Grande Valley area and trading with both Spaniards and Fuebloans. It should be noted as well that the Athapaskans were not only being influenced by Puebloan and Hispanic culture but also were having an impact of their own. This influence of the Apache upon the settled peoples of New Mexico has never been suf ficiently recognized by investigators, but it certainly should be. Many of the Pueblo tribes as early as the 1580*s were making use of dressed skin-clothing, which Is usually ^ Benavides 1630 > PP* 53-5^. -^Benavides 163^» P» 91- 173 51 considered to be an Athapaskan trait in the Southwest.-' As early as 1601 the Spaniards were under the Apache cultural influence for their women were wearing deerskin r p clothing (a thing which surprised a newcomer). In 1627 or I62S a group of Vaquero Apaches came to Santa Fe where they expressed interest in a statue of the Virgin and seemed interested in becoming Catholics. This possibility was frustrated, though, when the demon . . . had recourse to one of the wiles he is accus tomed to employ in his defense, choosing as his instrument the greed of our Spanish governor /Phelipe Sotelo Ossorio/. In order to obtain slaves to sell in New Spain, the governor sent a brave Indian cap tain, who was an enemy of that faction /the Apaches/, to bring back as many captives as he could. The governor's warriors attacked the very village of the friendly Apaches who had visited Santa Fe. The chief (who was almost a Christian), and many of his people were killed, and the rest were brought to New Mexico as slaves. This treacherous raid became widely known, however, and such a tumult arose that the governor had to refuse to accept the captives. The slave-raid 11. . . provoked a revolt through out the entire province. . ." and the Vaqueros declared open war on the Spaniards and their allies. By 1629, & I In 1563 Espejo found the Piro men wearing "tanned ;deerskin jackets" and using tanned deerskin robes. See ^Relation of Perez de Lujan, p. 72. -^Testimony of Captain Joan de Ortega, July 31, 1601, in A.G.I., Mexico 26. 179 <3 though, peaceful relations were being re-established.-'-' Thus after more than eighty years of provocation the Plains Apache were finally goaded to war against the Span iards by a slave-raid. Nevertheless, the natural inclin ation of these Apaches seems to have been to trade and not to wage war, at least as regards New Mexico. The next recorded series of hostile relations was not until 1638 when another treacherous slave-raid was carried out by the Spaniards. In connection with the above the use of Indian allies by the Spaniard should be noted. The policy of the Sons of Cortes was very clear on this point and from the use of the Tlaxcalans against the Aztecs to the use of Pueblo Indians against Apaches the Spaniards tried to insure their own success by pitting American against American. In 1585 Baltasar de Obregon stated the policy wells "Advantage should be taken of the enemy by setting those of one ch, district against the opponents of another. . . . This plan was pursued initially in New Mexico by forcing the Tewa to ally themselves with the Invaders. Thus the Tewa lost the friendship of the Taos, Picuris, Jemez, and jAthapaskans and were more and more forced into a dependence j upon the European for protection. The same policy was to I ' ■ ! -^Benavides 1630» pp. 55-56; and Benavides 163^> pp. 91-92. i 5^Qbregon*s History, p. 238. 180 be carried out with the Keres, Tlwa, Firo, and Tompiro Indians In New Mexico. In Arizona and Sonora the Spaniards were to destroy friendship between the Sumas and the Opata, on the one hand, and between the Plma-Sobalpuri and the Apache on the other. By doing this they Insured the con tinuance of Hispanic influence among at least one portion of the tribes. Thus often times the Spaniards were more interested in Increasing Inter-tribal hostilities than in establishing peace among the Indians. As one Franciscan in 1?44 put it, It was a good thing that the natives were fighting among themselves as it prevented them from uniting to destroy the newcomers. Fray Alonso de Benavides was Interested In convert ing all Indians to the religion and culture of Spain, how ever, and this active preacher and church official In 1627 undertook the conversion of the Jumano Tompiros. Fray Salas operating from Isleta'on the Rio Grande had worked with these Indians early in the 1620's but conversion proved to be a slow process. Interestingly enough, upon visiting the "Xumanas" pueblo Benavides said, "It is called Xumanas, because this nation often comes there to trade and barter.In other words, by the 1620's the word "Jumano" [ |and its various forms had lost Its meaning of painted people ■5^Declaration of Fray Miguel de Menchero, 17^» in ; Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3» P* ^01. ^^Benavides 163*+» P» 66. 181 In general and now was assumed to be the proper name of one tribe, that is of the Jumano Apaches who came to trade with the Tompiros. It seems that during this period the Jumano Apaches came each summer to trade with the Tompiros and in 1629 a group of fifty of them went on to Isleta pueblo to ask for priests to visit them.5? Pray Juan de Salas and Fray Diego Lopez responded to the request and, accompanied by soldiers, they went some 100 to 112 leagues through Vaquero Apache territory to the lands of the Jumanos.5® The latter people had been waiting in one place, but the water-holes dried up. In order to be near the buffalo herds they planned to take up their tipis and move, but a woman was said to have appeared to them and they remained there. The friars stayed among the Jumanos (who Benavides treats as a people separate .from the Apache) long enough to make contact with the Iaples (Apes, a tribe living near Eagle Pass, Texas) and to learn of the ^uiviras and Aixaos to the east.59 Agustin de Vetancurt, writing in the l690Ts, declares that the conversion of the Jumanos failed at this time be cause of continuous wars and invasions being made by the 5?Benavldes 163^, p. 9^» and Agust^n de Vetancurt, Teatro Mexlcano (Mexico 1 Benavides, 1698)* Cuarto p. 96. 5^Benavides .163^« PP- 92-95; and Benavides 1630, pp. 56-57* 59Benavldes I630, PP« 59-60. 182 Apaches of neighboring bands.It seems certain, however, that Vetancurt was transposing the situation of his own day (when the Jumanos were at war with their northern neighbors) to the earlier period. The sources of the 1620's mention no such fighting and, Indeed, it would have been impossible for the Jumanos to have come each summer to New Mexico if the Apaches in between had been hostile. In 1629 Fray Esteban de Ferea and a group of new priests reached New Mexico. In the El Faso region they stayed among the Mansos for three days and were provided with refreshments of fish and other local food by the friendly natives. None of the priests remained there, how ever, as they were destined to go to the PIros, Tompiros, and the great Tomplro pueblo of the "Humanas." Others journeyed farther north to other pueblos.^ In June Governor Silva Nieto, thirty soldiers, and several priests went to reduce the Keres of Acoma, the Zuni, and the Hopl. Fray Juan Ramirez was placed at Acoma where the Spaniards found not only Keres Indians, but ". . . many others, delinquents and apostates, who have sought shelter . . ." from Spanish rule.^2 At long last Acoma, now with ^°Vetancurt, op. clt., Cuarto p. 96. ^Ferea's "True Report," in Benavides 163^» P* 211. ^2Benavldes l63^-» p. 7 2 ; and Ferea *s "True Report", p. 212. 183 some 2,000 Inhabitants, was "reduced to peace"— thirty years after being almost destroyed by Vicente de Zaldi^var. Fray Roque de Figueredo took up his post at Zuni but he was not well received by these independence-loving Americans. According to Benavides, the native religious leaders ("sorcerers") were responsible for the opposition to Hlspano-Catholic r ule. Governor Silva Nieto declined to venture beyond Zuni, but Fray Francisco de Porras, two lay brothers, and twelve soldiers went to Awatobi pueblo and there were received very suspiciously by the Hop!. In fact the latter were so upset that they passed news of the Spaniards arrival on to their neighbors, the Apache, with whom they were at peace. Subsequently, Fray Porras was poisoned, a unique method of Indian resistance for New Mexico.^ The Information supplied by the reports of Fray Alonso de Benavides sheds much light upon the state of the Navaho Apaches during the years 1626-1629. The latter were thought to be a very numerous people (assembling a reported 200,000 warriors on one occasion}) and very skillful farmers. Nevertheless, in spite of being a more sedentary people than the other Apaches they were considered to be ^ Benavides 1630, p. 30. ' ^Perea's "True Report", in Benavides 163^» PP* 216- ; 21?; and Benavides 163^> pp. 75» 77. 184 . .the most warlike of the entire Apache nation. . . ."65 Indeed, Benavides says the Athapaskans have "... proven to be the crucible of Spanish valor ..." and this probably refers primarily to the Navaho. During much of Benavides' time in New Mexico, the Navaho Apaches were at war with the converted Tewa Indians and the latter were reportedly suffering a great deal from attacks which their Spanish masters could not halt. Inter estingly enough, Benavides believed that the Apaches were not entirely to blame for the hostilities. It seems that the country of the Navahos had mountain ranges with rock alum deposits and the converted Indians made invasions into Athapaskan territory to get the ore. In response the Navahos fought ". . . in defense of their country." This led to attacks on the Tewa and then Spanish retaliation against the Navaho. Thus the struggle began, according to our Franciscan authority. The Spanish method of dealing with the Navaho had been to enter the latter's territory secretly and then attack a village without warning at daybreak. This policy failed to accomplish much because the Navaho were always able to assemble a lot of warriors to meet the onslaught. 'Fray Benavides chose a new method of dealing with the ^^Benavides 1630> pp. 42, 44, 45; and Benavides 1634, ;P • 85 . 6^Benavides 16J30, pp. 45-46. id? peoples in the 1620's is revealed by Benavides1 information to have been approximately the same as in more recent times. The Sumas and Janos were living in the region south of El^ Paso, the Mansos occupied the area of El Paso itself and on up the Rio Grande for thirty leagues. At this point, on the east side of the river, began the lands of the Apaches del Perrillo and they continued on to the Piro pueblos, bordering the latter on the east as well. To the west of these Apaches and the Piros were the Gila Apaches, whose lands commenced fourteen leagues to the west, from the pueblo of Senecul "This nation /the Apache^/ runs westward from here as far as the South Sea, a distance of more than 70 three hundred leagues. . . ." This, of course, is an exaggeration of the area inhabited by the Gila and Western Apache groups. Nevertheless, it clearly shows that the Athapaskans were occupying their extensive lands west of the Rio Grande at this date, and as it has been demonstrated that the Western Apaches were in the Flagstaff-Little Colorado region in the 1580Ts, 1590*3 and early l600fs, it seems certain that the historic regions of the Apache in Arizona and southwestern New Mexico were fully occupied by them in this period. The location of the Gila Apaches in relation to the Pueblo tribes and the Navaho is revealed by Benavides when ^Ibid., pp. 42, 43, 44, 13; Benavides 1634. PP. dl-83, 52-54. 185 Athapaskans, preferring a peace policy to one of fire and the sword. He went to the Tewa pueblo of Santa Clara, which had suffered a great deal from Tewa-Apache hostili ties, and persuaded the natives to send a peace embassy bf twelve men to the Navaho. The latter had been preparing for a war expedition but abandoned their plans and accepted the peace arrows of the Tewa. The "haughty" Apaches then came to Santa Clara and although the chief said that ". . . he was deeply offended at the Christians . . he, never theless, was willing to accept the peace offer. This armistice was apparently quite effective and peaceful relations seem to have continued into the early 1630's at least. The Franciscans also gained an opportunity to con- 67 vert the Navaho and a priest went among them in 1629* The El Paso region in the late l620*s, as earlier, was occupied by the ftansos or Gorretas (little caps) ". . . so called because they trim their hair in such a manner that it looks as if they were wearing caps on their heads." This same hair style was in vogue among all the tribes from El Paso to La Junta, and seems to have been a type of scalp-lock which was allowed to grow long and then combed down over the shaved portion of the head. Benavides felt that the Mansos were a graceful, well-featured, and robust people, but one that could not be trusted as they 6?Ibld., pp. 46, 48, 52 186 would cause trouble to any group of travelers who hadn’t a large enough escort. On the other hand, the Mansos had been greeting Spanish expeditions for almost fifty years and probably had some honest grievances against the Europeans. Certainly, they and their neighbors, the Sumas, were in contact with tribes such as the related Cholomes and the Uto-Aztecan Conchos who had suffered from Spanish slave raids and wars. In 1630 Benavides proposed sending three or four friars and "only” fifteen to twenty soldiers to convert the Mansos at El Paso. This would pave the way for reach ing other nearby nations and . . . with this protection many very rich mining camps . . . could be settled, as well as magnificent farm sites with water and tracts of very fine l a n d . ° 8 The Sumas and Janos were described by Benavides as being ferocious and indomitable peoples who wage great wars and attack the Spaniards on the road to New Mexico. They were so hostile that they refused even to speak with the Europeans. One must, however, accept this information with some care, for Fray Alonso says the same things of the Tepehuanes and Taraumaras, both of which tribes were at peace in the late 1620’s.^ The geographical distribution of the Athapaskan ^Benavides I63O. pp. 10-12 ^Benavides 1630. p. 9. 133 when he says Leaving the province of the Xila Apaches, one continues in the same direction /towards the north/ along the western edge of the settlements /Firos and Tiwas/; and advancing northward along their border for a distance of more than fifty leagues occupied by villages of the Xila province, one arrives at the province of the Navaho Apaches. Although these belong to the same Apache nation as those mentioned above, they are subject and subordinate to another chief captain, and lead a different kind of life. Furthermore, . . . all those fifty leagues from Xila up to this Navaho nation are settled with rancherias, and the territory of the latter extends for another fifty leagues of frontier. On the east the Navaho bordered upon the Jemez and the Tewa and towards the west their lands extended to the Hopi, that is, if the "Apaches" of that area spoken of by Perea were actually Navahos. The lands of the Apaches of Quinia and Manases began with a rancheria to the west of the Rio Grande, where they bordered upon the Navaho, and extended easterly to the area of Taos and Picuris. Somewhere in the vicinity of Pecos pueblo the lands of the Vaquero Apaches began and they extended along the eastern frontier of New Mexico as far as the territory of the Apaches del Perrillo.^ Thus New Mexico was completely surrounded by Atha- paskans as Benavides repeatedly asserts. Fray Esteban de ^ Benavides 1630, pp. 44-45; and Benavides 1634. p. 35 ^ Benavides 1634. pp. 39, 91. 189 Perea essentially agrees with this idea but would insert an "almost” in the statement. 73 To the east the Vaquero Apaches were said to occupy 100 leagues of plains and the Jumano Apache also had extensive lands which began 100 leagues from New M e x i c o . 74 In 1629-1630 all of the Athapaskans were at peace with the Pueblo Indians and with the Spanish invaders. Certainly this situation bade promise for the future— if it could be maintained. The situation was, however, fraught with evil potentialities for many of the Pueblo tribes were preparing to recover their freedom and within the next decade the Hopi, Zuni, Jemez, and Taos were to kill their priests. The Spanish position in Mew Mexico was still primarily one of exploiting the labor of the Pueblo Indians and the latter were held by naked force. Santa Fe now had about 250 Spaniards (or probably less) who were supported by some 700 servants and slaves of Indian and mixed b l o o d . 75 The majority of the Spaniards consisted in fifty soldiers and their families. The former . . . though they are few and poorly equipped, God has always enabled them to come forth victorious and has instilled into the Indians such a fear of them and of their harquebuses that at the mere mention of a Span iard coming to their pueblos they run away. In order to keep them in constant fear, they deal very severely ^Perea*s "True Report", in Benavides 1634. p. 221. ^Benavides 1634. p. 91, 7^Benavides 1630. pp. 23-24. 190 with them whenever an occasion arises for punishing a rebellious pueblo. If this were not done, the natives would have tried to murder the Spaniards. . . . Thus the poor Pueblo Indians were little better off than during the rule of Juan de Onate. The Americans were not only oppressed by these soldiers, but they had to support the latter. Benavides was pleased to inform the king that no funds from his royal treasury were used to pay the soldiers; rather, as encomenderos of the Indian pueblos, they received a tribute from the Americans of one yard of cotton cloth and two and one-half bushels of corn each year from each house. Besides this, of course, were the personal services rendered by the natives and the tribute paid to the governor.^ During the 1630’s the Spaniards began to use New Mexico once again as a base for reaching far-away peoples and places. In 1632 Fray Juan de Salas, Fray Diego {or Fedro) de Ortega, and some soldiers went out onto the buffalo plains to visit the Jumana (Jumano Apache) Indians on the Rio de las Nueces (the Colorado River of Texas). They were received in a friendly fashion and one of the priests stayed with the natives for six months.This 7°Benavides 1630. pp. 23-24. ^Informe of Fray Alonso de Posadas, in "Documentos y Noticias Historicas" of Josd' Antonio Pichardo, tomo 15, a :Manuscript in the Biblioteca del Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, Madrid, Spain. Hereinafter to be cited as Informe of Posadas, in Pichardo, tomo 15, B.M.A.E. 191 is the first record of the Jumano Apaches being on the Colorado where they were also located in the 1650*s, 1660*s and l690Ts. Aside from being followers of the buffalo these Athapaskans were avid traders (as were the Vaquero Apaches) and frequented the area all the way from La Junta to central Texas. In fact, their trading took them as far as the eastern-Gulf Coast area of Texas. In the same year interest developed on the part of / the Franciscans of New Mexico in the Opatas and Pimas of Sonora and Arizona. These tribes were referred to as the Ypotlapigua and the Cipias or Zipias. The former term was probably a name for the Opata of the Northeast corner of Sonora and the latter word was derived from the Zuni name for the Pima: Tsipiakwe.^^ Two friars, Francisco Letrado and Martin de Arvide, became interested in going from Zuni to the Zipias and the latter priest, accompanied by some Zunis, set out on the journey. Five days later his com panions killed Arvide and Letrado was dispatched at his mission— the Zuni had chosen this moment to cast off their So chains. It seems that the Apaches living to the south- 76 See Forbes, "The Appearance of the Mounted Indian in Northern Mexico and the Southwest". "^Frederick Webb Hodge, ed., Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico (Washington: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1912), v. 2, p. 627. An ^ ouAnother version is that both priests were killed at Zuni, five days apart. See Benavides 1634. pp. 77, SO. 192 west of Zuni were at peace in 1632, otherwise Arvide would have never begun such a journey. The type of retaliation taken against the Zufii by the Spaniards is not known however, the Indians were forced to abandon their six pueblos and unite in a defensive set tlement on the rock of Caquiraa. In 1636 it was reported that they were still idolatrous and that they had come down Si from their rock to re-populate their old pueblos. In 1634 Captain Alonso Baca with some soldiers and Indian servants went 300 leagues to the east of New Mexico, tip reaching the Arkansas River and Quivira. K The reports of this journey mention no hostilities and therefore the Plains Apaches were probably still at peace. From 1632 to 1637 New Mexico was ruled consecutively by two governors, Francisco de la Mora y Ceballos and Francisco Martinez de Baeza, both of whom were virtually at cold war with the Franciscans. Mora was accused of allowing soldiers to set up their ranches in the fields of the Indians, of abusing the natives in other ways, and of enslaving their children to sell. He also tried to sell Letter of Christoval de Quiros, November 2 6, 1 6 3 6, in A.G.N., Provinces Internas 35, U.T.A. Transcript; Auto of Francisco Martinez de Baeza, in A.G.N., Provincias ■Internas 34, U.T.A. Transcript. (University of Texas Archives). g2 Informe of Posadas, Pichardo, tomo 15, B.M.A.E. 193, 600 cows and 400 mares in Santa Barbara but the viceroy go f ordered them returned to New Mexico. Under Martinez New Mexico was said to be in a miserable state.^ Meanwhile, other areas of New Spain had begun to expand northwards once again. In 1610 the Jesuits finally succeeded in penetrating the Yaqui barrier and by the 1620Ts they were working among the Pimas and Opatas of southern Sonora. By the 1640*s they and the Franciscans were to be engaged in bitter disputes over who should control the northern Opatas and Pimas. In Nueva Vizcaya some expansion occurred as Jesuits worked with the Taraumaras and Laguneros and Franciscans established missions for the Conchos and Tobosos. The latter people revolted in 1612, however, and from 1617 to 1622 the whole province was plunged into war as the powerful Tepehuanes strove to free themselves. The Conchos, Tobosos, and Chisos (the latter people bordering upon the Jumano Apaches) also joined this struggle and continued more or less at war for many decades thereafter.^ The importance of these wars to the south of the Sumas, Cholomes, Julimes and Jumano Apaches should be obvious; hundreds of horses and ^Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 47, 130-131. ( ^Letter of Christoval de Quiros, November 26, 1636, jin A.G.N., Provincias Internas 35 • *5See various documents in A.G.I., Guadalajara 26; B.M.H. 971; and A.G.I., Guadalajara 143* 194 other booty would reach them and more hostile feelings would be created against the Spaniards. The turbulent situation in Nueva Vizcaya and the hundreds of leagues of land belonging to the hostile Conchos and Sumas which lay between Santa Barbara and Santa Fe meant that the Spaniards in New Mexico were only very weakly under the control of royal authority. Thus the struggles between rival factions, one being led by most of the Franciscans and the other led by the governor, were able to take an increasingly serious form. Finally, under Governor Luis de Rosas, open civil war broke out. CHAPTER VII "A LARD OP STRIPE” The entrance of Lu^s de Rosas as governor into New Mexico in 1637 was indeed a tragic event - both for Spaniards and Indians. Although Rosas cannot bear sole responsibility for the crisis which developed, he nevertheless must be held guilty of being a prime mover in the grotesque play acted out with the Franciscans. It was charged that the friars were the owners of all the wealth that there was in New Mexico and that they exercised a rule of tyranny over the Spaniards and Indians.^" This assertion was borne out by His Majesty's Fiscal when he declared that the Franciscans had set up an obraje (work factory) in a convent, using forced Indian labor, and that they refused to allow Governor Rosas to distribute reparti- mientos of natives to the settlers, insisting on doing this 2 themselves. Whether for a good or a bad end, it is clear that the friars definitely wanted to control the lives and labor of the converted Indians and this naturally led to difficulties with the governors who ^"Francisco Gcjmez to the Fiscal, October 26, 1638, in A.G-.N., Provincias Internas 34. p Parecer of Pedro Melian, the Fiscal, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 196 come with an insatiable thirst to return rich /to New Spain/, and this is not possible without notable , offenses and rascalities against the Indians. . . . Lu/s de Rosas’ desire for wealth seems to have indeed dominated him, and his methods were almost always evil. In 1638-1639 he committed a series of crimes which deserve to be treated in full as they affect the Athapaskans directly. He was charged with doing the following: Item: that he went loaded with knives to the pueblo of Pecos to barter with a number of Apache Indians, friends of the baptized natives, pretending that he went to serve His Majesty; and as he did not find any trading he became angry and rash to such a degree with the priest /of Pecos/ that he carried him captive to the villa /Santa Fe/. . . . Item: that in a journey that was made by order of the said governor to Quivira they /the Spanish/ killed a great number of the said friendly Apaches and these killings were done in company with many infidel enemies of the said Apaches, an action prohibited by cedula of His Majesty . . . and they captured them /Apaches/ in this unjust war and they took them to sell in tierra de paz /in Nueva Vizcaya, etc JJ. The Christian natives of the pueblo of Pecos have made a great demonstration of feeling in regards to this because they were living with them /the Apaches/ and with them they had their commerce by means of which they clothed themselves and paid their tributes. Item: that because of the above-mentioned war the same Apache nation remained with hatred and enmity towards the Spaniards and on another occasion when Captain Sebastian Gonzdiez went as leader to trade with the Sumanas they obliged him to retire with the loss of the alfe'rez Diego Garcia, his son-in-law, whom they killed. They weren't able to resist the great gathering of Indian warriors that attacked.4 r z Letter of Juan de Prada, January 15, 1644, iu A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. ^Testimony of Francisco de Salazar, July 5, 1641, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 197 The term "Sumana" was applied to Athapaskans living in the region southeast of El Paso. They were apparently a branch of the Suma, although some evidence would seem to 5 make them a group linking the former with the Jumano Apache. The treacherous slave raid made by order of Rosas was said to have frightened the "always restless" Apache and forced them to retire, according to a pro-Rosas inform ant.^ On the other hand, the evidence indicates that the Plains Apache had been at peace in 1638, prior to the raid, and that they were trading with the settled Indians as in 7 years gone by. Certainly, the activities of Rosas helped to increase Athapaskan and Indian hostility in general. During these same years the governor made an attack upon the Utacas (Utes), who it was said had never caused any harm to either Spaniards or converted Indians. His soldiers killed many Utea and brought back more than eighty slaves, some of whom were sold at Parral in Nueva Vizcaya (along with Apaches) and others who were placed in an obra.je which Rosas created for himself at Santa Fe. The governor was charged with consenting to or per mitting the Apaches (probably Havahos) who had been enemies of the Spaniards and converted Indians to carry off the 5 See the sections on the Suma and the Jumano in Forbes, "Unknown Athapaskans." 6 / Francisco Gomez to the Fiscal, October 26, 1638, in A.G.N., Provincias Internas 34, U.T.A. transcript. ^Petition of Juan de Prada, September 26, 1638, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 108. 198 horses of the missions, apparently with the object of damaging the position of the Franciscans. These Apaches took advantage of the opportunity to kill many mission Indians and acquire herds of horses and mares. In February, 1639, it was declared that the New Mexican Spaniards were unable to defend the province and castigate the enemy (indeed no campaigns had been made since 1628 because of the mountainous, dry, and rough lands in which the enemy lived). According to Francisco de Salazar, an enemy of Rosas, the governor failed to undertake any campaigns against the Navaho. In fact, the only subsequent journeys which he authorized were two in number; the one of Captain Juan Gomez de Luna who went to barter with the "Cavellera Larga'1 (Long Hair Apaches), and the other of Captain Mathias Romero to collect from the encomiendas in the Hopi area and to get slaves for Rosas' work factory and for selling in the tierra de paz. Gomez was responsible for arousing the hostility of the "Apaches of the Cavallera Larga" by appar ently seizing some of them. Salazar declared that with this incident began all of the damages which these hitherto peaceful Athapaskans were to commit on the road from Santa Fe (to New Spain?) and throughout the land as late as July, 1641. Thus the Apaches of the Gila-lower Rio Grande region (who these apparently were) became active enemies of the Q Spanish. Q Testimony of Francisco de Salazar, July 5, 1641, 199 Rosas was not content with, making slave raids and thereby arousing the enmity of the Athapaskans and Utes, however, for he began to fight actively with the Franciscans. One rupture took place when the governor and some friars made a journey to the Ypotlapiguas (northeastern Opatas) as a result of which the Indians fled to the sierras and Rosas continually quarreled with the priests and settlers Q who were with him. After the return to New Mexico, the governor apparently sought to break the hold which the Franciscans had on the Pueblo Indians by ordering the latter not to obey the friars and by complaining of the priests in front of the natives, as he did at Taos. The result was that the Taos and the Jemez revolted, killing their priests and a number of other persons. Other Indians seem to have rebelled as well and large herds of livestock were stolen from the Franciscans.10 No effort was made by Rosas to in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7; and Letter of Mathias Romero, February 21, 1639, in A.G.N., Provincias Internas 35. q Testimony of Francisco de Salazar, July 5, 1641, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 10Ibid.; Petition of Juan de Salas, September 10, 1644, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7; and Testimony of Fernando Durs& y Chavez, August 17, 1644, in the same legajo. These sources clearly indicate that the Jemez killed their priest when they rebelled. The viceroy, however, said that "... the Indians of the Hemes have had a surprise attack and assault of the Apache Indians, infidel enemies of the Christians ..." and in it they killed the priest. This leaves us in doubt as to what occurred but it seems wise to accept the testimony of people in New Mexico at the time. See Scholee, "Notes on the Jemez Missions in the Seventeenth Century," p. 94. 200 punish the rebels; on the contrary he had his soldiers spend. their time robbing the various pueblos, taking from both priests and Indians. The situation of the converted Pueblo tribes was desperate and disease and hunger seem to have taken a large toll during these years. The soldiers of Rosas are said actually to have removed the priests from Nambe, San Ildefonso and Santa Clara and a Portuguese put on a priests' habit in front of the Piros at Socorro. Sandia, Zia, and Cuarac were also 12 visited by the raiders. The Pueblo Indians suffered the loss of most of their property and their children were taken l^ from them to be sold as slaves. At Santa Fe Rosas expelled the authorized priest and placed in his stead Pray Juan de Vidania, an un-frocked Jesuit turned Franciscan. Vidania and Pray Pedro de Santa Mar^a sided with Rosas against the rest of their order and were accused of many immoralities by the latter. Early in 1640 the Franciscans abandoned all of the pueblos and missions in order to unite themselves at Santo Domingo. There they were joined by a number of the settlers "^Testimony of Nicol/s de Lamar y Vargas, August 18, 1644, and of Fernando Duran y Chavez, August 17, 1644, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. ■^Testimony of Nicolas de Lamar y Vargas, August 18, 1644, and Fernando Duran y Chavez, August 17, 1644, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. IS Petition of Juan de Salas, September 10, 1644, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 201 who chose the clerical side of the struggle. One of the factors in this latter union was the murder of an officer loyal to Rosas by some other Spaniards, the latter claiming that the officer had had illicit relations with women of honor in Santa Fe. At any rate, the murderers fled to the 14 Franciscans and were protected by the latter from Rosas. Of the 120 soldier-settlers in New Mexico at the time seventy-three sided with the friars. The remainder, who were pro-Rosas, were said by their opponents to consist of mestizos and mulattos and it may be that some racial 15 antagonisms were involved. At Santo Domingo the friars and settlers fortified themselves, building defensive structures and creating a castillo fuerte. Then they sallied forth to raid, stealing the livestock and horses of the governor and the loyal settlers. Reportedly the Franciscans raised two flags at the pueblo: • one of the Holy Crusade and the other of the Catholic Church. Obedience was to be given only to the ■ d 16 Pope. For sixteen months this situation continued. The rival Spanish groups at Santo Domingo and Santa Fe both "^Letter of Bartolom/ Romero, October 7, 1641, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. ■^Parecer of Pedro Melian, the Fiscal, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 16Ibid. 20 2 seem to have supported themselves by raiding the pueblos and the Apaches are said to have taken advantage of the affair by increasing their incursions. Thus the years of 1640 and 1641 must have been exceedingly harsh on the Rio Grande Puebloans although those at some distance (the Hopi, Zunl and Tompiros, for example) perhaps benefited from their breath of freedom. A halt in the Spanish civil war occurred in the summer of 1641 when a successor to Rosas, Juan Flores de Sierra y Valdes, arrived in New Mexico. Flores died before he could patch up the dispute, but he did begin investiga tions which shed light upon the controversy. With his death the Franciscan faction seems to have acquired control of Santa Fe and Lu/s de Rosas was made a prisoner. Rosas' cabildo was dissolved and one favorable to the friars assumed power. The ex-governor was subsequently murdered in his quarters by Nicolas Ortiz, an outraged husband who found Rosas committing adultery with his wife, all of this while Rosas was still in prison. The fiscal and the Gover nor of Nueva Vizcaya (who apprehended Ortiz) were of the opinion that the murder was pre-arranged by the priestly faction. It was charged that they placed Ortiz' wife with Rosas and when the husband discovered his spouse's absence they took him to Rosas' rooms where he found her. Rosas was then placed under a guard of four men but they allowed the enraged Ortiz and some companions to murder the ex-governor. 203 The rebel cabildo did nothing about the affair and Ortiz 17 went to Nueva Vizcaya where he was apprehended. During the balance of 1641 and part of 1642 the friars' faction made several campaigns against the Apache (Navaho), burning 20,000 fanegas of maize, talcing many prisoners, killing others, and forcing the Athapaskans to accept peace. The peace was short-lived, however, for the subsequent governor had to continue the campaigns. The 1639 revolt of the Taos Indians mentioned pre viously proved to be an exceedingly significant event in Athapaskan history. These Puebloans chose to abandon their ancient community and trek out onto the plains to live with their Apache allies. This was probably brought about by the Taos' fear of Spanish retaliation and a strong desire to be far, far away from the European invaders. On the plains of western Kansas, in present-day Scott County, the Taos established a new pueblo (called frequently El Cuartelejo by the Spanish). Here they lived among the Athapaskans whose territory at this time included all or almost all of the High Plains as far as the Black Hills. The Taos had some contact, it seems, with the cul tures of people farther to the east, such as the Wichita. 17 Parecer of Pedro Melian, the Fiscal, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. ^Letter of Tho Patronato 244, ramo 7. ■Jp / Letter of Thomas Manso, January 15, 1645, in A.G.I., 204 The exiles lived at El Cuartelejo until twenty Spanish soldiers and Indian auxiliaries under Juan de Archuleta 19 brought most of them back to their old pueblo. Subse quently, in the early 1660's, Governor Diego de Pdnalosa 20 returned the balance of the Puebloans to New Mexico. The exact date of the journey by Archuleta has never been known and only an approximate dating in the 1650's or thereabouts was possible. The fact is, however, that Archu leta was one of the members of the pro-Pranciscan faction who were executed by Governor Alonso Pacheco on July 21, 1643, and therefore the journey had to take place between 1640 and 1643- Probabilities are that it was in 1642 or early 1643.^ The movement of the Taos out onto the plains and the journey of Archuleta must have had an effect upon the Plains Apache of that far-away region, and we may suppose that the El Cuartelejo area Athapaskans acquired the use of horses from the Taos; that is, if they did not already use them. Archaeologists have located village sites of these Athapas- 1Q / Letter of Silvestre Velez de Escalante, April 2, 1778, in Ralph E. Twitehell, The Spanish Archives of New Mexico (Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1914), v. 2, pp. 279- 280. Also in Documentos-Mexico. ^Trial of Diego de PeSTalosa, 1665, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 263-264. 21 Auto of Alonso Pacheco, July 21, 1643, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 205 kans in various places in western Kansas, western Nebraska, and eastern Colorado and they have also located the ruins left by the Taos at El Cuartelejo in association with Plains Apache materials. A few pieces of "Quiviran" shell-tempered pottery sherds confirm Archuleta's finding of artifacts from 22 the Quivira villages among the Taos. It is possible that some of the Plains Apache were at peace with the Quiviras (Wichitans) during the period under consideration, both be cause of the above and because of finding Puebloan pottery of c. 1525-1650 date among the Wichita sites. Such pottery could have only come from New Mexico by way of the Plains 23 Apache or the Taos and Apache. The Athapaskan sites on the High Plains reveal that their culture (referred to as the "Dismal River Culture" because of a location of a type site) included primarily a hunting way of life supplemented by the growing of maize, beans, and squash. No house ruins have been located but pieces of turquoise, tubular incised pottery pipes, and some glass beads and iron show contact with Puebloans and Spaniards.24 Late in 1642 the rule of the insurgent cabildo OO / Letter of Silvestre Velez de Escalante, 1778, in Twitchell, op. cit., v. 2, pp. 279-280; and Waldo R. Wedel, Culture Chronology in the Central Great Plains," p. 151. 23 Wedel, pp. cit., p. 150. 24Ibid., p. 151. 206 was terminated in New Mexico by the arrival of Governor Alonso Pacheco de Heredia. Pacheco was well-received by the Franciscans and their allies and he seems to have pretended tolerance for what had taken place. Actually the royal officials in New Spain had for the most part accepted the Rosas point of view and it would have been surprising if Pacheco had favored the rebels over those Spaniards who had remained loyal to the former governor. Pacheco evidently sought time to consolidate his position before taking action against the Franciscan faction and he also faced serious problems with the Indians. He kept the rebel captains busy by sending them off on campaigns against the Pueblo Indians who had revolted and to castigate the Apaches. Probably at this time Archuleta made his journey to El Cuartelejo. When the land had been sufficiently pacified Pacheco turned about face and initiated charges of treason against eight rebel captains, and on July 21, 1643, they were executed. The Franciscan faction charged that Pacheco was backed by ". . . a stranger and a Portuguese and mestizos and sambahigos, sons of Indian men and Negroes, and mulat tos . . . thus indicating that perhaps there was a racial cleavage in New Mexico with the persons of non-Spanish ances try supporting the secular side of the dispute. During this period there were less than two hundred "citizens" in the province and this included a large number of mestizos 207 25 and mulattos. The Pueblo Indians experienced a period of harsh rule under Pacheco for the governor sought to keep the Americans under control. They were not allowed to travel from one pueblo to another without a license and this caused great hardship because many of the villages were without food. In June, 1643, it was charged that Pacheco sought to levy new taxes and tributes on the poverty-stricken natives, increasing the current rate from one cotton manta and one fanega of maize per house each four or five months to the same amount collected from each individual. Some converted Indians were already fleeing to the enemy infidels (the Apaches) and if the new tributes were levied it was feared that they would all flee. Many Puebloans must have been taking refuge among the Apache during this era for five years before Pray Juan de Prada had noted that the converts would flee to the heathen at the slightest annoyance * '. . . believ- 26 ing that they enjoy greater happiness with them. . . ." The decline of the civilization of the Pueblo Indians under the rule of the Spanish invaders from 1600 to 1643 is 26 Petition of Alonso Vaca, 1643; Auto of Alonso Pacheco, July 21, 1643; and Letter of Thomas Manso, January 30, 1648, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 2 6 Letter of Hernando Covarrubias, June 1, 1643, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7; and Petition of Juan de Prada, September 26, 1638, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 111. 208 revealed in the fact that Governor Pacheco reported only forty-three pueblos left in the province by the latter date. At the beginning of Spanish occupation the number of vil lages was said to be between one hundred and ten and one 27 hundred and fifty, depending on the source of information. This decline may have been due in part to the Franciscan and royal policy of congregating the Indians in fewer pueblos for the convenience of priests, soldiers and encom- enderos; however, the deadly nature of Spanish exploitation was chiefly to blame. Interestingly enough, the Athapaskans cannot be blamed for the abandonment of any of the pueblos with the possible exception of some belonging to the Tewa. By August, 1643, the Franciscans and Governor Pacheco were involved in a new struggle which saw Fray Juan de Salas fear that the governor was going to have him taken to El 28 Paso for either wild beasts or enemy Indians to kill. Whether some of the Franciscans went back to their missions during this period is not completely clear but in September, 1644, twenty-one of them were at Santo Domingo signing a 29 protest against the rule of bad governors. Certainly this 27 Alonso Pacheco, August 6, 1643, in A.G.I., Patro nato 244, ramo 7; and various declarants in A.G.I., Mexico 26. PR Relacion of Juan de Salas, September 19, 1643, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 29 Petition of the Franciscans of New Mexico, Septem ber 10, 1644, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. 209 affair must have helped strengthen the Pueblo Indians' preference for their own religion and to discredit Roman Catholicism. During this period there is an indication that m 30 the Zuni and the Picuris revolted and were punished. In December, 1644, Fernando de Arguello arrived as governor and a spirit of cooperation between secular and religious forces seems to have appeared. At the request of Pedro de Perea, "Captain Pacifier" of the Opata region of Sonora, Fray Thomas Manso authorized the long-sought Fran ciscan expansion to the Ypotlapiguas in 1645. The Jesuits had been working with the Opata farther towards the south and in spite of revolts they had persevered. The Black Robes were not desirous of a Franciscan intrusion into their territory and arguments continued for years. The friars of St. Francis established a mission "... among the frontier and heathen nation of Potlapiguas, Bavispes and Bacera- ca . . . ," another among the G-uasabas, Opoto, Techicode- guachi, and Vatepito and still another among the Opatas of 31 Turicachi, Cuquiarachi and Teras. Almost all of these ^In Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid) 19258 there is a letter of December 6, 1644, signed Fernando Arguello and purporting to show that Juan Dominguez de Mendoza punished the ZuEi who were fortified on the Rock of Caquima and the "Picury." This letter is probably a forgery, however, be cause Arguello did not take office until that date and would not have certified to services under another governor. 31 s Juan Mateo Manje, Luz de Tierra Incognita, tr. by Harry J. Earns (Tucson: Arizona Silhouettes, 1954), p. 280. 210 pueblos were on the frontiers of the Suma, Jano and Jocome and these Athapaskans soon were objects of Franciscan interest as well. First, however, the friars made a journey to the west to visit the Cipias (Pimas) but no missions were established. ^ This area of Sonora proved to be a troublesome spot for the friars as the Opata were already somewhat anti- Spanish because of battles with the latter in the 1540's, 1560's and more recently in the early 1640's when Perea had conquered the Guasabas of Opotu (Opoto) by destroying their fields. Nevertheless, the Franciscans worked diligently and in five years time about 7,000 natives were baptized. Some of these may have been Athapaskans, for the lands of the Jocome and Jano extended from the Chiricahua Mountains south to the Opata pueblos of Cuquiarachi, Turicachi and Teras. The Surna bordered upon the Opata villages of Bavispe, Baceraca and Huachinera. These Athapaskan groups probably were somewhat hostile to the efforts of the Franciscans, for the Sumas farther to the east and the Conchos were continu ally regarded as dangerous to travelers between Nueva Vizcaya 34 and New Mexico in this period. This then was a potentially 32 See Albert H. Schroeder, "Southwestern Chronicle, the Cipias and Ypotlapiguas," in Arizona Quarterly, v. 12, no. 2, 1956, pp. 102-103. 'Z 'Z f Francisco Javier Alegre, Historia de la Comoania de Jesus (Mexico: J. M. Lara, 1842) tomo II, p. 266. •^Petition of Juan de Prada, September 26, 1638, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 107; Letter of Juan 211 ✓ bad situation for the friars, especially since the Opata were restless. The fuse was soon applied to the mixture when a full-scale revolution broke out in Nueva Vizcaya among the converted Conchos, Tobosos, Gabezas and Salineros, and among the Julimes of the La Junta region. This struggle began in 1644. It led to the death of several priests and caused the abandonment of a wide area. Furthermore, the large and powerful Taraumara nation joined the revolution in 1648 and Taraumara and Concho agitators seem to have spread the fervor to the Sumas and their allies, the Janos and Jocomes (the latter were simply called "Sumas of the \ 35 north" at this time). In 1649 the revolution broke out among the Indians of northeastern Sonora. Magicians possessed of the demon, as Juan Mateo Manje expressed it, stirred up the Opata and Suma with the result that the Franciscans were hard-pressed. Spanish troops from Sinaloa came to the assistance of the friars at Turicachi where the united Suma had come in large numbers to attack. The Indians were repulsed with eleven dead but a Spanish follow-up offensive failed to accomplish * 2 / r anything more. It appears that the Franciscans were forced de Prada, March 12, 1642, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7; and Report of Thomas Manso, January 30, 1648, in A.G.I., Patronato 244, ramo 7. ■ ^ R e l a c i o n del Estado, quoted by Carl Sauer, "The Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes and languages in Northwest Mexico," in Ibero-Americana. v. 5, p. 70. * 2 £ Ibid. , pp. 70-71; and Alegre, oj>. cit. . p. 404. 212 to abandon their missions as the Opata converts were in revolt, the Sumas were unsubdued and the Jesuits claimed the •5 7 area anyway. By 1651 a- Jesuit priest was at Opoto and in March he succeeded in making peace with the Suma. Some one hundred men, women and children came into the latter pueblo to end hostilities and the door was opened to Jesuit mission ary activity among these Athapaskans. By 1653 some of the "Sumas of the east" had been baptized and a visita was established for them six leagues to the east of Bavispe. There sixty-seven families with 244 souls were congregated. The "Sumas of the north" were being reached by the Jesuits’ entrance into Turicachi where more than thirty chiefs had come in. Peaceful relations seem to have continued for many years thereafter but the number of Sumas who were actually converted was to be small.58 The influence of the Nueva Vizcaya rebellions, 1644- 1650, was to be felt in New Mexico as well as in Sonora, and in the lands of the Pueblo Indians local factors were to play a big part in the rise of the revolutionary impulse. Under Arguello's rule, 1644 to 1647, religious control was once again established over the Rio Grande pueblos and the governor "... hanged and lashed and imprisoned more than 37 / Manje, Luz de Tierra Incognita, p. 281. 58Sauer, "Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes," pp. 70- 71; and Alegre, op. cit., tomo 3, pp. 404-405- 213 39 * ' forty Indians . . for idolatry. Arguello also had twenty-nine Jemez Indians hanged in their pueblo as traitors and confederates of the Apaches. Other Jemez men were imprisoned for the same crime and because of having killed a Spaniard.^ There is some evidence that the Apaches of the moun tainous regions near Taos and Picuris, called the Apaches del Acho, made war upon those two pueblos and threatened the Pecos with an attack in April, 1646. The document which purports to show this is one testifying to the services of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza with the signature of Governor Lufs de Guzman y Figueroa and a date of April 14, 1646. It appears to be a forgery because Guzman did not become gover nor until 1647 and the Apaches of the region in question were always (so far as is known) allies of the Taos and Picuris. Nevertheless, it is interesting to note that the author of the document, whoever he was, placed the Apaches del Acho in that area in the 1640's. Otherwise the name is not known until 1680.^ Declaration of Diego Lopez, December 22, 1681, in Charles W. Hackett, Revolt of the Pueblo Indians (Albuquer que: University of New Mexico Press, 1942), v. 2, p. 299- Hereinafter to be cited as Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. 40 / Declaration of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, December 20, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, p. 266. ^Testimony of Lu^s de Guzman, April 14, 1646, in 'Servicios de Juan Dominguez de Mendoza," a collection of manuscripts in the Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid). Hereinafter to be cited as B.N. 19258. I am indebted to Dr. France V. Scholes of the University of New Mexico for pointing out the 214 Little is known of New Mexico from 1647 to 1649 when Luis de Guzman was governor. However, campaigns ", . .of the Rio Grande navajo y cassa fuerte ..." were made during his rule. Presumably the fighting was being carried on with the Navaho Apache since all of the above place-names were within their territory, the "Rio Grande" in question being 42 the San Juan River. By 1649 news of the revolts in Sonora and Nueva Vizcaya must have reached the Apache and Puebloans and it probably stimulated a long overdue event: a simultaneous rebellion by several of the tribes in New Mexico. Finally after fifty years of subjection the various pueblos began to realize that unity of action was the only way to defeat better-armed and more war-like Europeans. Unfortunately for the Americans they had not as yet had quite enough experience at warfare with the invaders for their plans to succeed entirely. Throughout 1649 the Navaho Apache kept the pueblo and frontier of the Jemez in continual unrest and the Euro peans had difficulty in maintaining the recently established 43 , church there. Finally in 1650, during the rule of Gover nor Hernando de Ugarte y la Concha, the soldiers forgeries of Domfnguez de Mendoza. 4^See Frank D. Reeve, "Early Navaho Geography," in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 31, no. 4, 1956. ^Letter of Francisco Lucero de Godoy, February 5, 1649, in A.G.N., Provincias Internas 35. 215 discovered another plot to rebel which the sorcerers and chief men of the pueblos had arranged with the enemy Apaches, and for that purpose the Christians, under the pretext that the enemy was doing it, turned over to them in the pastures the droves of mares and horses belonging to the Spaniards, which are the prin cipal nerve of warfare. They had already agreed with the said apostates to attack in all districts on the night of Holy Thursday, because the Spaniards would then be assembled.44 Captain Alonso Vaca followed a drove of mares and the Indians were apprehended. Questioning revealed that the Tiwas of Alameda and Sandia had turned them over to the enemy and 45 that they were in league with all of the Apaches. Gover nor Ugarte hurriedly held an investigation, the whole plan was discovered and nine leaders from the pueblos of Isleta, Alameda, San Pelipe, Cochiti and Jemez were hanged. Many 46 others were sold as slaves for a period of ten years. Thus the first united revolt of the Tiwas, Keres, Jemez and Apaches failed to rid Hew Mexico of its Spanish masters, but the seeds which were sown were to give birth eventually to the successful revolution of 1680. In 1681 a Keres of San Felipe declared that they had been planning to rebel ever since the days of Ugarte and that they always desired it. Indeed a few years after 1650 the Taos circu lated two deerskins calling for a new revolt but it was ^Declaration of Diego Lo*pez, December 22, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, p. 299. 45Ibid., v. 2, p. 299. 4 - 6 f Ibid.. v. 2, p. 299; and Declaration of Juan Domin guez de Mendoza, December. 20, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, p. 266. 216 47 postponed when the Hopi turned it down. The Navaho seem to have been a center for the dissemination of revolutionary ideas, as well as an area of refuge for the Pueblo Indians. Ugarte sent a campaign against the Navaho in the early 1650's which discovered another convocation of Christian Indians and Apaches.^® In 1650 a group of soldiers and Indian auxiliaries led by Captains Hernando Martin and Diego del Castillo departed from Santa Fe. Their object was to visit the Jumano Apache on the R^o Colorado of Texas, perhaps in the same area as those Athapaskans were visited by the Francis cans in 1629 and 1632. The Martin-Castillo party traveled two hundred leagues to the Jumanos, probably reaching them near the junction of the Concho and the Colorado. There they chose to remain for six months since the Indians were friendly, there was sufficient food, and the rivers yielded a number of shells containing some fresh-water pearls. After their stay with the Jumanos the Spaniards traveled towards the southeast following the R/o Colorado for fifty leagues to the limits of the Kingdom of the Texas (the Hasinai Caddo). In the intervening distance they visited the Cuitoas, Escanjaques and Aijados who are apparently to be equated with the Tonkawan tribes which always lay between 4-7 Declaration of Pedro Naranjo, December 18, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, p. 245. ^Testimony of Juan de Miranda, July 27, 1671, in B.N. 19258. 217 the Athapaskans of Texas and the Hasinai Caddo. Subse quently they returned to Santa Fe by the same route and 49 going the same distance, i..e.. , 250 leagues. The Viceroy of New Spain became interested in this discovery and he instructed the Governor of New Mexico, Juan Samaniego y Jaca, to send another expedition to the 50 region of "Las Perlas." In 1654 Sargento Mayor Diego de Guadalajara led thirty soldiers and two hundred converted Indians over the two hundred leagues to the lands of the Jumanos on the R^o Colorado. The Athapaskans were friendly but said that their eastern neighbors the Cuitoas were at war with them. Captain Andres Lopez, twelve soldiers, Indian allies and many Jumanos went thirty leagues to the east to attack a rancheria of the Cuitoas. As the battle developed different troops of Escanjaques and Aijados came to aid the Cuitoas and the struggle endured for almost one day. Finally the Tonkawans were defeated with considerable loss and some two hundred prisoners, lots of buckskins and buffalo hides were acquired by the Spaniards. The Lopez group returned to the main camp among the Jumanos and the whole army made its way back to New Mexico, presumably laden 51 with booty and slaves. 49 Informe of Posadas, in Pichardo, tomo 15, B.M.A.E. 5QIbid. 51 Informe of Posadas, in Pichardo, tomo 15, B.M.A.E. 218 The above account of the Guadalajara expedition was written by Fray Alonso de Posadas in the late 1680's appar ently after a discussion with Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, a member of the said expedition and the leader of a subsequent 52 trip to the same area in 1683* Unfortunately this same Dominguez de Mendoza was trying to get royal favor in the 1680's and 1690's and seems to have forged a series of docu ments purporting to be the letters of earlier governors of New Mexico testifying to his services. One such letter is important as it purports to set forth certain services dur ing the reign of Samaniego y Jaca, 1653-1656. The forger, however, had forgotten the correct dates of Samaniego's rule and instead places it from 1651 to 1653- During this era Dominguez de Mendoza supposedly led a one-man war against the Apache, as well as leading the Guadalajara expedition to the Jumanos. He was said to have made the discovery "de las Perlas, y Reyno de Quybira, y tejas" at his cost and on this journey he defeated the Escanjaques and Ayjados in a three day battle. He imprisoned more than 1600 of the enemy and rescued 127 Christians from slavery, not bothering to explain how these Christians got to eastern-central Texas. This whole story seems to have been a false account of the Guadalajara expedition and a product of the forger's imagin- 53 ation. 52M d . ^Testimony of Juan Samaniego y Jaca, January 12, 1653, in B.N. 19258. 219 In the same forged document the claim is made that Dominguez de Mendoza made a campaign against the Apaches of the Sierra Blanca (in the present-day Mescalero Apache reservation, New Mexico) in retaliation for a raid which those Athapaskans had made on the church in the Jumano Tom piros ' pueblo. Twenty-seven Tompiros who had been taken 54- captive by the Apaches were recovered. In all probability the forger based this account on actual wars between the Apaches and the Tompiros which took place in the 1670 period. As late as 1663 the Apaches of Siete Rios (the Pecos River Valley north of Carlsbad, New Mexico) were accustomed to come to barter with the Jumano Tompiros and these Apaches 55 were close relatives of the Sierra Blanca group. The forged letter also purports to show that Domin guez de Mendoza led a campaign against the Apaches "of the mountain ranges of Navajo, y cassa fuerte" for having carried out an ambush in the province of the Jemez. There the Navaho were supposed to have killed nineteen and carried off thirty-five prisoners. The hero of the document then made a superlative campaign which surprised the Apaches during some dances and the Spaniards were able to take 211 prisoners, besides rescuing forty Christians and a Spanish 54Tbid. p r c ^ 3 Testimony in regards of -Nicolas de Aguilar, May 11, 1663, in Hackett, Historical Documents. v. 3, p. 143. girl.^ The trouble with this story, aside from the fact that it is from a letter forged some thirty years after the event, is that in another letter which purports to be of Governor Samaniego y Jaca (but which has an impossible date - November 10, 1652) Domfnguez de Mendoza is supposed to have pacified the Jemez (and the Picuris) when they revolt ed. 57 Thus in one document the Jemez, allied with the Spanish, are raided by the Apache and in the other the Jemez are revolting against the Europeans. Still another service of Dominguez de Mendoza during the early l650fs, according to the forgeries, was on a campaign which he made against the Mansos of the El Paso area. These Indians had revolted and were threatening to kill their priests, but the hero succeeded in pacifying them and hanging two of their leaders.^ This document would be interesting if it could be relied upon because this would be the earliest evidence of priests working among the Mansos. New Mexico in the l650fs seems to have made little progress as a Spanish colony. From the early 1600»s to the 1 6 4 0*s the "Spanish” population seems to have numbered less than 200 persons, a portion of whom had Indian and Negro blood. ; 56rpegtimony 0£ juan Samaniego y Jaca, January 12, 1653, in B.N. 19256. 57Ibid. I mm ■ ■'■■■ , i I I 5^Ibid. jn all probability this is a false account bf the punishing of the. Mansos by Tome Dominguez de Mendoza borne years later. 221 In 1661 the province was said to have not more than a hun dred citizens and this number included mestizos, mulattos and all those who had any Spanish blood "... even though it is slight." One suspects that by this time the only pure Spaniards were recent comers from Spain, i..e., gover nors and priests. The slave-raiding in the Rosas period and the revolt of 1650 seem to have increased the hostility of neighboring Athapaskans. Nevertheless, with exception of the Navaho, the Apaches were apparently more inclined to get along with the Spaniards than to fight back. This is probably because of the fact that the Plains Apache needed peace in order to carry on their extensive commerce and the Gila Apaches trading in deerskins likewise would necessitate at least a truce with the New Mexico groups. Fray Alonso de Posadas, referring to the early 1660's when he was at Pecos pueblo, asserted that the Apaches living to the east of New Mexico have and always have had peace with the Spaniards, in order to sell their hides and skins and engage in commerce, promoting, on the other hand, the same Indians /of the Apache nation/ who inhabit the moun tains of New Mexico in all its circumference which sustain war with the Spaniards. While Posadas was at Pecos these Plains Apaches traded Qui- vira slaves with the Europeans in exchange for horses. Doubtless the need for acquiring horses also encouraged the 59 Scholes, France V., "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. XII, no. 2-4, 1937, p. 139. 222 Apaches in keeping the peace.^ The late 1650's, 1660's and 1670's were to see a great change in this situation, however, and increasing slave raids by the Spanish governors apparent ly were to be the cause of this. Little is known of the reign of Juan Manso de Con treras, 1656 to 1659, but during this period Franciscans began to try to convert the Mansos at El Paso. Changes were made among the Piros as Governor Manso depopulated the pueblo of Sevilleta and moved the natives to El Alamillo, thanks to Fray Benito de la Natividad giving the governor a horse and some sheep.- Probably the Franciscan wished to concentrate the Piros for ease of administration but the Piros were moved back to Sevilleta after 1659 because their removal . . had given free passage to the hostile Apaches. . . There is no doubt that Governor Manso was interested in acquiring Apache slaves to sell in New Spain. In 1659 he and his successor engaged in a controversy as to who owned some Apaches recently taken in a raid carried out by some Picuris and Spaniards. Manso claimed that the eighteen cap tives were his, but Bernardo Lcfpez de Mendizabal said that he had purchased them from the Picuris. Likewise the ^Informe of Posadas, in Pichardo, tomo 15, B.M.A.E. ^Bernardo Lo'pez de Mendizabal, June 16, 1663, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 200-216- ^Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670," p. 382. 223 Audiencia of Guadalajara in 1665 ordered that all slaves sold by Manso and Lopez in Parral be set free. The judges must have considered that these slaves had been taken in , 63 unjust wars. During the government of Juan Manso a campaign was made against the Salinero Apaches of the mountain ranges near Zuni and at the same time a campaign along the Rio Grande was carried out. The Salinero Apaches probably lived near the saline or salt lake some eighty miles south of Zuni. Many Apaches were killed and captured on this cam- In 1658, according to certain documents, Manso received news that a powerful Apache army had attacked the Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh (the Cibola of Coronado). Reportedly the Athapaskans had killed Pray Pedro de Ayala and two hun dred Zunis and had taken over one thousand prisoners. The pueblo and convent were burned and sacked, and all of the livestock was carried off. It was reported also that the Apaches were planning to return and destroy the whole prov ince of the Zuni with the next crescent of the moon. On October 10 a junta de guerra was held in Santa Fe and it was decided to send one hundred soldiers and four thousand Indian allies to destroy utterly the Apaches of Casa Fuerte and f i ^ Hackett, Historical Documents. v. 3, p. 262. ^Testimony of Juan de Miranda, July 27, 1671, in B.H. 19258. 224 Navaho, those responsible for the attack. Juan Dominguez de Mendoza was to lead the army and no Apaches except small 65 children were to be spared. This whole affair of 1658 seems to be pure fiction, however, as the document appears to be a forgery and certain key facts are simply untrue. First of all, the pueblo of Hawikuh was not destroyed at this time, it being mentioned 66 in 1664 and later. Secondly, Fray Pedro de Ayala was not killed in 1658 as he was either killed at Abo in the 1670's 67 ✓ or at Zuni in 1672. Dominguez de Mendoza, in another of his certificates of his own service, has the Apaches killing 68 a priest (no name given) at Hawikuh in 1673* This latter date is probably closer to the truth for the Apache's destruction of that pueblo. Early in the summer of 1659 Bernardo Lopez de Mendi- z&bal arrived in New Mexico and immediately showed his interest in the slave trade by haggling with Manso over Apache captives. He soon discovered a better way of getting human beings to sell, as the Navaho Apache had not come in ^Letter of Juan Manso de Contreras, October 15, 1658, in B.N. 19258. ^Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 246. 67 Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, May 10, 1679, in Ibid., p. 298 and Frank D. Reeve, "Seventeenth Century Navaho-Spanish Relations" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 32, no. 1, 1957, p. 49n. ^Letter of Juan de Miranda, July 15, 1673, in B.N, 19258. 225 to make assurances of peace which was a thing they always did with new governors, or so Lc^pez claimed. At any rate he sent some soldiers into Navaho territory where they seized two Indians for questioning. An interrogation fol lowed and it was ostensibly revealed that the Navahos were planning extensive raids on the pueblos. In order to pre vent this Lopez in September sent forty Spanish soldiers and eight hundred allies to do as much damage as they could and to destroy all fields and crops belonging to the 6q Apaches. It was charged by several Franciscans that this journey was for nothing more than the acquisition of slaves and was done at a time when the rest of the province was in a VO danger. It appears that most of the Apaches immediately bordering upon New Mexico were hostile, and little wonder, since Lopez had sent "... squadrons of men to capture the heathen Indians to send them to the real and mines of El Parral to sell (as he is doing at present, he having sent 71 there more than seventy Indian men and women to be sold)." In 1658 a famine had occurred and the Apaches suffered so severely from it that they came in to the pueblos in 1659 ^Letter of Bernardo Lopez de Mendizabal, August 30, 1659, in B.N. 19258. ^Letter of Fray Juan Ramirez, et cetera, September 8, 1659, in Hackett, Historical Documents. v. 3, p. 187. 71 / Letter of Juan Ramirez, September 8, 1659,' in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 186. 226 to sell all of their slaves and their own children in exchange for food. The Franciscans purchased many of these on the grounds that they then could convert them. L^pez, however, took advantage of the famine hy seizing men, women and children who had come in peace. The governor charged, however, that these seizures were made before his time and that the priests had themselves sold forty-three Indians at 72 Parral. By November, 1659, the areas of the lower Rio Grande and the salines east of the Manzano Mountains were 73 being raided severely by the enemy. In 1659 the conversion of the Mansos of El Paso and the nearby Sumanas really got under way. Pray Garcia de San Francisco who was also the missionary of the Piros and Tompiros began the reduction of these Athapaskans. When Lopez passed by El Paso on his way to New Mexico, he, show ing his anti-clerical attitude, had some arches removed which the Indians had put up for the Franciscan. Lcfpez also initiated legal proceedings against the natives and in September it was reported that they were running away. Nevertheless, a convent was established in December and most of the Manso rancherias were congregated at El Paso. The Sumanas were to be included in the conversion but none of them had apparently been gathered at that place. Trouble ^ Ib-id. , p. 191 and Trial of Mendizabal in Ibid. , v. 3, p* 216. "^Letter of Bernardo Lopez de Mendizabal, November 19, 1659, in B.N. 19258. 227 ensued, however, as the Mansos objected to being forced to dig irrigation ditches. Finally, it appears that they became stubborn and troops had to be sent down to pacify them and rescue the priests. The Franciscans continued their efforts but Lo'pez reportedly slowed them down by refusing to allow any Piros of Senecu to assist the 74 priests. Under the administration of L(4pez, as under most of the previous governors, there was a running conflict going on between the Franciscans and the secular officials. In this particular period it was intensified because Lopez was anti-clerical and was willing to tolerate the katchina dances of the Pueblo Indians. The friars, on the other hand, sought to destroy completely the native religion and 75 way of life. The trouble reached a high point at Taos where the Indians had preserved their independence since the l640's. During Lopez’ rule a priest attempted to reestab lish the church at Taos but the governor appointed as head of the pueblo the very Indian who had killed the previous priest. It was further charged by the Franciscans that HA f Trial of Mendizabal, in Hackett, Historical Docu ments, v. 3, pp. 203, 213; Letter of Fray Juan Ramirez, September 8, 1659, in Ibid. and Anne E. Hughes, "The Begin nings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District," in University of California Publications in History. v. 1, pp. 304-306. 75 See various testimony in Hackett, Historical Docu ments , v. 3, pp. 131-135. 228 76 the governor ordered the Taos not to obey the friar. Lo^ez countered by declaring that the priest, Pray Lula Martinez, had had relations with an Indian woman and then had cut her throat, burying her body in a room of the con vent. The governor asked to have the friar removed so as 77 to forestall a new revolt. By 1661 the Taos had destroyed 78 the church once again. Not all of the Apaches were hostile during the early stages of Lopez' government. The Apaches of Siete Rios came to trade with the Jumano Tompiros and Esteban Clemente, a Tompiro chief, seems to have made frequent visits to those Apaches in return. The Jumano Tompiro's largest pueblo, usually called "Humanas," was said to be a trading center "... whither they gather from all sides for trade in ante lope skins and corn. ..." The friendship of the Siete Rios Apache was given a severe test, however, when several of their men were attacked by the Tewas of Cuarac pueblo. The Apaches had been friendly but as they arrived at Cuarac at night the natives of the pueblo mistook them for enemies, killed one and wounded another. Thereupon the Siete Rios Indians made demonstrations, desiring to come and attack 76 f Trial of Bernardo Lopez de Mendizabal, 1663, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 206-207. 77Ibid., v. 3, PP. 217-220. 7®Testimony of Nicolas de Preitas, January 24, 1661, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 161. 229 the pueblo to avenge the killing. . Taking the initiative, Governor Lopez sent Nicolas de Aguilar to wage war upon them, or pacify them before they could fall upon the pueblo of the Christians. He went, taking with him a squad of Spaniards and another of Indians; he worked hard to reduce the enemy, for they were very much determined upon war. But God willed that they should be reduced to peace, and a pact was made with them that they should not pass beyond the pueblos of Humanos and Tavira, where they come to barter; nor should the enemy of the same nation in the jurisdiction of Casa Puerte and Navajo come, because it is from there that the whole kingdom receives hurt, for they /the Apaches/ are all one people, and it is impossible to tell whether they are friends or enemies. This pact has been observed /to 166/7 and the Indians of Cuarac have been ordered not to go to the pueblos of Humanos and Tavira at the times when the Apache Indians of Los Siete Rios should come to trade, for if the nations would avoid seeing each other there would be no w a r / 9 Thus it is clear that the southern Apaches were accustomed to trade regularly with the Tompiros and that the Navaho Apaches sometimes traded with the eastern Tewas. During this period the Plains. Apache were coming regularly into Pecos and some Spaniards were in the habit of going out among them. In August, 1660, Lopez sent Diego Romero and five other men from Senecu to the buffalo plains to visit and trade with the Athapaskans; Reportedly Romero married an Indian girl, as his father had done years before, and the Apache supposedly danced the katchina as a part of the marriage ritual. After one month among the Indians 7 Q f Trial of Nicolas de Aguilar, May 11, 1663, in Hackett, Historical Documents. v. 3, p. 143; and Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670," p. 396. 230 Romero and his men returned to Santa Fe by way of Galis- , 80 teo. Lo'pez apparently found it profitable to keep the friendship of the Plains Athapaskans in order to acquire hides and skins. When it came to the Apaches who lived closer to the settlements, however, the governor found it more advantageous to continue to deal in human lives. The Audiencia of Guadalajara later convicted Lopez of treach erously attacking peaceful Apaches in order to acquire slaves. This was done at Jemez where a party of Navahos came in to trade and Lopez had the men murdered and the women and children enslaved. The same thing was also done at Taos when Athapaskans from that neighborhood were there in peace. A Spaniard later testified that he had drawn up some ninety decrees legalizing the seizure of Apaches. The result of these acts was that the Navaho began raiding the frontier, killing twenty converted Indians and stealing 81 more than three hundred head of livestock. Farther to the south the same type of treachery was being perpetuated. Captain Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, in charge of the lower Rio Grande region, was said to have made campaigns against the Apache in time of peace and to have O A ^ Testimony of Nicolas de Freitas, January 24, 1661, and letter of Garcia de San Francisco, January 22, 1661, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 156. ft! Various testimony in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 282; and Scholes, 1 1 Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670," pp. 69, 74-75, 398. 231 hung prisoners at Isleta. Still another declarant refers X 82 to Dominguez' "butchery" of captive Athapaskans. Prior to 1638 the only Apaches who were at war with the Spaniards were Navahos, but by 1661 most or all of the Athapaskan groups had been goaded into some degree of hostility. Only the Plains Apache had managed to maintain a generally peaceable attitude towards the Europeans and this was apparently because of their unique position as suppliers of buffalo hides. It is to.be noted, however, that whereas from 1540 to perhaps 1638 these Plains Athapas kans had come into New Mexico and lived among the Pueblo Indians, they now were apparently trading only at frontier pueblos such as Pecos and Humanas, and Spaniards were going out onto the plains to trade with them. Undoubtedly the frequent slave raids•and treacherous attacks of the Euro peans had contributed to this avoidance of the Rio Grande Valley. To the south of the Plains Apaches in Nueva Vizcaya and Coahuila wars between Spaniard and Indian continued to be the rule. One exception was at La Junta where several priests from El Paso went to preach to the Julimes and pos sibly to some Jumanos. According to one authority, however, the Indians became hostile and expelled the friars in 1662. RP f Testimony of Nicolas de Freitas, January 24, 1661, and Letter of Garcia de San Francisco, January 22, 1661, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 156, 162. Q 'Z ^ Joseph Antonio Villa-Senor y Sanchez, Theatro 232 The Tobosos farther to the south were continually fighting with the miners and ranchers of Nueva Vizcaya and in 1654 the Chisos were in league with them. Here, as in New Mexico, many slaves were taken by the Spaniards and these were continually escaping to their tribesmen, spreading hatred against the European. To the east it was said that the Coahuilas and the Guachichiles were almost "consumed" but other nations had been added to the list of enemy peoples. During the 1650's and 1660's the Indians of southern Texas and northern Nuevo Ledn-Coahuila were at war and stealing considerable numbers of horses, mares and livestock. In 1653 and 1655 Spanish armies campaigned into southern Texas against the Oacaxtles as a result of the latter tribe's theft of Spanish herds (in the 1690's the Oacaxtles were R4- allies of the Jumano Apaches). Needless to say, these wars contributed to the northward spread, of the horse and also helped to poison the Americans' minds against Europeans. It was to be only a matter of time until the Athapaskans were to be drawn directly into the affairs of this portion of the northern frontier of New Spain. Americano (Mexico: Hogal, 1748) pp. 424-425; and Hughes, op. cit., p. 330. QA Various documents in A.G.I., Guadalajara 143; Alonso de Leon, Historia de Nuevo Ledn (Mexico: Bouret, 1909) pp. 218-222; and Diary of Damian Massanet, in B.M.H., 974. CHAPTER VIII "PRELUDE TO TRIUMPH" The relations of the Apache with the Spaniards of New Mexico remained much the same under Diego de Penalosa (1661-1664) as under the previous government. The Plains Apaches maintained peace and traded at Pecos, where they received horses in return for Quiviran slaves. This would indicate that at least a portion of the Plains Athapaskans were at war with the WichitansThe Apaches of "Jila" reportedly were asking for priests to baptize them during this period, but plans to convert them never went beyond 2 the discussion stage. The enslavement of Athapaskans continued as before; in fact, slaves became so numerous that an Apache woman could be had for twenty-six pesos. Governor Pe'nalosa declared that he had so many Apache slaves that he gave away more than 100 of them. The Audiencia of Guadalajara ordered slaves whom he had sold in Sonora to be set free. "^Informe of Posadas, in Pichardo, tomo 15, B.M.A.E. 2 Trial of Diego de Pefralosa, December 11, 1665, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 266. •^Reply of Diego de PeSalosa, October 22, 1665, and Declaration of Andres Zambrano, February 20, 1664, in Hack ett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 244, 262; and Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670," p. 38. 234 Diego de Penalosa appears to have been a man with little scruples. In the early 1680's he forged a diary which purported to trace an expedition he made in 1662 to Quivira and the Mississippi River. The diary is actually nothing but an exaggerated and fanciful account of the Onate expedition of 1601.^ Nevertheless, it appears that Perlalosa did go out on the plains as far as El Cuartelejo ". . . on the frontier of la Quivira." In 1662 or there abouts this governor finally punished the Taos for their revolts of c. 1639 and c. 1660 and apparently reestablished their mission. He furthermore caused to be reduced...the Taos Indians who had been in revolt for twenty-two years, and were living as heathen among the people of El Cuartelejo, on the frontier of La Quivira. He reduced thirty-three, having caused El Cuartelejo to be laid waste for more than 200 leagues beyond New Mexico.^ Thus the Taos settlement among the Apache was finally destroyed after existing from c. 1640 to 1662. Needless to say, the destruction of the pueblo must have involved hostilities with the Apaches of El Cuartelejo, or at the very least, aroused their animosity. The encomenderos of New Mexico were kept busy in 1662 with "... the continuous war against infidels. . ." and ^'Relacio'n of Nicolas Preytas, 1684, in Expediciones II, M.N. 142. ^Trial of Diego de Penalosa, 1665, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 263-4. 235 the threat of plots among the Puebloans.^ Apaches living between the Hopi and the Zuni were hostile and the road from Hawikuh to Awatobi was described as the most dangerous in New Mexico. The area from Acoma to Zu£i was also subject to attack and an ambush was reportedly prepared near Acoma 7 by the Apache. Governor Penalosa made a journey in the early 1660's to the Hopi area, apparently with the object of visiting the mines in the region later known as the "Sierra Azul." This was prevented by wars with the Apache and other acci dents but something was accomplished by the Spaniards. To the west of the Hopi lived the Gonina or Cosnina Indians (probably the Havasupai) and Penalosa claimed that he reduced Q them and the Cruzados to two pueblos in the Hopi area. Whether the governor or the Franciscans were responsible for this reduction is not clear but a mission for the Coninas was certainly established at about this time. Pray Josef de Espeleta began the new mission fourteen leagues to the west of Oraibe and by 1665 it was reported that thirty or forty Q Indians had been baptized. This conversion of the Coninas ^Letter of Diego de PeiTalosa, May 7, 1662, in B.N. 19258. "^Various documents in Hackett, Historical Documents. v. 3, pp. 246, 253, 255. ®Trial of Diego de Perialosa, 1665, in Hackett, His-, torical Documents, v. 3, p. 264; and Memorial of Juan Domin guez de Mendoza, c. 1686, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 138. ^Declaration of Antonio Jorge, August 12, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 236 was still in existence in 1672. In 1663 the Tewa pueblo of Tajique (on the eastern slopes of the Manzano Mountains) was reportedly the object of frequent Apache raids. The Athapaskans were charged with seizing Tewas and taking them off to be burned and eaten.'*"'*' The charge of cannibalism was almost never made against the Apaches and it is to be doubted here, especially since the declarant, one Nicolas de Aguilar, was a soldier who had campaigned against the Apache in unjust war and therefore would desire to prove that the Indians were canni bals and consequently subject to enslavement under Spanish laws In his final year in office Diego de Penalosa issued an edict which must have caused a great change in Pueblo- Athapaskan relations and helped to stimulate Apache hostil ity to Spanish rule. The governor decreed that enemy Indians, even though at peace, were not to be allowed to enter into the pueblos to trade. This law ostensibly was designed to keep the enemy from learning of Spanish strength, but in actuality it was probably meant to keep the Pueblo •^Lansing B. Bloom and Lynn B. Mitchell, "The Chapter Elections of 1672," in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 13, no. 1, 1938, p. 117- •^Testimony of Nicolas de Aguilar, 1663, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 144. 12 ^ Ibid.. v. 3, p. 143. He had been a soldier under Lopez de Mendizabal. 237 13 Indians from contacting the still free Athapaskans. Per haps it was hoped that this would put an end to revolu tionary plots and, incidentally, force the Pueblo Indians to rely upon Spanish middlemen for such things as deerskins and buffalo hides. This attitude was, however, to contri bute heavily to the effect of food-shortage during the next few years and lead the Apache to undertake greatly increased hostilities. In 1663 the Governor of Nueva Vizcaya, Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, determined upon sending a priest to the Suma Indians of the Casa Grande region of Chihuahua. As noted previously the Jesuits and Franciscans had attempted to reach the Sumas from Sonora but with little success. Now it was determined to send Fray Andre's Paez from the depopulated Toboso mission of San Buenaventura de Atotonilco to begin missions at Casas Grandes, Carretas (on the Rio de Carretas) and El Torreon (to the south of Casas Grandes). Captain Andres Garcia, who was in charge of settling people at the Manso mission in El Paso, was ordered to pass over to Casas Grandes to start a settlement there and help Paez. He was to congregate as many Indians as he could for the new mission and receive in return the title of Alcalde Mayor of the region. On June 12, 1664, a letter from "San Antonio de las Cassas Grandes" announced that possession had been T Order of Diego de Penalosa, January, 1664, in Twitchell, ojo. cit., v. 2, p. 2. 238 taken, the Indians had rendered obedience and a church was under way. The letter was signed by Andres Lopez de Gracia (or Garcia) and Captain Francisco Ramirez, both of whom were destined to be important actors in the future affairs of this area. By 1666 two new friars, Pedro de Aparicio and „ 14 Nicolas de Hidalgo, were among the Sumas of the west. The conversion of the Mansos in the El Paso region was continuing as before, that is, there was no major revolt but always a little discontent. Fray Bias de Herrera reported in 1663 that it seemed to him from the actions and the things that were said to him by some of the Mansos, that Captain Andres Lo*pez de Gracia, a settler on that river /the Rio Grande7 was hindering the conversion of those heathen. ^ It should be noted here that the Franciscans seldom if ever began a conversion unless accompanied by some soldiers who settled on lands in the area or became encomenderos. These Spaniards then formed a nucleus for future settlement and, of course, protected the priest from his charges and helped to perform such tasks as retrieving runaway neophytes. The settlement of these soldiers was not in the native interest, "^Founding of the Suma Missions, 1663-1664, in Docu- mentos-Mexico, Series 4, tomo 3, pp. 233, 239; various let ters of Francisco de Gorraez Beaumont, in B.M.H. 971; and Letter of Andrds Ldpez de Gracia etc., June 12, 1664, in Museo Nacional (Mexico), Asuntos 242, folio 191. ^Report of Bias de Herrera, 1663, in Hackett. His torical Documents, v. 3, p. 251. 239 however, for soon the best lands were in Spanish hands. Undoubtedly this process of concentrating the Indian and then allowing Europeans to settle on the "vacant" land contributed heavily to the later impoverishment and hostil ity of the Mansos, Sumas and other tribes of this area. In 1664 Pray Garcia de San Prancisco and Pray Benito de la Natividad began reducing tjie eastern Sumas (Sumanas) living twelve leagues below El Paso. In 1668 Pray Juan Alvarez was working with these Sumas and Pray Salvador de Guerra was with the Mansos, the church of Nuestra Senbra of Guadalupe de los Mansos being dedicated that year. Pour 16 hundred Mansos were present at the dedication ceremony. Pray Salvador de Guerra, the priest responsible for teaching the Mansos Catholicism, was of a questionable character, and it is little wonder that the Indians revolted apparently against his rule. Guerra had previously been with the Hopi and it was charged that there he beat an Indian for practicing the native religion. After the beat ing he poured turpentine on the American and set him aflame. ^ The Indian began running toward Santa Pe and the Franciscan 17 mounted a horse and trampled him to death. ■^France V. Scholes, "Documents for the History of the New Mexican Missions in the Seventeenth Century," in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 4, no. 1, 1929, PP- 56, 197-200. 17 s Testimony of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, 1663,' in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 234- 240 From 1665 to 1668 New Mexico was ruled by Fernando de Villanueva and unfortunately little is known of the first two years of his government when certain extremely signifi cant events occurred. For one thing, a famine hegan in 1666 which was to last until at least 1671 and secondly, Apache hostility began to assume the consistently anti-Spanish character which it was to have from this time on. It should be remembered that until c. 1667 no Apache groups can be said to have been "ordinarily" hostile to the Spaniards and their allies with the exception of the Navaho, and even the Navaho appear to have had some periods when they were more peaceful than hostile (i.e., 1629 to c. 1638 when no cam paigns were made against them). The Plains Apache were consistently peaceful, except when retaliating against slave-raids, and the other Athapaskans, although increas ingly hostile after 1638 and especially after 1650, remained amenable to Spanish peace overtures. After 1667, however, the ordinary relationship between the Apaches and the Spaniards in New Mexico was one of almost continual war. Of course, one of the major factors in the rise of an unremitting hatred for the European was enslavement of Atha paskans which continued -under Villanueva. The governor was even charged with having sold two Christian Apache boys in Parral and the general sale of slaves was quite common. In evidence, a G-erman, Bernardo Gruber, was arrested by the Inquisition and in his possession were three Apache men and 241 lft women from New Mexico. Another important factor in the rise of hostility was the great famine which stalked New Mexico from 1666 to 1671. Hundreds of Pueblo Indians are known to have died of starva tion and a follow-up blow was rendered by an epidemic which killed both people and livestock. Naturally the suffering Indians were hard-pressed to pay their tributes and unrest seems to have been general. The neighboring Athapaskans were also affected by the famine and the Spanish ban on trading with the pueblos must have added to the hardships felt. All of these factors produced a situation which was ready to explode. The fuse was apparently lit not in New Mexico but in Nueva Vizcaya where famine and epidemic also raged in 1666- 1667. The Tobosos and their allies, including many apos tates from the missions, became exceedingly bold, attacking fairly large parties of Spaniards and even capturing a priest. The situation became so bad that on December 10, 1668, San Francisco Xavier was declared to be the patron of Nueva Vizcaya and its chief weapon against the rebels as . . the human remedies that this kingdom has are very 19 little. . . ." The Toboso war was not so easily solved, 1 f t Various testimony in A.G.N., Provincias Internas 35; and Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 276, 282. ^^Various documents in B.M.H. 971; and Alegre, op. cit., tomo II, pp. 441, 444- 242 though, for these staunch independence-loving nomads remained almost always in rebellion until after 1700. In August, 1666, it was reported that the Sumas of the Casas Grandes, Torreon and Carretas missions were being baptized and reduced to the faith, but early in 1667 unrest developed and open revolt occurred in the Conchos region nearby. The latter tribe was subdued rather quickly but the Sumas were still absent from their reductions as late as August, 1667. It seems that when Pray Aparicio died (of a natural death) the Indians abandoned the missions and killed a mulatto servant of the Pranciscan. (Mulattos were often used by the priests to control the natives and the latter were frequently goaded into revolt by the cruelty of the overseer). This revolt did not prove to be very serious and was settled with the sending of new priests to the region, but farther north the general unrest of 1667 , . . 20 took a more serious tone. Early in February Governor Villanueva received an appeal for aid from Captain Andres de Gracia at El Paso. The Mansos had revolted and were endangering the lives of the friars there. Plans were made to send Maestre de Campo Tome Dominguez de Mendoza with twenty-five soldiers to. rescue the priests but a second letter of Gracia announced that he 21 had executed two Manso leaders and the aid was not needed. ^Letter of August 8, 1666, in Museo Nacional (Mexico), Asuntos 242, folio 192; and Various documents in B.M.H. 971. 23-Letter of Fernando de Villanueva, February 10, 1667, in B.N. 19258. 243 Further concern was caused by the fact that the Mansos of Captain Chiquito and their close allies, the Apaches of El Chilmo (a chief of the Gila Apaches), had risen and had left the area of the road to New Spain where they had been friendly and at peace. The Alcalde Mayor of Senecu, Juan Garcia, was dispatched in peace to the Athapaskans' ranch- erias in order to contact them and bring the chiefs to Villanueva so that the governor could discover the causes of unrest and secure the safety of the highway. Garcia found the villages abandoned and the Indians fled to other places. Villanueva was now very much concerned with the matter and Garcia was instructed to do his best to halt a renewal of the "live" war which had formerly existed between the Spaniards and the Indians of Chiquito and El Chilmo. By February 10, 1667, all of the other Apaches had been forced to accept peace, but those of Chiquito and El Chilmo had still not come in. As a result', Villanueva dispatched Juan Dominguez de Mendoza to the El Paso region with orders to calm them without disturbing any of the Apaches who were 22 already peaceful. The situation was much more serious than Governor Villanueva imagined, as many Puebloans were planning to revolt and alliances were being made with the Athapaskans. The rebellion first broke out among the hitherto peaceful ^Letter 0f Fernando de Villanueva, February 10, 1667, in B.N. 19258. 244 Piros. A number of these Americans and some Apache allies ambushed and killed the alcalde mayor and four other Span iards in the Sierra de la Magdalena. The Piros were apparently seeking to return to their old religion but the Spaniards were able to crush the uprising and six Americans were hung at Senecu'. Others were burned as sorcerers and traitors and still others were imprisoned and sold as slaves. The tyranny of Spanish rule and suffering from famine were enough to keep the idea of revolution alive, and in spite of the punishments given the Piros another Indian governor of all the pueblos of las Salinas /the Tompiro region/, named Don Esteban Clemente, whom the whole kingdom secretly obeyed, formed another con spiracy which was general throughout the kingdom, giving orders to the Christian Indians that all the horse droves of all the jurisdictions should be driven to the sierras, in order to leave the Spaniards afoot. A general revolt was planned for Holy Thursday and all the invaders were to be killed, but, as in 1650, the plan was discovered and Clemente was hanged.Apaches were probably involved in the abortive rebellion since Clemente had had f 25 close contact with the Siete Rios groups in the late 1650's. The significance of the unrest among the Piros, 25 f / Declarations of Diego Lopez and Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, December, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, p. 299. 24Ibid.. v. 2, p. 299- 2^Scholes, "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670," P. 396. 245 Tompiros and Pueblo Indians in general should not be under estimated, as it must have had a great effect upon the neighboring Athapaskans. While the former two peoples were put down by Spanish arms, the more northerly settled tribes continued their plotting into the 1670's and the Apaches were stirred into a new type of war against the Spaniards. Heretofore, the Athapaskans had confined their military efforts largely to simple raids on livestock or on weak points in the European armour, doing some harm but not seriously endangering the hold of the invaders upon the province. In the late 1660's and 1670's a change occurred, and what could be described as an "offensive" against the Spanish took place. No longer were the Athapaskans merely content to raid Spanish-held pueblos— they now sought to destroy them. Surprisingly, the two regions which suffered the greatest damage from the Athapaskans between 1668 and 1680 were the Piro and Tompiro areas and one wonders why this occurred. The explanation probably lies in the fact that the Spaniards, after crushing the rebellions of these tribes, destroyed their alliances with the Apaches and used Piro and Tompiro warriors in campaigns against the Athapas kans, Thus the latter would have regarded their former allies as traitors and enemies to be destroyed along with the Europeans. Another factor, however, was that the Piros and Tompiros were exposed to easy attack and the famines 246 and epidemics had weakened their pueblos. For three years it was said that no crops were harvested and many Indians perished of hunger. There were pueblos, as in Humanas, where more than 450 died in 1668 and the famine continued on 2 6 to 1671. Even without outside interference many pueblos might have been at least temporarily abandoned under such conditions. By December, 1668, the province of the Tompiros was said to be a land of war with the Apaches killing Spaniards and Christian Indians and robbing horse and mule herds. At this time the pueblo of Humanas had three encomenderos who were in charge of its defense and on December 16, 1669, they were ordered to muster before Governor Juan de Medrano y 27 Mesia, along with other encomenderos, at Isleta. It was these soldier-exploiters who bore the chief responsibility for protecting the southern regions of New Mexico and they necessarily made use of the Indian warriors, of their pueblo. The latter had the choice of either campaigning against their neighbors, the Apache, or of rebelling against the Spaniards. In either case they faced destruction, for the Europeans were strong enough to destroy them but too thinly spread out to defend them adequately. The Siete Rios Apache led the attack on the Tompiros ^Letter of Fray Juan Bernal, April 1, 1669, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 272. ^Letter of Juan de Medrano, May 1, 1669, in B.N. 19258. . . of Humanas pueblo and a number of retaliatory campaigns were made against them. Some of the latter were led by Juan / 28 Dominguez de Mendoza and one by Francisco de Madrid. To the west the Navaho Apache were apparently at war also as a campaign was made against heathens near Acoma in January, 1669- By April Fray Juan Bernal reported that "... the whole land is at war with the widespread heathen nation of 29 the Apache Indians. . . ." Intercourse between various sections of New Mexico was limited and the road from Santa Fe to Abo was described as being ". . .in hostile terri- 30 / tory ..." and very dangerous. In May Dominguez de Mendoza was appointed one of the encomenderos of Humanas, entitling him to the tribute of one manta of cotton and one fanega of maize per house each year. At this time also the governor called on all of the encomenderos to fulfill their 31 obligations as the kingdom was menaced by the Apaches. By June, 1670, Dominguez de Mendoza had killed thirteen Athapaskans and liberated six Tompiro Indians taken by the enemy from Humanas. The situation continued to deteriorate and in September, 1670, the Apaches of the mountain ranges ^Report of Juan de Miranda, July 27, 1671, in B.N. 19258; and Declaration of Pedro de Leiva, October 20, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, p. 168 29 Various testimony in Hackett, Historical Documents. v. 3, pp. 272, 278. ■^Report of Francisco G-omez de la Cadena, 1669, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 276. ■^Letter of Juan de Medrano, May 1, 1669, in B.N. 19258. 248 of Siete Rios and that vicinity carried out a great attack on Humanas, killing eleven and carrying off thirty-one captives. The church was profaned and sacred ornaments were broken to pieces in the attack. In retaliation thirty 32 soldiers and 300 Indian allies were to attack the Apache. During 1670 and 1671 famine continued to reign in New Mexico and in the latter year disease helped to carry off many Indians. This situation, coupled with the Apache wars, led many Tompiros to seek new homes and some began to 33 appear in the church records of El Paso at this time. On June 24, 1671, the Apaches of the mountain ranges of "Jila" and Siete R^os carried out a bold attack on a Spanish wagon train traveling from New Spain to New Mexico, killing four persons and carrying off the mules. Perhaps this was the Athapaskan way of welcoming the new governor, Juan de Miranda, who was traveling with the train. At any rate, Miranda failed to take kindly to the attack and appealed to Governor Medrano for aid.^^ Later, in July, the new governor called for campaigns against the Apaches because of the continuous wars that the common enemy of our Holy Catholic Paith . . . makes continually in all this kingdom and its districts and vicinity, 32 Letters of Juan de Medrano, June 5 and September 11, 1670, in B.N. 19258. .■^Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, May 10, 1679, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 302; and Scholes, "Jumano," p. 284n. ■^Letter of Juan Medrano, June 27, 1671, in B.N. 19258. 249 35 attacking the highways, the pueblos and the ranches. On August 1 Miranda received reports from Senecu that the Apaches of the mountain ranges of Gila and Siete Rios led by El Chilmo and others had attacked that pueblo in the middle of the day, brazenly hurling themselves upon the herds of livestock while being mounted on horseback. The raiding party carried off a large number of horses and when the Spaniards and Piros attempted pursuit they were ambushed by a large party of Apaches. Alferez Salvador Duran was wounded, a Piro was killed and the Spaniards were forced to retreat without regaining the livestock. This and other similar attacks were said to be filling the converted Indians with fear and making the highway to New Spain com- 36 pletely unsafe. Interestingly, the style of attack used by the Apaches at Senecu was to continue to be the basic method of warfare used by the Gila Apaches in Sonora during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Sometime after 1671 Governor Miranda personally led a campaign against the Apaches of Gila but no details of the 37 entrada are known. Prom 1672 to 1680 the Apaches carried on continuous ^ Ibid. and Letter of Juan de Miranda, July 27, 1671, in B.N. 19258. ^Letter of Juan de Miranda, August 2, 1671, in B.N. 19258. ■^Declaration of Pedro de Leiva, October 20, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 3, p. 168. 250 warfare in New Mexico. Pray Francisco de Ayeta, who was in the province from 1675 off and on until 1679, wrote in the latter year that in the year 1672, the hostile Apaches who were then at peace rebelled and rose up, and the said province was totally sacked and robbed . . . especially of all the cattle and sheep, of which it had previously been very productive. 58 All but a few flocks of sheep were carried off. Between 1672 and 1678 six pueblos were said to have been depopulated primarily as a result of constant raids by the Apache and their heathen allies. These pueblos were all in the Piro- Tompiro-eastern Tewa region, illustrating the fact that southern Athapaskans were now the most active or effective enemies of the Spanish. It is not clear who the allies of the Apache were since they are spoken of merely as ". . . the rest of the confederated nations of gentilism . . or as ". . . others of el gentilismo ..." but it is possible that some refugee Pueblo Indians were among the Athapas kans.59 It has been maintained that the Apaches forced the abandonment of several pueblos in 1672, specifically of the Tompiro pueblo of Humanas and the Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh. Humanas was depopulated by March, 1678, and since no priest 3®Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, May 10, 1679, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 302. ^ Ibid., v. 3, p. 298, and Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, May 28, 1679, in Otto Maas, editor, "Documentos sobre las misiones de Sinaloa y Nuevo Mexico," in Archivo Ibero- Americano, v. 20, 1923, pp. 195-196. 251 was assigned to it in 1672 it is assumed that its abandon ment occurred by the earlier date. It should be noted, however, that no priest was assigned for Tavira in 1672 and that pueblo continued to exist until 1677, probably as a visita of Abo or Cuarac. There is a possibility that Humanas was reestablished before 1680 since Ayeta in 1679 gives Hew Mexico forty-six pueblos, which figure is so large that it must include all of the pre-1670's settlements even counting the missions at til Paso as pueblos.^ This possi bility applies as well to Hawikuh which was supposedly abandoned in 1672. According to Agustin de Vetancurt the Apache raided Zuni in 1672, killing Pray Pedro de Avila y Ayala, and another source states that in July, 1673, a campaign was planned against the Apache of Rio Grande, Casa Puerte and Navaho for burning churches and pueblos, holding .juntas and convocations and for killing the priest of Hawi kuh. ^ Pray Ayeta said, however, that Pray Pedro de Ayala was killed at Abo and does not list Hawikuh as one of the pueblos depopulated from 1672 to 1678.^ It would seem that Ayeta, writing in 1679, would be more accurate than ^Letter of Pray Francisco de Ayeta, May 10, 1679, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. "3, p* 299; and Scholes, "Jumano," p. 283. ^Reeve, "Seventeenth Century Navaho-Spanish Rela tions," p. 49n, and Letter of Juan de Miranda, July 15, 1673, in B.N. 19258. ^Letter of Ayeta, May 10, 1679, in Hackett, Histori cal Documents, v. 3, pp. 298-299. 252 Vetancurt in the 1690's, and Hawikuh was apparently counted as a puehlo in 1678. Thus it may he that the Apache forced only a temporary abandonment of the pueblo prior to 1680. In other areas the Spanish Umpire was experiencing both advances and setbacks. The Coninas mission to the west of the Hopi was apparently discontinued between 1672 and 1678 as Ayeta mentions Oraibe as the last pueblo to the west 43 in the latter year. Missionaries continued to work among the Mansos and Sumas with no difficulties except that the Athapaskans never seem to have been enthusiastic converts. The Jesuits of Sonora were ever hopeful of reaching the Janos and Sumas near their missions but little was accom plished. As of 1678 the Sumas were still at peace and coming in to trade with the Opata of Bavispe, Baceraca and Huachinera. In the Turicachi region contact was being made with the unconverted Sumas, Janos and Pimas and some Sumas 44 were giving evidence of a desire for baptism. The Nueva Vizcaya region was a land of continual war in the early 1670's, but in Coahuila a missionary advance occurred in 1670. Even here, however, war continued and in January, 1673, it was reported that the Saltillo-Parras region was endangered by the barbarous nations of the Sibolos, Colorados, Cacastles, Tetecoras and their bellicose ^ Ibid. , v. 3, p. 299. ^"Relacion de las Misiones que la Companaa de Jesus tiene en Nueva Vizcaya," in B.M.H. 971. 253 allies living towards the north. Most of these tribes were either Coahuilas or belonged to the so-called Coahuiltecan language family (a misnomer since the Coahuilas evidently did not belong to that group) but the Sibolos were an Atha- paskan people living near the Rio Grande from La Junta to the mouth of the Pecos. These people, under the same chief as the Jumano Apache in the 1690's and associated with the Lipan Apache in the 1750's, were given their name apparently because they were the southernmost occupants of the buffalo (sibolo or sibola) plains and traded buffalo hides to the 45 natives of Coahuila and Uueva Vizcaya. By the end of 1673 the Coahuilas had been reduced to peace and this was considered an important accomplishment because they fronted upon the Sibola nation and other gentiles and ferocious enemies with whose aid they infested continually both ^ frontiers of the kingdoms of Galicia and Vizcaya. ... Priests and soldiers combined to pacify the Coahuila tribes as far as the Rio Grande and in 1674 Pray Manuel de la Cruz advanced northward to the Sierra de Dacate on the a 47 frontier of the Jumano Apache. In 1675 a large party led by Fernando del Bosque and Fray Juan Larios went nineteen leagues north of the Rio Grande to the Sierra de Decate and ^ V a r i o u s letters in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147- AC y Report of Joseph Garcia de Salcedo, February 1, 1674, in. A.G.I., Guadalajara 147. 4-7 Francis B. Steck, "Forerunners of Captain de Leon's Expedition to Texas," in the Southwestern Historical Quar terly, v. XXXVL, no, 1, 1932, p. 10. 254 then twenty-three leagues beyond that to a place called San Pedro (about 100 miles north of Del Rio, Texas). Some twenty-five miles north of the Rio G-rande in buffalo country the Spaniards reached a salty river and ". . . the chiefs Xoman, Teroodan, Teaname, and Teimamar, with their people." They were Indians who used hides or skins to clothe them selves and the name "Xoman" (Choman or Joman) probably indicates that part of them at least were Jumano Apaches, especially since they seem to have spoken a language dif ferent from the previously visited tribes. The combined village of the four chiefs had 425 warriors and 747 women and children. They were allies of the Coahuilas but enemies 48 of the Coahuiltecan tribes farther east. The situation in Nueva Vizcaya in the 1670's was almost as serious as that of New Mexico in the same period. In 1677 the province was reportedly in danger of being lost but a series of campaigns killed many of the enemy and cap tured 300 to 400 Indians. The crisis was not past, however, as the Tobosos were being joined now by the Conchos of mission San Francisco de Conchos, the Julimes of La Junta and the Chisos. By June the Rio de Nazas area was being frequented by large squads of enemy Indians and what made the situation especially alarming was the fact that some Indians of the very numerous Sibolo nation were among them. Aft Diary of Fernando del Bosque, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration, pp. 287, 299-301, 304. 255 In 1678 it was reported that the hostiles of Nueva Vizcaya 49 had indeed called upon the nations to the north for aid. Thus even the southeastern-most Athapaskans had been drawn into direct hostilities with the Europeans. In New Mexico wars continued apparently without halt and in January, 1675, a campaign was planned against the "Apaches called Paraonez" and other nations joined with them. This is the first use of the name Pharaones (Para- ones) or Pharoahs in connection with the Apaches bordering 50 New Mexico on the east from Pecos to El Paso. In Septem ber a campaign was authorized against the Apaches of the mountain-ranges of Navaho, Casa Fuerte and that vicinity 51 with the soldiers departing from Zia. A more serious and disturbing event than Apache cam paigns occurred in 1675 when the long-suffering Pueblo Indians began to show their real feelings towards the Spanish conquerors. Ever since the abortive revolt of 1650 the Indians had been planning to throw off the European yoke and now the situation became such that this desire for free dom expressed itself openly, not in a well-planned revolt, ^letter of lope de Sierra Ossorio, September 26, 1678, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 211, 213, and various letters in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2. 50 Letter of Juan de Miranda, January 5, 1675, in JB.N. 19258. 51 *» Order of Juan Prancisco Trevino, September 24, 1675, in B.N. 19258. 256 but in an assertion of religious and spiritual independence from the soldier-enforced tyranny of the Franciscans. The actual course of events is not clear but it appears that the Tewa, conquered since 1598, were the leaders in a movement to return to the old religion of the Pueblo Indians. According to the Spanish accounts the Americans proceeded to bewitch the Spaniards with the result that five to seven priests and three or four other Spaniards died. Further more, the priest of San Ildefonso was bewitched and the friars of Zuni, Taos, Acoma and all of the Tewa district were unable to work because of ". . .so much idolatry. . . ." G-overnor Juan Francisco Trevino determined to put an end to this resurgence of the old faith and soldiers were dispatched to arrest the American leaders and gather up religious paraphernalia connected with the native religion. In the process, the Indian kivas were burned. Three Tewas were hanged, one in Nambe, one in the Keres pueblo of San Felipe, one at Jemez; and one hanged himself. Forty-three other Americans were lashed, impris oned and sentenced to be sold into slavery as ". . . con victed and confessed idolaters . . . ," but fortunately for them this sentence was not carried out. A large squad of Tewa warriors descended upon Santa Fe and seventy of them actually entered the governor's rooms in the palace where they demanded the release of prisoners. In an act symboliz ing the declining Hispanic hold upon New Mexico Governor 257 Trevi^To acquiesced to the Americans' demands, and the captives, including Pope'’ , leader-to-be of the revolt of 1680, were freed. Trevino, it seems, could not afford to face a rebellion of the Tewa and their allies at the same time that the Spanish soldiers were being continually kept 52 busy by the Apache. The Athapaskan offensive had indeed made the Spanish position a desperate one and another pueblo, Abo, was appar- 53 ently abandoned at this time. In June, 167.6, a campaign was ordered against the Apache for staying near Socorro and Senecu and killing converted Indians and carrying off all 54 the sheep, cattle and horses that they could. In order to maintain the Spanish hold upon the province Pray Fran cisco de Ayeta appealed to the viceroy for aid in September, 1676, and by October the royal authorities had agreed to send succor to New Mexico "... because of the invasions 55 which the nation of the Apache Indians makes. ..." The Athapaskans and their allies had, however, stepped up Declarations of Luis de Quintana, Diego Lopez Sam- brano and Francisco de Ayeta, December, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, pp. 289, 300, 309- Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, May 10, 1679, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, p. 298. ■^Letter of Thome Dominguez de Mendoza, July 1, 1676, in B.N. 19258. 55 Autos relating to New Mexico, in A.G.I., Guadala jara 138. 258 their attacks and between the fall of 1676 and the fall of 1677 the pueblos of Las Salinas (Tavira), Senecu^, Cuarac and Chilili were abandoned with a priest being killed at Senecu. Likewise in 1677 the Apaches had extended their hostilities to the El Paso region, a thing previously unknown. The latter area was described as a place of great danger and infested by the enemy, but whether this repre sents a southward extension of raids by the G-ila or Siete Rios groups is not known. Perhaps the Kansos of Captain 56 Chiquito were the major offenders. Ayeta thus found the province in serious need of his aid, and between the fall of 1677 and March, 1678, the active friar helped resettle the pueblos of Las Salinas and Senecu", using some of the fifty convict-soldiers which he had been given in New Spain. Soldiers were stationed at Las Salinas and, according to Ayeta, the Apaches were some- 57 what restrained for four months. Sixteen seventy-eight brought another bit of good news for the Spaniards when in July a group of Yuta (Ute) Indians came in peace to Taos pueblo and G-overnor Antonio de Gtermin was in hopes of reducing them to the Catholic faith. Whether the Utes had been at peace or war before this is not clear but sometime 56 Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, in Hackett, Histori cal Documents, v. 3, p. 297; and an undated letter of Ayeta in A.G-.I., Guadalajara 138. •^Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, in Hackett, Histori cal Documents, v. 3, p. 297. 260 at Acoma and had committed other "atrocities" on the high ways of the province. The same size army as in the previous campaign departed from Zia, this time with orders not to kill any male prisoners without baptism. Many women and children were captured on a fortified mesa, houses were 59 burned and over 2,500 fanegas of maize were destroyed. These campaigns seem to have done a lot more damage to the Navaho than the latter had done to the Spaniards, and cer tainly peace would have been economically more profitable for the Athapaskans of that area. The European armies apparently suffered few losses although resistance was met, for, as Otermin noted, the Apaches were able to unite very quickly by means of smoke signals.^ By September, 1678, Pray Ayeta was back in Mexico begging for more aid. Plans were made to resettle Cuarac and gather Salineros (natives of the Las Salinas region) at Galisteo in order to face the enemy. Thus it seems that many pueblos were still depopulated in spite of his previous succor, and indeed, as mentioned previously, it has been asserted that seven pueblos were abandoned prior to 1680 due to Apache raids. These pueblos were later said to be R Q Report of Juan Prancisco de Trevino, August 10, 1677, Letters of Antonio de Otermfn, July 12, August 23, October 28, and November 26, 1678, and Servicios de Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, August 19, 1694, in B.N. 19258. ^Letter of Antonio de Otermin, December 11, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139- 259 prior to 1680 a Jemez Indian was held captive by them and taken to the Great Salt Lake area. "In 1680 Otermin reported that the Utes had been friendly for three years and their reduction to the faith was hopefully anticipated. In later years, however, the Utes asserted that they had always been 58 enemies of the Tewas, Picuris, Jemez, Keres and Tanos. The years of 1677 and 1678 saw the Navaho Apache actively raiding the Spanish-held pueblos and campaigns were made in turn by the Europeans. Prior to August, 1677, the Spaniards raided the Navaho, killing fifteen, releasing six converted Indians and a Spanish girl, capturing thirty- five enemies and burning all their corn and supplies. In July, 1678, another entrada was to be made by fifty Spaniards and 400 allies from Zia to the areas of Casa Puerte, Navaho and Rio Grande. The army was to return by way of the Piedra Alumbre where the enemy united to make raids, and the sol diers were warned not to allow the Apaches to stampede the horses at night and kill the allies. As a result of this campaign two captives were freed, fifty prisoners were taken, thirteen horses were acquired, and the fields and houses of the Apache were destroyed. By October, however, another entrada was necessary as the enemy had carried out an ambush ^Letter of Antonio de Otermin, July 12, 1678, in B.N. 19258; Informe of Posadas, in Pichardo, v. 15, B.M.A.E.; Letter of Antonio de Otermfn, October 20, 1680, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 1, p. 206; and Journal of Diego de Vargas,- July 11^ 1694, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 140 and A.G.N., His- toria 59* 261 Hawikuh, Chilili, Tajique, Cuarac, Abo, Humanas and Tavira.^ Ayeta in May, 1679, did not include Hawikuh or Tajique in his list of abandoned pueblos but, on the other hand, he added Senecu. By March, 1678, both Senecu and Tavira were resettled, leaving Chilili, Cuarac, Abo and Humanas as depopulated villages. Nevertheless, Ayeta in 1679 stated that New Mexico had forty-six pueblos from El Paso to Taos and Las Salinas (Tavira) to Oraibe. This number probably includes two settlements for the Mansos and Sumas at El Paso and the Hispanic villa of Santa Pe, but, even subtracting these, one is left with forty-three pueblos, toe many for New Mexico unless the supposedly depopulated settlements were included. Either all of the pueblos had been resettled by May, 1679, or else Ayeta 62 included even abandoned villages in his count. As of May, 1679, New Mexico had 17,000 Pueblo Indians with 6,000 warriors while the Spanish-speaking population included only 170 potential fighters. Interestingly enough this means that the Spanish enclave in the province had declined continually since 1600, especially since the newly arrived convicts were probably included in Ayeta's ^Letter of Silvestre Ve'lez de Escalante, April 2, 1778, in Twitchell, op. cit., v. 2, p. 269. Letter of Francisco de Ayeta, May 10, 1679, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. 298-299* 65Ibid., v. 3, p. 299. 262 figure. Thus it seems that for some eighty years New Mexico had "been held for the Spanish crown by a small number of Europeans who were of necessity not settlers but soldier- conquerors and encomenderos of Indians. The province then was never really a colony prior to 1680 but a military out post designed to protect the Franciscan missionaries and to control the Americans. From the 1640's to 1679 it appears that the decline in the number of pueblos was arrested since there were forty-three in 1643 and the same number in 1679, although perhaps four to six were not in existence at the latter date, as has been noted. Interestingly this stability in the number of pueblos occurs simultaneously with the increased Apache wars between 1638 and the 1670's and indicates that the earlier decline was indeed caused by Spanish policy and exploitation since a decrease in the number of villages does not correlate with an increase in Athapaskan warfare. While Ayeta was in Mexico gathering horses and supplies to take to the north and asking for fifty soldiers to conquer the Apache and make New Mexico a base for the occupation of the Californias the Navaho Apache were con tinuing their campaigns against the Spanish; and in the summer of 1679 Governor Otermxn ordered a retaliatory expedi tion. The army was to be a large one, divided into two sections, one proceeding westward from Taos and the other from Zia. However, neither campaigns against the Navaho; 263 nor petitions for help in New Spain could save New Mexico— for the Pueblo Indians and the Athapaskans were now ready to combine in order to finish the task of driving the invaders from their lands. CHAPTER IX "VICTORY FOR THE AMERICANS" The year 16&0 was destined to be one of the most significant in the history of the American Southwest. It was to be the high point in the Pueblo Indian’s long struggle for religious and political freedom. It was to be a tremendous setback for the Spanish Empire in the area of northern New Spain. It was to mark the beginning of an era worthy of this title: the period of the Great South western Revolt. For decades the Pueblo Indians had been preserving their ancient religion and beliefs in spite of harsh per secution by fanatically intolerant Spaniards. Secretly they had passed on ancient lore from generation to gener ation and during periods of temporary freedom they prac ticed their ceremonies in public. Gradually they had learned the method of conforming outwardly to the Catholic religion while inwardly keeping faith with their old beliefs. Apparently few Spaniards could see that con- ;version by naked force was a failure in New Mexico until after it was too late. In l66l one European rather bitterly stated that "... most of them have never for saken idolatry, and they appear to be Christians more by force than to be Indians who are reduced to the Holy 265 Faith."1 It is perhaps conceivable that if a number of dedicated Christians had come peacefully among the Indians of New Mexico, teaching the doctrine by means of love and a high-minded example, then many Americans might have been converted in a manner worthy of the founder of the Euro pean^ faith. This, unfortunately, was not the case, and it is not surprising that both the Pueblo tribes.and the Athapaskans continually rejected the hypocritical beliefs of their cruel taskmasters. The revolt which began in the summer of 1680 was both a political and religious phenomenon. Certainly the pueblos desired to be free of Spanish control and to have the ability to restore the old peaceful relationship with neighboring Apaches. Apaches who took part in the first stages of the revolt likewise were motivated by a political desire; the wish to see their Taos, Picuris and Pecos friends free once again and to eliminate Spanish invasions of their own lands. On the other hand, it is possible that the Pueblo Indians would never have undertaken such an enterprise without a deeper-than-political motive, that is, by the desire to restore a spiritual climate which meant the preservation of the people and to destroy the religion !of the European which was destroying the tribe and absorb ing it into the Hispano-Catholic community. All testimonies declaration of Lufs de Quintana, December 22, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, p. 291* 266 agree that the primary motive for rebellion was a desire for religious freedom.^ The first stage of the Great Southwestern Revolt was very well-planned. All the Pueblo tribes except the unnotified Piros were involved, along with at least one Athapaskan group. Plans had been in the making for years and final decisions of the leaders were circulated by means of knotted cords, each knot representing a day of life left for the invaders. On August 9, the Spaniards first learned that trouble was at hand, thanks to some Tano Indians who turned two Tewa messengers over to the Europeans. From these prisoners they discovered that revolt was planned for several days later and that all of the Pueblo tribes and the Apaches were confederated for the undertaking. Before the governor, Antonio de Otermdfn, could organize his followers the natives began to rebel in vari ous pueblos simultaneously, killing all the Franciscans and soldiers that they could, and sending squads of warri ors out onto the highways to halt communications. Taos and Picuris accompanied by Apaches del Acho liberated the northernmost regions and killed all of the Spaniards save one soldier who was just returning from a trip to the Utes. declarations of Pedro Garcia, Pedro Nanboa and others, September 6, 16SO, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, pp. 61-62. ^Auto of Antonio de Otermin, August 9, 16S0, in Ibid., v. 2, p. 3. 267 By August 13, it was clear that all of the tribes had joined the movement and Otermin had to content himself with making preparations to defend Santa Fe. This soon developed into quite a problem as squads of Tanos, Pecos and Keres warriors began to appear on the outskirts of the villa, and they were soon reinforced by Tewas, Taos, Picuris, Jemez, Apaches and others. On August 15, Otermin arranged to speak with a Tano chief who had previously been friendly and who, with other warriors, had entered the Mexican (that is, the Nahuan) section of the town. The chief informed Otermin that the Americans carried two crosses or banners, one being red and the other white. One symbolized the war which the Spaniards could choose and the latter peace if the invaders would agree to abandon New Mexico. In connection with the latter choice the Indi ans asked that all classes of Indians who were in our power /the Spaniards/ be given up to them, both those in the service of the Spaniards and those of the Mexican nation of that suburb of Analco. He demanded also that his wife and children be given up to him, and likewise that all the Apache men and women whom the Spaniards had captured in war be turned over to them, inasmuch as some Apaches who were among them were asking for them.^ Significantly, this request symbolizes the growth of a "Pan-Indian” spirit and also shows that the Europeans ^"Letter of Antonio de Otermin, September &, 1660, and Auto of August 20, 1660, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 1, pp. 13, 99. 263 were making great use of slaves as late as 1630. As many as 700 Indian servants and captives must have been at Santa Fe when the siege began, but the Spaniards showed no incli nation towards leaving New Mexico peacefully or giving up their human property. Having chosen war, the Spanish sought to dislodge the Americans from Analco and a number of days of bitter fighting followed. Finally on August 20, the Europeans succeeded in driving the Indians from the villa, killing 300 of the enemy and executing forty-seven prisoners taken in the battle. Among the native dead were Pueblo Indians of all tribes and Apaches as well, the latter contradicting an earlier belief of Otermin that there were no Apaches among the attackers. Many Spanish-speaking servants had apostatized and gone over to the rebels, illustrating per- 5 haps a success of the Pan-Indian appeal. It is not clear as to how many Athapaskans took part in the siege, but on August 17 it was reported that the rebels had summoned Apaches, and some Apaches del Acho had probably accompanied the Taos and Picuris to the attack.^ On August 21, 1680 Governor Otermin and his follow- ^Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 1, pp. 14, 17, 101-103; and Declaration of Diego Lo'pez Sambrano, December 22, 1661, in Ibid., v. 2, p. 302, and Letter of Alonso Garcia, Sep temberk , l6S0, in Ibia.. v. 1, p. 57. ^Letter of Antonio de Otermin, September 3, 1630, and Auto of August 21, 1630, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 1, pp. 17, 102. 269 ers determined upon retreating downstream and abandoning Santa Fe. The Spanish-led group included about 100 fighting men and 1,000 persons in all, the same number as resided in the villa in the 1620*s. Their departure led to a sacking of Santa Fe by the victorious Americans, although the villa was not destroyed, nor was the governor’s palace which is still standing. The retreating Spaniards found the Tiwa pueblos abandoned and the natives in revolt. They also learned that the Spanish-speaking population of the lower Rio Grande area had united at Isleta but had since left for El Paso upon seeing that the Tiwas of Isleta wished to revolt. Subsequently, the Spaniards of Isleta declared that the rebels in that area had plenty of guns taken from 120 dead men, along with large numbers of cattle, horses, and other supplies. These could support the Apaches in a siege for four months, said the commander of the Isleta Spaniards, Alonso Garcia; however, one wonders where 120 armed men had come from. ? Garcia led his followers to the Piro region where the Indians of Sevilleta abandoned their pueblo and went with the Spaniards to Socorro. The latter place proved unsafe, however, as Apaches were in sight and the Piros were rest less, having received an emissary from the rebels. Garcia then moved on to the place called Fray Cristobal and waited ^Various documents in Ibid.. v. 1, pp. 17, 20, 26, 69 , 73. 270 for news from El Paso. There he learned that Otermin was also retreating down river and later the two Spanish-led groups united still farther downstream. Fortunately for the fleeing invaders Fray Francisco de Ayeta was at El Paso with succor from New Spain and the refugees were thus able to remain in the latter region. However, many of them wished to flee to Parral and other areas, and they had to be kept near El Paso by force. The refugees were reportedly harassed by the Apache and this probably added to their desires to bid farewell to New Mexico.** Governor Otermin held muster at a place called La Salineta a few leagues from El Paso and reportedly there were almost 2,000 persons of which 317 were Indians of Isleta, Sevilleta, Alamillo, Socorro and Senecu pueblos brought apparently against their will from their homelands. The other 1,700 included only 155 fighting men from which one may conclude that the balance, or 1,500 persons, were women, children and Indian servants and captives. Report edly 21 priests and 3$0 other persons had died in the revolt, but of course the latter figure must have been only an esti mate based upon who was missing, and as it turned out many Spanish-speaking mestizos and servants had gone over to the ^Auto of Alonso Garcia, August 24, 1630, Letter of, Francisco de Ayeta, September 16, 1630, Antonio de Otermin, October 1. 1630. in Hackett. Pueblo Revolt, v. 1. no. 70. 74, 126, 153. -------------- 271 rebels.9 The second stage of the Great Southwestern Revolt was now ready to commence, for the idea of revolution was being carried into the El Paso area, Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora. Indeed, the Pueblo Indian rebels besieging Santa Fe had informed the Spaniards that the Mansos were aware of the movement and would kill any Europeans who fled to El Paso. These Athapaskans apparently were not willing to attack such large numbers of refugees, however, and they bided their time.-1 -® The more immediate danger to El Paso was the operations of the Apaches of Siete Rfos and the Organ Mountains, along with those of the Mansos of Captain Chi- quit o. Otermin felt that the Athapaskans would now begin to attack Sonora as the Spanish of New Mexico would no longer stand in their way. The governor furthermore laid blame for the fall of the latter province on the Apaches, with their constant warfare and attempts to get the Pueblo Indians to rebel. He felt that the same fate lay in store for Sonora unless New Mexico was subdued.^ ^Antonio de Otermin, October 1 and 9, 1630, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 1, pp. 153, 159, 194-195. ■^Report of the Cabildo, October 3, 1630, in Ibid., V. 1, p. 130. ■^Petition of Lu^s Granillo, October 5, and Letter of Antonio de Otermin, October 20, 1630, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 1, pp. 133, 210, and Memorial of Francisco de Ayeta, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* 272 The Pueblo Indians who were at El Paso were by no means pro-Spanish and many of them were very restless, spreading revolutionary ideas and plotting* In fact the cabildo at El Paso reported that danger had resulted from bringing the Pueblo Indians into Nueva Vizcaya and that ". . . much damage has been done to wagons and pack trains, from which the Indians have gained great boldness, notify ing the other nations * . ."of the revolt. There were large numbers of Piros at El Paso and many other Indians had congregated themselves with them, living without very much subjection to Spanish rule.-*-2 Rumors were current that the converted natives wished to revolt and frequent investigations were held as a result of which more than one Piro or Tiwa was executed. However, the presence of so many soldiers and the enmity which seems to have existed between the Piros and the Mansos prevented anything more serious than constant plotting. On the other hand, these discontented Pueblo Indians helped to spread the doctrine of revolution. As some of them made their way farther south they gave hope to many oppressed tribes with their tales of what had happened in New Mexico. Trouble soon began to appear and on August 29 it was reported that the Sumas on the Rfo de los Janos (at the new • * - 2Report of the Cabildo, October 16, 1680, and Letter of Antonio de Otermin, October 20, 1680, in Ibid *. v. 1, pp. 204, 210, and Testimony of Francisco Albarel, July, 1681, in N.M.A., 1621-83, No. 7. 273 mission of La Soledad de los Janos) were beginning a rebel lion. The immediate cause of the conspiracy was that a mulatto servant of the friar there had cut the ears off a Suma. However, rumors from New Mexico probably played a part in the affair. Alcalde Mayor Andres Lopez de Gracia succeeded in quieting the Indians temporarily by arresting the leaders, but plotting continued. A major cause of future trouble in the El Paso-Casas Grandes region was the fact that overnight 2,000 refugees swarmed into the area and immediately began to take over the lands of the Mansos, Sumas and Janos. Already these Athapaskans had been angered by settlers on their lands and the encroachment had reached such a point that Ayeta was able to get 1,6^0 beeves from the ranches of the Casa Grandes region to aid the refugees.^ At first the refu gees from New Mexico decided to settle on the Rio Grande between the mission of Guadalupe of the Mansos (Ciudad Juarez) and San Francisco of the Sumas, also called de la Toma (where the irrigation ditch was tapped). However, by June, 1681 a plaza de armas had been set up at San Lorenzo de la Toma and this place continued for years to be the major European settlement in the area. It was, of course, ^Letter of Andres Lopez de Gracia, August 29, 1680, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 138. ^Francisco de Ayeta, October 6, 1680, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 1, p. 193* 274 on the lands of the Indians, and the settlers gradually appropriated the surrounding areas as well. Many refugees left the El Paso region and settled at Casas Grandes and on the r{ o de los Janos, while still others made their way to Namiquipa in Conchos territory and others reached the Taraumara lands. Wherever they went they encroached upon the native and served as living evidence of the success of the New Mexico revolt. ^ The ever-restless Indians of the Bolson de Mapimf* in eastern Nueva Vizcaya were greatly influenced by the exam ple of their northern brothers and their raids increased greatly in boldness after 16S0. In September, Governor Bartolom/ de Estrada reported that the Indians of Nueva Vizcaya and those of New Mexico were ”... all in com munication ...” and he feared the consequences. By January, l6Sl the fiscal reported that war was raging in Nueva Vizcaya and that worse things could be feared ”... especially as they are now so elated and arrogant with the lamentable occurrence in New Mexico.” It was also feared that the New Mexico rebels would aid others to the south and this would be serious because ”... those in the king dom of La Vizcaya are so expert and so able in the manage- 15 / ^Declaration of Pedro de Leiva and Letter of Antonio de Otermin, October 9 , 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, pp. 30, 154, 275 ment of arms and horses. . . Throughout 1630 and 1631 it was repeatedly stated that the Mansos, Sumas and Janos were ready to rebel and that they would cause a similar action in their neighbors the Conchos. In September, 1630 it was reported from Sonora that unless Otermfn could reconquer New Mexico the whole northern region would be lost, for the Janos, Yumas /Sumas7, and other nations here and those who border upon them are all of the same persuasion or perhaps even worse. Seeing that they /the rebels of New Mexico/ have succeeded with this, . I have no doubt that they will all do the same. . • . ' The immediate need of Governor Otermfn, however, was to hold El Paso, for if that place were abandoned it was felt that the Mansos and Sumas would revolt and all of the area north of Parral would be lost. In April, 1631 Juan Domfnguez de Mendoza declared that the barbarian nations of the north were at the point of rebellion and Otermjfn added that the Pueblo Indians there were also restless. By September Fray Ayeta expressed concern over the spread of the conspiracy, which now exists not only among the Indians who surround us /at El Paso7 but in the provinces of Sonora as well, wnere many Teaders of it have been punished. The said conspiracy has reached Letters of Bartolomd' de Estrada, September 6, 1630, |of the Fiscal, January 3, 1631 and of Martin de Solis Miranda, January 7. lo3l, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 1, jpp. 36-37, 220, 220, 232. i ■^Francisco de Agramonte, September 16, 1630, in I Ibid.. v. 1, pp. 133-139. 276 to the doors of El Parral and La Vizcaya, and these and other nations are on the point of joining it.i° Otermin maintained that only the presence of the troops and refugees at El Paso had saved Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora against such a large number of barbarian Indians who, discontented with our friendship and intercourse, have held so many convocations and parleys, as is apparent from the punishments inflicted in those parts.19 The governor*s point of view was shared by the royal offi cials of New Spain and several steps were taken to insure continuance of El Paso as a Spanish foothold and strong point in the north. Oternrifn was to be given authority over the region (formerly a part of Nueva Vizcaya) and he was to have a presidio of fifty men, armed with fresh horses and carbines instead of arquebuses. Likewise the refugees were not to be allowed to escape from their duty as future col onizers of a reconquered New Mexico. They were to remain under Otermin*s authority. The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico were not anxiously awaiting the Spaniard’s return, for they had been able to take up the old way of life and to try to make an adjust ment with the Apaches. To the north, northeast and east they had nothing to worry about as these Athapaskans were normally allied with the Taos, Picuris and Pecos. To the ^Declaration of Juan Dominquez de Mendoza, April 5, 1681, and Francisco de Ayeta, September 21, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, pp. 21, 90. ■^Auto of Antonio de Otermfn, October 26, 1681, in Ibid.. v. 2, p. 183. 277 west, however, were the Navaho who had been the Tewas’ enemies for many years- Would the Pueblo tribes be able to make peace with these Apaches now that the Europeans were gone, or would the Navaho seek to continue their raids with renewed vigor, taking advantage of the absence of Spanish arms? Needless to say this question is an import ant one in understanding the causes of Athapaskan warfare and of deciding whether the Navaho had been from 1606 to 1630 crusaders against the European invaders or merely raiders inspired with a desire for booty, or perhaps a little of both. The Spaniards expected (and hoped) that the Apaches would turn out to be raiders, and that their hostilities would help to bring the Pueblo Indians to a willing accept ance of the protection offered by Spanish rule. As Fray Francisco de Ayeta said, it was the opinion of all of the Spaniards that the Pueblo Indians would be very anxious for return of the Europeans, because the Apaches would have raided them and reduced them to slavery. In fact, the Spaniards who journeyed to New Mexico late in 1631 with Governor Oterm/n expected to find the pueblos destroyed by the Apaches. MThese assumptions were altered and lost i force in the face of the assistance asked and received from the Apaches in the case of almost all of the Indians. • . ." Ayeta went on to assert that 27$ it has been experienced and seen that the Apaches have not destroyed any pueblo or even damaged one seriously* It happened that, although during the discussions of peace to which the apostates invited them, they spent some months in dances, fiestas, and entertainments, in the end the Apaches were unwilling to accept it and left, still at war, as in fact they are at present; and it is seen that this notwithstanding, they /the Pueblo tribes7 have maintained themselves without the Spaniards.20 It appears that some hostile Apache groups did make peace with the Pueblo Indians in 1681. The cabildo at El Paso learned in April from three Indians who had just come from New Mexico that the forces of the rebels had been greatly increased "... due to the confederation and alliance that they have with the heathen Apaches. ..." One Indian from the north reported that he had met a Navaho Apache chief who was negotiating for peace at Santo Domingo pueblo.During the same period some Piro Indians made their way from El Paso to Socorro and on the way they were attacked twice by the southern Apaches. Later a Tiwa chief took the Piros northward to Isleta, perhaps because the latter people were exposed to raids by hostile Apaches and Spaniards from El Paso or because the Tiwas feared that an invading Spanish army might make use of Piro warriors 20 Declaration of Francisco de Ayeta, December 23, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, pp. 307-308. 2^Report of the Cabildo, April 5, 1681, in Ibid., v. 2, p. 27, and Reeve, "Seventeenth Century Navaho- Spanish Relations," p. 51. 279 against them.22 By November, 1631 Oternun had his fifty presidial soldiers at El Paso, the settlers were largely settled at San Lorenzo, and a Piro-Tiwa plot to rebel had been crushed.23 Otermfn was then ready to attempt the reconquest of the Pueblo Indians. On November 5 an army of 146 Span iards and 112 Indian allies (Mansos, Piros, Tiwas and nine Jemez) set out for the north reaching the Piro country late in the month. In the latter area they found signs of mounted Apaches and discovered that the Piro pueblos were all abandoned. Senectf, Socorro, Alamillo and Sevilleta had all been deserted by the "apostate Piros" who had gone to join the rebel Tiwas at Isleta. The Indians had burned all of the churches and signs indicated that Apaches had later sacked one of the abandoned villages. Otermifn went one step further and had the entire pueblos burned. Indications were seen in this area that the Apaches had driven a herd of animals south from the interior pueblos.2^- On December 6, the Spanish army reached Isleta and forced the Piros and Tiwas to surrender. The latter claimed that they had taken up arms because they thought Apaches ^ D e c l a r a t i o n 0 f Lucas, December 19, 1681, in :Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, p. 243* ^Testimony of Diego, July 9, 1631, N.M.A., 1621- 11633, No. 7. 2^Record of the March, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, pp. 133-207. 280 were attacking, but their real anti-Spanish feelings were revealed when it was seen that the church with all of its images had been destroyed and cows were housed inside the ruins. The 500 Indians there were found ". . . to be well satisfied with their liberty of conscience and not over joyed to see the Spaniards.” Otermin now adopted his policy for the reconquest: Dominguez de Mendoza was to advance to the Tiwa pueblos of Sandia, Alameda and Puaray, force the native to surrender their arms, burn all the kivas and sack any houses from which the Indians were fugitive. The same measures were to apply to the other pueblos as well.2^ Dominguez de Mendoza found the Tiwa pueblos empty but he refrained from doing any more damage than burning some kachina masks at Sandia. He did, however, sack the three pueblos along with those of San Felipe, Santo Domingo and Gochiti which he reached subsequently. Meanwhile, Oter- min decided to march north from Isleta in spite of the fact that a group of Piros had deserted the pueblo because of having heard that the apostates and Apaches had joined to gether in the sierras to destroy the invaders. All of this evidence of Pueblo Indian animosity apparently acted i I strongly upon the governor and he totally sacked, burned, i 1 2^Record of the March, Declaration of Francisco de lAyeta, December 23, 1681, and Instructions of Otarmin, 'December 8, 1681, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, pp. 208, 216, 316. 2S1 and destroyed Sandia, Alameda and Puaray. Near Cochiti Dominguez de Mendoza met an army made up of all the Pueblo tribes except the Hopi and he was almost tricked into being destroyed. The rebels, led by a mestizo, Alonso Catiti, pretended friendship and asked for powder to fight the Apaches. The Spaniards did not succumb to this ruse, but they did allow themselves to be outflanked so that they were not in any position to use force on the Americans. Leaders of the two groups at first engaged in peace talks but finally Catiti replied: What you say to me is true, but I still remember what they /the Spaniards/ did in the pueblo of Los Jemez to the Apaches, killing them under promise of peace. Thus the past sins of treachery against the Athapaskans appeared to confront the Spanish at this moment, and soon other natives began to shout that the Europeans were hypo crites and liars. Nevertheless, a battle did not develop and it was finally agreed that the Spaniards would wait for several days at Cochiti and then the rebels would come in for talks. For three days Dom/nguez de Mendoza waited and then he judged it best to retreat as the rebel army was reportedly planning to attack.^ Success might yet have attended the Spanish invasion ] but for a wise stratagem carried out by Lufs Tupatu, a rebel i i I ------------------- ! ^Declarations of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, Diego Lopez, Sebastian Herrera, December 21-22, 1661, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt, v. 2, pp. 261, 270, 294, 271-272. 232 leader from Picurls, and a squad of mounted Indians which apparently included some Apaches* This group began to harass the Spaniards at Isleta and the Tiwas were asked to flee to them, a thing which the Piros were already doing. In order to frustrate this rear action Otermfn retreated downstream, complaining of the ". . . confident coyotes, mestizos, and mulattos . . • " who were with the rebels. These leaders of mixed ancestry particularly aroused Span ish animosity for they symbolized an anti-Hispanicism which the Spanish apparently could not understand except as the work of the devil. Another thorn in their side was that the "liberated1 * Pueblo Indians wished to flee to the rebels, as the Tiwas and Piros were doing. Many of the latter were reportedly now at Acoma.27 Oterm^n had failed to subdue the Pueblo Indians in a short time, as he had hoped, and in January, 1632 a retreat was made to £1 Paso. First, however, the pueblo of Isleta was completely destroyed and the 365 Indians still there were carried prisoners to the south. The Spaniards had succeeded only in destroying eight pueblos, sacking three 2?It seems that "many mestizos, mulattos, and people iwho speak Spanish have followed them, who are skillful on jhorseoack and who can manage firearms as well as any Span iard." Declaration of Luis Granillo, December 23, 1631, 'Letter of Lufs Granillo, December 24, 1631, and Autos of 'Antonio de Otermin, December 24, 1631 and January 1, 1632, |in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, pp. 322, 329, 337-339, 355. 233 others and bringing some more unwilling settlers to El Paso The Pueblo Indians had been found to be quite satis fied with freedom, or as Fray Ayeta said: they have been found to be so pleased with liberty of conscience and so attached to the belief in the worship of Satan that up to the present not a sign has been visible of their ever having been Christians.29 Governor OtermdLn had expected many of the Americans to wel come him because he thought that they would be suffering from Ute and Apache raids and the tyranny of their leaders, but the damages they had received had not been very considerable, nor the tyranny of their government, as it encouraged their natural inclination toward obscen ities, idolatry, and liberty. . . .30 If the Apache were not on the offensive in New Mexico it may have been because they had shifted their interest from the north to the El Paso region and during the month of January, 1632 they carried off 200 animals from San Lorenzo. Otermfn was aware of the menace to his headquarters and without knowing of the above raids he determined to make a side journey to Apache country prior to returning to El Paso. On February 4, he turned to the east from Dofia Ana ^Auto of Antonio de Otermifn, January 1, 1632 and Certification of Francisco Xavier, January 1, 1632, in Hackett, Pueblo Revolt. v. 2, pp. 356-353. ^Declaration of Francisco de Ayeta, December 23, 1631, in Ibid.. v. 2, p. 309* 3°Letter of Antonio de Otermfn, February 11, 1632, in Ibid.. v. 2, p. 371. 264 and went some six leagues to the Organ Mountains where he hoped to get timber and ”• . .to look about for the enemy Apaches who live in it.” Nothing was found except a cave sometimes used by the Athapaskans.^ On February 11, Governor Otermfn wrote to the vice roy that it was now impossible to subdue New Mexico both because of the rebel's attitude and because of the Apache offensive against the £1 Paso region. He felt that the Pueblo Indians with him should be settled in the latter place as a barrier protecting Nueva Vizcaya and as an aid to reduction of the still-heathen Mansos and Sumas. This plan was accepted by royal authorities as the only solution possible, but the fiscal was loud in his condemnation of Otermin's apparent ineptness.^2 The crown was not willing at this time to put forth the pesos for more troops, how ever, and a temporary recognition of the independence of New Mexico was necessary. The Apache offensive toward the south began to take on widening proportions by March, 1662 and to add to this was the fact that the Sumas were guilty of thievery and cooperation with the raiders. At this time the Apaches of •^Letter of Nicolas Hurtado, January 30, 1662, and Record of the March, in Hackett. Pueblo Revolt, v. 2. pp. 365-367. 32 ✓ Letter of Antonio de Otermin, February 11, 1662, and Reply of the Fiscal. June 25. 1662. in Ibid.. v. 2. pp. 373, 375. 285 the Sierra of Gila made a raid on a ranch near Casas Grandes, a thing previously never reported for them. A retaliatory expedition by Spaniards of that jurisdiction was then made to the "ranchos” of the Apaches and there they found Sumas holding friendly conversations with the enemy. The Apaches had been making great raids for horses and livestock on the very frontiers of Sonora and infor mation on the apparent motives of the Athapaskans was given by a young Jumano slave who escaped to the Spanish. He said that among the Apaches who came to the said<ambush were a large number of Apaches of the plains (these are from towards the east and the place of ambush is distant from their territory 200 leagues). These /Apaches/ used to enter into New Mexico to trade and carry on commerce because they always were at peace, but having lacked this trade they come now to have it with the Apaches of the Sierra of Gila. The Gila Apaches were in possession of horses which the Plains Apaches needed as much for war against other heathens who are their enemies, by means of which they make great massacres, as for the chase of the buffalo which is their susten ance.33 By the l680»s probably all of the Plains Athapaskans were in possession of horses and undoubtedly the new animal iwas finding a ready acceptance in the buffalo hunt, the war party and the seasonal caravan, although apparently replac- ^^Letter of Antonio de Oterm/n, March 29, 1682, in A.G.I., Mexico 53, and in Scholes ”Jumano«, pp. 288-289. 286 ing the dog only gradually in the latter caae.^ An insight into the significance of the mounted Apache in 1682 is to be seen in the journals connected with a new European frontier in the west, the French frontier. In 1673 the westward moving French had reached the Mississippi River Valley with the expedition of Louis Joliet and the Jesuit, Jacques Marquette. Real French penetration of the area began, however, with the activities of Ren^ Robert Cavalier, Sieur de la Salle, who explored the Missis sippi Valley and established a fort near the mouth of the Missouri River. There, in 1682, La Salle met a party of Missouri Indians among whom was a Pawnee from 200 leagues to the west. From him it was learned that the Pawnee are neighbors and allies of the Gattacka and Manrhoat, who are to the south of their /the Pawnee’ji/ villages, and that they sell them horses which they rob apparently from the Spanish of New Mexico.35 Thus by 1682 the mounted Athapaskan was having an impact as far as Illinois, since Gattacka in its various forms was a common Pawnee term for the Plains ApacheThat the Pawnee were allies of the Apache, however, is to be doubted, and •^As late as the early 1700»s the Apaches northeast |of Taos were still using dogs for carrying tents etcetera. ^Margry, Pierre, Decouvertes et Etablfssements Des Francais (Paris: D. Jovaust, 1877), v. 2, pp. 201-202. 36 ^ Gattacka, cataka or kataka was usually applied to the so-called Kiowa Apache, but only after the other lApaches were no longer on the High Plains. 2d7 the impact of the Athapaskan on the other plains tribes was probably in the nature of a mounted enemy. Fray Louis Hennepin learned something of the latter from some Meton- tonta Indians (Otos) who visited La Salle in 1662. They had a horse’s hoof and said that • the Spaniards make cruel war upon them, and that they use spears more commonly than fire-arms.In all probability the "Spaniards" were mounted Apaches using long lances, a trait often recorded for the Athapaskans of the High Plains. Further, it is known that the Otos were often at war with the Apaches (called Padoucas at the time) and sold many Athapaskan slaves to the French.^^ It would certainly be interesting to know the exact effect of the mounted Apache upon his startled enemies, but one may surmise that the first possessor of the horse would have exercised superiority over an unmounted opponent. It is possible that the Apaches made inroads upon other plains tribes at this time, creating bitter hatreds which were to boomerang upon them after 1700 when the Comanches, Pawnees, Kansa, Otos and others forced the Athapaskan from a large part of his former range. On the frontier of New Spain in 1632 the phenomenon i 3?Louis Hennepin, A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America (Chicago: McClurg, 1903J, v. 2, p. 627. I | ^About -the year 1720 the Otos and Kansa carried off i 250 Padouca slaves. See Nasatir, A. P., Before Lewis and Clark, v. 1, p. 16. of revolution continued to plague the Spaniards as the Opata of Sonora became affected by freedom fever. The Americans desired to kill the Europeans and their minis ters but Lieutenant Governor Francisco Cuervo y Valdes campaigned against them successfully. Subsequently, the Opatas of Turicachi, Cuquirachi and Tibideguachi, pueblos on the Athapaskan frontier, rebelled again and Cuervo put them down once more. A few years later it was charged that Cuervo had ruined Sonora and by executing Opata leaders had caused the t r o u b l e .^9 Meanwhile, in El Paso several Pueblo Indians were tried for apostasy, robbery and cooperation with the Apache. * * ' 0 Apparently the Great Southwestern Revolt was dead. The Spaniards by strengthening their position at El Paso, at Casas Grandes, in Sonora and in the Parral area had seemingly halted the spread of the infection begun by the rise of the Indians of New Mexico. The Mansos and Sumas had failed to rebel, the Opata had been crushed and rela tive quiet existed elsewhere, but the ideas inspired by August, 1630 had not died. In 1633 the tribes of Nueva Vizcaya living near Parral rose in rebellion, inspired by 39 ■^Memorial of Toribio de la Huerta, in Pichardo, tomo 19, B.M.A.E.; and Testimony of the Conde de Canalejas, I January 17, 1692, in A.G.I., 66-5-12, Bancroft Library ^transcript. 4°Trials of Juan Catiti and Juan Cucala, in N.M.A.. 1621-33, No. 12-13. 269 the example of New Mexico. They «... totally shut off communication between the provinces and kingdom of New Spain and Galicia and that of Vizcaya. The Casas Grandes region continued to be the target for frequent raids by the Apaches of Gila in 1662 and they may have been aided by the Janos and the Mansos of Captain Chiquito. In February Captain Francisco Ramirez, accompa nied by some Concho and Suma Indian auxiliaries, made a campaign in search of the Apaches. Trouble developed, how ever, when some Janos carried off several horses belonging to the Conchos as repayment for an earlier Concho theft of some blankets. Several Spaniards pursued the Janos and murdered one of them, as a result of which the natives were ready to revolt. The Spaniards at El Paso were afraid that the Mansos of Chiquito would join the convocation, since the Janos and Mansos were really one tribe; but the whole affair was smoothed over when Ramfrez gave some horses and gifts to the Janos.Meanwhile a new mission, Santa Gertrudis, was established for the Sumas living near the ^ Letter of Lope de Sierra Ossorio, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2, p. 219, and Royal Cd'dula of June 16, 1665, A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, Ramo 2. 42 Testimony of Francisco, etcetera and Auto of Antonio de Otermfn, March, 1663, in N.M.A., 1621-63, No. 16. 290 Ojito de Samalayuca.^ On August 11, 1683 twelve Jumano Apache chiefs reached El Paso and sought an interview with Governor Oterm^n. It seems that the Spaniards of New Mexico had always been on friendly terms with these Athapaskans and throughout the years six, eight or ten Europeans had journeyed to their lands to trade and barter. The loss of New Mexico had put a stop to these annual visits and the Jumanos were anxious to resume commerce, as well as to ascertain just what had happened to the Spaniards. For some reason hostilities had developed between the Jumanos and their Apache neighbors and the latter had told them that the Spaniards were all finished. The reason for this inter-Athapaskan hostility is not alto gether clear, but it perhaps had something to do with the fact that the Jumanos were avid traders and middlemen between the Spaniards and the Julimes of La Junta on the one hand and the Texas (Hasinai Caddo) and their allies on the other. It is known that the more northerly Athapaskans were enemies of the Texas and of the Span iards, and thus the Jumanos in cultivating the friendship of the latter groups must have lost that of their ethnic ^Report of Nicolas Lopez, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E. 291 relatives.^ The Jumano chiefs informed Oterm^n that six days down the Rio Grande from El Paso lived their allies the Julimes, avid farmers who had offered to donate supplies if the Spaniards came to help them against the Apaches. The Jumanos lived very near to the Julimes, as well as having rancherias towards the Colorado River region, and they tried to entice Otermifn into sending an expedition by telling him of the pearls in the latter river. The Jumanos also said that the Texas were trading with white people who came to them in houses of wood which travel over the water, but this did not seem to worry the governor and the Indians finally based their case on their desire J L c to trade in deerskins and buffalo hides. ' The Spanish position at El Paso was not secure enough to send such an expedition, however, and Oterm^n's term of office was almost over. Thus the Jumanos had to wait until a new governor was installed among the Spaniards. During this period rumors were continually circu lating to the effect that the Pueblo Indians had made a "perfect union and alliance" with the Apaches and that now ^Letter of Antonio de OtemdLn, August 11, 16S3, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E., and Declaration of Juan jSabeata, October 20, 16S3, in Ibid., tomo 14, B.M.A.E. ^Letter of Antonio de Otermfn, August 11, I6B3, in Ibid.. tomo 14, B.M.A.E. 292 they sought to include all the frontier tribes of Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora in their league so as to destroy the Europeans.^ A more immediate danger to the position of the new governor, Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, were the raids of the Apache upon El Paso. Jironza reported that when he assumed office there were only a few horses left and these had to be tied at the doors of the Span iards’ -lacales during the night in order to save them. He, however, was able to subdue the spirit of the Apache by campaigning in their lands, killing many and capturing twenty-two. By October 30, Jironza declared that he was disposed to reconnoiter New Mexico as far as Santa Fe and attempt the reconquest of the lost province.^ In October, 1633 a group of Jumanos again appeared at El Paso, led by Juan Sabeata, a head chief who had been baptized in Parral. This important and well-traveled Indian declared that at that time he and many other Jumanos were living at La Junta, from whence he had been dispatched by six Christian chiefs {of the Julime pueblos) who were without ministers and who desired both spiritual aid and, more to the point, aid against their enemies the Apaches ”. . . which is a rancheria very close to his. . . ." i ^Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2322. i J n ^'Letter of Domingo Jironza, October 30, 1633, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E. 293 Sabeata was then asked how far it was from where he lived to the rest of the Jumanos and he replied that the latter were six days away and that the buffalo were three days from La Junta. The Colorado River was three days from the buffalo, indicating that the Jumanos were still on its banks as in the 1630*s and l650*s. He then listed a number of nations with which the Jumanos were friendly and with whom they had commerce. These included some Tonkawan and Coahuiltecan groups as well as the Texas and the king dom of Quivira. One of the tribal names, Penunde, resem bles Ypande or Ipa-nde, the source of the Lipan Apaches* name.^ Sabeata informed the Spaniards that he was in close touch with the Texas who lived fifteen to twenty days east of La Junta. Again he repreated the story of white men trading with the Caddo by water and declared that among the Texas was a Tewa Indian who spoke Spanish. The Caddo were in possession of horses which they fed maize and they were at war with the Apaches, having won a victory over a rancheria of seventy-eight tents.^ On November 29, 16S3 Governor Jironza issued instructions to Juan Dominguez de Mendoza to lead a party of soldiers and priests and recon- ^^Declaration of Juan Sabeata, October 20, 1683, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E., and in A.G.N., Historia 299. ^Declaration of Juan Sabeata, October 20, I6S3, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E. 2% 50 noiter the river of the pearls (the Colorado of Texas). Early in December the expedition traveled down the Hio Grande from San Lorenzo to La Junta, passing many Suma rancherias along the way. Some of the Sumas asked aid against the Apaches whom they claimed were interfering in their attempts at settling in pueblos. This, however, was doubtless a ruse designed to fool the Spaniards, in view of subsequent events. At the end of December the expedi tion reached La Junta where the Julimes and Jumanos greeted them in a friendly manner. One of the friars, Antonio de Acevedo, remained with the La Junta Indians while the rest of the party journeyed in a north-westerly direction to the Pecos River. The latter was reached somewhere near present- day Fort Stockton, Texas. Nine leagues down the Pecos took the expedition to the village of the Jediondos (the Skunks, or Stinking-ones) who met the Spaniards on horseback and with the firing, by Juan Sabeata, of a lockless arquebus barrel. The Skunks were evidently a sub-group of the Jumanos and they lived at the foot of a great rock which served as protection against the enemy Apaches. There Domfnguez de Mendoza received news of a great attack which the latter were planning to imake in order to carry off many horses. All the chiefs and 50 Letter of Domingo Jironza, November 29, 16$3, in B.N. 19258. 295 their "governor," Juan Sabeata, appealed to the Spanish to make war upon the enemy, and the commander of the Europeans agreed that he would. Nevertheless, the Apaches carried off a horse-herd and the Spaniards were helpless to do any thing in defense of their allies. On the 25th of January the expedition left the Skunks’ village and ten leagues to the east they met the "Twisted Bows," a people similar in dress and customs to the Sumas. After twenty more leagues the Spaniards and Jumanos reached the middle fork of the Concho River and in this area the Apaches stole nine horses, seven from the Jumanos and two from the Europeans. Spies reported that they had located an enemy rancheria but this turned out to be a falsehood, and hard feelings began to develop between the erstwhile allies. Dominguez de Mendoza said that Juan Sabeata had in nothing told him the truth and he accused the Jumano head-chief of trying to slow down the expedition. Finally, however, they reached the junction of the Concho and Colorado Rivers which was eight leagues farther downstream on the Colorado than the place where the Guadalajara party had come in 1654* Dominguez de Mendoza accomplished nothing by reaching central Texas, though, for all of the tribes which he met in the area (most of whom seem to have been Coahuiltecan groups from farther to the east and southeast) were to be disappointed in their hopes of receiving Spanish aid, if indeed that 296 had been their hope, for this commander was hard-pressed in the defense of his own horseherd and certainly was in no position to wage offensive war, Dondfnguez de Mendoza determined upon returning to El Paso because of my not being able to sustain the great war which, from the north, the common enemies, the Apache nation, have made upon us. They have attacked us three times by night and by day, and the last night they wounded a soldier . . . and besides this, the "Salineros" of Nueva Vizcaya (prob ably Chisos) had also made three night attacks on the camp, killing several Skunks. It should be noted, however, that by this time the Spaniards had slaughtered 4,030 buffalo which indicates that their real interest in visiting the Jumano country was to gather buffalo hides. Sabeata was said also to be curing some deerskins for the Europeans, and all of this leads one to suspect that the Jumanos were taken in if they had had any hopes of aid against their northern neighbors. The ill-will engendered by the Spaniards was enough to cause Juan Sabeata and his Jumanos to flee from their "allies” and Dominguez de Mendoza charged that the chief had plotted . • with some nations to kill us. ..." In May, 1684 the Spaniards made their way back to the Pecos River and there they were deserted by the Skunks who with drew secretly, thus showing their coolness towards the i Spaniards. At La Junta the expedition found that Fray Acevedo had erected a church and baptized 1,500 Indians, 297 but only seven nations were there instead of the eight or nine of an earlier date, thus indicating that the Jumanos had withdrawn from this area as well. A more serious development, however, was that the Sumas of the Rio Grande had risen in rebellion and the party was forced to return to El Paso by way of the Conchos River and the road from present-day Chihuahua City. The revolt of the Sumas may well have had something to do with the hostility of the Jumanos, as the two peoples were in contact and ethnically related. In the years to follow Fray Nicolas Lopez, Fray Alonso de Posadas and other Franciscans were to bombard royal officials with petitions for the missionary occupa tion of the Jumano country and the Kingdom of the Texas to the east, but this as well as the reconquest of New Mexico was to have to wait for two important events. The smoldering embers of the Great Southwestern Revolt had burst into open and violent flame from the borders of Coahuila to Sonora and all imperial expansion in the north was delayed until another event made that expansion impera tive regardless of the internal situation on the northern -^Diary of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, in A.G.N., Provincias Internas 37; A.G.N., Historia 299; and Bolton, iSpanish Exploration, pp. 320-342; Letter of Fray Nicola's iLdpez, 1686, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 3, pp. :36l-3o2; Report of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, l6#4, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E.; and Letter of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, 16B6, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 13&. 296 frontier: the French were to establish settlements in Louisiana and La Salle was to reach Texas* All New Spain was to be threatened by the potentiality of a French alliance with the rebel and heathen tribes of the northern frontier. CHAPTER X ♦•THE GREAT SOUTHWESTERN REVOLT" Ever since the l660,s the Mansos of El Paso had been planning a revolt and this desire was intensified by the happenings of the early 1680*3. Nevertheless, certain factors made a rebellion more difficult after the Pueblo Indian success, for Spanish power at El Paso was greater than before and the Piro and Tiwa refugees seem to have been at odds with the natives at the Rio Grande crossing. Still the Indians did not give up hope and meetings and discussions continued until on March 14, 1684 some Piros and Tiwas betrayed the plotters to Governor Jironza. Eight of the leaders, including Lu£s, head chief of the Mansos and Janos, and several Apaches living among the El Paso natives, were arrested secretly. Jironza learned that the meetings had been frequent, that a revolt was tentatively planned for Easter and that the Piros and Tiwas were to be allowed to return to New Mexico unless they aided the Span ish, in which case they were to be killed. Jironza was i iinclined to strangle the eight immediately but other scounsels prevailed and the execution was to be postponed t |so as to avoid repercussions among the natives. Never- theless, word of what was occurring reached the Janos, Sumas and other tribes and new leaders arose to plan the 300 revolt • Messengers to and from El Paso kept the Janos, Jocomes, Sumas, Chinarras and Conchos informed of the proceedings and one of the important messengers was Juan the Quivira, an Indian who had come to El Paso from New Mexico, apparently as an agent of the Pueblo Indians* Juan was arrested by Jironza but managed to escape and thereafter served in important rebel roles until he was finally captured in July while on his way with messages to New Mexico. In the meantime he and others had per- formed their tasks well and on May 6 the revolt began. The Janos and Sumas of the mission of Nuestra Senora de la Soledad (at present-day Janos, Chihuahua) were the first to rebel, a not surprising fact since the Janos were but recently reduced, their head chief was a prisoner of the Spanish, and the closely-related Jocomes and Mansos of Chiquito were still free and were their neighbors to the north. Fray Manuel Beltran, Captain Antonio de Alviso and a servant were killed at Soledad while six females and two or three boys were carried off by the rebels. Reportedly, some Mansos of Captain Chiquito aided the Janos and Sumas. Captain Francisco Ramfrez of ^-Hughes, op. cit.. pp. 33&-342, and Letter of Fran cisco Ramirez, May 12, l o 8 k , in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, |rarno 2. i 2 ^-Hughes, op. cit.. p. 343, and Letter of Francisco Ramirez, May 12, 16B4, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2. 301 Casas Grandes received news of the affair on May 11 and immediately wrote to the Spaniards of El Paso and Parral for aid.^ On the night of May 13 all of the Sumas of Casas Grandes fled from their mission and the priest of that place feared for his life since there was no way to escape. In one direction lay the mission of Santa Ana del Torreon of Sumas and Chinarras, while towards Sonora lay Santa Maria de Carretas with more Sumas. The Sumas of these missions were all intermarried and united with the Janos and their rising was a foregone conclusion.^ The Conchos of the area to the south of Casas Grandes revolted about the same time and some of these Indians reportedly aided the Sumas of the Ojito de Samalayuca to rebel, destroy the new mission of Santa Gertrudis, and kill several Spaniards. The Sumas of San Francisco de la Toma near El Paso deserted their pueblo and the converted Mansos at Guadalupe del Paso did likewise. Governor Jironza attempted to halt their flight; but in spite of the fact that he held their leaders prisoners the natives were determined upon freedom. The governor retaliated by executing the ten captives whom he ^Letter of Francisco Ramirez, May 11, 1634, in A.G.I. Guadalajara 147, ramo 2. ^Letter of Juan de Porraz, May 14, 1634, in A.G.I., iGuadalajara 147, ramo 2. ^Letter of Domingo Jironza, October 7, 1634, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E., and Report of Francisco Cuervo de Valdes, June 17, 1634, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 1 then held.^ On May 25 the "General Conjuration" reached within a few leagues of Parral as the Conchos and other tribes of that area deserted their missions, pueblos and the ranches on which they worked, carrying off large numbers of horses and mules. This "retirement of the nations" was to be dam aging to Nueva Vizcaya, for the large ranches and estates depended upon the labor of such tribes as the Conchos, peaceful Tobosos and even Julimes from La Junta. The situation was very serious and became more so when the Julimes forced their new priests to flee and the Tobosos raided the presidio of Cerro Gordo (the only one in Nueva Vizcaya), wounded most of the soldiers and carried off all the animals there.? Governor Joseph de Neyra y Quiroga of Nueva Vizcaya and his lieutenants, Cuervo de Velde's in Sonora and General Juan de Retana at Parral, were faced with a serious problem, as they did not have the troops to meet the challenge of the rebels. It was requested that fifty new campaign sol diers and 100 paid Indian auxiliaries be supplied to wipe out the worst of the enemies, but the viceroy replied that ^Letter of Domingo Jironza, October 7, 1634, in iPichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E. ^Letter of Juan de Retana, May 23, 1634, in A.G.I., I Guadalajara 147, ramo 2; Letter of Lope de Sierra Ossorio, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2, p. 225» and Report of Nicolas LOpez, in A.G.N., Historia 299* 303 he did not have the 25,000 pesos that would be necessary to support such a group each year and thu3 Nueva Vizcaya would have to depend solely upon its own resources and the 6,000 peso annual war and peace fund. The viceroy was soon to learn, however, that the Great Southwestern Revolt was going to cost Spain many more than 25,000 pesos for many, many years.^ The Spaniards on the northern frontier were forced to meet the force of the "epidemic” from New Mexico, as the new revolt was termed, on their own, and they succeeded in doing so to a remarkable extent.9 Cuervo de Vald/s, Jironza and Retana all sent aid to Ramfrez at Casas Grandes, saving that place from certain destruction. Forty ex-New Mexicans were sent from the Parral region, Juan Fernandez de la Fuente led thirty militia troopers from Sonora and Jironza sent thirty men from El Paso, making a total of 100 arque bus-armed Spaniards at Casas Grandes (besides the settlers of that place). They found the rebels, 2,000 of them (including women and children), occupying defensive posi tions on a pefiol not far from Casas Grandes and the Euro peans were able to dislodge the Indians early in June. The Americans retreated to a new position on the Penol del ft ! Conde de Paredes to the King, August 12, 1634, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2. ^Junta of July 9, 1634, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, iramo 1. 304 Diablo and there they successfully resisted an assault by at least 150 Spaniards and Indian allies. The latter were forced to retreat with some thirty-three wounded and several dead. The Indian losses are not known.10 By mid-July the Sumas of San Francisco were forced to accept peace because of hunger, but the other Sumas con tinued to hold out in their mountains. Governor Jironza made a campaign against the Mansos, both converted and heathen, at the village of Captain Chiquito. These Atha- paskans refused to surrender and the Spaniards burned the rancheria. In mid-August a campaign was made to kill the males of an Apache village and capture the women and chil dren, but the Indians could not be found. Meanwhile, Cuervo de Valdes was facing the danger of the spread of revolution to Sonora as the Sumas and their allies had raided Bavispe and the heathen had retired from the Turicachi region. The prospect of an Opata revolt was alarming, but these Indians failed to join the rebels at this time.11 Early in September while the militia troops were out on campaign the Sumas, Janos and their allies attacked I 10Report of Francisco Cuervo de Valdes, June 17, !l6#4, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 1; Letter of Juan ;de Retana, May 28, 1684 and Report of Joseph de Neyra, jNovember 30, I6S4, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2; ;and Hughes, op. cit.. pp. 343-345. j ’ 1 ] 11Report of Francisco Cuervo de Valdes, June 17, :l6£4, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 1; Hughes, op. cit.. ; pp. 346-349, 359; and Hubert Howe Bancroft, Arizona and New Mexico (San Francisco: The History Co., 1888), p. 193. 305 Casas Grandes where they burned the stores of corn and wheat and carried off all the livestock. Late in the same month a combined force of Spaniards attacked the Americans but were forced to retreat with almost thirty men wounded. By mid-October the Spanish troops, reinforced by hundreds of Indian allies from Sonora and El Paso and by Spanish settlers as well, began a new offensive which succeeded in killing many warriors and capturing all of the women, chil- 12 dren and booty held by the rebels. Meanwhile Fray Nicolas Lopez journeyed from El Paso to Mexico in September, 1604 to seek aid for the north and for his pet projects, the occupation of Texas and the re occupation of New Mexico as far as Isleta. On October 7, Governor Jironza wrote that he was ready to reconquer the lost province but this proposal was rejected by the fiscal who said that it was ". . • a fantastic discourse . • ."as Jironza had done nothing in preparation for such an enter- 13 prise. Indeed the Governor of El Paso had failed to subdue the Mansos and Sumas of his own headquarters although in September he had succeeded in breaking up a conference of | ^Report of Joseph de Neyra, November 30, 1604, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2; and Hughes, op. cit.. pp. 1356-358. I 1 ^Auto of September 19, 1604, Letter of Domingo iJironza, October 7, 1604, and Reply of the Fiscal, January 22, 1605, in Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E. 306 rebels from ten nations which was held to the south of El Paso. Towards the west Cuervo de Valdes claimed to have led 300 men on a campaign 130 leagues into the interior in order to pacify the enemy; however, the exact date of the enterprise is not known. By November it was said that some of the Mansos of El Paso were anxious to make peace. Late in that same month, though, the rebels attacked a party of Spaniards on their way to Nueva Vizcaya from El Paso and seven of the travelers were killed. Jironza retaliated with severe campaigns and Ramirez of Casas Grandes with 120 settlers and Indians forced 2,000 rebels to make peace at Ojo Caliente in December.^ Many of the Sumas, Conchos and Mansos continued fighting until mid-l6S5 when most ofjthem agreed to return \ . - \ to live under Spanish rule. The Mansos of Captain Chiquito, the Janos and Jocomes, some Sumas and Conchos and, of course, the Apaches to /the north remained free and the Spaniards were to experience continual trouble from all of these groups for many years to come. In fact in I6S5 there was a rumor of a new revolt and seventy-seven Suma men were clubbed to death at Casas Grandes and in Sonora. Certainly [Spanish brutality helped to make these Indians hate their I I I i i ^Testimony of Francisco Cuervo de Valdes, August 7, (1690, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 66-5-12, Bancroft Library -Transcript; and Hughes, op. cit.. pp. 352-354* conquerors.^ The 1684 rebellion was an expensive one for New Spain. In November of that year Governor Joseph de Neyra of Nueva Vizcaya reported that the rebels had 40,000 head of livestock in their power taken from the whole northern area. In April, 16&5 it was said that Casas Grandes alone had lost 2,000 horses and mules and 2,000 small stock be sides many herds of cattle* The losses of the Spanish were not to be measured in livestock alone, nor in lives, but in a serious loss of missionary control over the natives. The Jano mission of Soledad, the Suma missions of Santa Gertrudis, Torreon and Carretas and the settle ments for the Chinarras were totally lost, never to be restored. The Julime mission was to be delayed until 1715 and the Concho and Toboso missions of San Pedro, San Francisco, Nombre de Dios and San Geronimo, along with the Julimes* Conchos River pueblo of San Antonio de Julimes were temporarily destroyed.1^ The l6S4-#5 phase of the Great Southwestern Revolt was never really halted even though some of the nations involved were forced to accept peace* The Tobosos, Chisos I ^Hughes, op. cit., pp. 360-361; and Sauer, "Distri bution of Aboriginal Tribes", pp. 72-73* ^Letter of Joseph de Neyra, November 30, 1664, in iA.G.I*, Guadalajara 147, ramo 2; Hughes, op. cit., pp. 363 I3645 and Report of Nicolas Lopez, March 267 16#6, in !Pichardo, tomo 14, B.M.A.E. 30 8 and their allies continued to fight on, using their dry, mountainous homeland as a base for frequent raids* Like wise, the Apaches of the Gila and Siete Rjfos regions, along with the Jocomes, Janos and free Mansos and Sumas kept up a determined war against the frontier* As a result of this flaming borderland war the royal authorities had to take some determined action instead of merely relying upon the hard-pressed presidios of £1 Paso and Cerro Gordo and the militias of Sonora and Nueva Vizcaya* In 1685 the Spanish Empire was forced to erect a series of new presidios designed to fence off the rebel tribes of eastern Nueva Vizcaya* The Sons of Cortes had reached the position where they had to admit the impossi bility of subduing an Indian enemy by offensive war and that the most prudent course was to erect barriers to keep the aggressive enemy out of Spanish-held territory* New presidios were authorized for Cuencam^ (Fasaje), El Gallo and San Francisco de Conchos by royal order in December, 1685* Originally it had been planned to supply them with twenty-five men each but by the time the order was issued it was necessary to give each fifty men, supplied with : twenty-five new muskets* Thus by 1686 the Spanish north- | western frontier had five presidios and about 230 soldiers, | besides other men at Parral, Casas Grandes and in Sonora* | In the 1700rs nineteen such presidios were to cost the Crown 283,930 pesos each year, or an average of 15,000 309 each.^ Certainly the cost of maintaining the northern frontier was to be great after 1685* and part of the in* creased expense was due to the fact that in a few years several new presidios had to be erected to fence the Apaches off from Sonora and Casas Grandes. At this same time, in Mexico City, friars Nicolas Lopez and Alonso de Posadas were blindly calling for north ern expansion but their pleas, not surprisingly, went un heeded. . In fact, on October 22, 1685 the King ordered that his Royal Treasury give preference to the Nueva Vizcaya war over all other matters, including the planned settlement of Baja California. The latter enterprise had to be postponed 1 8 as a result. The viceroy furthermore indicated that the mine-owners of Nueva Vizcaya and Nueva Galicia should help pay for the northern war since they did not pay as much tax as other areas of the empire.1^ There are indications that Governor Domingo Jironza made a number of raids upon the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico during his first term of office, 1684-1686, but he found the Americans well fortified and could not force them -^Various documents in A.G.I., Guadalajara 134 and 147; and **Mapa que comprehenda los presidios . . . en las Provincial Internas • • .“ in "Virreinato de Mexico.*1 tomo 1, M.N. 567. xoThe King to Conde de Paredes, October 22, 1685, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 134* -*-9conde de Paredes to the King, March 28, I685, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2. 310 to submit,2^ This and later resistance by the Pueblo tribes refuted statements such as were made by the campaigning friar, Nicolas Lopez, in Mexico. Lopez, possibly in order to convince the royal authorities that the rebels would welcome a return of the Spaniards, had told of the coming of an ambassador from the Indians who was pro-Spanish and who told how they were suffering from Apache attacks.^ The continued revolt of the Mansos and Sumas forced Jironza to move the presidio of El Paso to the area of the Mansos mission (Guadalupe) and the old settlement of San Lorenzo 22 to a small Indian village two leagues below the presidio. In 1686 Jironza was replaced by Pedro Reneros de Posada and the Great Southwestern Revolt entered into a fourth phase as the Sumas, Mansos, Janos, Jocomes and other tribes returned to rebellion or stepped up their attacks upon the Spanish. It seems that after the 1684 revolt the Sumas of the El Paso area had been settled at Guadalupe with the Mansos, and it was there that they rose in 1686, killed their priest, Fray Diego de Echavarria, and burned the c h u r c h.^3 Reneros was unable to defeat 2tVillagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822. 21Report of Nicolas Lbpes, in A.G.N., Historia 299. 22Letter of Diego de Vargas, August 14, 1691, in !A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* i ^Letters of Diego de Vargas, March 30, 1692, June 17, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 311 these Sumas and the conflagration soon spread to the west with result that Sonora began to be subject to frequent raids by the Americans. This must be regarded as the beginning of relentless warfare by the Athapaskans on the latter region, although earlier in the l6S0's some slight raids were apparently made on the frontiers. The year of 16S6 marks the beginning of decline for Sonora as a Spanish province, for although the number of its missions was sub sequently to be expanded to include many of the upper Pimas the 200 subsequent years of Athapaskan hostility never allowed the area to be more than an insecure frontier region. Indeed the wealth and population of Sonora definitely declined after 1700.^ Instead of focusing his attention upon the difficult task of coping with affairs in the El Paso-Sonora area, Reneros saw fit to make a raid into New Mexico which appears suspiciously like a slaving expedition. The Spaniards attacked and destroyed the Keres pueblo of Santa Ana which was apparently the most vulnerable Pueblo Indian settlement since all of the Tiwa and Piro towns to the south had been depopulated by previous Spanish campaigns. IReneros subsequently attacked Zia but was forced to retreat i I by the great numbers of Keres defenders. He managed, how ever, to carry off his human booty from Santa Ana and i ^Figures and evidence illustrating the decline are to be seen, for example, in Rudo Ensavo. by Eusebio Guiteras (Tucson: Arizona Silhouettes, 1951)* 312 returned to El Paso.^ During this same period Reneros attempted to acquire added wealth by discovering the famous salt lakes belonging to the Apache and located east of El Paso (near Salt Flats, Texas), but neither he nor his successor, Jironza, could find them.^6 By September of 1686 the Athapaskan offensive in the Casas Grandes region was serious enough to cause the vice roy to call for erection of a presidio of fifty men there, thus further expanding the "fencing-off" policy. This presidio, though first established at Casas Grandes, was subsequently moved northward to Janos and continued in existence for the remainder of the Spanish period.^ On the Indian side of the struggle the major burden of the war against Sonora was quite naturally borne by the Janos, Jocomes and Sumas, but very soon Apaches of the Gila region were drawn into the affair as allies. Nevertheless, for many years the Gila Athapaskans were to play a secondary role to their southern brothers. On December 28, 1 6 8 7 Governor Juan Isidro de Pardinas of Nueva Vizcaya declared that the barbarians 2^Letter of Diego de Vargas, August 14, 1691, in IA.G.I., Guadalajara 139; and Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2822. ^Letter 0£ Diego Vargas, April 7, 1692, in A.G.I., jGuadalajara 139. I 2 7 Letter of the Conde de Paredes, September 12, 1686, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2. 313 were convoked in order to attack the Spanish and that in Sonora they had done very great damage and cuased many deaths.2£* In the same year though, Fray Eusebio Kino, a Jesuit, began work among the upper Pimas of the latter area and soon the new mission of Dolores was established. Like wise to the east, near El Paso, the new mission of Santa Maria Magdalena was established for the Suma. However, it soon disappeared.2^ In March, 1688 Captain Juan Fernandez de la Fuente made a campaign from his presidio of Casas Grandes with forty soldiers, thirty settlers and 200 Indian allies, but the rebels were not defeated. On May 10 the Jocomes, Janos and Sumas with some Apaches attacked Corodeguachi (later to be Fronteras) in Sonora. Tebide- guachi, an Opata pueblo in the region, was attacked sub sequently and burned despite the fact that soldiers (part of the old garrison of Sinaloa who were serving in Sonora) were there. The horses of both pueblos were carried off and the guards were left on foot. In July, 1688 the Janos and Jocomes attacked in the 2^Letter of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, December 28, 1687, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 1. I 29"Breve Noticia . • ."of Juan Mateo Manje, B.M.H. .970; and Letter of Pedro Grfmes, May 19, 1687, in B.N. 19258. ■*°Letter of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, March 18, 1688, jin A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 1; Description of Sonora In 1764, B.M.H. 969; and Letter of Bias del Castillo, June jl, 1690, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 314 Casas Grandes region, killing a soldier and wounding Cap tain Fernandez. To the west the rebels had raided Turi- cachi and killed or wounded all of the Sinaloa soldiers who were there. Fernandez organized a large army and on August 24 the Spaniards defeated the Janos, Jocomes and Sumas, killing 200 and capturing the women and children, but the war was not halted as Torreoft and other settle ments suffered from raids and, worst of all, the whole Pima nation revolted.^ The Pimas along with their northern branch, the Sobaipuris, had had a long period of contact with the Spanish but little is known of their early history except for their relations with some neighboring tribes. At one time they were at peace with the Hopi and traded with the latter but hostilities developed and commerce came to an end. In the 1630*s the Pimas were reported as enemies of the Opata and indeed the very name Opata seems to be a corruption of , f Awpn or "Obp", the Pima word for enemy. Aboriginally both the upper Pima and the Sobaipuris were friends of the Janos, Jocomes and Apaches until being forcibly made allies of the Spanish and enemies of the i ____ _— . . . . 3^Letters of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, July 29 and October 11, 1666, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo I. j j -*2See Fray Luis Velarde’s Description of Sonora, May 30, 1716, B.M.H. 970; and Schroeder, "The Cipias and lYpotlapiguas," p. 106. 315 Athapaskans in the l690*s. In 16S6 the Pima were restless and one of their chiefs was tried by the Europeans. In the interrogation it was discovered that the Sobaipuris and the Jocomes-Janos were on friendly terms and that the former had given the Athapaskans some land to plant near Quiburi in the San Pedro River Valley of present-day Arizona.-^ By 16S8 the Pima were undoubtedly ready to join the anti-Spanish rebellion, especially since the Jesuits were beginning to move in among them. The spark which set off the revolt was a treacherous raid upon the peaceful vil lage of Mototicachi carried out by the Sinaloa soldiers of Nicolas de la Higuera. Some fifty Pimas were murdered and over 125 women and children were sent as slaves to Sinaloa. This slave-raid aroused all of the nation and many areas of Sonora were raided in retaliation. The Spaniards in turn began to attack the Pimas in Bacuachi and the Sobai puris of the sierras of Huachuca (Arizona)• In September, 16SB the largest part of the rebels was pacified as Fernan dez destroyed their villages and fields. Other Pimas continued to fight, however, and two subsequent campaigns by Fernandez were made. Still, as late as March, 1690, the ;Pima rebels were causing much damage in Sonora.^ ^Sauer, "Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes", p. 75. | -^Letter of Juan Isidro de Pardifias, October 11, l6dd, in A.G.I., Guadalajara l k 7 , ramo 1; Letters of Bias del Castillo, March 1 and June 1, 1690, in A.G.I., Guada lajara 152; and Manje, "Breve Noticia . . in B.M.H. 970. 316 The successful rebellion of the Pueblo Indians and their ability at maintaining their freedom was held by Governor Pardinas of Nueva Vizcaya to be primarily respon sible for rebel obstinacy on the northern frontier in 166S. In order to end the war a new viceroy, the Conde de Galve, in December, ordered Isidro de Pardinas to try a more gentle approach, but the governor replied that only a vicious attack had brought the Pimas to peace and that the other rebels, the Jocomes, Janos, Sumas, Tobosos and their allies would not accept any other kind of an approach.3 5 To complicate further the problem of frontier defense the Chisos joined the rebellion and tribes as far away as Coahuila and the Saltillo-Parras region were at war. Seek ing still more allies the Tobosos reportedly called upon the Terocodames and the Jumanos to join their struggle.^ Sixteen eighty-eight was indeed a year of great danger for the northern portions of New Spain, for at the same time that war was raging from Sonora to Coahuila the Spaniards received the news of French penetration into Texas. Fears of a Franco-Indian alliance and the subse quent loss of the crown-supporting mines of Galicia and ^^Letters of Juan Isidro de Pardinas,October 11 and December 23, 16S&, in A.G.I., Guadalajara i-47, ramo 1. , ^Letter of Juan Isidro de PardirTas, October 11, 168*S, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 1; and Herbert E. Bolton, "The Jumano Indians in Texas," Texas State Histor ical Quarterly. v. 15, no. 1, 1911, p. 76. 317 Nueva Vizcaya began to haunt Spaniards from king to pre- sidial captain. The French under the leadership of La Salle had planted a colony, called Fort St. Louis, on the Gulf coast of Texas in January, 1685* Dissensions imperiled success of the enterprise from the first, but La Salle worked hard, at the colonizing effort and attempted to win the alliance of the Americans in that area. In April, 1686 the commander led a party of Frenchmen to the northeast of St. Louis (identified as Matagorda Bay) and contact was made with Indians who had horses and a knowledge of the Spanish. They told how to the west there was a cruel and bad nation of whites that depopulated all the country near them, and they were pleased to learn that the French were at war with the Spanish. An alliance was made with the idea of a subsequent joint campaign against New Spain.3? Traveling further to the northeast La Salle?s group reached the Cenis (Hasinai Caddo) Indians, and there they found many evidences of contact with New Spain, such as pesos fuertes. other types of money, silver spoons, linen, silk, clothing, religious objects, and horses. The latter ,were very common, so much so that one could be acquired if or a hatchet.^ ^ i ^Diary pray Anastasio Donay, in Pichardo, tomo jl3, B.M.A.E. 3%iary 0 f i p r a y Anastasio Donay, in Pichardo, tomo 13, B.M.A.E. ........ 316 The Hasinai were over 400 miles from the nearest Spanish settlement and so far as is known no Europeans had penetrated to their country since De Soto’s day* Thus all of the horses and other examples of Spanish culture had come to the Hasinai by means of other Indians, ones who either traded with, or made war upon, New Spain. Perhaps some of the goods had come northward from the Coahuila- Nuevo Leon area; however, the primary source of such mate rials seems to have been the commercially minded Jumano Apache with their trade route from La Junta to the Texas. Fray Anastasio Donay in his diary of the La Salle expedi tion remarked that they /the Cenis7 have relations with the Spanish by means of the Choumanes /Jumanos7, allies of the Cenis, and they are always at war with New Spain. • . . They count it as a six days’ journey to the Spaniards, of whom they gave a description so natural that no doubjt of them remained to us, although the Spaniards still have not undertaken to come to their village, and only their warriors join themselves with the Choumanes in order to go make war in New Mexico.39 It seems then that some Hasinai braves, accompanying the Jumanos, had actually fought against the Spanish, and this leads one to suspect that the Jumanos were merely pretend ing friendship when they visited El Paso in 16S3, or per- jhaps they wished to have peace with the Spaniards of New I jMexico while maintaining warfare with other portions of jNew Spain. S i | 39Ibid. 319 Fray Donay actually met some ambassadors of the MChouraanesw who were among the Cenls and was pleasantly surprised when they made the sign of the cross to him. They told him of the Spanish Franciscans who were trying to convert the Indians, of large churches and gave a detailed description of the ceremony of the Holy Mass. In March, 1637 La Salle was murdered while on another journey by some of his companions and the surviving French in his party took up residence among the Hasinai, whom they aided in a campaign against the Canatinnos (with whom the Europeans had previously pledged friendship). Subsequently, the French of this group made their way to Canada, while the remainder who were4at St. Louis were wiped out or imprisoned by Indians whom the Spaniards called Xannas, Tohos and Caocozies (Cascosies). The Xannas seem to have been identical with the Sanas or Chanas, a supposedly Tonkawan tribe living north of San Antonio, and perhaps to be equated with the revenge-seeking Canatinnos. At any rate, this group of Tonkawans was hostile to the ( Hasinai and thus to the Jumano Apache. In the 1720's they were in part to be driven from their lands by the Atha paskans. By 16BS word of the French colony began to reach the ^°Diary of Fray Anastasio Donay, in Pichardo, tomo 13, B.M.A.E.; and Report of Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, |l691, in Ibid., tomo 13, B.M.A.E. 320 officials of New Spain and in May Captain Alonso de Leon of Coahuila captured a Frenchman who was living among the Yoricas and other Coahuiltecan bands on the Rio Grande. In July the viceroy ordered de Le<£n to lead a large expedition in order to discover Fort St. Louis, which journey was made in 16B9. The destroyed fort and several Frenchmen were found, but rumors of other Europeans to the north and fear of a return of the French led to the establishment of a Spanish settlement among the Texas (Hasinai) Indians in 1690.41 Thus the position of the Jumanos as middlemen was threatened and this and other factors were eventually to lead these Athapaskans into permanent opposition to the Spanish and close association with other Apaches. In the meantime rumors of the French also reached La Junta where several Franciscans were again attempting the conversion of the Julime. There in 1667 Fray Agustfn de Colina was asked by the Sibolo and Jumano Indians to write a letter to the "Spaniards" who were among the Texas. Colina instructed the Athapaskans to bring a letter to him instead and in September, 1666 five Sibolos returned to La Junta, not with a letter, but with the news that an {arquebus-armed and helmeted "Moor" (Negro ?) was living 1 iwith some Indians near the Texas. This foreigner had I helped the Indians wipe out half of another tribe called ! ' I ^Report of Doctor Velasco, November 30, 1716, in Pichardo, tomo 16, B.M.A.E.; and Bolton, Spanish Explora tion. p. 346. 321 the Michi nation (this may refer to the attack on the Canatinnos). Afterwards other Sibolos reached La Junta with the story that the Europeans among the Texas had ". . . told the natives of that country, as well as the Jumano Sibolos that the Spaniards of El Parral were not good people. . . Thus a glimpse of Jumano policy can be seen, with the Athapaskans telling the French of the enemy Spanish and then telling the Spanish that the French were spreading anti-Spanish propaganda. In November the Franciscans were forced to abandon their new missions at La Junta because of a tumult raised by the Sumas and because the Julimes had a tendency to join with the rebel nations near them rather than obey their ministers. Governor Isidro de Pardinas soon learned of this and that the Sibolos had reported foreigners to the east. General Retana was immediately ordered to lead ninety soldiers to La Junta and there to learn Gf the French as well as chastising the rebel Chisos and making peace and alliances with the neighboring nations. He was to contact especially the Sibolos who came regularly to trade at La Junta as a Julime chief had reported that the former were going to bring a "Spaniard" with them from I i ------------------ j ^Declaration of Agust^n de Colina, November 23, ;1688, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2, pp. 241-243. 322 the Texas.^ Early in 16&9 Retana reached the La Junta region and after campaigning against the Chisos he sent scouts out to learn of the Sibolos. They reported that the head chief of the Jumanos and Sibolos, Juan Sabeata, was coming from the Texas. Retana then went four days to the east of La Junta, to the Pecos River, and there met Sabeata. The head chief said that he was delighted to see Spaniards in his country and informed the general of the death of the Frenchmen, showing him a drawing of a ship made by one of the Euro peans. Sabeata was invited to journey to Parral and in April he along with several other Jumanos and several Julimes who were to serve as interpreters reached that settlement • Sabeata and several other chiefs were interviewed by the governor and the head chief said that he had waited for Retana late in 168S but then had had to go to the fairs held among the tribes of southern Texas and among the Hasinai. He had also gone to where the French fort had been and had seen some Frenchmen among the Texas. Seven days from La Junta, on the Rio Grande, Sabeata had visited one of his sub-chiefs, Miguel, in a rancheria where French men had supposedly come. Actually, however, the foreigners ^Letter of Agust^n de Colina, November 25, 16B&, iAuto of Juan Isidro de PardirTas, November 2, 1 6 8 8 , and 'Declaration of Juan de Salaises, November 21, 16SS, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2, pp. 237 , 247-251. 323 had been at a village three days farther downstream, and still later they returned to another settlement one day farther, (This was probably the village of the Yoricas reached by de Ledn in May, 16&8.) The French, while on the Rio Grande, had asked many questions of Miguel and especially of various Indians (Julimes ?) who had worked among the Spaniards near Parral. On April 12, Sabeata prepared to return to La Junta, taking with him a message ordering Retana to come back to his presidio as his troops were needed nearer Parral.^ About this same time (c. 16SS) Fray Alonso de Posadas was busily preparing a memorial on the New Mexico- Texas region which is of some importance, partly because it may have helped to interest the Spanish crown in the northern regions and partly because it is a bitter attack on the Apache Indians. Posadas had not been in the north for some twenty years but his interest lay in that direction and he set out in his memorial to show the geographical extent of the Apaches and their neighbors and to prove that they were enemies not only of the Spanish but also of all the tribes which they touched upon. According to the friar, jthe Apaches were at war with the Quiviras, Texas, Escanja- jques, Cuitoas, Jumanos, Sumanas, Sumas, Mansos, Janos, jSumas of Garretas, Cipias, Coninas and Tutas, among others, E ■ ; ^Letter of Juan de Retana, March 2, 1669, and Autos and testimony of Juan Sabeata and others, April, I6S9, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2, pp. 257-2&1. 324 and they had forced many of the above nations to retreat from their lands. The Coninas had totally been reduced to vassalage and only the Yutas were able to fight on even terms.^ The fact is, however, that Posadas let his imagi nation run away with him, for in 16B& the Apaches are known to have been allies of the Sumas, Mansos, Janos and Pimas (Cipias) at least, and the Escanjaques and Cuitoas were tribes of the 1650*s who were going under other names by 16S&. As for the Coninas, they were certainly not vassals of anyone in the 1670*s and Posadas would have no way of knowing what had happened to them after 16B0. In the 1690fs and later they were quite independent. In I6S9 the Jocomes, Janos, Sumas and perhaps some Gila Apaches continued their warfare against Sonora. On ✓ June 11 they attacked the Opata pueblo of Cuquiarachi, killing many defenders and burning the church in spite of the presence two leagues away of fourteen Sinaloa soldiers. The soldiers were so poorly armed that only five of them / could aid the Opatas. Because of this and other attabks the latter natives retired to nearby Santa Rosa de Corodeguachi, where the presidio of Fronteras was soon to be established.^ By I6B9 this frontier war was costing the Royal Treasury of New Spain 90,000 pesos each year for ^Informs of Posadas, in Pichardo, tomo 15, B.M.A.E. ^Description of Sonora in 1764, B.M.H. 969* 325 the pay of presidial soldiers alone.^ At El Paso Domingo de Jironza had returned to power as governor. He determined upon entering New Mexico in order to crush the Kere3 of Zia who had resisted the raid of Reneros. In 1689 Jironza led eighty soldiers and armed settlers to the north in order to carry out one of the greatest Spanish atrocities since the days of Onate. Zia was ferociously attacked and in spite of a valorous defense by the Keres over 600 Americans were slaughtered. Still others were burned alive when they refused to surrender and Jironza had the pueblo set aflame. Some ninety who escaped from the flames were carried as slaves to El Paso. Naturally this barbarous raid had a tremendous impact upon the other Keres, and the pueblos of Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Cochiti and others were abandoned in favor of more easily defended settlements in the sierras The Pueblo Indians were in no position to take revenge upon the Spanish but throughout the following year of 1690 the Europeans suffered for their crimes, and the avenging angels took the form of Janos, Jocomes, Sumas, Apaches, and other rebel nations of the northern frontier. Sonora could have easily been lost during this year if the i . . ■ — I , , 1 ........ i ^Report of the Conde de Galve, February 3, 1689, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 147, ramo 2. 1 | ^%anje, "Noticia Breve B.M.H. 970; and iVillagutieere y Sotomayor, 2822. 326 Opata had rebelled instead of giving the Spaniards the aid which enabled the latter to survive. In March, 1690 Bias del Castillo, Alcalde Mayor of Sonora, begged for a pre sidio for his province, as none of the mines there could be worked. He proposed that the presidio of El Paso should be transfered to Sonora, which, of course, would have ended any hopes of reconquering New Mexico. Castillo, however, felt that such a course of action was justifiable since the powerful Taraumara as well as the Conchos, peace ful Sumas, Chinarras and other tribes were holding tlatoles (meetings or talks) and a terrible new phase of the Great Southwestern Revolt was threatening.^ During March and April the Jocomes and their allies raided Turicachi and Teras while the helpless Sinaloa soldiers uould do nothing. The rebels, in fact, were continually looking for the Span iards in order to fight them. 5 ® In April the Taraumaras and the Conchos joined the northern revolt and the forces of Ramirez at Casas Grandes were no longer in a position to give any aid to Sonora. During the same month the Jocomes took sixty pack mules from the Sinaloa soldiers and killed six of the latter, along with the Opata chief of Huachinera. Turicachi*s i horse-herd was carried off but the Opatas managed to j i --------------- i [ ^9Rep0rt of Bias del Castillo, March 1, 1690, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. ^Report OJ£ gias del Castillo, June 1, 1690, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 327 recover it. The Spaniards were not so fortunate, however, as one of the last herds of the mines of Bacanuchi was driven off by the Pimas, The latter Indians were again in open rebellion, especially towards Ostimuri (i.e., towards the Yaqui country) where some Jesuits and other Europeans had already been killed. The pueblos of Sahuaripa and Arivechi were threatened and haciendas Cl near Tacupeto had already been destroyed. J During the month of May no ranch or pueblo of Sonora between the Casas Grandes region and Bacanuchi, 110 leagues of distance, was spared from rebel attack. In June Bias del Castillo charged that the Janos and Sumas had formerly lived in the Casas Grandes region but because of the strength of Spanish arms in the latter place the rebels and their allies had retired to the frontier of Sonora where they had allied themselves with the Pimas, Sobas and Sobaipuris. The rebels left their women and children with the latter for safety while the warriors raided the province. Castillo said furthermore that the thirty troopers of Captain Fernandez (now stationed at Janos) were not enough to halt the ruin of Sonora being carried put by the Sumas, Jocomes, Janos, Apaches, Pimas |and their allies. Governor Isidro de Pardilias seconded | ^Report of Bias del Castillo, June 1, 1690, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 52Ibid. 323 this assertion with the information that most of the soldiers had always to remain in the presidio in order to save it from the continuous threat of the Apaches joined with the Jocomes and Janos. These Athapaskans were arriving by day to steal the horses of the troops, and the governor ordered Ramfrez at Casas Grandes to aid Fernandez on a c a m p a i g n .53 At this time (August, 1690) Governor Jironza of El Paso instead of aiding his fellows was planning a new entrada into New Mexico. Isidro de Pardinas wrote to him, requesting that he postpone his journey until a more oppor tune time, but JironzaTs plans were changed only by a more effective means. The Governor of El Paso (as he was called by his neighbors) learned from a Piro Indian that the Janos, Sumas of the Rio Grande, Conchos and some Apaches were united at La Junta (or nearby) and were planning to destroy El Paso absolutely when Jironza left for New Mexico. The governor led his New Mexico-bound army southward to break up this union, but a spy whom he had captured escaped and warned the Americans. Most of the latter fled and the rest were fortified on a penol. Subsequently, Jironza ; admitted some of the Sumas to peafie, as his successor jDiego de Vargas charged, without properly subduing them. 53Report of Bias del Castillo, June 1, 1690; and jLetter of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, August 3, 1690, in -A.G.I. Guadalajara 152. 329 He subsequently allowed them to settle in the ruined mission of Guadalupe and elsewhere without proper subjection to Spanish rule. As a result the Sumas were really independent and soon they were secretly aiding the other tribes in the Janos region. Jironza likewise gave peace to the Apaches without defeating them and Vargas charged that this enabled the Athapaskans to scout out the best places to attack in the El Paso area.5k On January 9, 1691 all of the soldiers and officials of Sonora petitioned for a presidio of sixty-five men to be made up primarily from the old Sinaloa one. They charged that the province was in a serious condition from the raids of the Jocomes, Janos, Sumas, Apaches, Seris, Conchos, Jovas, Sobaipuris, and some Pimas, and added that ". . . each day the rebels are making new conversions and many nations that were at peace before are now declared as enemies. . . ."55 That the Jovas, close relatives of the Opata, had joined the revolt was indeed serious and the news regarding the Seris was an evil portent for the future. The latter Indians had a new mission called Nuestra Senora 5kLetter of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, August 8, 1690, iin A.G.I,, Guadalajara 152; and Letters of Diego de Vargas, April 29, 1691 and June 17, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 55tiynforme sobre el estado de Sonora," in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 330 del Populo and while they had not revolted completely, they were accused of thievery and their heathen relatives, the Tepocas, Tecomaques and Salineros were at war with them and the Spanish.Fray Eusebio Kino from his Pima mission of Dolores denied that the Pimas were raiding and asserted that the activities of the Janos, Jocomes and Sumas were blamed upon his charges. Nevertheless, the evidence clearly shows that some of the Pimas and the Sobaipuris were following the warpath at this time.57 To the south the Taraumara revolt was raging and General Retana was forced to use some 500 Indian allies on several campaigns. Among the allies were recently pacified Chisos as well as Julimes, Sibolos, Conchos (called Tapacolmes and living at La Junta) and the usually loyal Tepehuanes.^ To the east, in Texas, the Spaniards were to discover that their years of making enemies on the northern frontier were to cause the failure of their first attempt at settle ment. In 16S6-1687 the French had discovered that almost all tribes of that region, including the Jumanos and the Hasinai, were anti-Spanish and the fact that the latter tribe allowed a strong force of soldiers to establish 56Ibid. ^Eusebio Kino, Historical Memoir of Plmeria Alta, edited by Herbert E. Bolton ICleveland: A. H. Clark Co., jl919), v. 1, p. 121. ^Relation ©f Joseph de Berroteran, 1743, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 136. 331 missions did not alter their basic animosity. Neverthe less, the priests, guarded by a group of unprincipled soldiers (one of whom had attempted to rape the wife of the Texas* chief), held on to their new conversion. In September, 1690 Chief Juan Sabeata of the Jumanos was among the Texas and Fray Miguel Font Cuberta gave him a letter to deliver to the Governor of Nueva Vizcaya. At that time the Franciscan's only job was learning the Hasinai language and little progress had been made otherwise.59 In May, 1691 a new expedition left Coahuila under the leadership of Domingo Teran de los Rfos, its object being to aid the priests and explore the Caddo region to the northeast of the Hasinai. On June 16 the Spaniards reached the Guadalupe River where it crosses the series of hills north of San Antonio, and there they met the chiefs of the Choma, Cibola, Cantona, Cholome, Catquesa and Caynaya nations who came to receive the Spanish in peace. The Choma nation (or Chomanes) were the Jumanos, the Cholomes were from La Junta and the Cantonas and Catquesas were central Texas tribes. All of the chiefs jhad very small saddles on their horses which they said had been taken from the Apaches.**0 ^Letter of Fray Miguel Font Cuberta, September 4, 1690, in Hackett, Historical Documents. v. 2, p. 2$3. ^°Diary of Fray Damian Massanet, 1691, B.M.H. 974* 332 On the same day a procession was held with Juan Sabeata and his Jumanos leading the way> The chief of the Catquecas proved to be a well-traveled Indian who spoke Spanish and Mexican and who had lived in Parras and New Mexico but who had returned to his people to live in "liberty of conscience*" Fray Damian Massanet learned also of the territories of the several tribes. The referred to Choma, Cibola and Caynaaya Indian nations are Indians that live upon and it is their land the banks of the Rio Grande; they border upon the Salinero Indians, who live along the banks of the Pecos River, which joins itself with the Rio Grande; also they border upon the Apache Indians, and have wars with them. The Apaches are a cordon running from west to east, and they have war with all; only with the Salineros do they have peace; . . . in the end they dominate all the nations, and the other nations say that they are not valiant, because they fight with armed horses, and they have defensive and offensive arms; they are very able and warlike Indians.61 The Jumanos were said to come each year to the Guadalupe River and then from there some would go on to the Texas. In the former region they killed buffalo, taking the skins with them afterwards. Sabeata informed Massanet that many of his people had been baptized in Parral and £1 Paso and the priest wished to know where they would found a pueblo and settle down with instruction. Sabeata replied that his nation had to travel about to follow the buffalo and I to trade skins. j | In this area the Spaniards lost some horses and the 6lIbid. 333 Jumanos were commissioned to look for them. In July the Americans turned fourteen steeds over to the Spanish who had in the meantime been exploring and acquiring two French captives from the Coaucosi. After the Jumanos had turned the horses over the Spaniards learned that the Athapaskans intended to attack and kill them all. The Europeans main tained a heavy guard, and no attack occurred. On the fol lowing day Teran de los R^os gave the Jumanos gifts (includ ing a gun and powder for Sabeata) in order to show the Americans that they were not afraid. In all probability the Jumanos were in league with the Hasinai who were very anxious to be rid of their unwelcome guests. Thousands of the Caddoans had died of disease introduced by the Spaniards and their women were continually molested by the undisciplined soldiers. By mid-1691 the Hasinai were killing the horses of the invaders and ready to rebel.^ In August, 1691 one of the Franciscans made a summary of the relations of the Hasinai with other tribes. Their friends included the Chuman, Cantouahona (Cantona), Caquiza (Catquesa), and the Xanas (Sanas). Their enemies included the Tanquaay (Tonkawa), Canabatinn (Gauatinno?) Sadamos, I Apaches and the Caucozi. The Sadamo were described as a i 1 i i . ^2Diary of Fray Damian Massanet, 1691, B.M.H. 974f ^nd Testimony of Alonzo de Rivera, March IS, 1691, B.M.H. 974. 334 large nation with houses covered with buffalo hides, many horses, mules and instruments of iron. They were not painted and most of them wore clothing, Jose* Pichardo in 1305 equated the Sadamo with the Apache; however, it should be noted that in the 1691 summary both groups are mentioned as separate,^ In July, 1692 Chief Juan Sabeata of the Jumanos delivered the Franciscan’s letter (of September, 1690) to Governor Isidro de Pardinas in Parral, He would not have been there that soon, he said, except that he had learned that some of the Chisos were attacking his people for not joining them against the Spanish, As a result, Sabeata had come south to San Antonio de Julimes in order to find the head chief of the Julime tribe. He hoped that the latter would go to La Junta and give him 400 or more of his warriors to help the Jumanos defeat the Chisos, Sabeata may have also hoped for Spanish aid, as he stressed the point that the Chisos were infesting Nueva Vizcaya,^ Thus it is clear that while the Jumanos may have been willing to fight the Spaniards in Texas, in order to keep the friendship of the Hasinai, they were Ianxious to maintain an alliance with the Europeans of ; i — - - - - - - - - - - J ! ^Report of Fray Francisco de Jesus Marfa, August 15, 11691, in Pichardo, tomo 17, B,M*A.E. i . ' | ^4Auto of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, July 7, 1692, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v, 2, pp, 235-237. 335 Nueva Vizcaya. In mid-1693 General Retana was at La Junta, and with Julime and Sibolo aid he defeated some of the Chisos, forcing several groups to split from the others.^ In Texas conditions continued to deteriorate for the Spaniards, as the Hasinai allied themselves with the coastal tribes in order to kill the mission livestock. Finally in October, 1693 the Franciscans learned of a Franco-Indian plot for rebellion and the new conversion in the kingdom of the Texas was abandoned. The Franciscans were to concentrate their efforts henceforth on developing northern Coahuila as a buffer are a .66 The loss of the Hasinai region in 1693 was largely offset by a Spanish advance in another direction. By that year Diego de Vargas had been governor at El Paso for two years and he was in the process of forcing the Pueblo Indians and their allies to accept a reassertion of Spanish rule in New Mexico. : ^Auto of Juan de Retana, July, 1693, in Ibid., V. 2, pp. 329-330. I 66 1 Report of Doctor Velasco, in Pichardo, tomo 1$, B.M.A.E. CHAPTER XI "THE SPANISH COUNTER-OFFENSIVE" In 1691 the Spanish crown saw fit to appoint a Gover nor of New Mexico who had the ability and ambition to reconquer the lost province. Diego de Vargas Zapata y Lujan was from an influential family and his replacement of such men as Reneros and Jironza (who were little more than frontier captains in rank and authority) indicated that Spain was interested in establishing another buffer against the threat of rapidly expanding New France. Vargas soon discovered, however, that an immediate reconquest of New Mexico was impossible for he had only the presidial compliment of fifty soldiers and the frontier was generated by the Great Southwestern Revolt was still raging. The new adelantado was faced then with the task of either helping to crush the rebels first or of getting priority for the subjection of New Mexico; and, choosing the latter course, he had to engage in an extended controversy with all of the other Spanish officials on the northern frontier. j 1 As it turned out Vargas had to aid his fellows to some |extent, but his influence was eventually able to persuade the royal bureaucracy of the correctness of his position, j El Paso was in a very poor state in 1691, as the Apaches and their allies had succeeded in taking away most 337 of the settlement’s livestock. Vargas found that the fifty soldiers and 100 settlers had only 200 horses and mules, and that they were without leather jackets and swords. There were some 1,000 Indian warriors and men in five settlements and missions, but this number included heathens reduced to peace. Nevertheless, the enterprising Vargas was able to improve the situation by obtaining peace with the El Paso Mansos (who had been free since 16$4) and in April they were settled at the new mission of San Francisco de los Mansos. Likewise the governor reduced some of the Rio Grande Sumas to a more obedient position.^ In Sonora peace had been arranged with the Seris, Sobas and some of the Pimas, but the Janos, Jocomes and Sumas were still battering the Opata pueblos and the Span ish mining camps. Early in February Fray Marcos de Loyola of Chinapa wrote a letter to Vargas requesting aid in the form of several Mansos from El Paso, including Captain Chiquito, whom Loyola had baptized years before. The priest indicated that the Mansos had authority with the Janos and Jocomes and spoke the latter’s language, while there were no natives in his area who could communicate with the rebels. Loyola hoped to persuade the Athapaskans to accept peace under the influence of the recently i ' ' : i - j i xLetter of Diego de Vargas, April 19, 1691, in |A.G.I., Guadalajara 139, and of August 14, 1691, in A.G.N, [Historia 37. 33* pacified Mansos.^ His plea was seconded by serious raids made by the rebels and Fima allies upon Bacanuchi and Chinapa in March. At the former pueblo sixteen persons were killed, eleven carried off and much of the village was burned.^ On March 20 Vargas sent six Mansos towards Chinapa, but they never reached the Jesuit as their mission was a failure by the time they arrived at Janos presidio. Cap tain Fernandez was skeptical of the success of any peace plan as Apaches had come into Janos in sign of peace recently to sell deerskins and afterwards they had stolen horses and departed. Likewise he maintained that the Janos and Jocomes were holding tlatoles with the Mansos of Cap tain Chiquito and that the Sumas of the Ojito de Samalayuca, Guadalupe and other places were in league with them. Thus the Athapaskans were strengthening their forces and not inclined towards peace. This was borne out by the discov ery of a well-made cross left by the Apaches, as on it were signs which led the leader of the Manso emissaries to declare that it was fruitless to ask for peace. Further more, these Mansos claimed that they were not familiar with * the country of the rebels and Fernandez was not willing to ^Letter of Juan Maria de Salvatierra, February 8, 1691, and Letter of Marcos de Loyola, February 6, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* j i 3Letter cf Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, April 136, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 339 aid them on any peace embassy* The captain of Janos wanted instead to make a joint campaign with Vargas against the Apaches of the Sierra of Gila who were confederated with the Janos, Jocomes, Sumas, Pimas and Sobaipuris* Fernandez expressed his philosophy when he recited **. . . la guerra dura haze la paz segura /cruel war makes peace secure/."^ At the same time Bias del Castillo reported from Sonora that it is declared that in some rancherias of Quiburi /on the San Pedro River/ the Sumas, Jacomes, Xanos, Apaches, Mansos and Pimas /Sobaipuris/ nations are united with the determination of coming to assault the pueblos of Theuriache, Bacuachi and Valley of Bacanuchi, and the mines of San Antonio and Nacosari. • • • The portion of the Sinaloa presidio stationed in Sonora had been strengthened to about twenty men under General Diego de Quiros and a campaign was planned* However, in order to make it successful, Fernd&dez was requested to send twenty- five soldiers. When he did not the enterprise was attempt ed with the aid of thirty settlers. In spite of a series of journeys along the Nacosari-Teras frontier, nothing was accomplished except that the enemy ran off some horses from Cuchuta.^ On April 29 Vargas replied to Fernandez* proposal 1 i “ " | j ^Auto of Diego de Vargas, March 20, 1691, and Letter lof Juan Ferndhdez de la Fuente, April 16, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. ^Letters of Bias del Castillo, April 14 and 30, 1691,1 !in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 341 Pecos River Valley.*^ Furthermore the situation at El Paso was rather dangerous with the newly reduced Mansos having intimate relations with the Apaches of Gila, the Sumas and the Mansos of Chiquito. As a matter of fact the Apaches would come in, two, four or six at a time, to communicate with the Mansos* The two groups, along with the rebel g Mansos and the Sumas, were all intermarried* In Sonora war raged on as the rebels raided and completely burned Turicachi in June. Comandante-General Quiros was helpless to halt the attacks and his soldiers turned back when they found the signs of the passing of some 1,000 enemies. In July the viceroy gave apparent permission for a joint campaign by the forces of El Paso, Janos and Sinaloa but Fernandez by that time was of the opinion that even this could not handle the problem. He declared that the enemy remained victorious and without punishment* Late in June a large group of Conchos had come to aid the Spanish at Janos but at the same time the rebels carried off some horses* Three of the thieves were killed and their scalps were taken by the Spaniards, others being captured. From the latter it was learned that there had been a large meeting of Apaches and other groups nearby, i ■ 7 J Letter of the Conde de Galve, May 27, 1691, and Letter of Diego de Vargas, April 17, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* i g . Letter of Diego de Vargas, Aug. 14, 1691, in A.G.N. Historia 37. 340 for a joint campaign by stating that he would go out when the opportunity arose and not according to any fixed plan. The condition of his forces and the great distance involved in reaching the Gila Apaches (forty leagues towards New Mexico and then thirty to the west) precluded any such enterprise. However, he would aid Fernsffidez against the combined Sumas and Apaches. As for Fernalidez* assertion that some of the Sumas of the El Paso region were raiding near Janos he, Vargas, would see to their punishment and blamed their disloyalty on Jironza*s easy peace.^ Diego de Vargas was anxiously awaiting an opportunity to invade New Mexico and the viceroy was himself interested in the project. On May 27 the Conde de Galve wrote to Vargas requesting information on the mines near Moqui and the governor soon began to collect information on the Sierra Azul. The condition of the Indian frontier, however, precluded any early action and the Spaniards were indeed in a poor position. In order to enter New Mexico the settlers would have to face the danger of attack by six or more Apache groups, including those of the Faraones, the Plains Apaches, those of Slete R^os, the Salineros (east of El Paso), those of El Chilmo (the Gilas), and those of the i i ^Letter of Diego de Vargas, April 29, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 342 but by then a very large rancheria of Sobaipuris had departed for their own country, A rancheria of Sumas was reportedly twenty leagues away in some rough terri tory. Fernandez hoped to attack them with the aid of some Conchos.^ During June the rebels attacked Casas Grandes and Ramirez made use of some Concho allies in driving them off. Thus it appears that the Spanish were now beginning to settle loyal Conchos in the former homeland of the Sumas and Janos in order to have a ready supply of Indian auxiliaries available.1® In July, 1691 steps were finally taken by the vice roy to halt the ruin of Sonora, but at the expense of Nueva Vizcaya. The Conde de Galve authorized the formation of a compan^a volante (a flying company) of thirty men to be made up from the Sinaloa soldiers in Sonora and ten other men obtained from the presidios of the north. This company was to be in continual movement on the Sonora frontier in order to keep the enemy from having an oppor tunity to attack. What it amounted to, at first, was simply that the province received ten more soldiers and ! ^Report of Juan de Escalante, June 19, 1691; Letter |of the Conde de Galve, June 22, 1691, and Letter of Juan IFerndhdez de la Fuente, June 29, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadala- jjara 152. j 10 y xuLetter of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, June 29, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 343 an able officer to command them, Captain Francisco Ramirez of Casas Grandes. In August the viceroy supplemented this move by ordering Vargas and Fernandez to undertake a joint campaign.11 Governor Isidro de Pardinas of Nueva Vizcaya hated to take even ten soldiers from his overworked presidios, attacked, as he said, by the Tobosos, Chisos and the Atha- paskan Cholomes. Governor Vargas likewise was unhappy at the viceregal order and on August 14 he sent a letter to Mexico complaining that his soldiers were needed at El Paso. He had divided his men into three squads, one to guard the horse-herd, one for his headquarters and one to sally forth against the Apaches and others who appeared on the opposite bank of the Rio Grande. He could spare no aid for Fernandez in spite of the latterfs plight under attack by the Pimas, Janos, Jocomes, Gila Apaches, Sumas and Mansos of Chiquito living in the Sierra Florida. Vargas then gave his primary reason for putting the reconquest of New Mexico before that of the pacification of the frontier: if the Pueblo Indians were gentiles such as the Apaches and Sumas it would be possible to postpone the reconquest, but since they were I apostates they had to be brought back into the faith in i iorder to save their souls and those of their unbaptized i i _ . I children. Vargas forgot, however, that a good many of the j i i i__________________ : ___________ i ! ; ' -^Conde de Galve, July IB, 1691 and August 20, 1691, j in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 344 12 frontier rebels were apostates as well. The will of the viceroy prevailed in 1691 and on September 9 Vargas wrote to Fernandez that he would cam paign against the Gila Apaches on October 10. Both he and the captain of Janos agreed that it was best to attack the most important and powerful group of enemies, the Atha- paskans living in the Sierra of Gila, "since the rest of the enemies are some rancherias of little foundation. ..." Nevertheless, Vargas still insisted that it was more impor tant to subdue New Mexico, "the origin of all the rest of the revolutions • • • ," as the longer those apostates remained without punishment the bolder the other rebels would be.*^ The combined forces of Vargas and Fernandez journeyed northward from Janos into Apache country but nothing was accomplished there. They then determined to cross over to the lands of the Pimas and Sobaipuris because the other rebel nations were with them; however, no pass with suffi cient water could be found. As a result they went south to Turicachi for supplies and guides, turning northwards from there to enemy country. The route followed is not clear but 1 12 Letter of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, August 2, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152; and Letter of Diego de Vargas, jAugust 14, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139 and A.G.N., jHistoria 37* I | ^Letters of Diego de Vargas, September 9, and October 4, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 345 the Spaniards reached a westward flowing, powerful river (the Gila) which they presumed could be followed to the lands of the Pimas and Sobaipuris. On its banks we came upon rancherias of Apaches, for they have their settlements on both edges /of the river/, and although they were spying we tried to give a surprise attack at dawn, dividing our people, /but/ because of the forests and the rough land nothing could be accomplished but the capture of twenty-three women and children with two warriors which they captured alive. They afterwards brawled and as many as sixteen persons died. . . . Soon thereafter a snow storm began and the Spaniards, 100 leagues from the frontier, determined to return to their own posts.^ Fernandez was disappointed with the joint campaign for it failed to hurt the Gila Apaches. As regards the effort and its results he later said the entrada that we made in company with the said captain general and governor of New Mexico who led the force was not made against the Indians that infest the neighborhood of El Parral but to the Apaches who used to make war in the Kingdom of New Mexico when the Spaniards were settled in it, and after it was abandoned they made and are making a very raw war o£ fire and blood on the frontiers of El Paso del Rio del Norte, of this presidio and province of Sonora. . . and after the retiring of the forces from their lands /October, 16917, and having arrived at this presidio • . • the said Apaches made a formidable union of all the people of their nation and of that of the Janos, Jocomes and Sumas. jThe rebels followed the Spanish trail to Janos and began t |securing revenge for the campaign. In December a Jumano captive fled from the Apaches and informed the Spaniards ! *i i ! ^Letter of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, December 12, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 346 that the rebels were killing all of their captives and forming a great union in order to destroy El Paso, Janos and Sonora.1* * January, 1692 saw the frontier war still raging, but Fernandez and Vargas were both able to bring some improvement to the affair. In February a battle took place near Janos and the rebels asked for peace. It was granted and subsequently gifts of clothing and supplies were used to gain the good will of the Athapaskans. Twenty days passed in which no Indians came in to Janos and on March 24 Fernandez prepared for an attack as he feared that the Apaches would try to get vengeance for the deaths inflicted in the October campaign. Nevertheless, it was found that the rebels were still peaceful and a number of them came to Janos on March 28, including a group of Apaches of the sierra. This was merely a ruse, however, as the Athapaskans fell upon the Spanish, killing several and wounding others. Then they retired to their own lands, apparently satisfied for the time being with their revenge. Early in 1692 Vargas began to have trouble with the Sumas of Samalayuca, Guadalupe and the Sierra Florida (New Mexico). He received a letter from Fernandez informing •^Ibid.. and Report of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, April 29, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* i ■ ! / Report of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, April 29, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 347 him that the Sumas had aided the Janos and Chinaras in a raid on Casas Grandes and likewise he discovered that the Sumas of Guadalupe had risen from their village and were stealing horses from the Piros and Tiwas. The governor prepared for a campaign but the Sumas were persuaded by Fray Antonio Guerra to reduce themselves to a pueblo seven leagues below El Paso, to be called San Diego de los Sumas. Three hundred converted and heathen Indians came in to be settled there, although some of them had had to fight with their old allies, the Apaches, in order to do it. Vargas also led a successful campaign against the Sumas of Captain Barbdn in the Sierra Florida, capturing and killing the Indians.^ A very important item on the northern frontier was salt, and there was a shortage of this precious preserv ative at El Paso as a small saline along the Rio Grande was no longer usable and the big salines between El Paso and Janos were used for Parral. To the east, however, were the salines of the Apaches which Jironza and Reneros had looked for in the 1630*3. In September, 1691 Vargas had captured an Apache who was from the region of the saline and an expedition was planned with a dual role, to locate 1 the habitation sites of the Athapaskans and to find the valuable salt deposit. With the Apache captive as a guide I i ------------- i ^Letter of Diego de Vargas, March 30, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* 34* the Spaniards left Socorro pueblo {a Piro village below El Paso) on March &, soon reaching the Hueco Mountains, a retreat of the enemy* No Athapaskans were seen and the Spaniards traveled due east to the salt lake lying midway between El Paso and the Pecos River. They discovered a range of mountains to the east of the saline, called the Sierra Negra {Guadalupe Peak range) and Apaches were said to inhabit it as well as the Pecos River. Vargas led his men into the sierra but no Athapaskans could be located and the party returned to El Paso. Later, in a letter to the viceroy, he made much of this find and mentioned that the salt could be used in connection with mining operations in the Sierra Azul.1^ During the Spring of 1692 the controversy between Vargas and the other Spanish leaders of the frontier reached a new peak. Fernandez wrote that the reconquest of New Mexico was impossible with only 100 soldiers (Vargas was busy trying to get fifty more men at this time) and in any case it would not profit the crown. Governor Juan Isidro de Pardiflas of Nueva Vizcaya was likewise in opposition to any such plan. However, the Governor of New Mexico's influence was such that he received permission to refuse |to join in any joint campaigns in March and in May Isidro ;de Pardinas was ordered to supply fifty of his presidial i •^Letter of Diego de Vargas, April 7, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 349 soldiers to Vargas* This at a time when Nueva Vizcaya was so short of soldiers that Sonora had almost no protection* Naturally Isidro de P a r d i n a s and all of his captains sent long memorials to Mexico, but to no avail. The reconquest of New Mexico was to come before the pacification of the northern frontier.*^ An embarrassing event occurred in May, 1692 when the Franciscans at El Paso discovered that no acts of possession existed for the pueblos and missions of that area. This did not mean, however, that the land had to be restored to its aboriginal owners for the matter was simply solved when Vargas took possession of the various places. Among the pueblos so treated were the new con versions- of San Francisco de los Mansos, San Diego de los Sumas and the five belonging to the Piros, Tiwas and Spaniards.20 The month of June saw the raids of the Apaches and their allies continue in Sonora, Nacosari being the chief victim. In July the Athapaskans concentrated their efforts on the Opata pueblos of Bavispe, Baceraca and Huachinera, killing eleven Indians (among whom were several chiefs), ■^Letter of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, April 29, p-692, and Parecer of Juan Isidro de Pardiff&s, May 19, 1692, |in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139; and Letters of the Conde de palve, March 29 and May 26, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 20 Auto of Diego de Vargas, May 21, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 350 forcing others to flee wounded and bottling up the Spanish forces* Then the rebels headed for the old Suma village at Carretas and Fernandez prepared for trouble fourteen leagues away at Janos* A campaign using Concho Indian auxiliaries and settlers from Casas Grandes was planned for August but the news that an Apache meeting was taking place only eight leagues from the presidio forced the soldiers into immediate action. On July 26 they sallied forth to attack the Ameri cans at the agua.ie of Palotada but were forced to retreat before a force of 200 Indians fighting on foot and another large group on horseback. The Spaniards mules were stam peded and several were wounded. Fernandez immediately led a stronger force to the agua.ie and discovered the whole enemy village three leagues beyond. Athapaskan spies had sighted the Spaniards in the meantime and the Americans sent their women and children to the highest picachos while the warriors formed a half moon with different squads. In the first encounter many Indians were killed although the Spaniards had one soldier and many horses wounded. Fernandez was unable to follow up his advantage but it seems that the rebels were worried enough to desire peace talks. Tlatoles continued on the next day and the two groups exchanged goods taken from each other. jThe Indians with whom Ferna&dez was talking were Janos, jJocomes, Mansos, Sumas and some Apaches and Pimas and they I ; ^umbered 300. However, there were many other rebels living 351 in their villages on the frontier of Sonora* Two Indians of each nation accompanied the Spaniards to Janos and there they were regaled with tobacco, clothing and other gifts, and they agreed to retire their nations, each to its own land. Fernandez regarded this as the only solution to the problem as the united rebel force was so large that it could not support itself without warfare. The captain was for getting, however, that much of the lands belonging to the Janos and Sumas were now in the hands of Spaniards and their allies.^1 From July 2 8 to August 10 squads of rebels continu ally came in to Janos to affirm their accord with the peace plans. The Jano chief, who governed all of them, and El Tabovo of the Jocomes wished to see Fernandez in person in their villages. They wished assurances from the captain as many of them were very much afraid of the Spanish and their allies (there were 100 Opatas and Conchos at Janos). On August 11 Fernandez went to the village of the Jocomes and talks and dances were held. It was agreed that the Sumas and Mansos would return to their lands on the Rio Grande, while the Jocomes would retire north and the Janos would settle near the presidio since that was "their land." |The latter would support themselves on mescal and seeds until it would be time to plant their crops. All together | ! 21Reports of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, July 26 iand 31, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 352 there were some 1,000 Indians and Fernandez requested financial support in order to regale them properly and thereby preserve the peace* He considered the expense to be much less than that incurred because of the rising of these four nations which had in turn started the nation of the Apaches and those of the Pimas and Sobaipuris on the warpath. He asserted further that peace was necessary because each day the numbers of the rebels had been increas- 22 ing as Christians and malcontents went over to the enemy. During July and early August Diego de Vargas com pleted preparations at El Paso for a preliminary expedition into New Mexico. He had already gathered as much infor mation on the lost province as he could, particularly as it related to the Sierra Azul mines (called los cerros col- orados by Vargas). From the testimonies of former settlers and soldiers in New Mexico as well as from an informe of former governor Antonio de Otermin it was learned that the direct route from old Socorro or Isleta to Moqui and the mines was very dangerous because it was entirely occupied by groups of Apaches. Antonio Jorge who had been born at Santa Fe about 1651 and who had lived with his father at praibe and Alona during the 1660*s and 1670*s declared that 22 / ^Report of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, August 14, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. j I 353 the said land /of Moqu±7 for one part and another is all surrounded by Apaches and likewise from where one leaves this said place /of El Paso/ are the Apaches of the Sierra de los Organos /and of/ the Sierra de Jila which is extensive because it begans at the Peffol of Acoma • • • and comes to an end at the Sierra Florida /in southern New Mexico/ and runs towards the provinces of Sonora; and /that region/ is populated by Apacherxa in different parts and that he thinks that 150 soldiers are necessary 23 to make the journey from El Paso to the mines near Moqui. Other informants concurred on the dangerous nature of the direct route to Moqui and they all agreed as well that there were many tribes in the Hopi region which would be a threat to mining operations. They could not, however, agree as to just who these tribes were, some saying Apaches, others Apaches, Cruzados and Coninas and still others con fusing the Apaches and Coninas.2^ The testimoney was enough though, to lead Vargas to write the viceroy that the best thing to do was to reduce New Mexico first, then to subdue the Hopi and the Coninas and gain entrance to the region of the: mines.2^ Early in August Governor Vargas and most of the pre sidio soldiers left El Paso for Santa Fe: The reconquest of the lost province had begun. Captain Juan Fernandez de | ^Declaration of Antonio Jorge, August 12, 1691, in jA.G.I., Guadalajara 139- i j ^Various testimony, August 9, 1691, and Letter of Antonio de Otermin, December 11, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadala jara 139. j j 2^Letter of Diego de Vargas, August 26, 1691, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* 354 la Fuente of Janos presidio had said there was no reason to attack the Pueblo Indians ” ... who for twelve years had made no damages, robberies or killings . . . but had been in their pueblos ..." and furthermore why spend royal money to conquer a region that would contribute nothing to the Royal Treasury. Other motives were responsible for the royal backing received by Vargas, however, for the French menace was considered very real and the desire to exploit the Sierra Azul mines, the ache to get revenge for the 1660 defeat, the feeling that continued freedom of the Pueblo Indians gave hope to other rebels, and the wish to save the souls of apostates and their pagan children all worked together to promote the enterprise. The most impor tant factor, though, was Diego de Vargas himself who had come to El Paso to reconquer New Mexico and was not going to let anything stop him. The invading Spanish realized that their task was not an easy one for they knew that the Tewas and Tanos had fortified Santa Fe and Vargas suspected that the Apaches would aid the Pueblo tribes.^ Contact was made only with deserted pueblos until the army reached Santa Fe and there jthe Americans were found to be entrenched and willing to i L_________ 2 6 ^ ! *°Letter of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, July 26, |1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. i ' 2?Letters of Diego de Vargas, October 4, 1691 and lJuly 13, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 355 fight. Vargas’ plan in 1692 was apparently to pacify the pueblos by peaceful means if possible and considerable discussion took place between the governor and the rebel leaders. As a result a truce was arranged between opposing forces and the chief of the Tanos at Santa Fe sent for the head chief of all of the Tewas, Tanos and Picuris, Lufs Tupatu. That chief was at the time visiting the Navaho Apaches.* The situation of New Mexico in 1692 was opportune for Vargas in that the Pueblo tribes were no longer united but had divided into several factions. The surrounding Athapaskans were likewise disunited and were allied with, or members of, the various Pueblo divisions. One group, and the first to be contacted by the Spanish, was led by L u i a Tupatu and consisted in his own people (the Picuris) and the neighboring Tanos and Tewas. This faction occupied twelve pueblos, Tesuque, Nambe, Cuiamunque, Pujuaque, Jacona, Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, San Juan, San Cristo&al, San Lazaro, Santa Fe and Picuris, and maintained some degree of friendship with the Navaho Apache. A second faction consisted in the pueblos of Pecos and Taos and the Apaches of the east, the Achos, Faraones and others. The third igroup was composed of the Keres of Cochiti, San Marcos and |San Felipe (united for defensive purposes in a new pueblo j o r t Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Giiada- lajara 139. 356 called La Cieneguilla), and those of Santo Domingo and the Keres remnants of Zia and Santa Ana united at a pueblo called Cerrillo Colorado, The second and third groups above were at war with the division led by Lufs Tupatu as was another faction consisting in the Jemes, Keres of Acoma, the Hopi, most of the Navaho, the Gila and Western Apaches, the Coninas, and the Utes living near the Hopi, All of the anti-Tupatu groups seem to have been on good terms with each other. The Zuni were apparently not in any alliance except with their close friends the Salinero Apaches. Wars with the Navaho and other groups had forced the Zuni to abandon their out lying pueblos and concentrate at the Pelfol of Caquima. As regards the Athapaskans specifically it seems that the Plains Apaches to the east of Pecos (called Faraones by Vargas) were as always extremely close allies of the Pecos. The Apaches north and east of Taos were likewise as always united with the Taos and all of the above were friendly to each other as well. Whether or not they actively took part in any fighting with the followers of Tupatu is not clear but it seems unlikely as they continued to trade at Picuris. The Navaho Apache were allies of the Hopi, Keres of jAcoma and Jemez and friendly with the western Utes, the jConinas and the other Apaches with the possible exception i jof the Salinero group allied with the Zuni. Some of the iNavaho, however, were at least friendly with the Tupatu 357 faction, perhaps for trading purposes. The Gila and Western Apaches so far as is known were friendly with the Hopi, Navaho and Keres of Acoma. The Keres of Cochiti, San Marcos and San Felipe had suffered from Apache attacks but from whom in particular is not clear. The Jemez while being close allies of the Navaho had had some wars with other Apaches, perhaps of Navahos friendly with the Tewas, Tanos and Picuris.2 9 From the above it is clear that those scholars who try to create the picture of the Athapaskan and the Pueblo Indian continually at war are mistaken, for the truth is that in 1692 most of the Athapaskans and most of the pueblos were friendly with each other. Furthermore those Pueblo groups which had suffered attacks by enemies (such as the Keres of La Cieneguilla and the Jemez) always listed the Tewas and Tanos as their principal foes and not the Apaches. The reason they were occupying defensive positions was because of the raids made by Reneros and Jironza.*^ At Santa Fe Lu^s Tupatu and his brother Lorenzo met with Vargas in mid-September and apparently attempted to fool the Spanish leader into believing that they were glad : to see him. They asserted that they desired his aid against 'their enemies, the Pecos, Faraon Apaches, Taos, Jemez and 2%)iary of Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guada lajara 139. ; 1 3°Ibid. 356 Keres of San Felipe, Santo Domingo and Cochiti. Vargas was suspicious but he determined to take advantage of the divi sion among the rebels to crush the Pecos and Keres. Late in September the Spaniards and their allies hurried to sur prise the Pecos but their plan was partially thwarted when several Apache scouts saw them and warned the pueblo. Thus the invaders found the pueblo deserted and nothing much was accomplished beyond the theft of maize and capture of a few persons. The Pecos said that they did not want the Span iard* s peace or friendship and that they would flee to the Taos and Apaches.^1 The balance of September and early October was spent in receiving the submission of the various Tewa and Tano pueblos. On October V Vargas went from Picuris to Taos where the Indians were in the sierra. Possession was taken of their pueblo and contact was made with the rebels although nothing more was accomplished than the fact that peace was made between the Taos and the Tupatu faction and some bad news was received. Two Taos men had just returned from Zuni and on the way back they had seen a great .junta of chiefs of the Hopis, Zunis, Jemez, Keres, Pecos, Apaches and |Coninas lasting three days and nights planning a defense iagainst the invaders.^2 j ^Diary 0£ Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadala jara 139. ; 32Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadala jara 139. 359 On October 15 Vargas returned to Santa Fe and on the following day reported to the viceroy noting that **. • • it would be easier to defer the Jews from the Inquisition • • . .r t than to reduce the apostates of New Mexico who have taken to the sierras*^ Even the supposedly friendly Tewas were living away from their villages. During mid-October the Spaniards visited the Keres groups living in their de fensive pueblos and peace was agreed upon. The Jemez proved to be more hostile and a large party of them and their Apache allies threatened the Spanish with demonstra tions of war. Vargas nonetheless continued his policy of a peaceful approach and talks were held. The Jemez con tinued to be haughty and the governor was reminded of rumored plans to destroy the invaders. After eating his dinner Vargas was surprised to meet twelve Apache warriors with their arms in their hands just outside of the entrance to the house where he had been. They said that they had come in peace and desired to be Christians. Vargas* reply was that he would return the following year and that if they did not reduce themselves to be Christians and live in settlements as men of reason he would not want their friend ship. Thus the governor made it clear that there was no Ipossibility of a peace between equals, the Indian must con- I form to the Spaniard*s dictums in regard to religion and i -^Letter of Diego de Vargas, October 16, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139. 360 culture. ^ Evidence of the close alliance existing between the Jemez and the Apache was to be seen in the fact that the former were housing the Athapaskans within their own homes and Vargas suspected that there were Apaches hidden in every one. The Spaniards left Jemez without accomplishing any thing and on November 4 they reached Acoma, having followed a roundabout route via Isleta (doubtless to avoid the lands of the Navaho). The Keres of Acoma were very hostile and Vargas had to be content with talking to a few Indians only as the others were on their rock. Vargas learned that the Navaho Apache were their friends and that two Mansos and other Apaches had visited the Acomas and told them that when the Governor of the Spanish tells them that he comes to see them and speak of peace do not believe him, because under the sign and security /of peace7 he had demanded to cut off the heads and hang all and carry off their women and children to the district of El Faso del Rio del Norte as they had done it with those that they « had taken from the pueblos of Isleta, Zia and Santa Ana. Vargas attempted to make the Keres believe that the Mansos were liars but in this he failed. Finally he departed out of fear that the Acomas were talking merely to give the Apaches time to arrive. The Zu'rTi received the Spanish in a friendly manner at I Caquima but on the night of November 10 the Navaho (called 34oiary of Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guada lajara 139* 35lbid., and Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2823* 361 Faraones by Vargas) succeeded in stealing sixteen horses from the invaders- On the thirteenth a chief of the Sali nero Apaches with eight to ten warriors arrived at Zuni and informed Vargas that his people had always been friends of the Zulrfi and that they desired friendship with the Spanish* The governor at first responded nicely but soon insulted the Apache with an intimation that his people had stolen the missing horses. The conversation ended on a better note, though, as Vargas offered the Athapaskans the chance to reduce themselves to Christianity.36 On November 17 the Spanish approached Awatobi with caution as they had learned from a Hopi that the Navaho had warned the Americans of the invading army* Almost 1,000 Hopi warriors met the army* Some 300 of them were on horse back and armed with leather jackets, lances, swords and some guns. The infantrymen had bows and arrows, clubs and other arms. The governor was able to convince the Hopi that they had nothing to fear from his present visit and after a lengthy series of discussions the Spaniards were allowed to visit the several villages. At Walpi Vargas saw a great number of warriors, some of whom did not appear to be Mo tives, and upon asking one of the Hopi chiefs he was told that "... some were of the Ute nation, and the others of Apaches, Coninas, their allies and neighbors who surround 3^Diary oiego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guada lajara 139* 362 them. ..." Vargas confused the Western Apache and the Havasupai and in other reports has reference to the "Conina Apaches" as one group while in other places they seem to be 37 treated as two separate peoples. This confusion was natural since he had not actually visited either of the groups and Spanish informants at El Paso had failed to differentiate adequately between them. Upon returning to Awatobi Vargas made enquiries in regard to the mines of zerro Colorado where the Hopi were said to get almagre or Vermillion. He learned that some ten leagues away to the west was the place where Fray Joseph de Espeleta had hi3 conversion of the Coninas and beyond that was a water-hole where some of the latter lived. Still further was a canyon which was too deep for men on horses to cross (the Little Colorado perhaps) but by going on foot it was possible to go beyond to the zerro Colorado. This hill was pine-covered and was apparently only one day be yond the canyon, thus it was not the same mineral deposit as was seen by the earlier Spaniards but was probably simply a high butte or peak from which reddish ore was extracted.3# In any case Vargas was unable to visit either the mines or the pueblo of Oraibe as his horses were in poor condition | 3?Diary 0£ Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guada- jlajara 139. | ^Diary 0f. Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadala jara 139. It was probably Red Butte, north of Williams, Arizona, and some 112 miles west of Awatobi. 363 and he feared being stranded among enemies. On November 22 the Spanish left Awatobi for Zuni, traveling always with caution as new rumors of a large .junta of Apaches had reached their ears and some Athapaskans had run nine horses off from the Zuni. These animals were returned to the latter by the Salinero Apaches who again appeared on the scene in order to aid their allies. At this point the Governor of New Mexico determined to forsake a return to the central Rio Grande Valley and to go instead by a direct route from Zdni to the ruins of Senecu* and thence to El Paso although the entire area in between was the land of hostile Apaches. From Zufti to El Morro Apache signs were seen, the night of December 1 being spent under guard at the latter place. On December 2 they took the road that looks to the south and later after one league from a rise discovered different mountain ranges of which the one was called the Black Mountains and much to one side was another called the large rock and in this he /the guide/ said a rancheria of the l q Apaches Colorados live and that they raise maize. . . . Vargas* party was able to reach the deserted pueblo of Socorro without incident, no Apaches being contacted. It is to be assumed that much new geographical knowledge was added which would prove useful and the "discovery" of the high peaks of the Gila Mountains was made. In the .jornada del 3 9>Letter 0 f Diego de Vargas, May 16, 1693, in A.G.I. ;Guadalajara 139* ^°Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1692, in A.G.I., Guada lajara 139- 364 muerto between Fray Cristobal and El Paso contact was made with a band of Apaches. A party of Spanish soldiers took out in pursuit of the Indians with the result that a short battle occurred. The Spanish suffered the loss of Lieuten ant-General Martfn de Alday who died from four wounds and Juan Paez Hurtado was wounded in the leg. The Apaches lost one man and had a warrior captured. The latter was asked if he had ever raided El Paso and as his reply was yes Vargas ordered him shot to death after being hurriedly instructed in the Catholic faith and baptized. This was the first example of the governor’s subsequent policy in New Mexico; all prisoners were to be shot on the spot unless the whole nation involved was submitting to Spanish authority.^-1 - On December 20 the Spanish army arrived at El Paso and Vargas was informed of the only important events which had occurred in his absence. In September fifty soldiers had arrived from Nueva Vizcaya and the Apaches had raided twice, carrying off twenty horses. On January 12, 1693 the governor made a report to the viceroy and outlined his plans for the reconquest of New Mexico. The latter included the jrecruiting of settlers and the reestablishment of the Piros at Socorro and the Tiwas at Isleta. Shortly thereafter Vargas journeyed to the south in order to gather pobladores ^ Ibid.. and Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2823. 365 in the Zacatecas region,**” 2 By January, 1693 warfare had resumed on the Sonora frontier as the peace of August, 1692 was short-lived. Trouble broke out when a Concho Indian auxiliary informed a woman (who was a daughter of a Concho man and a Jocome woman but who had been with the rebels) that the Conchos and Opatas were planning to cut the throats of the various rebel chiefs living at the time with Captain Fernandez and that the Spanish peace was not good. This led many of the rebels to flee during a mass, but Fernandez executed the Concho and calm was partially reestablished. By September 22, some Janos had stolen horses in Sonora and the other rebels, although desiring peace, were very restless. In December Fernandez protested the removal of fifteen of his men for service in Sonora on the grounds that his presidio was on the frontier of the very numerous and astute nation of the Apaches, Janos, Sumas, Jocomes and their other allies- ”who ordinarily enter to infest these frontiers* A report from Sonora dated early in 1693 declared that the peace of the previous August endured only fifteen or twenty days and that the rebels then gathered on the Sonora frontier and * * ” 2Letter of Diego de Vargas, January 12, 1693, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 139* 4 3 ^ Letters of Juan Fernandez de la Fuente, September 22 and December 30, 1692, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. 366 began to c©nvoke the nations of Sobaguipuru /the Sobaipuris/, a great part of the Pimas, and others, and all together, in the month of November, they carried away from the frontiers of Bacanuche, San Antonio de la Natividad, mining towns, and the pueblo of Chinapa, all the horses and mules that there were. . • .44 Captain Francisco Ram/rez had been placed in charge of the body of soldiers who were supposed to defend Sonora and one of his most important acts was to attempt a destruc tion of the alliance and friendship existing between the Pimas and Sobaipuris on the one hand and the Apaches, Jocomes and Janos on the other. Spurred on doubtlessly by the above tribes* combined raids in November, 1692 Ramfrez entered the very heart of Sobaipuri country in an effort to break the alliance. He traveled up the San Pedro River to a point twenty-three leagues past Quiburi and eleven leagues before reaching Arivaipa, achieving at least some success in his aims. Actually it is not possible to say just what Ram/rez did and all that we know is summed up by Fray Lu/s Velarde more than twenty years later: In former years, before there were priests here /in Pimerfa Alta/, when the Indians were all gentiles, the Sobaipuris had the last communication with the Apaches of the Sierra of Chiguicagui /Chiricahua Mountains7, but since Captain Ramirez, with great diplomacy and tact and without shedding blood, separated them, the Sobaipuris are implacable enemies of the Apaches. ^Letter of February 6, 1693. in Hackett. Historical Documents, v. 2, p. 295. This was a good thing for the province of Sonora.^ Certainly the Spanish policy of pitting tribe against tribe was to prove advantageous and for many years the Pimas and Sobaipuris were to form the major defense for western Sonora. The Indians did not benefit from this alliance however, for eventually their Spanish masters were to fail them and the Sobaipuri lost the San Pedro Valley to the Apaches in 1763• That the alliance bloomed forth in its full vigor as a result of Ramirez* expedition late in 1692 is to be doubted, though, as subsequent cooperation between Sobaipuris and Athapaskans did occur prior to 1697* Early in 1693 Ramirez personally journeyed to appeal to the viceroy for aid and he was given permission to have a force of fifty men. However, he died before he could return north. While he was absent the rebels raided Opoto, closed the mines of Nacosari, carried everything off from the Baceraca-Huachinera region and killed the Opata gover nors there. On February 6 many citizens of Sonora appealed to the higher authorities to send the new soldiers quickly and to name a new commander for the compania volante as the province "is being depopulated." The enemy was said to be ^Letter of February 6, 1693, in Hackett, Historical iPocuments. v. 2, p. 291; Relacion of Fray Luis Velarde, 1716, translated bv Harry J. Karns apd published in Manje, Luz de Tigrra Incognita, p. 247; Luis Velarde, "Relacidn ofPimeria Alta, 1716," translated by Rufus Kay Wyllys, in ithe New Mexico Historical Review, v. 6, no. 2, 1931, p. 114 iand Manje, "Breve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970. 366 very numerous and hitherto peaceful groups were joining them. Some converted Indians had even revolted, for the Eudeves (close relatives of the Opata) were in the sierras and refused to come back to the priests. On February 5 the rebels had raided Nacosari and carried off all the mules. At the same time others had attacked Turicachi and carried off everything, but the most dangerous aspect of the latter event was that the rebels had talked for a long time with a Christian prisoner and then had set him fre, a thing never before observed in them. From this the Spanish inferred that a general rebellion was in the making.^ Sonora’s affairs had certainly taken a turn for the worse in 1693 with the Sumas, Janos, Jocomes and Apaches raiding as usual and the Eudeves, Conchos and Jovas newly in rebellion. On February 26 Domingo de Jironza, the former Governor of New Mexico, was named commander of Sonora’s compama volante and on March 2 he was appointed alcalde mayor thus giving him military and civil control under the Governor of Nueva Vizcaya. Jironza immediately went out against the northern rebels and also against the jovas and Conchos who had raided Nacori.^ On April 1, 1693 Governor Isidro de Pardinas reported that the Pimas had been reduced to peace (apparently by Ramirez) but that the Janos, Jocomes ; ^Letter of February 6, 1693, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2, pp. 293-295. i j ^Manje, MBreve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970. 369 and Sumas were still at war* He would have liked to have gone to Sonora in person but the frontier war with the Tobosos and their allies was raging as usual. Instead he planned to transfer the whole presidio of Sinaloa to the northern province, in spite of the protests of the officials on the Rio Yaqui.^ By May a new governor was in power in Nueva Vizcaya and this official, Gabriel del Castillo, was concerned to discover that the viceroy had granted a fifty- man compan^a volante to Jironza, the members of which were to be drawn from Castillofs presidios. His counter pro posal was to return the fifty men taken from Nueva Vizcaya for Vargas’ use in New Mexico and put them to use in the Parral area.^9 This, however, was mere wishful thinking, for the influential Don Diego was not going to allow his chances of reconquering New Mexico to be lost. In fact at that very time Vargas was in Nueva Galicia recruiting settlers and on May 16 he informed the viceroy that he had already reconquered New Mexico, possibly in an effort to prove that he had gone too far with the enterprise to stop.^ In their northern wars the Spanish always made great use of Indian auxiliaries and the student of Indian history ^Letter of Juan Isidro de Pardinas, April 1, 1693, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 152. i i ^Letter 0f Gabriel del Castillo, May 2, 1693, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2, p. 307. ; ^Letter Diego de Vargas, May 16, 1693, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 13-9. 370 might wonder if they were actually able to get these forced or paid allies to fight against their neighbors. In 1693 Gabriel del Castillo declared that ”. . . the friendly Indians that are enlisted are not fighting, nor have they ever been used for this.” They were said to serve only as guides and spies.^ On the other hand, it seems probable that where previous enmity existed between the Spaniards* allies and the enemy tribes the auxiliaries might well partake in the fighting. Early in 1694 Lieutenant Antonio Solis of the Sonora forces became suspicious that the Sobaipuris and Pimas of the north were raiding again. In order to ascertain the truth he led a party of soldiers up the San Pedro and then west across the Sierra del Comedio to the Pimas of San Xavier del Bac, finding no sign of stolen horses. In the latter region, however, he came upon some Pimas who were eating meat and who fled out of fear. Assuming that they were eating stolen horse-flesh he pursued the Indians and killed three of them, though subsequently he found out that the meat was venison. Solis then returned to his presidio (newly founded Fronteras) but he did not reestablish harmony with the Pimas. Instead he told them that if they wished to iprove their friendship for the Spanish they would have to ^Letter of Gabriel del Castillo, May 2, 1693, in Hackett, Historical Documents, v. 2. p. 307. 371 help in a campaign against the Athapaskans.**2 He thus presented the Pimas with the choice of either helping the Spanish or facing the consequences of being under suspicion. Meanwhile the comna'frfa volante went out on campaign in April against the Jocomes, Janos and Apaches. This entrada lasted until June but only thirteen Athapaskans were killed and seven were captured. In September the Pimas decided to aid the Spanish and 300 warriors came to the new presidio of Fronteras for a campaign which netted three women captives. Upon returning to the presidio it was learned that the enemy was raiding Cuchuta and the Spanish-Pima force quickly went to that place where they engaged in combat with some 600 Athapaskans. Apparently the auxiliaries took no part in the fighting at first but when it looked as if the Spanish were going down to defeat (with four casualties) the Pimas and some Opatas jumped into the struggle. The result was that twenty-four of the enemy were killed and eighty-six were wounded. The latter were all supposed to have died, for the Pima, along with other Sonoran tribes, poisoned their arrows.^ In November a joint campaign was planned with the forces of Janos presidio and 200 Pimas were called upon to join in the enterprise. The Sonoran forces reconnoitered the sierras near Piticachi, 52Manje, "Breve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970. ^Manje, "Breve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970. 372 Batepito and the area to the north, killing one Athapaskan but allowing another to get away and warn his fellows. With two days still to elapse before their union with Ferngfndez* men the thirty-six Sonora soldiers and the 200 Pimas advanced into some narrow, rocky canyons where they combated more than 700 Jocome Apaches and Janos enemies killing on our side a valiant soldier with five wounded, and ten Pimas, although we killed a few more of them, striking out blindly with arquebus and swords; but with out the loosening of sixty horses that we had in a remuda we might have perished at their hands. We arrive, ed that night at the arroyo of Guadalupe where General Xironza had remained with soldiers guarding the rest of the horses and baggage; . . . Two days later Fernandez arrived and the combined forces returned to the scene of the battle to collect their dead. They could find no enemies as the Apaches had in two days and nights retreated fifty leagues to the region beyond the Rfo Grande de Gila. Thus in spite of the presence of some 100 soldiers and 200 Pimas the Athapaskans could not be defeated, rather clear evidence of the increasing astuteness of the Apache as a fighter against the European. One important result of the campaign according to one informant was, however, that 11. . . from then the Pima nation remained a more declared and sworn enemy of Apaches, Jacomes, and Janos, and fond friends of the Spaniards. • . .**54 The end of 1694 then saw the Sonora frontier war ^Manje, “Breve Noticia,” in B.M.H. 970. 373 continuing despite additional troops in use, and farther to the north, in New Mexico, Diego de Vargas and his invading army were likewise experiencing the effect of growing American capabilities to resist European aggression. CHAPTER XII "THE END OP AN ERA" In September, 1693 Diego de Vargas gathered his groups of settlers and soldiers together at El Paso in preparation for invasion of New Mexico. Early in October departure was made, the army traveling in two groups, one of soldiers and the other of soldiers, settlers and supplies. A few leagues beyond Pray Cristobal signs of an Apache am bush were found, but otherwise nothing eventful occurred until the advance group led by Vargas made camp between the deserted pueblos of Sandia and Puaray and contact was made with some Pueblo Indians. During 1693 the Pueblo tribes had set to work, unit ing themselves in order to resist the return of the Spanish. Their plans were only partially realized, however, as the Pecos and some of the Keres decided upon a policy of appeas ing the invaders. Nevertheless, the Tewas, Tanos, Picuris, Taos, Jemez, Keres of Cochiti and Santo Domingo, Acomas, Zu&i, Hopi and all of the Apache groups except the Paraones (who were allies of the Pecos) were friendly to each other and committed to expelling the aggressors. The rest of the Keres seem to have been haunted by what had happened to Zia and Santa Ana only a few years before and they were 375 apparently loath to resist the Spanish.^ For several months after the setting up of his camp near present-day Bernalillo Vargas was to receive a great number of conflicting and confusing reports from ambassadors of the Americans, for many of the pueblos sought to beguile the invaders into a false sense of security. Still others endeavored at all costs to prove their pueblo's friendship for the Spanish. On November 12 several Keres leaders visited Vargas and they told of how pleased they were to see him and how the Jemez, Tanos, and Tewas were planning to attack the Keres of Santa Ana and Zia because of their disagreement on how to receive the Europeans. Apaches had notified the Jemez of the coming of the Spanish army and the Jemez had sent messengers to the rest. The Pecos and some 2 of the Keres had turned down the call for resistance. In spite of such rumors and others to the effect that the Tewas, Tanos, Picuris, Taos, Navaho Apaches and Apaches of the Rio Colorado (the Red River north of Taos) had attempted to persuade the Keres of La Cieneguilla to join them in ambushing the invaders, the four principal leaders of the Tewas, Tanos and Picuris came to see Vargas and pretended friendship. Luis Tupatu apologized for not having come "*'Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1693, in A.G.I., Guada lajara 140. 2Ibid. 376 sooner by saying that he had been trading for deerskins with the Apaches and his brother Lorenzo had been on the buffalo plains. On November 19 the Spanish forces were united and Vargas took forty soldiers on a visit to the Keres of La Cieneguilla. There he found the people of Cochiti and San Marcos living together although each preserved their separate tribal government. They asserted that the Apaches who lived in the mountains fronting on old Socorro were their enemies and Vargas promised to aid them in the future. Prom La Cieneguilla Vargas marched to Santa Ana, Zia and Jemez, being troubled only by news brought by the Indian Governor of Pecos to the effect that the Keres of Cochiti had left Cieneguilla and had united with the Apaches of the Rio Colorado and the Navahos in order to attack the Spanish. Later the same Indian informed Vargas that all of the rebels and the Apaches mentioned above were uniting for an ambush at a place near Santo Domingo called Dos Cerrillos. This, however, was offset by the opinion of a Keres leader who thought that the Tewas and their allies ". . . now are good."^ On December 16 the Spanish forces entered Santa Pe, ■^Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1693* in A.G.I., Guada lajara 140. ^Ibid., and Villagutierre y Sotomayor, in B.N. 2823- 377 or at least that part of the settlement not occupied as a pueblo by the Tanos and Tewas. On December 17 Vargas received word from the Pecos that the Tewas, Tanos, Picuris and many Apaches were at the mesa of San Juan pueblo prepar ing for hostilities. On the same day the Spanish in a .junta general ordered the Americans to abandon their section of Santa Fe and when the latter began making preparations for defense the invaders stormed the settlement and bit by bit took it from the natives. Most of the warriors escaped but the women and children were captured and divided among the Spaniards. With the villa under control Vargas was in a position to carry out his policy of conquest which was to be success ful in spite of determined resistance of the Americans. His methods were to raid the pueblos individually if possible, capture the women and children, sack the pueblos of all useful items such as maize and blankets, burn them if necessary, keep the Indians from growing any crops by con stant harassment and thus force the warriors to submit to Spanish mile. On their part, the Americans were forced to wage a defensive war, hitting the horse and cattle herds of the invaders. They also attempted to force-the traitors among them into fighting the Spanish but in this they were unsuccessful. Prom the very first many Tewas and Tanos fled to the Apaches in order to be safe from the Spaniards' raiding. Governor Vargas followed a strict policy of 378 killing all male rebels regardless of whether they surren dered or were captured in battle. The only exception to this was when a whole pueblo was willing to submit. The 5 policy of the Spanish was ruthless but effective. On December 31 the war chief of Zia reported that the Jemez and Navaho were going to unite with the Keres of Cochiti and attack the horse-herds of the Europeans. News of the following day revealed that the Tewas were abandoning their villages out of fear and some were going to the Taos and others to the Apaches. The main body, however, congre gated in a strong defensive position at the penol of San Ildefonso. On January 4 a Faraon Apache came to Santa Pe from Pecos and reported to his friend the Indian G-overnor of Pecos that a large .junta of Tanos, Tewas, Picuris, Apaches and Taos was two leagues from hi3 pueblo. Thirty soldiers were dispatched from Santa Pe but nothing occurred. On the eighth Vargas formally declared the Tewas and Tanos to be rebels and traitors, following this up with a campaign against San Ildefonso. The nearby pueblos were partially sacked but the Americans refused to submit. Por the next few months groups of soldiers continually visited the various deserted pueblos gathering up all of the booty 5 vThe following account of the war in New Mexico during 1694 and 1695 is taken from the Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1694 and 1695, in A.G-.I., Guadalajara 140, except where cited otherwise. which could he stolen. One group of raiding soldiers was at Tesuque when they heard riders coining from the direction of Santa Fe. They quickly mounted and rode out to meet what proved to he a group of Apaches who had stolen fourteen horses from the villa. One of the Athapaskans was killed and another captured. The latter along with two Tewas seized at Tesuque were taken to Santa Fe where they were all questioned. The Apache said that he was of the Rfo Colorado and that he had come to the "point of the sierra" and was going to make peace when several other Apaches from the rio aba.io (where they had eleven tents of people) had persuaded him to help them raid the Spanish horse-herd. This was the first time that he had come; but he and the two Tewas who had simply been getting supplies at Tesuque were both shot to death as "traitors." On February 25 Governor Vargas reported that a new .junta of Keres, Acomas, ZurTis t Hopis, "... Apaches Coninas y los de Navajo y las rancherias de las dilitadas de los de el Chilmo ..." had been discovered. Thus it seems that the Gila Apaches led by Chilmo were being drawn upon for support by the Americans. Likewise the Keres rebels were attempting to get their brothers to fight for independence but the latter still chose to aid the invaders. The follow ing day Vargas led an army of 100 soldiers in a campaign to force the Tewas and Tanos of San Ildefonso to surrender. The Americans showed great fighting ability in defense of 380 their freedom and despite repeated charges by the Spanish and a siege lasting until March 20 the penol remained in Indian hands. The invading army had to return to Santa Pe with many men suffering from wounds. Subsequently, both the Tewas and Spaniards visited the deserted pueblos, the one group gathering and the other stealing supplies. During the same period some Tanos who had been in La Canada de San Juan joined the Tewas and other Tanos at San Ildefonso. In mid-March a group of Plains Apaches arrived at Pecos and upon hearing that the Spanish had returned to Santa Pe they sent three of their number with the Governor of Pecos, Juan de Ye, to visit Vargas. The group reached the villa on March 27 and were received with friendship by the governor. It was arranged that trading could take place and a body of Spaniards accompanied them to Pecos for that purpose. The Apaches declared that at the end of the wet season they would return for more trading. The Europeans were much impressed with these Plains Apaches and remarked that they had a better behavior, a greater perseverance of friendship and a finer interchange with the Spanish than did the converted but apostate Indians of the pueblos. Of course, the Spaniards failed to note that the Plains Apache's lands were not being occupied by force. The Pueblo Indians and their Apache allies continued their raids upon Spanish livestock and early in April it 38a, was learned that a league had been formed by the Tewas, Tanos, Jemez, "Apaches Colorados," and Navahos to destroy the Keres who were aiding the invaders. As a result Vargas issued a notice of war on April 2 and undertook to punish the Keres of Cochiti and the Jemez. While in Keres country he met a small party of Zunis coming from Jemez. This excited his suspicion but the ZdSis claimed that they only had been trading with other Indians in order to obtain buffalo, hides and skins. They further declared that the people of their nation were content and very secure and that they have defense from the Apaches de el mechon /of the large hair lock/ they being their enemies and also they were /their enemies/ the Moquinos, Yutas and Conina Apaches and that these last three nations gave a large ambush from which they were able to defend themselves and resist because their pueblo and rancheria was on the mesa of the petfol of Jaquima. . . . Vargas seems to have believed the ZuSis and subsequently he directed a letter to them, acknowledging that the.Hopis, Utes and "Cononinas Apaches" had attacked them. He offered the Zuni the chance to settle on the lower Rio Grande where they could live near Santa Pe and also trade for buffalo skins with the friendly Apaches of the plains. On April 17 the Keres of Cieneguilla were attacked by the Spaniards and in spite of hard fighting and defensive stockades the pueblo was taken and sacked. Three hundred forty-two women and children were captured along with thirteen men. The latter were shot on the spot. On May 2 Governor Ye of the Pecos and one of the principal chiefs of the Plains Apaches (Faraones), accom panied by eight warriors, arrived at Santa Fe. The Atha- paskan chief brought three very beautifully decorated buffalo skins and a fine tipi as a gift for Vargas and the latter was extremely pleased with them. The Apaches sought permission to hold another fair during the "tiempo de elote," that is, when the corn began to ripen. The Governor of New Mexico took advantage of the opportunity to ply his visitor with questions about lands to the east. He learned that it was ten days to the buffalo, fourteen days to the chief's villages and that there was a small hill nearby. The first settlements of the Kingdom of Texas were said to be seven days away from the chief's village and the land in that area was admirable with lots of buffalo. In reply to the question of whether there were any Spaniards in the Texas area he declared that there had been some in past years but he did not know of any there now.^ The chief said that it was twenty-five or thirty days from his village to the first settlements of Quivira and that his people knew the distance well because they made wars there in order to capture children to sell for horses. The Apache chief spent two days in Santa Fe and then he and Ye departed because they ^The Spanish had retreated from Texas in 1693 but some individuals had remained in the region and reportedly fought against the Apaches until as late as 1700. 383 each had to attend to the sowing of their fields, thus indicating that these particular Apaches were at least semi-agricultural. Upon their departure Vargas wrote that he was much impressed with the Athapaskan leader "aunque gentil, y atheista sin Dios, sin Ley, y sin Rey, mostraba ser hombre de bien, de realidad, de ynteligenzia, y de razon." During the latter part of June a campaign was planned against the Jemez, but because the Rio Grande was high the enterprise was diverted to the north. On July 3 the Spanish reached the vicinity of Taos pueblo and met a large number of Plains Apaches who had come to trade with the Taos "as was their custom." The Athapaskans were known by Ye of Pecos who was with the Spanish, and they guided the latter to where they could communicate with the Taos (the latter were in the sierra). Ye chose to remain overnight with the rebels in order to talk with them. When he did not return the next day Vargas became concerned. The Taos spokesmen informed him that Ye had gone to recruit his people against the Spanish and that they would attack with the help of Apache allies. Other Apaches were said to be gathering from the r£ o Colorado. Vargas gave up hope of subduing the Taos at that time and July 5 and 6 were spent in sacking the deserted pueblo. On July 7 the army departed for the north in order to establish commercial relations with the Utes and to hunt 384 buffalo on the headwaters of the R^o Chama. As Vargas said, he wished to get some meat to supplement the toasted maize diet of his followers. Seven or eight leagues beyond Taos the Spanish spied signs of the passing of a squad of war riors and a portion of the troops made contact with a party of eighty Taos sent out to attack them. Several Americans were killed and others captured and shot. That night the army camped on the banks of the R^o Colorado (Red River) and Vargas wrote: they gave me notice that the sierras which border upon the Rio Colorado are peopled by the Apaches who are called del Acho and that the said Yuta nation that I am looking for does not allow them in their territory, for which reason I should flee . . . from this said country which is towards the fartherest to where the rebel Taos come in search of the buffalo even though they place sentinels and guards around. . . . The Spaniards went on to the Culebra River and then followed it to the Rio Grande, working their way back towards the south to the region of San Antonio Mountain where they found some 500 head of buffalo. On the 11th a party of Utes appeared and attacked the Spanish camp with the result that six soldiers were wounded and eight attackers killed. The Utes then signalled a desire for peace, declaring that they had mistaken them for their enemies the Tewas, Tanos, Picuris, Jemez and Keres who since 1680 had often come north dressed like Spaniards to hunt buffalo. Vargas accepted their explanation and the buffalo hunting was continued. On July 17 the army returned to Santa Pe by way of the R^o Chama. 3 $5 On the same day a group of Pecos arrived with goods to sell to the Spanish. They informed Vargas that Ye was still at Taos, thus contradicting the rebel’s information. Soon thereafter the Spanish army took the field again, going this time to attack the Jemez. News had been received that a large party of Jemez, Tewas, Keres of Cochiti and Navaho Apaches had attacked Zia, killing four persons and retreating when a chief was killed by the defenders. On July 24 the Spaniards and their Keres allies attacked the perTol of the Jemez, the latter being defended by Apaches as well as its natives. Finally the pueblo was gained by the invaders after killing some seventy Americans, but other Indians held out in individual buildings. Many of the latter were burned alive and the pueblo was completely sacked and destroyed. Three hundred sixty-one women and children were captured and one Jemez and one Apache warrior. The latter were executed. Vargas remained in the vicinity for several days hoping to inflict a final defeat upon the still free war riors but they did not return. On July 26 he said that the few /families/ of this pueblo that have escaped have scattered; that thirteen families have gone to Taos and others have shot out to join with the Keres of Cochiti | and a few others with their friends the Apaches of ! Navajo. . . . i -Many Jemez refugees were to remain with the Navaho until as 386 late as 1705.^ On August 26 some Jemez men came into Santa Fe and asked for their families* They were told that they would have to aid the Spanish in an attack on the Tewas and Tanos first, and they reluctantly agreed to this. The campaign was immediately planned but it was suspended when the Pecos announced that the Plains Apaches had arrived and wished to hold their fair. Many persons then went from the villa to trade with the Athapaskans at Pecos. On September 4 a large army of soldiers and Indian auxiliaries departed from Santa Fe to attack the fortified penol of San Ildefonso. Their task had already been partially accomplished by the destruction of the Americans* sources of food and although the Tanos and Tewas resisted to their utmost they were forced to send out peace feelers on September 8. On the following day the Americans agreed to return to their pueblos within fifteen days and on September 11 the Jemez were allowed to return to their village with their women and children. By the end of the month priests and Spanish officials were being placed at San Felipe, Pecos, Zia and Jemez and the Keres of Cochiti and Santo Domingo agreed to submit. As of January, 1695 priests had been placed at most of the Rio Grande Valley pueblos with the exception of Taos, Picuris, San Lazaro |and three of the Tewa villages. Thus the reconquest of 1 *7 ^ j '"Gobierno de Don Francisco Cuervo de Valdes," in s Documentos-Mexico. Series 3, tomo 1, pp. 191-192. 387 New Mexico was well under way although the Keres of Acoma, the ZuSi, the Hopl, many refugees and all of the Atha- 8 paskans were still free and independent. Little is known of affairs in the El Paso region during this period and one must infer that the Athapaskans were not as menacing as before 1692. Vargas, however, wrote in May, 169^ that the presidio there could not be ®In his "Apuntamientos," Juan Amando Niel wrote in 1753 that the Navaho Apaches were accustomed to raid the Pawnees and Wichitas (Jumanes) every February and that in July they sold children of the latter tribes to the Spanish of New Mexico. When the latter did not buy them, as in 1694, the Navaho would kill the slaves on the spot. Certain scholars have accepted this Information at face value (Alfred Barnaby Thomas, for example, in his After Coronado pp. 13-1^). However, an examination of Niel•s work reveals it to be wholly unreliable, and besides that fact the above information is contrary to all known facts on the Navaho. Niel for one thing calls the Plains Apaches "Apaches del Navajo" and thus his statements really refer to the former and. not to the Navaho at all. He simply did not know any thing of the ethnography of New Mexico, and this is borne out by some of his other assertions, such as that the other people of the buffalo plains were the Utes (and not the Comanche), that the last nation of New Mexico towards the north was that of the Tompiros, that Plcuris was northwest of Santa Cruz and that San Felipe and Cochiti were vlsltas of that pueblo. In a copy of Niel's work to be found at the Southwest Museum, Highland Park, California, Charles F. Lummis wrote in the margin, "a most stupidly Ignorant and mendacious cuss as to New Mexico" and in another place he calls Niel "a fine able-bodied liar!" Lummis was certainly correct and the Information supplied by Niel cannot be (accepted at anything approaching face value. See Juan iAmando Niel, "Apuntamlentos" in DooumentoB-Mexlco. Series 3, tomo 1, pp. 56-108. 388 eliminated as it was necessary for the maintenance of the Mansos and Suminas (Sumas) in peace for without it they would certainly combine with the Apache of nearby rancherlas. This would seem.to indicate that the former 9 groups were at peace at that time. Warfare on the Sonora frontier continued unabated into 1695 and in March of that year the Janos, Jocomes and Apaches raided Tonibavi, killing eighteen persons. In the same month the converted Fimas revolted from Tubutama to Caborca, the spark being the cruelty practiced by the Jesuits and their servants at Tubutama mission. Several priests were killed before soldiers could take the field. A campaign was made by Antonio de Solis to Tubutama and the rebels were forced to surrender, being promised peace if they would come unarmed to the Spanish camp. This was done, but when Solis attempted to bind the leaders some trouble occurred and fifty Plmas were massacred in cold blood. This treacherous act brought the revolt to life again and it was not suppressed until August, 1695*^° The Sobaipuris of the upper San Pedro River remained friendly with the Spanish and thus the Pima's rebellion i 9Letter of Diego de Vargas, May 20, 169^» in A.G.I., Guadalajara 140. ! 10Diary of Juan Mateo Manje, 1699» B.N. 3165; Kino, historical Memoir, v. 1, p. l62n«; and Hubert Howe Bancroftt History of the Worth Mexican States and Texas (San Francisco: Bancroft, I883), v.l, pp. 261-26jJ* 389 had little If any effect on Athapaskan-Piman relations, with the possible exception that the northern Sobalpuris may have once again resumed friendly relations with the Jocomes (although It Is possible that they had never become hostile). Meanwhile a large army had been organized in Chihuahua to aid Sonora against the Pimas and In order to reach the latter*s lands the force passed through the country of the Janos and Jocomes and In those lands, In the cerro of Chiguicagui, they found almost all the spoils of the many robberies which, during all these years had been committed In this province of Sonora and on Its frontiers, including many arquebuses, swords, daggers, spurs, saddle-bags, saddles, boots et cetera. Parts of the bugle belonging to the bugler of General Quires were also found. Among these Hocomes were found the spoils of the soldier Juan de Ochoa, whom, a few weeks before, they had captured alive, killing his three companions, on the road between Guachinera and Guasavas.11 Another campaign was made in September by a large force under Jironza, Fernandez, and Domingo Tergfn de los Rfos with the result that sixty Apaches, Janos, and Jocomes were killed. Those males who were captured alive were hung and some seventy women and children were divided up among the three groups of soldiers. Thus the campaign took the form of a slave-raiding expedition although being in ^Kino, Historical Memoir, v. 1, pp. 1^5-1^6 390 12 retaliation for Athapaskan attacks. In 1696 the Apaches destroyed the church at Cocospera and reportedly the number of Christians they had 13 killed in two years rose to thirty-two. J In March the Jocome Apaches and Janos raided the estancla of Tonibavi where they carried off 200 horses. One hundred of the animals were recovered by the Spanish, the Athapaskans having eaten or killed the rest. At about the same time the Jocomes killed Captain Cristobal de Lec3£i and nine others near Opoto and the Spanish retaliated by killing three Indians and recovering some mules, harnesses and silver near Batepito. Subsequently the soldiers of Jironza and Fernandez combined with Pimas to pursue the Apaches to the Sierra Florida and Gila Elver region, killing thirty-two men and capturing fifty women and children. From the above accounts it should be clear that warfare on the Sonora frontier was no longer profitable for the Athapaskans, at least in terms of human lives lost, although one must allow for the possible exaggeration in Spanish sources. According to Juan Mateo Manje the Athapaskans lost 680 persons killed, most of whom were 12 y Manje, Luz de Tlerra Incognita, p. 67. ^Juan Mateo Manje, "Estado Presente de Sonora," p.N. 3165. lifManje, "Breve Noticla," in B.M.H. 970, and Kino, Historical Memoir, v. 1, pp. 161-162. 391 warriors, between 169^ and 1700, and besides this hundreds of women and children were placed In slavery by the Spanish.1- * That the Apaches continued to fight under these clroumstances Is Indeed evidence of their stubborn love of independence and hatred for the Europeans, It Is difficult to believe that the Athapaskan's warfare was motivated entirely or largely by the desire for horses and booty in this period (as some writers maintain) since the cost In lives was far too great to make such raiding worthwhile. The conclusion is that the Americans were still fighting for their independence and lands and in revenge for past wrongs. In 1696 the Spanish hold on Sonora was seriously threatened by a rebellion of many of the Opatas instigated by the Chief of Baceraca, Pablo Qulhue or Guigue. The revolt broke out prematurely in the Turlcachi region where the people fled to the mountains, otherwise it might have been a success as many other Opatas, southern Plmas and the Taraumara were also anxious to strike for freedom. The Turlcachi Opatas were put down by December while Qulhue and his followers fought on until mid-1697. The revolt had spread to the Taraumaras as well but there it was likewise crushed. Interestingly, Qulhue based his revolt on the fact that the Spanish had taken the Indian's •^Manje, Luz de Tlerra Incognita, p. 173* 392 lands, often made the Americans virtual slaves, and had brought no benefits. He claimed that the Europeans had murdered more Opatas and Plmas than the Apaches had or ever could have killed.1^ The revolt was, however, poorly timed as It should have occurred simultaneously with the Pima attempt of 1695* The Sumas of El Paso were apparently still at peace in 1696 as a list of priests needed for the New Mexico 17 region Includes one for the Piros and "ZuraBS* of Socorro. Sixteen ninety-five was a relatively uneventful year in New Mexico as those Pueblo Indians who had been defeated returned to their pueblos and concentrated upon replenishing their food supplies. The Spanish did not attempt to subdue Acoma, Zu£?i or the Hopi villages and the Athapaskans seem to have caused little trouble. Vargas spent his time in consolidating his gains and in establishing two new settlements at Bernalillo and at Santa Cruz in the north. The number of settlers that he had was fewer than he had requested and many had already fled to New Spain. Of those remaining, many were Mexicans, that is, Nahuans. In March Vargas wrote that he was concerned over the defense of the San Juan region ^Bancroft, North Mexican States, v. 1, pp. 273-27^, ■ and Manje, Luz de Tlerra Incdgnlta, p. 70. "^Priests needed in New Mexico, November, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 1*KL. 393 as it was a gateway for Apache and Ute raids, but whether any hostilities were occurring Is not clear. During 1695 an epidemic swept through the province and over fifty fighting men were lost to the Spanish, nevertheless, the 18 number of soldiers was maintained at 100. On May 9 Vargas reported to the viceroy that a few days before the news had arrived that some rancherlas of Apaches who live to the east and are called the Chipaines have arrived and they gave Information in the pueblo where they entered which is that of the Pecurles nation, how some white and blonde men have consumed a very large nation of the Apaches Conejeros which resides very far towardB the interior from that of theirs /£he ChipainejB7 and that they have returned. . . . The Chipaines said that they would return to New Mexico in September and Vargas had to postpone any close question- 19 lng until then. Some scholars have supposed that this account had reference to a French attack upon the Apache; however, it is very unlikely that any Frenchmen were in a position to aid the Athapaskan*s eastern enemies in the 1690's. On the other hand a party of Spanish soldiers and Texas Indians had twice attacked the eastern Apaches in 1692. In the first encounter the Athapaskans had defeated their enemies but later they suffered a reverse | -^Report of Diego de Vargas, March, 1696, in A.O.I., Guadalajara 1*1-0, and Letter of Diego de Vargas, July 30, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 1*1-1 • I ^Letter of Diego de Vargas, May 9* 1695* in A.G.I., Guadalajara 1*4-0. 394 with the loss of 136 persons. From 1693 to 1?00 at least one Spaniard remained among the anti-Apache tribes of 20 Texas said fought against the Athapaskans on occasion. The Pueblo Indians of New Mexico had apparently accepted peace only in order to gain time to heal their wounds and then later, if possible, catch the invaders off guard. After being free for fourteen years they were not willing to live once again under Spanish tyranny. As early as December, 1695* Indians were going among the pueblos agitating and spreading anti-Spanish propaganda. Rumors of revolt soon reached the Spaniard's ears and Vargas had to rise from illness to show the Americans that he was ready for any trouble. In February, 1696 the priest at PIcuris overheard natives say that they wanted to kill him and Fray Joseph Dfaz at Tesuque was told by the traitorous governor of that pueblo that all of the nations planned to rebel. In particular it was said that the Pecos were to rise, kill their priest and retire to their old pueblo of Piedra Blanca. Vargas investigated and found things satisfactory or at least 21 quiet. He was, however, troubled by the Utes who were 20William Edward Dunn, "Apache Relations in Texas, 11718-1750," in The Quarterly of the Texas Stete Historical Society, v. 14, no. 3» 1911, P* 2d4; and Letter of the Marques de Aguayo, November 2, 1715, In Pichardo, tomo 19» fe.M.A.E. 21Letter of Francisco de Vargas, March 7, 1696, and Letter of Diego de Vargas, March 8, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara l4l. 395 stealing horses from Taos and San Juan, necessitating the placing of thirty soldiers in the north. The activities of the Navaho Apache during this period are not known in detail but it seems that they were "exciting" and aiding the Pueblo Indian rebels in their plans for a resumption 22 of hostilities. On March ?, 1696 the leader of the Franciscans in New Mexico, Fray Francisco de Vargas, addressed a letter to Governor Vargas in which he said that all of the priests were certain of a new revolt because of the hostile demonstrations of the Americans and because of the fact that the natives now had plenty of food and arms whereas the Spanish lacked them. The priests, evidently, had no soldiers to back up their authority and the Americans had already profaned the new churches and taken over the missionaries* herds of livestock. Fray Vargas declared that the Pueblo Indians would not accept the Catholic 23 faith after their years of rebellion. Governor Vargas answered on March 8 by saying that he had only 100 men and they had to be used as escorts from Santa Fe to El Paso as well as to protect the province from invasion. The governor cited the fact that a report had come in to i 22Letter of Diego de Vargas, March 8, 1696, in jA.G.I., Guadalajara l4l; and Juan Paez Hurtado, Dec. 23, [170^, N.M.A., 1704-7, Document No. 104. i ^Letter Qf Francisco de Vargas, March 7, 1696, 'In A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. 396 the effect that there was a Junta of the Keres on the penol of Acoraa and N. . • of the Apaches Chilraos and Pharaones Janos, and Manzos ..." and that they were waiting for the Hopl and the Zunl In order to come and 2 b destroy the Spaniards. On March 13 the Franciscans petitioned Governor Vargas for escorts for most of the pueblos, their total request adding up to perhaps fifty soldiers. There is evidence for believing that their demands were purposely placed Impossibly high so as to force the governor Into action against the Americans. Don Diego replied that his 100 men were used in the following manner; two squads of thirty each to guard the horses, ten to guard the gate at Santa Fe, twenty-six for the escort to El Paso, and four officers of the upper ranks. Nevertheless, the governor decided to supply escorts for San Juan, Taos, Picuris and Jemez, or a total of twenty men. The Franciscans refused to accept this offer (with two exceptions) and they deserted their pueblos in order to unite at Santa Fe. On March 22 they Issued impossible petitions, as some priests who had asked for no or small escorts now asked for large ones and others refused under any circumstances I ■ jto return to their posts. The truth was that they were 1 jdissatlsfied with Vargas and declared that the Americans ! j ......— ..... | ^Letter of Diego de Vargas, March 8, I696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara l4l. had not been sufficiently subdued and that the settlers lacked arms and horses* An example of the priests* demands can be seen in that of Fray Alonzo Xlmenez de Cisneros of Cochiti who on March 13 had needed no escort but on March 22 asked for twenty-four soldiers. Other 25 friars followed this pattern. The friar from Pecos declared that a rancherla of Faraones was living in the pueblo of Pecos and that another rancheria was nearby on the Pecos Biver. The pueblo's natives were said to be acting strange and the priest had heard that his life was in danger. Another friar declared that the Tanos were in the sierra and were not really at peace. The basic complaint, however, was that the Americans would not give up their religion and that the priests had no troops to force the natives' adherence to Catholicism. The governor attempted to meet the Franciscans' demands for escorts as best he could while ignoring their other complaints. It appears that all or most of the friars returned to their conversions having 26 at least gained one point. Governor Vargas, on his part, kept a close watch on the pueblos and in May he dispatched isome soldiers to watch out for the Utes and Apaches near 1 1 ! 2^Auto of Diego de Vargas, March 14, 1696, and jPetition of Francisco de Vargas, March 22, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. ! j ^Petition of Francisco de Vargas, March 22, 1696, and Auto of Diego de Vargas, March 22, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. .. . __ 398 Taos.27 On June 3, 1696 the Keres of Cochiti abandoned their pueblo and the other Americans soon followed suit. Several priests and a number of Spaniards were killed in the process and at San Ildefonso the Navaho Apaches combined with the Tewas in their revolt. The Pecos were split on whether to rebel or not, but at this time they decided to aid the Spanish, sending warriors for that purpose. Likewise some of the Keres remained loyal, and the Tesuque chief with 28 some of his men did not revolt. From several Jemez prisoners Vargas learned that the Hopi, Zuni, Keres of Acoma and Apaches were sending warriors to Jemez in order to attack Santa Fe. The Tewas and Tanos had united for defense at the hill of Chimayo and the Apaches had retired to their own country to dance but their aid for the future was expected. It seems that the Apaches were going to decide what course of action to take although the opinion of a Tewa prisoner of the Spanish was that during the current month all of the Apacher/a will unite with the other nations in order to fight and that the Zunis and Moquinos, Acomas ^anc£7 Apaches who live and are neighbors of the Zunls and Hoqulnos and the Yuttas and another nation that this declarant doe3 not know; they say as a thing j 2?Villagutierre y Sotomayor, B.N. 2823. | 2®Various documents of June, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 14-1. 399 certain and fixed that when the ears form or when the maize is smaller all these nations will unite, and that which the Apaches have discussed is that they should attack the horse-herd first and that the reason that they did not do it on the night after the disgrace /She revolt7 was because the river crest came and some of the Apaches did not know how to swim. Already some of the Pueblo Indians had decided that it was useless to try to expel the Invaders and that the only way to live in freedom was to go to the Apache or other inde pendent peoples. Thus it was said that the Tanos of San Crlstoisal had already gone to the Navahos and thence to the Zunis.29 On June 13 a Piro Indian who had turned down a chance to go with the Tanos Informed Vargas that the Faraon Apaches and all of the Keres were united in the Sandia Mountains in order to attack Bernalillo. This, however, was probably false as many of the Keres had decided not to rebel. One lone Spaniard managed to escape from the Taos-Picuris region and on June 1^ he reported that he had seen rancherias of Apaches in the mountains 30 between Plcuris and Tesuque. The "EspaSoles Mexican©s" of Santa Cruz on June 30 expressed a desire to abandon that settlement because the Apaches were nearby and had killed several persons. Vargas campaigned without success against the rebels in that 29Report of Diego de Vargas and Testimony of Diego Jenome, June 12, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. I 30Testimony of Francisco Tempano, June 13, 1696, jand Beport of Diego de Vargas, June 14*, I696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. 400 region while the Spaniards of Bernalillo made an operation from Zia against the Jemez and their allies. One of the Americans captured in the latter campaign was from Acoma and under questioning he declared that Zunis, Hopis and "many Apaches de Nabajo and forty-five Indians of the penol of Acoma of his nation and of those of Cochiti and Xemes, that all these nations had united and came to fight at the pueblo of Zia and take away the horses and kill the priest," after which they planned to do the same at Santa Ana. To further questions he replied that the Acoma*s friends were the Zunis, Hopis, Navahos, Apaches of the mountains near Acoma, and the Tanos and twenty Pecos who had fled to them. The Tanos were now living at Zi&i. Their enemies were the Tewas, Plcurls, Taos and the rest of the Tanos. All of the Keres of Acoma were living on the peftfel and as little maize had been planted none were living at Laguna. Then the American was confessed and shot to death, for Vargas' 31 policy was still death to all prisoners. As mentioned above some Pecos Indians had chosen to flee to the rebels and it is clear that only the influence of a pro-Spanish chief kept the whole pueblo from rising, jln fact the Indian governor had to execute five of his own i jpeople in order to stave off the rebellion, which action j 31aeport of Diego de Vargas, June 30, 1696, and ^Testimony of an Acoma Indian, July 3, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. had serious results when the relatives of the deceased persons attempted to foment an anti-Spanish rising in 1700. This latter trouble was put down but many Pecos fled to the Apaches of the valley of La Jicarilla at that time. In July, 1696 it was decided to withdraw the priest from Pecos as the Americans, although still loyal, were acting strangely"• • . and more with the friendship that they have with the Apaches Faraones with whom they can retire and rise to the Piedra Blanca and knowing that that said pueblo /of Pecos7 is divided in factions as is notorious. ..." Many of the Keres Indians were fleeing to Acoma at this time and in mid-July Vargas pursued some of them without success. Those of Clenegullla, - Santo Domingo, and Cochiti actually took up residence at Acoma and later, in 1697» they founded a permanent pueblo at Laguna, a place used only seasonally by the Keres prior to that tlme.^2 On July 20, 1696 the leading settlers of New Mexico petitioned for aid as they were starving because of lack of rains and the fact that with retirement of the Americans they could get no maize. They were apparently willing to abandon the province unless some change occurred. Their ] jprotest seems to have been the first public evidence of an 3 Petition of Francisco de Vargas, July 6, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 14-1; and "Sesto Cuademo," in Documentos-Mexico, Series 3, tomo 1, pp. 177» 180. hoz undercurrent of opposition to Vargas which was to cause his imprisonment in little over a year's time. On July 30 Vargas made a report to the viceroy in which he stated that the rebels had killed twenty-six persons, burned one church and now were retiring to the lands of the “Apaches de Nabajo Cassa Fuerte y QuarteleJo" where there were good places to live. Betlrement of the Americans meant that the war would be long and costly as the forces at Santa Fe were insufficient for such an enterprise and the allies could not leave their pueblos nor be used except as spies. Furthermore, thirty or forty soldiers had to be used as escorts from El Paso to the capitol since the southern Apaches were always dangerous. Finally, Vargas declared that the province would be lost because of hunger unless 33 supplies were immediately sent. Early in August the Spanish began a campaign against the Keres of Acoma and a Zunl prisoner was questioned as to what peoples he had seen on the road from his pueblo to Santa Fe. He said that he met two Jemez warriors on the road and no others and that in the Sierra of Acoma coming from her they met four Apaches, and that far from here he met some Apaches in their fields on the road ^Petition 0f the settlers of New Mexico, July 20, |L696, and Letter of Diego de Vargas, July 30, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara l4l. 1 i I /■w 3k from Zunl In front of the Ojo Caliente. On August a Spanish army reached Laguna and several Indians were surprised and captured. One of them, a Keres of Cochlti, declared that there were eighty of his fellows at Acoma, all planting crops, that there were also twenty-five Keres of Santo Domingo and five Jemez families but no Tewas and Tanos as the latter had gone on to Z\ml. He said that during the coming month a Junta of the Zunis, Aloquenos, Conlnas, Utes, and the Apaches of Gila and Chilmos was to be held in order to plan an attack upon Zla. Finally he declared that there were several Spanish captives at Acoma and that one woman had been given to the Navaho Apaches. Another Keres (of San Marcos) said that there were Tewas and Tanos at Acoma and that the Hopls, Zunls, Utes and Apaches were 35 coming to attack Zla and Bernalillo in October. After the questioning was over, the two Keres were hung. On the same day as the above Vargas remarked that the nearby rancherias of the Apaches were accustomed to come and trade at Acoma. He was afraid that they would 36 surprise him from the rear. 3**Testimony of Antonio, August 1, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. 35Testimony of Juan and Cristobal, August 1**-, 1696, !ln A.G.I., Guadalajara l4l. j ! 36dary of Diego de Vargas, August lk9 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. ^04 On the 15th Vargas advanced to the base of the penol of Acoma where he succeeded In capturing nine horses» one mule and 400 head of small stock as well as twelve persons. The governor was afraid to attack the pueblo even though he had fifty soldiers and Indian allies. Instead, he attempted to force the Keres into giving up their refugee allies by threatening to burn and destroy their fields. The Keres refused to give in to his demand and Vargas damaged the crops as best he could and In anger killed two of his prisoners. Then the Spaniards retreated out of fear that the Apaches would come. Interestingly, this campaign affords a striking contrast with a similar one made by Vicente de Zaldfvar in 1599* almost 100 years before. The relative strength 6f the Spaniard and the Indian had certainly changed during those years, in spite of the fact that the arms available to Vargas were superior to those of Onate’s day.^ On August 27 a Tewa of San Juan was questioned by Vargas at Santa Fe and the American revealed that both the Picuris and the Taos were contemplating fleeing to the Apaches, although there were some among them who Iwished to make peace and remain in their pueblos. As regards the “Apaches of the North" he declared that they 3?Diary of Diego de Vargas, August 15-17* 1696* in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. k05 had visited the Tewas twice, once with many people and clothing to trade but with no slaves to sell. The second time they brought many Ute women and children to sell and said that they wanted to see the Spaniards. The Picuris and the Taos told the Apaches that the soldiers would kill them and so the Athapaskans did not come. Vargas learned also that the Tanos had all gone to the Hopi, that all of the Tewas of Santa Clara had gone to the Hop! and the Navaho, that only the Taos, Picuris and Tewas of San Juan remained in their entirety in the north. The others, including half of the Jemez and 38 Keres of Cochiti, had all gone to the Hopi or the Navaho. Prom the above information one gains insight into Ute-northern Apache relations in the 1690's and also realizes the background for the post-1700 Ute-Comanche alliance and offensive against the Athapaskans. Of at least equal significance is the knowledge of the large numbers of Pueblo Indians who chose to live with the Navaho during this period. These refugees, along with earlier ones, were to have a great impact upon the Navaho way of life and religion, and many of them were to be absorbed into the Athapaskan ethnic group by intermarriage. Archaeologists have discovered many "pueblo" type structures In Navaho country associated with defensive towers and 30Testimony of Miguel, August 27, 1696, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. 4o 6 Navaho houses and dating from post-1700 to as late as c. 1770* Undoubtedly many of the refugees eventually returned to their old pueblos after 1698 but it is clear that others chose to live with the Navaho Apache for years, preferring life with the Athapaskan to Spanish dictation. On September 20 Diego de Vargas led an army north ward to Picuris and Taos, both of which pueblos were found to be entirely abandoned with the crops all harvested and the food all gone. At El Embudo they found the Taos fortified with some Tanos, Tewas and Picuris and a long series of small encounters began. Finally, on October 3 talks were held with the Taos chief and a large part of the Tewas agreed to submit since their women and children were dying of cold and hunger in the sierras. On the 10th Vargas passed on to Picuris where some Indians greeted him with news that one of their chiefs had gone with many people to receive the Apaches who had come to trade "because the Theguas and Thanos might find them and relate to them some lie or plot that they might turn around and they might go with them to the Apaches del Rfo iGrande and that for that reason Don Antonio has gone to i i > i _______ I j ^^Dorothy L. Keur, "A Chapter In Navaho-Pueblo Relations," in American Antiquity, v. X, no. 1, 1944, jpp. 75-84. 407 40 receive them. . . „** The governor returned to Santa Fe and there on October 13 he was notified by Antonio, a Picuris chief, that the Apaches had brought much clothing and other articles of trade and that some had passed on to the new villa of Santa Cruz In order to barter. These Apaches had declared that their only friends were the Taos, Picuris, Pecos and the Spanish. On the 18th Vargas received word from Santa Cruz that all of the Tewas of Santa Clara who had horses and all of the Picuris were going to live with the above Apaches of the plains, and that the Puebloans had taken all of their belongings with them. Two days later Vargas and his soldiers under Captain Antonio Valverde y Cosslo were In pursuit of the Americans. Determined as they were not to allow the Indians to abandon their pueblos and live In freedom the Spaniards tried until October 28 to apprehend the refugees, attacking the letter's Apache friends in the process. About eighty Americans were captured, along with a number of horses, clothing and provisions, but the main group of Picuris escaped with the Apaches to El Cuartelejo in western Kansas where 41 they were to live until 1706. ^Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1 6 9 6, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. ^Letter of Roque de Madrid, October 18, 1690, and Diary of Diego de Vargas, 1696, In A.G.I., Guadalajara 141. 406 In 1699 charges were brought against Valverde y Cossio to the effect that on this expedition in pursuit of the Picuris slaves were gathered and sold in Nueva Vizcaya. There is no doubt that the captured Pueblo Indians were divided up among the soldiers, but Valverde was also charged with selling two Christian boys in the south. Boque de Madrid declared that it is true that in the last campaign which was made to the plains, among the Apache children that he took to sell in Vizcaya the said Antonio Balverde carried two little Christian Indians and he sold them as slaves as / T i e dld7 with the rest that he carried.^2 Interestingly, no charge was made against Valverde for selling Apaches as slaves in Nueva Vizcaya, in fact this part of the affair was treated as a quite acceptable thing. Prom this and other charges it is to be inferred that Athapaskan slavery was as much a part of the Vargas regime as it had been in the earlier days. It is regrettable that so little Is known of this phase of Spanish activity for it may have had a great deal to do with the continued hostility of the Apaches and other Americans. Upon his return to Santa Fe in November, Vargas discovered that many of the Tewas were disposed to accept ipeace and that the Acomas and other Keres were in a similar | mood. On the 11th, however, Hoque de Madrid reported that I Ko i ^Testimony of Eoque de Madrid, February 20, 1699* in A.G.I., Guadalajara 1^2. 409 he had visited San Ildefonso and had found only seventeen men with their families. The rest had gone to the Hopi and the Navaho Apache. The Tewas of Jacona were in the sierra but were coming back. In spite of this Vargas was able to write to the viceroy on the 24th that San Ildefonso and most of the other Tewa pueblos were reduced and that only the Tewas of Pujuaque, Cuyamunque and Santa Clara along with the major part of the Keres and the Jemez were still free. By the 28th the governor asserted that the nations still not reduced were the Jemez, Tanos, Tewas of Santa Clara, Picuris, and many Keres. The Tewas of Santa Clara had fled to several places, some to the Hopi and Zdnl, some i to the Acomas, ". . . others to the next nations /from their pueblo7 and surrounding neighbors of the Apaches of Navajo, Embudo and Sierra de los Pedernales. . . ." Vargas described the peSTol of Acoma as a great stronghold and declared that the Keres are very good friends of the rancherias of the Apaches, Pharones and Salineros, and of those of the Slepra of Jila of El Chllmo who commands all the Apacherfa of the said sierra and in the aforementioned peSTol are the Juntas both of the apostate rebels and of the gentiles. • . .3 Diego de Vargas had originally been granted a term iof office of five years as Governor of New Mexico but by i ■ i — | ^Report of Boque de Madrid, November 11, 1696, and Letters of Diego de Vargas, November 24 and 28, 1696, in I a.G.I., Guadalajara 141, 410 using his Influence he was able to get an extension of the position for another five years. Unfortunately for Don Diego the latter information did not reach New Spain in time to prevent the appointment of Pedro Bodrjfguez Cubero as governor in 1697 and Vargas was forced to give up his office to Rodriguez on July 2 of that year. Almost nothing is known of the internal affairs of New Mexico from November, 1696 to July, 1697 but it seems clear that the Americans remained in rebellion and were not subdued by Vargas. According to pro-Rodriguez testimony fourteen pueblos of the Rio Grande Valley along with Acoma, Ziffii and the Hopi villages were in revolt when the new governor assumed office. The province was likewise in a bad state with a shortage of food and arms, and Vargas had made many enemies. On October 2, 1697 he was arrested by Rodriguez and a puppet cablldo and as of March, 1698 he was still in I prison. Many charges were brought against Don Diego and i especially against Captain Antonio Valverde y Cosslo. The latter was charged with adultery and sexual immorality as well as with selling many Pueblo Indians as slaves in Nueva Vizcaya. Valverde did not suffer imprisonment, however, as he made his way to Spain in order to plead for Vargas* !interests. Vargas, meanwhile, had all of his property and i i I slaves sold by the cablldo, which action confirms the ! suspicion that the governor did acquire slaves during his iterm of office. The balance of the struggle between Vargas 411 and his enemies, which lasted until the former's death In 1704, had the unfortunate effect of filling the archives with charges and counter-charges to the exclusion of Information on Indian affairs. Thus almost nothing is known of occurrences under Rodriguez.^ By December, 1698 the new governor Is said to have reduced the rebels of New Mexico to peace and to have reestablished ordinary relations with Acoma and Zunl. Even the Apaches were at peace and anxious for baptism, if one may believe the information supplied by the pro- Rodrlguez c a b l i d o . **5 Thus by the end of 1698 the Great Southwestern Revolt was brought to an end In New Mexico and the Spanish were solidly in control of the upper Rio Grande Valley* The Hopi were never to be reconquered and thus the limits of Spanish control established In 1698-1699 were to remain more or less the same for the next 120 years• ^Petition of Diego de Vargas, no date; Charges of the Cablldo of Santa Fe, February 20, 1699 to May 21, 1702; Informe of the Cablldo, December 28, 1698, in A.G.I., Guadalajara 142. According to Juan Amando Nlel (1753) the Navaho attacked the Pawnees, Jumanes (Wichltas) and French in 1697 tut the latter surprised the Athapaskans and killed almost 4,000 of them. As a result of this the Navahos did not visit New Mexico in 1698 to sell slaves. This, of course, is another one of Nlel's confused tales (or pure i Inventions) • See note on page 387. j ^"sesto Cuaderno," in Documentos-Mexico, Series 3, itomo 1, p. 177; and Informe of the Cablldo, December 28, 1698, In A.G.Iw, Guadalajara 142. 412 To the south Important events were occurring during 169? and 1698. In retaliation for raiding "by the Apaches, Jocomes, Janos and Sumas (the latter had apparently joined the rebels once again in 1697) Pray Kino called upon the Pimas for a campaign in March of the earlier year. In September a battle occurred between the Sobaipurls of both the Hio San Pedro and San Xavier del Bac and the Jocomes and Janos. Four of the latter were killed and two children were made slaves. On October 26 the Sobaipurls of Captain Coro of Qulburi defeated sixteen Athapaskans, killing 46 thirteen. The most important event which occurred in 1697 on the Sonora frontier was a Spanish expedition made in November. This entrada was to further cement the Hlspano-Sobalpurl alliance and likewise heal a split among the latter people. On the 9th of November a group of soldiers under Lieutenant Cristobal Martin Bernal met a smaller group led by Juan Mateo Manje and Fray Kino at Qnlburi on the San Pedro Elver. Captain Coro made them very welcome and they were entertained by a dance around the thirteen Athapaskan scalps taken in October (the thirteen were variously described as Apaches, Jocomes, and Jocomes and Sumas). ^Kino, Historical Memoir, v. 1, p. 166; Eusebio jKino, "Breve Belaclcm" of May 3, 1698, in B.M.H.y969; and iHoracio Polici, "Belacion del Estado de la PImeria," in I b .M.H. 969. ki3 Bernal discovered that the Sobaipurls of Coro and those of the head chief Jumarl, living to the north, were hostile to each other. In fact the northerners had recently killed a messenger sent by Coro. It was suspected that the northern Sobaipurls were friendly with the Jocomes and in all likelihood the Pimans had divided on the question of whether to be allies of the Spanish or the Athapaskans. Ten leagues to the north of Quiburi the Spaniards reached Los Alamos and special precautions were taken as they were, according to Manje, now on the Apache frontier. On November 13 they reached Jiaspl after sixteen leagues of travel. Here they met Jumarl and discovered that these Pimans were now enemies of the Athapaskans, in fact they had six Apache scalps to prove it. Arlvaipa was reached after six leagues of travel to the north and here Bernal learned that there had been a settlement of Jocomes fourteen leagues to the east but that the Athapaskans had now retired. Nine leagues to the north the Spaniards reached a Sobaipuri village called Victoria de OJito. This was the last village towards the north and also was the residence of Chief Jumarl. Six or eight leagues farther to the north was the Junction of the San Pedro and the Gila. While at Victoria the soldiers met some Plman chiefs with their followers and families whom Manje described as coming from two settlements on a stream running from the east into the San Pedro. These Sobaipurls were neighbors and sworn enemies of the "Apaches Jocomes, y Janos*" Bernal's diary contains more details on this as he says: a captain arrived who lives towards the east in another valley called Babitcoida, bringing with him to give me obedience sixty-one warriors, without arms, and twenty women, and some children; and asking him what news he could give me of the Jocomes he said that he had lived with them some time on occasion of having made entrance to their land, and that the Spanish having surprised the Jocomes at dawn, imprison ing their women and children, five Jocomes escaped and they came to contact their rancheria, and after a few days the Governor of the Jocomes died of a natural death and after he died they retired, the others do not know to where. . . . It appears that the northern Sobaipurls were friendly with the Jocomes until the following occurred: Also they gave me the news of how in days passed they surprised some Jocomes who had established themselves near their rancheria, and the Sobaipurls of the west had called upon them for that action, and that they killed four Jocomes and they captured two pieces / o f chusma, i.e., slaves7 whom they say the Sobaipurls of the west have, and ¥nat the Apache enemy camps in their lands, and that they have wars, having deaths on one side and the other. • . .**7 Thus it seems that the Sobaipurls of San Xavier del Bac had persuaded the northern Sobaipurls to attack their neighbors, the Jocomes. On November 16 the Bernal-Manje party reached the Gila Blver and proceeded to follow it to the Casa Grande region. Care had to be exercised as the route down the Gila was on the Apache frontier and both Manje and Bernal ^?Dlary of Cristobal Martin Bernal, November, 1697, in B.M.H. 969; Manje, "Breve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970; and Kino, "Breve Relacion," in B.M.H. 969* k!5 refer to the necessity of being on watch as far as the Casa Grande area. On November 2 k the party reached San Xavier del Bac (called de Bacolda) and there they found the two Jocome prisoners mentioned by the Sobaipuris of the Victoria region. The captives were, according to Bernal, ". . . a girl of twelve years, and a boy of almost ten, I purchased the girl, and the alferez Francisco Acuna the boy; I paid their owners very well and they remained very content." This Spanish practice of purchasing slaves from friendly tribes tended to encourage inter tribal wars. New Mexico provided a market for the Plains Apache and later the Comanche, while Sonora bought slaves of the Plmas, Sobaipurls and Maricopas, causing a great deal of harm to the Yavapai and the Apache. Needless to say, the whole phenomenon illustrates the Spanish desire for slave labor and helps to further the belief that many punitive campaigns made by the Europeans were as much for profit as for punishment. Early in 1698 the Jocome Apaches, Janos and Manso Sumas attacked Cocospera and elsewhere. They were pursued by soldiers and Plmas to the Chlrlcahua Mountains and the latter killed thirty Athapaskans, taking sixteen prisoners. On March 30 a force of 500 or 600 Athapaskans (including ^®Diary of Cristobal Martfn Bernal, November 1697, !ln B.M.H. 969» and Manje, "Breve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970. 416 Apaches, Jocomes, Janos, Mansos, and Sumas) Is said to have attacked a Sobaipuri pueblo In the vicinity of Quiburi. According to the Spanish sources the Athapaskans killed three Pimans, burned the houses, sacked the village and forced the defenders to take refuge in an adobe structure (many of the Sobaipurls' houses were of adobe). The Athapaskans had an arquebus and one of them got on the roof of the house, from which vantage point he shot a defender. Then, according to one account, the attackers 49 settled down to relax and eat, feeling quite secure. Several facts are strange about the above story, the first being that the Athapaskans would wish to attack a pueblo which was very close to Quiburi (less than two leagues away, says Kino) and secondly that the raiders would have had their women and children along, which they did. The truth, of course, will never be known, but it is possible that the Athapaskans had come originally in peace. This is really the only way that the presence of their women can be explained. In any case $00 Sobaipuri warriors from Quiburi fell upon the Athapaskans, and, according to Manje, a fierce battle raged from the morning until mid-afternoon. I News of the affair reached the Spanish and 22 soldiers 49ManJe, "Breve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970; Eusebio Kino, las Mlslones de Sonora jr Arizona (Mexico; Editorial ICultura, 1913)* PP«"^l-62; and Kino, Historical Memoir, v. 1, pp. 1 7 8 - 1 8 1 . 417 helped pursue the enemy for seven leagues. They counted sixty dead Athapaskans. Kino's account Is somewhat differ ent as he describes a preliminary combat between eleven Sobaipurls and eleven Apaches, Jocomes and Janos, the result of a challenge Issued by the Jocome leader El Capotcari. In this affair the Pimans were uniformly victorious and a general battle followed In which over 300 Athapaskans died, either directly or as a result of the Pimans* poisoned arrows. On April 23 Kino personally inspected the bodies of the dead enemies and found that there were fifty-four, thirty-one men and twenty-three women. According to Manje the total number of Athapaskans who died was 168.^° Whether one accepts Kino or Manje It Is clear that the battle of March 30, 1698 was a severe defeat for the allied Athapaskan groups, and especially for the Jocomes and Janos who seemed to have suffered more than their allies. Certainly this affair ended for all time any tendencies which the rebels might have had to make peace with the Sobaipurls, and eventually it was to react adversely on the latter people. According to both Manje and Kino, a very important result of this defeat was that the Janos and Sumas decided 50Kino, "Breve Relacion," in B.M.H. 969; Manje, "Breve Notlcla," in B.M.H. 969; and Kino, Historical I Memoir, v. 1, pp. 178-181. 418 to make peace at Janos and El Paso. The Jocomes attempted some three different assaults upon Piman rancherlas but In each case were repulsed with losses, and they they, too, asked for peace. By October Kino learned that negotia tions were under way at Janos presidio and reportedly the Athapaskans were making public their fear of the Pimans and asking for aid against the latter.^1 From the records of Fernandez at Janos it is learned that the united Janos and Jocomes along with some Sumas came In to make peace. It was reported that ". . . otherwise they have relations only with two other rancherlas of Apache, who also desire to make peace." A decorated deerskin was presented by a Jocome as a sign of peace from "... the chief of his nation and those of the Jano, Suma, Manso, Apache ..." and others. The deerskin contained symbols representing various things Including six large circles that come on another part /and7 are six tents of Indians of Apaches nation that likewise come to give obedience to His Majesty goad that they are the same that offered to give it / J o r7 those of their nation and that 120 signs that come painted in the form of Jacales of their usage in four divisions ■ are four rancherlas of Janos Jocomes Manssos and Sumas Indians with their families that come to give the said obedience to His Majesty. . . .52 ^linforme of Eusebio Kino, in Fernando Ocaranza, Parva :Crdnlca de la Sierra Madre y las Plmer£as (Mexico: Editorial-Stylo, 1942),7pp. 53-55; Manje, "Breve Noticia," in B.M.H. 970; and Kino, Historical Memoir, v. 1, p. 181. 52sauer, "Distribution of Aboriginal Tribes," pp. 75-76. 419 It seems likely that 120 families were involved in the peace talks and thus it is probable that other Athapaskans remained in revolt. The evidence indicates that the latter were few, however. With the end of 1698 also comes the end of an e r a . , r"' for the Great Southwestern Revolt had now man through the last of its several phases. It also marks the beginning of a new period, with the Spanish in control of both Sonora and New Mexico, and with the old rebel tribes of Nueva Vizcaya largely destroyed, though still fighting. Warfare had been continuous on the Sonora-Janos frontier since 1682-1684 and the Americans of New Mexico had been independent or fighting since 1680. The Great South western Revolt in its many phases had endured for almost twenty years but in the end the Spanish Empire had recovered much of the ground it had previously lost. The Hopi were never to be subdued, the Zuni were to prove stubborn, and the Sonoran frontier war was soon to be renewed, but the Europeans had managed to recover from a number of serious blows and they were now to hold on to what they possessed. Many changes had occurred between 1680 and 1698, and in spite of the fact that outwardly the situation of New Mexico and vicinity appeared to be the same or much the same at the end as at the beginning of the period, certain factors made things very different. Pueblo Indian 420 refugees were now living with several groups of Apaches, and they were to have a great effect on Athapaskan culture as well as upon relations with other peoples. The close connections existing between the Apaches and the subdued Pueblo tribes was almost to develop a new general revolt in 1704-1705. Likewise the French were advancing closer on the east, but as yet they were but indirectly affecting the Plains Apaches, and this was by being allies of the Osage, Missouri and Kansas and enemies of the Apache's enemies, the Pawnees and Wichita tribes. In some ways the Spanish were in a better position In 1698 than In 1680. The Opata were now firm allies and they were to serve, along with the Plmas, as the chief barrier against the Apaches In the 1700's. The Pimas were certainly enemies of the Apaches although none too loyal allies of the Spanish since they were to rebel several times. The Athapaskans, on the other hand, were more experienced at warfare in 1698 than in 1680, and this was to offset the large numbers of warriors which they had lost. Eventually they were to become easily the equals of the Hispano-Mexlcan soldier. From 1700 to 1848 neither the Spaniard nor the Mexican were to make any real gains against the Apache, while the latter were to move south (under Comanche pressure) and occupy large sections in Coahuila, Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora-Arizona. The "Apache problem" was to absorb the interest of all of the viceroys of New Spain and certainly was to play a big part In keeping the treasury of New Spain In poor condition for most of the eighteenth century. The relations of the Apache with the European and with the Mexican after 1700 were In large part determined by the development of Hispano-Athapaskan hostility from 15^0 to 1698. CHAPTER XIII 1 1 APACHE, NAVAHO AND SPANIARD" The anthropologist Frederick Webb Hodge once declared: "For nearly two hundred years after the coming of Oftate the history of the Pueblo tribes is one of Apache rapine."'1 ' This view has often been reiterated by other writers and has become a commonly accepted idea, frequently being expressed in secondary sources and popular articles. According to this point of view the Athapaskans of the Southwest were essentially predatory Indians who were at war with the settled peoples of the region prior to the coming of the Spaniards. The Europeans thus inherited the Athapaskans as enemies when they became the "protectors" of the Pueblo tribes and attempted to introduce "civili zation" into New Mexico. From Onatefs time onward to the days of Geronimo the Apache were nothing more than savage bandits raiding the industrious and peacefully inclined Spaniards (or Mexicans) and their Pueblo Indian subjects. Coupled often with this view is the thesis that the Atha- |paskans were invaders or newcomers in the Southwest, only I -^Frederick Webb Hodge, "The Early Navajo and Apache" p.n the American Anthropologist. old series, v. VIII, 1895, p. 236. 423 appearing themselves a! few years or decades before the Spaniards. The foregoing reconstruction of the history of the Southern Athapaskans from 1540 to 169& should expose the above point of view as a spurious one based upon false preconceptions and the inherited anti-Apache bias of Hispano and Anglo-Southwesterners. The documents clearly reveal that the essential relationship existing between the Athapaskans and the Pueblo Indians prior to Spanish interference was one of peace and commerce. This is not to say that warfare was completely absent; however, when hostile relations did occur they were apparently initiated as often by Pueblo groups as by Athapaskans. The documen tary evidence indicates that the Pueblo tribes were as often at war with each other as with Apaches and individual Athapaskan groups were sometimes on hostile terms with other Apache bands. There is no basis, then, for the thesis that the Athapaskans and the settled peoples of the Southwest were basically enemies of each other. This is clearly seen in the events of 1630-1692 when the Span iards were absent from New Mexico. The Pueblo tribes divided themselves into several factions, with different ; Apache groups associated with each one. What fighting i • took place was primarily carried on by the Pueblo Indians themselves. The documentary evidence reveals a great number of 4-24- instances in which Apache groups were living in a close, almost symbiotic, relationship with pueblos, as instance the Pecos-Faraon Apache, Taos-Jicarilla Apache, Picuris- Plains Apache, Zuni-Salinero Apache, and Jemez-Navaho friendships* Furthermore, the evidence also suggests that strong bonds existed prior to Spanish interference between the Hopi and some Athapaskans, the Piro and the Gila Apache, the Jumano Tompiro and Plains Athapaskans, the Tewa and Plains Apaches, and the Navaho and the Keres of Acoma. Archaeological evidence indicates that Pueblo Indian culture was experiencing a renaissance from c.1300 to c.l600 and that this cultural climax was brought to an abrupt con clusion by events of the seventeenth century.2 That arch aeology should reveal a decline in indigenous Southwestern culture after 1600 is certainly not surprising in view of the reign of terror and exploitation introduced by Onate and maintained by Rosas, Mendizabal and subsequent Spanish governors. Heretofore this decline has to a large extent been blamed upon Athapaskan raiders but the foregoing study should clearly indicate that the enemy of native civiliza tion in New Mexico was primarily the Spaniard and not the Apache. It seems clear that the entrance of the Spaniards into the Southwest resulted in the breaking up of many 2Martin, Indians Before Columbus, p. 160. 425 peaceful relationships between tribes and led to an in crease in warfare* This is to be seen in the development of Athapaskan-Puebloan hostilities and also in Piman- Athapaskan relations* The evidence clearly indicates that prior to 1693-1697 the Pima and Sobaipuri were friends and allies of the Apache. This friendly relationship was pur posely destroyed as a part of the Hispanic policy of divide and conquer. Evidence also suggests.that prior to the 1680*3 the Opata were friendly with Athapaskans but this relationship was altered by the Spaniards. The historical evidence of the sixteenth and seven teenth centuries reveals the great significance of the Atha- paskan in Southwestern history. Their significance in war fare stands out immediately and they clearly served as a barrier to the northward expansion of the Spanish Empire. They served as a refuge for the Pueblo Indians and other enemies of the Europeans and they helped to stimulate rebel lions on numerous occasions. The weak position of the Spanish Empire in New Mexico, Sonora, Nueva Vizcaya, Coahuila and Texas was in great part due to the activities of the Apache and the post-1769 weakness of Alta California was in large part due to the Spaniard*s preoccupation else where with Athapaskan warfare. The Southern Athapaskans are of great significance for other than military reasons, however. The documentation -clearly reveals the tremendous importance of the Plains. 426 Apache as traders and bringers of buffalo hides, antelope skins, dried meat and tallow to the settled peoples of New Mexico. It appears that prior to Spanish interference the Plains Apache and the various pueblos existed in a close reciprocal commercial - cultural relationship with the Athapaskans acquiring maize, cotton blankets and other goods in return for the products of the buffalo and other game. The southern and western Athapaskans were also commercially active and the importance of the Jumano Apache in the La Junta—east Texas trade should be noted. Certainly the Plains and Jumano Apaches must be ranked with the Hopi as the outstanding examples of commercially-minded Indians in the Southwest. The entrance of the Spaniard into the Southwest was certainly a disturbing factor and it is unfortuante that this was so. In this connection a study of Southern Atha- paskan history reveals the weaknesses of the northern frontier policy of the Spanish Empire, In theory, of course, Hispanic policy toward the Indigene was relatively enlightened, but in fact it was in many ways harmful and a failure. The northern frontier was far away from Madrid and Mexico City and the officers and governors in the frontier provinces were usually men of low morality, poor talent, and corrupt tendencies. The settlers and soldiers were also of a poor calibre and rate anxious to exploit the Indian. The priests were unable to offset the bad 427 tendencies of the civil authorities and the failings of certain of their own group. Any good which might have arisen from conversions was offset by the high death-rate in the missions, by the too-rapid suppression of native culture and by the slave-raiding exploitation practiced by the secular authorities. Thus the Spanish Empire failed to introduce an era of progress and civilization in the Southwest prior to I69S and instead introduced an epoch of warfare, population decline, and cultural decay. As a part of this process the Spaniard won the enmity of the Athapaskan and created a northern barrier which was to outlast the Spanish Empire in the Southwest. 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A New Discovery of a Vast Country in America. Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1903 • 2 v. Kino, Eusebio. Historical Memoir of Pimerfa Alta. Edited by Herbert E. Bolton. Cleveland: Arthur Clark, 1919* 2 v. , Las Misiones de Sonora y Arizona. Mexico: Editorial "Cultura", 1913-1922. Maas, Otto. "Documentos sobre las Misiones de Sinaloa y Nuevo Mejico," Archivo Ibero-Americano. v. 20, 1923, v. 21, 1924, v. 32, 1929, v. 33, 1930. Manje, Juan Mateo. Luz de Tierra Incognita. Translated by Harry J. Karns. Tucson: Arizona Silhouettes, 1954* Margry, Pierre. De'couvertes et Etablissements des Francais. Paris: D. Jovaust,~~1877- Tf?85. 6 v. Nasatir, A. P. Before Lewis and Clark. St. Louis: St. Louis Historical Documents Foundation, 1952. 2 v. Ocaranza, Fernando. Parva Cronica de la Sierra Madre y las Pimerfas. Mexico: Editorial Style, 1942. Pachecho, Joaquin F. and Francisco de Cardenas. Coleccion de Documentos Ineditos. Madrid: Manuel B. de Quircfs. TB6T.------------------ Perez de Ribas, Andres. 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Villa-SerJor y Sanchez, Joseph Antonio. Theatro Americano. Mexico: J. B. de Hogal, 1748. SECONDARY SOURCES - BOOKS Baker, 0. E. Atlas of American Agriculture. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1936. Bancroft, Hubert Howe. History of Arizona and New Mexico. San Francisco: TheBistory Company, l£BS. --------9 History of California. San Francisco. The History Company, "1890. 7~~v. --------, History of the North Mexican States and Texas. San Francisco: The History Company, 1886. 2 v. Curtis, E. S. The North American Indian. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1907-1930. 20 v. Hallenbeck, Cleve. Alvar Nunez Cabeza de Vaca. Glendale: Arthur Clark, 1940. Hammond, George P. Don Juan de OrTate and the Founding of New Mexico. Santa Fe: El Palacio Press, 1927. Hodge, Frederick Webb. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1912. 433 Martin, Paul S., George I. Quimby, and Donald Collier. Indians Before Columbus. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1947. Mecham, John Lloyd. Francisco de Ibarra and Nueva Vizcaya. Durham: Duke University Press, 1927* Powell, Philip Wayne. Soldiers. Indians and Silver. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1952. Swanton, John R. The Indian Tribes of North America. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1$53• Tudela de la Orden, Jos^. Los Manuscritos de America en las Bibliotecas de Espaifla. Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hi sp&iica, 1954. Twitchell, Ralph Emerson. The Spanish Archives of New Mexico. Cedar Rapids: The Torch Press, 1914- 2 v. SECONDARY SOURCES- ARTICLES Bloom, Lansing B. "The Governors of New Mexico" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 10, no. 2, 1935- , "Who Discovered New Mexico?" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 15, no. 2, 1940. Bolton, Herbert Eugene. "The Jumano Indians" in the Texas State Historical Quarterly, v. 15, no. 1, 1911* Brant, Charles S. "Kiowa Apache Culture History: Some Further Observations" in the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, v. 9, no. 2, 1953* Donoghue, David. "The Route of the Coronado Expedition in Texas" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 14, no. 1, 1929* --------- "The Route of the Coronado Expedition in Texas" in the Southwestern Historical Quarterly, v. XXXII, no. 3, 1929V Dunn, William Edward. "Apache Relations in Texas, 1718- 1750" in the Texas State Historical Quarterly, v. 14. no. 3, 1911. Fewkes, J. Walter. "One Ceremonial Circuit Among The Village Indians of Northeastern Arizona" in Journal of American Folklore. v. V, no. XVI, 1S92. 434 Forbes, Jack D. "The Appearance of the Mounted Indian in Northern Mexico and the Southwest, to 1630" in the Southwestern Journal of Anthropology^ v. 15, no. 2, 1959. ------, "Unknown Athapaskans: The Identification of the Jano, Jocome, Suma, Manso and other Indian Tribes of the Southwest" in Ethnohistory, v. 6, no. 2, 1959* Goodwin, Grenville. "Social Divisions of the Western Apache" in the American Anthropologist. v. 37, no. 1, 1935- -------t "The Southern Athapaskans" in Kiva. v. 4, no. 2, 193 S. Grinnell, George B. "Who, were the Padouca?" in the American Anthropologist. v. 22, no. 4, 1920. Gunnerson, James H. "Plains-Promontory Relationships" in American Antiquity, v. XXII, no. 1, 1956. Hall Jr., Edward Twitchell. "Recent Clues to Athapascan Prehistory in the Southwest" in the American Anthropologist. v. 46, no. 1, 1944* Harrington, John P. "The Ethno-geography of the Tewa Indians" in Bureau of American Ethnology, Thirty- Fifth Annual Report. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1916. ------------9 "Southern Peripheral Athapaskawan Origins, Divisions and Migrations" in Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections.v. C, 1940. Hodge, Frederick Webb. "The Early Navajo and Apache" in the American Anthropologist. old series, v. 3, no. 3, 1395. Hoijer, Harry. "Athapaskan Kinship Systems" in the American Anthropologist. v. 53, no. 2, 1956. — f "The Southern Athapaskan Languages" in the American Anthropologist. v. 40, no. 1, 1933. Hughes, Anne E. "The Beginnings of Spanish Settlement in the El Paso District" in University of California Publications in-History, v. 1, 1914. • 435 Kelley, J. Charles. "Juan Sabeata and Diffusion in Texas" in the American Anthropologist. v. 57, no. 5, 1955* Keur, Dorothy L. "A Chapter in Navaho-Pueblo Relations" in American Antiquity, v. X, no. 1, 1944* Kroeber, A. L. "Uto-Aztecan Languages of Mexico" in Ibero- Americana. v. 3, 1934* Kubler, G. "Gran Quivira-Humanas" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 14, no. 4, 1939. Linton, Ralph. "Nomad Raids and Fortified Pueblos" in American Antiquity, v. X, no. 1, 1944- Malouf, Carling. "Thoughts on Utah Archaeology" in American Antiquity, v. IX, no. 3, 1944- Reeve, Frank D. 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VLIV, no. 7-9, 193&. -------, "Some Aspects of the Jumano Problem" in Carnegie Institution Publication 523, 1940. -------- "Troublous Times in New Mexico, 1659-1670" in the New Mexico Historical Review, v. 12, no. 2, 1937* 436 Secoy, Frank R. "The Identity of the Faduca,an Ethno- historical Analysis" in the American Anthropologist. v. 53, no. 4, 1951. Sjoberg, Andree F. "Lipan Apache Culture in Historical Perspective" in the Southwestern Journal of Anthro pology, v. 9, no. 1, 1955. Steck, Francis Borgia. "Forerunners of Captain De Leon*s Expedition to Texas" in the Southwestern Historical Quarterly, v. XXXVI, no. 1, 1932. Wedel, Waldo R. "Culture Chronology in the Central Great Plains" in American Antiquity, v. XII, no. 3, 1947. Worcester, D. E. "The Beginnings of the Apache Menace of the Southwest" in the New Mexico Historical Review. v. 16, no. 1, 1941.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Forbes, Jack Douglas (author)

Core Title Apache, Navaho, And Spaniard: A History Of The Southern Athapaskans And Their Relations With The Spanish Empire, 1540-1698

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program History

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag History, modern,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Cutter, Donald C. (committee chair), Bowman, Francis J. (committee member), Caldwell, Russell Leon (committee member), Rowland, Donald (committee member), Wallace, William J. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-234412

Unique identifier UC11358093

Identifier 6106283.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-234412 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6106283.pdf

Dmrecord 234412

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Forbes, Jack Douglas

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA