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The rhetoric of the inward light: an examination of extant sermons delivered by early Quakers, 1671-1700

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The rhetoric of the inward light: an examination of extant sermons delivered by early Quakers, 1671-1700

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Content THE RHETORIC O F THE INWARD LIGHT: ! AN EXAMINATION O F EX TA N T SERMONS i DELIV ERED BY EARLY QUAKERS, 1671-1700 by M ichael P h illip G rav es A D is se rta tio n P re s e n te d to the FACULTY O F THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY O F SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In P a r tia l F u lfillm e n t of the R e q u irem en ts for the D egree DOCTOR O F PHILOSOPHY (Speech C om m unication) June 1972 INFORMATION TO USERS This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original docum ent. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this docum ent have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original subm itted. The following explanation of techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the docum ent photographed is "Missing Page(s)". If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you com plete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected th at the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being p h o to g rap h e d th e photographer followed a definite m ethod in "sectioning" the material. It is custom ary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title, author and specific pages you wish reproduced. University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 A Xerox Education Company I I 73-9312 GRA VES, Michael P h illip , 1943- THE RHETORIC O F TH E IN W A R D LIGHT: A N EX A M IN A TIO N O F E X T A N T S E R M O N S DELIVERED B Y E A R L Y Q U A K ERS, 1671-1700. U niversity o f Southern C a lifo rn ia , Ph.D ., 1972 Speech University Microfilms. A X ERO X Com pany, Ann Arbor, Michigan © 1973 MICHAEL PH ILLIP GRAVES ALL RIGHTS RESERV ED THIS DISSERTATION H A S BEEN M ICRO FILM ED EX A C TLY AS RECEIVED. UNIVERSITY O F SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE 8CHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 80007 This dissertation, w ritten by M ichael P h illip Graves under the direction of k.A?... Dissertation C o m mittee, and ap p ro ved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The G radu ate School, in partial fulfillm ent of require ments of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean D a te J.u.n.e. . . 1.9.7.2. DISSERTATION COMMITTEE ............. PLEASE NOTE: Some pages may have indistinct p rin t. Filmed as received. University Microfilms, A Xerox Education Company TA BLE O F CONTENTS INTRODUCTION............................................................................... The P ro b le m T extual C o n sid eratio n s P re v ie w of Subsequent C hapters SEV EN TEEN TH CENTURY ENGLAND: ITS CONSTRAINTS ON EARLY QUAKER RHETORIC . . . In tellec tu al C u rre n ts: A F r e s h Look at M an and H is W orld R eligious C u rre n ts: P u rita n is m in Apex and D ecline S o c io -P o litic a l C u rre n ts: The A ris to c ra c y C hallenged R h e to ric a l C u rre n ts : F ro m In g ratiatio n to the P la in Style C o n stra in ts on E a rly Q uaker R h eto ric PRESUPPO SITIONS O F EARLY QUAKER RHETORIC M an 's N ature: F a lle n , E nlightened, Sanctified The E a rly Q u ak er View of Society: F ro m the " L a m b 's W ar" to P re s e rv a tio n of the "R em nant" E a rly Q u ak er E pistem ology: The P e rv a s iv e n e s s of the Inw ard Light E a rly Q u ak er P sychology and View of C om m unication: The P ow er of the Inw ard L ight THEM ATIC CHARACTERISTICS O F QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 ............................................................... T heological T hem es G uidance fo r Individual B ehavior C hapter P age I C o m m en tary on T re n d s and Events V. A R C H ETY PA L M ETA PHO RS IN QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 196 The L ig h t-D ark M etaphor The Guiding Voice M etaphor The Seed M etaphor The H u n g e r-T h irs t M etaphor The P ilg rim ag e M etaphor VI. O THER SALIENT CHARACTERISTICS OF QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 ........................................... 237 F ro m the "In can ta to ry " to the "C ate ch ita l" Style The Use of Spatial T e rm s The A ssa u lt on Guilt The Use of P e rs o n a l T estim ony VII. SIMILARITIES AND CONTRASTS IN ANGLICAN, PURITAN, AND QUAKER P R E A C H IN G ........................... 269 P reach in g in the E sta b lish e d C hurch P u rita n P re a c h in g Q uaker P re a c h in g VIII. C O N C L U S IO N .................................................................................... 302 S u m m ary of the Study Im plications of the Study Suggestions for F u r th e r Study B IB L IO G R A P H Y ................................................................................................... 329 A PPEND IXES A. A C hecklist of E x tan t Q u ak er S erm o n s, 1650-1700 350 B. T hem atic C h a ra c te ris tic s of Q uaker S erm o n s, 1671-1700 .................................................. 357 C. A rch ety p al M etap h o rs in Q uaker S e rm o n s, 1671-1700............................................................................ 362 D. O th er S alient C h a r a c te r is tic s of Q uaker S erm o n s, 1671-1700 ..................................................... 367 E. P ro file of P r e a c h e r s in the S t u d y ................................. 372 iii. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION D uring re c e n t y e a r s an in c re a sin g num ber of s c h o la rs in the | I ! fields of h isto ry , theology, and E nglish have turned th e ir attention to the tu rb u len t and m om entous seventeenth century in England. R e li gious h isto ry of the p erio d has g en era ted co nsiderable in te re s t, and se v e ra l ex ce lle n t tre a tis e s and s h o rte r m onographs dealing p a r ti c u la r ^ iwith the h isto ry and theology of the e a rly Q uakers have p recip ita ted | iwhat can only be d e sc rib e d as a revolution in Q uaker stu d ie s. C u rre n t j I jw rite rs on e a rly Q u a k e ris m have argued ag ain st the fo rm e rly accepted I notion that the ro o ts of Q u a k e rism g e rm in a te d in the seedbed of co n ti nental m y stic is m . Instead, th e se re v is io n is ts see the phenom enon of e a rly Q u a k e rism as "a n a tu ra l, a lm o st p red ic tab le outgrow th of P u rita n ism ."* ^ F re d e ric k B. T o lies, "Introduction to Second E dition," The Second P e rio d of Q u a k e ris m (C am bridge: U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1961), p. xxvii. O th er s c h o la rs who have countered the m y s tic a l view of Q uaker o rig in s , w hose w orks also ap p ea r in the bibliography, include: G eoffrey N uttall, Hugh B a rb o u r, T. Canby Jo n es, and A rth u r O. R o b erts. 1 2 The im p licatio n s of the r e v e r s a l of h is to ric a l in te rp re ta tio n to the rh e to ric a l sch o lar a re significant. We a re rem inded that rh e to ric 2 does not, indeed cannot, e x ist in n o r a r is e out of a vacuum . P r o f e s s o r D uham el w isely o b se rv e d that rh e to ric "cannot be adequately in ter - 3 i p re te d a p a rt fro m the ideological context in which it o c c u r s ." A c o r - j I ! ro lla ry to this dictum is th at an in te rp re ta tio n of rh e to ric a l phenom ena j I b ased upon a m is re p re s e n ta tio n of th e ir underlying ideology m u st be anj inadequate in te rp re ta tio n . S pecifically, an ideology which w as e s s e n tially P u rita n -d e riv e d would produce a d ifferen t ratio n ale of rh e to ric fro m that produced by continental m y stic is m . S im ila rly , a m y stical p e rs p e c tiv e on the p a rt of the in v e stig ato r would influence h im to em p h a siz e som e a sp e c ts of rh e to ric a l phenom ena and d e -e m p h a s iz e , overlook, or discount o th e rs . As we shall see, this h as been p re c ise ly the case with e a rly Q uaker rh e to ric . The conceptualization of rh e to ric as u sed in this study has beer advanced by P . A lb e rt D uham el in "The Function of R h eto ric as E ffe c tive E x p re s sio n , " in The P ro v in ce of R h e to ric , ed. by Jo se p h Schw artz and John A. R ycenga (New York: The Ronald P r e s s C om pany, 1965), p. 37. D uham el a s s e r ts : "The content of the idea 'rh e to ric , ' or the conception of w hat co n stitu tes effective e x p re s sio n , is dependent upon the e p iste m o lo g y , psychology, and m e ta p h y sic s of the sy ste m in which it o c c u rs . The rh e to ric a l is d e te rm in e d by the ep istem o lo g ical. The rh e to ric ia n 's conception of the value of arg u m e n t, the p ro c e s s of inven tion by which a rg u m e n ts a r e to be d isc o v e re d , the extent to which the d ev ices of elocution a re to be em ployed, is the re s u lt of his evaluation of the re lia b ility of the in tellect, the n a tu re and availability of truth, and the ex isten ce of c e rtitu d e ." 3 Ib id ., p. 36. . 3 D espite new in te r e s t in Q uaker stu d ie s, and the extensive re v i- 4 sion of seventeenth century P u rita n and Q uaker h is to ry , little s y s te m atic s c h o la rs h ip re g a rd in g Q uaker rh e to ric fro m ap p ro x im ate ly 1650 to 1700 has developed. Of those s c h o la rs who have d ealt with the subject I at all, few have offered m o re than co n jectu re as to the ratio n ale of e a rly Q uaker rh e to ric . M ost m ove little beyond th e ir subjective evalu-j ] ations of the s e rm o n lite r a tu r e (if they deal with it at all), which tell us little th at is u sefu l about the theory and p ra c tic e of d is c o u rse am ong th ese re m a rk a b le people. That rh e to ric w as an im p o rta n t p a rt of e a rly Q u a k e rism should go without saying, but th e re is even today a com m on stereo ty p e of the Q uaker as a q u iet individual whose fo rm of w o rsh ip allow s little e m p h asis upon the spoken w ord. H ow ever c o r r e c t this d esc rip tio n of a Q uaker m ay be be when applied to som e h is to ric a l or co n tem p o rary Q u a k e rs, it is not an a c c u ra te re p re s e n ta tio n of the Q u a k e rs during th e ir f ir s t fifty y e a r s . G. M. T rev e ly an w as c lo s e r to the tru e im age of e a rly Q u a k e rism when he w rote: "In this f i r s t p erio d of its power Q u a k e ris m . . . w as re v iv a listic in its s p ir it and m ethods am ong the com m on people, r a th e r than staid and 'q u iet' as it becam e in la te r The fo re m o s t m o d e rn sc h o la rsh ip on P u rita n is m has been the w ork of W illiam H a lle r, P e r r y M ille r, and H e r b e r t W. S chneider. See a p a rtia l li s t of th e ir w orks in the bibliography. 4 5 g e n e ra tio n s." The spoken w ord w as the n o rm , ra th e r than the e x c e p tion, for the f ir s t two g en era tio n s of Q u a k e rs. In his exam ination of the social h is to ry of e a rly Q u a k e ris m , A rnold Lloyd m ade th is o b s e r vation on the im p o rtan ce of public vocal m in is try am ong e a rly Q uakers: It was the "com m on" or public preaching m eeting ra th e r than the sile n t m eeting which w as typical of Q uaker m in is try throughout our p erio d [1669-1738]. The r e c o rd s throughout the country b e a r w itn ess to the tir e le s s en erg y of m e n and wom en p re a c h e rs w ith out w hose help the Society would have declined into insignificance. The M in iste rs both m en and w om en w ere fro m the f i r s t the m o st potent influence within the fellow ship. . . . j W illiam C. B raith w aite, fo re m o st m o d e rn h isto ria n of the e a rly Q u ak er perio d , sim ila rly concluded: " F rie n d s w ere under a n e c e ssity to e x p re s s th e m se lv e s. They w ere continually driven to b e a r w itness in the m a rk e ts and the ch urches: they plunged with z e s t into the c o n tro v e r s ia l d eb ates which w ere the chief in te re s t of that P u rita n age. . . ." It would se e m , then, th at a m o v e m en t so im pelled by the d ic tu m to "publish the tru th , " as the e a rly Q uaker m ovem ent w as, would be an a ttra c tiv e subject for rh e to ric ia n s to exam ine. It is also a f e a sible subject, sin ce, as we shall la te r see, th e re exists a good num ber 5 H isto ry of E ngland, Vol. II: The T udors and the S tu a rt E r a , D oubleday A nchor Books (G arden C ity, New York: Doubleday & C o m pany, Inc. , 1953), p. 217. ^Q uaker Social H isto ry 1669-1738 (New York: L ongm ans, G reen and Co. , 1950), p. 124. 7 The Beginnings of Q u a k e r is m , 2nd ed. , re v ise d by H enry J. C adbury (C am bridge: U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1955), p. 132. of ex tan t s e rm o n s fro m the period 1671-1700. No rh e to ric ia n , how- j e v e r, has analyzed this m a te ria l, placing it ag a in st the ideological | background of E n g lish P u rita n is m and the so cio -p o litic a l m ilieu of the la s t half of the seventeenth cen tu ry , d eterm in in g its ra tio n a le , and evaluating its rh e to ric a l a rtifa c ts on its own te rm s . The tim e is opportune to begin such a study. The P ro b le m Review of P e rtin e n t L ite ra tu re The purpose of this rev iew is to focus atten tio n on the p re s e n t j ! j state of sch o larly r e s e a r c h and knowledge on e a rly Q uaker rh e to ric . | l As alre ad y noted, som e r e s e a r c h has been done on e a rly Q u a k e rism , ! but g en era lly it has not shed m uch light on the Q u ak er theory of d is c o u rse, n o r h as it m ade adequate an aly sis of extant se rm o n s of e a rly Q u ak ers. H is to ria n s have acknow ledged se rm o n s along with tr a c ts to be im p o rta n t h is to ric a l ev en ts, and have tre a te d them as data in th e ir h is to ric a l and b io g rap h ical accounts. W illiam C. B ra ith w a ite 1 s h i s to rie s of Q u a k e rism during its f ir s t two p e rio d s, w hich rem a in s ta n d a rd definitive w o rk s for the y e a r s co v ere d , do not re p o rt an an aly sis ol g the se rm o n lite ra tu re fro m 1671-1700. L ik ew ise, Rufus Jo n e s' O The Beginnings of Q u a k e ris m , cited above; and The Second P e rio d of Q u a k e ris m , 2nd ed. , re v ise d by H enry J . C adbury (C am - bridge: U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1961)._________________________________________ s S piritual R e fo rm e rs in the 16th and 17th C en tu ries and The Q u a k e rs in the A m e ric a n C o lo n ies, although helpful in p resen tin g one view point on the ro o ts of Q u a k e rism and its e a rly y e a r s , a re lacking in any t r e a t m ent of Q uaker theory and p ra c tic e of p reaching which involves an | i 9 1 an aly sis of se rm o n s. When the topic of preaching is b roached by ! | these w rite rs , for ex am p le, they can usually be counted upon to m e n tion the topic of the se rm o n (w here possible) and its re la tio n s h ip to the life of the p re a c h e r. A p e rtin e n t exam ple of the m a n n e r in which the s e rm o n lite ra tu re is re p o rte d is B ra ith w a ite 's co n sid era tio n of the la s t I (serm on preach ed by the e a rly Q u ak er le a d e r, W illiam D ew sbury (1621- j 1 1688). A fter quoting a lengthy p assag e fro m the se rm o n , which he j Isays "gives a ta ste of the e a r n e s tn e s s and pow er of his m in is try , " B raithw aite re m a rk s : "Such w o rd s e x p re s s the s p irit of D ew sb u ry 's own life. Without e ith e r the p ra c tic a l genius of Fox o r the finely te m p ered m ind of B arclay , he ex celled the fo rm e r in te n d e rn e s s and the 10 second in depth." The h is to r ia n 's re m a rk s do not illum inate the passag e for u s, nor do they te ll us how the language is w orking tow ard r h e to r ic a l ends; his o b se rv a tio n s s tr e s s that the se rm o n w as e x p r e s sive of D ew sbury, w hom he c o n tra sts with G eorge Fox (1624-1691). Q S piritual R e fo rm e rs (Boston: B eacon P r e s s , 1959); and The Q u ak ers in the A m e ric a n C olonies (New York: W. W. N orton & C om pany, Inc. , 1966). T hese w orks p re s e n t a stro n g m y stic a l in te r p r e ta tion of Q uaker o rig in s. ^ T h e Second P e rio d of Q u a k e rism , p. 451. 7~ the founder of Q u a k e ris m , and R o b ert B a rc la y (1648-1690), Q u a k e r is m 's b e s t known apologist. D ew sb u ry 's se rm o n still aw aits the a p p li cation of the rh e to ric ia n 's skill. Hugh B a rb o u r's The Q u a k e rs in P u rita n England is a m o re re c e n t o n e-v o lu m e sc h o la rly account dealing p rim a rily with the y e a rs 1652-65.** It p ro v id e s an im p o rta n t c o rre c tiv e to the m y stic a l view of i Q uaker beginnings. B arb o u r p re se n ts a m a s te rfu l an aly sis of Q u a k e r ism in the s o c io -re lig io u s clim ate of p re -R e s to ra tio n England. His w ork is p a rtic u la rly g erm an e to this study b eca u se , unlike his p r e d e c e s s o r s , he tr e a ts of the rh e to ric a l a sp e c ts of e a rly Q uaker preaching. In an im p o rta n t c h ap ter, which he ca lls "D ebate with P u rita n P a s to r s ," he c h a r a c te r iz e s the rh e to ric a l m ethod of Q uaker p re a c h e rs before 12 1660 a s "a m a ss iv e a s s a u lt on any point of guilt in his h e a r e r s ," and one in which fie rc e judgm ent and condem nation becam e the ru le. B a r bour a rg u e s th a t the role of the Q uaker m in is te r w as that of " m a tc h m a k e r" ra th e r than p rie s t, in th at the p re a c h e r felt obligated only to 13 " p re p a re the way for w hat God would do." B arbour im p lie s that the Q u a k e r's " ta k e - it- o r - le a v e - it" stance stem m ed d ire c tly fro m h is p r e supposition th a t the "Inw ard L ight" of C h ris t, not the p e rsu a siv e effort **(New H aven and London: Yale U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1964). 12 I b i d ., p. 129. 13 Ib id ., p. 130. g~ of the p re a c h e r, w as the p rim a ry in stru m e n t of co n v ersio n , and that each h e a r e r had the sole resp o n sib ility to re a c t to the L ight, ra th e r than to any use the p re a c h e r m ight m ake of the a r ts of d isc o u rs e . B arb o u r also c o n tra sts P u rita n and e a rly Q uaker p reach in g and co n cludes that the fo rm e r m o re often em p h asized G od's love, while the j la tte r em p h asized his judgm ent. B arb o u r also co m p ared the two j j g ro u p s with re g a rd to th e ir differing ep iste m o lo g y , theology, view of j j authority, view of education, and additional m in o r su b jects. He ex h i- | i I b its, throughout h is w ork an un d erstan d in g of rh e to ric and its b a s e s , I I thus his w ritings constitute valuable p ioneer e ffo rt in the an aly sis of j the p resu p p o sitio n s of e a rly Q u ak er rh e to ric . H is tre a tm e n t of rh e - i I to ric a l stan ce, for in stan ce, should prod the rh e to ric ia n to s e a rc h for evidence of s im ila r attitude in y e a r s p a st the R esto ratio n . One also beco m es cu rio u s to co m p are la te r se rm o n s of P u rita n s and Q u a k e rs to see if the sam e p o la riz a tio n of love and judgm ent o c c u rs . It should a lso be valuable to exam ine la te r se rm o n s for in sta n ces of the " m a s sive a s s a u lt on any point of guilt, " w hich ap p are n tly c h a ra c te riz e d the e a r lie s t period of Q u ak er preaching. B a rb o u r's w ork is ex ce lle n t as fa r as it goes. Inasm uch as only one se rm o n , w hich m ay be a frag m e n t, su rv iv e s the p erio d p rio r to the 1670's, B a rb o u r is not able to offer ex am p les of actu al se rm o n 9 14 technique. Thus having little to ex am in e in the way of Q u ak er s e r m ons, h is co n cern with r h e to ric is w eighted tow ard its th e o re tic a l sid e, p a rtic u la rly its p re su p p o s itio n s, em p h asizin g its theological j i ro o ts and im p licatio n s. He le av es v irtu ally untouched such im p o rtan t a r e a s as sty le, the re la tio n sh ip s of style and p re su p p o sitio n s, and rh e to ric a l s tra te g ie s in Q u ak er s e rm o n s . F u rth e rm o re , in B a rb o u r's study we see Q u ak er r h e to ric in te r m s of its raw beginnings, while the full m a tu rity of som e of the sig n ifican t e a rly le a d e rs cam e la te r. j G eorge Fox, G eorge W hitehead (1636-1723), Steven C ris p (1628-1692), ! ;and W illiam D ew sbury, to nam e th re e , a re am ong the e a rly le a d e rs j i i i i who continued th e ir w ork to the la s t decade of the cen tu ry , and, in the | ! ca se of W hitehead, w ell into the next. By dint of B a rb o u r's lim ited scope of y e a r s , the effects of the p a ssa g e of tim e and changes in e n v i ro n m e n t upon Q uaker r h e to ric have not been calcu lated . A final o b s e r vation on B a rb o u r's w ork is that, d esp ite h is sen sitiv ity to the im p o r tance of rh e to ric , it is p e rip h e ra l, r a th e r than c e n tra l, to his study; w hich is to say, h is w o rk is th at of an acc o m p lish e d re lig io u s h is to ria n , not rh e to ric ia n . W ork published by s c h o la rs in te re s te d in the lite r a r y a sp e c ts of e a rly Q u ak er rh e to ric h as la rg e ly neg lected the actu al se rm o n See A ppendix A for a ch e c k list of extant e a rly Q u ak er s e r m o n s, 1650-1700. 10 lite ra tu re , co n ce n tratin g in stead upon the n u m e ro u s tr a c ts and jo u rn a ls which have survived. In 1932 L u ella M. W right published h e r notable study, The L ite r a r y Life of the E a rly F rie n d s , 1650-1725, w hich s u r veyed the p e rio d , paying p a rtic u la r attention to the tr a c t, jo u rn a l, and 15 confessional lite ra tu re of F rie n d s . W rig h t's purpose w as to " d ire c t attention to a d e sc rip tiv e an aly sis of the Q u ak erly and lite r a r y qualities! dom inating the w ritin g s of the seventeenth and e a rly e ig h teen th -cen tu ry F rie n d s ." ^ She w as g re a tly influenced by the m y stic a l in te rp re ta tio n of Q uaker o rig in s p ro m in e n t at the tim e of h e r w ritin g , and quite n atu - I rally viewed the w orks she surveyed through a m y stic a l lens. F u r t h e r m o re , h e r p e rs p e c tiv e w as th a t of tw e n tie th -c e n tu ry lib e ra l Q u a k e r- j ism , which often b o rd e rs on the beliefs of u n ita ria n ism . F o r exam ple, ! she c h a ra c te riz e d the p reach in g of G eorge Fox in this m an n er: G eorge Fox c en tered his teaching about the inner L ig h t- - the b elief that a s p a rk of divine e s se n c e dw ells in each hum an being, and th a t if obedience is yielded to this inner Light o r W ord th a t m an can be led into all T ru th and thus p o s s e ss a guide for the in tric a te p ro b lem s of daily living and for the conduct of life .l^ Yet the fa c t is that G eorge Fox did not use the te rm "in n er L ight" to r e f e r to his s p iritu a l e x p erien ce. F o r Fox and the " F ir s t P u b lis h e rs 15 (New York: C olum bia U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1932; New York: AMS P r e s s , Inc. , 1966). P a g e s cited a re fro m the 1966 edition. Ibid. , p. vii. Ibid. , pp. 6-7, italics mine. 11 of T ruth, " as the e a rly Q uaker ev an g e lists w ere called, used the te rm s "Inw ard L ight," "S eed," o r s e v e ra l o th e rs , all of which w ere identified with the w orking of J e s u s C h ris t in a p e rs o n 's life. As we shall see la te r , the Light was not co n sid ered to be an inherent p a rt of m a n 's psyche which shown outw ard, but ra th e r the inw ard enlightening of God I to e v e ry m an. W rig h t's account of this b asic p resu p p o sitio n alone j i i re v e a ls an u n c ritic a l bias which influenced h e r reading of the e a rly Q u a k e rs, and puts in question h er evaluation of th e ir serm o n -m a k in g , j In any ca se , she did not co n ce n trate on the s e rm o n s th e m se lv e s, | | Jalthough she re p o rte d knowledge of the ex isten ce of the m a jo rity of the j se rm o n s w hich a re extant. She included a sh o rt chapter on "S erm o n s, I I P ro v e rb s , and A d v ices," w hich b a re ly s e rv e s as an introduction to the subject and m akes little u se of textual an aly sis. She seem s to d is m iss the s e rm o n s with the c u rt com m ent: "these se rm o n s on exam ination prove to be gospel e x h o rta tio n s, and also like m any o th e r s e rm o n s of , ..18 the cen tu ry , w ere devoid of incident and illu stra tiv e m a te ria l. W right did not r e p o r t an exam ination of the se rm o n s a g ain st the co n text of the tim e s , and that ta sk not only rem a in ed undone, h e r ju d g m e n t that Q uaker se rm o n s w ere m e re "gospel ex h o rta tio n s" stood to be c o rro b o ra te d o r c o rre c te d . ^ I b i d . , p. 146. 12 A no the r lite ra ry sc h o la r, Jack so n I. Cope, published an e x te n sive and provocative m onograph on "Seventeenth C entury Q uaker Style," in which he posited se v e ra l c h a r a c te r is tic s of e a rly F rie n d s' 19 use of language. His w ork is so im p o rtan t that it dem ands a s o m e what detailed exam ination. Cope aim ed to "d isco v er those bedrock asp e c ts of e x p re ss io n which a re d em o n strab ly hom ologous with the _ 20 profoundest conception of life sh a re d by the f ir s t Q u a k e rs." R elevant to the e a rly Q uaker conception of life, he d isc u ss e d what he co n sid ered i to be "the idea which w as even m o re im p o rta n t than the Light W ithin, | 2 1 i the conception of the 'N a m e '." Cope arg u ed that in e a rly Q uaker w ritin g s the concept th at the p ro p e r nam e of a thing is derived fro m ex p e rie n tia l knowledge of the Name of C h rist, its e lf subsum ed the con cept of the Inw ard Light. Cope m ay have o v e rsta te d his case h ere; th at the concept of the N am e was im p o rta n t to e a rly Q u a k e rs, as indeed it w as for the w r ite r s of the Old and New T e sta m e n t, is undeniable, but its o v e rrid in g p reem in en ce in e a rly Q u ak er thought is a m oot point. F o rtu n ately , it is u n n e c e ssa ry to acc ep t C ope's view thfct it w as the e s s e n tia l p resu p p o sitio n in o rd e r to u n d erstan d o r acc ep t his other o b serv atio n s on e a rly Q uaker style. P ro c e e d in g s of the M odern Language A sso c ia tio n , LXXI (S eptem ber, 1956), 725-754. 2°Ibid. , p. 725 21 Ibid. , p. 729. 13 C ope's m o st valuable contribution w as his an aly sis of the sty listic c h a ra c te ris tic s of e a rly Q u ak er d is c o u rse . The f ir s t, he thought, "was the e s s e n tia l quality of se v e n te en th -ce n tu ry Q u ak er 22 e x p re ss io n , m anifesting its e lf in s e v e ra l g u is e s ." That quality w as "a tendency to b re a k down the boundary betw een lite ra ln e s s and m e ta - I 23 ! phor, betw een conceptions and th in g s." He explained the phenom e- j non as a situation w here "m etap h o r has tra n sc e n d e d its n o rm a l func- j tion, and instead of m e re ly indicating a point of re s e m b la n c e s betw een J i 24 I two d ifferen tiab le e n titie s , it has totally m e rg e d th e m ." ! I The second sty listic p ec u lia rity Cope o bserved w as a c e rta in j j function of Q uaker d is c o u rse which he said re fle c te d "the epistem ology j 25 i of v e rb a l incantation." E xplaining this quality of d is c o u rse , he noted that " it a p p e a rs when C h ris t is speaking w ithin the Q u ak er, and showing fo rth the W ord which is A lpha and O m ega, beginning and end of u n d e r- 26 standing the ru n es of e te rn ity ." In point of fact, o b serv ed Cope, the incan tato ry style often produced p ro s e c h a ra c te riz e d by "an in cred ib le re p e titio n , a com bining and recom bining of a c lu ste r of w ords and 27 p h ra s e s draw n fro m S c rip tu re ." The style w as used by both e d u cated and noneducated w r ite r s , and often the re s u lt w as "not u n g r a m m a tic a l, but a g ra m m a tic a l: the intense concentration upon individual 2ZIbid. , p. 729. 23Ibid. , p. 726. 24Ibid. , p. 727. ^ r ^ / 7 7 Ibid. , p. 736. Ibid. , p. 738. Ibid. , p. 733. 14 w ords wholly rem o v e s the p ro c e s s of e x p re ss io n fro m a g ra m m a tic a l fram e of re fe re n c e , as the m ind is d riv en on too rapidly to fo rm alize 28 the re stra in in g rela tio n sh ip s betw een sentence e le m e n ts." C ope's th ird o b se rv a tio n w as e sse n tia lly the logical extension of blending lite ra ln e s s and m etap h o r. He m aintained th a t e a rly i Q uaker w rite rs co n sisten tly em p h asized the sp iritu a l n a tu re of th e ir j concrete e x p e rie n c e s , seldom giving detailed d esc rip tio n of events: j j "S crip tu re phraseo lo g y which is inevitably borrow ed o r adapted for the j i telling b ecom es m o re im p o rta n t than any te m p o ra l ev en ts it m ight ! 29 i o b scu re. . . . " U ltim ately , Cope said , "C o n tem p o rary Q uaker j e x p e rie n c e s se e m to have no im p o rt to th e ir subjects but as a fra m e - l w ork upon which to strin g the language w h erein the S c rip tu re s te ll the j s c rip tu ra l h isto ry of p a tria r c h s and a p o stle s alik e." ^ In addition to analyzing the s ty listic c h a r a c te r is tic s of e a rly Q uaker p ro se , Cope docum ented a change in Q uaker style during the th ird q u a rte r of the seventeenth century when, he said , "this m ode of viewing life as s c r ip tu ra re d iv iv a , like the 'in c a n ta to ry 1 style, w ithered 31 and d is a p p e a re d ." W hat becam e com m on in the la s t p a r t of the c e n tu ry w as the " se lf-c o n sc io u s analogizing through S c rip tu re im ag ery which sounds only a faint echo of the im m ed iacy of the sam e p h ra s e s on 28 29 Ibid. , p. 735. Ibid. , p. 746. ~^Ibid. , p. 747. ^*Ibid. , p. 749. 15 32 the tongues of the e a rly P u b lish e rs of T ru th ." Cope e n u m e ra te s the cau ses of the s ty listic change as "The an ti-e v a n g e lic a l fo rce of . . . I risin g C alv in ism w ithin the Society [i. e. , the Society of F rie n d s], j . . . the n a tu ra l a n ti-e n th u s ia sm of m en like Penn. . . . " and the e sta b lish m e n t of the S eco n d -D ay 's M orning M eeting in 1673, the m o st im p o rta n t function of which "was to pass upon Q uaker m a n u sc rip ts 33 offered for publication." C ope's an aly sis of e a rly Q uaker style w as r e s tric te d to such so u rc e s as tr a c ts , le tte r s , and jo u rn a ls , leaving untouched the se rm o n lite ra tu re . H ow ever, his w ork offers d ire c tio n for f r uitful an aly sis of ! e a rly Q uaker s e rm o n s . Although he focused upon style, Cope d e v e l oped an a r e a of significance to the study of Q uaker rh e to ric . He c h a r a c te riz e d the c u sto m ary usage of language by Q u ak ers. His ex p la n a tion of the q u alities of e a rly Q uaker style is an ex cellen t statem en t, and su g g ests th re e hypotheses which should now be applied to the s u r viving s e rm o n lite ra tu re : (1) th a t the style of the se rm o n s exhibits a c e rta in blending of lite ra ln e s s and m e ta p h o r, (2) th a t the style of the se rm o n s can be d e sc rib e d as "the epistem ology of v e rb a l incantation," and (3) that in sta n c e s fro m everyday life in the se rm o n s a re used m ainly as o pportunities fo r viewing life as s c r ip tu ra rediviva. 32 Ibid. 33 I b i d ., p. 753. 16 Such an extension of C ope's w ork would be valuable for s e v e ra l re a s o n s . F ir s t, it would have the obvious value in confirm ing or q u a li fying C ope's view point on the change of style in the fourth q u a rte r of the sev en teen th century b ecau se the m a jo rity of the surviving se rm o n s w ere p re a c h e d late in the cen tu ry . Second, the study would be useful in likew ise confirm ing o r qualifying C ope's th re e o b se rv a tio n s on the j I c h a r a c te r is tic s of Q uaker style. One would expect the c h a ra c te ris tic s ,! esp e c ia lly with re g a rd to the " in c a n ta to ry " sty le, to be ju st as p re v a - | lent (if not p re v a le n t to a g r e a te r extent) in se rm o n s w hich w ere tak en ! down in shorthand as it is in d isc o u rs e e sp e c ia lly com posed to be i p rin ted , as Cope found it. F in ally , the extension of C ope's study would be valuable becau se of the p e c u lia r value of the se rm o n s th e m se lv e s, i .e . , they w ere e ith e r n e v e r p rin ted , o r p rin ted initially by n o n -Q u a k e rs, and thus p re su m a b ly did not com e under the c en so rin g 33 eye of the Second D ay 's M orning M eeting. It would be im p o rtan t The Second D ay 's M orning M eeting, o r Monday M orning M eeting, w as e sta b lish e d both a s a board of rev iew for Q u ak er w ritin g s, and as a m eeting to e s ta b lis h o rd e r am ong Q u ak er m in is te r s in the London a re a . The M inutes of M onday M orning M eeting (typed copy, F rie n d s H ouse L ib ra ry , London) for N ovem ber 24, 1673 re c o rd : "W hen bookes com es th a t a re not approved of, the sence of the b re th e re n to be signified to the A u th o rs" (p. 1). At the May 3rd m eeting two y e a rs la te r it w as re c o rd e d : "It is d e s ire d th at all frein d s [sic] about the Citty th a t have a Publick T estim o n y . . . doe m e e t with the B re te re n on e v e ry f ir s t day and second day M orning when they can, o th e rw ise to send a N oat . . . signifying w hat M eetings they intend to be at on the f ir s t d ay es" (p. 5). (O riginal 17th cen tu ry text spellings have been used throughout this study. ) 17 to a s s e s s w hether or not the "in c a n ta to ry " style survived in the s e r m onizing of the la te r p o rtio n of the century. In 1962 M aurice A. C re a s e y published a study which attem p ted to account for d iffere n ces in the usage of sp atial te rm s by e a rly 34 Q u ak ers. He noted that "On a lm o s t e v e ry page of the w ritings of e a rly F rie n d s the re a d e r feels that he is being challenged to reco g n ize i a c o n tra st. This c o n tra s t is e x p re s s e d m o st frequently in sp atial | 1 i te rm s by such c o rre la tiv e s as 'in w ard ' and 'o u tw ard ,' 'w ithin' and 35 'w ith o u t,1 'in te rn a l' and 'e x te r n a l'." C re a se y com pared th re e groups! i I of w rite rs : (1) that re p re s e n te d by G eorge Fox and J a m e s N ay ler, fro m whom "we h e a r the authentic a cc en ts of a profound and vivid i I evangelical C h ristia n e x p e rie n c e , re la tiv e ly uninfluenced by fo rm a l j education or theological and philosophical refle ctio n ": (2) that r e p r e sented by Isaac P enington, w hose " C h ristia n e x p erien ce is e x p re s s e d through a profoundly m y stic a l p e rso n a lity p o sse ss e d of m a rk e d ability for relig io u s in tro sp e ctio n "; and (3) th a t re p re s e n te d by W illiam Penn and R o b ert B a rc la y , who exhibited a "co n scio u s and ex p licit intention to re la te Q u a k e rism to the theological and philosophical in te re s ts of 3 6 the ag e." A fter exam ining w ritin g s fro m the th re e groups, C re a s e y • ^ "Inw ard" and "O utw ard" A Study in E a rly Q uaker Language (London: F r ie n d s ' H is to ric a l Society, 1962). P ub lish ed as Supplem ent No. 30, Jo u rn a l of the F r i e n d s ' H is to ric a l S ociety. 35Ibid. , p. 3. 36 __________ Ibid. , p. 4._______________________________________________________ 18 found th at th e re is a change in the intended m eaning of the spatial te rm s fro m the e a r l ie r , m o re " p rim itiv e ," w rite rs such as Fox, to i j the la te r, m o re philosophic, w r ite r s such as Penn and B arclay . He concluded: i j j . . . p a rtic u la rly at the hands of R o b ert B a rc la y , and larg e ly in te r m s of a confused and illeg itim ate application of the o rig in - J ally c le a r and valid d istin ctio n betw een "in w ard " and "outw ard," Q u a k e rism becam e wedded to a p re v a le n t and q u a s i-C a rte s ia n d u alism and, as a consequence, set its feet upon paths which, fo r m any a y e a r , led it into b a r r e n places of q u ie tism and j f o r m a lis m .37 j j I C re a s e y 's an aly sis is a profound contribution to the study of i e a rly Q uaker rh e to ric b ecau se it identifies the c o n tra st of spatial te rm s as a significant c h a r a c te r is tic of Q uaker style; but, m o re im p o r tantly, b ecau se it d e s c rib e s the d ifferen ces in usage with re fe re n c e to ! | | u n d erly in g philosophical p resu p p o sitio n s. Like C ope's w ork, I C r e a s e y 's contains no m ention of surviving s e rm o n s . N e v e rth e le ss, I his b rie f, but im p o rta n t study su g g ests two d ire c tio n s which could be fru itfu l in the an aly sis of the s e rm o n lite ra tu re . F ir s t, it in tim ates j ! I th a t the c o n tra st of sp a tia l te rm s w ill be found in the s e rm o n s with j j som e freq u en cy . Second, th a t the d iffere n ces in usage w hich he found 38 would also be found in the se rm o n s. 37 I b i d ., p. 20. No se rm o n s su rv iv e w hich could be placed com fortably in the group of w rite rs re p re s e n te d by Isa a c Penington (1616-1679). 19 Among s c h o la rs who have co n cen trated on the h isto ry of the p reaching m in is try , only L ucia K. B eam ish has published a w ork d e a l ing with Q u ak er m in istry in p a rtic u la r. She e ssa y e d to study Q uaker 39 m in istry fro m 1691 to 1834. H er w ork, unlike that of Cope and C re a se y , m a k es use of som e se rm o n te x ts, and is valuable for insights) j into Q u ak er p reac h in g during the eighteenth century. B eam ish , how - I e v e r, only b rie fly c o n sid e rs p reac h in g b efo re 1690. H er tre a tm e n t of the ro o ts of the Q uaker conception of a m in is te r is in fo rm ativ e, and h er c h a ra c te riz a tio n of Q uaker m in is try as both d e lib e ra te and sp o n tan eo u s, depending upon the c irc u m s ta n c e s , m oves tow ard a concep- 40 tual m odel for the an aly sis of two m odes of Q uaker preaching. B eam ish does not p re s e n t such an a n a ly sis. H er co n sid era tio n of Steven C r is p 's preaching, for ex am p le, c o n sists of quoting fro m his se rm o n s to illu s tra te "His faith in the triu m p h an t pow er of the G os- 41 pel," o r again " C r is p 's u n d erstan d in g of the aim and value of m in - 42 is tr y ." She does not exam ine how C ris p u sed language s tra te g ie s to 39 Q u ak er M in istry , 1691-1834 (O xford, England: By the A uthor, 76c W oodstock Road, 1967). 40 Q u a k e rs alw ays reco g n ized the calling by God of m en to the m in istry . Thus Q u a k e rs supported itin e ra n t ev an g e lists fro m th e ir e a r l ie s t y e a r s . F rie n d s also m aintained th at anyone could m in iste r when u n d er the com pulsion of the S p irit to do so, w ithout a special calling. See B eam ish , pp. 16-19. 41 I b i d ., p. 24. ^ I b i d . , p. 25. 20 acc o m p lish the rh e to ric a l ends a risin g fro m the rh e to ric a l situation. O ccasionally she identifies the use of im a g e ry , and cites a passage fro m a se rm o n a s illu stra tio n . Due to the b ro ad scope of h e r study, B eam ish does not p re s e n t a co m p reh en siv e exam ination of Q uaker s e r m ons fro m the seventeenth century. An obvious lack of r e s e a r c h on the rh e to ric of the e a rly j Q u a k e rs is illu s tra te d by a p e ru s a l of the stan d ard h is to rie s of p re a c h - I ing. P a ttiso n did not include any Q u a k e rs am ong the p re a c h e rs he con-f I I sid e re d , although he devoted lim ited space to e a rly Q uaker preaching j 43 as a p a rt of the developm ent of lay p reach in g in England. D argan, | l although g en era lly m o re extensive than P a ttiso n , did not deal at all 44 w ith Q uaker preaching. His w ork is valuable, how ever, for his tre a tm e n t of A nglican and P u rita n p reac h in g in seventeenth century England. W e b b e r's w ork follows D a rg a n 's v ery closely both in o r g a n ization and illu stra tiv e m a te ria l for the seventeenth century in ~ 45 England, and it, like D a rg a n 's , does not m ention Q u ak er preaching. 43 T hom as H. P a ttiso n , H isto ry of C h ristia n P re a c h in g (P h ila delphia: The A m e ric a n B ap tist P u b lic atio n Society, 1903). See e s pecially pp. 394-398. 44 Edwin C. D arg an , A H isto ry of P r e a c h in g , 2 vols. (New York: G. H. D oran, c. 1905, 1912). 45 F. R. W ebber, A H isto ry of P re a c h in g in B rita in and A m e ric a , 3 vols. (M ilwaukee: N o rth w estern Publishing H ouse, 1957). 21 Two stan d ard w orks on E n g lish p reaching a re w orthy of m ention because they illu s tra te the m a n n e r in which Q uaker preach in g has been overlooked in the w orks w hich focus on the seventeenth century. C a ro - 46 line R ic h a rd so n 's E n g lish P r e a c h e r s and P re a c h in g 1640-1670 is a helpful w ork, now unfortunately out of p rin t, which p ro v id es valuable inform ation on the im p o rta n c e of p reac h in g and its c u sto m ary fo rm for the period covered. The only Q u ak er p re a c h e r m entioned by R ic h ard so n is G eorge Fox, and him only b riefly . W. F r a s e r M itchell's E nglish P u lp it O ra to ry fro m A ndrew es to T illotson, A Study of Its L it- 47 e r a r y A sp ects is likew ise out of p rin t. This w ork d eals with the 48 j "ach ie v em en ts o r sh o rtco m in g s of the b etter-k n o w n p r e a c h e r s ." No i |Q uakers a re dealt with by M itchell, and his extensive bibliography cites none of the Q uaker se rm o n s which a re extant. The m o st re c e n t sc h o la rs h ip touching on the su b ject of s e v e n teenth century Q uaker rh e to ric , and the only w ork done by a sc h o la r in the field of speech com m unication, a p p ea red in 1970. R ich ard B aum an co n sid ere d " c e rta in d istin ctiv e p a tte rn s of language u sag e" am ong the seventeenth century F rie n d s and concluded th at "the rh e to ric of the e a rly Q u ak ers w as not sim ply a rh e to ric of w o rd s, but a unified 46 (New York: The M acm illan Com pany, 1928). 47 (London: Society fo r P ro m o tin g C h ristia n K now ledge, 1932; New York: R u sse ll & R u sse ll, 1962). 4 8 tK . „ Ibid. , p. x. 22 49 Jrhetoric of sym bolic actio n ." B aum an em p h asized the idea of T ru th as being fundam ental to Q uaker thought. He co n sid ere d the Q uaker re je c tio n of "you" in the second p e rso n sin g u la r as a m a n ifestatio n of jthe Q uaker te n e t of T ru th , and sp ecu lated upon its effect on E nglish so ciety and the Q uaker m o v e m en t itself. B aum an also pondered the Q uaker d is tr u s t of h u m a n -m o tiv ated effort, and concluded th at this I attitude re su lte d in the Q uaker concept of silence. He did not, how - i e v e r, d istin g u ish am ong the e a rly Q u ak ers, as did C re a s e y , n o r i betw een the e a rly and late sev en teen th century Q u a k e rs, as did C ope, | 50 ! C re a s e y , and B eam ish . He thus p erh ap s added confusion by im p ly - j ing that the injunction to sile n ce w as u n iv e rs a l am ong e arly F rie n d s , i when in fact it w as a developm ent which reach ed its apex in a la te r 51 ! p erio d . B au m an 's study s e rv e s m ainly as an in te re stin g m a c ro - ^ " A s p e c t s of S eventeenth C entury Q uaker R h e to ric ," The Q u a rte rly J o u rn a l of Speech, LVI ( F e b r u a r y , 1970), 74. 50 Cope o b se rv e d a change of style am ong the e a rly Q u ak ers durJ- ing the th ird q u a r te r of the cen tu ry , which eventually developed into the so -c a lle d "plain s ty le ," fro m the "in can tato ry " style (p. 749). C re a s e y saw a m ovem ent tow ard philosophic d u alism , arid docum ented it in the apologetical w ritin g s of B a rc la y and P enn with p a rtic u la r re fe re n c e t to the Q uaker usag e of "in w ard " and "o u tw ard ." Both Cope and C re a s e y saw F o x 's w ritings as re p re s e n ta tiv e of an e a r lie r sty le , while Penn exem plified a la te r one. B e a m ish placed F o x and C ris p in an e a r l ie r perio d of Q uaker m in is try , w hich then changed in c h a r a c te r a fte r th e ir deaths in 1691 and 1692, re sp e c tiv e ly (pp. 20-22). ^*The p e rio d during w hich the Q uakers m ade sile n ce golden has been g en era lly called "The Age of Q u ie tism ." See the ex ce lle n t d is c u s sion of this p erio d in E lb e rt R u s se ll, The H isto ry of Q u a k e rism (New _ York: The M acm illan Co. , 1942), pp. 229-240; cf. W alter R. W il- lia m s , The R ich H erita g e of Q u a k e rism (G rand R apids: W illiam B. E e rd m a n s P ublishing C om pany, 1962), pp. 119-127. 23 scopic introduction to the su b ject of Q uaker rh e to ric ; it does not claim to be an a n a ly sis of Q u ak er s e rm o n s . T his w rite r has uncovered no co m p reh en siv e an aly sis of the rh e to ric of e a rly F rie n d s , few studies which deal with the subject at all, and few er still w hich m ention o r a tte m p t to analyze the surviving j se rm o n s. The situation has not changed ap p rec iab ly fro m that in 1956 [ when Cope d e c rie d the n eg lect on the p a rt of sc h o la rs to study Q uaker 52 p ro se form . A se a rc h of Speech M onographs produced no stu d ies in e a rly Q uaker rh e to ric . In addition, a D atrix se a rc h was conducted j i which rev ea led only two d o cto ra l d is s e rta tio n s dealing with seventeenthj century F rie n d s , but n e ith e r tr e a ts of the extant s e rm o n s , and only j I 53 ! j one d eals with rh e to ric . | The S earch for Surviving S erm o n s The a u th o r's p re lim in a ry study of Q u ak er s o u rc e s had rev ea led a body of p rin ted Q uaker s e rm o n s w hich w ill be review ed below in a ^ C o p e , p. 725. 53 Jo se p h M artin W alford, "The E nglish R evolution and the R ise of Q u a k e ris m (1650-1660)" (unpublished P h .D . d is s e rta tio n , C olum bia U n iv ersity , 1965); and Hugh B arb o u r, "The E a rly Q uaker Outlook Upon 'The W o rld ’ & S ociety, 1647-1660" (unpublished P h .D . d is s e rta tio n , Yale U n iv ersity , 1952). The substance of B a rb o u r's w ork w as published as The Q u a k e rs in P u rita n England. A dditional th e ses w ere d isc o v e re d , a p a rt fro m the D atrix se a rc h , and w ill be d isc u sse d when a p p ro p ria te to the tex t of this study. 24 section dealing with tex tu al co n sid era tio n s. The author undertook an extensive s e a rc h for o th e r p rin ted serm o n s not m entioned in the l i t e r a tu re , and m a n u sc rip t se rm o n s w hich survived the period. D uring the su m m e r of 1970, a g ra n t fro m the F rie n d s W orld C om m ittee for C on sultation enabled the author to study at F rie n d s H is to ric a l L ib ra ry of j t S w arth m o re C ollege, and the Q u ak er C ollection of H av erfo rd College j i L ib ra ry , both located n e a r P hilad elp h ia, P ennsylvania. F rie n d s H is to ric a l L ib ra ry contains 35,000 volum es of books, p am p h lets, and | p erio d ic a ls re le v a n t to the h isto ry of Q u a k e rism , as w ell as an e x te n sive collection of m a n u sc rip ts . The Q uaker C ollection of H av erfo rd i College L ib ra ry contains 22,000 printed volum es on Q u a k e rism , in c lu d ing the 1, 600 r a r e Q u ak er tra c ts and pam phlets of the W illiam H. Jenksi C ollection, m o s t of w hich a re fro m the seventeenth cen tu ry . In a d d i tion to the Jen k s C ollection, the Q uaker C ollection lis ts m o re than 2 ,000 o th e r seventeenth cen tu ry printed w orks. The m a n u sc rip t c o l lection at H av erfo rd lis ts 60,000 ite m s, including " L e tte rs and P a p e rs of W illiam P en n " and the R ic h ard so n MSS, a so u rce of nine of G eorge F o x 's s e rm o n s . In addition, the Q uaker C ollection also contains 200 r e e ls of m ic ro film r e c o r d s , including the M inutes of London Y early M eeting for the y e a r s 1668-1860, and the Sw athm ore MSS of F rie n d s H ouse L ib ra ry , London. The author was also p riv ileg ed to consult the collection at F rie n d s H ouse L ib ra ry , London, during the su m m e r of 1971. F rie n d s H ouse L ib ra ry is the la rg e s t re p o s ito ry of Q uaker 25 m a te ria l outside the United S tates. F rie n d s H ouse L ib ra ry contains extensive holdings of both printed and m a n u sc rip t s o u rc e s . P a r ti c u la rly helpful to the author w ere the m a n u sc rip t and ty p e sc rip t copies of the "M inutes of Monday M orning M eeting," covering the y e a rs 1673 to 1700, a r e c o rd of the m eetin g of m in is te rs in the London a re a . The | j e n c o u ra g e m e n t of D orothy H a r r is , Edwin B ro n n e r, and E dw ard M illi gan, and th e ir colleag u es, of S w a rth m o re, H av erfo rd , and F rie n d s H ouse, re sp e c tiv e ly , w ere esp ecially a p p re c ia te d by the author. i F o u r b ibliographic w orks w ere consulted for citation of se rm o n j collections o r individual p rin ted s e rm o n s. Donald W ing's S h o rt-T itle J I C atalogue of Books P rin te d in England, 1641-1700, based upon the col- j lections in m a jo r lib r a r ie s in the W este rn w orld, tog eth er with W illiam B ish o p 's A m e ric a n C opies of "S hort Title C atalogue" Books and its S upplem ent, provided so u rc e s and lists of lib r a r ie s holding copies. Two e x clu siv ely Q uaker bib lio g rap h ies w ere indisp en sab le to the search for Q u ak er s e rm o n s: Jo se p h S m ith 's D escrip tiv e C atalogue of F rie n d s B ooks, which lis ts 18,000 title s, and is still the only exhaustive b ib li ography of Q u a k e rism ; and B ibliotheca A n ti-Q u a k e ria n a , also by Smith, which lis ts w orks produced in opposition to Q u a k e ris m , and books in an sw er to a tta c k s published by Q u ak ers. A s a re s u lt of the se a rc h , a ch ec k list of all known Q uaker s e r m ons covering the y e a r s 1650-1700 w as com piled, which lists 74 s e r m ons d e liv e re d by Q u a k e rs during the p erio d , and is included as 26 A ppendix A of the p re s e n t study. The c h e c k list w as subm itted to th ree distinguished s c h o la rs of e a rly Q u a k e rism , D r s. H enry J. C adbury, T. Canby Jo n e s, and A rth u r O. R o b e rs, who w ere unable to cite additional se rm o n s of the period. T h eir help and en co u rag em en t is g rate fu lly acknow ledged. S tatem en t of the P ro b le m The s e a rc h for extant Q uaker se rm o n s of the seventeenth cen- I t tu ry had re v e a le d th at 74 se rm o n s survived. F o r m o s t of the e a rly j I Q u ak er p re a c h e rs we have only one, or at the m o s t two, ex am p les of j ! th e ir serm o n izin g . T h ere a re th re e notable exceptions to this general-j ization, how ever. F ro m G eorge Fox, eleven s e rm o n s a re extant. i W illiam P e n n 's p reac h in g has been re c o rd e d in ten p rin ted serm o n s. F in ally , 32 se rm o n s have survived fro m Steven C risp . Only one se rm o n has su rv iv ed the period 1650-1670, a se rm o n by Fox d eliv ered in 1653, th e re fo re , the p erio d 1671-1700 was chosen by the author as The c h e c k list also contains fo u rteen se rm o n s d eliv ered by m e m b e rs of "T he Society of C h ristia n Q u a k e rs ," an o rg an iz atio n led by G eorge K eith, an im p o rta n t Q uaker who played a m a jo r ro le in one of the e a rly s c h is m s of Q u a k e rism . Keith eventually becam e an A ngli can (see B raith w aite , Second P e rio d of Q u a k e r is m , pp. 481-496). The author has chosen not to include the K eithian se rm o n s in the study b e cause they a r e thought not to re p re s e n t the m a in s tre a m of Q uaker thought of the tim e . In addition, a spurious s e rm o n allegedly given in Southw ark P a r k in 1687, and s e v e ra l frag m e n t s e rm o n s found in A C o l lectio n of S e v e ra l S erm o n s . . . , which a re sh o rt, vocalized p r a is e s or ex h o rta tio n s not av erag in g two sen ten ces in length, have not been included in the p r e s e n t study. 27 the p rim a ry focus of the p re s e n t study. The study p u rp o se s to exam ine the surviving se rm o n lite ra tu re fro m the p erio d 1671 to 1700, with a co n cern to an sw er the following q uestions: What w ere the in tellectu al, relig io u s, so cio p o litical, rh e - j i to ric a l, and h o m iletical c u rre n ts which su rro u n d ed and influenced the ; i rh e to ric of e a rly Q u a k e rs ? What philosophical p resu p p o sitio n s u n d e r lay e a rly Q uaker s e rm o n s ? W hat w ere the sa lie n t c h a ra c te ris tic s of | I i Q uaker se rm o n s fro m 1671 to 1700? F in ally , in w hat w ays w as the j se rm o n rh e to ric of the e a rly Q u ak ers s im ila r to or d iffere n t fro m that j i of the A nglicans and P u rita n s ? j i i Significance of the P ro b le m j j The ra tio n a le of this study finds its b a sis in two obvious a ssu m p tio n s of sc h o la rly investigation. F ir s t, new data, a n d /o r novel in te rp re ta tio n s of d ata, produced by one o r m o re sc h o la rly d iscip lin e s, m ay affect judgm ents re n d e re d about s im ila r data by another sch o larly discip lin e. In the case of e a rly Q u ak er stu d ie s, new in te rp re ta tio n s of the roots of Q u a k e rism by h is to ria n s and theologians dem and sch o larly reev a lu atio n of the rh e to ric of the e a rly Q u a k e rs by rh e to ric a l sch o l a r s . Second, new data which m ay have a b earin g on the fo rm u latio n of g en era liza tio n s re g a rd in g a phenom enon should be sy ste m a tic a lly analyzed and the a n a ly sis re p o rte d . With re g a rd to the rh e to ric of the e a rly Q u a k e rs, s c h o la rs who m ay be accounted rh e to ric ia n s have 28 larg e ly overlooked the se rm o n lite r a tu r e , given it only c u rs o ry a tte n tion, o r m is in te rp re te d it. In addition to the g e n e ra l n eg lect of Q uaker s e rm o n s , re c e n t d isc o v e rie s of m a n u s c rip t se rm o n s by two e a rly Q uaker p r e a c h e rs --G e o rg e Fox and T hom as Chalkley (1675-1741)-- which have y et to be exam ined by rh e to ric ia n s, m ake a re -e v a lu a tio n of e a rly Q u ak er rh e to ric im p e ra tiv e in o u r day. i i The u sefu ln ess of a n s w e rs to the q u estio n s posed by this study | I should be ap p are n t. To begin with, the study should help us u n d e r- j stand the e a rly Q u a k e rs b e tte r than we p re se n tly do, p a rtic u la rly with I i i r e s p e c t to th e ir ratio n ale and use of d is c o u rs e . The study should also aid us in g ra sp in g , b e tte r than we now do, the n a tu re and p ra c tic e of I 55 w hat m ay be called the r h e to ric of "relig io u s e n th u sia sm ." F in ally , 55 F r e d e r ic k B. T o lies r e m a r k s in his Q u a k e rs and the A tlantic C ulture (New York: The M acm illan C om pany, I960), p. 91. that in the stra tu m of society fro m w hich the e a rly Q u a k e rs cam e "the highly em o tio n al sp ecie s of relig io u s ex p e rie n c e which c o n te m p o ra rie s called e n th u sia sm w as indigenous." The te r m " e n th u sia sm " p ro p els one im m ed iately into the seventeenth cen tu ry e p istem o lo g ical stru g g le s which involved such notable w r ite r s as T hom as H obbes, John L ocke, and H enry M ore. F o r an e x c e lle n t d isc u ss io n of the te r m "en th u si- a s m " - - i . e . , im m ediate in s p ira tio n --fro m its G re e k o rig in s through the seventeenth cen tu ry , see U m phrey L ee, The H isto ric a l B ack grounds of E a rly M ethodist E n th u s ia s m , Studies in H isto ry , E conom ics and P ublic Law, No. 339, ed. by the F acu lty of P o litic a l Science of C olum bia U niversity (New York: AMS P r e s s , Inc. , 1967), C h ap ters I-IV. The e a rly Q u ak ers claim ed d ir e c t in sp ira tio n through the Inwarc Light; they w ere thus n u m b e re d am ong " e n th u s ia sts." T h eir relig io u s e x p e rie n c e s w ere also often em otional. Thus Q u a k e rs w ere "en th u s ia s tic " on both counts. 29 b eca u se the study deals with the rh e to ric a l theory and p ra c tic e of a significant s e c t during a dynam ic and im p o rta n t p erio d of e c c le s ia s tical h is to ry , it should shed light on, and provide m a te ria l fo r, the developing h is to ry of h o m iletics and p reac h in g , which have h e re to fo re la rg e ly ignored Q u ak ers. Scope of the Study B ecause only one se rm o n su rv iv e s the f ir s t two decades of the e a rly Q u ak er p erio d , the y e a rs u n d er c o n sid e ra tio n in this study a re 1671 to 1700. The y e a rs fall a fte r the p erio d of m o st vitality in e a rly j Q u a k e ris m . A u th o rities re c o rd an enlivening and g e o m e tric grow th J 56 I of Q u a k e rism a fte r 1652. By the late 1690's, how ever, m any of the I e a rly le a d e rs w ere gone. Fox died in 1691, C ris p followed in 1692. P en n lived until 1718, but he was in c re a sin g ly involved in the p ro b lem s of P en n sy lv an ia, and p e rh a p s this is a re a s o n why none of his se rm o n s a fte r 1694 have survived. S ch o la rs have o b serv ed and docum ented a 57 change in the activ itie s and b eliefs of Q u a k e rs in the m i d - 1690's. 56 B raith w aite , for ex am p le, devotes an e n tire chapter to June, 1652, the p erio d following a v is io n in which Fox saw a "P eople in white R aim en t" w aiting to be g ath ered unto the tru th (Beginnings of Q u a k e r i s m , pp. 78-79). See also B a rb o u r, Q u a k e rs in P u rita n E n g lan d , p. 45, 57 B raith w aite tre a ts of this period in The Second P e rio d of Q u a k e ris m , pp. 457-496. See also h is an aly sis of the decline of Q u ak e r is m , pp. 630-637. In the second volum e of H isto ry of E nglish Non c o n fo rm ity , H enry W. C la rk o b se rv e d re g a rd in g the ebb of Q u a k e ris m in the 1690's: "The tide of zeal w as going out, leaving b are and ra th e r J0T Some of th e se changes have been alluded to in o u r d isc u ssio n of the w ork of Cope and C re a se y . We m ay safely conclude th at a fte r the p erio d co v ered in this study, the em p h a sis on p reach in g am ong Q u ak e r s was e ith e r n o n -e x iste n t, in som e c a s e s , or d iffere n t, in o th e rs , fro m what it had been in m o s t of the la s t half of the seventeenth cen- j tu ry . G. M. T rev e ly an noted in this r e s p e c t th at the Q u a k e rs of the e a rly eighteenth cen tu ry "left to W esley the task of popular revivalism ,j w h erein they th e m s e lv e s had laboured ferv en tly in the days of th e ir founder. It is re g re tfu l that the bulk of the se rm o n s which co m p rise this i study w ere d eliv ered during the w aning y e a r s of the e a rly period. No j s e rm o n s for which dates can be a c c u ra te ly e sta b lish e d survived the tum ultuous 1660's, and only seven a r e re p re s e n te d in the 1670's. The m a jo rity of se rm o n s studied, all of C ris p 's and P e n n 's , w ere deliverec in the 1680's and 1690's . The s e rm o n s , then, give us a pictu re of the ad o lesc en ce of e a rly Q u ak er se rm o n rh e to ric , ra th e r than its b irth . The study is n e c e s s a rily lim ited by the actual n u m b er of s u r viving s e rm o n tex ts. The n u m b er o m its s e v e ra l fig u re s in e a rly Q u a k e ris m , known to be pow erful p r e a c h e r s , fro m whom no se rm o n s unlovely s h o re s behind . . . the vanishing of g re a t le a d e rs fro m the scene m ade for relig io u s decay. . . . " (New York: R u s se ll fa R u ssell, 1965, p. 169). See also s u p r a , footnote 51. 58 E n g lish Social H isto ry , A Survey of Six C e n tu rie s, C haucer to Q ueen V ic to ria (New York: L ongm ans, G reen and Co. , 1942), p. 363. 31 have survived. The se rm o n s a r e , how ever, re p re s e n ta tiv e of e a rly Q uaker p reac h in g in its m o re m a tu re period. Twenty m en a re r e p - j re s e n te d by se rm o n s ; they range fro m the sp irite d and u n le tte re d F ox j to the co u rtly and learn ed B a rc la y and Penn. The m a jo rity of the s e r - J m ons issu ed fro m the m inds of F ox, C risp , and P enn, m en differen t I enough in te m p e ra m e n t and language usage to provide in te re stin g con- | tr a s t s in Q u ak er rh e to ric a l m odus o p e ra n d i. I j G eographically, the study is lim ited to the places a t which the j ! se rm o n s w ere d eliv ered ; eight locations in and about London, two un- | I specified locations on B arbados Island, and one unknown location in thej i 60 i A m e ric a n colonies. This seem in g lim itation is not so g re a t as one m ight conclude, when one c o n s id e rs that Q u a k e rs, fro m the firs t, re lie d upon tra v e llin g m in is te rs who eventually, in m o st c a s e s , m ade th e ir way to London at one tim e o r an o th er. Although the m a jo rity of the s e rm o n s w e re d eliv ered in London and its e n v iro n s, the m in is te rs No s e rm o n s su rv iv e fro m such im p o rta n t p e rso n a litie s as J a m e s N ay ler, E dw ard B urrough, F ra n c is Howgill, and o th e rs. T h eir subjects and m a n n e r of developm ent m ay, in som e lim ited in sta n c e s, be re c a p itu la te d through p e ru s a l of e arly docu m en ts. An im p o rtan t source for this purpose is N o rm an Penney (ed. ), The F i r s t P u b lis h e rs of T ru th (London: Headley B r o th e rs , 1907). H e re a fte r cited as F P T . ^ A s e rm o n by T hom as Chalkley h a s been included in this study although in te rn a l evidence in d icate s that it was p reac h ed a fte r h is a r r iv a l for a v is it in the A m e ric a n colonies. Like F o x 's p reach in g at B arb ad o s, the author c o n sid e rs th is se rm o n to be re p re s e n ta tiv e of the preach in g of E nglish F rie n d s of the perio d . 32 61 delivering them re p re s e n te d a m uch la rg e r g eo g rap h ic a re a . In sum , the surviving s e rm o n s , despite the lim itatio n s they place upon the study, a re a re m a rk a b le collection, re p re s e n ta tiv e of the p reaching 62 am ong the Society of F rie n d s fro m 1671 to 1700. Methodology and F e a sib ility The study p a rta k e s of h is to ric a l and c r itic a l m ethods of 1 re s e a r c h . E ac h extant se rm o n was analyzed ag a in st the ep istem o lo g i- [ cal, psychological, and m e tap h y sica l m ilie u of e a rly Q u a k e rism . Gen-j i i e ra liz a tio n s re g a rd in g the invention and a rra n g e m e n t of id e as, the j i style, and d eliv ery e s e rm o n s w ere fo rm u la te d fro m exam ination of the se rm o n s and o .a e r p rim a ry so u rce m a te r ia l, and a re re p o rte d in subsequent c h a p te rs . The focus of the study is upon the in te ra c tio n of doctrine and d is c o u rs e . ^*See A ppendix E for a b rie f p rofile of the p re a c h e rs w hose se rm o n s a re included in this study. The y e a r s 1671-1681 a re only tru ly re p re s e n ta tiv e of F o x 's p reach in g , sin ce h is a r e the sole surviving e x a m p le s of the se rm o n s of the period. In addition, although w om en w e re activ e as m in is te rs am ong F r ie n d s , no s e rm o n s survive fro m any of the fem ale Q u ak ers except b rie f fra g m e n ts which a re not s e rm o n s p er se (see footnote 54, p. 26, s u p ra ). The n a m e s of E lizab eth Hooton, Anne Downer and Sarah B lackbury a re im p o rta n t n am es am ong Q u ak er p r e a c h e r s . W om en were app aren tly effective s p e a k e rs . A fter h earin g R eb ecca C ollins, John Locke softened his objections and w rote: "W om en, indeed, had the honour to publish the r e s u r r e c tio n of the s p ir it of love. And le t all the d iscip les re jo ic e th e re in , as doth your p a rtn e r, John L ocke" (quoted in P a ttiso n , pp. 398-399). 33 In addition to the m a te ria l co m p risin g the s e rm o n s , other p rim a ry s o u rc e s such as m in u tes, tr a c ts , and jo u rn a ls of the period have been consulted w here a p p ro p ria te and p o ssib le. In re se a rc h in g j fhis study, the author has visited in addition to S w a rth m o re , H a v e r ford, and F rie n d s H ouse L ib r a r ie s , The C lifford and Susan Johnson I i L ib ra ry of Q uaker L ite ra tu re , housed at the W ardm an L ib ra ry , W hit- j tie r C ollege, W h ittier, C alifo rn ia, as w ell as the ex cellen t collection of sev en teen th century s o u rc e s at the H enry E. H untington M e m o ria l | i L ib ra ry , San M arin o , C alifo rn ia. j Textual C o n sid eratio n s S ev en ty -fo u r s e rm o n s have su rv iv ed the e a rly Q uaker p eriod, j Given the p ro p en sity of the e a rly Q uakers for the im p ro m p tu m ethod of p re p a ra tio n , and the ex p licit in stru c tio n s of som e ag a in st printed s e r m o n s, it is re m a rk a b le th at so m any se rm o n s a r e extant. Sam uel I I Bow nas, a Q uaker p re a c h e r of the e a rly eighteenth cen tu ry , gives us a c le a r p ic tu re of the Q uaker attitude to w ard s e rm o n p re p a ra tio n which c a rrie d o v e r fro m the e a rly period. Bownas a d d re s s e d a m eeting at j I B risto l in w hich he felt h im se lf . . . divinely opened with f re s h m a tte r , settin g fo rth the se rv ic e of the s p iritu a l m in is try , w hich was fre e fro m all con triv a n c e and fo re c a s t of the c re a tu re [the hum an w ill], in p r e paring itse lf e ith e r w ith fo rm e r openings, o r beautiful collection of te x ts, o r sayings fro m books or w ritin g s, all which gath erin g s would b rin g death, and could be no o th e r in the b e s t and m o re favorable c o n stru ctio n , though well looked on by so m e, than the 34 m in is try of the le tte r , under the p re te n se of the m in is try of the s p irit, which is a deception of the h ig h e st n a tu r e .63 With injunctions s im ila r to B o w n as’ com m on am ong e a rly F rie n d s , one may b e tte r a p p re c ia te the fact th at few Q uaker s e rm o n s w ere c o m m itted to w ritin g during an age when p rin ted se rm o n s w ere im p o rtan t i lite r a r y v eh icles. j i i The se rm o n s which c o m p rise this study a r e of th re e categories; (1) those which e x is t only in m a n u sc rip t fo rm , n e v e r having been printed; (2) those which survive both in m a n u sc rip t and as printed j form ; and (3) those which a re found only in p rin ted fo rm . In any c a se , the tex ts cannot be taken to be v e rb a tim r e c o rd s , but only close a p p r o x im ations of what the sp e a k e rs actually said. In no case is a s e rm o n m a n u sc rip t the pro d u ct of the s p e a k e r 's p rio r w ork; it is, instead, the w ork of a skilled n o te -ta k e r. The p ra c tic e of taking shorthand notes of s e rm o n s w as com m on am ong A nglicans and P u rita n s , and it is not unlikely th at the skill w as also p re s e n t to som e ex ten t am ong Q u a k e rs. Some A nglican and P u rita n se rm o n s m ay have undergone rev isio n before publication, involving a c o m p a riso n of shorthand notes with a p r e a c h e r 's m a n u s c r i p t . ^ No such p o ssib ility e x ists with Q uaker s e r m ons w h ere o rig in a l m a n u sc rip ts w ere lacking due to the im prom ptu ^ " L i f e , " F rie n d s ' L i b r a r y , III, p. 57, quoted in W right, p. 144. B ra c k e te d m a te ria l is W rig h t's. 64 M itchell, pp. 36-37. J 5 - m ode of p re p a ra tio n . Among Q u a k e rs , the p rin ted se rm o n re p re s e n ts the w ork of an au d ito r skilled in sh o rth an d and an e n te rp ris in g p rin te r. W here p o ssib le, c o m p ariso n s w ere m ade betw een surviving printed te x ts, but for the m a jo rity of the s e rm o n s only one tex t e x ists. S ch o l a rly c r it e r ia com m only used to d eriv e a copy tex t of a speech w ere not I useful in th is study, since only m in o r d iffe re n c e s w ere d isco v ere d ! betw een p rin ted texts. S im ila rly , slight v a ria tio n s, not significant to i the p u rp o se s and conclusions of this study, w ere found when p rin ted j and m a n u sc rip t tex ts w ere co m p ared . In th e se few c a s e s , texts w ere j i chosen p rim a rily for th e ir read a b ility . j G eorge F o x 's s e rm o n s offer the s c h o la r the g r e a te s t v a rie ty of | | s o u rc e s , although few have been published. One of the s e rm o n s , the j only one for w hich no date is known, is contained in a volum e entitled A C ollection of S ev e ra l S erm o n s and T e s tim o n ie s, Spoke or D e liv e r'd 65 by G. Fox, the Q u a k e r's G re a t A postle. . ■ . The collection also contains a se rm o n by L eo n ard F e ll, two by P h ilip H erm o n , an anony m ous se rm o n p re a c h e d at Savoy, London, and s e v e ra l fra g m e n ts. In the p re fa c e , the anonym ous e d ito r explains that he is one "who se e s through the D elusions of the People c a ll'd Q u a k e rs, " and has collected the s e rm o n s which he feels " b e a r a C ontrad ictio n to T ruth, and a re at E n m ity w ith Sense and Right R e a s o n . A n exam ination of the 65 66 (London: B. B eard w ell, 1701). Ibid. , p reface. 36" s e rm o n s , and a co m p ariso n of th em with o th er extant se rm o n s by- Q u a k e rs, show them to be su b stan tially in a g re e m e n t in content, tone, developm ent, and style with o th er Q u ak er se rm o n s of the tim e s . Thus, although they w ere collected and published by an ad m itted ly non- sy m p ath etic ed ito r, th e re is little re a so n to exclude th ese se rm o n s as 67 n on -au th en tic. Nine of F o x 's se rm o n s a re found in the R ich ard so n MSS, w hich a re the b e st, m o st co m p lete, and convenient so u rc e s of 68 th ese s e rm o n s. I am indebted to D r. T. Canby Jo n es, P ro fe s s o r of R eligion at W ilm ington C ollege, W ilm ington, Ohio, for additional 69 tex ts of s e v e ra l of F o x 's s e rm o n s also found in the R ichardson MSS. I I 67 The ed ito r has collected w hat ap p ea r to be poor exam ples of style, w hat could be d e sc rib e d as Q uaker p re a c h e rs in unguarded m o m en ts. F a r fro m being a re a s o n to exclude these sa m p le s, this b ecom es a p rim e re a so n to include them , esp ecially in te rm s of C ope's hypothesis that the in can tato ry style w as c h a ra c te riz e d by being " a g ra m m a tic a l." 68 R ic h ard so n MSS, H a v erfo rd College L ib ra ry , Q uaker C o lle c tion, H av erfo rd , P ennsylvania. The pages cited in th is study a re from a typed copy of the MSS. F o r a d e s c rip tio n of the MSS and a b rie f h is to ric a l account of th e ir o rig in , see H enry J. C adbury, "R ich ard so n MSS, " Jo u rn a l of the F rie n d s H is to ric a l S o cie ty , XXXII (1935), pp. 34-37. 69 F o r F o x 's s e rm o n a,t Y early M eeting, London, June 9, 1674, th e re is an incom plete copy in the H eadley MSS, pp. 247-261, at F rie n d s H ouse L ib ra ry , London. The H eadley MSS also contain F o x 's se rm o n a t Y early M eeting, London, June 11, 1674, pp. 262-283. F o x 's se rm o n given to a g e n e ra l m eetin g at B arbados w as la te r p rin ted a s G ospel F a m ily -O rd e r, being a S h o rt D isc o u rse C oncerning the O rd e rin g of F a m ilie s both of W hites fa B lacks and Indianns (London, 1676). F o x 's se rm o n a t W heeler S tre e t, London, June 1, 1680, is also found in the S w arth m o re MSS, at F rie n d s H ouse L ib ra ry , and in addi- t i n n , in a v o l u m e p rinted in A m e ric a , S erm o n s o f Story. H icks and 37 W hat a p p e a rs to be F o x 's e a r lie s t se rm o n is located in an o b scu re 70 volum e entitled S ev erall L e tte rs to the Saints of the M ost High. The b est single so u rce for Steven C ris p 's s e rm o n s is a book printed in 1707, S c rip tu re -T ru th s D em o n strated : In T h irty Two S e r- 71 m ons or D e c la ra tio n s of M r. Stephen C risp . . . . The p re fa c e of the collection is an explanation of the n o te -ta k e r 's m ethod and the pub li s h e r 's m otiv atio n for printing the serm o n s: Though the W rite r [n o te -ta k e r] of these S erm ons doth out of M odesty decline to P r in t his N am e, y et he is v ery w illing to give all reaso n ab le S atisfactio n to any Sober E n q u ire r, that he has not in the le a s t a lte re d o r im posed upon the A u th o r's se n se , e ith e r in the Taking, or T ra n s c rib in g of them : And he does fu rth e r a s s u re the R e a d e r, T hat he n e ith e r is , nor ev e r w as, one of those People called Q u a k e rs, but alw ays of another P e rsw a sio n ; y et being w illing, acco rd in g to the A p o stle 's Rule, to T ry all th in g s, he has so m e tim e s been p re s e n t at th e ir M eetings; and having the a r t of S h o rt-W ritin g , he h as taken m any of th e ir S erm o n s and P r a y e r s fro m the M ouths of d iv e rs of th e ir P re a c h e rs ; and, am ong o th e rs , those of M r. Stephen C r is p , d e ce ased , w hich upon R eview , ap p e a re d to him . . . to contain so m any G ospel F o x , pp. 18-25. The se rm o n Fox p reac h ed a t the W om en's M eeting at B arb ad o s, 1671, a p p e a rs in the New England Book of E p is tle s , pp. 1-6. His se rm o n at Y early M eeting, London, May 25 or 26, 1675, m ay be found in the Penington MSS, Vol. IV, pp. 90-98, located a t F rie n d s H ouse, London. Two of F o x 's s e rm o n s, (1) D evonshire H ouse, A p ril, 1677, and (2) Y early M eeting, London, A p ril, 1678, can be found only in the R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, pp. 153-161 and 176- 184. 70 N. p. : W. D ew sbury, J. N ay ler, G. Fox, and J. W hitehead, 1654. The se rm o n is p reface d with the w ords "1653 T his P r e c e p t w as w ritte n fro m the Mouth of G eorge Fox, as he spoke it fo rth , by a F rie n d of T ru th ." 71 (London: J. Sowle, 1707). 38 T ru th s, d e liv e re d with such P la in n e ss, Z eal and D em o n stratio n , and g en era lly ag re e a b le to the known D o ctrin e s of C h ristian ity , that it is hoped the publishing of them m ay be useful to the W orld. . . .72 The publication of C ris p 's se rm o n s was "u sefu l" to N athaniel C rouch, the original n o n -Q u ak er publisher of the s e rm o n s , and whom I take to be the w rite r of the p reface . Publishing the se rm o n s a few at a tim e, 73 C rouch was able to bring out six se p a ra te editions of C ris p 's serm o n s. The volume u se d for this study w as printed by the Q u ak er b o o k seller, J. Sowle, and is a com pilation of th re e volum es of se rm o n s which C rouch had p rin te d tw ice, and contains two se rm o n s by C ris p which w ere n ev er b efo re printed. The re m a in in g texts of printed se rm o n s c o m p risin g this study com e fro m two so u rc e s , each a volum e of " p ira te d " s e rm o n s , the f ir s t published by C rouch and la te r re is s u e d by J. Sowle, the second pub lished by Sowle. In his p reface to The C o n c u rre n c e and Unanim ity; Of 74 the People C alled Q u ak ers; . . . , C rouch explains his m otivation for publishing the s e rm o n s of p ro m in en t Q u ak ers in te rm s of the su c c e ss w ith which h is volum es of C ris p 's se rm o n s m et: Having lately published se v e ra l of the S e rm o n s, o r D e c la ratio n s of M r. Stephen C risp , D eceased , w hich have obtained ^ Ibid. , p reface . 73 W right, pp. 145-146. The p re fa c e , although unsigned, bore the initials "N. C .," which probably stand fo r N athaniel C rouch. 74 __________ (London: J. Sowle, 1711). F i r s t published in 1694. 39 g e n e ra l accep tatio n with P e rs o n s of d iffe re n t P e rs u a s io n s ; I often h e a rd it objected, that though this P e r s o n cle a rly ow ns, and e a rn e s tly reco m m en d s the P r a c tis e of the P rin c ip a l P oints of the C h ristia n Faith; Yet o th e rs of the chief L e a d e rs and T ea c h e rs of the People called Q u a k e rs , w ere not of the sam e Opinion in these M a tte rs; Now the W rite r [n o te -ta k e r] of M r. C ris p 's S erm o n s, having tak en the D e c la ra tio n s of s e v e ra l of th e ir P ublick P r e a c h e r s , at th e ir u su al M eetings, I think my se lf obliged in T ruth and Ju s tic e , to m ake som e of th em publick in th is sm all Volume, to d e m o n stra te th e ir C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity, . . .75 The re m a in d e r of the p rin ted s e rm o n s ap p eared in The Harmony 7 6 of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin e s. . . . , w hich was f ir s t sold in 1696 T his volum e noted on the title page: "T aken in S hort-hand as it was d e liv e re d by them ; And now faithfully T ra n s c rib e d and Published for the Inform ation of those who by R eason of Ignorance m ay have received 77 a P re ju d ic e ag ain st th e m [Q uakers]. By a L o v er of th a t P eople." : The only surviving se rm o n w hich T hom as Chalkley delivered during the seventeenth century is found in m a n u sc rip t fo rm am ong the 78 m a te r ia ls in the F rie n d s H is to ric a l L ib ra ry of S w arth m o re College. P re v ie w of Subsequent C h ap ters C h ap ter II of the study sk etch es the in te lle c tu a l, relig io u s, and "^Ibid. , p re fa c e . 76 (London: J. Sowle, 1723). 77 Ibid. , title page. 78 S erm o n by M r. T. C halkley, 4th M onth 7, 1698 (June 7, 1698), handw ritten, F rie n d s H is to ric a l L ib ra ry of S w arth m o re College, S w a rth m o re , P ennsylvania. 40 so c io -p o litic a l m ilie u of la te r sev en teen th century England. It also attem p ts to c h a ra c te riz e the extent and n a tu re of rh e to ric a l and h o m i- le tic a l th eo ry in th a t age; all with a view tow ard d eterm in in g the co n s tra in ts w ithin w hich e a rly Q uaker r h e to ric operated. The th ird ch ap ter d eals w ith the e a rly Q uaker w e lta n sic h t, with p a rtic u la r rele v an ce to finding the p re su p p o sitio n s w hich underlay th e ir I rh e to ric . Beginning with th e ir view s on the n atu re of m an , society, [ and ep iste m o lo g y , the ch ap ter m oves to a co n sid era tio n of th e ir view s of psychology and com m unication. The ch ap ter focuses on the e a rly \ j Q uaker conception of the p u rp o ses and in s tru m e n ta litie s of preaching. J C h ap ter IV tr e a ts of the s e rm o n s , both in te rm s of the concepts i which w e re actually developed in the surviving s e rm o n s , and r e c u r r e n t te rm s in the se rm o n s which stood for concepts developed in o th e r s e r m o n s, tr a c ts , or o th er rh e to ric a l situ atio n s. T h ree c a te g o rie s of "th e m e s" a re exam ined: (1) th eological th e m e s, (2) th e m e s w hich d is cu ss individual b eh av io r, and (3) th e m e s dealing with Q uaker attitu d es tow ard c u rre n t society. E ach them e is identified, a q uantitative e s t i m a te of its ro le in the se rm o n s is e s ta b lish e d , and illu stra tio n s of its e x p re s s io n a re provided through quotations. R e c u rre n t a rc h e ty p a l m e ta p h o rs in the se rm o n s a re the su b ject of C hapter V. F ive significant m a s te r m e ta p h o rs a re identified in the se rm o n s: (1) the lig h t-d a rk m e ta p h o r, (2) the guiding voice m e ta p h o r, (3) the seed m e ta p h o r, (4) the h u n g e r - th ir s t m etap h o r, and (5) the 41 p ilg rim ag e m e ta p h o r. In eac h c a se , the quantitative significance of the m etap h o r is e s tim a te d , and its role in Q uaker se rm o n s is illu stra te d . F our sa lie n t c h a r a c te r is tic s of e a rly Q uaker se rm o n s in a d d i tion to th e m es and a rc h e ty p a l m e ta p h o rs a re identified and illu s tra te d i in C hapter VI. The c h a r a c te r is tic s include: (1) the developm ent of the| i "cate ch ital" style of rh e to ric a l qu estio n , dialogue, and "q u ery "; (2) the| j extensive use of sp atial te rm s ; (3) the use of the guilt appeal; and (4) j I the use of p e rso n a l testim o n y . The a s s e rtio n of P r o f e s s o r Cope th at j the blending of lite ra ln e s s and m e ta p h o r, s c rip tu ra re d iv iv a , and the " in can tato ry " style w aned during the la s t q u a rte r of the cen tu ry w ill be te sted fro m the evidence of the se rm o n s which su rv iv e the p erio d . Thej a rg u m e n t of P r o f e s s o r C re a s e y , th a t B a rc la y 's and P e n n 's use of sp atial te rm s d iffere d significantly fro m that of Fox and the e a rly Q u a k e rs, will likew ise be exam ined in light of the evidence p re se n te d in the surviving s e rm o n s . F in ally , P r o f e s s o r B a rb o u r's conclusion that the p reaching of e a rly Q u a k e rs w as c h a ra c te riz e d by a m a ss iv e a s s a u lt on guilt will be applied to the s e rm o n s of the p erio d 1671-1700. C hapter VII seek s to co m p are Q uaker h o m iletic and p reaching w ith th a t of A nglicans and P u rita n s. D ifferences o r s im ila ritie s in the p re p a ra tio n and ro le of m in is te r s , the ro le of p reach in g in the life of the church, the b a s ic d o c trin a l position p re se n te d , the fo rm a l c h a ra c - te r i s tic s of the s e rm o n s , the d iffere n ces in co n g reg a tio n s, and the____ 42 p re p a ra tio n and d e liv e ry of s e rm o n s a re d isc u sse d . The eighth ch ap ter p re s e n ts a s u m m a ry and conclusion of the study. Im p licatio n s of conclusions draw n fro m the r e s e a r c h a re c o n sid ered , including the im p lic atio n s of this study upon rh e to ric a l know l edge in g e n e ra l, and p a rtic u la rly o u r knowledge of relig io u s rh e to ric . Suggestions for fu tu re study a re also p re se n te d . C H A PTER II SEV EN TEEN TH CENTURY ENGLAND: ITS CONSTRAINTS ON EARLY QUAKER RHETORIC I ! The tra n s fo rm a tio n th a t took place in the seventeenth cen tu ry j is . . . fa r m o re than m e re ly a constitutional o r political re v o lution, or a revolution in eco n o m ics, relig io n , o r ta ste. It e m b ra c e s the w hole way of life. Two conceptions of civ ilisatio n w ere in conflict. One took F re n c h a b so lu tism for its m odel, the o th e r the D utch R e p u b lic .* T h e re is no such thing as a "spontaneous rh e to ric " ; that is, th e re is no invention of a th eo ry of com m unication which is uninfluencec by c u rre n ts of the society which su rro u n d s it and of w hich it is a p a rt. The situ a tio n is s im ila r to the phenom enon in the n a tu ra l w orld w hich we call "spontaneous com bustion"; it cannot o ccu r in the absence of com bustible m a te r ia ls , and then only when the conditions a re p re s e n t which cause ignition. R h eto ric is a s m uch a p ro d u ct of its own tim e as it is a p a r t of the m a trix of c a u se s which lead to a lte ra tio n s in society. C h risto p h e r H ill, The C entury of R evolution 1603-1714, Vol. V of A H isto ry of E ngland, ed. by C h risto p h e r B rooke and D enis M ack Sm ith (8 vols. ; London: T hom as N elson and Sons, Ltd. , 1961), pp. 4-5. 43 44 T his ch ap ter will attem p t to re la te significant asp e c ts of the in tellectu al, relig io u s, and sociopolitical m ilieu of the period 1650- 1700 which b ear on the developm ent of Q uaker rh e to ric . It will also c h a ra c te riz e the n a tu re and extent of rh e to ric a l knowledge of that age. We w ill not tr e a t the su b ject in a s m uch d etail as m ight the philosopher o r h is to ria n , both of whom would p e rh a p s find this account overly b rief. I Instead, we will be conscious of a sp ecific ta sk , that of d eterm in in g thej n a tu re of the in tellectu al, re lig io u s, so cio p o litical, and rh e to ric a l 2 fo rc e s which acted as c o n s tra in ts on e a rly Q uaker rh e to ric . Intellectual C u rre n ts : A F r e s h Look at Man and His W orld The period u n d er co n sid era tio n in th is study w itnessed a re v o lution in thought. The signs of the changes which took place o v er the co u rse of the century a re so m e tim e s ea sily p e rce iv ed . W allace N ote- stein w as able to conclude reg ard in g the f ir s t p a rt of the century that the "w orld of E liz a b e th 's reig n and even up into the e a rly S tuurt period 3 w as still m ed iev al in its fundam ental c o n ce p ts." By the late seven- I am using the te r m " c o n s tra in ts " both in the sen se of com pul sion and of re s tr a in t. The in tellectu a l, relig io u s, socio p o litical, and rh e to ric a l en v iro n m en t com pels rh e to ric a l d is c o u rse , as w ell as sets lim its upon its to p ics, fo rm s , and effectiv en e ss. 3 The E nglish P eo p le on the Eve of C olonization (New York: H a rp e r and Row, P u b lis h e rs , 1962), p. 26. 45 teenth cen tu ry , how ever, one could see c le a rly that "an e r a of sc ie n c e , 4 m a th e m a tic s, and p h y sical e x p e rim e n t had a rriv e d ." B asil Willey helped pinpoint the difference in p e rsp e c tiv e betw een the m ed iev al and late seventeenth century mind. He noted th at l the m ed iev al m ind tended to co n ce n trate on final c a u se s, on the why of j 5 i phenom ena, but the new scien ce fo cu ssed on the how . He o b serv ed j | that the intellectu al rev o lu tio n in p ro c e s s of en actm en t in the cen tu ry j i I "w as a g e n e ra l tra n s fe re n c e of in te r e s t fro m m e tap h y sics to p h y sic s, ' 6 ! fro m the contem plation of Being to the o b serv atio n of B ecom ing." j i T racin g the shift in in te lle c tu a l p e rsp e c tiv e is not the p ro p e r { i co n cern of this tre a tis e ; h o w ev er, it m ay be valuable to e s ta b lis h somej I of the tre n d s through an ex am in atio n of two proponents of the "new philosophy": Rene D e s c a r te s and F r a n c is Bacon. D e s c a rte s and Bacon exem plify the two fo rc e s of the new scien c e. D e s c a rte s w as the m an oi m a th e m a tic a l calculation; B acon, the expounder of o b serv atio n by the se n se s. In 1649i a tra n s la tio n of D e s c a r te s ' tr e a tis e , A D isc o u rs e on 4 M au rice A shley, England in the Seventeenth C en tu ry , Vol. 6 of The P e lic a n H isto ry of E ngland (3rd ed. ; B altim o re: Penguin B ooks, 1961), p. 155. ^ The Seventeenth C en tu ry Background: Studies in the Thought of the Age in R elation to P o e try and R eligion (G arden City, New York: D oubleday & C om pany, Inc. , 1953), p. 14. ^Ibid. , p. 16. 46 Method, was published in E n g lish . A F re n c h m a n w riting a m id st the intellectual freed o m of H olland, he attem pted to c o n stru c t what B e r - 7 tran d R u ssell called a "com plete philosophic edifice de nova." A. B. G ibson, P r o f e s s o r of Philosophy of the U n iv ersity of B irm in g h am , England, saw exhibited in the w ritin g s of D e s c a rte s two c h a r a c te r i s tic s of the late R en aissan c e: (1) the m a th e m a tic a l m ethod, and (2) the p erso n al ap proach to philosophy. S pecifically, the tru th s of m a th e m a tic s a re not dependent upon events in tim e, th e re fo re D e s c a r te s ' m ethod re fle c ts a g e n e ra l apathy tow ard h isto ry . On the other hand, the p erso n al m ethod p la ces re sp o n sib ility on the individual who m u st "live through each tu rn of the a rg u m e n t . . . reflecting m ethodically g on the im plications of his own e x p e rie n c e ." The f ir s t c h a ra c te ris tic led to the developm ent of sc ie n c e , w hile the second tied C a rte sia n philosophy to the R efo rm a tio n e m p h a sis on the p e rso n a l religion. Gibson concluded: . . . both th e se p reo ccu p atio n s D e s c a rte s sh ared with h is age, and both tra c e th e ir d e sc e n t to that m a n y -sid ed m o v em en t of the s p ir it conveniently d e s c rib e d as the R e n a issa n c e . . . . The ris e of m a th e m a tic a l p h y sics and the a r r iv a l of p e rso n a l religion w ere the outstanding events in the h isto ry of thought since the schoolm en of the th irte e n th century e la b o ra te d th e ir 7 A H isto ry of W e ste rn P hilosophy (New York: Sim on and S ch u ster, 1945), p. 557. 8 The P hilosophy of D e s c a rte s (New York: R u ss e ll 8 1 R u sse ll, 1967), p. 4. 47 ric h m o sa ic of A risto te lia n C h ristian ity . It is p re c is e ly these ele m e n ts which we find s tre s s e d in the w ork of D e s c a rte s . . . D e s c a r te s ' philosophy, for our p u rp o se s, m ay be fa irly s u m m a riz e d by a c o n sid e ra tio n of th re e m a jo r te n e ts. D isenchanted with the learn in g of h is day, D e s c a rte s began his own s e a rc h fo r tru th by doubting all that he po ssib ly could. The pu rp o se of this " C a rte sia n doubt" w as, to use D e s c a r te s ' own analogy, to find if "it is but a little 10 copper and g la ss , p e rh a p s , th a t I take for gold or d ia m o n d s." He re je c te d all w ritte n knowledge when he noted in his D isc o u rse on M ethod, "I e n tire ly abandoned the study of le tte r s , and reso lv e d no longer to seek any o th er science than the knowledge of m y se lf." H is in tro sp e ctio n led him to m ake the m o st re m e m b e re d statem en t of his 12 philosophy, "I think, hence I a m ." The second ten et of D e s c a r te s ' philosophy follows n atu ra lly th at of philosophic doubt. If one em ploys doubt to find the "gold and d ia m onds" of know ledge, he m u st have a c r ite rio n to te s t the re s u lts of his se a rc h . C la rity becam e the c rite rio n of tru th under D e s c a rte s ' sy stem . On this point he concluded: "I m ight tak e, as a g en era l ru le , the p rin cip le, th at all things w hich we v ery c le a rly and distinctly ^Ibid. , p. 4. ^ R e n e D e s c a r te s , "D isc o u rse on M eth o d ," in A D isco u rse on M ethod and S elected W ritin g s, tra n s . by John V eitch (New York: D ut ton, 1951), p. 2. 11 12 ----------------Ibid. . p . 7.________Ibid. . p . 28._________________________________ 48 conceive a re tru e , only o b serv in g , how ever, th a t th e re is som e d iffi culty in rightly d eterm in in g the ob jects which we d istin ctly conceive."*' Although he re a liz e d that th e re w e re p ro b lem s in the c rite rio n of c la rity , D e s c a rte s m aintained that the logic of intuition w as su p e rio r to the deduction involving the sy llo g ism . In D e s c a r te s ' view, the sy llo g ism could not be used to d isc o v e r new tru th . He grudgingly I ad m itted that the sy llo g ism could be u sefu l in "the com m unication of w hat we a lre a d y know, " but it w as m o st often u sed "in speaking without 14 jud g m en t of things of w hich we a r e ig n o ran t." The syllo g ism , engine of s c h o la s tic is m , D e s c a rte s concluded could not be u sed to investigate the unknown. To re p la c e the sy llo g ism , and to provide guidance for his in tu i tive m ethod, D e s c a rte s provided four ru le s: (1) to avoid p recipitancy and p re ju d ic e , (2) to divide each of the d ifficu lties u n d er exam ination into as m any p a rts as p o ssib le, (3) to d eal with the s im p le s t and ascend to the m o re com plex, and (4) to m ake co m p lete e n u m e ra tio n s and 15 re v ie w s. The th ird m a jo r ten et of C a rte sia n philosophy is the use of lin e a r in fe re n c e s to deduce new p ro p o sitio n s. Beyond intuition and the application of his m ethod, D e s c a rte s reco g n ized a fo rm of deduction. H is n o n -s y llo g istic concept of deduction can probably be reduced to a *^Ibid. , p. 29. *^Ibid. , p. 14. ^Ibid. , pp. 15-16. 49 g e n e ra l p ro c e s s of reaso n in g fro m p rev io u sly intuited p ro p o sitio n s. N o rm an Sm ith, in his im p o rtan t tr e a tis e , Studies in the C a rte sia n P hilosophy, saw D e s c a rte s ' notion of deduction a s a type of extended intuition: j Though D e s c a rte s adds to intuition deduction, he does not j m ean by the la tte r anything re a lly d istin c t fro m intuition. We m u st, he a d m its, d istin g u ish betw een the se lf-e v id e n t tru th s and I those o th e rs w hose ce rta in ty can only be d isc o v e re d by deduction j fro m them . The p ro c e s s , how ever, by w hich they a re v erified is I in both c a s e s the sa m e . D eduction is but a long s e r ie s of intui- j tio n s. . . . W hen the s e r ie s is too long thus to be g ath ered into j a single fru itfu l intuition, the m e m o ry of the evidence p reviously j v e rifie d in intuition h as to be re lie d u p o n . ^ j I D e s c a r te s , although m aking a significant b re a k fro m m ed iev al j | philosophy, did not ru le out re lig io u s belief. In stead , he d rew a p ic - J | tu re of the w orld far d iffere n t fro m the m ed iev al one w here "it w as the 18 function of n a tu ra l science to s e rv e theology." F r e d e r ic k L. N uss- baum w rote of D e s c a rte s th at "he su cceed ed in defining a u n iv e rse in which the hum an re a s o n was su p re m e . In the w orld beyond e x p erien ce it led to the knowledge of God. In the w orld of e x p e rie n c e , by wholly d iffe re n t m e th o d s, fre e fro m involvem ent with tra d itio n and authority, Rene D e s c a rte s , R ules for the D ire c tio n of the M ind, tra n s . by L a u re n c e J. L a fle u r (Indianapolis: B o b b s -M e rrill, 1961), pp. 1 1 - 1 2 . ^ ( N e w York: R u sse ll & R u s se ll, 1961), pp. 32-33. 18 F r e d e r ic k L. N ussbaum , The T riu m p h of Science and R eason 1660-1685 (New York: H a rp e r & Row, P u b lis h e rs , 1962), p. 1. 50 19 it could lead . . . to the m a s te ry of the m a te r ia l w o rld .” D e s c a rte s had a profound influence upon thought in E ngland, but sp earh ead in g the new p erce p tio n of the w orld am ong E n g lish m en w ere the w ritin g s of F r a n c is B acon, which seem ed to cap tu re the fancy of the new age a fte r the 1640's. Although h is influence during the e a rly p a rt of the cen tu ry w as m in im a l, he e x e rte d an undoubted influence i during the la s t h alf of the cen tu ry . B orn at the high tide of the E n g lish I R e n a issa n c e , he, like D e s c a rte s , saw the lim itatio n s of what A ris to te - lia n ism had becom e at the hands of the S c h o la stic s. O b se rv atio n had not been the habit of the m ed iev al Schoolm en. B efore an in te r e s t in science could b lo sso m , it w as n e c e s s a ry that a d iffere n t philosophical attitude be developed. While D e s c a rte s began with sc e p tic is m , Bacon began with a c u rio sity about the w orld m an lived in. F u rth e rm o re , his cu rio sity could only be sa tisfie d by looking d ire c tly a t the w orld, and like D e s c a rte s , he re je c te d the need to look into the w orks of the an cien ts. W illiam T. Jo n es sum m ed up the c h a r a c te r is tic attitude needed for scien c e to develop when he said: " T h e re had to be, in a w ord, a d r a s tic change in the conception of au th o rity , fro m th at of the 20 w ritte n w ord . . . to that of n a tu re and e m p iric a l f a c t.” T his d ra stic change becam e the ra is o n d 'e tr e of Bacon. 19 - H , . . , Ibid. , p. 2. 20 A H isto ry of W e ste rn P hilosophy (New York: H a rc o u rt, B ra c e , & C om pany, 1952), p. 591. 51 B aco n 's inquiry into the logic of the an cien ts led h im , like D e s c a rte s , to r e je c t the sy llo g ism as "acting too confusedly and letting 21 n a tu re slip out of its h an d s. " He pointed to the sh o rtco m in g s of the sy llo g ism as re s id in g in its v ery n atu re : "the sy llo g ism c o n sis ts of propositions - -p ro p o sitio n s of w ords; and the w ords a re the signs and tokens of notions. Now if the v ery notions . . . be im p ro p e rly and o v erh astily a b s tra c te d fro m fa c ts, vague, not sufficiently definite . . . I 22 the whole edifice tu m b le s." The s y ste m p ro p o sed by B acon to re p la c e that of the ancients w as "a fo rm of induction w hich sh all analyze e x p erien ce and take it to p ie c e s, and by due p ro c e s s of exclusion and re je c tio n lead to an in ev i- 23 table co n clu sio n ." H is fo rm of induction would, he thought, guard against the e r r o r s w hich often re su lte d fro m rely in g upon the s e n se s alone. The s e n s e s fail in two w ays acco rd in g to Bacon. F i r s t , they often overlook in fo rm atio n , for th e re a re m any su b tle tie s in n a tu re w hich can e sc a p e them . The s e n se s also fail in th a t they often convey false info rm atio n . B acon d isc u s se d at som e length what he called the " id o ls ," which w ere " e r r o r s of ap p reh en sio n to be reco g n ized , allow ed 21 F r a n c is B acon, "Novum O rganon, " in The New O rganon and R elated W ritin g s , ed. by F . H. A n d erso n (New York: The L ib e ra l A rts P r e s s , Inc. , I960), p. 19. ^ I b i d . , p. 19. 23 I b i d ., p. 20. 52 24 fo r, and c irc u m v e n te d if p o s sib le ." The Idols of the T rib e had th e ir foundation "in hum an n a tu re itse lf, and in the trib e or ra c e of m en. F o r it is a false a s s e rtio n th a t the sense of m an is the m e a s u r e of things. " The Idols of the Cave w e re "the idols of the individual m an. F o r ev ery o n e . . . has a cave o r den of his own, which re f r a c ts and 25 d isc o lo rs the light of n a tu re ." Bacon reco g n ized that language had the pow er to "fo rce and o v e rru le the understan d in g , and th ro w all into confusion, and lead m en away into n u m b e rle ss em pty c o n tro v e rsie s and idle fa n c ie s, " and he called th e se m isa p p re h e n sio n s the Idols of the M ark et. F in ally , he noted th a t "th ere a re Idols w hich have im m i- 26 grated into m e n 's m in d s fro m the v arious dogm as of p h ilo so p h ies," and th ese w ere denom inated the Idols of the T h e a tre . To co u n teract draw backs of s e n s e -p e rc e p tio n and e r r o r s of a p p reh e n sio n , Bacon fo rm u lated the d iscip lin e of an "ex p e rim e n t." B aco n 's inductive m ethod h a s been c ritic iz e d a s being "cooked 27 up" and " o v e rsim p lifie d ," but h is attitude of m ind sta n d s, despite the 24 K arl R. W allace, F r a n c is Bacon on the N ature of Man: The F a c u ltie s of M an 's Soul (U rbana, Illinois: U niversity of Illinois P r e s s , 1967). p. 125. 25 "Novum O rg an o n ," p. 48. 26 „ . _ Ibid. , p. 49. K arl W allace, F r a n c is Bacon on C om m unication and R h eto ric (Chapel H ill: The U n iv e rsity of N orth C aro lin a P r e s s , 1943), p. 96. 53 c ritic is m , a s a significant d e p a rtu re fro m that of the m edieval p h ilo so p h e rs. B acon went beyond e m p iric is m to the beginnings of scientific i e x p e rim e n ta lism . D e s c a rte s and Bacon w rote in an age which re lie d fundam en- i i I tally upon deduction as its c h a r a c te r is tic fo rm of reaso n in g , and upon j i ancient and m e d iev al a u th o ritie s who supplied the b a sic p re m is e s of its| I sy llo g ism s. The sy llo g ism was at once the foundation of educational I 28 m ethod in the u n iv e rs itie s , w here sy llo g istic d isputation held fo rth , as w ell as the philosophic groundings of B iblical au th o rity . N otestein rem in d s us th at m en at the beginning of the century w e re still dealing with the Bible and its e x p o sito rs in the old way: "T hey found p r e m is e s j j and then re a so n e d deductively fro m them . It was the habit taught them 29 at the u n iv e rsity ." The new e m p h a sis upon induction and o b serv atio n was clashing with the old h abits and logic. P r e p a ra tio n s w ere being m ade for th e a ll-o u t ep istem o lo g ical w ar of the eighteenth century 30 which W ilbur Sam uel Howell has d e s c rib e d so w ell. The tim e was 28 See a b rie f but inform ative d isc u s sio n of th is point in David P o tte r, D ebating in the Colonial C h a rte re d C o lle g e s, C olum bia U n iv e r sity T e a c h e rs C ollege C ontributions to E ducation, No. 89 (New York: C olum bia U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1944), pp. 1-15. P o tte r includes a d e s c r ip tion of the ty p ical fo rm a t of the debate fro m Isaac W a tts', The Im p ro v e m ent of the M ind, a popular co n tem p o rary m anual on disputing. 29 The E n g lish People on the Eve of C o lonization, p. 32. "^ "T h e Plough and the F lail: The O rd e a l of E ighteenth C entury Logic, " The H untington L ib ra ry Q u a r te r ly , X X V III(N ovem ber, 1964), 63-78. 54 still in the future when m en would begin to re a liz e th at deduction is analogous to the flail which b e a ts p ro p o sitio n s to get a t the k e rn e ls of truth; while induction is c lo se r to the plow which tu rn s over the ground 31 to bring forth new p ro p o sitio n s. By the tim e the m idpoint of the seventeenth century was reac h ed , the new w ays of thinking had estab lish ed m o re than a foothold. The Royal Society w as e sta b lish e d in 1660, and began ex ertin g its e lf in j I the intellectu al life of B ritain . The sc ie n tific tour de fo rce of the c e n tu ry , how ever, cam e with the publication of Isaac N ew ton's P rin c ip ia M ath em atica in 1687. Newton bro u g h t to g e th er the two fo rc e s of the new science w hich D e s c a rte s and B acon re p re s e n te d . N ussbaum I o b serv ed that F o r his own and succeeding g e n e ra tio n s Newton converted the w orld into fo rm u las of m e a su re m e n t. It becam e a w orld in w hich the p h y sical and the m a th e m a tic a l a p p ea red as the two e sse n tia l and c o m p lem e n tary a s p e c ts of re a lity . The e m p ir i cally o b se rv e d and the m a th e m a tic a lly deduced w ere given f a c ti tious identity. 32 Newton u sh e re d in the m e c h a n istic view of the u n iv e rse in w hich natural, events w ere seen as governed by n a tu ra l la w s, m a th e m a tic a l in n a tu re . In sum , the new p e rc e p tio n of the u n iv e rs e , of n a tu re , of m an, which w as in its ad o lescence in the la s t half of the seventeenth cen tu ry 3 I I b id ., p. 77. 32 The T riu m p h of S cience and R eason, p. 26. 55 was " re a s o n a b le " fro m ev e ry angle. It depended upon m a n 's re a s o n at ev ery ju n c tu re, and exuded confidence that, given unbiased o b se rv a tio n and the rig h t application of m a n 's re a so n , the s e c r e ts of all crea tio n would be rev ea led . T r u s t in the an cien ts had been shaken, and the quake w as felt in the sp h e re s of relig io n , p o litic s, and rh e to ric . R eligious C u rre n ts : P u rita n is m in Apex and D ecline To a s su m e th at scien ce overshadow ed relig io n in the la s t half of the seventeenth cen tu ry would be a g ro s s o v e r-s im p lific a tio n . If the seventeenth century can be c h a ra c te riz e d at all, it m u st be concluded that it w as at h e a r t a cen tu ry of co n sid era b le relig io u s fe rv o r. Indeed, R ich ard F. Jo n e s , in h is im p o rta n t study of the grow th of the scientific i I l m ovem ent in E ngland, concluded that th e re w as a tie betw een relig io n and scien ce. He pointed out th at the new le arn in g owed m uch to the fact that it was acc ep ted by the g re a t in te lle c tu a l-re lig io u s m o v em en t of p o st-E liz a b e th a n E ngland, P u rita n is m : The im p o rtan ce of the P u rita n s in m aking B aco n 's w orks popular and in d isse m in a tin g and advocating his id e a s, v alues, and attitudes is p e rh a p s g r e a te r than we re a liz e . B efore 1640, he seem s to have m ade no re m a rk a b le im p re s sio n upon m e n 's m inds; at the R e s to ra tio n he had becom e by fa r the g re a te s t in fluence of the tim e. H is nam e and w orks w ere the subject of en d less adulation and unvarying trib u te . F u r th e r m o re , P u rita n support of e x p e rim e n ta l scien c e is seen not only in educational tr e a tis e s . . . but also in the sm all group of e x p e rim e n to rs at O xford, . . . T hese m en w e re in no way fan atical P u rita n s, but 56 33 th e ir allegiance w as definitely to the P u rita n side. In o rd e r to co m p reh en d rightly the relig io u s situ atio n in the p erio d , P u rita n is m m u s t be exam ined in som e d etail, for it p e rm e a te d the relig io u s m ilie u of the tim e. The P u rita n R evolution co v ered the period fro m the P etitio n of 34 Right in 1628 to the R e sto ra tio n in 1660. But the p erio d of P u rita n influence extends w ell beyond th ese y e a rs in both d ire c tio n s , e s p e c i ally into the m o d e rn p erio d . P u rita n is m , like Q u a k e ris m , has su f fe re d fro m b ia sed s c h o la rsh ip . The w ritin g s of W illiam H a lle r, P e r r y M ille r, and o th e rs , have done m uch to c o r r e c t our im p re s sio n s of the „ . 35 P u rita n s . A ppearing in the m id -six te e n th cen tu ry , E n g lish P u rita n is m ex isted as a re co g n izab le relig io u s group until roughly the tim e of the R e sto ra tio n , w hen it c ea se d to have a d istin c t identity. Its pow er, how ever, had spaw ned new g ro u p s at its p e rip h e ry and it had infused 33 A ncients and M oderns: A Study of the R ise of the Scientific M ovem ent in S ev en teen th -C e n tu ry England (2nd ed. ; B erk eley : U ni v e rs ity of C alifo rn ia P r e s s , 1965), p. 117. F o r a co n tra stin g view, see M. M. K nappen, T udor P u rita n is m : A C hapter in the H isto ry of Id ealism (G lo u c e ste r, M a s sa c h u se tts: P e te r Sm ith, 1963), p. 476. 34 B ra ith w a ite , B eginnings, p. 1. 35 See the bibliography for a p a rtia l lis t of p e rtin e n t w ritin g s of th e se s c h o la rs on the su b ject of P u rita n is m . 57 36 m any E n g lish m en with its v irtu e s . E nlivened by the effect of the R efo rm a tio n , P u rita n s s e t out to "p re a c h an ev an g elical C h ristia n ity , a relig io n of p ra y e r and the read in g of S c rip tu re s , of m ed itatio n and 37 se lf-e x a m in a tio n ." M any E n g lish m en had fled England under the bloody reig n of M ary , had found s h e lte r in G eneva and other P ro te sta n tj stro n g h o ld s, and re tu rn e d to England with a will to "purify" the Churchj of England. A lthough P u rita n is m w as n e v e r u n iv e rsa lly solidified into a 38 c a te c h ism of b elief acc ep tab le to all, it is possible to o b serv e the e x isten ce of som e b a sic p rin c ip le s w hich m o st P u rita n s held in c o m m on. F i r s t , and fo re m o st, the P u rita n believed in the p e rso n a l e x p e rie n c e of G od's so v ereig n ty w orking salv atio n in his life. "They in s is t," says A lan S im pson, "th at the n a tu ra l m an cannot grow in g race ; he h as to be re b o rn . They explain the re b irth as a p erso n a l e x p e rie n c e in which the individual soul e n c o u n te rs the w rath and 3 6 Q u a k e ris m its e lf w as an outgrow th of E nglish P u rita n is m . B arb o u r o b serv ed (The Q u ak ers in P u rita n E n g lan d , p. 2): "M ost of th e ir in sig h ts in e th ic s and w o rsh ip w e re in fact the sam e as those of the p u rita n s. Even c h a ra c te ris tic a lly Q u ak er teach in g s w ere often p u rita n attitu d es pushed to s e v e re co nclusions. . . . T h eir conflicts w ith p u ritan le a d e rs had the loving d e s p e ra tio n of a fam ily feud." 37 N otestein, p. 161. 38 W illiam P e rk in s m ade an a tte m p t at this goal in "The Founda tion of C h ristia n R eligion, " The W o rk e s, tra n s . by T hom as Tuke (3 vols. ; London, 1613-1616). --------------------------------------------------------------------- ss~ 3 9 re d e m p tiv e love of G od." Second, the P u rita n believed th at a life of good w orks w as the expected re s p o n s e to salvation. He did not live a m o ra l life in o rd e r to attain salv atio n , but as a re s u lt of G od's g race . M a rs h a ll Knappen c o rre c tly su m m a riz e d the im p o rtan ce of this asp e c t of P u rita n is m when he said: "T he m a in sp rin g of the P u r ita n 's m e ch a- ] n ism w as his m o ra l c o n sc io u sn e ss. . . . By the fru its we a re to know | 40 the re a lity of faith ." The P u rita n outlook on life w as, above all, one of d iscip lin e . The th ird b a sic p rin c ip le of P u rita n is m w as the belief that the u ltim a te authority w as the S c rip tu re s , "the sole so u rce of 41 a u th o rity --th e com plete ru le by w hich m en m u s t live. . . . " In the w ords of W illiam P e rk in s , the S c rip tu re s w ere "of sufficient c re d it in and by th e m s e lv e s , needing not the te stim o n y of any c r e a tu r e , not sub je c t to the c en su re of e ith e r m en o r an g els, binding the co n scie n ces of all m en at all tim e s , and being the only foundation of our faith and the 42 ru le and canon of all tru th ." The final p rin cip le of P u rita n is m , which I should like to m ention, is the b elief that the sta te should be 3 9 P u rita n is m in Old and New England (Chicago: The U niversity of Chicago P r e s s , 1961), p. 5. 40 M. M. Knappen, T udor P u rita n ism : A C hapter in the H is- to ry of Id ealism (G lo u ceste r, M a s sa c h u s e tts : P e te r Sm ith, 1963), p. 341. 41 , Sim pson, p. 6. ^ W i l l i a m P e rk in s , The W orkes (3 vols. ; London, 1616-18), I, p. 122, quoted in K nappen, p. 355._____________________________________ 59 43 re m a d e fo r G od's glory. R ic h ard B a x te r, one of the a b le s t of P u r i tan w r ite r s , and a stro n g c ritic of the e a rly Q u a k e rs, w ent so fa r as to say that "It is this T h e o c ra tic a l P o licy o r Divine C om m on-w ealth, which is the unquestionable reig n of C h ris t on e a rth , w hich all C h r is tians a re ag ree d m ay be justly sought; and that te m p o ral dignity of 44 Saints, which undoubtedly would m uch b le ss the w o rld ." B a x te r's point of view w as not fa r-fe tc h e d for the P u rita n , who g en era lly believed that "the chief end of g o v ern m e n t is the g lo rificatio n of God and the w elfare of so u ls. . . . R eligion is the e s s e n tia l b u s in e s s of the 45 S ta te ." P e rh a p s it can go w ithout saying that P u rita n is m differed su b stan tially fro m A nglicanism . S im pson has su m m a riz e d the e s s e n tia l d iffe re n c e s betw een the opposing view s: the P u rita n he said, . . . believed in the total d ep rav ity of n atu re ; he w as told th at m en w ere not so fallen as he thought they w ere. He believed th at the n a tu ra l m an had to be v irtu a lly reb o rn ; he w as told th at he could grow in g ra c e . He b eliev ed th at the se rm o n w as the only m ean s of bringing saving knowledge and th at the p re a c h e r O ther g e n e ra liz e d p rin c ip le s of P u rita n is m could be noted, including in tellectu a l to u g h n ess, individualism , " z e a l," e tc. See Knappen, pp. 339-353, for a d is c u s s io n of th e se su b jects. 44 R ic h ard B a x te r, A Holy C om m onw ealth, quoted in H e rb e rt W allace S ch n eid er, The P u rita n M ind (Ann A rb o r, M ichigan: The U ni v e rsity of M ichigan P r e s s , 1958), p. 16. 45 R ic h ard S c h la tte r, R ic h ard B ax ter and P u rita n P o litic s (New B ru n sw ick , New J e rs e y : R u tg e rs U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1957), pp. 21-22. 60 should speak as a dying m an to dying m en. He was told th at th e re w ere m any m e an s of salvation, th at se rm o n s by dying m en to dying m en w ere often p ro lix , irra tio n a l, and socially d istu rb in g , and th a t w hat they had to say th at was w orth saying had usually been b e tte r said in som e s e t fo rm that could be read aloud. He dem anded fre e d o m for the sa in ts to e x e rc is e th e ir gifts of p ra y e r and prophecy, only to be told that the needs of the com m unity w ere b e tte r m e t by the fo rm s of com m on p ra y e r. He felt in stin ctiv ely th a t the ch u rch was w here C h ris t dwelt in the h e a rts of the re g e n e ra te . He w as w arned that such feelings th re a te n e d the pru d en t d istin ctio n betw een the invisible ch u rch of the saved and the v isib le ch u rch of the re a lm . He in siste d that the ch u rch of the re a lm should be judged by S c rip tu re , confident th at S c rip tu re upheld h im , and p re p a re d to a s s e r t th at nothing w hich was not e x p re s s ly com m anded in S c rip tu re ought to be to le ra te d in the church. He was told th at God had left m uch to the d is c re tio n of hum an reaso n ; th at this re a s o n was e x e rc is e d by public a u th o rity , w hich in England w as the sam e for both church and state; and that w hatever au th o rity enjoined, in its la rg e a r e a of d is c re tio n , ought to be loyally obeyed.^6 The A nglican view w as d erived la rg e ly fro m R ich ard H o o k er's w ork, Of the Law s of E c c le s ia s tic a l P o lity , the th e sis of which w as th at in all things not e s s e n tia l to C h ristian ity o r the salv atio n of souls, "it w as p e rm is s ib le and indeed d e sira b le to follow tra d itio n , au th o rity , 47 and, above all, re a s o n , w hich the P u rita n s d is tru s te d ." H o o k e r's position w as a re c o n s tru c tio n of the R om an C atholic C hurch in the fra m e w o rk of P ro te s ta n tis m . A fter y e a r s of fru s tra tio n and r e p r e s s io n , esp ecially under the 460. S im pson, p. 9. 47 C h ris to p h e r M o rris , "Introduction" to R ic h ard H ooker, Of the Law s of E c c le s ia s tic a l P o lity (2 vols. ; New York: E . P . Dutton & Co. , Inc. , 1958), p. viii. 61 e c c le s ia s tic a l ru le of A rch b ish o p Laud, two phenom ena began to take shape in E n g lish P u rita n is m : frag m en tatio n and m ig ratio n . Liittle need be said in th is context about the la tte r, since it does not b e a r d ire c tly upon the developm ent of Q u a k e ris m in England. Suffice it to say th at m any p e rse c u te d P u rita n s m ig ra te d to H olland and u ltim a tely A m e ric a to set up th e ir ideal state. j ! The frag m e n tatio n of P u rita n is m is m o re g e rm a n e to this study because Q u a k e ris m e m e rg e d along the lines of ra d ic a l P u rita n is m , which em an ated as the left wing of E nglish P u rita n is m . P u rita n s w ere not tightly o rg an iz ed as a " s e c t," and did not exhibit an abounding sense of unity during th e ir y e a r s of developm ent. M o reo v er, with the coming t and passin g of the civil w a rs (the la s t in 1648), P u rita n is m had taken on se v e ra l g u ises co v erin g m a jo r d iv e rg e n ces of view point. John M arlow e s u m m a riz e d the th re e m a jo r subgroups of P u rita n is m which w ere form ing: On the rig h t wing w e re those who w ere em otionally and doc- trin ally sa tisfie d with the P r a y e r Book and with the A nglican E s ta b lish m e n t g e n e ra lly , and who w ished to avoid the two e x tre m e s of E r a s tia n is m (w hether in the in te re s t of King o r P a rlia m e n t) and c le ric a lis m (w hether A nglican or P re s b y te ria n ), and who re g a rd e d s e c ta ria n is m w ith the dislike of m en to whom relig io u s to le ra tio n w as synonym ous with political anarchy. . . . In the c e n te r w ere the P r e s b y te r ia n s who, until the S cottish a llia n c e , d e riv ed th e ir m a in su p p o rt fro m the City of London. P r e s b y te r ia n - is m w as, in som e s o rt, the logical consequence of an accep tan ce of the re lig io u s d o c trin e s of the E nglish R efo rm atio n , com bined w ith a re je c tio n of its p o litic a l im p licatio n s. . . . On the left wing w e re the S e c ta ria n s , the Z ea lo ts of P u r i ta n ism . The S e c ta ria n s d eriv e d th e ir stren g th and influence 62“ fro m those B ib le -re a d in g , p s a lm -sin g in g , la y -p re a c h in g habits which fo rm ed the m o st d e e p ly -ro o te d and m o st w id esp read m a n i festatio n of P u rita n is m in England. . . With the p assag e of tim e , esp e c ia lly a fte r the ris e of O liver C ro m w ell, the m o re ra d ic a l P u rita n s becam e in c re asin g ly s e p a ra tis t in th e ir b ehavior. The phenom enon s e e m s the logical re s u lt of the d is e s ta b lis h m e n t of the E p isc o p acy , and the fact that P re s b y te ria n is m w as not e sta b lish e d in its place. D uring the C om m onw ealth period, B arb o u r has o b se rv e d , two th e m e s began to e m e rg e in the ra d ic a l 49 ran k s of P u rita n ism : so cial ju stic e and in sp iratio n . The e x tre m e e x p re s sio n s of social ju s tic e w ere found in the m ovem ents of the D ig g e rs and the L e v e lle rs . In 1649, G e r r a r d W instanley attem p ted to set up a fa rm on the com m on at K ingston H ill, activ ated with "w arm ly and i 50 p an th eistically re lig io u s" m o tiv es. His a c t w as a so cial p ro te s t ag ain st the policy of land e n c lo su re by the gentry. The L e v e lle rs , on the other hand, under the le a d e rs h ip of John L ilb u rn e , w ere a political p arty draw n fro m the lo w er m iddle c la s s . They m ade re lig io u s to l e r a tion and the curing of o th e r so cial in ju stic e s the m a jo r p a rt of th e ir 48 The P u rita n T ra d itio n in E nglish Life (London: The C re s s e t P r e s s , 1956), pp. 23-24. 49 B a rb o u r, p. 21. 50 Ibid. , p. 24. W in stan ley 's W orks w ere edited and published in 1941 by G eorge H. Sabine (Ithaca, New York: C ornell U n iv ersity P r e s s ) . 63 p latform . L e v e lle r p o litics w ere la rg e ly the p o litical ex ten sio n s of the idea that the "E le c t w ere equal before God and that G od's love and 52 free g ra c e w ere offered to all m en u n iv e rsa lly ." The second e m p h a sis w hich B arb o u r o b se rv e d taking place d u r-i ing C ro m w e ll's tim e in pow er w as "in sp ira tio n ," o r an e m p h a sis upon j the Holy S p irit. Although m o re orthodox P u rita n s believed in the p res-j ence of the Holy S p irit in the b e lie v e r's life, the " ra d ic a l p u ritan s pushed the link of co n v ersio n and the S p irit m uch fu rth e r, s tre s s in g 53 the em otional fru its of the S p irit in conscious e x p e rie n c e ." This new e m p h a sis found e x p re s s io n in the in siste n c e upon a "co n v erte d " m in is try , an acknow ledgem ent of d ire c t "lead in g s" of the S p irit in the be- i i lie v e r's life, and a fre e d o m fro m any fixed fo rm s in w orship. G roups such as the E th e rin g to n ia n s, M uggletonians, G rin d leto n ian s, and m any 54 o th e rs , including the Q u a k e rs , ap p eared on the scene. 3 *See the im p o rta n t study on the L e v e lle rs by H. N. B ra ilsfo rd , The L e v e lle rs and the E n g lish R evolution, ed. by C h risto p h e r Hill (Stanford: Stanford U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1961). ^ B a r b o u r , p. 24. 53Ibid. , p. 25 3^In addition to the b rie f accounts of the v a rie tie s of d is s e n te rs o ffered by B a rb o u r, p. 28, and B raith w aite , B eg in n in g s, pp. 13, 18-27, one m ay also p ro fitab ly co n su lt the w ork of a la te r R o b e rt B a rc la y , The Inner Life of the R eligious S o cieties of the C om m onw ealth (2nd ed. ; London: H odder and Stoughton, 1876). See also C ham plin B u rra g e , The E a rly E n g lish D is s e n te rs in the Light of R ecen t R e s e a rc h 1550- 1641 (2 vols. ; New York: R u s s e ll & R u sse ll, 1967); a re p rin t of the 1912 edition, the f ir s t volum e of which tr e a ts the h isto ry and c ritic is m , the second volum e contains illu s tra tiv e docum ents. 64“ With the p assin g of C rom w ell, and the subsequent re s to ra tio n of the m o n arch y , the relig io u s p ic tu re changed d ra m a tic a lly . The C hurch of England w as once again in the se a t of pow er, anxious to b rin g the kingdom back to co n fo rm ity with A nglicanism . P e rs e c u tio n of d i s s e n te rs during the y e a r s betw een the R e sto ra tio n and the A ct of T o le r a tion in 1689 is a m a tte r of h is to ric a l re c o rd and will be d is c u ss e d j I briefly below. A fter to le ra tio n w as achieved under W illiam and M ary, all relig io u s g roups in E ngland su ffered g rad u al decline. The influence of i I ra tio n a lism , d e ism , and the new science was felt in A nglican and n o n co n fo rm ist c irc le s alik e. F o r all the depth of h is relig io u s ex p e rie n c e , the P u rita n , like the m a jo rity of th in k e rs of his age, w as in c re a sin g ly active in a tte m p ts to re c o n c ile w hat B asil W illey h as called "two incon s iste n t w o rld -v iew s": "Two p rin cip al o r d e r s of T ru th w ere p r e s e n t to the c o n sc io u sn e ss of the tim e: one, re p re s e n te d by C h ristia n ity , which m en could not but r e v e re n c e , and the o th e r, re p re s e n te d by scien c e, 55 which they could not but a c c e p t." The science w hich P u rita n is m had to an ex ten t e m b ra c e d e a r l ie r in the cen tu ry , w as causing it g ra v e con c e rn tow ard the c e n tu ry 's clo se. It is not the case that scien c e t r i um phed o v er relig io n a s the cen tu ry w ore on. But w ithout o v e r sim plifying a com plexity of ev en ts, we can conclude that the scien tific The Seventeenth C entury B ackground, p. 117. attitude helped change relig io n , as it did politics and rh e to ric . The seventeenth century E n g lish m an w as caught up in the b irth p a in s of an age of shifting e p istem o lo g ical b a se s; and to a g re a t extent we a re not through the c r is is yet. S ociopolitical C u rre n ts : The A ris to c ra c y C hallenged The seventeenth cen tu ry is fascinating for the changes which took place in the so cial and p o litic al life of the E nglish people. Ideas which we connect with re la tiv e ly re c e n t tim e s w ere debated in a le - i houses and draw ing ro o m s of seventeenth century England. We have j alre ad y noted the ap p ea ran ce of such ra d ic a l re lig io u s-p o litic a l m o v e m en ts as the D iggers and the L e v e lle rs. T here w ere also ro o ts of j d em o cracy in such publications as M ilton's A e ro p a g itic a , and John L o ck e 's Two T re a tis e s of G o v ern m en t and An E ssa y C oncerning Humar 56 U n d erstan d in g . Yet d e m o c ra c y , for all its infantile, id e a listic e x p re s sio n by D ig g ers and L e v e lle rs , w as b arely in its fo rm ativ e stages of developm ent. By the tim e W illiam and M ary ascen d e d the throne, E n g lish m en , by and la rg e , had had th e ir fill of ra d ic a l politics They had also been d isillu sio n ed w ith the th eo cracy of the P r o te c to ra te , on the one hand, and b la tan t rule by divine right, on the o th e r. They only knew for su re th at they did not want a P opish r u le r , nor a 56 M ilton's g r e a t defense of fre e d o m fro m c e n so rsh ip w as pub lished in 1644. L o c k e 's Two T r e a tis e s and E ssa y a p p ea red in 1690. 66 ty ran t, nor one tinged by ra d ic a lism . Seventeenth century E n g lish h isto ry has been divided into two p erio d s. The f ir s t w as an "uneventful prolongation of the E lizab eth an e r a , under conditions of peace and safety in stead of d o m e stic danger 57 and foreign w a r." G. M. T rev e ly an sum m ed up both the su rface and j 1 the su b su rfa ce conditions of the f i r s t p erio d when he said: "No indus- j tria l, a g ric u ltu ra l o r so cial change of im p o rtan ce took place in England| i during the forty y e a rs when the P a rlia m e n ta ry and P u rita n Revolution | I w as g erm in atin g beneath the soil of an ap p are n tly stable and settled 58 so ciety ." The p ic tu re in the f i r s t p erio d is one of a la rg e ly ru r a l society with p rim itiv e in d u stry and c o m m e rc e . On the su rface all looked calm , but the ro o ts of reb ellio n w e re finding n o u rish m e n t. I Although W illiam Caxton had introduced m ovable type printing to England in the fifteenth cen tu ry , it was not until the m id -se v e n te e n th century th a t b o o k se lle rs w ere flooded with the tools of th e ir tra d e . T ra c ts , books, and p am p h lets, following the fe rm e n t of relig io u s con- 59 tr o v e r s ie s , produced a v e rita b le p le th o ra of p rin ted b ro a d s id e s . 57 G. M. T re v e ly a n , Illu stra te d E n g lish Social H is to ry , Vol. II (4 vols. ; New York: David M cKay Com pany, Inc. , 1949-1952), p. 65. ^ Ibid. , p. 65. 59 The Q u a k e rs alone produced 2, 678 publications during the y e a rs 1650-1725 (Rufus Jo n e s, " In tro d u c tio n ," The L ite r a r y Life of the E a rly F rie n d s , p. xiii). v r None of th e se m a tch ed , in te rm s of influence, the publication of the King J a m e s Bible as a p rim e facto r in the crea tio n of a rev o lu tio n ary sp irit. A fter its ap p e a ra n c e in 1611, it becam e at once the m o s t im p o rtan t and b e st known book in England. N otestein noted th a t "M en w ere read in g the B ible in tra n s la tio n and taking to h e a r t its injunctions, 6 0 ; and gaining th e re b y a new z ea l for active and p e rso n a l C h ristia n ity ." | If a mein could read and in te r p r e t the S c rip tu re s h im se lf, of w hat use ' I was the p r ie s t? The Bible infused P u rita n is m , as we have seen, and j I 61 ! took the place of the C hurch and trad itio n as its u ltim a te au th o rity . j [ F alse in te rp re ta tio n s of the S c rip tu re s even becam e the authority for j 62 I pow erful political m o v e m en ts such as the F ifth M onarchy Men. j ! The re ig n of C rom w ell clim axed the slow r is e of an ti- j a r is to c r a tic feeling during the f ir s t period of the cen tu ry . L aw rence Stone w ent so fa r as to call the period 1558-1641 "T he C r is is of the 63 A ris to c ra c y ." H is o b se rv a tio n w as echoed by G odfrey D avies who ^^N otestein, p. 148. ^ * F o r a co n sid e ra tio n of the influence of the King J a m e s t r a n s lation on P u rita n is m , see E s m e W in g field -S tratfo rd , The H isto ry of B ritis h C ivilization (2nd ed. , rev . ; New York: H a rc o u rt, B ra c e & Com pany, Inc. , 1949). pp. 542-546. On the F ifth M onarchy Men, see Louise F a rg o B row n, The P o litic a l A ctiv ities of the B a p tists and Fifth M onarchy M en in England D uring the In te rre g n u m (New York: B u rt F ra n k lin , n .d . ); and G eorge P hilip R o g e rs, The F ifth M onarchy M en (London: O xford U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1966). ^ The C ris is of the A ris to c ra c y , 1558-1641 (O xford, C larendor P r e s s , 1965). stated that "T he keynote of the seventeenth century w as rev o lt ag ain st 64 au th o rity ." Stone sy n th esized the rev o lu tio n ary p assio n s beneath the su rface of the E nglish so cial scen e, and d e sc rib e d them as they w ere about to b re a k forth: D uring the f ir s t half of the seventeenth century som ething v ery odd happened in E ngland. The C om m ons e m e rg e d as a fa r m o re im p o rtan t p o litical a ssem b ly than the L o rd s, and p e e rs w ere unable to e x e rc is e that influence over p a rlia m e n ta ry e l e c tions w hich they had w ielded un d er E lizab e th , and w ere to w ield again u n d er the H an o v erian s. M o reo v er in 1642 a body of g e n tle m en and tow nsm en supported by a handful of d issid en t p e e rs had the am azing e ffro n te ry to challenge the King, the bishops, m o st of the p e e ra g e , and th e ir g en try su p p o rte rs; it even defeated them . A few y e a rs la te r the H ouse of L o rd s was abolished a lto g eth er. . . . Thus the m iddle of the seventeenth century saw the e clip se of the m o n a rc h y , w hich lo st its head; of the peerag e, which lo st its sp ecia l p riv ile g e s , its g ra s p on the executive, and its influence over the e le c to ra te ; and of the A nglican C hurch, which lo st its m onopoly of p atronage and pulpit. It saw the b rie f em e rg e n c e into the open of ra d ic a l ideas about social, econom ic, sexual, and p o litical equality. A dm ittedly all this did not la st, and by th e end of the seventeenth century the p e e rs , like the A nglican clerg y and the King, w ere firm ly back in the saddle. But it should be noted th at the bit and the curb, the s tir r u p and the whip, w ere now of a d iffe re n t d e sig n . ^ U nder C ro m w e ll's P ro te c to ra te m any e x tre m e s in both po litics and relig io n ap p eared on the scen e, and w ere p e rse c u te d o r to le ra te d , often at the d is c re tio n of local officials. It w as during th e se y e a r s th at Q u a k e ris m began to fo rm u la te in the n o rth e rn counties of England. 64 The E a rly S tu a rts 1603-1660, Vol. IX of The O xford H isto ry of E n g lan d , ed. by G eorge C la rk (2nd ed. ; O xford: C larendon P r e s s , 1959), p. xxi. 65 The C ris is of the A ris to c ra c y , pp. 9-10. 69 C rom w ell tre a te d the new group with m o d e ra tio n , and it sp re a d and 66 gained a d h e re n ts. The second period of the seventeenth century began with the R e sto ra tio n in 1660. The re tu rn of the m o n a rc h brought a re tu rn of the A nglican attitude tow ard relig io n along with a re su rg e n c e of " C a v a lie r" i a ris to c ra c y in g o vernm ent. D issenting relig io u s congregations began J j i to suffer p e rse c u tio n . F o r m e r fo llo w ers of C ro m w ell reap ed the seeds of p e rse c u tio n they had sown. T rev e ly an w rote that " F o r a g en era tio n a fte r 1660 the P u rita n s w ere often b itte rly p e rse c u te d . . . to avenge 67 the w rongs su ffered by the A nglicans and C a v a lie rs. . . . " I The E p isco p acy w as re -e s ta b lis h e d in 1661, and the Act of j I U niform ity w as p assed ; it re q u ire d all clerg y m en to conform to the P r a y e r Book of the C hurch of England. A pproxim ately 2 ,000 m en, including independents, B a p tists, P r e s b y te r ia n s , and o th er D is se n te rs 68 lo st th e ir co n g reg atio n s. All D is s e n te rs , but e sp e c ia lly the Q u a k e rs, w ere singled out for the s e v e re p en alties of a s e r ie s of laws known collectively as the "C larendon C ode," although subsequent sc h o la rsh ip has shown th at ^ F o r a sch o larly and in te re stin g account of the r is e of Q u ak e r is m , see B a rb o u r, pp. 33-71. 67 Illu stra te d E nglish Social H is to ry , II, p. 114. 6ft W ebber, p. 201. 70 69 C larendon had been p r e s s u r e d into th e ir enactm en t. The Code included p en alties for those who obstinately "refu sed to h e a r divine se rv ic e or attended con v en ticles o r encouraged o th e rs to do so. . . A C onventicle A ct, w hich w as intended to su p p re ss m eetin g s of D is s e n te rs , had been nom inally in fo rce until 1669. The way in w hich it was circ u m v en ted , e sp e c ia lly during the plague and fire of London, 71 brought p assag e of the Second C onventicle A ct in 1670. The C laren d o n Code also provided, under The F ive M ile A ct, th at "no clerg y m en o r sc h o o lm a s te r w as to com e w ithin five m ile s of a city o r c o rp o ra te town, u n le ss he d e c la re d that he would not 'at any tim e endevour any a lte ra tio n of g o v ern m en t e ith e r in C hurch o r 72 S ta te .' " F ew D is s e n te rs would su b m it to the oath. Q u ak ers w ere singled out by an act p assed e x p re s s ly a g a in st them , ap p ro p ria te ly called "The Q u ak er A ct." It provided p en altie s for anyone who would m a in tain "th at the taking of an oath in any case w h atsoever (although b efo re a lawful m a g istra te ) is alto g eth e r unlawful 69 G eorge N. C la rk , The L a te r S tu a rts 1660-1714, Vol. X of The O xford H isto ry of E n g la n d , ed. by G eorge C la rk (2nd ed. ; O xford: C larendon P r e s s , 1955), p. 21. 7° Ibid. , p. 22 . 71 I b id ., p. 22. 72 G. M. T re v e ly a n , England U nder the S tu a r ts , Vol. 5 of A H isto ry of E ngland, ed. by C h a rle s O m an (London: M ethuen, 1965), p. 327. T T 73 and c o n tra ry to the w ord of G od." This pro v isio n stru c k at the Q u a k e rs ' b elief in the lite r a l in te rp re ta tio n of J a m e s 5:12, " sw e a r not, n e ith e r by heaven, n e ith e r by the e a rth , n eith er by any o th e r oath: but let your y ea be yea; and y our nay, nay; le s t ye fall into condem nation. ' The second p a rt of the a ct forbade Q u ak ers to leave th e ir h o m es and 74 a s se m b le , five o r m o re , for un au th o rized w orship. A nother, and fa r m o re se v e re m ethod of p e rse c u tio n , w as p a r tic u la rly u sed by m a g is tr a te s ag ain st Q u a k e rs. B raithw aite d e sc rib e d the use of p ra e m u n ire as a w eapon by au th o rities: The te rm p ra e m u n ire . . . denoted a punishm ent originally devised in the fo u rteen th century fo r use ag ain st those who ac k - j now ledged fo reig n ju risd ic tio n by paying to papal p ro c e s s an j obedience due the K ing's C ourts alone. The p erso n found guilty ■ was to be put out of the K ing's p ro tec tio n , his e sta te w as fo rfeited to the crow n, and he w as im p riso n e d during life o r a t the ro y al p le a s u r e .^5 P ra e m u n ire involved an O ath of A llegiance and of denial of the P o p e 's au th o rity , which the Q u a k e rs, of c o u rse , would not take. T hus, this w eapon proved the m o s t effective ag ain st Q u a k e rs, even su rp a ssin g the 76 Q uaker A ct and the C larendon Code in favor by the a u th o ritie s. P e rs e c u tio n involving Q u a k e rs has been em p h asized not only 73 Q uoted in B raith w aite , Second P e r io d , p. 23. 74Ibid. 7^Ibid. , p. 14. 7^Ibid. , p. 15. 72 because it re la te s d ire c tly to this study, but also becau se Q uakers bore the b ru n t of p e rse c u tio n during the p erilo u s days fro m the R e sto ra tio n 77 [in 1660 to the Act of T o leratio n in 1689, alm o st th irty y e a r s . Even R ich ard B a x te r, one of the m o st effective opponents of Q u ak erism , had :praise fo r the m a n n e r in w hich Q uakers bore the p ersecu tio n : . . . the fan atics called Q uakers did g re a tly re lie v e the sober people fo r a tim e: for they w ere so re s o lu te , and g lo ried in th e ir constancy and su ffe rin g s, that they a s se m b le d openly, at the Bull and M outh n e a r A ld e rs g a te , and w ere dragged away daily to the C om m on Gaol, and yet d e siste d not, but the r e s t cam e the next day n e v e rth e le s s , so th at the Gaol at Newgate was filled with j them . A bundance of th em died in p riso n , and yet they continued th e ir a s s e m b lie s s till! . . . Yea, m any tu rn e d Q u ak ers, because j the Q uakers kept th e ir m eetin g s openly and w ent to p riso n for it I ch ee rfu lly .™ j j The "G lorious R evolution" of 1688, which saw the deposition of j | Ja m e s II and the com ing of W illiam and M ary to the th ro n e , eventually j ! brought a se ttle m e n t of the political stru g g le s of England which was to | : l la st, with m in o r in te rru p tio n s , through the com ing stru g g le s against | I F ra n c e . T o le ra tio n fo r D is se n te rs w as the law of the land, although they w ere still b a r r e d fro m holding p o litical o r m ilita ry office. The C hurch of England re m a in e d A nglican, and lo st little by the revolution j A b rie f p erio d of lu ll in p e rse c u tio n o c c u rre d betw een 1670 and 1673, and it was also le sse n e d during the late 1680's when to l e r a tion w as.about to dawn. See B raith w aite, Second P e r io d , pp. 55-87; 116-150. 78 Quoted in B ra ith w a ite , B eginnings, p. 41. 73 79 except the pow er to p e rs e c u te . The opposing pow ers of P a rlia m e n t and absolute m o n arch y seem e d to be reso lv ed in what often approached a state of coo p erativ e e ffo rt, with the w eight of pow er now m o re firm ly in the hands of the f o rm e r. The beginnings of p o litical p a rtie s w ere seen, with the T o rie s (C av aliers) re p re s e n tin g la rg e ly the a ris to c ra c y , i and the W higs re p re s e n tin g the c la ss of tra d e sm e n and m e rc h a n ts now j 80 com ing into p ro m in en ce. Seventeenth cen tu ry England, o b serv ed as a w hole, w as a p a ra - dix. Beyond the fact of conflicting in tellectu al, re lig io u s, and political] view s, it w as the "heyday of the trad in g co m p an ies, m e rc h a n t adven- 81 tu r e r s , and the lik e ," while at the sam e tim e the o v e ra ll atm o sp h e re of the country w as r u r a l and a g ric u ltu ra l. Nothing that could p ro p e rly be called an "In d u stria l R evolution" w as taking place in England during 82 the century. "London, " w rote T rev e ly an reg ard in g im m en se u rb a n 79 T re v e ly a n , H isto ry of England, Vol. II, p. 271. 80 R alph B arto n P e r r y , P u rita n is m and D em o cra cy (New York: The V anguard P r e s s , 1944), p. 70. The p a rtie s w ere in a p rim itiv e state of o rg an iz atio n . T h e re w ere alw ays those M e m b e rs of P a r l i a m e n t p re s e n t who could be counted upon to support w h atev er g o v e rn m ent w as in pow er. See A shley, England in the S eventeenth C e n tu ry , p. 196. ^ * C arl J. F r ie d r ic h , The Age of the B aroque 1610-1660 (New York: H a rp e r & Row, P u b lis h e rs , 1962), p. 2. 82 T. S. A shton, sc h o la r of the In d u strial R evolution, dated the beginning of the phenom enon at 1760. Of the p erio d 1700-1760 he con cluded: "B rita in e x p erien ced no revolution, e ith e r in the technique of 74 a r e a s , "which n u m b e re d half a m illion inhabitants by the end of the century, w as the only place in England that could an sw er th at d e s c rip - 83 tion." Yet m e d iev al civ ilizatio n was beginning to b re a k down with in c re a se d com m unication betw een m en of s im ila r occupation in n e ig h boring s h ire s . It w as an age in which the attitude of re sp e c tfu l s u b se r- j vience tow ard the a r is to c r a c y w as falling off, and yet the Q u a k e rs were 84 p e rse c u te d fo r not doffing th e ir h a ts in d eferen ce to au th o rity . The period during which the m a jo rity of the s e rm o n s involved in this study w ere p re a c h e d --th e 1680's and 1 6 9 0 's --s a w the cu lm in a- j tion of m any of the conflicting tre n d s we have alre ad y noted. Increased ra tio n a lism in relig io n , le ss e n e d p ersecu tio n , m o v em en t to w ard P a r - j lia m e n ta ry g o v ern m e n t, in c re a s e d econom ic p ro s p e rity , all of th ese j fa c to rs helped produce an e r a of sp iritu a l decline. As C h risto p h e r H ill observed: "A fter 1689 d is s e n te rs had to face the p e rils of w orldly p ro sp e rity , to w hich th e ir hig h er code of b u sin ess eth ics and th e ir 85 m o re sin g le-m in d ed application both co n trib u ted ." M ed iev a lism was production, the s tru c tu re of in d u stry , o r the econom ic and so cial life of the people" (The In d u stria l R evolution 1760-1830 [London: O xford U niversity P r e s s , 1964] p. 41). ^ H isto ry of E n g lan d , Vol. II, pp. 219-220. ®^Stone (The C ris is of A r is to c r a c y , pp. 34-35) d e s c rib e d the Q u a k e r's p r o te s t ag a in st "h a t-h o n o r" as a "sh a tte rin g . . . p sy ch o lo g i cal blow to the conceptual fra m e w o rk of society" based upon the " g re a t p rin cip le of su b o rd in atio n ." 85 The C entury of R evolution, p. 294. 75 grad u ally giving way; divine rig h t w as su p ersed ed by social co n tract; authority was being questioned; and relig io u s e n th u siasm w as rapidly being m ade o b so lescen t by the e m erg in g d e ism of the E nlightenm ent. R h e to ric a l C u rre n ts : F ro m Ingratiation to the P lain Style i — I R h eto rical knowledge in the seventeenth century w as in the , I I m id st of changes which w ere fa s t c a rry in g it fro m R en aissan c e to m o d e rn thought. The ancients who sp ecu lated on the n atu re of rh e to ric and its constituents had viewed the su b ject p rim a rily as the a r t of p e rs u a - I sion. C la ssic a l theory, in its fully developed fo rm , saw rh e to ric as J I divided into five co n stitu en ts, o r "c a n o n s"--in v e n tio n , a rra n g e m e n t, j I style, m e m o ry , and d e liv e ry --e a c h of which w as developed into a so m etim e s com plex and v a rie g a te d set of su b cate g o ries. R en aissan ce rh e to ric had taken a d ifferen t ben t by viewing the s p e a k e r's c ra ft as "an a e sth e tic ally o rien ted a r t of in g ra tia tio n --a fo rm of conscious flat- 86 te ry o r supplication." A society la rg e ly built upon h ie ra rc h y of social s tra ta dem anded language usage which fo ste re d and re fle c te d social standing. S pecifically, it dem anded a th e o ry of com m unication w hich em p h asized "that tru e ex cellen ce is achieved only by a d e p a rtu re D ouglas E h n in g er, "On R h e to ric s and R h e to ric ," W este rn S peech, XXXI (F a ll, 1967), 244. See a lso his "On S y stem s of R h e to ric , " P h ilo s o p h y a n d R h e to ric , I (S um m er, 1968), 131-134. 76 87 fro m the n a tu ra l p a tte rn of ev ery d ay sp eech ." D uring th e R e n a is sance, style w as em p h asized above the o ther rh e to ric a l offices, and rh e to ric becam e le s s co n cern ed with the la rg e audience, m o re involved with the individual. M odern rh e to ric a l concepts began to take shape in 88 the late sev en teen th century with the w ritin g s of John Locke, and blossom ed with the thinking of A dam Sm ith, G eorge C am pbell, and Jo sep h P r ie s tly during the eighteenth cen tu ry E nlightenm ent. T hese w r ite r s , unlike the a n c ie n ts, saw rh e to ric as the a r t o r scien ce of adapting m e an s to en d s, of "m anaging" d is c o u rse with a view to 89 a d d re ssin g a "faculty" in the h e a r e r 's m ind. 87 W ilbur S am uel Howell, "E nglish B ackgrounds of R h e to ric , " in H isto ry of Speech E ducation in A m e ric a , ed. by K arl W allace (New York: A p p le to n -C e n tu ry -C ro fts , In c ., 1954), p. 21. 88 F o r an ex c e lle n t d isc u ssio n of the influence of John Locke on the developm ent of rh e to ric a l theory in the eighteenth cen tu ry , see W ilbur Sam uel H owell, "John Locke and the New R h e to ric , " Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of Speech, LIII (D ecem b er, 1967), pp. 319-333. 89 F o r a d isc u ssio n of this rh e to ric a l school, see E h n in g er, "On S y stem s of R h e to ric , " pp. 134-137. F o r an ex ce lle n t o v e ra ll in troduction to rh e to ric , e sp e c ia lly as the an cien ts envisioned it, see R. C. Jebb, " R h e to ric , " in The E ncyclopaedia B rita n n ic a , 9th and l i t ! editions; also E. L. Hunt, "An Introduction to C la ssic a l R h e to ric , " Q u a rte rly J o u rn a l of S peech, XII (June, 1926), 201-204. M edieval and R en aissan c e r h e to ric have been the su b ject of e x ce lle n t sc h o la rsh ip . One could re a d p ro fitab ly C h a rle s S e a rs Baldw in, M edieval R h eto ric and P o etic (New York: M acm illan , 1928; G lo u c e ste r, M a ssa c h u se tts: P e te r Sm ith, 1959); and Donald L em an C la rk , R h e to ric and P o e try in the R e n aissan c e (New York: C olum bia U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1922; New York: R u sse ll & R u sse ll, 1963). Two fine a r tic le s also a c t as good introductions to the subject: R ic h ard M cKeon, "R h eto ric in the M iddle A ges, " Speculum , XVII (1942), 1-32; and J a m e s J. M urphy, "T he A rts 77 The p erio d w hich is the co n ce rn of th is study w itn essed the decline of the R e n aissan c e s ty listic view , w hich had to an extent found e x p re ssio n in the th e o rie s of the F re n c h ed u ca to r, P e te r R am us; the re s u rg e n c e of the an cien t th e o ry new ly re v ise d by the influence of R am us; and the e m e rg e n c e of a new rh e to ric enlivened by the w ritin g s l 90 i of D e s c a rte s and Bacon. j i i The changes w hich finally produced m o d e rn rh e to ric a l theory did not o c c u r suddenly. It is po ssib le to d is c e rn a t any given m om ent in the century with w hich th is study deals a n u m b er of th e o rie s o p e r a t ing sim ultaneously. One could, for ex am p le, see the C la ss ic a l school, | the R en aissan c e S ty listic school, as w ell as the beginnings of a Modern! i i school of rh e to ric ex istin g and o v erlapping in the y e a r s fro m 1650 to of D is c o u rse , 1050-1400, " M edieval S tu d ie s, XXIII (1961), 194-205. F o r the developm ent of P o s t-R e n a iss a n c e rh e to ric see e sp e c ia lly the w ritings by W ilbur S am uel Howell on the subject, liste d in the bibilography. 90 W ilbur Sam uel Howell h as o b se rv e d five changes w hich w ere o c c u rrin g during the p erio d u n d er study w hich d istinguish R e n a is sance fro m M odern r h e to ric ("R en aissan ce R h eto ric and M odern R hetoric: A Study in C hange, " in The R h e to ric a l Idiom : E s s a y s in R h eto ric, O ra to ry , L anguage, and D ra m a , Ithaca, 1958, pp. 53-70): ( 1) logic aligned itse lf with scien tific investigation, ra th e r than com m unication; (2 ) r h e to ric becam e a th eo ry of le a rn e d as w ell as popular d isc o u rs e ; (3) m en began to re ly m o re upon factual evidence, ra th e r than com m on se n s e , g e n e ra l re a s o n , o r deductions fro m p a st e x p e rie n c e s; (4) s im p le r m ethods of a rra n g in g m a te ria l w ere d e v e l oped; and (5) language tu rn e d fro m in g ra tia tio n to that closely a p p ro x i m ating o rd in a ry life. TS 1700. F o r p u rp o ses of this c h a p te r, o u r d iscu ssio n w ill co n ce n trate on the influences of P e te r R am us and F ra n c is Bacon. We w ill also touch upon the p revailing h o m iletic th e o rie s during the period. B efore the influence of D e s c a rte s w as felt in F ra n c e , the think ing of an o th er F re n c h m a n w as holding fo rth . P e te r R am u s, a six - j teenth cen tu ry F re n c h P ro te s ta n t, had shaken the educational w orld J with his re a rra n g e m e n t of the lib e ra l a r ts according to th re e law s. The law of J u stic e prohibited a le a rn e d tre a tis e fro m dealing with m o re than one field of knowledge. The law of T ru th prohibited a le arn ed Jtreatise fro m containing sta te m e n ts tru e only on o cca sio n o r only I I I p artly tru e . The law of W isdom prohibited a tre a tis e fro m being a 91 Howell, in his Logic and R h eto ric in England, 1500-1700 (P rin ceto n : P rin c e to n U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1956; New York: R u sse ll & R u sse ll, Inc. , 1961), has indicated w orks which re fle c te d th e se view points. The C la ssic a l tra d itio n w as re s ta te d in E n g lish by T hom as W ilson's A rte of R hetorique in 1553, but w orks in the next cen tu ry also continued the C la ssic a l s p irit, including: T hom as V ic a rs , M anuduc- tion to the R h eto rical A rt (London, 1621), T hom as F a rn a b y , Index R h eto ricu s (London, 1625; editions to 1767), W illiam P e m b le , E n ch iri- dion O ra to riu m (O xford, 1633), and O badiah W alker, Some Instructions C oncerning the A rt of O ra to ry (London, 1659 and 1682); see Howell, pp. 319-326. The S ty listic tra d itio n w as continued by G eorge P u tte n - ham , The A rte of E n g lish P o e s ie (London, 1589), A ngel Day, The E n g lish S e c re to rie (London, 1586; editions to 1635), and John H oskins, D irectio n s fo r Speech and S ty le, which w as n e v e r p rin ted u n d er H o s- k in 's nam e in the seventeenth cen tu ry , but whose id eas found e x p r e s sion in T hom as Blount, A cadem ie of Eloquence (London, 1654; editions to 1684) and John Sm ith, M y ste rie of R hetorique U nvail'd (London, 1657; reac h ed the 9th edition in 1706), see Howell, pp. 327-333. In addition to the w ork of B acon, B e rn a rd L a m y 's The A rt of Speaking (London, 1676; editions to 1708) also re fle c te d a m o d e rn s p irit, see Howell, pp. 378-382. | 79 m ix tu re of g en era l p rin c ip le s , p a rtic u la r sta te m e n ts, and sp ecific 92 c a s e s a rra n g e d in a d iso rg a n iz e d fashion. U nder R a m u s' sy ste m , rh e to ric and d ialectic w e re c o m p artm e n talized fro m each o th e r and given su b ject m a tte r w hich th e o re tic a lly did not o v erla p . R h eto ric was a ssig n ed the province of style and delivery; d ia lectic w as e n tru ste d w ith invention and a rra n g e m e n t. The re s u lta n t th eo ry of d is c o u rs e is im p o rta n t fo r se v e ra l re a s o n s , but I should like to c o n ce n trate on its ro le in a sso c ia tin g r h e to ric with style alone, and its influence on the developm ent of P u rita n se rm o n fo rm . The R am istic co m p a rtm e n ta liz a tio n of d ia le c tic and rh e to ric j helped lead to a p reo cc u p atio n of rh e to ric ia n s with ju s t a p a rt of what j i the C la ss ic a l w rite rs on the subject had co n sid ere d to be e s s e n tia l to rh e to ric . Although R am u s assig n ed both style and d e liv e ry to rh e to ric , the second was n e v e r developed to any g re a t extent. In fact, in the 1548 edition of the R a m is tic R h eto ric (actu ally w ritte n by R am u s' frien d and colleague, O m er Talon, o r A udom arus T alaeu s), Talon 92 Howell, "E n g lish B a c k g ro u n d s," p. 30. F o r a l i s t of R am u s' w o rk s, a s w ell as those of h is colleague, O m er Talon (A udom arus T aleu s), the author of the R a m istic R h eto ric, see W alter Ong, R am us and Talon Inventory. . . (C am bridge: H a rv a rd U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1958). A c o n sid era tio n of the influence of R a m u s' d ia le c tic and r h e to r ic in England, tog eth er with a tre a tm e n t of the m a jo r R a m istic w orks of the p erio d in E n g lish , m ay be consulted in H ow ell, Logic and R h e to ric , pp. 173-281. 80 93 adm its that d e liv e ry am ounts to the sam e thing as style. With reg ard to style, the R a m is tic rh e to ric developed only two conceptions, tro p e s and fig u re s. T ro p e s w e re "a garnishing of speache, w hereby one 94 w orde is d raw en fro m h is firs te p ro p e r signification to another. ..." U nder this c la ss ific a tio n , all tro p e s becam e a su b sp e c ie s of m e tap h o r. F ig u re s, on the o th e r hand, w ere "a garnishing of speach e, w herein the co u rse of the sam e is chaunged fro m the m o re sim ple and plaine m a n e r of speaking, unto that whiche is m o re full of ex cellen cie and 95 g ra c e ." In this definition one read ily s e e s the affinity of R a m istic rh e to ric with the sty lis tic trad itio n which attem p ted a repudiation of everyday sp eech p a tte rn s . W illiam P. S an d fo rd 's study of E nglish rh e to ric s fro m 1530 to 1828 includes the R a m istic R h eto ric as a significant p a r t of the period 96 1577-1600--the p erio d he ca lls the " rh e to ric of E x o rn atio n ." 93 P r o f e s s o r W alter J. Ong b eliev es that the e m p h asis away fro m d eliv ery is a sign of the deflection of rh e to ric fro m the spoken to the w ritten w ord. See his R am u s--M eth o d , and the D ecay of D ialogue fro m the A rt of D isc o u rs e to the A rt of R eason (C am b rid g e, M a s s .: H a rv a rd U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1958), p. 273. 94 D udley F e n n e r, The A rte s of Eogike and R eth o rik e (1584), Sig. DIV, quoted in H ow ell, Logic and R h e to ric , p. 256. F e n n e r's w ork w as the f i r s t (but unacknow ledged) tra n s la tio n of T alaeu s. 95 Ibid. , p. D 3 r, Howell, p. 256. ^ E n g l i s h T h e o rie s of P ublic A d d re ss, 1530-1828 (C olum bus, Ohio: H arold L. H ed rick , 1965), p. 46. 81 Sandford s e e s T a le u s 1 R h e to ric , along with the w ork of R ic h ard 9 7 S h erry , as estab lish in g the vogue of orn am en tatio n . " L a te r w o rk s ," , ,98 he te lls u s , "copy fre e ly fro m one or the o th e r, o r both. Ong has concluded that R a m istic theory " re lie s m o re on o rn am e n tatio n theory 99 than p erh ap s any o th e r rh e to ric ev er h a s ." The influence of the R am istic rh e to ric a l tra d itio n in England has been the su b ject of inquiry by both Howell and Sandford. Both a g re e th at R am ism flo u rish ed in e a rly seventeenth cen tu ry England through the w ritin g s of A b rah am 100 F ra u n c e , C h a rle s B u tle r, and o th e rs . An indication of the popu la rity of R a m is tic r h e to ric is gained by recognizing that B u tle r 's t r a n s lation of T a la e u s ' R h e to ric w as widely used as a te x t for E nglish 101 schoolboys during the e n tire seventeenth century. The R a m istic s y ste m of thought e x erted an im p o rtan t influence upon the developm ent of P u rita n s e rm o n fo rm . The m o s t strik in g evidence of this influence is seen in the a r e a of m ethod. R a m u s' 97 A T re a tis e of S chem es and T ro p es (London, 1550). 98 Sandford, p. 47. 99 R am us and the D ecay of D ialogue, p. 277. ^ ^ S e e H ow ell, L ogic and R h e to ric , pp. 247-281; and Sandford, pp. 48-76. T h eir d is a g re e m e n t on the influence of R am us upon B utler should be noted. H ow ell, Introduction to F ra n c is F enelon, D ialogues on E lo q u en ce, tra n s . by W ilbur Sam uel Howell (P rin c e to n , New J e rs e y : P rin c e to n U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1951), p. 20. o rig in al conception of m ethod w as twofold. The f ir s t m ethod he con cern e d h im se lf with w as the " n a tu ra l" m ethod. It was c h a ra c te riz e d by discipline and econom y on the p a r t of the w rite r. F u rth e rm o re , it stipulated th at things be a rra n g e d according to th e ir im p o rtan ce in n atu re : "that sh all be s e t downe in the f i r s t place which is f i r s t a b s o lutely c le a re ; that in the second, which is second; th at in the th ird , which is th ird ; and so fo rw ard . T h e re fo re M ethod doth alw ays goe 102 fro m the g e n e ra lls to the p a rtic u la rs ." R am us also recognized a second kind of m ethod which w as c h a ra c te riz e d by a rra n g e m e n t a c c o r d ing to the im p o rtan ce of the ite m s with re fe re n c e to the psychology of a p a rtic u la r audience. He r e f e r r e d to o r a to r s who em ployed the follow ing mode: "that which is stro n g e st, is alw ayes placed firs t by them ; y e t so th at those things, which a r e as ex ce lle n t, are kept for the la s t place, and those that a r e but so so are th ru s t into the m iddle of the 103 T roupe and B a ttay le." R am us p r e f e r r e d the f ir s t m ethod, if his own tr e a tis e s a re to be taken as evidence. He not only followed the m ethod of descending o rd e r of g e n e ra lity , but he had the habit of d iv id ing his subjects by tw os. This can be a w orkable sy ste m as long as the subject with w hich you a re dealing is am enable to this kind of division. R a m u s' fo llo w ers took h is p ra c tic e to be a c h a ra c te ris tic of the n a tu ra l ^ ^ P i e r r e de la R am ee, The A rt of L ogick (London: N icholas B ourne, 1626), p. 182. ________ * ^ Ib id . , p. 189. 83 m ethod. A second m isin te rp re ta tio n of the n a tu ra l m ethod o c c u rre d b eca u se R am us saw the m ethod as being applicable to all kinds of d is c o u r s e - - s c ie n tif ic , rh e to ric a l, p o e tic --a n d it grad u ally becam e a ssu m e d that R am us w as an advocate of the n a tu ra l m ethod alone. The m ethod of descending o rd e r of g e n e ra lity according to 104 dichotom ies b eca m e a stan d ard m ethod in ed u catio n al institutions. The p re v a le n c e of the n a tu ra l m ethod in e a rly seventeenth century England led F r a n c is Bacon to single it out fo r attack: "w hatever does not conveniently fall into these d ich o to m ies, they [R a m ists] eith e r om it or p e r v e r t beyond n a tu re , so that, so to speak, when the seeds and k e rn e ls of scien ce a re springing fo rth , they g ath er so many dry and , , . . i o s em pty husks. R a m ism becam e a sso c ia te d with P u rita n is m la rg e ly through the educational sy ste m w hich tra in e d the clerg y . We have alre ad y noted the influence of B u tle r's tra n sla tio n of T a lo n 's R h eto ric on low er levels of education. John M ilton encountered R a m ism in his e a rly education 106 at St. P a u l's School w here he m e m o riz e d T a la e u s ' R hetoric. *®^See P e r r y M ille r, The New E ngland Mind: The Seventeenth C entury (C am b rid g e, M assa c h u se tts: H a rv a rd U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1954) pp. 127-128. *®^Found in M ille r, New England M in d , p. 127. ^ ^ D o n a ld L em en C lark, John M ilton at St. P a u l's School: A Study of A ncient R h e to ric in E nglish R e n a issa n c e E ducation (New York: C olum bia U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1948), p. 13. 84 R a m ism held sway at C am bridge through the influence of G ab riel H a r- 107 vey, W illiam P e r k in s , W illiam A m es, and o th e rs . P e rk in s and A m es, a s we sh all see la te r , produced the p rim a ry h o m ile tic a l sourcesi of P u rita n is m . E ven at O xford, which n e v e r accep ted R am ism , T hom as W o rra ll in stru c te d his students to re a d the w orks of R am us. One of h is pupils, R ic h ard M ath er, cam e u n d er R a m istic influence at O xford, and Howell c o n s id e rs him to be a link betw een R am ism and the 108 P u rita n le a d e rs h ip in e a rly New England. B abette M ay Levy has m ade a co n sid era b le study of the s e r m ons of the f ir s t fifty y e a rs of P u rita n is m in New England. On the influence of R am us on se rm o n izin g she concluded: i R a m u s 's sim plified ap proach to a p ro b le m , with the em p h asis alw ays upon d ic h o to m ies, encouraged any P u rita n follow er to see his w o rld as com posed of opposites. . . . The continued approval of arg u in g fro m g e n e ra l th e o rie s to sin g u la r c a s e s . . . also lim ited P u rita n thinking in many w ays, prohibiting any scientific ap p ro ac h to a p ro b lem ; and the R a m ist advocacy of arguing fro m the fa m ilia r o r known to the stran g e o r unknown en co u rag ed a p re a c h e r to m ake his points by hom ely illu s tra tio n s . . . . The w ording of te x ts w as analyzed o r "opened"; the r e s u lts w ere com bined, by the R a m ist m ethod of g e n e s is , to fo rm the d o ctrin e. E v e ry sta te m e n t w as followed by its re a s o n s o r p r o o f s - - a d ire c t m ethod of p ro c e d u re relying m uch upon ax io m atic tru th ra th e r than upon sy llo g istic reaso n in g . 109 107 Howell, Logic and R h e to ric , p. 211. 108Ibid. , p. 193. I0 9 p re a c h in g in the F i r s t Half C entury of New England H isto ry , Studies in C hurch H isto ry , Vol. VI, ed. by M atthew Spinka and R o b ert H. N ichols (New York: R u ssell & R u ss e ll, 1967), p. 19. See also P e r r y M ille r, New England M ind, pp. 116-153. 85 P u rita n is m had found in R a m u s, a m an who w as m a rty re d for his P r o te s ta n tis m , a th e o ris t with a n o -n o n sen se m ethod which w as ea sily adapted to th e ir n eeds. P e r r y M iller o b se rv e d th at in E ngland, R a m ism " p ro sp e re d along w ith P u rita n is m , with w hich, by the b e g in ning of the seventeenth century, it becam e a lm o st synonym ous. i By the tim e the m id -se v e n te e n th century was re a c h e d , R a m ism was waning in England. But R a m u s' thought also influenced a group of rh e to ric ia n s w hich Howell h as called " N e o -C ic e ro n ia n s." These w r ite r s , who included C h a rle s B u tle r, John Newton, T hom as V ic a rs, T hom as F a rn a b y , W illiam P e m b le , and O badiah W alker, attem p ted to re a c h a c o m p ro m ise betw een R a m is tic and trad itio n a l rh e to ric betw een 1586 and 1 7 0 0 .^ * They a re an indication that the trad itio n a l p a tte rn continued to be influential throughout the p erio d of the la s t half of the century. The N e o -C ic e ro n ia n s g rad u ally supplanted the R a m is ts , and finally obtained dom inance. A lthough the tra d itio n a l p a tte rn w as p red o m in an t during the y e a rs of this study, tow ard the clo se of the century the outlines of a new r h e to ric w ere taking shape. F r a n c is B acon had s e t in m otion d u r ing the e a rly p o rtio n of the cen tu ry , ideas that would culm inate in the w ritin g s of L ocke, and la te r those of A dam Sm ith and G eorge C am pbell. ^ ^ New England M ind, p. 117. L ogic and R h e to ric , pp. 318-341. 86 B acon did not w rite a rh e to ric , as such, but his theory is s c a t te re d throughout his philosophical w o rk s. In the A dvancem ent of L e a rn in g , he explains the duty and office of rh e to ric to be ’’to apply 112 R easo n to Im agination for the b e tte r m oving of the w ill." "His e n tire s y ste m of thought," w rote K a rl W allace, w as "founded on the 113 g ra d u a l extension and dom inance of re a s o n o v er em otion. . . . " The end of B aconian rh e to ric "is to fill the im agination to second . ,,114 „ , r e a s o n , and not to o p p re ss it. B acon, accepting the p re s u p p o s i tions of faculty psychology, d is tru s te d the faculty of im ag in atio n , yet believed th a t it w as needed to w ork along w ith re a so n in o rd e r to m ove the s o m e tim e s r e c a lc itra n t will to act. The im agination b ecam e, for B acon, a m e s s e n g e r, a go-betw een, o p eratin g in the gap betw een hum an re a s o n and hum an w ill. W allace o b s e rv e s th at in B acon's w orks "T he sole function of the im agination in speaking or w riting is to re n d e r logical a rg u m e n t a ttra c tiv e and pleasing; the im agination m e re ly t r a n s la te s lo g ical in fere n ces into p ic tu re s . . . . R h e to ric a l a d d re s s m u st 112 The Twoo Bookes of F r a n c is B acon of the P ro fic ie n c e and A dvancem ent of L earn in g Divine and H um ane, in S elected W ritings of F r a n c is B aco n , ed. by Hugh G. D ick (New York: Random H ouse, Inc. , 1955), p. 309. 113 "B aco n 's Conception of R h eto ric," in H is to ric a l Studies of R h e to ric and R h e to ric ia n s , ed. by R aym ond F . Howes (Ithaca, New York: C o rn ell U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1961), p. 119. 114 The Twoo B ookes of F r a n c is B acon . . . , p. 310. 87 be, alw ays and fo re m o st, logically sound; im aginative d re s s , although 115 highly d e s ira b le , is not fundam ental." Im agination, thought Bacon, could be a d e trim e n t when language becam e an end in itself. H is fam ous re a c tio n to s ty listic e x c e ss e s is an illu stra tio n of his attitude: . . . the a d m ira tio n of an cien t a u th o rs, the hate of the schoolm en, the ex act study of languages, and the efficacy of preach in g , did b ring in an affectionate study of eloquence and copie of speech, which then began to flo u rish . This g rew speedily to an ex ce ss; for m en began to hunt m o re a fte r w ords than m a tte r; and m o re a fte r the ch o icen ess of the p h ra s e , and the round and clean c o m position of the sen ten ce, and the sw eet falling of the c la u se s, and the varying and illu stra tio n of th eir w orks with tro p e s and fig u r e s , than a fte r the w eight of m a tte r, w orth of subject, sound n e s s of a rg u m e n t, life of invention, o r depth of judgm ent. B aco n 's s y ste m of rh e to ric w as b ased upon a realig n m e n t of le arn in g into four in tellectu al a rts : . . . m a n 's labour is to invent that which is sought o r propounded; o r to judge th a t which is invented; o r to re ta in th at which is ju d g ed ; o r to d e liv e r over that which is re ta in e d . So as the a r ts m u st be four; A rt of Inquiry or Invention; A rt of E x am in atio n o r Judgm ent; A rt of Custody o r M em ory; and A rt of E locution o r T radition. "117 Thus the five canons of the ancients w ere red u ced to four, style and d eliv ery being subsum ed under a single te r m , " tra d itio n ." Although trad itio n stan d s for B aco n 's concept of com m unication, the o th er th re e a r ts he felt w ere n e c e s s a ry for rh e to ric a l d is c o u rs e . Bacon did not ^ " B a c o n 's Conception . . . ," p. 181. ^ ^ T h e Twoo Bookes of F ra n c is Bacon . . . , p. 285. 88 s tric tly divide the subject m a tte r of logic fro m that of rh e to ric , a s had R am us. In stead , he thought that the two a r ts would o p e ra te in d iffe r ent com m unication settings; logic w ith the le a rn e d , and rh e to ric with the popular audience. P a r tic u la r ly significant to the developm ent of a new rh e to ric w ere B aco n 's conceptions of invention and trad itio n . He em p h asized th at invention should be the d isc o v e ry of som ething new, instead of 118 reca llin g w hat one alre ad y knows. His view of trad itio n re tu rn e d rh e to ric to an o v e rrid in g in te r e s t in p e rsu a sio n through reaso n ed d is c o u rs e , instead of concerning itse lf with in g ratiatio n through style. G eorge W illiam so n b rillia n tly su m m a riz e d B aco n 's notion of rh e to ric when he said: "It involves all that m ay be added to b a re a rg u m e n t or logic in o rd e r to m ake it p e rs u a s iv e , including the turn o r shape of the a rg u m e n t itself; o rn am e n t is not d e c o ra tiv e , but p e rs u a s iv e ; it is , or gives, a p e rs u a s iv e fo rm of proof. B acon helped m ove the E n g lish language tow ard the "plain style" of the la te century. His influence upon the Royal Society w as undeniably g re a t. T hom as S p rat, w ritin g in 1667, could have the 118 In his "E nglish B ackground of R h e to ric , " Howell noted that B acon's view su g g ested the "u ltim ate d isa p p e a ra n c e fro m rh e to ric a l theory of the e la b o ra te L atin d o ctrin e of p o stu re s o r positions of a rg u m ent, . . . ", p. 36. 119 The Senecan A m ble: A Study in P r o s e F o rm fro m B acon to C o llier (Chicago: The U n iv ersity of Chicago P r e s s , 1966), p. 163. audacity to state the goal of the new scien tific rh e to ric to be "a constant R esolution, to re je c t all the am p lificatio n s, d ig re s s io n s , and sw ellings of style: to re tu rn back to the p rim itiv e p u rity , and s h o rtn e s s , when 120 m en d e liv e r'd so m any th in g s, a lm o s t in an equal n u m b er of w o rd s ." T hese sen tim en ts would not have been u tte re d by the scien tific co m m u nity a century b efo re. The plain style had m oved out of the confines of P u rita n is m , which had accepted R a m u s' logic but re je c te d the fu ll blown s ty listic trad itio n , into le a rn e d society at la rg e . The new r h e to ric w as em erg in g . T h e re is not a c o n siste n t line of division betw een h o m ile tic s anc rh e to ric during our p erio d . Many of the w r ite r s included preach in g I am ong the types of speaking they co v ered . T hom as W ilson, for ex am p le, m ade freq u en t re fe re n c e s throughout his A rte of R hetorique to preaching. O ther w r ite r s w rote both for s e c u la r and s a c re d a u d i e n c e s. F u rth e rm o re , the tre n d s we have u n co v ere d in our d isc u ssio n i of the rh e to ric a l c u rre n ts apply with co n sid era b le consistency to h o m iletic th e o ry . One finds a stro n g re s ta te m e n t of c la s s ic a l v alu es, The H isto ry of the R oyal-Society of L ondon, ed. by Jack so n I. Cope and H arold W hitm ore Jo n es (St. Louis: W ashington U n iv ersity S tudies, 1958), p. 113. T his is a r e p r in t of the 1667 edition printed in London by F . M artin . F o r an e x ce lle n t d isc u s sio n of B aco n 's influ ence on style, see W illiam so n , Senecan A m b le , pp. 150-230, 275-300. It is also tre a te d in R. F. Jo n es, "Science and E nglish P r o s e Style in the 3rd Q u a rte r of the 17th C en tu ry ," P u blications of the M odern L a n guage A ss o c ia tio n , XXXXV (D ecem b er, 1930), 977-1009. ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------9IJ- a m o v em en t tow ard R a m ism , and a tre n d tow ard a "new h o m ile tic ," all w ithin the confines of our p eriod. A d iscu ssio n of the m a jo r h o m ile tic a l w r ite r s of the seventeenth century would not advance the study at hand, nor fit the lim its of this 121 ch ap ter. H ow ever, it is a p p ro p ria te th at we point out the sig n ifi cance of the w o rk s of W illiam P e rk in s , John W ilkins, and Joseph i G lanvill. W illiam P e r k in s ' The A rte of P ro p h ecy in g was the outstanding h o m ile tic a l handbook of P u rita n p r e a c h e r s . The w ork is divided after I the m a n n e r of R am us into a dichotom ous p attern . The book co n sid ers two subjects: p reach in g and praying. P re a c h in g is then divided into p re p a rin g the se rm o n and u tte rin g it. T hese topics a re again divided by tw os. Although not a thorough-going disciple of the m a s te r , th e re is enough evidence in his w o rk s to place P e rk in s am ong the E nglish 122 R a m ists . 121a listin g of h o m iletical w orks which influenced seventeenth century E ngland would include: A ugustine, De D o c trin a C h ristia n a (Bk. IV); E r a s m u s , The P r e a c h e r ; M elanchthon, In stitu tio n es R h e to ric a e ; A n d reas G e rh a rd H y p eriu s, The P r a c tic e of P re a c h in g , tra n s. by John L udham (London, 1577); B arth o lo m ew K e ck erm an n , R h eto ricae E c c le - s ia s tic a e (H anover, 1606); T hom as G ra n g e r, Syntagm a L ogicum , or the Divine Logike (London, 1620); W illiam A m es, C onscience with the P ow er and C a se s T h ereo f (London, 1643) and The M arro w of S acred D ivinity (London, 1643); R ic h ard B a x te r, The R efo rm e d P a s to r (1655) in W orks, ed. by W illiam O rm e (London, 1830); W illiam Chappell, The P r e a c h e r (London, 1656); Jo h n P rid e a u x , S acred E loquence (London, 1659); and J a m e s A rd e rn e , D irectio n s C oncerning the M atter and Stile of S erm o n s (London, 1671). H ow ell, Logic and R h eto ric, p. 207. 91 P e rk in s d is tru s te d "elo q u en ce," for he believed that " h e a re rs ought not a s c rib e th e ir faith to the gifts of m en, but to the pow er of 123 G od's w o rd ." Although hum an w isdom w as allow ed in the p r e p a r a tion of the se rm o n , it "m u st be concealed, w hether it be in the m a tte r 124 of the se rm o n o r in the setting fo rth of the w o rd s." He specifically cautioned the p re a c h e r ag ain st the u se of G reek or L atin p h ra s e s in the se rm o n because: 1. They d istu rb e the m inde of the a u d ito rs, that they cannot fit those things which went afo re w ith those that follow. 2. A stra n g e w ord h in d e re th the u n d erstan d in g of those things th a t a re spoken. 3. It d raw s the m inde away fro m its pu rp o se to som e other m a tte r. . . . ^ 5 He su m m a riz e d his advice for p re a c h e rs in four ru le s: 1. To re a d e the Text d istin ctly out of the G anonicall S c rip tu re s . 2. To give the sense and v n d erstan d in g of it being re a d , by the S c rip tu re it selfe. 3. To c o llect a few and p ro fitab le points of do ctrin e out of the n a tv ra ll se n se . 4. To apply (if he have the gift) the d o c trin e s rightly c o l le cted , to the life and m a n n e rs of m en in a sim ple and plaine speech. 123 The A rte of P ro p h ecy in g , o r, A T re a tis e concerning the s a c re d and onely tru e m a n n e r and m ethode of P re a c h in g , tra n s . by T hom as Tuke, in W orkes (London, 1613-1616), II, 670. !24 Ibid. i25 Ibid. * ^ Ib id . , p. 693. 92 Thus P e rk in s re fle c te d the p ra c tic a l, sim p lified , approach to p ro b lem s advocated by R am us. P u rita n se rm o n s w ere m o s t often begun by an "opening" of the s c rip tu re , by which the d o c trin e s w ere form ed; then re a s o n s w e re offered in pro o f of the do ctrin e; finally, the se rm o n con tained a long sectio n on the " u se s " o r application of the d o ctrin e. The fo rm had been popularized by P e rk in s . John W ilkins' E c c le s ia s te s , O r A D isc o u rse concerning the Gift of P re a c h in g as it fals under the ru le s of A rt is m entioned not only b ecau se it w as a popular handbook during the seventeenth century, being often re p rin te d , but b eca u se W ilkins w as a p rim e influence in the c r itic is m of p reaching w hich o c c u rre d during the th ird q u a rte r of the sev en teen th century. W ilkins believed the p re a c h e r should have a b ro ad train in g in theology, scien c e, languages, and rh e to ric . He specifically r e c o m m ended the use of "heathen w r ite r s ." He also w arned, how ever, that "To stuff a S erm o n with citations of A u th o rs, and the witty sayings of 127 o th e rs , is to m ake a fe a s t of v in e g ar and p e p p e r." On style, W il kins m a in ta in s th at the com p o sitio n should be "plain and n a tu ra l, not being darkned with the affectation of S ch o lastical h a rs h n e s s , o r R he- to ric a l flo u rish e s . . . . The g r e a te s t le a rn in g is to be seen in the 127 E c c le s ia s te s (8th ed. ; London, 1704), p. 20. F i r s t edition in 1646. 93 128 g r e a te s t p la in n ess." With re g a rd to m ethod, W ilkins proposed a sy ste m n o t unlike th at of P e rk in s . The p re a c h e r was to explicate the p a s s a g e , confirm its tru th , and apply it to h is audience. W ilkins' thought found e x p re ss io n tw enty-five y e a r s la te r in J a m e s A rd e rn e 's D ire c tio n s C oncerning the M atter and Stile of S erm ons (1671), and A rd e rn e , in turn, becam e a p rim e s o u rc e fo r Joseph G lanvill's An E s s a y C oncerning P reach in g : W ritten for the D irectio n of a Young 129 D ivine (1678). G lanvill, who "brought the d o ctrin e of p lainness fro m the new th eo ry of scientific exposition and planted it in the ancient theory of re lig io u s p er s u a s i o n , a s s e r t e d that p reach in g "ought to be p la in , 131 p ra c tic a l, m ethodical, affe c tio n a te ." G lanvill explained that th e re w as "a b a s ta rd kind of eloquence th a t is c re p t into the P ulpit, which c o n s is ts in affectations of wit and fin e ry , flo u rish e s, m e ta p h o rs, and 128 Ibid. , p. 199. 129 See introduction to J a m e s A rd e rn e , D irectio n s C oncerning the M a tte r and Stile of S erm o n s, ed. by John M ackey (Oxford: B a sil B lackw ell, 1962), pp. ix -x ii. F o r an e x c e lle n t d iscu ssio n of the con tr o v e r s y over p reach in g in the th ird q u a rte r of the seventeenth century see R ic h ard F o s te r Jo n e s, "The A ttack on P u lp it Eloquence in the R e sto ra tio n : An E pisode in the D evelopm ent of the N e o -C la ssic a l S tandard for P ro s e , " in The S eventeenth C entury (Stanford: Stanford U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1951), pp. 111-142. 130 Howell, L ogic and R h e to ric , p. 392. 131 G lanvill, An E ssa y . . . (London, 1678), p. 11. c a d e n c e s ." Yet he did not condem n all usage of the a r ts of d isc o u rse : I do not by th is rep reh en d all Wit w h atev er in P re a c h in g , n o r any- i thing th at is tru ly such: F o r tru e Wit is a p erfectio n in o u r fa c u l tie s , chiefly in the u n d erstan d in g and im agination; Wit in the u n d e r- i standing is a sag acity to find out the n a tu re , re la tio n s, and con seq u en ces of things: Wit in the im agination, is a qu ick n ess of the phancy to give things p ro p e r Im ag es; now the m o re of th e se in j S e rm o n s, the m o re judgm ent, and sp irit; and life: without Wit of th e se kinds, P re a c h in g is dull and unedifying. The P r e a c h e r should indeavor to speak s h a rp and quick thoughts, and to s e t th e m I out in lively co lo u rs; This is p ro p e r, g ra v e , and m anly w it, bu tth e o th e r, that which co n sists in in v e rsio n s of sen ten c es, and playing w ith w o rd s, and the like, is vile and contem ptible fooling. I 33 j To G lanvill a se rm o n should a ctu ally im p ro v e the conduct of its lis te n e r s ; p ro ceed by a m ethod "not s tr a in 'd and fo rced , but such as the m at + 134 | te r , and the c a p a c itie s, and w ants of the a u d ito rs , re q u ire "; and be i I i spoken with "su ch sch em es of sp eech as a r e apt to excite the affectionsj 135 I of the m o s t v u lg ar, and illite ra te ." G lanvill fittingly concludes o u r | : i b rie f d isc u ssio n of the h o m iletic tre n d s of the perio d , fo r he, p erh ap s ! m o re d ra m a tic a lly than o th e rs , show s th at the changes which w ere tak-i ing shape in rh e to ric a l th eo ry w e re felt in the field of h o m ile tic s also. C o n strain ts on E a rly Q uaker R h eto ric The co n strain in g influences of the century which saw the ris e of Q u a k e rism w ere differen t, decidedly d iffere n t, at the end fro m what they had been a t the beginning. The century w as, above all, 132_,., 133 Ibid. , p. 23. Ibid. , p. 71. 134tu-^ 135t, . , , , Ibid. , p. 39 Ibid. , p. 56. 95 a w a te rsh e d in W este rn h isto ry . E v e ry w h e re we tu rn we see the s o m e tim e s g rad u al, often sudden, shift fro m old w ays of p e rc e iv in g -- w hether in philosophy, relig io n , p o litic s, o r rh e to ric a l theory. The Q u ak ers th e m se lv e s becam e a m a n ifestatio n of the g en era l m ovem ent of grow ing d is tr u s t of tra d itio n , w hether it a p p ea red in philosophy, the ch u rch , or g overnm ent. The dogm atic a u th o rita ria n is m of S ch o lastic " sc ie n c e " w as beginning to give way as the Q u a k e rs ap p eared on the scene. Although 136 they produced few s c ie n tis ts , they could not avoid the influences of the new scien tific age. By the tim e Q u a k e rism w as firm ly esta b lish e d , a fte r the p e rse c u tio n of the R e sto ra tio n had ebbed, and during the yearit of the m a jo rity of the extant s e rm o n s , the m e d iev al concept of the u n iv e rs e w as w ell on the way to extinction; re a s o n w as beginning its long ru le , and relig io u s e n th u sia s m was in an eclip se. P ap al au th o rity had been questioned a century e a r l ie r in E n g land, but the period of e a rly Q u a k e ris m saw the culm ination of a m o v em en t w hich u ltim ately qu estio n ed the au th o rity of any n o n -B ib lical ch u rch tra d itio n . The Q u a k e rs took th eir cues fro m this tren d , and F o r d iscu ssio n s of G eorge Fox and W illiam Penn and the R oyal Society, see the B ulletin of the F rie n d s H is to ric a l A sso c ia tio n , XLII, 90-91, and XXX, 8-10, re sp e c tiv e ly . In la te r g en era tio n s, Q u a k e rs m ade contributions to the advancem ent of science. See Jo u rn a l of the F rie n d s H is to ric a l Society, VII, 30-33 and 45 fo r a lis t of Q uaker m e m b e rs of the R oyal Society. 96 went so fa r as to subordinate even the au th o rity of s c rip tu re to the "inw ard L ight" of C h rist. In p o litic s, the rule of the a r is to c r a c y had been shaken during the y e a rs of our concern. The th eo ry of ru le by divine rig h t had been soundly challenged. The au th o rity of the a r is to c ra c y had not been o v erth ro w n as it would be in F ra n c e a century la te r, but it had been d ra m a tic a lly questioned. The Q u a k e rs also rev o lted a g ain st authority which w as felt to be c o n tra ry to the s p ir it of C h rist. T h eir re fu sa l to doff the h at, to use speech w hich d iffere n tiated betw een c la s s e s , to w e a r ru ffles and ribbons of the a ris to c ra c y , w ere all signs of th e ir re je c tio n of any h ie ra rc h y not e s ta b lis h e d by C h r is t's authority. F u r th e rm o re , th e ir w illingness to disobey what they co n sid ere d to be unjust law s, and to suffer the p e rse c u tio n w hich followed, is another m a n ifestatio n of the s p irit of the age, alb eit an e x tre m e fo rm . A s im ila r s p irit of re v o lt fro m the old which we esp ied in philosophy, relig io n , and p o litic s, also g ath ered m om entum in the rh e to ric a l and h o m iletical tre n d s of the p erio d . E ven R am us c o n s id e re d h im s e lf to be reactin g to e n tre n ch ed S ch o la sticism . E ventually, the B aconian s p irit invaded th e o rie s of d is c o u rs e , helping change the pred o m in an t th e o ry of style fro m in g ra tia tio n to the plain style of the Age of R eason. It is difficult to find d ire c t evidence of th is tren d upon Q u a k e ris m b eca u se m o s t of the e a rly Q u ak er p re a c h e rs and w r ite r s w ere n o t fo rm ally educated. B a rc la y and P en n rece iv ed fo rm a l_______ ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 9 7 - education, and had a c c e s s to e x c e lle n t lib r a r ie s . P enn, in p a rtic u la r, w as both a m e m b e r of the Royal Society and a lifelong frien d of John L ocke, thus the influence of the s e c u la r tre n d tow ard "sc ie n tific " speech m ay have been influential in h is w ritin g s. It is a fact th a t as the cen tu ry d rew to a clo se, the Q u a k e rs stro v e m o re for a p la in er style of speech. We m ay also conclude th a t the Q u a k e rs had been influenced in d irectly by the th e o rie s of R am us, and the sp ecific h o m i letic th e o rie s of P e rk in s. M ost of the e a rly m in is te r s of Q u a k e rism grew up on P u rita n p reach in g of the style P e rk in s advocated. In sh o rt, the situation w as rip e for a new m o v em en t of ra d ic a l C h ristian ity ; one w hich would m a n ife st the s p irit of change in the in te l le ctu al, re lig io u s, and p o litical s p h e re s . Old m o o rin g s w ere re je c te d b efore new o nes w ere fashioned, and in the y e a r s th at England d rifted , a group of relig io u s v o y ag ers thought they had d is c e rn e d the b a re o u t lines of the P ro m is e d Land. C H A PTER III PRESU PPO SITION S O F EARLY QUAKER RHETORIC O ur b u s in e s s , afte r all the ill usage we have m e t w ith, being the r e a litie s of relig io n , an effectual change before o u r la s t and g re a t change; that a ll m ay com e to an inw ard sen sib le and e x p e r i m e n ta l knowledge of God, through the convictions and o p eratio n s of the light and s p ir it of C h ris t in th e m se lv e s, the sufficient and b le ss e d m e a n s given to all, that th e re b y all m ay com e savingly to know the only true God, and J e s u s C h ris t whom he hath sent, to enlighten and re d e e m the w orld: w hich knowledge is indeed e t e r nal life.* The way in w hich an individual or group c h a ra c te ris tic a lly c o m m u n ic a te s is re v e la to ry of and dependent upon a w orld -v iew , fo r it e m a n a te s fro m hum an m inds w hich it m ay be said to re fle c t. Allowing fo r individual, iso la ted , id io sy n c ra tic deviances fro m a g ro u p 's b elief s tr u c tu re , m o s t g ro u p -m e m b e rs com m unicate a co re of com m on b eliefs w hich c o m p rise the philosophical underpinnings of its rh e to ric . M atu re groups differ fro m im m a tu re g roups in th a t the fo r m e r s e t m o re rigid p a r a m e te r s around the individual's atte m p ts to c o m m u n ic a te , while the la tte r a c c e p t a g re a t deal of d y n am ism and m utual W illiam P enn, The R ise and P r o g r e s s of the P eople C alled Q u a k e rs (Philadelphia: F r ie n d s ' B o o k -S to re, n .d . ), p. 4. O riginally p rin te d a s the p re fa c e to G eorge F o x 's Jo u rn al. 98 99 influence betw een the in d iv id u al's com m unication and the g ro u p ’s W eltan sic h t. The p re s e n t study e x a m in e s Q uaker serm o n izin g w hich took place p rim a rily in the p o s t - 1670 p erio d . By th is tim e , the dynam ic effect of the r h e to ric of individuals upon the group had l e s sened, and the effect of the group b elief stru c tu re on the individual w as on the ascendancy. It is , th e re fo re , not s u rp ris in g that the s e rm o n 2 lite ra tu re p re s e n ts a fa irly c o n siste n t p ic tu re of Q uaker belief. This exam in atio n of Q u ak er p resu p p o sitio n s will be illu stra te d , as fa r as p o s sib le , fro m the se rm o n s th e m se lv e s. The re a d e r should b e a r in m ind, how ever, that the a u th o r's purpose is not to p re s e n t a definitive sta te m e n t with re g a rd to the topics of this ch ap ter, but only to provide fu rth e r u n d erstan d in g about the ra tio n a le of Q uaker preaching. M an 's N ature: F a lle n , E nlightened, Sanctified E a rly Q u ak ers accep ted the account of the fall of m an through tem p tatio n and disobedience a s p re se n te d in the Old T estam en t s c r i p tu re s . They saw m an a s having been c re a te d in the im age of God, but having m a rr e d that im age thro u g h an a c t of willful disobedience. In the w ords of G eorge Fox, A dam and Eve "cam e into ye C u rse , L o st ye F o r an e x c e lle n t co n sid e ra tio n of Q uaker b eliefs p rio r to the R e sto ra tio n , see B a rb o u r, C hs. 4 -8 . B a rb o u r c o n s id e rs changes in Q u ak er outlook a fte r the R e s to ra tio n in C hapter 9-______________ 100 3 Light, fit cam e into D ark n esse : Sould un d er Sinn in T ra n s g re s s io n ." E ach individual m an, according to the Q u ak er apologist, R o b ert B a rclay , . . . is fallen , d eg en e rated , and . . . is subject unto the pow er, n a tu re , and seed of the serp en t. . . . M an, th e re fo re , as he is in this state, can know nothing arig h t; y e a , h is thoughts and con ceptions concerning God and things sp iritu a l, until he be d i s joined fro m this evil seed . . . a r e unprofitable both to h im se lf and o th e rs . . . R ejecting the e x tre m e view of C alvinism , which saw som e m en as elected by God to salvation and o th e rs to dam nation, the e a rly Q u a k e rs arg u ed for the ex isten ce of "an ev an g elical, saving L ight and 5 g ra c e in a ll." They took lite ra lly the teaching of the A postle John when he r e f e r r e d to C h ris t as "the tru e L ight, which lighteth ev ery 6 m a n that com eth into the w o rld ." T hus, it was p o ssib le, acco rd in g to e a rly F rie n d s , for ev ery m an to com e to the knowledge of God through the Light. The concept of the L ight m e r its som e co n sid eratio n , since it infuses Q u ak er thought, and d ire c tly defines th e ir conception of the S erm o n a t a G en eral M eeting, London, June 9, 1674, in H eadley MSS, F rie n d s ' House L ib ra ry , London, p. 247. 4 An Apology for the T ru e C h ris tia n Divinity . . . (13th ed. ; M an ch este r: W illiam Irw in, 1869), p. xi. ^Ibid. , p. xxi. ^John 1:9. All s c rip tu re re f e r e n c e s taken fro m the A uthorized V ersio n u n le ss indicated. 101 n atu re of m an, and also his u se of language. The n a tu re of the Light was a constant topic of contention betw een the e a rly Q u a k e rs and th e ir relig io u s co m p e tito rs. It continues to be of in te re s t and debate am ong to d a y 's F rie n d s . E xam ination of e a rly Q u ak er lite ra tu re re v e a ls that e a rly F rie n d s un d ersto o d th a t the Light w as wedded to the b a sic C h r is tian te n et that g ra c e w as bestow ed to m a n through C h rist. They often used the p h ra s e "light and g ra c e " in th e ir se rm o n s to indicate th a t the L ight was a phenom enon w hich w orked upon m a n , ra th e r than existing as a p a rt of his n a tu re . Light w as a gift of God to m an in the sam e sen se that g ra c e o r faith w ere G od's g ifts. "L ight" w as rep ea ted ly u sed along with " C h ris t," "S eed," "W o rd ," " T ru th ," and other te rm s to signify the sam e b asic p h en o m en o n --th e w orking of God in m an. Steven g C ris p often re f e r r e d to the L ight as a "M anifestation of the S p irit." He counselled his audience in 1691 to " e m b ra c e the Light, and believe 9 in the L ight, in the L o rd J e s u s C h ris t." A m ong e a rly Q u a k e rs , the concept of the Light w as nev er con fused with an innate quality of m a n - - a so -c a lle d " sp a rk of divinity." 7 See a re c e n t d isc u ssio n of the L ight in an a d d re s s by D ean F re id a y , "A C om m on Q uakerhood?" in What F u tu re fo r F r ie n d s ? (Philadelphia: F rie n d s W orld C o m m ittee, n. d. ), p. 27. g "T he E x cellen cy of P e a c e with God, " a serm o n p reac h ed at D evonshire H ouse, London, A ugust 5, 1691, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 136. ^Ibid. , p. 137. 102 B a rc la y , for exam ple, denied m a n 's divinity when he a s s e r te d "we ce rta in ly know that this light of which we speak is not only d istin c t, but 10 of a d iffe re n t n a tu re fro m the soul of m a n , and its fa c u ltie s." He and o ther e a rly F rie n d s e x p re s s ly s e p a ra te d the Light fro m the w orking of conscience o r re a so n , both of w hich o p erated through m a n 's facu ltie s. C ris p d ire c te d h im se lf to th is topic in a 1692 serm on: . . . God hath bestow ed som ething upon u s , th at w a rs and fights a g ain st Sin and Iniquity: How cam e we by it ? Is it any F acu lty in N a tu re ? No, N atu re is C o rru p ted and D efiled. . . . Yet th e re is som ething in m e th a t a n sw e rs the pure Law of God, th a t which m a k e s m e to hate things th at a re R eprovable; that is, Light: How j cam e I by it? It is not N atu ral; for then it would run P a ra lle l with th at N atu ral Inclination th a t is in m y Soul, to lead m e fu rth e r and fu rth e r fro m God.** L a te r in the sam e s e rm o n , C ris p tied the inw ard p rin cip le to the w ork I of C h rist: "if a Holy Divine Life is in th e e, it is He; if a P rin c ip le of T ru th s tir in th ee, it is He. . . . This is he th at God hath o rd ain e d to 12 be the C aptain of our Salvation. . . . " A pology, p. 85. B aum an, in his "A spects of Seventeenth C entury Q uaker R h e to ric , " s e e m s to say that the L ight is both a p a r t of m a n 's n a tu re and a gift of g ra c e : m e m b e rs h ip in the Society "w as to be achieved through the e x e rc is e of the faculty of the In n er L ight, p re s e n t in every m an through the g ra c e of the Savior, J e s u s C h ris t. " (Italics m ine. ) ^ " T h e G re a t Duty of R e m e m b e rin g our C re a to r, " a se rm o n p reac h ed a t D evonshire H ouse, London, A p ril 6 , 1692, in S c r ip tu r e - T ru th s . . ., p. 92. ^ I b i d . , p. 105. 103 The p rin cip le of the Inw ard L ight of C h rist, w hich enlightens e v e ry m an, w as the e s s e n tia l d istinguishing factor w hich set the e a rly Q uaker view of m a n 's n a tu re a p a rt fro m the predom inant C alv in istic viewpoint. The Inw ard L ight p resu p p o sed a quality in m an which would subm it to it or r e s i s t it. T h e re w as a strong e m p h asis am ong e a rly Q u ak ers on the e x e rc is e of m a n 's w ill in the p ro c e ss of salvation. Q u ak ers talked of a "Day of V isitatio n " of G od's s p irit during which all m e n w ere touched and wooed by the Inw ard Light. They e n th u sia s ti cally m aintained that "God doth give to ev ery Man a m e a s u re of G race that b rin g s S alvation," but they also stro n g ly a s s e r te d that "too m any People have not had re g a rd to the G race of God given to them , but i 13 ra th e r tra m p le upon it. . . ." T hrough the e x e rc is e of the will "m any h eark e n not to the R eproof of the S p irit of the L o rd , but they h a rd e n th e ir H e a rts , and R ebel a g ain st the Light, ag ain st Gods S p irit 14 th at striv e th with th em . . . . " The w ill to r e s is t the Light w as often stro n g , y et "if m an r e s i s t it not, " B a rc la y concluded, "but close with 15 it, he com es to know salvation by it." Thus fa r we have o b se rv e d th a t the e a rly Q u ak ers held hope for John B o w ater, a se rm o n p re a c h e d at St. Jo h n 's S tre e t, London, M arch 18, 1693, in C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . ■ , p. 48. 14 Ibid. , p. 63. 15 A pology, p. 87. r ^ - the red em p tio n of m a n 's fallen n a tu re through the Inw ard Light of C h ris t. M an 's n a tu re , as we have seen, is f ir s t fallen and d eg en e rated yet, in the second p la ce, it is enlightened by C h rist. A ssum ing m an d o e 3 not e x e rc is e h is will a g a in st the L ight, he e n te rs into salvation. But this does not com plete the to tal p ic tu re of m an re fle c te d in the preaching of the e a rly Q u ak ers. W ith re m a rk a b le co n siste n cy , the e a rly F rie n d s a s s e r te d that m an could re a c h a state of pu rity and h o li n e s s in w hich he did not sin. Viewed fro m another p e rs p e c tiv e , this position held th at it w as p o ssib le in this life for a m an to obey the Light of C h rist in ev e ry in stan ce. G eorge F o x ’s m in is try w as c h a ra c te riz e d by a ra d ic a l belief th at h oliness could be achieved on e a rth . The re a c tio n s of his c o n te m p o ra rie s to this id ea can be a s s e s s e d by reading F o x 's account of an incident w hich happened in 1647, e a rly in h is m in is try : "I stayed awhile and d e c la re d tru th am ong them . . . . But the p ro fe s s o rs w e re in a ra g e , all pleading for sin and im p erfectio n , and could not endure to 16 h e a r talk of p erfectio n , and of an holy and sin le ss life ." Fox believed th a t C h rist "b rin g s to ye State of A dam & E v e before they fell, & to ye Im age of God in R ig h teo u sn ess, & H olyness; they sitting down ^ T h e J o u rn a l of G eorge Fox, ed. by John L. N ickalls (re v ise d ed. ; C am bridge: A t the U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1952), p. 18. H e re a fte r "Jo u rn a l." 105 in C h ris t yt n e v e r fell. . . . " H ere Fox echoed a tru th w hich w as "opened" to h im e a rly in his m in is try , and which he re c o rd e d in his Jo u rn a l. . . . I was com e up to the state of A dam which he was in before he fell. . . . But I w as im m ed iately taken up in s p irit, to see into another o r m o re s te a d fa st state than A dam 's in innocency, even into a state in C h ris t J e s u s , that should n e v e r fall. And the L ord showed m e that su ch as w ere faithful to him in the pow er and light of C h ris t, should com e up into that state in which A dam w as b efo re he fell. . . . Fox also believed that the holy and rig h teo u s state could not be achievec without the inw ard, s p iritu a l, " C irc u m sisio n , & B ap tism to plunge down Sin, & C o rru p tio n : this m u st be known b efo re M an & W oman 19 come up into ye Im age of G od." The th em e of h o lin e ss and rig h te o u sn e ss w as re p e a te d in the la te r s e rm o n s , and in d icate s th at the e a rly Q u a k e rs acc ep ted the p o s sibility that a ll m en could be renew ed into a state devoid of sin. In 1688, Steven C r is p e la b o ra te d this them e and d e c la re d th at C h ris t could g rad u ally help one to liv e righteously. R esolve upon th is , and then the G race of God will be at w ork, we shall soon see th a t we m u s t leave off sinning: T h e re is such a thing I m u s t le av e, God hath s e t up a judgm ent in m y Mind ag ain st it; though it bring P ro fit and P le a s u re , away it m u st go. S erm o n p re a c h e d a t D evonshire H ouse, London, M ay, 1677, R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 403. * ^J o u r n a l, p. 27. 19 __________ S erm o n , M ay, 1677, p. 403.___________________________________ 106 H ere is a ste p , a following step, to follow C h rist. He that will deny h im se lf, will follow C h rist. . . . H ere the Soul is led step by step, even by C h ris t, the Captain of our Salvation, 'till it is g rad u ally clean sed fro m sin. . . .20 In this p a ssa g e we see the them e of p erfectio n coupled w ith the act of se lf-d e n ia l, a p e r s is te n t them e in C r is p 's s e rm o n s. Follow ing C ris p , an o th er "p u b lish er of tru th " c h arg e d his audience to "go on to P e rfe c tio n , that is the b u sin e ss of ev ery one of you that b elieve in the Name of J e s u s , that you keep w alking in the Holy way. . . . C h ris t is the Way, the T ruth, and the Life; and every one th at com es into this way, and w alketh in it, they a r e going tow ards x , , i,21 P e rfe c tio n . Many o th e r ex am p les of the them e of p erfectio n could be p ro - 22 duced fro m the s e rm o n s of the period. T here se e m s to be, how ever, "The G re a t M ed iato r of the E v e rla stin g C ovenant," a serm o n p reac h ed a t G ra c e C hurch S tre e t, London, A p ril 25, 1688, in S crip tu re T ru th s . . . , p. 20. F r a n c is C am field, a se rm o n p reach ed a t G ra c e C hurch S tre e t, London, M ay 14, 1693, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity . . . , p. 39. 22 Steven C r is p 's se rm o n s a r e esp ecially illu s tra tiv e of the th em e. In a s e rm o n on M arch 14, 1687, p re a c h e d at G ra c e Church S tre e t (S c r ip tu r e - T r u th s . . . , p. 38), he m ade the o b se rv a tio n that "if th e re be som ething th a t p r e s e r v e s a M an fro m any E v il, it can p r e s e rv e him fro m all E v il." See also h is lengthy ex am in atio n of the s u b je c t in his s e rm o n d eliv ered O ctober 12, 1690, a t D evonshire H ouse, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 25-28. O ther p r e a c h e r s also c a rrie d the them e in th e ir s e rm o n s . Although a com plete e n u m eratio n is not p ossible h e re , one should see esp ecially W illiam B ingley, a serm o n p reach ed a t G ra c e C hurch S tre e t, M arch 4, 1693, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity . . . , p. 127; W illiam P enn, a se rm o n p re a c h e d at G race 107 over the y e a rs fro m F o x 's e a rly m in is try to the la s t decade of the c e n tury, a d e p a rtu re fro m the ra d ic a l position on p erfectio n held by Fox. The s e rm o n s of the la te decades em p h asized a s p iritu a l conflict, the n ece ssity of se lf-d e n ia l, and a continual p ro c e s s of p erfectio n . M ost of the la te r p r e a c h e r s fit quite com fortably w ithin the confines of B a rc la y 's theological proposition on the subject: "yet doth this p e r f e c tion still ad m it of a grow th; and th e re re m a in e th alw ays in som e p a r t a p ossibility of sinning, w here the m ind doth not m o st diligently and 23 w atchfully attend unto the L o rd ." M an w as still p e rfe c ta b le , but he w as not in A d a m 's state before he fell as Fox envisioned. Im plied in the foregoing d isc u s sio n is the b elief held by e a rly Q uakers that m an , fa r fro m being a m e re puppet whose s trin g s w ere pulled by God, was a being p o s se ssin g a fre e will. F o r ex am p le, a m an could e ith e r r e je c t or a cc ep t the Inw ard Light; and once a "co n vinced" Q u ak er, he could m ove tow ard p erfectio n only by willfully 24 attending to the L o rd . A pparently the e a rly Q u a k e rs saw the will as S tre e t, A ugust 12, 1694, and a se rm o n p re a c h e d at W heeler S treet, O ctober 21, 1694, both in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D octrines . . . , p. 18 and p. 77, resp ectiv ely ; and T hom as C halkley, a serm o n p reac h ed on June 7, 1698, p. 1. ^ A pology, p. 148. 24 "C onvincem ent" is a te r m often u sed by the e a rly Q u ak ers to d e sc rib e th e ir d ecisio n to follow the L ight and to becom e F rie n d s . It c a r r ie s with it the connotation of "p ro o f," of a rg u m e n t, but it has a d im ension beyond ra tio n a l a s s e n t alone. A "convinced" Q u ak er had the re sp o n sib ility to identify h is speech and his actions with the group. By 108 a dom inant faculty of m a n 's n a tu re . The e a rly Q uaker p re a c h e r often used a b a rra g e of appeals to p e rsu a d e his audience to w ill to follow the 25 Light. P arad o x ic ally , although it w as m a n 's fre e will which the Q uaker p re a c h e r m o st often a d d re s s e d in his se rm o n s, it w as the w ill, as we shall see, w hich produced the w rong kinds of relig io n , w o rsh ip , and p re a c h in g --R o b e rt B a rc la y called the phenom enon "w ili-w o rsh ip 26 and abom inable id o la try ." The w ill, if e x e rc is e d without the g uid ance of the Inw ard L ight, could lead m en into d a rk pathw ays. In sum , the e a rly Q u ak er view of m a n 's n atu re o ffered a stro n g m e a su re of hope fo r m an. M an w as not u n ch aritab ly destined to hell on the grounds that he w as not am ong the "elec t. " Although the e a rly Q uaker view adm itted of m a n 's d e g rad a tio n through disobedience, it boldly a s s e r te d that m an could o v erco m e the effects of the fall through the L ight of C h rist. The two m o st strik in g fe a tu re s of the e a rly Q uaker concept of the n a tu re of m an w ere th at all m en w e re enlightened by the the la s t decade of the c en tu ry , the te r m seem s to have r e f e r r e d to m e n tal a s s e n t alone, for P enn found it n e c e s s a r y to plead that "those that a re Convinced, m ay be C o n v erted ," in a se rm o n p reach ed a t W heeler S tre e t, Ja n u a ry 27, 1694, in H arm o n y of Divine and H eavenly D oc trin e s . . . , p. 115. 25 See, fo r ex am p le, D ew sbury, "A S erm o n " p reac h ed a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, May 6 , 1688, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , pp. 18, 19, 22. See also C ris p , "The Divine M onitor: O r Light fro m H eaven, " a se rm o n p re a c h e d a t G race C h u rch S tre e t, June 19, 1692, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 113, 115-117. 26 Apology, p. 215. 109 Inw ard L ight, and that through the Light m an could o v erco m e sin in this life. The E a rly Q u ak er View of Society: F ro m the " L a m b 's W ar" to P re s e rv a tio n of the "R em nant" D uring the p erio d fro m the f i r s t e m e rg e n c e of Q u a k e rism to the la s t decade of the sev en teen th cen tu ry , the Q u ak er outlook on society und erw en t a p ro c e s s of change. W h ere as in the beginning, Q u ak ers saw th e m se lv e s as s o ld ie rs in the conquering a rm y of C h rist, the L am b, a fte r the In te rre g n u m and during the R e sto ra tio n , they began to see th e m se lv e s m o re and m o re as the "R em nant" to be p re s e rv e d by God. Hugh B arb o u r has pointed to the im p o rta n c e of the concept of the " L a m b 's W ar" in e a rly Q u a k e rism . "The L am b in the Book of R evelation is the conquering C h ris t who d e s tro y s the A n ti-C h rist, 27 R om e, and Satan and sets up his w orld dom inion for the m illen n iu m ." The L a m b 's W ar signified both an outw ard and inw ard stru g g le of light ag ain st d a rk n e s s , good ag ain st evil, the L am b ag ain st the Serpent. The e a rly F rie n d s saw th e m se lv e s a s a p a r t of "p rim itiv e C h ristian ity R evived, " a new age when C h ris t would re tu r n to s e t up his kingdom . B a rb o u r's o b serv atio n that "T he e a rly days of the L a m b 's W ar had 28 seem ed to them to be the beginning of a conquest of the w o rld ," 27 The Q u a k e rs in P u rita n E ngland, p. 40. ^ I b i d . ( p. 65.______________________________________________________ 110 e x p re s s e s the confusion in h e re n t in the m e ta p h o r which se e m s to su b sum e both the a sp e c ts of inw ard as w ell as outw ard stru g g le. The language u sed by m any of the f ir s t g en era tio n Q u ak ers led m any of th e ir c o n te m p o ra rie s to believe that they, along with o th e r ra d ic a l P u rita n s , b eliev ed that ' fo r the sain ts to judge the w orld and to posses:; 29 the kingdom w as p o ssib le ." H ence, it w as not in a p p ro p riate for H enry C rom w ell to re m a rk in 1656 that "O ur m o st co n sid era b le enem y now in our view a r e the Q u a k e rs ." Although laced with m ilita n t im a g e ry , the r h e to ric of the L a m b 's W ar was p rim a rily inw ard and s p iritu a l in n a tu re . But the inw ard changes in attitude brought about changes in action. The "c o n q u e st" of w hich the Q uaker p re a c h e rs spoke, w as one w hich began w ithin, with a subjection to the L ight, and then moved without. E a rly F rie n d s saw th e m se lv e s a s se p a ra te d fro m the esta b lish e d governm ent. They took th e ir o rd e rs fro m a d iffe re n t so u rc e . W here the Inw ard Light co n tra d icted the outw ard au th o rity of the gov ern m en t or the t r a ditions of so ciety , th ere w as no qu estio n in th e ir m inds re g a rd in g whiclji 31 to obey. M any of the actions taken by e a rly F rie n d s se p a ra te d them 29G eoffrey N uttall, The Holy S p irit in P u rita n F a ith and E x p e rie n c e (Oxford: B a sil B lackw ell, 1946), p. 120. ^ Q u o te d in N uttall, p. 131. 3*The Q u ak ers re fu se d to rem o v e th e ir h ats a s a sign of honor to a u th o ritie s; they forsook the ribbons and ru ffles so popular in the clothing of the day; they re fu se d to u se the pagan n a m e s of m onths and w eekdays; they re je c te d the b a r te r s y ste m in b u sin e ss. See B raith w aite, B eginnings, pp. 485-507; B a rb o u r, pp. 160-180._________________________ I l l fro m so ciety , but r a r e ly could the b eh av io r of e a rly Q u a k e rs be d e sc rib e d in all fa irn e s s as " m ilita n t." T h re e p a rtic u la r phenom ena am ong e a rly F rie n d s b e a r m e n tion b e c a u se they re la te th e ir concept of the place of the b e lie v e r in society to th e ir usage of language: th e ir stand a g a in st o ath s, th e ir in siste n c e upon calling things by th e ir "tru e " n a m e s, and th e ir u se of the "p lain " speech. T h ese p e c u lia ritie s of usage w ere prom pted by a p rin cip le exem plified in o th er so cially alienating p ra c tic e s of e a rly Q u a k e rs , the p rin cip le of ra d ic a l tr u th . 32 Q u a k e rs re fu se d to take oaths because C h ris t forbade it, and b eca u se it im plied a double sta n d a rd of tru th -te llin g in which one could be held to te ll the tru th only when u n d er oath. B a rc la y u n d ersto o d th at C h ris t "ab ro g ated o a th s, as a ru d im e n t of in firm ity , and in place 33 th e re o f e sta b lish e d the use of tru th ." The r e s u lt of holding to a single sta n d a rd of tru th -te llin g , w hich m ean t re fu sa l of o ath s, w as p e rs e c u tio n by the go v ern m en t. Ja c k so n Cope is ju stified in m aintaining that the concept of the 34 "N am e" w as im p o rta n t in e a rly Q u a k e rism . F rie n d s w e re c a re fu l to avoid the use of title s, for ex am p le, which often bestow ed honor on a 32 See pp. 70-71, s u p r a . 33 A pology, p. 351. 34c See p. 12, su p ra . ITZ“ p erso n who did not m e r i t it. They also w e re care fu l to call th e ir places of w o rsh ip "m eeting h o u s e s ," not " C h u rc h e s." The te rm "C hurch" w as r e s e r v e d fo r m e m b e rs of the Body of C h rist, not the place w here the Body m e t. They took c a re to choose the p ro p e r w ord, often with a re su lta n t so cial alien atio n of suspicion fro m society at larg e . i P e rh a p s the b e s t known e a rly Q uaker w itness which re la te d language to th e ir view of society w as th e ir re fu sa l to use "you" for the sin g u lar. They arg u ed re le n tle s s ly that the com m on usage w as u n g ra m m a tic a l and that it tended to give u n w arran ted d istin ctio n and honor to individuals a d d re s s e d as "you" ra th e r than "thou." T his p ecu liarity of language had, for m any seventeenth century E n g lish m en , 35 the sam e effect as re fu s a l to doff the hat. A s the century d rew to a c lo se, F rie n d s w ere viewing th e m selv es le s s as a conquering a rm y , m o re as a re m n a n t w hich had been p re s e rv e d by God through p e rs e c u tio n and p e ril, and w hich now hoped to be p re s e rv e d in the stru g g le a g a in st w orldly te m p tatio n s. " R e m n an t," like "L a m b 's W a r," w as a B ib lic a l-in sp ire d im age, w hich called to m ind the p re s e rv a tio n of a re m n a n t of Is ra e l through the hand of God. The Q uaker so c ia l p e c u lia ritie s --p la in speech, re fu s a l to take 35 See p. 74, s u p r a . F o x and two other Q u a k e rs published a re m a rk a b le book intended to defend the Q uaker position on language, the sh o rt title of which w as A B a ttle -D o o r. . ■ . See B raith w aite , B eginnings, pp. 4 9 6 - 4 9 9 . ________________________________________________ 113 an oath, etc. - -o rig in ally p e rfo rm e d as a m eans of w itn e ss , w ere becom ing m e re ly cu sto m s. As B a rb o u r w rote, "The o rig in a l Q u ak er te stim o n ie s w ere no longer expected to offend o r co n v ert anyone and w ere le ft by the p assing of tim e and the end of conflict a s a fo rm e r sh o relin e cut by the high tide of the S p irit before it shifted to new 36 b e a c h e s ." The b elief in the u ltim a te effect of the L am b 's W ar on society w as waning. The solem n w arning of G od's judgm ent to the nation, so com m on during the e a rly y e a r s , w as still p re se n t in som e of the la te r s e rm o n s , but its a p p e a ra n c e w as m uch m ore r a r e . F r a n c is S tam p er w arned London as late as 1694 that the "V ials of my w ra th sh all be 37 poured out upon the T r a n s g r e s s o r ." But the Q u a k e rs, by then, re g a rd e d th e m se lv e s d iffere n tly than they had in e a r l ie r d ecad es. G eorge W hitehead b e tte r illu s tra te d the new Q uaker outlook than S tam p er when he pray ed in 1693: This is the B elief and C onfidence th at thou h ast ra is e d in the H e a rts of a R em nant. T h e re fo re O L ord, we have cau se to w ait upon thee, and continually to t r u s t in thee, and b re a th e and cry unto thee, fo r thy whole H e rita g e , for all them whom thou h a s t gathered by the A rm of thy P o w e r, that they m ay be p re s e rv e d faithful to the end of th e ir D ays, that they m ay be saved fro m the E v ils and P ollutions and C o rru p tio n s of the W orld. . . . • * * * 3 ^Q u a k e rs in P u rita n E ngland, p. 242. 37 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at D evonshire H ouse, London, May 3, 1694, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity . . . , p. 36. 38 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at G ra c e Church S treet, London, O ctobei 4, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 36. 114 W hitehead s e t the tone fo r the next cen tu ry , w hich saw the c u l m ination of to le ra tio n , acc ep tan c e, even re s p e c t fro m the society at la rg e fo r F rie n d s . Q u a k e ris m w as "p assin g over fro m a m ovem ent charged with poten tial en erg y to a stage of a r r e s te d developm ent and 39 cooling e n th u s ia s m ." B raith w aite b e st d e sc rib e d the situation at the clo se of the cen tu ry when he said: The Q u ak er C hurch effectively organized as a State w ithin the State, w as now m ainly concerned with p re se rv in g its own quiet way of life: and, d riv en by the grow th of a narrow ing discipline, was no longer aflam e with a m is s io n to the w o rld .^0 The s e rm o n s c o m p risin g this study illu s tra te the change in Q uaker attitude tow ard s o c ie ty --" th e w o rld " --fro m that e x p re ss e d in the pow erful m e ta p h o r, the L a m b 's W a r, to the overpow ering exclusivity of the R em nant. Both te r m s connote se p a ra te n e ss fro m society at la rg e , but the f i r s t p o s s e s s e s an apocalyptical sense of v icto ry so strong that it w as often confused with rev o lu tio n ary p o litics; that sam e pow er is stran g ely r e p r e s s e d in the la tte r. E a rly Q uaker E p istem ology: The P e rv a s iv e n e ss of the Inw ard L ight P r io r to the p erio d of this study, C h risten d o m had em p h asized v ario u s a s p e c ts of G od's w ork with m an, but it was the " sp iritu a l ^ R u s s e l l , p. 186. 40 B ra ith w a ite , Second P e rio d , p. 179. 115 P u rita n s " - - th e seedbed of Q u a k e rism --w h o re d is c o v e re d the Holy 41 Spirit. E a rly F rie n d s pushed the concept of the Holy S p irit to its logical e x tre m e . They ended up with a theory of knowledge based a lm o s t ex clu siv ely upon im m ed iate su p e rn a tu ra l rev elatio n , w hich they called by m any n a m e s, m o st often the "Inward L ight." We have alread y alluded to the Q u ak er u n d erstan d in g of the L ight as a vehicle of red em p tio n and p erfectio n in our d iscu ssio n of the e a rly Q uaker view of the n a tu re of m an. We have also seen its influence in m otivating the so cial " w itn e s s e s " of the F rie n d s . It re m a in s to see in w hat sen se the Inw ard L ight w as view ed as the p rim a ry m e an s of know ledge, and what place o th e r m e an s of acq u irin g knowledge played in the e a rly Q uaker ep istem ology. This ex am in atio n m ay profitably begin w ith the e x p erien ce of G eorge Fox b e c a u se he illu s tra te s the rad ic al dependence e a rly Q u a k e rs placed in the Light. Fox had a thorough knowledge of the s c rip tu re s and a background of d o ctrin e and ch u rch tra d itio n , but th ese e x p e rie n c e s proved u n satisfy in g to his in n e rm o s t n e e d s. He re c o rd e d in his Jo u rn a l th at a s a y o u n g ste r, he believed that God had d ire c tly com m unicated to him that he should "be faithful in all things, and to 41 N uttall a rg u e s th a t the d o ctrin e of the Holy S p irit " re c e iv e d a m o re thorough and d etaile d co n sid eratio n fro m the P u rita n s of s e v en teen th -cen tu ry E ngland than it has receiv ed at any o th e r tim e in C h ristia n h is to ry ," p. viii. I TS" act faithfully two w ays, viz. inw ardly to God and outw ardly to m an, 42 and to keep to 'yea.' and 'nay' in all th in g s." In 1643 he left hom e "at 43 the com m and of G od," to begin to s e a rc h for a re a l ex p e rie n c e in religion. In 1646 F ox had n u m e ro u s "openings," o r re v e la tio n s. The f ir s t d ealt with the com m only accepted notion that all C h ris tia n s w ere b e lie v e rs . On this topic Fox w rote: "the L ord opened to m e that, if all w ere b e lie v e rs , then they w ere all born of God and p a sse d fro m death to life, and th at none w e re tru e b e lie v e rs but such; and though 44 o th e rs said they w ere b e lie v e rs , y e t they w ere n o t." L a te r it was "opened" to him "that being b red a t O xford o r C am b rid g e w as not 45 enough to fit and qualify m en to be m in is te r s of C h ris t. . . ." His th ird im p o rtan t opening w as that "God, who m ade the w o rld , did not 46 dw ell in te m p le s m ade with h a n d s." T hese "openings" w ere p rio r to F o x 's often quoted en co u n ter with C h ris t, of which he w rote: And when m y hopes in th e m and in all m en w ere gone, so th at I had nothing outw ardly to help m e , n o r could te ll w hat to do, then, Oh then, I h e a rd a voice w hich said, 'T h e re is one, even C h rist J e s u s , that can speak to thy condition', and when I h e a rd ^ it my h e a r t did leap for joy. . . . And this I knew ex p e rim e n ta lly . The L ight b ecam e for Fox his p rim e in s tru m e n t of know ledge. He a s s e r te d th a t "The divine light of C h rist m a n ife ste th all 42 43 44 J o u rn a l, p. 2. Ibid. , p. 3. Ibid. , p. 7. 45 46 47 Ibid. , p. 7. Ibid. , p. 8. Ibid. , p. 11. 117 things. . . . " A s alre a d y noted. F rie n d s did not alw ays use the 49 te rm "L ig h t" to r e f e r to the im m ed iate rev elatio n of C h ris t. Thus when Fox speaks of the e x p erien ce in which the c re a tio n w as opened to h im and he saw how "all things had th e ir n a m e s given th e m according 50 to th eir n a tu re and v irtu e ," he explains the so u rce of the ex perience to be the " S p irit," the "divine W ord of w isdom and p o w e r," and the " L o rd ." F ro m F o x 's u se of th e se te rm s and o th e rs such as "L ight," "Light of C h ris t," "S eed," etc. , to re fe r to the sam e phenom enon, we u n d erstan d th a t the te rm s equivalently signify im m ed iate revelation fro m C h rist. It is b eca u se the phenom enon of im m ed iate rev elatio n p rece d ed and produced F o x 's "opening" reg ard in g the im p o rtan ce of the "N am e," that we m u s t re je c t D r. C ope's conclusion th at the con cept of the "N am e" o v ersh ad o w s that of the Light in e a rly Q u ak erism . 48 I b id ., p. 15. ^ S e e p. 11, s u p r a . T h e re is not only a confusion of n am es used to signify s im ila r phenom ena, but also an o v erlapping of the func tions of the T rin ity as w ell. R achel H adley King a s s e r te d "T h ere is a g en era l identification of the Holy G host with the L ig h t" in G eorge F o x 's theology, G eorge F ox and the L ight W ithin, 1650-1660 (P hiladelphia: F rie n d s Book S to re , 1940), p. 78. T. Canby Jo n e s, in "G eorge F o x 's Teaching on R edem ption and Salvation" (unpublished P h .D . d is s e rta tio r, Yale U n iv ersity , 1956), concludes that "C oncerning the Holy S p irit Fox d e m o n stra te s a tre m e n d o u s overlapping of concept and function betw een C h ris t the P ro p h e t, the light, the seed and the Holy S p irit. Yet each concept re ta in s som e b a sic a lly unique a s p e c ts " (p. 270). 50 J o u r n a l, p. 27. Jack so n Cope u s e s this ex p e rie n c e of Fox as a b a s is for arg u in g the p rim a c y of the concept of the "N am e" for e a rly F rie n d s . See p. 12, su p ra . 118 F ox alw ays m a in tain ed th at "in h is [C h ris t's ] day a r e all things seen, 51 v isib le and in v isib le, by the divine light of C h ris t," In F o x 's e x p e rie n c e , the S c rip tu re s w ere im p o rtan t, but s e c ondary to the Light as a so u rce of know ledge. He saw "how people re a d the S c rip tu re s w ithout a rig h t sen se of them , and w ithout duly applying 52 th e m to th e ir own s ta te s ." He boldly p ro c la im e d that no one could "know the sp iritu a l m eaning of M o se s', 'the p ro p h e ts ', and Jo h n 's w ords . . . u n le ss they had the S p irit and the light of J e s u s ; n o r could 53 they know the w ords of C h ris t and of his a p o stle s w ithout the S p irit." By m aintaining that the S p irit m u s t illum inate the S c rip tu re , Fox w as aligning h im se lf with the s p iritu a l P u rita n s of the day who believed the 54 sam e thing, but Fox w ent fu rth e r and claim ed he "saw in that Light and S p irit w hich was b efo re S c rip tu re was given fo rth , and which led 55 the holy m e n of God to give them fo rth ." Fox, in e s s e n c e , claim ed the sam e type of in sp ira tio n fro m the S p irit w hich had m oved the a p o stle s. F o x 's co n stan t use of the S c rip tu re s in h is w ritin g s and p re a c h - ^ Ibid. , p. 29. 52 , . , Ibid. , p. 31. ^ Ibid. , p. 32. ^ N u t t a l l , pp. 26, 28-30, 33. ^ J o u r n a l , p. 33. 119 ing p re s e n ts a stro n g a rg u m e n t that he believed in th e ir efficacy for c e rta in p u rp o se s , and m akes good h is claim : "I had no slight e ste e m of the Holy S c rip tu re s , but they w ere very p recio u s to m e . . . and what the L ord opened to m e I a fte rw a rd s found w as ag re e a b le to them . A fter ex ten siv e study to show the c e n tra lity of faith in C h r is t's saving w ork to F o x 's total m e ss a g e , T. Canby Jo n es concluded r e g a r d ing F o x 's position on the S crip tu re: The Bible . . . re m a in e d finally au th o ritativ e as a r e c o r d of C h r is t's com ing and a d e c la ra tio n of the S p irit's pow er. Fox also re g a rd e d it a s the u ltim ate c rite rio n in c o n tro v e rsy . In a negative se n se , too, Fox w as c e rta in that S c rip tu re s w ere final au th o rity , since nothing inw ardly rev ea led could be tru e if it con tra d ic te d S c rip tu re . F u rth e r, as m o ra l law in m a tte rs of o u t w ard conduct, fo r exam ple on oath taking, S c rip tu re re p re s e n te d lite ra l and final au th o rity to Fox. In addition Fox showed his belief in the au th o rity of S c rip tu re by his view of h im se lf a s the defender of the p u re S c rip tu re ag a in st the p e rv e rs e in t e r p r e ta tions of o th e rs . F in ally , Fox w as su re th at th e re w ere no b e tte r te rm s to confess C h ris t, H is life, death and re s u r r e c tio n , than those found in the S c rip tu re s . In all these s e n se s the Bible re m a in e d u ltim a tely au th o ritativ e, even though in g e n e ra l Fox a s s e r te d the s u p e rio r au th o rity of the Holy S pirit. If one w ere to c o n tra s t the view held by Fox on the B ible v e rs u s inw ard re v e la tio n w ith that of o ther ra d ic a l P u rita n s of h is day, he would find that F ox re p re s e n te d a relig io n of the S p irit, which placed high e s te e m on the B ible; while the " sp iritu a l" P u rita n s re p re s e n te d a ^ Ibid. , p. 34. 57 "G eorge F o x 's T eaching on R edem ption and Salvation, " pp. 66-67. 120 re p re s e n te d a re lig io n of the S p irit which placed h ig h e st e s te e m on the Bible. F o x 's e x p e rie n c e w as rep eated ag ain and again in the lives of the e a rly Q u a k e rs . The q u in tessen ce of th e ir position lay not in derogating the B ible, but in in sistin g th a t sim ply knowing the "Book" w as not e x p erien cin g the g ra c e of God through C h rist. F ra n c is How- gill, one of the m o s t pow erful of the e a rly Q uaker p r e a c h e r s , was ra is e d in P u rita n w ays. He often p ra y e d , read his Bible and preach ed . But when he h e a rd Fox p re a c h th at the L ight of C h ris t in m an w as the way to salvation, he w itn essed that he "believed the e te rn a l w ord of tru th . . . we w e re all seen to be off the foundation, and all m ouths 58 w ere stopped in the d u s t." By the tim e B a rc la y penned his A pology, the e x p erien ce of two d ecad es of Q u a k e rs had produced an ep istem o lo g y which am ounted to a dynam ic te n sio n betw een the S p irit and th e Bible. W h ereas R e fo rm a tion theology b egan with the s c rip tu re s a s final au th o rity in all m a tte rs of faith and p ra c tic e , B a rc la y began w ith the Spirit: . . . the te stim o n y of the S p irit is th a t alone by which the true knowledge of God hath been, is , and can be only re v e a le d . . . . T hese divine inw ard rev e la tio n s, w hich we m ake absolutely n e c e s s a ry fo r the building up of tru e faith, n e ith e r do n o r can e v e r c o n tra d ic t the outw ard te stim o n y of the S c rip tu re s , o r rig h t and sound r e a s o n .^9 58 Q uoted in B raith w aite , B eg in n in g s, p. 88. Apology, p. x. 121 B a rc la y 's p roposition m akes ex p licit two additional s o u rc e s of knowledge o th er than the Spirit: the S c rip tu re s and re a so n . The S c rip tu r e s , sent forth by the S p irit, w ere "a seco n d ary r u le , subordinate to the S p ir it, fro m w hich they have a ll th e ir excellency and certain ty . 60 . . . " The ap o lo g ist co n sid ere d the g re a t w ork of the S c rip tu re s to be the ability to "w itn ess them fulfilled in u s ." He also specifically judged them to be "the only fit outw ard judge of c o n tro v e rs ie s among C h ristia n s; and th a t w h atso ev er d o ctrin e is c o n tra ry unto th e ir te s ti- 62 m ony, m ay th e re fo re ju stly be re je c te d as fa ls e ." The e s s e n tia l Q u ak er position on re v elatio n and the Bible am ounted to an injunction to obey both the S p irit and the S c rip tu re s , since the two w ere n ev er in contrad ictio n . W hat I have d e sc rib e d as a "dynam ic te n sio n " betw een S p irit and S c rip tu re is illu s tra te d in a 1694 s e rm o n of B enjam in Cooler Now the Way w hereby God d is c o v e rs his M ind to M an, is twofold, w ith o u t, and within. 1. The Holy S c rip tu re s without. 2. The Holy S p irit within. 1. We m ay le a rn fro m w ithout w hat a V ail th ere hath been o v er the U nderstanding of the C hildren of M en. . . . 2. But th e re is a fu rth e r D isco v ery m ade to us fro m within, A3 the S p irit of the L ord convinceth us of Sin. . . . ^ Ibid. , p. xi. ^*Ibid. , p. 46. 62Ibid. , p. 47. 63 A se rm o n p reac h ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M ay 12, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , p. 185. 122 B a rc la y also acknowledged the place of re a s o n as a guide p r i m a rily in the " n a tu ra l" w orld. He q u eried : "Why need we set up our own c a rn a l and c o rru p t re a so n for a guide to us in m a tte r s sp iritu al, 64 as som e will n eed s do ?" He la te r m a in tain ed that "the g re a t cause of the apostacy hath been, that m an has sought to fathom the things of God in and by this n a tu ra l and ratio n al p rin c ip le , and to build up a religion on it, neglecting and overlooking this p rin cip le and seed of God in the 65 h e a rt. . . . " N e v e rth e le ss, he affirm ed th a t re a so n w as fit to " o r d e r and ru le m an in things n a tu ra l," and "m ay be useful to m an even in s p iritu a l things, as it is still su b se rv ie n t and su b ject to the other [the "Seed" o r "L ight"]. . . . " 66 Although the e a r lie r p re a c h e rs m ight have been uncom fortable w ith B a rc la y 's em p h a sis upon the d u alism of " n a tu re " and " sp irit," they 67 also tended to give som e place to re a so n in th e ir epistem ology. T. Canby Jo n es has shown that th e re w as a feeling of re s p e c t for re a s o n in F o x 's w ritin g s. He points out that F ox believed th at through ^ A pology, p. 21. ^ Ibid. , p. 85. 66 Ibid. M au rice C re a se y has pointed to a developm ent in la te r se v e n teen th cen tu ry Q u a k e ris m , under the influence of B a rc la y and Penn, tow ard a " q u a s i-C a rte s ia n d u a lism ," see pp. 17-18, su p ra. 123 A d am 's fall, m a n 's will and mind w ere p e rv e rte d , but th a t the fall did 68 not rob m a n of the ability to p e rc e iv e and re a so n . R eason, for the u n b eliev er, acco rd in g to Fox, was the so u rce of w rong notions and c a rn a l know ledge. Jo n es notes th a t "Fox believed, a fte r the e x p e r i ence of salv atio n it [re a so n ] beco m es a noble faculty w orthy of g re a t confidence. R eason guided by d ire c t rev elatio n and seasoned with the tru th as taught by C h rist fills m en with w isdom and leads them up into 69 the im age of G od." F o r Fox, re a s o n n e v e r attained a prom inent place in h is ep istem o lo g y , and its position w as always s u b se rv ie n t to th a t of inw ard re v e la tio n . C a te r F rie n d s in the seventeenth cen tu ry , esp e c ia lly B arclay and P en n , a ssig n ed a g r e a te r role to re a so n than the e a r lie r F rie n d s. B a rc la y , we have seen, found it an a p p ro p ria te guide in "n a tu ra l" things. P en n took this position in hand and began to appeal, in his political w ritin g s, to n o n -Q u ak ers on the b a sis of re a so n . As e a rly as 1670, in a tr e a tis e on fre e d o m of relig io n , he m aintained that "the un d er standing can n e v e r be convinced n o r p ro p e rly subm it but by such a rg u m e n ts as a r e ra tio n a l, p e rs u a s iv e , and suitable to its own n a tu re , som ething th a t can re so lv e its doubts, an sw e r its o b jectio n s, en erv a te 68 "G eorge F o x 's T eaching . . . pp. 53-56. ^ I b i d . , p. 56. 124 its p ro p o sitio n s. . . . " In 1693 he w rote: "We m u s t not be . . . 71 ra is e d above R eason, in m aintaining what we think re a s o n a b le ." A y e a r la te r , in a se rm o n , he a s s e r te d th at "God hath m ade m en R e a so n a b le ," but questioned why m o st m en "live in a C ontradiction to th e ir 72 own ra tio n a l N a tu re s? " This a p p a re n t conflict in the m ind of Penn o v er the place of re a s o n in hum an action seem e d reso lv e d in 1702 when he w rote: In all Things R eason should p rev ail: . . . B e a s ts A ct by Sense, M an should by R eason. . . . If my own R eason be on the Side of a P rin c ip le , with w hat can I D ispute or w ithstand it? . . . R eason, like the Sun, is C om m on to All; And 't is for want of exam ining all by the sam e Light and M e a su re , th a t we a r e not all of the sam e Mind: F o r all have it to th at End, though a ll do not use it So.^3 P en n had re a c h e d the point w here he could, w ithout h esitatio n , apply the g re a t Q u ak er m e tap h o r for divine re v e la tio n --th e "Liight"--to a function in h e re n t in maui's cap ab ilities. It is im p o rta n t to note that the 70 The G re a t C ase of L ib erty of C onscience in The W itness of W illiam P e n n , ed. by F r e d e r ic k B. T o lies and E. G ordon A ld erfer (New York: The M acm illan Com pany, 1957), p. 76. 71 Som e F ru its of S olitude, in The H a rv a rd C la s s ic s , ed. by C h a rle s W. E lio t (New York: P . F. C o llier & Son C o rp o ratio n , 1937), p. 348. 72 "Tw o Made One; O r, The H appiness of M a rry in g in the L o rd ,' a se rm o n p re a c h e d a t D ev o n sh ire H ouse, London, O ctober 3, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin es . . . , p. 148. M o re F ru its of S olitude, in The H a rv a rd C la s s ic s , ed. by C h a rle s W. E lio t (New York: P . F. C o llier & Son C o rp o ratio n , 1937), pp. 385-386. 125 s e rm o n s which survive fro m Penn do not show the g re a t faith in re a so n th a t h is o th e r w ritin g s attain. In his p reac h in g he still m aintained that his h e a r e r s should "su b m it to the au th o rity " of God m a n ifested in the "in g rafte d W ord, in w hich is Light and L ife, th a t is able to save our ,,74 Souls. . . . P e n n 's position on the place of re a s o n w as a rriv e d at over a 75 long p erio d of tim e and under the influences of ra tio n a l thought. T h e re continued throughout the period of this study, a stro n g d is tr u s t of "w orldly le a rn in g " in the trad itio n of Fox and the f i r s t gen eratio n F rie n d s . C ris p , for ex am p le, arg u ed th a t the le arn in g of the schools led to know ledge which would not aid one in p u rs u it of G od's kingdom: "M en can n e v e r attain to the saving Knowledge of God by Study, and by D isputation and reading Books, and C o m m e n ta to rs, and O b se rv a to rs of 7 6 m a tte r s of Religion. . . ." He ad m itted , how ever, th at being "Men of P a r t s , Men of C ourage, Men of U nderstanding, L ea rn ed D o cto rs, M a s te r s of L ib e ra l A rts and S ciences: T hese m ay help to m ake them 74 "The Dying C ounsel of the W onderful C o u n s e llo r," a serm o n p re a c h e d at D evonshire H ouse, London, J a n u a ry 20, 1694, in H arm ony of D ivine and H eavenly D o ctrin es . . . , p. 110. 75 In addition to having a y e a r 's study at C h ris t C hurch, O xford, th e re he e sta b lish e d a frien d sh ip with John Locke which w as to la s t a life tim e . 7 & "The Divine M onitor: O r, L ight fro m H eaven," in S c rip tu re - T ru th s D e m o n stra te d . ■ . , p. 119. 126 77 Men. . . . " In the re a lm of the S p irit, on the o th er hand, m en "m ust com e to C h ris t for Divine Knowledge, Theology, the Knowledge of God, 78 and Divine and H eavenly things a re fro m C h rist. . . . " The im p o r ta n t know ledge, a fte r all, being in the S p iritu al re a lm , C ris p would hold th a t ' w o rld ly " knowledge not only could not brin g about relig io u s ex p e rie n c e , but could actually p re v e n t one fro m attaining it because "M en think by R eading and L ea rn in g , and h e a rin g this and the other M ens N otions and O pinions, they m ay be edified and pro fited , and come 79 to the tru e Knowledge of God. . . . " E ven Penn spoke w ith the sam e driving dependence upon G od's pow er in the S p iritu al re a lm when he said: "It is not by S trength and H um ane W isdom , not by A rts and P a r ts , and A cad em ical A cq u irem en ts . . . but by the S p irit of the L o rd , th at we a r e enabled to o v erco m e the E n e m ie s of our Salva- ,80 Thus f a r , our inquiry into the ep iste m o lo g ic a l foundations of e a rly Q u ak er r h e to ric has re v e a le d a th re e -fo ld p attern . Although the p rim a ry so u rce of knowledge for them w as inw ard re v e la tio n , the 77Ibid. , p. 118. 78 I b i d ., p. 119. 79 I b id ., p. 120. 80 "The G re a t D esign of C h ristia n ity , " a se rm o n p reac h ed at W h eelers S tre e t, London, Ja n u a ry 27, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , p. 121. 127 Light, w ith which all m en w ere endow ed, and which not only illum inatec u n reg en e ra ted m en with the knowledge of rig h t and w rong, but also would lead m en to the knowledge of God through C h ris t if not re s is te d or p e rv e rte d , they also acknow ledged two additional " se c o n d a ry " so u rc e s of knowledge. F i r s t , the knowledge contained in the S c rip tu re s , which w as valid as a code of m o ra l conduct, a s a re c o rd of C h ris t and the ev en ts of the e a rly y e a r s of C h ristian ity , and as a judge of c o n tro v e rs ie s am ong C h ris tia n s. Second, the knowledge brought about through " rig h t re a so n , " w hich the e a r l ie r F rie n d s saw as valid for the b eliev er when it was guided by the L ight, and which la te r F rie n d s b e gan to see as fit to guide m en in the " n a tu ra l" re a lm ju s t as the Light was a p p ro p ria te to guide in the " s p iritu a l" re a lm . T h e re is one additional so u rce of knowledge for e a rly Q u ak ers which m u s t be m entioned. The group, o r "com m unity" of b e lie v e rs, offered collective w isdom and knowledge to individual F rie n d s. E ach o;: the th re e ep istem o lo g ical p rin c ip le s m entioned above fed into the group e x p e rie n c e . The group acted as a check a g a in st fa lse leadings of the S p irit, false in te rp re ta tio n s of S c rip tu re , and false reaso n in g . In this sen se, the group m ay be view ed as a c ritic a l e p istem o lo g ical p rin cip le; a m e a n s of testin g the tru th . A c rite rio n stro n g ly held by e a rly Q u ak ers when testing the tru th value of a b elief o r actio n was th at of "unity." They believed th at _ 81 the Light of C h ris t led people into a sen se of unity. In F o x 's f ir s t se rm o n for which we have a text, he s tr e s s e d th at the L ight would "bring you into unity, and it will d raw your m ind up into God, and in it 82 you w ill see m o re light. . . ." T w enty-eight y e a r s la te r he still in siste d that h is h e a r e rs "all drink into one p u re S pirit; ye Holy S p irit 83 of God; d rin k in it; h e re is unity." In 1688 the sam e them e was expounded by C risp : "All G od's People have been guided by the S p irit of C h ris t, th at u n iv e rsa l S p irit, that is one with God. . . . T here was 84 a C oncord and Unity am ong them . . . . " The concept of unity as a c rite rio n of the S p irit's leading e m p h a siz e s once again the clo sen e ss with which the Q u ak ers identified th e ir seco n d ary s o u rc e s of knowledge with the p rim a ry one, the Light. We have com e full c irc le in o u r exam ination of Q uaker e p iste - m ology. The Inw ard Light is the p rim a ry so u rc e of knowledge; it p r o duced and e m p o w e rs the S c rip tu re s; it is s u p e rio r to re a so n yet m ay 81 B a rb o u r, The Q u a k e rs in P u rita n England, pp. 122-123; Jo n e s, "G eorge F o x 's Teaching on R edem ption and Salvation," p. 68. 82 S erm o n , in S ev erall L e tte rs . . . (n. p. , 1654), p. 16. Y ear of d e liv e ry w as 1653. 83 T estim ony at a Y early M eeting, London, M ay 24, 1681, R ic h a rd so n MSS, typed copy, H av erfo rd College L ib ra ry , Q uaker C ol lection, H av erfo rd , P ennsylvania, p. 533. 84 "The Sheep of C h ris t h e a r his V oice, " a se rm o n p reac h ed at D evonshire H ouse, London, May 10, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s D e m o n stra te d . . . , p. 145. 129 enlighten it for the b eliev er; and finally, it v alid ate s itse lf in the group through a sen se of unity. E a rly Q u ak er Psychology and View of C om m unication: The P ow er of the Inw ard Light The outlines of the e a rly Q uaker view on how the m ind functions have alre ad y been suggested by the d isc u ssio n s on the n a tu re of m an and epistem ology. M an, to e a rly Q u a k e rs, w as p o s s e s s e d of facu lties which he could e x e rc is e for good o r evil. B ecause of his d e g en e rate n a tu re , in h erited through A dam , his reaso n in g pow er had becom e c o r rupted along with his un d erstan d in g and judgm ent. Although som e e a rly Q uakers held that m a n 's ability to re a s o n should govern him in the n a tu ra l re a lm , while som e doubted th is, all would a g re e that the faculty of re a s o n , when unaided by im m ed iate divine rev elatio n , could lead only to apostacy in the s p iritu a l re a lm . B arclay m ade this point quite c le a r when he a s s e rte d : "N eith er do we deny but by th is ra tio n a l p rinciple m an m a y apprehend in his b ra in , and in the notion, a know l edge of God and s p iritu a l things; y et th a t not being the rig h t o rg an . . . 85 it cannot p ro fit h im to w ard s salvation, but ra th e r h in d e re th . . . . " E a rly Q u a k e rs often spoke of the co n scien ce, which only "fol- 86 lows the judgm ent, doth not in fo rm it. . . ." They saw the 85 A pology, p. 85. 86 Ibid. , p. 86. 130 conscience as an aid to m an in distinguishing rig h t fro m w rong. H ow e v e r, since the con scien ce follows judgm ent, and judgm ent re a s o n , then it could e a sily be c o rru p te d u n le ss enlightened by the Inw ard Light which " re m o v e s the b lin d n ess of the judgm ent, opens the u n d erstan d in g , 87 and re c tifie s both the judgm ent and co n scie n ce." As in o th er su b jects we have contem plated, e a rly Q uaker p s y chology p ro p e ls one rap id ly and inexorably to the concept of the Inw ard Light. The idea that the Inw ard L ight enlightens ev e ry m an p re s u p - 88 poses that all m en have a capacity to respond to inw ard rev elatio n . A ccording to e a rly Q u a k e rs, the capacity to resp o n d w as not lim ited to the " e le c t," but w as a p a rt of ev ery m a n 's psyche for a lim ited period of tim e . Seventeenth cen tu ry F rie n d s often spoke of a "Day of V is ita tion" during which a m a n m ight respond to the Light and be saved. B arclay e la b o ra te d on the concept of the Day of V isitation when he pointed out that it did not c o m p ris e the whole lifetim e of m en: "Though to som e it m ay be extended even to the v ery hour of death . . . but such a seaso n a t le a s t as sufficient e x o n era teth God of e v e ry m a n 's condem nation, which to som e m ay be so o n er, and to o th e rs la te r. 89 . . The e a rly Q u a k e r's God, above all, w as ju st; not condem ning 87 Ibid. 88 R u sse ll, p. 50. 89 Ibid. , p. 80. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- n r ~ w ithout f ir s t offering red em p tio n to a being who w as fre e ly able to resp o n d to him . E a rly Q u a k e rs did not co n sid er the ability of m an to re c e iv e the L ight of C h ris t as a " sp a rk of divinity"; it is n e v e r mein's L ight, n e v e r the "in n er lig h t," and th e re is n e v e r an indication that m an can do any ta sk tow ard the accom plishing of salvation through his own effo rts except to resp o n d to God. E a rly F rie n d s tended to p erce iv e all of re a lity acc o rd in g to sp iritu a l te rm s . E v e ry a r e a of life w as rep le te with sp iritu a l m e a n ing. They taught th at the L ight of C h ris t, and only the L ight, opened o n e 's eyes to the r e a litie s , i.e . , the "su b sta n c e ," of life. M en, even relig io u s m en, dw elt in the re a lm of shadow, but the L ight d isp elled the shadow with T ru th , G ra c e , and P ow er. E a rly F rie n d s d ichoto m ized the w orld into p o lar opposite te rm s : "su b sta n c e " and "shadow ," "light" and " d a rk ," "in w ard " and "outw ard," and m any o th e rs . They w e re convinced that they had left the "notions" and had found the r e a l i tie s , the " e x p e rim e n ta l knowledge of G od," of which P enn w rote in the opening quotation of this ch ap ter. E a rly Q u ak er psychology m ay be seen b e s t w ithin the context of th e ir view of com m unication. N ow here is the em p h a sis on the Inw ard Light m o re ap p are n t, o r the dichotom y betw een substance and shadow m o re pronounced. T h e re is a w id esp read d is tru s t of the p reac h in g of the day in the lite r a tu r e of the seventeenth century F rie n d s . In 1687, fo r exam ple, R eb ec ca Sm ith p rin ted The Foundation of T ru e P reach in g , 132 which w as designed th at "all those that feign th e m se lv e s M in is te rs of the G ospel D isp en satio n , m ay see that all P reach in g w ithout the Holy S p irit, and a R eal Call by the G race of God, w orking in th e ir H e a rts , and im m ed iately leading them th ereto ; is nothing but the m e e r Notion of 90 th e ir own B ra in s , and not for the A dvancem ent of P u re R eligion." E a rly F rie n d s c o n sid ere d the preach in g , as they had e x p e r i enced it, to be the "shadow " of which they had found the "su b stan ce." T h eir objections to the com m on p reach in g in England w ere m ainly th re e : (1) th at the m in is te rs w ere not holy m en, and th e re fo re could i not m in is te r life to the p a ris h o n e rs ; (2) that the non-Q uaker m in is te rs spoke only when they w illed to speak and not by the Holy S p irit's m o v ing; and (3) that they did not d ire c t th e ir congregations to the so u rce of life but only to secondary things such as fo rm s , c e re m o n ie s , d o c tr in e s , books, etc. In th e ir c ritic is m of the clerg y for leading unholy liv e s, the Q u a k e rs did not stand alone. The g re a t P u rita n s , R ich ard B axter and 91 John M ilton, both sounded the sam e c ritic is m . The Q u ak ers went fu rth e r, how ever, because of th e ir ra d ic a l view on p erfectio n . They accu sed the clergy of "p reach in g up sin ," or of m aking e x cu ses for 90 (‘ London: A ndrew Sowle, 1687), no page. 91 A. Neave B ray sh aw , The Q u ak ers: T h eir Story and M essage (3rd ed. ; London: G eorge A llen and Unwin, 1938), pp. 24-31. 133 u nholiness in th e ir lives by a do ctrin e which held that m an could not be fre e from sin in this life. Q u ak ers attack ed what they felt was h y poc ris y with a rg u m e n ts fro m S c rip tu re , fro m the pow er of God in th e ir own liv es, and with rh e to ric a l q u estio n s such as C ris p 's : "W hat sig n i fies P r a y e r s and S e rm o n s, m ade of good W ords, if they com e not fro m 92 a H e a rt se p a ra te fro m Iniquity?" Fox had believed, m any y e a rs i e a r l ie r , that the " P r i e s ts " "stood in the d eceit, and acted by the dark 93 p ow er, which both they and th e ir people w ere kept u nder. . . . " The tru e m in istry , the m in is try of " su b s ta n c e ," would re fle c t h o lin ess. In one of his e a rly e p istle s Fox ch arg ed his r e a d e rs "to dwell in what ye speak and p r o f e s s ; and not to p ro fe ss what he doth not dwell in; and none to p ro fe s s what he is not; a s a y e r and not a doer; such beget vain 94 ta lk e r s ." In a la te r ep istle he counselled a group of F rie n d s to "exam ine . . . w hether all the m in is te r s th at go fo rth into the coun t r i e s , do walk as beco m es the gospel: . . . and to exam ine, w hether al who p reac h C h ris t J e s u s , do keep in his gov ern m en t, and in the o rd e r 95 of the gospel. . . . " 9 2 " c h r is t the Way, the T ru th , and the L ife," a se rm o n preachec a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, A p ril 18, 1687, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s D em o n strated . . . , p. 107. ^ J o u r n a l, p. 29. ^ E p i s t l e No. XLI, 1653, in S elections fro m the E p istle s of G eorge Fox, ed. by S am uel Tuke (C a m b rid g e , M ass.: The R iv ersid e P r e s s , 1879), p. 23. All subsequent r e fe re n c e s to F o x 's E p istle s the same . 9 5 N o . CCCVIH, p. 155. 134 E a rly F rie n d s also slighted the p reach in g of th e ir day because they saw it only as an e x e rc is e of m a n 's w ill, r a th e r than as a moving of G od's S p irit. B arclay d e sc rib e d the m odus o perandi of C atholics and P u rita n s through the eyes of the seventeenth century Q uaker: I P r e a c h in g , as it is u sed both am ong P a p is ts and P ro te s ta n ts , is I for one m an to take som e place or v e rs e of s c rip tu re , and th e re - | on speak for an hour o r two, what he hath studied and p re m e d i- ! tated in his clo set, and g ath ered to g e th er fro m his own inventions, i or fro m the w ritin g s and o b se rv a tio n s of o th e rs . . . and how m uch the m o re fe rtile and stro n g a m a n 's invention is , and the in d u strio u s and la b o rio u s he is in collecting such o b se rv a tio n s, j and can u tte r them with the excellency of speech and hum an elo - j quence, so m uch the m o re is he accounted an able and excellent p re a c h e r Q u a k e rs co u n tered that the p re a c h e r "ought to speak forth what ! | the S p irit of God fu rn ish e s him with: not m inding the eloquence and j w isdom of w o rd s, but the d e m o n stra tio n of the S p irit and of pow er. . . . " B arclay u n d erlin ed the sam e thought in 1688, when he said in a serm o n : "A ll W ords and T e stim o n ie s, P re a c h in g s, P r a y e r , E x h o r tation, and S p iritu al C ounsel, if it be not fro m the life of the Son of 98 God, it edifies not the Body of the L o rd J e s u s C h ris t in Love. . . . " E a rly Q u ak ers would not allow advanced p re p a ra tio n of s e r m ons. T h eir b elief in the im m ed iate re v e la tio n of the S p irit w as so ^ A pology, p. 242. 97 Ibid. 98 A se rm o n p reac h ed a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, May 16, 1688, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 5. I 135 strong that it dictated a th eo ry of p reach in g rad ic ally d ifferen t fro m m o s t of th e ir c o n te m p o ra rie s. The p o ssib ility of divine rev elatio n through the vehicle of the p re a c h e r p re s e n te d the Q uaker with a s itu a tion ch arg ed with resp o n sib ility . On the one hand, he w as cautioned not to speak when he w as not m oved by the Spirit; on the o th e r, he was com pelled to speak when he w as m oved. The d elicate balance was alluded to in 1669 in one of F o x 's ep istle s: "Do not quench the Spirit, nor abuse the pow er: when it m oves and s tir s in you, be obedient; but 99 I do not go beyond, nor add to it, nor take fro m it. . . ." C risp te sti-j I fied in 1688 th at "we w ere n ev er called of God to Study S erm o n s for youj, nor to P re a c h things that a re m ade read y to our H ands, but as the Lordj our God hath w rought in u s, and as God hath been p le ase d to m ake | i known his Mind to us, and by his S p irit given us U tte ra n c e , so we Speak, and so we P re a c h . . . One of the stro n g e s t statem en ts of this th em e w as w ritten by P enn, who m aintained: "C h ristia n m in is te rs a re to m in is te r w hat they re c e iv e . . . so that we are not only not to ste a l fro m our n e ig h b o rs, but we a re not to study nor speak our own w o rd s. . . . We a re to m in is te r, as the o ra c le s of God; if so, then we m u s t re c e iv e fro m C h rist, G od's g r e a t o ra c le , what we a re 99No. CCLXXV, p. 138. ^ ^ " T h e F i r s t and G re a t C om m andm ent," a se rm o n p reach ed at D evonshire H ouse, London, M ay 27, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s D e m o n s tra te d . . . , p. 63. 136 ■ ■ „ 1 0 1 to m in is te r.' The th ird objection Q u ak ers m ade to the preach in g of th e ir day w as th at it did not tu rn the h e a r e r s to the so u rce of life, as they e n v i sioned it. Having based th e ir way of life on the prin cip le of the Inw ard L ight of C h ris t, they saw anything le s s than th a t p rin cip le as m e re shadow devoid of substance. C ris p m ade it c le a r that Q u ak ers did not a cc ep t the popular " d o c trin e -u se " m ethodology in serm o n -m a k in g : You know th e re a re a g re a t m any o th e r M in is te rs , whose L abour is to p ersw ad e People to believe w hat they say; to lay down a D o ctrin e , and prove it by S c rip tu re and R eason, and set it hom e upon th e ir M inds by such T estim ony as the S crip tu re affords, and hereu p o n they p rev ail upon the M inds and Judgm ents of P eo p le, to believe what they lay down. It is e a s ie to lay down a P o sitio n , and prove it, and convince People that it m u st be according to S crip tu re; but when a P e rs o n is convinced of a P rin c ip le of T ru th , he is not R eg en erated thereby. . . .102 C ris p m ain tain ed , in Q uaker fashion, that the L ight of C h ris t "will open th e ir U nderstanding far above all P re a c h in g and proving this and the o ther D octrine and T enet, b e tte r than any P re a c h in g can. . . P rim itiv e C h ristian ity R evived (Philadelphia: H enry Long- s tre th , 1877), pp. 71-72. F i r s t published in 1696. ^ ^ " P u r e and S piritu al W orship, " in S c rip tu re -T ru th s D em on s tra te d . . . , p. 67. " C h ris t the Way to E te rn a l L ife," a se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, May 6 , 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s D e m o n strated . . . , p. 5. 137 E a rly Q u a k e rs believed that th e ir m in is te rs should d ire c t people to the tru e so u rc e of p e rsu a s io n , the Inw ard L ight. The Light becam e a so u rce of illum ination for both p re a c h e r and lis te n e r. M uch has been m ade of the e a rly Q u a k e rs ' u se of silence in th e ir m eetin g s. S ilence, as such, w as not the object. M eetings w ere begun with a p erio d of w atching and w aiting in an "inw ard silence of the m ind fro m m e n 's own 104 thoughts and im ag in atio n s. . . . " In the sile n ce, m en w ere b e tte r able to h e a r the voice of th e ir Inw ard T e a c h e r, the L ight of C h rist, and then resp o n d with p reach in g as they w ere m oved. B arclay o b served: "We m ake not silence to be the sole m a tte r of oui w orship. . . . T h e re a r e m any m eetin g s which a r e seldom alto g eth er silent; 105 som e or o th er a re still m oved to p r e a c h , p r a y , o r p ra is e . . . . The w aiting p re p a re d the p re a c h e r and the lis te n e r fo r a kind of inw ard p e rsu a sio n . Often when Q uaker p r e a c h e r s expounded upon th e ir m o tiv es for preach in g they m ade re fe re n c e to the fact th a t they w ere turning people to the Light. Fox spoke of being sen t "to tu rn people fro m d a rk n e ss 106 to the light that they m ight re c e iv e C h ris t J e s u s . . . ." John B utcher co n fessed that the p u rp o se of his labor w as "that People m ay 1 0 4 a , A pology, p. 231. 105 Ibid. , p. 241. 106t 1 J o u rn a l, p. 34. O T j 107 be tu rn ed fro m D a rk n e ss unto Light. . . R eco rd s of the e a r lie s t Q u ak er p r e a c h e r s , fro m whom we have no s e rm o n tex ts, rev ea l that they, too, saw th e m se lv e s as co m m issio n ed to tu rn people to the Light, the inw ard p e rs u a d e r. F o r ex am p le, an incident fro m Abbey Holm e in the y e a r 1653, re v e a ls that J a m e s L a n g c a s tr [sic] "d ecla red ye tru th to the people, and D irected them to ye L ight of C h ris t in th e re Inw ard p a rts , th at with the Light they m ight com e to see ye E vill of th e ir w ays, and soe com e into peace wth th at of god in th e ir own conscience. 108 . . ." In 1663 C ris tifa r H ouldar "stod vp, and said 'Be singell, my frin d e s , be singell, 1 and did d e re c k t vs to the L ight and sp e rit of god 109 in o u r h a rte s . . . . " It m ay strik e the re a d e r as stra n g e th at e a rly Q u ak ers would produce many p re a c h e rs in th e ir e a rly days, given a philosophy which w as b ased upon the assu m p tio n that im m ed iate rev elatio n fro m God w as ev e ry m a n 's lot during his Day of V isitation. It m ay also se e m to c o n tra d ic t th e ir derogation of p reac h in g as it w as com m only p ra c tic e d . N e v e rth e le ss , the Q u ak ers p re a c h e d , and developed a ratio n ale for p reac h in g , consisting of four b a sic re a s o n s : ( 1) preaching could aid 107 A se rm o n p re a c h e d a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M arch 11, 1693, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity . . . , p. 156. 108F P T , p. 72. 1 ° 9 . , , , I b id ., p. 111. 139 one to see the L ight, since m uch Q uaker p reaching w as along the lines of "d irectin g people to the Light"; (2) p reaching could aid in the grow th of the individual through " in te rp re tin g som e p a rt of s c rip tu re . . . exhortation, advice, re p ro o f, o r in stru c tio n , or the sense of som e sp iritu a l e x p e rie n c e s . . . (3) p reach in g could a c t as a m e an s of defense fo r Q u ak er d o c trin e s, since m any of the s e rm o n s w ere ap o lo getic in p a rt o r whole; and finally, (4) preaching w as com m anded by C h rist, and m any Q uaker p re a c h e rs felt th a t he "hath laid a n e c e ss ity upon us to P re a c h C h ris t u n d er the D enom ination of a glorious Light. . . . " In sh o rt, Q uaker psychology was incom plete without the vital s u p e rn a tu ra l link w hich th e ir p re a c h e rs pointed to. R eason could be appealed to, and m en could be convinced without the L ight, but con viction did not constitute salvation to e a rly Q u a k e rs. The L ight itse lf - - C h r is t h im se lf--h a d to w ork an ex p e rie n c e of re g e n e ra tio n in the h e a r e r 's life in o rd e r for him to be able to say with Fox: "I w as com e up in S p irit through the flam ing sw ord into the p a ra d ise of God. All things w ere new , and all the c re a tio n gave another sm ell unto m e than ,,112 b efo re, beyond w hat w ords can u tte r. 11° . , A pology, p. 242. C h a rle s M a rs h a ll, a se rm o n p reac h ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M arch 11, 1693, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity. ■ . , p. 89 ________ * ^ J o u r n a l , p. 27._____________________________________________ 140 C onclusion The Q uaker w o rld -v iew did not lack a unifying p rin cip le. T a k ing in hand the d isc o v e ry of the s p iritu a l P u rita n s th a t the Holy S p irit w as a re a lity in th e ir age, the Q u ak ers redefined and extended w hat had been th e ir e x p e rie n c e , and m ade inw ard rev elatio n th e ir guiding p r in ciple. The Inw ard Light of C h ris t, th e ir m o st com m on nam e for the d ire c t action of G od's g ra c e , tru th , pow er, and re v e la tio n to m an, was at once the so u rc e of th e ir o p tim istic view of man; it infused and e m pow ered the L a m b 's W ar; it becam e the foundational te n et of th e ir epistem ology; and it accounted fo r th e ir psychology and th e o ry of preaching. The philosophical p resu p p o sitio n s of e a rly Q u ak er rh e to ric led this w rite r to believe that if we m u st give a nam e to rh e to ric a l phenom ena of e a rly F rie n d s , it should be "The R h eto ric of the Inward , „ 113 L ight." R ic h ard B aum an, in h is o th e rw ise ex ce lle n t e s s a y , "A spects of 17th C entury Q uaker R h e to ric ," lays too m uch e m p h a sis upon the " sile n t" and "n o n -v e rb a l" a s p e c ts of e a rly Q u a k e ris m , overlooking, to a g re a t extent, the fact th at the e a rly Q u ak er p re a c h e rs w ere o v e r w helm ingly v e rb a l. The cu rio u s fact about what B aum an calls th e ir "unified rh e to ric of sym bolic actio n ," w hether p re a c h in g , re fu sa l of o ath s, tru th -te llin g , o r sile n c e , is th at it w as defended fundam entally upon the belief th at it w as com m anded by the Inw ard L ight of C h rist. CH A PTER IV THEM ATIC CHARACTERISTICS O F QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 Having re c e iv e d the tru e knowledge of things s p iritu a l by the S p irit of God, w ithout which they cannot be known, and being by the sam e in m e a su re purified and sanctified, he [the p re a c h e r] com es th e re b y to be called and m oved to m in is te r to o th e rs; being able to speak, fro m a living ex p e rie n c e , of w hat he h im se lf is a witne s s . . . . ^ In an attem p t to d e sc rib e St. P e t e r 's e a rly se rm o n s , which appear in c h a p te rs two and th re e of the Book of A cts, Ian R am sey sets forth this an aly sis: What a riotous m ix tu re of p h ra se s this is , belonging in tr in sically to so many d iffere n t logical a re a s with a d iv e rsity even g r e a te r than that of the Old T estam en t. This rio to u s m ixing is in effect a rough and read y a tte m p t to secu re that sp ecia l logical im p ro p rie ty needed to e x p re s s the C h ristian m e ss a g e . E ach w ord is logically qualified by the p re se n c e of the o th e rs , and in this way each w ord co m es to display a suitable m e a su re of im p ro p rie ty .2 B a rc la y , A pology, pp. 173-174. 2 R eligious Language: An E m p iric a l P lac in g of Theological P h r a s e s (London: SCM P r e s s Ltd. , 1957), p. 154. R a m s e y 's th e sis is that re lig io u s language is c h a ra c te riz e d by "odd language," and "log ical im p ro p rie ty ," b ecau se it d e s c rib e s a "relig io u s situ a tio n ," itse lf c h a ra c te riz e d by " d is c e rn m e n t," which claim s that "th e re a re situations 141 | ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- FJ2 ~ R am sey concludes that St. P e te r 's p u rp o se, like that of the other e a rly e v a n g e lists, "was f i r s t and fo re m o st to evoke the d istin ctiv e C h ristia n situation, and the logical behavior of his w ords did not a t all in te re s t 3 h im ." One could arg u e effectively that R a m se y 's d e sc rip tio n and an aly sis fits Q uaker s e rm o n s of the period betw een 1671 and 1700. In Q uaker s e rm o n s one finds a s im ila r rio to u s m ix tu re of th e m es, te r m s , and p h ra s e s , and one is overw helm ingly convinced that Q uaker p r e a c h e r s w ere m o re concerned with evoking a resp o n se to th e ir in te r p r e ta tion of the C h ristia n situation than they w ere in reso lv in g the logical p ro b lem s in h e re n t in th e ir language u sage. R am sey a rg u e s that a fte r I the f ir s t p ro c la m a tio n of the gospel (K ery g m a), which m ade no a tte m p t j ! to explain w hat was p re a c h e d , " P re a c h in g had to becom e an aly sis and 4 teaching." T h e re is a p r o c e s s , it s e e m s , fro m p ro cla m atio n to explanation in the h isto ry of e a rly preaching. E a rly Q uaker p reaching also ex h ib ited the p ro g re s s io n fro m p ro cla m atio n to explanation, but g rav itated which a re s p a tio -te m p o ra l and m o re . W ithout such 'depth'; without this w hich is 'u n seen , ' no relig io n will be p o ssib le " (p. 15). The r e li gious situation is also c h a ra c te riz e d by to tal "co m m itm en t, " which "is based upon but goes beyond ra tio n a l c o n sid e ra tio n s" (p. 17). R eligious language, a rg u e s R am se y , exhibits logical p e c u lia ritie s and contains significant tau to lo g ies. ^Ibid., p. 154. ^ I b i d ., p. 155. 143 tow ard the fo rm e r. This tendency tow ard p ro cla m atio n , with the c o in cident slight e m p h a sis on a n a ly sis and explanation, is b e st seen in the 5 th e m atic c h a ra c te ris tic s of the surviving se rm o n s. We shall co n sid er the th e m es of the se rm o n s in th re e c ateg o rie s : (1) theological th e m e s, excluding those d is c u ss e d in C hapter III;^ (2) th e m e s dealing with guidance for individual behavior: and (3) th e m e s which re v e a l e a rly Q uaker attitu d es tow ard c u rre n t society. The c a te g o rie s a re not m utually exclusive: theology guided behavior and im plied a stance to be taken tow ard society. The o rg an iz atio n of I the ch ap ter is intended to provide a d eg ree of s tru c tu re for the " rio t" F o r p u rp o ses of this c h a p te r, two notions of "th e m e ” will be included in the discu ssio n : ( 1) concepts developed by the p re a c h e rs through am p lificatio n , a rg u m e n t, illu s tra tio n , im a g e s, e tc .; and (2) r e c u r r e n t te rm s in the s e rm o n s which allude to concepts developed in o th er s e rm o n s , w ritin g s, o r o th er situ atio n s which the h e a r e r s b ring to b e a r upon the te rm as u sed in the serm o n . F o r ex am p le, the te rm "ju stificatio n " is rep ea ted with frequency in the s e rm o n s without detailed co n sid era tio n of the concept it stands for. Yet a s e rm o n such as C ris p 's " C h ris t the Way, the T ru th , and the L if e ," A p ril 18, 1687, tr e a ts "ju stificatio n " as a m a jo r concept. Both the r e c u r r e n t m ention of the te rm and its detailed tre a tm e n t a re c o n sid ere d " th e m a tic ," b e cause even when the te rm is used w ithout explanation, it im p lie s and a s s u m e s the b asic knowledge of the concept by the audience. ^ F o r a quantitative re c o rd of such te rm s as "p erfectio n ," " p re s e rv a tio n ," " re m n a n t," and "co n v in cem en t," all of w hich w ere d i s cu ssed in C hapter III, see A ppendix B. Q uaker te r m s for the indw ell ing of C h ris t--" L ig h t," "V oice," " S e e d " --a s w ell a s th e m es rele v an t to the sa tisfa c tio n po ssib le through God and the sp iritu a l p ilg rim a g e will be d isc u ss e d as arch e ty p al m e ta p h o rs in C hapter V. See A ppendix C for a q uantitative re c o rd of th e se " im a g is tic " th e m es. 144 of th em es in Q u ak er s e rm o n s. The an aly tic al p ro c e d u re will follow ! the p a tte rn of identifying the th em e(s), e sta b lish in g a quantitative e s t i m ate of the role they played in the s e rm o n s , and illu stra tin g th e ir e x p re s s io n by m e a n s of quotations. W here a p p ro p ria te , changes in u se , u n d erstan d in g , or significance of the them e will be d iscu ssed b riefly . T heological T hem es A close read in g of the surviving se rm o n s re v e a ls that they w ere p red o m in ate ly concerned with theological su b je c ts, or with injuncl- tions to behave in ways which w e re thought to re fle c t theological p o si- j tions. In the p reced in g ch ap ter we co n sid ere d the im portance of the | Q u ak er view of m an, his need fo r salvation, and the p o ssib ility of his p erfectio n . We illu stra te d the Q u ak er b elief in the principle of the Inw ard L ight, which w as the in s tru m e n t of G od's salvation, in sp iratio n , and p erfectio n . We also noted the w illin g n ess of e a rly Q u a k e rs to su b stitute and com bine such w ords as "G ra c e " and "T ru th " with the te rm "L ight" to signify the sam e p ro c e s s . It re m a in s to exam ine two ad d i tional c a te g o rie s of theological th e m e s found in the se rm o n s: ( 1) th e o logical th e m es not d isc u sse d in C h ap ter III which also s tr e s s the r e l a tionships betw een God and m an, and (2) theological th em es which are 7 tied to relig io u s ritu a l. ^T hese c a te g o rie s roughly ap p ro x im ate R a m se y 's distinction betw een " re la tio n a l" w o rd s, and "o b ject" w o rd s, pp. 179-182.__________ T45~ T h em es on the R elationships of God and M an Two m a jo r groups of theological concepts dealing with the r e l a tionships of God to m an ap p ea r in the s e rm o n s. The f ir s t is r e p r e sented by such te rm s as "faith," "love," "joy," "p o w er," "red em p tio n ," and " re g e n e ra tio n " (or "new b irth "), all of which w ere rela tiv e ly free fro m c o n tro v e rsy in P o st-R e fo rm a tio n England. O ther te rm s , such as " ju stificatio n ," "sa n c tific a tio n ," "judgm ent," and "second com ing of C h ris t," w ere debated with c o n sid era b le vigor during the y e a rs of our study. An a tte m p t to se p a ra te th ese two g roups of theological te rm s in a m eaningful way is beyond the scope of this study, and is p erh ap s i w ithin the province of the theologian. The rh e to ric ia n is in te re s te d j Ip rim arily with the use of the concepts and the m a n n er in which they m ake th e ir appeal in the d isc o u rs e . In point of fact, Q uaker se rm o n s did not attem p t sy ste m a tic a lly to p re s e n t one or two th em es; instead they c h a ra c te ris tic a lly com bined, reco m b in ed , and juxtaposed m any of the th e m e s in the sam e se rm o n , p a ra g ra p h , or even sentence. A ppen dix B in d icates that m any of the theological concepts dealing with the re la tio n sh ip s of God and m an a re alluded to in the sam e se rm o n s. Thiii evidence in d icates two c h a r a c te r is tic s of e a rly Q uaker preaching. F ir s t, it w as tied to the bedrock theological concepts of C h ristian ity . Second, ra th e r than con cen tratin g th e ir e ffo rts upon the exposition of a single theological th em e, the p re a c h e rs in terw eav ed m any th em es in 146 the sam e se rm o n . Two se rm o n s fro m the 1690's illu s tra te the com bining and r e com bining of theo lo g ical th e m es. John Vaughton ex h o rted his audience to . . . keep in this Love of God, and Love to one an o th er, it is the D e sire and B reath in g of my Soul, that so your F aith m ay stand not in the W isdom of M ens W ords, but in the P o w er of God . . . th at when we com e to die, we m ay lay down our H eads in P eace and be found in him in P e a c e . . . .® Vaughton does not a ttem p t to define o r illu s tra te "love," "faith," "p o w e r," o r " p e a c e ." The concepts a re expected to be fa m ilia r to his i audience. In the sam e m a n n e r, B enjam in Coole com bined the te rm s " fe a r, " "love, " "peace, " and "joy" around a definition of fear: I He will provide for those that love and fe a r him , and hope in his M ercy , and he will give them all Things to enjoy. . . . Those th a t F e a r the L ord, he will en co m p ass them with h is F avour as with a Shield, he will speak P e a c e to them at th e ir dow n-lying, and fill them with the joy of h is Salvation at th e ir u p -ris in g . It is o u r g re a t Duty to love the L o rd with all o u r H e a rts , with all our Souls, w ith all our Mind, and with all our M ight, and to fear the L o rd not with a s e rv ile F e a r , but with a F ilia l (Childlike) F e a r , that is a concom itant of Love. . . . 9 C ris p com bined the concepts of re c o n c ilia tio n , re g e n e ra tio n , and ju stific a tio n in a 1687 se rm o n , w here he m aintained that "th e re is A se rm o n p re a c h e d a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, A pril 1, 1694, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 174. 9 " C h ris t the M ighty H elp er of P o o r H elp less M an, " a serm o n p reac h ed at G ra c e C hurch S tre e t, London, May 12, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin es . . . , pp. 190-191.___________________ 147 no o th er way for People to be reco n c iled to God, than by com ing in to C h rist; to be found in him , to be re g e n e ra te d and born into his N ature, and have his Q u alities put upon th e m ." ^ He adm itted that the p ro c e s s he d e sc rib e d w as the "com m on P ro fe s sio n of C h riste n d o m ," and confessed; "If we be ju stified , we a r e not ju stified for a righteous, holy L ife, and for our O bedience; but we a re ju stified through C h rist, who w orketh a godly Life in them th a t b eliev e, so that M an is not ju s - 12 tified by any o th er way o r m e a n s." Fox had p ro cla im e d ten y e a rs e a r l i e r th a t one m u st "com e to ye Blood of J e s u s C h rist to cleanse 13 thee; he is thy R edem ption S anctification & W isdom e," thus com bin ing th re e theological concepts. In a 1690 se rm o n , C ris p tied the con cep ts of ju stificatio n and san ctificatio n to the p e rso n a l, e x p e rie n tia l a s p e c ts of the "L ight": "You m u st have r e s p e c t to the P rin c ip le of S anctification in your own H e a rts , and tu rn you to what you m ay feel an E x p e rie n c e of in y our own S elves, som e P rin c ip le of G race and Light in y our H e a rts , that can distin g u ish betw een good Thoughts and evil " C h ris t the Way, the T ru th , and the L ife, " a se rm o n p re a c h e d at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, A p ril 18, 1687, in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , p. 97. 11Ibid. 12Ibid. , p. 103. 13 A se rm o n p reac h ed at D ev o n sh ire H ouse, London, M ay, 1677, R ic h a rd so n MSS, typed copy, p. 405. 148 14 T houghts." In the sam e s e rm o n he em p h asized that " th e re is no 15 Ju stific a tio n without S anctification," illu stra tin g the Q uaker em phasis upon the p ro c e s s of p erfectio n as the inexorable fru it of tru e salvation. A s im ila r p a ssa g e is found in one of F r a n c is C am field 's se rm o n s, w h ere he tie s the p ro c e s s of p erfectio n to th a t of reg en e ra tio n : "Who e v e r ex p ects Salvation by C h ris t the only S avior, m u st be going on to P e rfe c tio n , they m u st begin at the w ork of R eg en e ratio n , and E x p e r i ence in th e m se lv e s a New B irth ." ^ Many p a ss a g e s could be cited w hich illu s tra te the sam e p ro c e s s of com bining p rin c ip le s which a re n e v e r totally explained as d o c trin e s, but sim ply re h e a rs e d in the sam e 17 context. T h e re a r e exceptions to the c h a r a c te r is tic com bining and r e com bining of theological th em es in Q uaker s e rm o n s . Fox, C risp , and 14 "B earin g the C ro s s of C h ris t, the tru e M ark of a C h ristia n ," a se rm o n p re a c h e d at D evonshire H ouse, London, O ctober 12, 1690, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 34. l s w ± se rm o n preach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M ay 14, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 41. 17 Cf. D ew sbury, a s e rm o n p re a c h e d at G race C hurch S treet, London, M ay 6 , 1688, in C o n cu rren c e and U nam inity . . . , pp. 11- 26; C ris p , "The F i r s t and G re a t C om m andm ent, " May 27, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 33-68; B o w ater, a se rm o n preach ed at St. Jo h n 's S tre e t, M arch 18, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity. . . , pp. 46-72; and W hitehead, " P re a c h in g of C h ris t C ru cified ," G race C hurch S tre e t, O ctober 7, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and Heavenly D o c trin e s . . . , pp. 155-177. 149 Penn exhibited in th e ir se rm o n s the tendency to blend and juxtapose theological te r m s , but they w ere a lso , on o ccasio n , able to concen trate th e ir e ffo rts on the explication of a single concept in an a tte m p t to in s tru c t th e ir au d ien ces. Fox, for exam ple, distinguished betw een live and dead faith a t a g e n e ra l m eeting in London: You se ye w orld hath a faith, & they have a beliefe, but th ere is noe v ic to ry (C ry they) So noe faith; he that b ru is e s ye head of ye s e rp e n t is ye A uthor of ye faith, & ev e ry m an, & w om an is to C om e, & Look to ye A uthor, & fin ish e r of that faith (C h rist Je s u s) th a t p u rifies ye h e a rt. . . . So h e re a re ye tru e w itn e sse s , Them th a t be of ye tru e faith: & tru e hope in C h rist in whom they a re g rafted . . . . ( Fox, even h e re , is not able to com plete the thought w ithout adding the concepts of h o lin ess (purity) and hope. Penn m akes the sam e d is tin c tion betw een live and dead faith twenty y e a r s a fte r F ox in a p assag e j w hich obviously c o n c e n tra te s upon the subject of faith, but a c c o m p lish e s its p u rp o se only a fte r enlistin g the aid of the concept of brotherly love a s e x p re s s e d by good w orks: "We m u st now believe in the L ord J e s u s C h rist with a F a ith that w orketh Love; we cannot be saved by a dead F aith , but by a living F aith: And as the Body w ithout the S p irit is 19 dead, so F aith w ithout W orks is dead also ." A se rm o n p re a c h e d at a g e n e ra l m e etin g , London, June 9, 1674, H eadley MSS, p. 252. 19 "The Sure F oundation, " a se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, O ctober 10, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin es . . . , p. 29. 150 C ris p exhibits m o re p ro p en sity to co n cen trate upon a single them e than m o st o th er e a rly Q u ak er p re a c h e rs . In a 1687 s e rm o n he tre a te d the sam e topic Fox and P enn did in the ex am p les cited above. He began the sectio n by enunciating the p rin cip le th at "n ev er w as th e re a tru e B eliev er in C h ris t J e s u s , but he rece iv ed h is F aith of God, it 20 was the Gift of God; it w as given to him to believe. . . ." T ru e faith, arg u ed C ris p , " re a c h e s to a co m p leat R edem ption, unto a com pleat 21 S anctification, unto a co m p leat fitting him for the Kingdom of God." i The blending of th em es is again evident when C ris p m ain tain s th a t "the j F aith that falls sh o rt of S anctification, and R edem ption fro m Sin, is J such a F aith as God n e v e r gave his P eo p le, it cam e som e o th e r way 22 into the W orld. . . . " C ris p concluded his exposition on faith with an injunction, pointed in its pow er, w hich tie s faith and p erfection together: If you keep to J e s u s , he w ill c a r r y on the Work; you did believe in him , for he did w ork this F aith in you, and he will c a r r y on his own W ork. . . . All o th e rs th at talk of F aith , and m ake an em pty P ro fe s sio n , they dishonour God; they talk of P e rfe c tio n , and living w ithout Sin, but n e v e r e x p erien ce it. . . . If you w ait to see this w ork c a r r ie d on, if you believe and e x e rc is e your F a ith for the o v e r-c o m in g of y our S ins, and p erfectin g of H oliness " S av in g -F aith , the Gift of God A lone, " a se rm o n p reac h ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M arch 8 , 1687, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 149. ^ I b i d . , p. 150. ^ I b i d . , p. 151. in the F e a r of God, you will hereby bring G lory to God. 151 23 The sam e sense of focus is seen in C ris p 's p re se n ta tio n of the 24 im p o rtan ce of attaining peace with God, but the b est exam ple is his se rm o n on G od's love. He began by elucidating the principle that one of the co n cern s of m an should be "to help one another to be sen sib le of the Love of God to us: This is the only thing th at can give us tru e com - 25 fo rt, to have a Sense of the Love of God to us in C h ris t J e s u s . . . ." He re a so n e d that "Men do shew forth in th e ir L ives so little Love to 2 6 God, becau se they have so little Sense of his Love to them ; . . . " The se rm o n is a plea to be aw are of the love m an ifested by God and to I j "love him above all, and e x p re s s our L ove, by a willing and p e r s e v e r - j 27 ing O bedience. . . . " C r is p 's e m p h asis upon the love of God se e m s to counter Hugh B a rb o u r's o b serv atio n that P u rita n s e rm o n s em p h asized G od's love, ^ Ibid. , p. 159. 24 "The E xcellency of P ea c e with God, " a se rm o n p reach ed at D evonshire H ouse, London, A ugust 5, 1691, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , see esp ecially pp. 127-129, 133-134, 139. and 142. 25 "The W onderful Love of God to M ankind, " a se rm o n preach ed at St. M a rtin s le G rand, London, N ovem ber 9, 1690, in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , pp. 175-176. 26 , , , I b id ., p. 176. ^ I b i d . , p. 191. 152 28 while Q u ak er s e rm o n s m o re often em p h asized G od's judgm ent. B a r bo u r, how ever, w as speaking p rim a rily of the s e rm o n s which w ere p reac h ed during the f ir s t two d ecad es of Q u a k e rism . The se rm o n s of co n cern in the p re s e n t study show no such p rep o n d eran c e of in te re s t in judgm ent o v er love. Out of sev en ty -fo u r s e rm o n s , fifty-one deal with | j G od's love to m an and th irty m ention m a n 's love to e ith e r God o r his j neighbor. G od's judgm ent is m entioned th irty -n in e tim e s . One m u s t conclude that both th e m e s --lo v e and ju d g m e n t--a re of m a jo r im p o r tance in the s e rm o n s. Among o th er p re a c h e rs who tre a te d love w as W illiam B ingley, who m ovingly e x p re s s e d th a t the " G a rm e n t of P r a is e . . . shall Cloath 29 those that Live in the Love of God, and of one another; . . . " "God," he p ro c la im e d , "w ill b e a r us up by his Divine P o w er, and keep us in a te n d e r sen se of h is Love to us, while we a r e living in the daily p e r fo rm an c e of this g re a t Duty of Love to God, and m utual Love to one a n o t h e r . C h a r l e s M a rs h a l s im ila rly announced th at the se rm o n he p re a c h e d w as given "unto the E xcellency of the Love of God in C h rist J e s u s; which Love is indeed In co m p re h en sib le and u n sp eak ab le, the 28 Q u a k e rs in P u rita n E ngland, p. 134. 29 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M arch 4, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 130. 30 Ibid. , p. 131. 153 Love of the E v e rla s tin g God through his B eloved Son Je s u s C h rist; 31 . . . " One would be fo rced to s e a rc h diligently to find a m o re te n d er affirm a tio n of G od's love than th at found in this p assag e from M a r shal: When the L o rd com es to open and m a n ife st to the C hildren of M en, his g re a t Love, in sending his Son out of h is B osom . . . when M ens E yes and H e a rts I say, a re w onderfully opened to see this Love of God, then th e ir H e a rts w ill be m e lted and broken, IT and th e ir p reju d ice rem o v ed . . . . As we have alre a d y noted, the them e of G od's judgm ent w as also tre a te d in the s e rm o n s . Ju d g m en t a p p e a rs as a them e in twelve few er se rm o n s than does G od's love, but the tre a tm e n t of the them e is notably robust. Fox, for ex am p le, spoke of the fury of G od's judgm ent tow ard u n b e lie v e rs and tow ard b e lie v e rs who continued to sin. In 1674 he asked: "C an you Come to a w o rse death, then they dyed under the hands of two, o r th re e w itn e ss e s , in ye dayes of M oses which was a n a tu ra ll death, Y es, for they th at n eg lects h earin g ye Sonn, that 33 Speakes fro m H eaven, this is e te rn a l D eath. . . . " He w arned b e lie v e rs in 1681 "not only to talk of ye L ight but walk in it; m any talk of G race & T ru th , but walk in u n rig h te o u sn e ss , & U nholyness; God is A s e rm o n p reac h ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M arch 11, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . ■ , p. 8 8. 32 I b id ., p. 92. 33 A s e rm o n p reac h ed at a g e n e ra l m eeting, London, June 11, 1674, H eadley MSS, p. 281. 154 34 rig h teo u s, & Holy, who will Judge such; . . . " Seven y e a rs la te r W illiam D ew sbury, in his final se rm o n , e x p re s s e d a vivid view of G od's judgm ent. F o r the faithful as well as u n b eliev ers he review ed the aw esom s c rip tu re account: ". . . he w ill throughly purge his floor, and w ill g ath er his W heat into his G a rn e r, but the Chaff he will burn 35 with unquenchable F ir e ." This w as followed by a g rim re m in d e r of the im age of C h rist as a r e f in e r 's fire: "if you will not yield up your selv es to C h ris t this Day that burns like an Oven, this F ir e you dwell with when out of the Body, th e re will be no quenching of this F ire for 3 6 e v e r; . . . " C ris p also w arned his h e a r e r s to "sin not against the L ight, le s t we die and p e rish in the m id s t of those te rr ib le Judgm ents 37 th at hang over us. " A nother tim e he p ro c la im e d that "if your will r e s i s t the good things of the S p irit of God . . . then you m u st all p e r ish , both you and your F a th e rs; th e re is no escap in g but by being sub- 34 A se rm o n preach ed at Y early M eeting, London, May 24, 1681, R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 548. 35 A se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, May 6, 1688, in C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 13. ~^Ibid. , p. 23. "Salvation fro m Sin by J e s u s C h ris t, " a se rm o n preached at D evonshire H ouse, London, A ugust 9, 1691, in S c rip tu re - T ruths . . . , p. 203. 155 38 je ct to C h ris t J e s u s , . . . " Sam uel W aldenfield spoke of a rro g a n t m en being d estin ed "for Judgm ent, and for a Day of S laughter, when 39 God will pour out all his W rath ." P e n n 's s e rm o n s also tr e a t the sub je ct. In one d e c la ra tio n he w arned: "They that w ill not bow to the 40 M ercy of God, shall bow to his Ju d g m en ts." In one of his fin e st s e r m ons he d rew the distin ctio n betw een the Day of V isitation and the Day of Judgm ent: "T h is is the Day of G od's V isitation, when God calls Men by his S p irit, and invites them to a cc ep t of M ercy. T h ere is a tim e a com ing when he w ill call them to Judgm ent: Wo be to them that have 41 not a n sw ered the f ir s t C all, when the second Call co m es. Penn, how ever, te m p e re d his stro n g appeal with a p e ro ra tio n which focused on love: "T his is the Love of God to M ankind. He will b le ss us in turning us fro m o u r Sin to H im self; he will tu rn us fro m D a rk n e ss to 42 Light . . . if we will h e a r H im ." 38 " C h ris tia n s should be often thinking on the Name of the Lord, a se rm o n p re a c h e d a t D evonshire H ouse, London, July 17, 1692, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 245. 39 A se rm o n p reac h ed at D evonshire H ouse, London, M arch 11, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 146. 40 "The G re a t D esign of C h ristia n ity , " a se rm o n p reach ed at W h eelers S tre e t, London, Jan u ary 27, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin e s . . . , p. 131. 41 "G od's Call to the C a re le s s W orld," a se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, Ja n u a ry 27, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , p. 49. ^ I b i d . , p. 60. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -rsir A lthough the day of judgm ent finds e x p re s s io n in the se rm o n s, o ther topics of eschatology a re not m entioned or a re slighted. The 43 second com ing of C h rist, for ex am p le, is tre a te d only tw ice. When Q u ak ers spoke of G od's rela tio n sh ip with m an, and m a n 's with God, they interw eaved the stan d ard term in o lo g y of the King J a m e s Bible. B riefly stated , they believed through faith in C h ris t that m an could attain sa lv a tio n , which was a gift of G od's g ra c e o ffered to every m an. Man could be red ee m ed (bought back), they m aintained, fro m the pow ers of evil and re g e n e ra te d (born again). The p ro c e s s of sa l- i vation was acco m p lish ed because God loved m an and was willing to vie\J him a s though he had n e v e r sinned (ju stific a tio n ) becau se of C h ris t's I death. The Q uaker view dem anded a p e rso n a l salvation on the p a rt of | the individual, and they a s s e r te d that God had rev ea led h im se lf to all m en through his L ig h t--J e s u s C h ris t--th ro u g h whom p erfectio n and a life of h o lin ess (freed o m fro m the pow er of sin) could be attained. As a re s u lt of salvation and san ctificatio n (the p ro c e s s of G od's m aking a b e lie v e r's life holy and fre e fro m sin), the b e lie v e r would escap e G od's w rathful ju d g m en t. In the theological topics p resen tin g the re la tio n - 43 See W aldenfield, " C h ris t A lto g eth er L ovely, " a serm o n p reac h ed a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M a rc h 11, 1693, in H a r mony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin es . . . , pp. 210-211 for an account of the second com ing which m a k es it c le a r that the im m ediate ex p erien ce of C h ris t is fa r m o re im p o rtan t than his re tu rn to e a rth . See also P en n , "G od's Call to the C a re le s s W o rld ," O ctober 21, 1694, p. 54. 157 ships of God and m a n , Q u ak er beliefs that m an is d e g e n e ra te , e n lig h t ened, and capable of salvation and perfection through C h ris t a re exem plified. T heological T h em es R elated to R eligious R itual In addition to the theological them es which developed the r e l a tionships betw een God and m an, the se rm o n s also a d d re s s e d th e m selv es to theological concepts trad itio n ally re la te d to relig io u s ritu a l. These th e m e s did not enjoy as prom inent a place in the s e rm o n s a s the other theological th e m e s d is c u s se d above. W orship, for exam p le, is a them e in th irty -o n e se rm o n s ; bap tism , in tw enty-tw o; and the L o rd 's Supper in only th re e . In e v e ry ap p ea ran ce, the p re a c h e rs em p h a - j sized the s p iritu a l n a tu re of the concept, n e v e r the p h y sical " s a c r a m ent. " A good illu s tra tio n of this distinction is the habit of the p re a c h e rs to r e f e r to "com m union" as a fellow ship betw een C h ristia n s or betw een C h ris t and h is C hurch. The physical a c t of w o r s h ip - - "co m m u n io n "- -p ra c tic e d in som e fo rm by m o st C h ris tia n ch u rc h e s, 44 was alw ays r e f e r r e d to in the s e rm o n s as "the L o rd 's S up p er." Fox announced in 1674 that "th ere is a standing w o rsh ip p in 45 ye S p irit, & in ye T ru th , they R eceive this wor shipp fro m above." ^ Q u a k e r s actually m ade w hat R am sey h as called "object" wordu into " re la tio n a l" w o rd s. See R am sey , pp. 179-185. s e rm o n p reac h ed at Y early M eeting, London, June 11, 1674, H eadley MSS, p. 268. ________ _____ 158 In 1681 he explained m o re fully his conception of tru e w orship: "All F le sh m u st com e to this S p irit of God; & know this S pirit to be poured upon ym . . . all F le s h m u s t com e to the S p irit if they will W orship 46 God. . . C ris p continued the sa m e them e in 1688 when he coun- j selled , "your W orship m u st be in the S pirit; you m u s t pray in the S pir-j 47 it, and give Thanks in the S p irit." He, m o re o v e r, elab o rated on the concept of tru e w o rsh ip , cautioning his h e a r e r s that "th ere is no m an can tru ly w o rsh ip God 'till he com es to a m e a s u re of c e rta in Knowledge of him . . . . T h ere m u st be a Knowledge of God before th e re can be a 48 tru e W orshipping of him . . . ." C ris p thus tied the concept of w o r ship to the Q uaker e p istem o lo g ical position, th at d ire c t r e v e la tio n --th e 1 ex p erien tial knowledge of G o d --p re c e d e s h is to ric a l knowledge or re a so n in im p o rta n c e . He m ade the position m o re explicit when he said: "You w ill n e v e r com e to the Knowledge of God but by the S p irit 49 of God. . . . " S p iritu al w o rsh ip , acco rd in g to the e a rly p re a c h e r s , w as not only based upon e x p e rie n tia l knowledge of God, but it was also n e c e s - 46 A s e rm o n p reac h ed at Y early M eeting, London, M ay 24, 1681, p. 544. 47 "No tru e W orship without the right Knowledge of G od," a se rm o n p re a c h e d at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, May 24, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 55. 48 I b i d . , p. 151. 49 Ibid. , p. 153. 159 sa rily p ure in n a tu re , a v irtu e w hich re su lte d fro m "the Knowledge of that P u re P rin c ip le of Life and G ra c e , fro m w hence, and out of which, 50 all tru e W orship doth spring. . . . " Q u ak ers re je c te d the fo rm s and ritu a ls of w o rsh ip com m on in A nglican and m a in s tre a m P u rita n con g reg atio n s. C ris p p erh ap s b e st su m m a riz e d the e s s e n tia l Q uaker p o s i tion on w o rsh ip , as found in the se rm o n lite ra tu re , when he re m a rk e d concerning the relig io n s of h is age: They have invented and found out se v e ra l w ays for P eo p le to w o r ship and s e rv e God: This and the o th er C erem o n y , this and the o th er O b serv atio n and M ethod of P reach in g and P ray in g : If all this be without the A ssista n c e and Divine H elp of the M ed iato r [C h rist], . . . it is all good for nothing. T h e re fo re the f ir s t l e s son of a C h ristia n in point of W orship, is that he com e to the Knowledge of C h rist, by whom and th ro ' whom he m ay expect F a v o u r with G o d .^ It should be ap p are n t that C ris p w as not p ro cla im in g as m uch as he was justifying a position. It is an exam ple of apologetical p reach in g devoid of the interw eaving of th e m e s c h a ra c te ris tic of the Q u ak er p ro c la m a tion of the G ospel. H ere the te rm s of the G ospel a r e not at stak e, but a p a rtic u la r in te rp re ta tio n of church trad itio n is being q uestioned. One m ay g e n e ra liz e th a t when the p r e a c h e rs w ere attacking a com m only- held notion of C h ris tia n d o ctrin e o r p ra c tic e , they w ere le s s inclined 50 C ris p , " P u re and S p iritu al W orship, " a s e rm o n p reac h ed at D evonshire H ouse, London, N ovem ber 12, 1690, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 55. ^ I b i d . , p. 58. rsn to interw eave and ju x tap o se to p ics, m o re inclined to c o n ce n trate th e ir effo rts on a single th em e. B ap tism and com m union provide additional ex am p les of th e m e s upon which Q u ak er p r e a c h e r s becam e m uch m o re d ire c t. Like w o r ship, the s p iritu a l m eaning of b ap tism and com m union was s tre s s e d . Fox tended to link b ap tism with the Old T e sta m e n t H ebrew p ra c tic e of c irc u m cisio n . Both r ite s , he thought, a fte r the com ing of C h ris t, had lo st th e ir significance as ritu a l, but gained in sp iritu a l m eaning. 52 C h ris t w as, for Fox, "ye M in is te r of C irc u m cisio n & B aptism : . . ." Fox believed the " tru e B ap tism " to be spiritual: ". . . People com e ah to W itness to be B aptized into him & put him on; & to know ye tru e B ap tism yt plunges down ye false S p irit & his W orks a s ye A postle saith we a re all B aptized by one S p irit into one Body, & h e re we all drin k 53 into one pure S pirit; . . . " To Fox it w as n e c e s s a ry for an ind iv i dual to e x p erien ce the tru e b a p tism of C h ris t because "all a re baptized into the death of A dam , into death fro m God, by th e ir unclean sp irit: --'B a p tiz e d ? W hat is th a t? ' Plunged into A d am 's death, and im p e rfe c - 54 tion, and d a rk n e s s ." H e re , Fox w as able to use the te rm "b ap tism " 5Z A se rm o n p re a c h e d at D evonshire H ouse, London, M ay, 1677, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 392. ^ A se rm o n p re a c h e d a t Y early M eeting, London, M ay 24, 1681, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 539. 54 A se rm o n p re a c h e d a t W heeler S tre e t, London, June 1, 1680, in A S erm on . . . by T hom as S tory . . . , p. 64. 161 both to indicate the en tra n ce of m an into sin, as w ell as h is en tra n c e , through C h rist, into salvation. C ris p strongly defended the Q u ak er position on b ap tism in a 1688 se rm o n . He attem pted to an sw er the question w hether Q uakers deny bap tism . No, not I, I would have M en and Women B aptized with a B ap tism that w ill do them som e good. Some have seen the Vanity and W eakness of this kind of B a p tism , and called it Baby B ap tism ; and th e re fo re would go and be B aptized and plunged in the W ater o v er H ead and E a r s , but they com e up again with the sam e H e a rt and M ind, and the sam e P o llu ted S o u l.^ On the other hand, C ris p arg u ed that "B ap tism with the Holy G host and 56 with f i r e , is the right B ap tism , " and he advised people "to be B ap- 57 tized with this B ap tism , J e s u s C h ris t." Sam uel W aldenfield also u sed the te rm "b ap tism " to re f e r to the inw ard ex p erien ce of C h rist: "The S p irit of C h ris t cam e a t the beginning into our Souls, and we were 5 8 B aptized by it, and R eg en e rated by it." In one of the la s t surviving se rm o n s of the cen tu ry , T hom as Chalkley re ite ra te d esse n tia lly the sam e position on b ap tism a s e x p re s s e d by Fox, C ris p , and W aldenfield: 55 "B ap tism and the L o rd 's Supper A sse rte d , " a se rm o n p reac h ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, A pril 15, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 85. ^ Ibid. , p. 87. 57 Ibid. , p. 86. 58 " C h ris t A ltogether L o v ely ," in H arm ony of Divine and H e a v enly D o ctrin e s . . . , p. 213.______________________________________________ . . it w as not E le m e n ta ry W ater th a t John spake of, he saith he [C h rist] shall w ash you, he sh all baptize you with the Holy G host & with F ire , Now this F ir e w as sp iritu a l F ir e , . . . I would to God, th at we 59 m ight feel this b le sse d B ap tism in our Souls this day. . . ." M uch the sam e re a c tio n w as e x p re s s e d by e a rly Q uaker p r e a c h e r s tow ard the ritu a liz e d o b serv an ce of com m union. Fox spoke of those "that have m ade C h ris t so many b odies, and have m ade h o sts, gods, and c h r is ts , a body of b re a d and wine; and w hoever will not bow to it, and re c e iv e it, m u st be b u r n e d . E a r l y Q u a k e rs asked: "w herein the C om m union of the Saints s ta n d s ," and answ ered: "doth it not stand in partaking to g e th er of the B re a d of Life, which our F a th e r giveth us fro m H eaven ? " ^ in the w ords of an anonym ous Q uaker j p re a c h e r of the late seventeenth century: "L ife flows fro m V esse l to V e sse l, and h e re a C om m union, indeed not a com m union of B read and Wine, as the W orld R e ce iv es, which is C arnal; th e ir Wine sa tisfie s not the Soul, it w a sh e st not fro m Sin, n o r C lean seth fro m T ra n s g re s s io n . 59 "M r. T. C halkley's S erm on & P r a y e r . . p reach ed in N orth A m e ric a , June 7, 1698, MS at F rie n d s H is to ric a l L ib ra ry , S w arth m o re C ollege, p. 9. se rm o n p reach ed a t W heeler S tre e t, London, June 1, 1680, in A S erm o n . . . by T hom as Story . . . , p. 68. ^ C r i s p , "The S p irit of C h ris t the only tru e Guide, " a se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, O ctober 10, 1690, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . ■ , p. 53. 163 . . By fa r the b e st apologist am ong the p re a c h e rs was C risp . In rep ly to the acc u sa tio n that Q u ak ers deny the L o rd 's Supper, he r e jected its physical n e c e ss ity and propounded its sp iritu a l truth: We have n e v e r had such a Thought, God knows th e re is nothing that o u r Souls long afte r m o re but People have been m aking a kind of W orld of th e ir own, they have lo st a R eality, and m ake Shadows, a s C hildren do, when they see things m ade in the H ouse for S e rv ice, they will m ake the like in Sand and Clay: P eo p le do not see w hat a g re a t thing it is to attain to the Supper of the Lord. . . . 63 The s e rm o n s re v e a l that with re fe re n c e to conceptualizations of w o rsh ip , b ap tism , and com m union, Q u a k e rs advocated a position which not only em p h asized the sp iritu a l n a tu re of th e se a sp e c ts of the C h r is tian tra d itio n , but elim in ated the n e c e ss ity of th e ir physical e x p re ssio n "W orship" could be accom plished w ithout o ra l p r a y e r s or serm o n s; " B a p tism " w as the s p iritu a l filling of the S p irit of God;’and "C o m m u n ion" w as the fellow ship of b e lie v e rs p artak in g of the sp iritu a l "b read " and "w ine" fro m God. G uidance for Individual B ehavior Although the p rim a ry th e m es of e a rly Q uaker se rm o n s w ere A se rm o n preach ed a t Savoy, London, n. d. , in A C ollection of S e v e ra l S erm ons . . . , p. 13. 63 "B ap tism and the L o rd 's Supper A s s e rte d ," A pril 15, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 88. Substantially the sam e p re se n ta tio n w as m ade by C ris p in "The F i r s t and G re a t C om m andm ent," M ay 27, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 56, w here he speaks of C h ris t's v is it to each m a n 's h e a rt with the b re a d of life and the wine of the kingdom . 164 p re se n te d for the theological edification of the h e a r e r s , they also p r e sented p rin c ip le s for the guidance of individuals for the attain m en t of the Godly life. An indication of the im portance of p ra c tic a l holy living to e a rly Q u a k e rs is gained by the re a liz a tio n that san ctificatio n a p p e a re d f o rty -s ix tim e s as a th em e, p erfectio n tw enty-eight tim e s , and h o lin ess fifty -fo u r tim e s . Among the m o st sig n ifican t g e n e ra l a t t r i butes which Q uaker p re a c h e rs thought should m a rk the life lived in 64 h o lin ess w ere love, hum ility, se lf-d e n ia l, o rd e r, and sim plicity. Injunctions to e x p re s s love appear in th irty of the se rm o n s; hum ility and se lf-d e n ia l a r e th em es in th irty -s e v e n and th irty -fiv e s e rm o n s , resp e c tiv e ly ; and o rd e r and sim plicity ap p ea r ten and seven tim e s , resp e c tiv e ly . E a rly Q u a k e rs believed that the Inw ard L ight, in th eo ry , was sufficient to guide individual b ehavior, but they w ere also aw are of the e x c e s s e s of som e of the ra d ic a l relig io u s groups of th e ir day who 65 confused th e ir own will with the inw ard leading of the S pirit. The 64 We have alre a d y co n sid ere d G od's love to m an as a th e o lo g i cal them e. It re m a in s to tr e a t m a n ’s resp o n sib ility to love God and his fellow m an. 65 The R a n te rs w ere notorious for this p ra c tic e . B raithw aite w rote th a t the R a n te rs " re p re s e n te d the re v o lt ag a in st authority in its e x tre m e s t fo rm ." The e s s e n tia l d efect of R a n te ris m w as its re fu sa l to provide a te s t "by w hich the individual could distin g u ish betw een the voice of the S p irit and the voice of his own w ill" (B eginnings, p. 22). 165 Q u ak ers te m p e re d th e ir b elief in divine rev elatio n with a s tr ic t m o ra l code based upon S c rip tu re , com m on consent of the group, as w ell as the leading of the Light. The Conceptual Foundations of Q u ak er L ifestyle The e a rly s e rm o n s s tr e s s e d the duty of m en to love God and to love th e ir n eig h b o rs. Bingley e x p re s s e d sen tim en ts found in a lm o st half of the s e rm o n s w hen he exhorted h is h e a r e r s "to w alk in Love and have Bow els of C om passion and Love to our N eighbors, that they m ay 66 be saved, and brought n e a r to G od." He explained the p rin cip le of love in th ese te rm s : "O ur Duty is , to endeavour to shew forth our Love in J u s tic e , E quity, and T ru th in all things, and to be so far fro m going beyond or seeking to d efrau d , or o v e r - r e a c h o u r N eighbor, as we 67 should upon all o c c a sio n s, m a n ife s t o u r ca re and love to him . . . ." H um ility w as an o th er foundational tenet of e a rly Q u ak er b eh av io r. Fox pleaded: "In e v e r [sic] m otion sink down, keep low, keep to 68 ye L ord. . . . " C ris p la te r affirm ed the sam e se n tim e n ts, adding th a t if a m an tru ly d e s ire d to have som ething of God, he "m u st com e in s e rm o n p re a c h e d a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M arch 4, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 127. 67Ibid. , p. 128. 68 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at D evonshire H ouse, M ay, 1677, in R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 409a. 166 | ! an hum ble petitioning fra m e . . . . It is the Lofty, the P ro u d , those that ex alt th e m s e lv e s , the F a t and the F u ll that w ant nothing. These 69 . . the L o rd beholdeth a fa r off." Bingley s im ila rly m aintained tha "when the Mind is tru ly hum ble, and dw ells in lo w lin ess, such find Life 70 to sp rin g fro m God the F ountain of it. . . . " John B ow ater m ade one of the s tro n g e s t ap p eals fo r hum ility found in the se rm o n s: "Take heed that . . . you do not se t up self, but hum ble your selv es to the D ust, and s it at the F e e t of J e s u s , le a rn of him to be m eek and lowly . . . do not striv e for high P la c e s , and for Honour and D ignity, and to be 71 accounted of am ong Men. . ." H um ility w ent h an d -in -h an d with the concept of self-d en ial in the s e rm o n s , for se lf-d e n ia l w as an outw ard m a n ifestatio n of, and m ean s of achieving hum ility. One o r both concepts a re a p a rt of fo rty - nine of the s e rm o n s . C r is p 's s e rm o n s , in p a r tic u la r , abound with the im age of the c ro s s of self-d en ial. He rem in d ed h is h e a r e r s again and again th at C h ris t "did absolutely deny th a t any M an could be his D is ciple, w ithout taking up a D a ily -C ro s s , and w ithout S elf-D enial: Now ^ " T h e A cceptable S a c rific e , " a se rm o n p re a c h e d a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, July 3, 1692, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 206-207. 70 A se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch Street, London, M arch 4, 1693, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity . . . , p. 127. 71 A se rm o n p reach ed at St. Jo h n 's S tre e t, London, M arch 18, 1693, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 64. TFT how should a M an at this day be a C h ristia n , or a D isciple of C h rist, 72 without taking up a D a ily -C ro s s , and without S elf-D en ial?" Penn alsp used the c r o s s im age when he p ro cla im e d th at God is with us when "we a re following C h ris t in P a tie n c e , H um ility, and Self denial, and b e a r- 73 ing his C ro s s , for no C ro s s no C row n." R ich ard Ashby m ade the p ro c e s s of se lf-d e n ia l m o re difficult yet: "Thou m a y 's t a p p e a r to take up a C ro s s and deny thy self, but th e re m u s t bea daily C ro s s , a deny ing thy Self continually, not giving way to our C arn al W ills, to our C a rn a l M inds, for to be C arnally m inded is D eath, and to be S p iritu - 74 ally m inded is Life and P e a c e ." The concept of " o rd e r" is significant p rim a rily b eca u se it was a p ro m in en t them e in F o x 's se rm o n s. Of eleven a p p e a ra n c e s, eight are in F o x 's s e rm o n s , one in P e n n 's , and one in an anonym ous serm on. Fox m o st often c o n tra ste d the "gospel o r d e r " with sexual im m o ra lity . In a 1671 s e rm o n he pleaded fo r chastity that "God m ay be G lorified, 72 "B earin g the C ro ss of C h rist, the tru e M ark of a C h ristia n , " a se rm o n p re a c h e d at D evonshire H ouse, London, O ctober 12, 1690, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 14. 73 A se rm o n p reac h ed upon o ccasio n of the death of M rs. R ebecca T r a v e r s , n .p ., June 19, 1688, in C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , pp. 76-77. H e re Penn re c a lle d to his h e a r e r s the title of his w ork No C ro s s No C row n, w hich he w rote while in the T ow er of London, 1668. A s e rm o n p reac h ed at St. M a rtin s le G rand, F e b ru a ry 16, 1693, in C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 105. 168 75 & all things kept in O r d e r ." T h ree y e a r s la te r he celeb rate d the pow er of the gospel in this m anner: "In this G ospell: ye P ow er of God, Is ye G lorious O rd e r, This joyfull o rd e r keeps all h e a rts : pure to God, and e v e rla s tin g o r d e r . . . which b rin g s Life, & Im m o rtality to L ight, 7 6 & C om es to see o v er that P ow er of D a rk n e ss. . . . " The o rd e r that should d istin g u ish the b e lie v e r's life w as, to Fox, a d ire c t re s u lt of G od's action: "He yt is Heavenly M an [C h rist] se ts up a H eavenly O rd e r . . . wch is ye P ow er yt keep s out of D is o rd e r, out of W icked n e s s , out of U n rig h te o u sn e ss, & U ngodliness, & O p p ressio n , h e re is 77 an O r d e r e r ." F ox believed that the pow er of God could keep a p e r son in a sen se of o r d e r , away fro m the e x c e s s e s of R a n te ris m . Penn had the sam e thought in mind in a wedding se rm o n when he spoke of thej 78 "O rd e r and M ethod am ong us, with R e sp e c t to N uptial S o lem n ities." Though the Q u ak er p ra c tic e of m a rr ia g e did w ithout the cerem ony of the church, o r the p re se n c e of the p r ie s t, Penn m aintained that Q uaker A s e rm o n p reac h ed at a W om en's M eeting, B arb ad o e s, O ctober, 1671, R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 257. 7 6 A se rm o n p reac h ed at Y early M eeting, June 11, 1674, H ead ley MSS, p. 271. 77 A s e rm o n p reac h ed at Y early M eeting, London, May 25 or 26, 1675, R ic h a rd so n MSS, typed copy, p. 453. 78 "Two M ade One; O r, The H appiness of M a rry in g in the L o rd ,1 ’ a se rm o n p re a c h e d a t D evonshire H ouse, London, O ctober 3, 1694, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin e s . . . , p. 152. 169 m a r r ia g e s w ere m ade in the " O rd e r and M ethod which is set down in 79 the Holy S c rip tu re s . . . . " D eep in the e a rly Q uaker tra d itio n of life w as the concept of sim p licity . It su rfaced as a them e in le ss than ten p e rc e n t of the s e r m ons, but it w as also im plied in the th e m es of hum ility and self-denial. C ris p u rg ed his lis te n e rs to m e a su re up to the Q uaker stan d ard of life with th e se w ords: "The L o rd p re s e rv e and keep you sim p le, keep you ,80 in all S in cerity . . . . He rem in d ed his h e a r e r s that C h rist had m in is te re d to them becau se they "lived in S in ce rity and S elf-denial, loving God above all things; and he taught and conducted us in our Way, 81 this Way of S im plicity. . . . " I I Specific B eh av io ral Injunctions In addition to laying the foundation of a lifestyle in the concepts of love, hum ility, se lf-d e n ia l, o r d e r , and sim p licity , the se rm o n s alsc provided sp ecific advice a s to how the a b s tr a c t c h a ra c te ris tic s should be c a r r ie d out in ev ery d a y life. An iso lated in stan ce fro m one of 79Ibid. 80 "The Inw ard P re a c h e r: O r, the O ffice of C onscience, " a se rm o n p reac h ed a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, June 21, 1692, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 146. "The N ecessity of an Holy Life and C onversation, " a serm o n p re a c h e d at St. M artin s le G rand, London, M a rc h 26, 1687, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 55. 170 C r is p 's s e rm o n s shows us th at Q u ak ers w ere expected to be honest in b u sin ess d ealin g s. C ris p w as quite pointed in his w arning to m e r chants, tra d e s m e n , and sh o p k eep ers, who "should P ra y e a rn e s tly that 82 they m ay Be kept fro m the E vil of the W o rld ." R ealizing that e s p e cially "In M e rc h a n d iz e , and Buying and Selling, th e re a re S n a re s , and j 83 th e re is E v il we m ay run into," he e x p re s s e d the hope that "When we have bought and sold, we m ay look back upon what we have done with 84 pure M inds, and clean C onsciences in the sight of God. . . . " In an o th er single in stan ce, one finds Fox exhorting his h e a r e r s j to be g enerous in helping one another in tim e s of p h y sical need. Fox outlines w hat is, in e s s e n c e , a sy stem of social w elfare: i . . . you m ay be s e rv ic e a b le to . . . those yt a re in w ant, & n e c e s s itie s in your G eneration: that w here th e re a re any C h il d re n be [sic] to be se t fo rth as A p p ren tices yt h e re in you a s s is t ym ; for such in tim e m ay com e to help th e ir P a re n ts in th e ir Old Age . . . & so they being set fo rth to s e v e ra ll T ra d e s m ay in a little tim e com e to help th eir B ro th e rs , & S is te r s , & r e a r up th e ir F a m ilie s ; . . . this will p rev en t any P o o r to be am ong you; for th e re should not be. . . .85 82 "The undefiled Way to E te rn a l R e s t," a se rm o n p reac h ed at D evonshire H ouse, London, July 29, 1691, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . p. 105. 83iMd. 84 Ibid. , p. 106. 85 A se rm o n p reac h ed at a W om en's M eeting, B arb ad o e s, O ctober, 1671, R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 206. 171 Love and hum ility w ere to be m a n ife s t w ithin the fam ily unit. C risp noted that "In the G overnm ent of a F a m ily , th e re a re O ccasions 86 and P ro v o catio n s given to be P a ssio n a te and F u rio u s; . . . " "Our P ro fe ssio n obliges u s, " he a s s e rte d , "th at when a Child or a S erv an t gives a P ro v o catio n , we a re not to behave our Selves u n seem ly , and 87 unbecom ing our Holy P ro fe ssio n ; . . . " This injunction is the only one of this n a tu re in the se rm o n lite ra tu re . E ight s e rm o n s touch on the su b ject of sexual m o ra lity , e ith e r by defending the sanctity of m a rria g e , o r by condem ning im m o ra lity . In 1671 Fox aligned h im s e lf with "ye fam ous F a th e rs of T ru th , & Saints fit W orthyes, fit valian ts of ye L ord who w ere F rie n d s of God, " and who 88 "denyed D eb auchery, W horedom e F o rn ic a tio n fit u n c le a n n e ss." The sam e m onth he reco m m en d ed a p ro c e d u re fo r Q uaker m a rria g e : And wn any com e to your m eeting about M a rria g e , le t ym bring th e ir C e rtific a te s of th e ir holy Life fit co n v ersatio n s fro m ye m eeting in yt C ity, Town, o r C ountry, w hether in England, Irelan d , o r Scotland, o r any of ye Islan d s ab o ard [sic] w here lived, fit a re well known to the M eetings w here they take th e ir W ives; o r W ives th e ir H usbands, yt all m ay be kept, p u re, fit clean. . . . 86 "The undefiled Way . . . , " in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 105. 8 7 t k Ibid. 88 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at a M en's M eeting, B arb ad o e s, O cto b er, 1671, in R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 206. 89 A s e rm o n p re a c h e d at a W om en's M eeting, B a rb a d o e s, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 256. 172 Fox taught that "If a young w om an have a fa th e r, o r m o th e r, o r g u a rd ian, go to th em f ir s t, and lay the m a tte r b efo re them , th at it m ay go or 90 with th e ir co n sen t, and ap p ro b atio n ." He in stru c te d the local m e e t ings to "query how things be concerning ye p a rtie s , & w hether they be 91 fre e fro m other P e r s o n s ." S pecifically, he m aintained th a t the p a r ties of the m a rr ia g e should "com e twice to ye M en & W omens M eetings to see yt all things be c le a r, & w ell for decency & O rd e r sake, & also 92 to m a n ife st th e ir P a tie n c e , & C hastity. . . ." E a rly Q u a k e rs placed co n sid era b le em p h a sis upon ch astity , p erh ap s p a rtly becau se they were accu sed , with the R a n te rs, of p artaking in sexual im m o ra lity . Fox a s s e rte d : "they th at p ro fe ss the tru th , they should know v irtu e and dom inion, and keep th e m se lv e s clean till the day of th e ir m a rr ia g e , i i and tim e of th e ir death, that all m ay be kept in c h a ste n e ss and purity, 93 to G od's g lo ry ." A s tric tn e s s w as also m a in tain ed reg ard in g the p ro p e r m o tiv es fo r m a rr ia g e . P enn a d d re s s e d h im se lf to this subject in 1694: 90 A s e rm o n p re a c h e d at W heeler S tre e t, June 1, 1680, in A S erm on . . . by T hom as Story . . . , p. 74. 91 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at a W om en's M eeting, B arb ad o es, O cto b er, 1671, in R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 257. 92 . . . Ibid. 93 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at W heeler S tre e t, June 1, 1680, in A S erm on . . . by T hom as S tory . . . , p. 74. _T73_ I j . . . we lay g re a t S tre s s and W eight upon T h is, that M a rrie d P e r - j ! sons do not e n te r into th a t R elation with a M eer N atu ral Affection, o r for W orldly In te re s t, o r A dvantage; o r to g ratify a C a rn a l Fancy: but we m u st be in the E x e rc is e of a Divine and H eavenly Affection [ . . . m aking the Law of God our Aim and End: . . .94 j j A sig n ifican t p a rt of the Q uaker lifesty le w as the d istinctive lan-i guage u sag e. S pecific re fe re n c e s to this Q uaker a ttrib u te a re relativ ely r a r e in the s e rm o n s , ap p earin g only fo u rteen tim e s . C onsidering the im p o rtan ce of ( 1) the re fu s a l to take an oath, and (2) the use of the plain sp eech (including the s tr ic t g ra m m a tic a l usage of "th ee" and "thou") in the e a rly Q uaker w o rld -v iew , one m ight expect m o re e m p h asis to be placed on this beh av io r in the s e rm o n s. An anonym ous Q uaker a s s u r e s us th at "Q u ak ers a re as sound in th e ir y e a and nay as ev er; as sound in 95 th e ir thee and thou as e v e r; . . ." P e rh a p s this o p tim istic o b s e r v a tion o ffe rs a clue as to the seem in g n eg lect of the s e rm o n s to deal with the p e c u lia r Q uaker language u sage. R efusal to take an oath and the use of the plain language m a rk e d a p e rso n as a Q uaker. It a lie n - 96 ated him fro m the m a in s tre a m of society. It b ecam e such a m a tte r of c o u rs e , that it re q u ire d little e m p h asis by the p re a c h e rs . F u r th e r m o re , Q uaker language usage was a m a n ife sta tio n of the | concepts of h u m ility , s e lf-d e n ia l, and s im p lic ity , all of which ^ I 94 I "Two M ade One . . . ," in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly j D o ctrin es . . . , p. 151. 95 A C ollection of S ev e ra l S erm o n s . . . , p. 7. 96 See pp. 111-112, su p ra. 174 were em p h asized . On the topic of oaths Fox gives us the b est ex am p les. In 1678 he rem inded the audience at Y early M eeting that the Old T e sta m e n t p ro v isio n s rc r o ath -tak in g had been s u p e rse d e d by C h ris t's teaching: "it is said in Old tim e they w ere to p e rfo rm th e ir O aths unto ye Lord; 97 but saith C h rist S w ear not at all; . . . " In 1680 he am plified the sam e position: . . . what saith M o se s? If th e re be a d ifferen ce b etw ee n two, you m u st go to the high p rie s t, he puts the oath to you, if you be not su b ject to the high p rie s t, it is death. So now this oath is put betw een you two, and this ends the strife . Now what saith M o se s? "Thou shalt keep thy oath. " This is the S erv an t. What saith the Son? Is th e re any sw earin g in y our house ?--N ay C h ris t who is the tru th itse lf, the life itse lf, he is com e. So th e re is no sw earing in his house, fo r he saith "Sw ear not at a l l . "9® Fox also sp ecifically in s tru c te d his h e a r e r s in a 1675 se rm o n reg ard in g the p ro p e r u se of "thee" and "thou." He em p h asized his view that the use of "you" in the sin g u lar u n n e c e ss a rily bestow ed honor: "K eep y o u r p ro p e r language out of ye w orld, for ye Singular to one, & not ye P lu r a ll out of all F la tte rin g : Go not down again into ye W orlds L anguage, but keep up in ye H eavenly P o w e r, for ye T ru th 97 A s e rm o n p re a c h e d at Y early M eeting, May, 1678, in R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 463. 98 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at W heeler S tre e t, June 1, 1680, in A S erm on . . . by T hom as Story . . . , p. 7Z. 175 99 leadeth into this; . . . " The ability of Q u ak ers to use the plain language was co n sid ere d to be an o th er m an ifestatio n of the pow er of God in the b e lie v e r's life. O bedience to the pow er brought a sen se of joy, as C ris p testified: "when the P ow er of the L ord f ir s t w rought upon you, and brought you to Yea and Nay, and to plain sim ple L an- 100 guage and H abit, this w as with joy and D elight fo r C h ris t's sak e." The plain language parto o k of the g en era l P u rita n d is ta ste for style for sty le 's sake. Five of the se rm o n s specifically repudiate e lo quence or the su p e rflu itie s of style a sso ciated with the R en aissan c e S ty listic rh e to ric s. B o w ater, fo r exam ple, ask ed why h is audience had com e to the m eeting: "Is it to h e a r what a M an can sa y ? to h ear E loquence of Speech, to h e a r som e n o v elties, o r is it your end to w ait upon G o d ? " ^ ^ C ris p e x p re s s e d the sam e sen tim en ts when he said: "We would p reac h C h ris t J e s u s the L o rd , we would not have you a d m ire M en's W ords and S ayings, and charge your M em ory with ..102 them : . . . " se rm o n p re a c h e d at Y early M eeting, M ay 25 o r 26, 1675, R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, pp. 437-438. 100"The Inw ard P re a c h e r: O r, the Office of C o n sc ie n c e ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 143. se rm o n p re a c h e d a t St. Jo h n 's S tre e t, London, M arch 18, 1693, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity . . . , p. 53. * ^ " T h e Divine M onitor: O r, Light fro m H eav en ," a se rm o n p re a c h e d at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, June 19, 1692, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 128. 176 J u s t as the Q u a k e r's language w as to be plain, truthful, even self-denying, his d r e s s w as to m atch the sam e c rite ria . Only four of the se rm o n s re fle c t this belief, but they indicate the im p o rtan ce Q uakers placed on the topic. When Fox spoke at a w om en's m eetin g , the com m on a ttire of the age cam e un d er his attack: . . . see yt all w alk as b eco m es ye T ruth in m odesty . . . so all walk a s ye Holy W omen of Old w ere to do as ye A postle c o m m anded . . . whose adorning le t it not be yt of plaiting ye H air o r w earing of Gold, or of putting on of A pparell, but le t it be ye hidden Man of ye H e a rt . . . not in w anton a ttire ; . . .103 104 Not even the "H eathenish C ustom e of ye Ring in M a rria g e " escap e d F o x 's c ritic is m . None of the r e s t of the se rm o n s approach the ex tre m e viewpoint on d r e s s , how ever, as that e x p re ss e d by an anony m ous p re a c h e r, who d eclared : . . . when I go into the C ountry, and if I m e et with any that a re called by the N am e Q u a k e r; b efo re I com e to them I look to see if th e re be a Button upon th e ir H ats, or L upes, if th e ir H ats be coked, and if they have a fringed N eckcloath, o r a long N eck- cloath, and if they have g re a t S leev es, and if they have F lap s upon th e ir Coats . . . and if any p ro fe sse d Q uaker is thus a ttire d , then I go along by him and h ard ly ask him how he doth. . . .105 By the stan d ard s of the seventeenth cen tu ry , the Q uaker life was rigid and s tric t. C ris p b e s t d e s c rib e d , in the fo rm of a dialogue, what 103 A se rm o n p re a c h e d a t a W om en's M eeting, B arb ad o e s, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 261. 104Ibid. , p. 257. 105 A C ollection of S erm o n s . . . , p. 8. 177 w as often the re a c tio n to Q u ak er life as seen in the serm o n s: H ast thou seen P u rity , H um ility, S obriety, M eekness, and Self- denial, and an H eavenly fra m e of S p irit in thy self o r som e body else ? How d o st thou like it? I like it not a t all; I love to have Honour and Dignity, P ow er and D om inion, and m y Elbow -R oom in the W orld; I love not this M eek n ess, H um ility and s tric tn e s s of L ife, that a m an m u st have a c a re w hat he sp eak s, and se t a W atch upon h is L ips, and upon his H e a rt and Tongue, and H ands, I do not like this kind of Life.^®^ C o m m en tary on T re n d s and Events The society out of which Q u a k e ris m e m e rg e d was to a la rg e extent still relig io u sly o rien ted , thus it is virtually im possible to se p a ra te the s e c u la r fro m the s a c re d in te rm s of specific tren d s or events. When a p re a c h e r com m ented on the pow er of the Rom an [Catholic C hurch, for ex am p le, he w as m aking both a religious as w ell as a political statem en t. Thus m o s t of the co m m en ta ry on tren d s and events found in the se rm o n s is re lig io u s in n atu re . We have o b served that Q uaker m in is te r s p re fe rre d to p ro c la im theological them es. Next in o rd e r of p re fe re n c e they chose th e m es which provided guidance for behavior. L a s t in quantity of ap p e a ra n c e in the se rm o n s w ere th em es which sp ecifically dealt with c u r r e n t society. We shall exam ine the Q u ak er re a c tio n to th e ir su rro u n d in g s in te r m s of th ree broad heads: ( 1) the specifically relig io u s re a lm , including re a c tio n to th e ir own im p riso n m e n t and p e rse c u tio n fo r relig io u s b eliefs, th e ir stance on * ^ " T h e A cceptable S a c rific e ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 218-219.__________________________________________________________________ 178 R om an C ath o licism , th e ir attitude on co m p u lso ry tith e s , and th e ir re a c tio n to the " a n ti-e n th u s ia s tic a l" tren d ; (2) the q u a s is e c u la r re a lm , including th e ir re sp o n se to u n iv e rsity education, disputation, the e m e rg e n c e of the new sc ie n c e , and the th e a tre ; and (3) the re a lm of ra d ic a lly d iffere n t so cial n o r m s , including the teaching ag ain st p a r tic i pation in w a r, the equality of w om en, and the n o n -p erp etu atio n of slav ery . The R eligious C u rre n ts P e rh a p s no o th er th em es tre a te d o r alluded to in the se rm o n s b e tte r illu s tra te the e a rly Q u a k e rs ' a w a re n e s s of th e ir so cietal e n v i ro n m en t than the re fe re n c e s to p e rse c u tio n and im p riso n m e n t. This them e s u rfa c e s in fo u rtee n s e rm o n s . Fox, for ex am p le, w arned F rie n d s in 1674 to "be C arefu ll ev ery w here as you T rav e ll; T h ere a re 107 sp rin g in g s and s tir r in g s abroad. . . . " In 1680 he spoke of his own e x p e rie n c e s of suffering for h is beliefs: ". . . since I cam e ab ro ad to d e c la re the e v e rla stin g tru th , I have been a s u ffe re r very m uch, by tim e s , above th e se th irty y e a r s , in g ao ls, and p ris o n s . And m y body hath been spoiled for the te stim o n y of J e s u s . And it w as h ard for m e 108 to com e this journey: . . . " C ris p u sed the re d e m p tio n of captured *®^A se rm o n p re a c h e d at Y early M eeting, London, June 11, 1674, H eadley MSS, p. 278. ^®®A se rm o n p reac h ed at W heeler S tre e t, London, June 1, 1680, A S erm o n . . . by T hom as Story . ■ . , pp. 73-74. A ltogether Fox w as im p riso n e d eight tim e s. 179 F rie n d s in T urkey in an analogy to m en who a re captives of sin: "We know when our F rie n d s a re in C aptivity, as in T u rk e y , o r else w h e re , we pay down M oney fo r th eir R edem ption; but we w ill not pay our Mone) 109 if they be kept in th e ir F e tte r s s till." H e re the p assin g com m entary on the event is used as a m eans to m ake c le a r the theological concept of redem ption. A fter the com ing of to le ra tio n in 1688, p e rse c u tio n and p riso n s continued to be topics in the s e rm o n s , usually in m o m en ts of p ra is e for p a st d e liv e ra n c e . C ris p noted in 1688 that the tim e of suffering had p a s se d , but he w arned: "th e re is now as m uch D anger and P e ril in this tim e of L ib erty and T ran q u ility , as th e re w as b e f o r e . C r i s p had in m ind the " s p iritu a l" p e ril of the tendency of people to becom e lax in th e ir faith during tim e s of lib erty . L a te r the sam e y e a r he observed: "T his hath been L ondon's W onder, and E ngland's W onder . . . that sucl. a P e o p le 's L eaf hath not W ithered, n o r F aded, as m any have done," and he p ra ise d God who "stood by u s, and d e liv e re d u s, when we w ere co m p assed about with D anges [ s ic ] , and D is tr e s s e s ; . . . Penn e x p re s s e d s im ila r p ra is e in 1694, when he said "B le sse d be the L ord, 109 "C aptive S inners s e t fre e by J e s u s C h rist, " in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , p. 120. "The Sheep of C h ris t h e a r h is V oice, " a se rm o n p reached at D evonshire H ouse, London, M ay 10, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 148. l l l " T h e F i r s t and G re a t C om m andm ent, " in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . . pp. 64-65._________ 180 112 that hath given us the L ib erty that we see this day: . . . " John Vaughton brought to his h e a r e r s ' m e m o rie s the day . . when the F loods of the Ungodly w ere m u s te r 'd ag ain st u s, and so m e tim e s hailed us out of our M eetin g s, to G aols and P r is o n s , for b earin g T estim ony .,113 to the T ru th . . . . Q u a k e rs, like m o st P u rita n s, e x p re s s e d a stro n g negative stand tow ard the R om an C atholic C hurch. Nine of the s e rm o n s give place to such sen tim en ts. Fox, for in stan ce, attem p ted to identify Q u ak ers as 'true P r o te s ta n ts , " as ag ain st those p ro te s ta n ts who w ere "P opishly affected." He claim ed: "My suffering hath been . . . for not joining 114 w ith the re lic s of P o p e ry ." F u r th e r m o re , he a s s e r te d , "if any say we are P opishly affected, we a re tru e p r o te s ta n ts , and follow the p ra c - 115 tice of o u r fo re fa th e rs and m o th e rs , the holy m en and women; . . . " E a rly Q u a k e rs believed that the c u rre n t relig io u s e x p re ss io n , outside of Q u a k e ris m , w as based upon the w rong foundation. C ris p condem ned the com m on signs of relig io u s fe rv o u r, R om an C atholic o r 112 "The G re a t D esign of C h ristian ity , " in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , p. 135. 113 A s e rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, A p ril 1, 1694, in C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity . . . , p. 174. 114 A se rm o n p reac h ed at W heeler S tre e t, June 1, 1680, A S e r m on by . . . T hom as Story . . . , p. 74. U 5ibid. | 181 P ro te s ta n t: "let th em spend n e v e r so many H ours in P r a y e r e v e ry Day; let them com e to M eetings and h e a r S erm o n s, and w rite them and r e peat them , and do what they w ill, h e re is a B ar of U nbelief th a t lies in 116 the way, th at m a k es M en d e p a rt fro m the living God. . . The p ra c tic e that p a rtic u la rly ired Q u a k e rs w as that of supporting the clerg y by m eans of co m p u lso ry tith es. Fox was p a rtic u la rly denunciatory on this p ra c tic e : "Now as for th ese T ithes set up in ye Days of P o p ery long afte r C h ris t of [sic] the A p o stles d e ce ase, h e re in cam e th e se things one a fte r an o th er; This is out of Truth; & ye Life wch ye A pos- 117 tie s w ere in, who did b e a r-T e stim o n y against T ithes. . . ." F o u r o th e r s e rm o n s , th re e by Fox and one by L eo n ard F e ll, also re fle c t the stand ag ain st tith es. Six of the se rm o n s re a c t to the tendency as the century drew to a clo se to re fe r to Q u a k e rs and o th er q u a s i-P u rita n s e c ts as "enthu- s ia s tic a l." The te rm , by the late seventeenth cen tu ry , c a r r ie d with it the connotation of c r a s s , unthinking, em o tio n alism , added to the o r ig i n al denotation of "in s p ira tio n ." In the s e rm o n s, we view the te r m in tra n sitio n fro m in sp ira tio n to e m o tio n a lism . We also see the conscious a tte m p t of som e Q u a k e rs to b re a k the negative identification of F rie n d s ^ ^"Salvation fro m Sin by J e s u s C h ris t, " in S c rip tu re - T ruths . • ■ , p. 193. 117 A se rm o n p reac h ed at D evonshire H ouse, M ay, 1677, R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 392. 182 with the te rm . W aldenfield still had in mind the e a r l ie r m eaning of "e n th u sia sm " when he noted that the Q uaker do ctrin e of the com ing of C h rist by h is Light and S p irit w as ". . . looked upon by m any as A nti- C hristian D octrine; they call it E n th u sia s m , and Q u ak ers D o c trin e , and 118 the D o ctrin e of the S p irit; . . . " Penn m ade the m o st fo rcefu l sta te m e n ts on " e n th u s ia sm " found in the se rm o n s. A fter a disq u isitio n on the o m n ip re s e n c e and inevitable judgm ent of God, he m ade this d is c la im e r: "T h ese a re not C h im e ra s and E n th u sia s tic a l F a n c ie s, but 119 the g re a t R e a litie s of R elig io n ." D istinguishing the concept of the Inward L ight fro m the bad connotations of " en th u sia sm , " Penn posed and a n sw e re d a question: "Am I turned fro m that, which would e c lip se G od's L ight in my Soul? If thou a r t turned fro m Sin to R ig h teo u sn ess, thou a re not a C an ter, thou a r t not an E n th u sia s t, thou a r t a tru e Child of God. . . . P e n n 's b o ld e st stro k e w as the identification of " e n th u sia sm " with the g re a t P s a lm ist-K in g , David: When you a re panting and b reath in g a fte r the inw ard E n joym ent of the Divine P r e s e n c e , som e m ay ignorantly call it E n th u s ia s m , 118 " C h ris t A lto g eth er L ovely, " a s e rm o n p re a c h e d at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M a rc h 11, 1693, in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , p. 211. 119 "Two M ade One, " in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D oc trin e s . . . , p. 149. ^ ^ " T h e Sure Foundation, " in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin e s . . . , p. 28. 183 and say it is m e e rly the E ffec t of M elancholly; but holy David, the Man a fte r G od's own H e a rt, w as such an E n th u sia s t, he did ard en tly pant and b re a th e a fte r the E njoym ent of G od's P r e - 121 sence. . . . A A ' A The Q u a si-S e c u la r R ealm In addition to the c u r r e n t tre n d s of a specifically religious n a tu re , the serm o n s also included them es which touch on q u a s i s e c u la r concepts - -th o se concepts w hich w ere not relig io u s in n a tu re , but because they a p p ea red in age of relig io u s im p o rtan ce , they becam e, at the e x tre m e , e c c le s ia s tic a l th e m e s. E a rly Q uaker se rm o n s re fle c te d a d is tru s t of le a rn in g , and esp e c ia lly a re fu s a l to a cc ep t the com m on notion that h ig h er education w as a n e c e ssity for the u n d e r standing of theology. E a rly Q uaker p ra c tic e illu s tra te s this b elief in 122 that m o st e a rly Q uaker m in is te r s , with som e notable exceptions, w ere not u n iv e rsity tra in e d . In addition, eight of the se rm o n s s p e c ifi cally allude to or develop th is them e. C ris p m ade a typical e a rly Q uaker slu r on the value of u n iv e rsity education, when he affirm ed that anyone m ay find the way to h o lin ess: "Though he n e v e r took a d eg ree at the U n iv ersity , he shall not e r r in it; though he be a Fool in the 121 "G od's C all to the C a re le s s W orld," in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s , pp. 59-60. 122 B a rc la y and P enn had u n iv e rsity training. 184 account of the W orld, and n e v e r un d ersto o d G reek or L atin, y e t he 123 shall not e r r in this w ay." Q u ak ers e n te re d , y et, p arad o x ically , re a c te d ag ain st the p am - 124 phlet and tr a c t w ars w hich p ro life ra te d during the century. T here is m o re than a hint in the se rm o n lite ra tu re of an ti-d eb ate o r d is p u ta tion sentim ent. E leven of the se rm o n s deal with this them e in part. On this issu e , the e a rly Q u a k e rs joined the ep istem o lo g ical struggle of th e ir age. As fa r as re lig io u s knowledge w as con cern ed , they m a in tained it could not be found through disputation. C risp u rg ed his flock to "lay aside the D isputes of D o cto rs and L e a rn 'd Men. . . . Things re la tin g to o th e rs , I m ay le t D isp u tes alone about them ; but as for things relatin g to my Salvation, I m u st have a c e rta in Knowledge of 125 th e m ." In addition, he a s s u re d the audience that they could know w ithin th e m se lv e s the w orkings of God "by an infallible E vidence of the 1Z 6 S p irit of God. . . . " A y e a r la te r he re p e a te d the them e: ". . . they have been contending, disputing, and jangling and debating one 123 "C aptive S inners set fre e by J e s u s ," in S crip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 113-114. 1 2 4 c zz See p. 66, s u p ra . 125 "T he M ighty W ork of M an 's R edem ption," a s e rm o n preache<ji at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, F e b ru a ry 8 , 1687, in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , p. 11. 12 6 . , Ibid. 185 a n o th er, and could n e v e r a g re e , and could n e v e r com e to an u n d e r- 127 standing . . . by the Holy S p irit. . . . " As the century n e a re d an end, the p re a c h e rs began to identify the Q u ak er way with the e m e rg in g scien tific m ethod. The a tte m p t is not ex p licit in the s e rm o n s , but it is im plied by the adoption of the te rm " e x p e rim e n ta l" relig io n , and the use of se n so ry language. Knowledge gained by d isputation w as "vain," but as C ris p o b se rv e d in 1687, God had given "unto a R em n an t an ex p e rim e n ta l Knowledge of 128 the T ru th ." He did not m ean by " e x p e rim e n t" w hat Bacon had, but he did m ean th at no m e re h is to r ic a l knowledge devoid of ex p erien ce was adequate in the re lig io u s re a lm . A y e a r la te r C risp m aintained that no m an can "have F aith in C h ris t at a D istan ce, and th ereb y be reco n c iled unto God, but m u s t know his Spirit: I m u st have an e x p e ri- 129 m en tal Knowledge of his P o w e r and W isdom . . . . " J a m e s P a rk r e f e r r e d to the sam e phenom enon in identical te rm s : ". . . we cam e to 127 " C h ris t the Way to E te rn a l L ife," a se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M ay 6 , 1688, in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . • • . P- 11. 128 "T he Word of God a C h ris tia n 's L ife," a se rm o n p reach ed at G race C hurch S tre e t, London, M a rc h 14, 1687, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 27 [italics m ine] . F o x 's J o u rn a l, p. 11, em ployed the sam e language to d e sc rib e the e n co u n ter with C h rist. A fter h earin g the voice, Fox te lls u s, ". . . m y h e a r t did leap for joy. . . . And this I knew e x p e rim e n ta lly ." 129 "The G re a t M ediator of the E v e rla stin g C ovenant," a se rm o n preach ed a t G race C hurch S tre e t, London, A p ril 25, 1688, in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 18. 186 know the W itness of him in o u r se lv e s, such as know him e x p e rim e n tally, can set th e ir S eals that God is tru e; . . . Such s e n tim e n ts, which re fle c t, in the relig io u s re a lm , the m ove away fro m deductive tow ard inductive ep istem o lo g ical s y s te m s , a c c u ra te ly exem plify what D. E lton T rueblood d e sc rib e d as the "Q uaker W ay," w hich is "funda- 131 m en tally e m p iric a l r a th e r than sp ecu lativ e." The se rm o n s also re v e a l an a tte m p t to tie " e x p e rim e n ta l" r e l i gion with the sen su al sp h ere of know ledge, w hich w as an item of 132 investigation during the period. In eleven of the s e rm o n s , what m ight a p p ro p ria te ly be called the "language of the new sc ie n c e " was used; while the appeal for a sen su al re a liz a tio n of relig io u s ex p erien ce, e ith e r to "feel" the pow er o r to " e x p e rie n c e " the .Lord, was used in fo rty -fiv e and th irty -tw o s e rm o n s , re sp e c tiv e ly . C risp , fo r exam ple, attem p ted to p e rsu a d e his h e a r e r s to know the love of God " e x p e rim e n - se rm o n p reac h ed at R atcliff, London, A p ril 19, 1694, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 179. 131 The P eople C alled Q u a k e rs , p. 33. 132 In the Novum O rganum , Bacon co n sid ere d the se n se s to be prone to "d u lln ess, incom petency, and d ec e p tio n s," and thus proposed the d iscip lin e of the e x p e rim e n t to com pensate for the d e trim e n ts of se n so ry e x p erien ce alone (see A p h o rism L). Locke a lso included a d isc u s sio n of se n so ry knowledge in his E s s a y on H um an U n d erstan d in g , w here he m ain tain ed that m en com e to know of th e ir own e x iste n c e by intuition, G od's ex isten ce by D em o n stratio n , and the ex isten ce of other things by S ensation (see Bk. IV, sections 1-4). Q uaker p re a c h e rs used the w o rd s " e x p e rim e n ta l," "feel," " e x p e rie n c e ," and th e ir d e riv a tiv e s in a m e n ta l, n o t physical, sen se. 187 tally, " and added the dim ension of the sensual: "E v ery one ought to be I acquainted with it, and have the e x e rc is e of th e ir m inds in it, that so we m ight know by an e x p e rim e n ta l and sen sib le feeling the kindness of 133 God to u s ." The e m p iric a l, sen su al, identification of the Q uaker epistem ology w as com plete in this p assag e fro m C risp: Now w here any com e to an e x p e rim e n ta l Knowledge of the W ord of the L o rd , of th is inw ard V oice, w hereby God speaks to the Sons and D au g h ters of M en, they have re c e iv e d th ereb y an infallible F eelin g of th e ir own State and condition. . . . They com e to have a c e rta in infallible Knowledge of th e ir own State. ... 134 The "infallible feelin g " seem e d to infuse both the e m p iric a l and sensual dim ensions in one lin g u istic m om ent. A lthough Q u ak ers w e re a rd e n t opponents of the th e a tre , only one re fe re n c e is m ade in the se rm o n s to this attitude. N e v e rth e le ss , 135 it is stro n g , and follows the conventional P u rita n lin es of reactio n . C risp c o n tra ste d the c o m fo rt, p eace, and tran q u ility which follow ers of C h ris t enjoy, with the delights of sin. The f o rm e r, he a s s e rte d , a re "an hundred fold b e tte r and m o re delightful than all the P le a s u re s 133 "The W onderful Love of God to M ankind," in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , pp. 178-179. 134 "The Word of God a C h ris tia n 's L ife ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 28-29. 135 See E lb e rt N. S. Thom pson, The C o n tro v e rsy B etw een the P u rita n s and the Stage (New York: R u sse ll & R u sse ll, 1966) for a sch o larly account of P u rita n reac tio n to the th e a tre . 188 of Sin, and the P le a s u re s and D elights of Shows, and Sights, and P la y s, and C om edies, which vain M en e n te rta in th e m se lv e s with in th e ir C a r- ,,136 nal State. R adical Social P ro p o sa ls T hree th e m es in the s e rm o n s re fle c t Q uaker attitu d es tow ard c u rre n t society which w ere unusually ra d ic a l for the tim e s , and for which Q u ak ers b eca m e noted in su b seq u en t y e a r s . H e re , p a rtic u la r re fe re n c e is m ade to the Q u ak er opposition to p articip a tio n in w ar, the b elief in the equality of m en and w om en, and the b elief th a t sla v e ry should not be p erp etu ated . In a se n se , these th em es are also q u a s i se c u la r th e m e s , and could rightfully be tre a te d as such. But they a re a p ecu liar sp ecie s of them e because of the e x tre m ity of the view e x p re s s e d , and becau se of the ev en ts of subsequent h isto ry which have m ade th ese th re e iss u e s re le v a n t to to d ay 's w orld. Unlike Q uaker opposition to the th e a tre , o r the p e c u lia r re a c tio n to education, a n ti w a r, w om en's equality, and the p ro b le m s of ra c e a re still perplexing us today. It is significant that e a rly Q uaker p re a c h e rs w e re a d d re ssin g th e m selv es to th e se topics in the seventeenth century. F our of the s e rm o n s e x p re s s a n ti-w a r sen tim en ts. Q u ak ers looked at w ar and its ro o ts and concluded: "It is im p o ssib le for Nations 136 "The S p irit of C h rist the Only T ru e G uide," in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , p. 50. 189 to m ake W ar, and d estro y one an o th er, if they would be guided by the 137 u n e rrin g S p irit of C h rist. . . Even m o re d is tre s s in g to e a rly Q u a k e rs was the p ro sp e c t that w a rs could be waged in support of one relig io n o r another. The "Holy C hurch, " a s they saw it, ". . . com es not out of the W ild ern ess leaning on C ap tain s, G e n e ra ls and A rm ie s , 138 but leaning on C h ris t h e r w ell-beloved. . . ." Fox sp ecifically taught ag ain st the use of " c a rn a l" w eapons. One of h is m o s t d ire c t s ta te m e n ts is found in a serm on: "So in M o s e s 's house you had a c a r n al sw ord, and w eapons of A rm o u r, but have you this a rm o u r and c a r nal w eapons in the Son's h o u se? what a rm o u r have you th e r e ? - - 'O u r a rm o u r is sp iritu a l, our w eapons a re sp iritu a l, not c a rn a l, but mighty 139 through God to the pulling down of stro n g holds. ' " Though Q u ak ers did not d raw the sw ord in defense of the nation, it is im p o rta n t to note that they e x p re s s e d a love and concern for the future of England in the s e rm o n s . C ris p m ade it c le a r that F rie n d s ". . . cannot m ake use of Sword and S p ear for the saving of a N ation," but he a s s u re d the liste n e rs : ". . . you m ay do good by your P r a y e r s , Ibid. , p. 46. 138 C ris p , "No tru e W orship w ithout the rig h t Knowledge of G od," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 173. 139 A se rm o n p reach ed a t W heeler S tre e t, A S erm on by . . . T hom as Story . . . , p. 72. I__ 140 and turning to the L o rd . . . . " The p re a c h e rs usually p o rtra y e d the c u rre n t society as w icked, d ep rav ed , and far fro m Godly. T ypical of the d e sc rip tio n s w as th is one by C risp: . . O aths, and C u rs e s , and all m an n er of W ickedness ru n s down the S tre e ts like a R iver: th e re is P rid e , and W rath, and Envy, and R evenge, and Violence to be found 141 among us. . . ." The inability of Q u ak ers to d raw sw ords did not stop them fro m th rea ten in g E nglish society with judgm ent fro m God: "This Island hath been continually with W ar and Blood, and F la m e s and D estru ctio n , and the C ry of the O rphans hath been h e a rd fro m o th er 142 N ations: . . . but judgm ents hang over the Nation. . . . " In 1693, midway in the W ar of the League of A ugsburg w hich England w as fig h t ing, C h a rle s M a rs h a l w arned of G od's d is p le a s u re in his p ra y e r: ". . . thou a r t at this Day th reaten in g this N ation, and shaking thy Rod over the Land of our N ativity, cause the Inhabitants th e re o f to hum ble 143 th e m selv es un d er thy Mighty H and. . . . " Two m onths la te r F r a n cis C am field p ray ed an o th er p ra y e r, p erh ap s in lieu of taking up the sword: 140"Salvation fro m Sin by J e s u s C h rist," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . ■ , p. 203. 141"The A cceptable S a c rific e ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 224. 142 C ris p , "Salvation F r o m Sin by J e su s C h ris t," in S c rip tu re - T ruths . . . , pp. 202-203. 143 A se rm o n p re a c h e d a t G race C hurch S tre e t, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 97. T9T] . . . p r e s e r v e this sinful Land, and let thy continued m e rc ie s and I b le ssin g s, and thy long su fferin g s p re v a il upon u s, . . . le t thy Ju d g m en ts which a r e im pendent be d iv e rted , and s tir up thy People to w re s tle w ith thee with all th e ir Souls, that thou w ouldest save this N ation, that England m ay live in thy Sight; TT? By fa r the m o st fa r-re a c h in g and ra d ic a l d e p a rtu re s fro m the n o rm s of E n g lish so ciety , P u rita n o r n o n -P u rita n , w ere contained in F o x 's s e rm o n s . He is the only e a rly Q uaker p re a c h e r who tre a te d the subjects of w o m en 's equality and sla v e ry in the extant se rm o n l i t e r a tu re . W ith re g a rd to the place of w om en, Fox arg u ed that b efo re A dam fell, m an and w om an w e re equal, but becau se the w om an w as the f ir s t to sin, the m an w as appointed to ru le over h e r. C h ris t, how ever, . . r e s to r e s m an & w om an Into a heavenly o rd e r E t G overnm ent, & i so are h elp s m e ete in R ig h teo u sn ess, & h o ly n ess, & tru th , & Ju stic e , 145 & e q u ity --a s they w ere before they fell." Q u ak ers allow ed, indeed en co u rag ed , w om en to m in is te r. F ox ju stified the p ra c tic e when he said; "T he apostle saith , 'I p e rm it not a w om an;' yet he appointeth T itus to o rd ain E l d e r s , and the E ld e r W omen m ight be te a c h e rs of good things. So he o rd ain s the e ld e r women; then he did not stop them . So the e ld e r w om en m u s t teach good things: That is th e ir duty, 144 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at G race C hurch S tre e t, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , pp. 44-45. * ^ A se rm o n p re a c h e d at Y early M eeting, June 11, 1674, R ic h a rd so n MSS, typed copy, p. 274. T9T incum bent upon th e m ." ^ The place of w om en was thus significantly elevated am ong the Q u ak ers. It has taken four cen tu ries for w om en to be ordained in the A nglican C hurch. F o x 's position with r e g a rd to sla v e ry was equally ahead of so c ie ty 's as h is position on the place of w om en. Speaking to sla v e - holding Q u a k e rs on B arb ad o s Island in 1671, he arg u ed th at if God se t a law for the Jew s to re le a s e th e ir slaves a fte r a se t nu m b er of y e a r s , then it follows that "it will d o u b tless be v ery acceptable to the L o rd if so be the M a s te rs of F a m ilie s h e re would deal so with th e ir S erv an ts, 147 ye N eg ro es, & B lacks whom they have bought wth th e ir Money. . . . " The specific a rra n g e m e n ts fo r fre e d o m w ere to be m ade a fte r a p p ro x i m ately th irty y e a r s of w ork by the slave, and the fo rm e r slave w as not to be sent away fro m h is fo r m e r m a s te r em pty handed. Fox even went so far as to advocate in te r r a c ia l m a rria g e to prev en t sodomy: "So if a White should lye with a black, o r wth another he should m a r r y h e r, 148 yea tho she w ere a b eg g ar, le t ym go to g eth er to p re v e n t Sodom y." se rm o n p re a c h e d at W heeler S tre e t, A S erm o n by . . . T hom as Story . . . , p. 65. 147 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at a M en's M eeting, B arb ad o e s, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 204. 148 A serm o n p reach ed a t a W om en's M eeting, B a rb a d o e s, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 258. 193 C onclusion This study of the th e m es in se v e n ty -fo u r se rm o n s of Q u ak ers fro m 1671 to 1700 d e m o n stra te s that the se rm o n s a re not m e re ly "gospel ex h o rtatio n s . . . devoid of incident and illu stra tiv e m a te - 149 r ia l." The m ajo rity of th em es w e re th e o lo g ic a l--e v e n " g o sp e l" -- in n a tu re , but the se rm o n s also tre a te d topics relev an t to the a p p lic a tion of theological p rin c ip le s in ev ery d ay life. A risin g , as it did, d u r ing a re lig io u s age and c lim a te , Q u a k e ris m focused upon w hat some m o d e rn s would probably call o b s c u re , ir re le v a n t, d o ctrin al m a tte rs . Yet we have seen another side of the e a rly Q u ak er mind re fle c te d in the s e rm o n s , esp ecially in the p r e a c h e r s ' attem p ts to adapt to a changing ep istem o lo g ical scene by arg u in g for a religion based upon firs t-h a n d e x p erien ce ra th e r than sim ply upon trad itio n . The Q uaker use of the "language of the new sc ie n c e " illu s tra te s th e ir a tte m p t to identify with the changing in te lle c tu a l c lim ate. F u rth e rm o re , we have o b serv ed a tendency on the p a rt of the m in is te rs to go beyond m e re ly adapting to the conventional confines of the gospel, or the n o rm s of society, to the point of advocating e x tre m e changes in language u sag e, a u s te re d r e s s codes, and in g e n e ra l sc ru p u lo u sly honest and self- denying liv e s. The p re a c h e rs also tended to d e rro g a te w a r, and in the case of Fox, to a rtic u la te positions on w o m en 's equality and sla v e ry 149 W right, p. 146. 194 which w ere ahead of th e ir tim e. T his survey of th e m atic c h a ra c te ris tic s h as also shown Q uaker se rm o n s to be d iffere n t fro m the conventional s e rm o n of the s e v e n teenth century. The p rev ailin g h o m iletical th e o ry and p ra c tic e called 150 for a sy ste m a tic p re se n ta tio n of doctrine and its application. T hem es w e re to be well esta b lish e d and exhaustively p resen te d . Q uaker se rm o n s w ere m u lti-th e m a tic . A la rg e n u m b e r of them es g re e te d the lis te n e r in each se rm o n . The c h a r a c te r is tic is seen in F o x 's s e rm o n s , at the beginning of the p erio d , in C r is p 's , spanning the y e a rs 1687-92, in P e n n 's fro m 1688 to 1694, and other Q uaker 151 s e rm o n s fro m 1688-1700. Although Q uaker p r e a c h e r s could, on som e o c c a sio n s, explain a them e w ith som e co n cen tratio n , esp ecially when the them e w as c o n tro v e rsia l in n a tu re , they m o re often sim ply p ro c la im e d its tru th and juxtaposed it with an o th er them e. 150 See M itchell, p. 396. A c o m p a riso n betw een A nglican, P u rita n , and Q uaker se rm o n s is p re se n te d in C h ap ter VII. 151 F o x 's se rm o n at D evonshire H ouse, M ay, 1677, for exam ple, touches on tw en ty -th ree th e m atic concepts ranging fro m g ra c e , tru th , faith and p erfectio n , through unity, h u m ility , sexual m o ra lity , and the d is tr u s t of le arn in g (pp. 387-411, R ic h a rd so n MSS). C ris p p re s e n ts a s im ila r v arie ty in his "T ru e C h ristia n ity , " A pril 10, 1692, and "The A cceptable S a c rific e , " July 3, 1692, both p reac h ed at G race C hurch S tre e t (S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 144-160) 205-226). The fo rm e r includes tw enty-four th e m e s , and the la tte r tw e n ty -th re e . P e n n 's "The Sure F o u n d atio n ," O ctober 10, 1694, as w ell as h is "G od's Call . . .," O ctober 21, 1694, touch upon tw e n ty -th re e th e m e s (H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin e s . . . , pp. 22-64). 195” ] We have p re se n te d an overview of the ideas p re s e n te d in the s e rm o n s . O ur attention shall now be tu rn ed to the r e c u r r e n t archetypal im ag es in the s e rm o n s which provided m uch of the continuity and force with w hich the ideas w ere en erg ized . C H A PT E R V A R C H E TY PA L M ETA PHO RS IN \ QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 I . . . the co sm o s ij3 one v a s t sy ste m of analogy, so th at our j p rofoundest intuitions of its a re m ade in the fo rm of c o m p a ris o n s. I To a ffirm that som ething is like som ething e lse is to begin to talk about the u n ita rin e s s of c re a tio n . . . . T h e re is a recognition j th at the unknown m ay be continuous w ith the known, so that m an ! is m oving about in a w orld only p artly re a liz e d , yet r e a l in all its ! p a rts .^ i Although m any types of arg u m e n ts a re exem plified in early I j Q uaker s e rm o n s , the m o s t fo rcefu l p re s e n ta tio n of id e a s, the e sse n c e I j i jof the s e rm o n s , is d isco v ere d in the developm ent of r e c u r r e n t a rc h e - 2 typal m e ta p h o rs in the d is c o u rs e . The e a rly Q u ak ers tended to see th« R ich ard M. W eaver, "Language is S erm o n ic," in Language is S erm onic, ed. by R ic h ard L. Johannesen, R ennard S trickland, and R alph T. Eubanks (Baton Rouge: L ouisiana State U niversity P r e s s , 1970), p. 214. 2 T ra d itio n a l kinds of arg u m e n ts a re found in the s e rm o n s , including c a u s e -e ffe c t, e ffe c t-c a u se , sign, definition, and exam ple. By fa r the m o st n u m e ro u s arg u m e n t fo rm in the s e rm o n s, w hich in fu s e s n e a rly all of th em , is the a rg u m e n t b ased upon the authority of S crip tu re (see C ris p , "The W ord of God a C h r is tia n 's L ife," S crip tu re - T ru th s . . . , p. 34, fo r an exam ple of this a rg u m e n t; cf. C ris p , "The Mighty W ork of M an 's R edem ption," pp. 16-17). T h e re a re also in sta n c e s of such a rg u m e n t fo rm s as d ile m m a (see C ris p , "T he Mighty 196 197 noumenal world in te rm s of the phenomenal; the idea in te rm s of the 3 im age. In the idiom of Kenneth Burke, the early Quakers often "dis- 4 cuss something in te rm s of something else." Which is to say, they I spoke analogically, or m etaphorically. We do not claim by this o b s e r vation that early Q uakers w ere unique in this ch aracteristic from other) religious speakers of their day, or for that m a tter, other religious j speakers of any day. Indeed, I. A. Richards has argued that "Thoughtj is m etaphoric, and proceeds by com parison, and the m etaphors of j 5 i language derive th e re fro m ." Early Quaker serm o n s differed from ) Work of M an's Redemption," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 17; cf. Penn,! "The G reat Design of C hristianity," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly I jDoctrines . . . , p. 125), reducto ad absurdum (Crisp, "B aptism and | I the L ord 's Supper A sse rte d ," S cripture-T ruths . . . , pp. 86-87), andj a fortiori (Fox. M en's Meeting, Barbadoes, October, 1671, Richardson MSS, typed copy, p. 200; cf. C risp, "Captive Sinners set free by Jesus C h rist," S cripture-T ruths . . . , pp. 121-122). 3 Kenneth Burke m aintains that "there is a difference between an ab strac t te rm naming the 'idea' . . . and a concrete image designed to stand for the idea. . . . If the image employs the full reso u rces of imagination, it will not re p re se n t m erely one idea, but will contain a whole bundle of principles. . . ." (A Rhetoric of Motives [Berkeley: University of California P r e s s , 1969], p. 86). 4 Kenneth Burke, P erm anence and Change, The L ibrary of L ib e ra l A rts (Indianapolis: The B obbs-M errill Company, Inc., 1965), p. 104. 5 The Philosophy of Rhetoric (New York: Oxford University P r e s s , 1965), p. 94. An examination of m etaphor in rhetoric would include the following w orks: A ristotle, The Rhetoric, Bk. Ill, Chs. 10- 11; George Campbell, The Philosophy of R h eto ric. Bk. Ill, Ch. I, Sec. II; I. A. R ichards, The Philosophy of R hetoric, Chs. V and VI; Kenneth Burke, P erm anence and Change. Pt. II, Ch. Ill, and A G ra m - m a r of Motives, Appendix D. In addition, one should consult tVia_______ | 198 those of their contem poraries in large part because the elaborate j argumentative stru ctu re of "doctrine-use" was rejected by Quaker preac h ers. Quaker serm ons do not stand or fall on the basis of their argumentation. Their essential strategy is metaphor.^* Another way ! of viewing this difference is to observe that Quaker p re a c h e rs did not j j "tack on" m etap h o rs to amplify or beautify the train of their thought, so that if one w ere to remove the m etaphor, the thought would still j stand. If one rem oves the metaphor from an early Quaker serm on, ! i little appeal re m a in s. Quaker serm ons thrive on the b asis of r e c u r - 1 I rent archetypal m etaphors taken from everyday life, which become the I excellent discussion of the subject in Michael M. Osborn and Douglas j Ehninger, "The Metaphor in Public A ddress," Speech M onographs, XXIX (August, 1962), 223-234. ^The author sees the strategy of archetypal m etaphor in early Quaker serm ons p rim arily as a m eans toward developing the "motive" of the d isc o u rs e --th e reaffirm ation of an im age. This term inology and conceptualization of rhetorical discourse is taken from W alter F ish e r, "A Motive View of Communication," Q uarterly Journal of Speech, LVI (April, 1970), 131-139. F ish er maintains that the com m unicator p e r ceives a rh eto rical situation in te rm s of a m otive, and "m otives are nam es which essentialize the interrelations of com m unicator, co m m u nication, audience(s), time, and place" (p. 132). "Reaffirm ation" is a motive "concerned with revitalizing an im age" (p. 132), specifically when "a com m unicator attem pts to revitalize a faith already held by his audience" (p. 134). Although early Quaker serm o n s included in this study exhibit evangelistic tendencies, the prim ary appeal is d i rected toward Q uakers o r near Quakers, thus the motive is p rim arily reaffirm ation. Ju st as F isher found that Lincoln's "Gettysburg A d d r e s s " and M artin Luther King's "I Have a D re a m " speech, both used the strategy of archetypal metaphor to accom plish the motive of re a f firm ation, early Quaker serm ons also employ the strategy of a r c h e typal m etaphor. 199 analogical system s by which to view spiritual truth. This chapter will focus upon the examination of the five m ost im portant and prom inent m etaphors in early Quaker serm o n s: (1) the light-dark m etaphor, (2) the guiding voice m etaphor, (3) the seed m etaphor, (4) the hunger - th irst m etaphor, and (5) the pilgrim age m etaphor. These im ages, taken together, provide the im agistic structure of early Quaker s e r m ons. Their strength lies in the essential ch ara cteristic they all g p o sse ss--th e y are archetypal in nature. ! Kenneth Burke notes that "m ataphor always has about it p r e cisely this revealing of hitherto unsuspected connectives which we may (note in the prog ressio n of a d re a m . It appeals by exemplifying re la - | [tionships between objects which our custom ary rational vocabulary has [ [ignored" (P erm anence and Change, p. 90). Metaphor may thus give j [perspective to analogous situations or objects by "attempting to convey [facts by substituting m e tap h o rs for them ra th e r than by using the ordinary intellectual method of substituting abstractions reached by analysis" (p. 95). 8 The role of archetypal metaphor in poetry has been exam ined by Maud Bodkin in her classic work, Archetypal P a tte rn s in Poetry (London: Oxford University P r e s s , 1934). Bodkin maintained that "we m ay identify them es having a particular fo rm or pattern which p e rs is ts amid variation from age to age, and which corresponds to a pattern or configuration of em otional tendencies in the minds of those who are stirred by the them e" (p. 4). The archetypal metaphor in rhetoric exhibits at le ast three traits: ( 1) it is relatively immune to changes of tim e and culture; (2) it is based upon some inexorable component of human experience, such as birth, sex, disease, or death; and (3) its appeal is grounded upon its identification with prim al human m o tiv a tions. These traits a r e noted by Michael Osborn in "Archetypal M e ta phor in Rhetoric: The Light-D ark F am ily," The Q uarterly Journal of Speech, LIII (April, 1967), 115-126. Osborn also mentions the popu larity of archetypal m etaphor, its persuasive potency, and its p ro m i nence in exam ples of rh eto ric. The archetypal m etaphor is not fleeting, circum stantial, nor culture-bound. It is m o st effectively used when one seeks to affect an audience over an extended period of tim e. The Light-D ark Metaphor The light-dark m etaphor is undoubtedly one of the m ost im p o r- j tant types of archetypal m etaphor. It is probably the prototype of all 9 archetypal qualifiers. Light fro m the sun is the source of life on our planet. Photosynthesis, w arm th, indeed, sight itself, are inescapably I associated with sunlight. The Biblical account lists first among the : I creative acts of God, the creation of light and the separation of light | i t from d ark n ess. Only a fool would suggest that the early Quakers w ere j {the f ir s t to discover the strength of the associations all people have I I | jwith light and d ark n ess. In reality, their im m ediate sources w ere j ! ! Biblical in nature, w here the light-dark motif is interwoven with the j ! ' 1 jeternal struggle between good and evil, and where "light" is used to | jsignify the coming of J e s u s. R egardless, however, of the source of j their usage, one m ay make a strong case for the thesis that no other religious group has made the light-dark metaphor so central to their understanding and com m unication of the grace of God. The light-dark m etaphor underlies the early Quaker perception of life to such an ex te n : that it is im possible to tre a t the other archetypal m etaphors apart from relating them to the m acroscopic vision of light and dark. Images of 9 See Osborn, "Archetypal Metaphor in R hetoric," pp. 117-124. "Q ualifiers" are fo rces which d irec t association patterns between tenor and vehicle of the m etaphor. See Osborn and Ehninger, "The M etaphor in Public A d d re ss," p. 228. *^John 1: 4 -9 . 201 light, or the Inward Light, appear in sixty-five of seventy-four s e r - | i mons; im ages of d ark n ess or night appear in fifty-five. Only three serm ons do not e x p re ss a variant of either light or dark. i N atural phenomena, such as the sun, moon, stars, clouds, and! fog, becam e the vehicles of the m ost characteristic m etaphors in the j serm ons. The light of day, or the dawning sun, was a favorite vehicle j I from F o x 's tim e through P en n 's. The "sun" or the "day" appear in i i thirty-four of the serm o n s. The typical pattern was a variation of that! I presented by Fox in 1674: I They come to se him when ye Day is Come ye Day Spring from on high. There is a naturall Day Springs upp--R ise to work lye ; ' not in bed, till the Sun R ises, as outwardly: so Inwardly, The Day Spring fro m on high: - - People have been In D arkness Long | enough, when Im m ortality is brought to Light then thei Day Springs j | from on high that know, & ye Shadowes & Clouds to fly away, when j j ye morning breaks, the sunn of Righteousness A rise s with his heavenly p ra ise s , so now this day is Sprung from on high this is witnessed when he C om es to Rule in ye Day, --Soe now as every man Com es under Gods Teaching . the [sic] Come to know ye Day of God . . . So h ere is gods Day his everlasting day his heavenly Day: his spirtuall Day. . . If one overlooks F ox's ungram m atical, additive style, he can observe the strength of the passage lying in the identification of God's teaching, presum ably the teaching reflected by the tenets of Q uakerism , with the "Day spring on high." "Shadows and clouds," along with "d ark n ess," are identified with unrighteousness, and, by implication, something A se rm o n p reach ed at Y early M eeting, May 9, 1674, H eadley MSS, pp. 253-254. other than God's teaching. Fox also employed the play on words in j which the word "sun" is substituted for "son" in the Biblical title "the 12 Sun of Righteousness." The sam e figure was used alm ost three decades later by Penn in a passage we will examine presently. A final I observation on the quoted passage is that Fox not only identified the | physical dawning of day with the spiritual, he also contrasted the "in- j i w ard" day with the "outward" or "natural" day. The use of spatial j i I te rm s will be discussed in the succeeding chapter. Suffice it to say at this point that F ox's passage illu stra te s the m anner in which the early i i jQuaker p reac h ers frequently combined their favorite m odes of ex p res-j ! I ! I sion, the light-dark motif, and spatial te rm s . ! I I In a serm on preached the following year, Fox relied upon the I same basic image of the sun, but went further and contrasted the good effects of the righteous sun, with the evil effects of the "Papists Sun," 13 which "scorched ye Blade," and the sun of the advocates of the com - 14 mon p ray er (Anglicans), which "Scorched & went down." Fox m ain ta in ed that the "Sun of Righteousness . . . shines in your H earts: As i 15 ye N aturall Sun shineth in ye Creation." The ability of the "natural sun" to scorch the earth was identified with the "p ersecu to r." Those 12 Malachi 4: 2. 13 A serm on preached at Yearly Meeting, May 25 o r 26, 1675, R ichardson MSS, typed copy, p. 439. ________ 14Ib id ., p. 440. 15Ibid.________________________________________ ------------------------------------------------------------------ — Z(J3“ who beheld the "Sun of Righteousness," he told his h e a re rs , "never fear ye P e rs e c u to rs Sun. . . . " ^ The force of the image was appar- j ently so real to Fox that he chose the identical vehicle to ex p re ss his interpretation of the Old T estam ent account of the choosing of Aaron as i high priest. A aro n 's rod budded and produced fruit "in ye Morning i 17 I Light," as a sign that he was the chosen priest. F ox's application of j the story to his h e a r e rs was pointed, and developed further the lines ofj association between "spiritual daylight" and "physical daylight": "Now I if you be a Royall Priesthood, Offering up Spiritual Sacrifices your i i i Rods have brought forth fruit; bring forth in ye Morning, wn ye Day I I Springs, Gods E verlasting Day . . . Rods bud in ye Light in ye Day; j ! 18 I. . ." In F o x 's serm ons, the m ost often used vehicle for the concept j of light is the sun. The Sun of Righteousness brings light, w arm th, growth, and sight, but the false sun only w ithers. Fox also used objects common to the household of seventeenth century Englishmen as a p art of the light-dark m etaphor. Generally speaking, however, natural phenomena w ere p re fe rre d over m an-m ade objects of light. In the serm on literatu re, the im ages of "beacons," "candles," and "lam ps" (or "lanthorns") appear only ten tim es ---------------------------------------------------- .--------------------------------------------— 2T T 4~ com pared with thirty-four for "sun" or "day," and twenty-four for " sp a rk s" and "fire." In a m em orable passage fro m a 1677 serm on, j m a n 's sp irit w as com pared to a candle and a lamp, which are low on the light spectrum when com pared with the sun. Fox a ss e rte d : "Now i the Scripture saith ye Spirit of a Man is ye Candle of ye Lord; C h rist ' enlightens ye Candle. . . . C h rist Lights this Candle wth his Heavenly j 19 Light; so let your Lights shine, your Lam ps to burn: . . ." Penn j elaborated upon a sim ilar point using the lam p im age. The oil for the j (lamp w as said to be a "Life of Righteousness and H oliness," and those ■ j who had such oil in their lam ps w ere encouraged to see that their "Light continue to shine before Men. . . . that this Light may shine 20 ! and cover the Nations. . . ." Ashby, making the same plea, sub- | j stituted the natural vehicle of a star: ". . . you shall be as the Stars shining in a D ark World, and though there be D arkness upon the Earth, 21 yet here is Light. . . ." The star image, although a natural phenom enon of light, was employed only six tim es in the serm ons. Lam ps, candles, beacons, even sta rs , faded in brightness when com pared with A serm on preached at Devonshire House, May, 1677, R ichardson MSS, typed copy, pp. 392-393. 20 "The G reat Design of C hristianity," in H arm ony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 130. 21A se rm o n p reac h ed at St. M a rtin s le G rand, C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 116. _______________________ ___________________________ 205 the sun, but even the le s s e r lights could bring vision and guidance, j | worthy goals of a Q u ak er's life. j Fox's use of the sun as a symbol for God's "light" presaged its use in later serm o n s. The power of the light, or rath e r the early Q uaker's faith in its power, is nowhere seen to better advantage than in the following fro m C risp : j I What if a Company of People should combine together, and j say, We will not have the Sun to shine upon the City of London; ! what course m u st we take ? When the Sun is down, we will build j a Bank or high Wall to intercept its Light; but notwithstanding all j their Endeavours, when the Sun riseth, it will get over their high ! Banks and Wall; so all their Designs, and all the Contrivances j j against the Light of the Gospel, and against C h rist the Sun of j Righteousness, and against the Spirit of Christ, the Light will j ascend and get over them , and break through all opposition .22 ; In this case, as with Fox, the sun is the vehicle for the "light of the | I Gospel" or the "Spirit of C h rist." The inevitability of the sun's rising in the natural world is called upon to witness to the inevitable rising of the "Sun of R ighteousness." The sun's ability to make objects visible which are invisible in the dark, w as used m etaphorically in the serm ons. Waldenfield, for instance, employed a sim ile for his appeal: ". . . as the Light of the Sun outwardly m akes a discovery of Visible Things, so the inward Light of the Son of God m akes a D iscovery of the invisible Things. . . . When the Light of C h ris t com es into my Soul, it is to convince me of 22 "B earing the C ro s s of C hrist, the true M ark of a C hristian," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 33._________ 2 ^ 23 I my Sins." As the sun m akes vision possible in the natural world, so j I the sun (the "Light") m akes vision possible in the spiritual. This im age was implied when C risp , although not using the vehicle of the "sun," nevertheless alluded to the ability of the sun to make a path visible to make his com parison: ". . . thou wilt have light from j i 24 Heaven sent to guide thee and d irec t thee in the way. . . . " Bowater ; used the same im age when he observed: ". . . his Light and Grace j I discovered to us his way, so that now we are come to a certainty of j ! I 25 I the way. . . . " The sun w as also implied by Penn in a striking p as- I i sage in which he called his h e a re rs , "Sons and Daughters of the j Morning": " . . . the E verlasting Day of God hath dawned upon you, j i and see your E xperiences, see the things that your eyes have seen, i j 2 ^ and your hands have handled. . . ." Early Quaker p re a c h e rs used im ages of darkness or night in fifty-five of the serm o n s. All that w as dark was evil. They re fe rre d to the state of apostacy, which they saw in the contem porary church, "C hrist Altogether Lovely," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 206. 24 "True C hristianity," A pril 10, 1692, S cripture-T ruths . . . , p. 156. 25 C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 50. 26 A se rm o n p re a c h e d at W heeler S tre e t, in C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 80. 207~j 27 I as a product of "a long Night of D arkness. . . C ris p 's feeling for i I the days before the advent of Q uakerism is captured in this b rief quota tion: "There hath been a very Dark and Cloudy Day upon our F o re - 28 F a th e rs, and also upon us, in the Days of our Ignorance." The i image of clouds was employed to explain why men reje ct God's grace: I "Man by Sin hath darkened his own Mind, and clouded his U nderstand- | . 29 ing, that he cannot see the Glory of God. . . Men, in their j natural state, said Ashby, "are in the Dark, they are groping for the j I 30 i Wall, they a re at an uncertainty. . . ." C risp spoke of the "Veil of I I ! Ignorance" that has come over man, and, personifying d ark n ess, asked: ! 31 | j " . . . what can D arkness see? What can D arkness d is c o v e r? " j j ] jWhithead used the image of a veil in a sim ilar way when he a s s e rte d i that "M inisters are deeply sensible of that Vail of D arkness (and un preparedness) in H e a re rs , that hath clouded the Minds of the 27 C risp, "Bearing the C ro ss of C hrist, the true M ark of a C hristian," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 14. 28 "The Dawning of the Day of Grace and Salvation," a serm on preached at Grace Church Street, London, August 2, 1691, in S cripture-T ruths . . ■ , p. 110. 29 Coole, "C hrist the Mighty Helper of Poor H elpless M an," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines. . . . . pp. 184-185. 30 A serm on preached at St. M artins le Grand, C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 102. 31 "The Standard of T ruth," a serm on preached at G race Church Street, London, May 29, 1692, in S crip tu re-T ru th s . . ., p. 70._______ — — 208 3 2 People. . . F or any in the audience who had understood and sub- | 33 sequently rejected the m essage of truth, a "Curtain of D arkness" would be drawn between God and their souls, and they would be d e s tined to spend eternity . . with L y ars and wicked P e rso n s in the 34 Kingdom of D arkness. . . ." The m o st forceful statem ent of this motif was P enn's: "There is nothing will Remain, then, but Chains of D arkness, they that Loved D arkness here, shall be cast into utter 35 D arkness herea fter, even the B lackness of Darkness for ev er." The im ages of light and dark in the early serm ons took on special significance when they w ere contrasted in the same passage. The passages cited above exhibit the strength of implied or explicit ( I i jlight-dark antithesis. On num erous occasions, notably during closing p ray ers, the early p re a c h e rs relied upon this contrast. In 1687 C risp prayed that God would ". . . dispel the Clouds of Darkness that hath been upon the Sons and D aughters of M en," and he also prayed for those 32 "Preaching of C h rist C ru cified ," a serm on preached at Grace C hurch Street, London, October 7, 1694, in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . . , p. 171 33 Coole, "C hrist the Mighty H elper of Poor H elpless M an," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D o ctrin e s................p. 186. 34 C risp, "The Wonderful Love of God to Mankind," Scripture- Truths . . ., p. 190. 35 "Two Made One. . . . " H arm ony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . . , p. 146. 209 "that have been driven away in a cloudy and dark Night," that they be "brought to a glorious and blessed Day, wherein they may enjoy the 3 6 Gospel that brings Light to dark Souls. . . ." Penn asse rte d that ". . . in the d ark est Night of Affliction, We may look up to the Bright I 3 7 l and Morning Star C hrist J e s u s , who is our Light and our L eader. . . ." and in another serm on, praised God who j . . . brought us fro m a Gloomy Night, and the Dark Clouds of j Ignorance and Superstition, that our F o re -F a th e rs w ere Involved ! in, and the Day Spring from on High, [that] hath visited us: We j have had the Inshinings of Divine Light; Yea, God hath brought [ us out of D arkness into his M arvellous Light: Let us walk as ! Children of Light, in the Light of the Lam b of God.®® j I ; |The opposition of light to dark, with unmistakable positive associations! for the fo rm e r and negative for the la tter, was the unquestioned pri- imary im agistic appeal of the serm o n s; and the response called forth w as unbounded by time or culture. The Guiding Voice Metaphor Second only to the light-dark m etaphor, and at tim es used in conjunction with or juxtaposition to it, was the early Quaker propensity to perceive the world in te rm s of silence and sounds. The concept of 3 6 > "The Mighty Work of M an's Redemption," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . ■ . , p. 26. 37 "God's Call To The C a r e le s s World," S cripture-T ruths . p. 60. 38 "Two Made One. . . ." H arm ony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , pp. 146-147. — 210 the "voice" was alm ost as much developed in the serm ons as the j "light." The image of hearing the voice of God, C hrist, or the Spirit, was used in thirty-nine serm ons; sim ilarly, C h rist or God is re fe rre d to as a "speaker" or "teacher" in seventeen of the serm ons. A brief selection from one of C ris p 's serm o n s will serve to illustrate the j blending of the light-dark and voice m etaphors: i . . . blessed be God this D arkness is removed, this Vail is j gone over and taken away; the Brightness of the Glory of the j Gospel hath expell'd this D arkness, and thousands now a-days do not only hear the M inister reprove them, but they hear a Voice within that doth reprove them for Iniquity. . . . God hath an im m ediate way of counselling and instructing them if they will hearken to h im .39 ! jThe interaction of im ages was yet m o re striking when C risp sum m a- I I : jrized the proper goal of the Quaker p reac h er: ". . . to persuade all | Men every w here, that they believe in the Light, and hearken to the 40 Voice of the Light in their own Consciences. . . ." The image of the guiding voice is a p art of a la rg e r system of im ages relating to silence and sound. It is a source of archetypal m etaphor because it rela tes to all people in all tim es, and because it is tied to m an's ability to com m unicate. P resum ably, men do not willingly choose to be deaf. Many vital resp o n ses to his environm ent 39 "The Word of God a C h ristian 's Life," S cripture-T ruths . . . p. 35. 40 "C hrist the Way to E tern al Life," S cripture-T ruths . . . , p. 4. _________________ __________________________________ _ — 211 man m akes on the basis of aural perception. Yet a man may choose to be silent. Early Quaker lifestyle placed an em phasis upon silence as a prerequisite to worship, that in the silence, an inward voice could be heard. E arly Quaker serm ons drew upon the power of silence even though the concept was mentioned in only five serm ons. More often | they concentrated upon the power inherent in the human voice used as j i an o ral symbol for God's communication with man. Much of this im agery w as Biblical in nature, but the high degree of im portance placed upon the o ra l-a u ra l symbols was, like the em phasis on the i "light," a Quaker expression of the "red isco v ery " of the Holy Spirit in ; the ranks of radical Puritanism . C risp best expressed the essential Quaker confidence that God would rew ard quiet waiting in the silence of human voices: ". . . the Lord is in the m idst of them, m inistering them the Word of Life, in his operating and working, speaking in a Tongue that every one can understand it, speaking with a kind of Voice and Language, that every one may understand his own State and 41 Condition; . . ." F o x 's serm ons are a repository of statem ents which reiterate the confidence that man, if he listens, can h ear the voice of C hrist. One of his fondest appeals began with a recapitulation of the Adam and Even story, in which God was the "first sp eak er," who communicated 41 "The Necessity of an Holy Life and C onversation," Scripture- T ruths . . . , p. 55. ________________ — “ 212 with man; Satan was the "second speaker," who beguiled the woman and the man with false w ords. C hrist w as the "third speaker," ". . . that 42 b ru ises ye head of all false T each ers. . . ." To Fox it w as fully as im portant that one learn to distinguish between the true and false voices, as it was to be silent in ord er to hear the voice of C h ris t in the; I first place. He a sse rte d : "The false T eachers cry, m eans, m eans: J i ord in an ces--o rd in an ces, God com mands thee to h ear his sonn; God j spake to ye fathers by ye P rophets, but he hath spoken to us by his 43 j Sonn." If one reca lls that it was the voice of C hrist, not the Light, ; that Fox used to d escribe his own experience of fulfillment after long ! 44 Isearch, perhaps the em phasis in his serm ons upon hearing the voice ! I ' jof the teacher finds a m e a su re of psychological support. The following! quotation may serve as a sum m ary of Fox's use of the o ra l-a u ra l image, because it typifies his usage: ". . . God is become ye Speaker againe, that w as ye firs t Speaker in P arad ise, God hath spoken to us by 45 his Son. H ere doe people come to hear his voice fro m Heaven. . . ." [f a m an could shut out opposing voices, according to Fox, he could hear the voice of the "third te ach er." C risp exp ressed the same 42 Y early Meeting, London, June 9, 1674, Headley MSS, p. 248. ^ Ibid. , p. 260. 44 See p. 116, su p ra . F ox's Jo u rn al, p. 11. 45 Y early M eeting, London, June 11, 1674, H eadley MSS, p. 282. 213 concern for shutting out the false voices in 1688, when he observed i I that those who are under the governm ent of C hrist . . have been able . . . to make such a Distinction of Voices, and of Sounds, that 46 I they have been p re se rv 'd from the Delusions of the Age." j When the phrase "Word of God" (or "Word of the Lord") is i ! found in the serm ons, it is not used to indicate the Bible. In the forty-; i four serm ons which re fe r to the "Word" of God, the p reach er uses it to mean "C hrist the W ord," or the "Word as spoken by God," or a ! I sim ilar meaning. C r is p 's usage was typical: ". . . this g reat Change | hath been wrought in many a Soul, by the Operation of the Word of God,| of that inward Word, that inward Voice, when the Lord hath taken Men | I 47 |in hand him self." Such usage was, of course, in line with early j j Quaker epistem ology, which placed strong, but secondary im portance c • * 48 on Scripture. C risp often used the image of the "voice" in his serm ons; six teen of the thirty-two which are extant, employ the "voice." On one 46 "The Sheep of C hrist hear his Voice," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 14. 47 "The Word of God a C h ristian 's Life," S c rip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 28. 48 A rthur O. Roberts, in his Through Flam ing Sword: A S pirit ual Biography of George Fox (Newberg, Oregon: The Barclay P r e s s , 1959), has stated the Quaker position on the "Word" in this way: "He who knows Je su s C h rist experim entally knows the revelation of God about which the S criptures speak authentically. S criptures a re the w ords of God, Jesus C h ris t is the Word of God" (p. 92). 214 I occasion he revealed: "It is C hrist they m ust hear; he is come so nearj I to Men that they may hear his Voice, and hear him tell us our very j 49 ! Thoughts." Repeating F o x 's image of C hrist as teacher, C risp maintained that C h rist ". . . teaches us to do what is good . . . pierc-J j ing into our Thoughts, and speaking to us. . . . I may hear him with 50 the inward Ear of my H eart. . . . " In another serm on, C risp relied upon the "voice" as a symbol of guidance to trav e lle rs on the road: "There is a Voice that calls to People in our Days, to look behind them^ i for they are out of the way: . . . we may hear a Voice behind us, i saying, Thou a rt sinning against God, and breaking the Holy Law of i ! i 5 1 JGod." In an unusual passage, C risp used the "voice" to develop an | t : extended image of a m in ister which the parishioner m ight take home with him after the w orship service: . . . they that will hearken to the Truth in their own H earts, and reg ard the Voice of it in all their Ways and Undertakings; these have a M inister at Home with them, they have a Chaplain in their own House; if there be any thing they know not, and if they know not what to do, they ask this M inister of the Sanctuary; others they will ask their M inisters, but your M inister is at home with y o u : . . .52 49 "The Excellency of Peace with God," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 138. ^ Ibid. , p. 139. 51 "The G reat Duty of R em em bering our C re a to r," Scripture- Truths . . . , p. 102. 52 "The Inward P re a c h e r: Or, the Office of C onscience," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . ., pp. 141-142.______________________________________ Beyond Fox and C risp, other early Quaker p reac h ers employed virtually the sam e im age of the "voice." Dewsbury, for example, e x pressed the confidence that "If you come to C h rist as little Children i . . . you cannot m iss of Salvation; it is entailed upon such Souls as j ] ! hear the Voice of C hrist, they that hear the Voice of the Son of God j 53 shall live." Waldenfield sim ilarly proclaim ed the hope ". . . that j People might be mindful of the Inward Voice of C h rist to their Souls, 54 that when he Speaks, they m ight hear; . . ." The voice was f r e quently tied to the standard Biblical image of the sheep knowing the voice of the shepherd and distinguishing it from the s tra n g e r's . C risp alluded to the sheep image when he said that the "people of the Lord" w ere p re se rv e d by ". . . that hidden and divine Wisdom they received of God, by which they understood the Voice of the Spirit from the Voice 55 of Strangers. . . . " A tender elaboration of the same image was developed by Stam per in this plea: "This one Shepherd is present here, my Friends, pray hear his Voice this Afternoon, his Voice is sweet and lovely, and pierceth the very H eart, it calls upon you, Open to me 53 Concurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 17. 54 "C hrist Altogether Lovely," H arm ony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . . , p. 203. 55 "The Sheep of C h rist hear his Voice," S cripture-T ruths . . . , p. 137. See also Penn, "Salvation fro m Sin By C h rist Alone: Or, The A rm of the Lord Revealed," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . . , p. 1 9 . __________________ ___________ 216 56 my well-beloved; . . One of the m o st interesting im ages developed within the o ral- a u ra l sp ectru m was the alternate name for the "voice," the "oracle." It appears in only five serm ons, but is used by three prom inent preachf e r s : C risp, Whitehead, and Penn. The te rm first appeared withCrisp^ who invited his h e a re rs to ". . . enquire at the Oracle of Counsel, thatj God hath appointed in the Bosom of every M an," but he w as quick to , in te rp re t this statem ent in te rm s of the Light: "For he signifies his Mind unto the Children of Men, by that Light and Grace which Je su s | 57 1 C h rist hath planted in them. . . ." L ater, in the same serm on, he , cautioned all men to ". . . have a R everence to the Word of Life, that i i speaks in them selves: . . . if you have not an Oracle in your Bosoms, if you do not at the same tim e perceive an Eccho of T ruth in your own Souls, this [giving verbal testimony] will do you no good, but be an 58 em pty Sound. . . ." It is clear that the "O racle," as C risp used it, did not m e re ly signify the conscience. In 1688, he made the tie b e tween the Light and the O racle yet m ore complete: "By that Light within, you will see your State is not so good as you im agined it was. 56 C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 191. 57 "The Word of God a C h ristian 's Life," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . p. 30. ^ I b i d . , p. 33._____________ _____ ______________________________ _ 217 59 This O racle within, is that you m ust live withal, and dwell withal. ... Whitehead used the image of the O racle in the common Quaker sense of the "Word": "This hath been the D esire of the faithful M inisters of C hrist, to wait upon the Divine O racle, the Word of God, that as Testi-j m onies sprung up from them, they might be faithful in giving them j 60 ! forth. . . Penn told his h e a re rs to "Search the Scripture to know j | the Mind and Will of God, and Consult the Oracle Within, the Word of i 61 ! God in your own H earts. . . ." He also connected the Oracle with j I the Voice when he counselled: "Hearken to the Voice of God, the ^ 62 : ti O racle Within, that reproves thee and checks tee for they Sin. . ! jThe Oracle image not only called upon the power of association with j [the sense of hearing, but upon the innate in terest of man to have guid- i ance from a force beyond him self. Given the Quaker view of m an as the crea tu re who has "d ark ened 1 him self, it is alm ost predictable that their im agery would not only em phasize light, but that it would also emphasize the voice which 59 "C hrist All in All," June 10, 1688, p. 31. See also C risp,( "True C hristianity," S c rip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 148. ^ " P r e a c h i n g of C h rist Crucified," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , pp. 170-171. ^ " T h e P ro m ise of God F or the L atter Days," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 84. 62 "God's Call To The C a re le s s W orld," Harmony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , p. 49. ------------------------------------------------ ZTF could guide one along a dark path. The im ages are interrelated and prim al to m a n 's existence. The Seed Metaphor The third m ost common image for the working of God's grace in early Quaker serm ons was the "seed." The image partook of sets of in terrelated associations, the firs t fro m the animal realm , the second from the vegetable. F irst, it re fe rre d to the "seed" as we speak of it in relation to the progeny of man, e .g . , one may see h im self as the "seed" of his ancestry. Second, it alluded to the phenome- | [non of seed growth in the vegetable kingdom. The principle of growth according to inherited traits is the same whichever model we choose. In the serm ons, especially when only the word "seed" was used apart from the contextual m odifiers, a rich integration of associations from both animal and vegetable realm s was elicited. The m etaphor is undoubtedly archetypal in nature. The seed is the firs t principle, the source, from which life springs. Metaphors which draw upon the seed call up associations for all men everyw here. A . variation of the seed metaphor ap p ears in tw enty-six early Quaker serm ons, in three basic sets of re fe re n c e s: ( 1) the seed as the image af either good or evil, C h rist or Satan; (2) the seed as the symbol of the Indwelling of evil or good in a p erso n 's life; and (3) the seed as the faithful believers, or the "rem nant." 219 Fox's use of "seed" re fe rre d back to the Old T estam ent account ! of the prom ise that God . . will put enmity between thee [the serpent and the woman [Eve], and between thy seed and her seed; it shall 6 3 bruise thy head, and thou shalt bruise his heel." Fox interpreted the passage with the seed of the woman meaning C hrist: . . . it is fro m this seed of the woman, that you have your wisdom; for your p articular e x e rc is e s in your fam ilies; and for your m ore general service in the church of God. . . . So all nations shall come to the blessing of this seed. This seed is C h ris t, that was prom ised to break the Serpent's power. According to Fox, the Jew ish law ". . . served till ye Seed cam e. . . 65 now ye Seed (yt is Christ) is com e. . . ." One could, however, reject the good seed, in favor of the serp en t's seed: ". . . they yt Crucifie ye Seed to ym selves a fresh , & quench ye Spirit of God in ym selves . . . entertain ye Evil Seed, and ye Evil Spirit yt brings ye r ,,66 Curse upon ym . . . ." 6 3 G enesis 3: 15. Roberts argues that the "seed" in this con text re fe rs to "election in C hrist. C h rist the life is descriptive of the m oral and spiritual authentication of God in m a n 's life" (Through Flam ing Sword, p. 96). 64 A serm o n preached at W heeler Street, June 1, 1680, A S e r mon by . . . Story . . . , p. 65. ^ A serm on preached at a W omen's Meeting, October, 1671, Richardson MSS, typed copy, p. 262. ^ A serm on preached at a M en's Meeting, October, 1671, Richardson MSS, typed copy, pp. 200-201.____________ __________ ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- — zzu~ Later p re a c h e rs employed the image of two seeds, to stand for the potential of m an for evil through the evil seed or for good through C hrist, the good seed. C ris p said that . . there is in every Man by 67 I nature the Seed and Root of all Sin and Rebellion against God. . . . " I On the other hand, there w as offered hope ". . . as we are found in j C h rist Jesus, in him that w as the prom ised Seed, whom God prom ised | 68 should break the Serpents head. . . Barclay also expressed con- i fidence in the ", . . Life that Springs fro m the Heavenly Incorruptible ! ! 69 I Seed. . . ." C ris p made reference to the ". . . Persecution, Hatred1 and Enmity, between the Womans Seed, and the Serpentine Seed. . . . ; | So that it is not to be expected that the Seed of the Serpent . . . can j 70 love those that are born of the W om an's Seed. . . . " j | We have observed, thus far, that the "seed" stood for im ages of good or evil, charged with potential progeny, which are planted into man, and which develop according to the laws of heredity. We have also seen the "seed" used as the source of good, C h rist him self. Eventually, the "issu e" (son, daughter, heir) of the union between 67 "The Wonderful Love of God to Mankind," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 177. 68 Bowater, Concurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 47. 69 C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 3. 70 "Bearing the C ro ss of C hrist, the true M ark of a C hristian," S c rip tu re-T ru th s . . . , pp. 30-31. ______________ C hrist and m a n --th e implantation of the seed--com es to resem ble the parentage. The product, ultimately, itself also is called the "seed." C risp, for exam ple, rem inded his h e a re rs that the blessing of Abraham was prom ised ". . . to the Seed, that is, to those that are in Christ; I 71 the Faithful a re counted the Seed. . . ." Yet he was quick to follow ! I this statem ent with a reference to the seed as C hrist: ". . . the Faith-j ful are those that are obedient to C hrist, who is the Seed of the P ro m - 72 i ise. . . . They m u st come to C h rist the Seed. . . ." Whitehead also; I called the true b eliev ers the "seed": "C hrist him self Travelled [tra - ! jvailled] in Soul, that a Seed might be brought forth to serve the Living j j 73 ' jGod, and that he might see his Seed. . . ." In another serm on, he j tied the "seed" to the concept of the "rem nant" when he revealed that j ". . . the Lord hath left a Seed, a sm all Remnant that look to him, and 74 tru st in him . . . ." These passages reveal a closer affinity to the "seed" of heredity in the human sphere than they do to the "seed" of the vegetable 71 "The Excellency of P eace with God," S c rip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 140. 72Ibid. 73 "P reaching of C h rist C rucified," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 158. 74 A s e rm o n p reac h ed at G race C hurch S treet, C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 31. I 2 2 2 - realm , although both associations may be p resen t in several of the contexts. We turn our attention to instances in the serm o n s where the "seed" is explicitly tied to the p ro c e ss of germination in the plant f ^ 75 kingdom. Barclay likened C h rist to a seed in the same way C h rist had done to explain his impending death and re su rre c tio n to his disciples: Every Plant, Seed o r G rain that is placed in the Earth, it dies before it grows up. . . . it was n ece ssary that the Son of God (the Prince of Life) should die . . . else he could’not finish the Work of our Salvation, and make way for the Revelation and the Sowing of that Seed . . . whereby we might come to have a Share with him in that E ternal Life he obtained for us. . . .76 C risp sim ilarly noted that C h rist was ". . . like that Seed that lies under the Clods and is the le a st of all Seeds, yet when is [sic] com es out of the Ground is [sic] riseth high and spreads abroad its Branches 77 and brings forth F ru it. . . ." C hrist, thus, w as not only a fulfill ment of the "seed" prophecy of the Adam and Eve story, but a 75 Many of the v ariations of the seed m etaphor a re related to plants and tre e s and other agricultural im ages. Plants and tre e s a p pear in twenty-six serm ons; the vineyard or the vine appear in ten serm ons; and "grafting," essential to the im agery of P a u l's letter to the Romans (11: 17-24), in eleven serm ons. 76 Concurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 2. See also John 12: 24 77 "The Wonderful Love of God to Mankind," S cripture-T ruths ■ . , p. 180. See also C risp , "C hrist All in All, " Scripture -T ruths . . , p. 14. ______________________________________ reenactm ent of the life-death cycle in nature 2 2 T 78 i E arly Quakers also saw the "seed" in te rm s dictated by Jesus i i 79 ! in the "Parable of the Sower." In this context, the "seed" is the j "W ord," which we have seen did not m ean "Scripture" according to the j interpretation of seventeenth century Quakers. C risp called the p a r a ble to his h e a r e r s ' minds when he explained: The Sowers are gone out to sow, but many receive it in the , High-Way-Ground; the Way that every thing can pass in, there ! they receive the Word sown, and the Devil catcheth it away; and though they have heard Excellent things, of the Strength, Ability j and Pow er of God . . . they rem ain so weak and so feeble, that they are blown away with every Blast. . . .80 Penn, likewise, reminded his listen ers to keep watch that Satan would j not ". . . hinder the good Seed (the Word) from taking Root; and bring-: 81 ' ing forth F ru it. . . ." The lengthiest image using the "seed" in an , 78 Bodkin notes that the symbol of the seed of wheat tran sp o rts us "to a world whose less discrim inating mode of thought has upon us the power of an inchoate o r unconscious poetry. Within that world, the sequence of rain, flood, and springing corn constitutes a holy rebirth wherein man participates and finds an expression of his own nature" (Archetypal P a tte rn s in P o e try , p. 274). ^ M a tth e w 13: 3-23; Mark 4: 3-20; Luke 8 : 5-15. 80 "No true Worship without the right Knowledge of God," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 162. "The Heavenly R ace," a serm on preached at G race Church Street, London, January 16, 1694, in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . ., p. 9 7 . ___________________________________________________ 2241 agricultural setting is found in one of F ox's serm ons: 1 j . . . as ye Outward Seedsman sows his Seed on ye Naturall ground, & m akes his fence about it; so here C hrist Jesu s ye Heavenly Seedsman Sows his Seed in good ground, w here is yt? In ye h eart of Man & Woman know this heavenly Seedsman. . . . Now look wth in Fields & Hedges, & see how Gods blade & seed doth spring up after his Rain, as ye Outward Rain causes a fruitful Season; so ye Heavenly Rain causes ye Seed to Spring, & to become fruitful . . . Gods Seed, Gods Corn. . . .82 I I Although not used to the extent of the Light or the Voice, the i j image of the Seed, whether in the context of human progeny o r that of \ j agriculture, was an im portant archetypal metaphor in early Quaker i serm ons. The "seed" becam e a significant way of conceptualizing the j ! I |potential of growth, fruitfulness, life itself, and the death-life cycle in | ! ! jthe C hristian tradition. It also allowed the preachers to relate, in . j i te rm s of m etaphor, their conception of the world as enmity between i i two forces, the good and the evil seeds. Either seed could grow to maturity, given the proper encouragem ent, in any man. The H u n g e r-T h irst Metaphor I Until recent tim es, m ost of m a n 's existence has been taken up with the search for the basic n ece ssities of food and drink. Hunger and thirst are experiences all m en have endured, some to a g re a te r extent than others. The power inherent in m etap h o rs drawn from the hunger- thirst motif should be obvious. Motivation to assuage hunger or th irst Y early M eeting, London, June 9, 1674, R ich ard so n M SS, y p ed copy, p. 224. ____________________________ ---------------------------------------- — — 225 ranks at the top of the scale of human motivation. Only when hunger and th irst are satisfied can one turn to such concerns as shelter, p ro tection from enem ies, interpersonal relations, etc. Early Quakers knew the strength of the hunger-thirst motif as i I an archetypal pattern. They had assim ilated its use from the Scrip- | I tures, and they repeated it in their own prose. They believed m en j should hunger and th irst after God, just as they hunger and th irst after j food and drink. F u rth e rm o re , they maintained that if men would not j i hunger and th irst after God, they would not find him: "These P e rs o n s j t | are not hungry, and so they are not fed; they are not thirsty, and so j 83 | ithey never obtain that which can satisfy the Soul." | | j The two m o st prom inent vehicles to ex p ress the hunger-thirst i Imetaphor in the serm ons w ere "bread" and "w ater" (also including specific te rm s relating to w ater such as "fountain" and "well"). The fo rm e r appears in tw enty-three serm ons, and the latter in seventeen. E ither or both appear in th irty -th ree serm o n s. The usage reflects a Biblical origin, where spiritual bread and w ater are offered to man to satisfy spiritual hunger and th irst. The im ages are strong because water is universal as a basic elem ent of m a n 's diet, and because bread 83 C risp, "The Acceptable Sacrifice," Scripture-T ruths . . . , p. 207. 2261 84 is virtually universal as a basic food. P a ssa g e s of simple beauty are produced in the serm ons when both bread and w ater im ages are combined. Fox revealed that when people p o sse ss the Seed (Christ), they ". . . all come to E at of ye Living Bread yt com es down fro m Heaven & drink of ye Living j W aters. . . . here is ye pure standing Fellowship; Meet here, Feed ! 8 5 ' here, Drink h e re . . . ." Relying upon concrete experiences such asj ! hunger and thirst, Fox was able to amplify abstractions such as "peace" I and "reconciliation" which appeared e a rlie r in the passage cited. 1 i Butcher repeated the sam e image in 1693 when he pointed out that in 1 Quaker m eetings ". . . many a time the Hungry have been satisfied | with Bread, And the Fountain of living W ater hath been opened, and the 8 6 Thirsty have been Drinking of it; . . ." Penn reiterated that one m u st be thirsty and hungry in o rd e r to be satisfied with spiritual w ater and bread: "The Lord is this Day breaking the Bread of Life, and will give it to those that come with a spiritual Appetite; and here is a Spring opened of Living W aters, for refreshing of thirsty Souls that cannot be 84 Other im ages in th e h u n g e r-th irst m etaphor not discussed here include: "fruit," "manna," "m ilk" (or "nursing"), and "wine." 8 5 Yearly Meeting, London, May 24, 1681, Richardson MSS, typed copy, pp. 538-639. ______ ^ C o n c u r r e n c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 163.__________________ TFT 87 satisfied without the Lord Je su s C h rist. . . When "bread" w as used ap art from an association with " w a ter , 1 it retained the meaning "living b read ," or the "bread of life." C risp, i i for exam ple, connected "bread" with the "word" of God: j i . . . be gathered into the inward Feeling sense of this Divine ! Life; that you may feel your Fellowship and Communion in that i Life of C hrist that is not of this World. . . . for this is the N ourishm ent and the Heavenly Bread, . . . the Begotten of God j are come to know the Vertue of the Divine Life, C hrist Jesu s, i their Feeding and their N ourishm ent is by every Word that ' ■ proceedeth out of the Mouth of God. . . | Fox also saw God’s "bread" in te rm s of God’s teaching and instruction:| "Man that lives under Gods Teaching, Lives on Gods bread, bread thatj 89 j com es downe from heaven. . . ." To Fox, "hearing" was often a s - j j sociated with "feeding," as it was in the following quotation: "So now feed not on ye Serpents food but feed on Gods bread, & hear him from heaven:--see what all mankinde, hath gott, by feeding, & hearing of ye 90 serpent. . . ." God’s "bread," in the serm ons, always im plies the nourishm ent and com fort of a satisfied d esire for food. J a m e s P a rk explained the result of drawing close to God in te rm s of the simple 87 * "The P ro m ise of God F o r The Latter Days," H arm ony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 67. 88 "The Divine Life of C h ris t J e s u s," S crip tu re-T ru th s p. 69. 89 Y early M eeting, London, May 9, 1674, H eadley MSS, p. 249. 9°Ibid. 228 | I com fort of bread: . . if we keep to the Lord . . . he will keep us inj the hollow of his Hand, and in the s e c re t Pavillion, then will your Bread (your Heavenly, Living Bread) be sure, and you will know the Breaking of it, and the Eating of it; that Bread which C hrist gives, is 91 that whereby we are Comforted and R efreshed." "W ater," when used alone in a passage, was used in a m anner paralleling "bread." An anonymous p re a c h e r used water im ages to dissuade his non-Quaker h e a re rs fro m following only the preacher, and encouraging them to find the true source of spiritual w ater: "O f | come and Tast and see, for your selves, don't come to us, to take the j ! Water at second-hand, but com e to the Springs, w here Water runs | • 92 I iswiftly and sweetly. Come F rien d s, Drink of the Stream . . . ." ! Penn em phasized the com fort and re fre s h m e n t which water affords, in a passage in which stream s, fountains, wells, and brooks amplify the concept of C h rist as living w ater: They that come unto C hrist, and believe in him, They shall receive living Com forts and R efreshm ents; he will satisfy them with living W ater: These Divine sweet and refreshing Joys, a re only tasted by those that believe in the Lord Jesus C hrist, who will abundantly satisfy the thirsty Souls, He will give them living W aters from the Brooks of Shilo, the S tream s whereof make glad the City of God: They that drink of these W aters, of these living Stream s which they receive from C hrist, the Fountain, shall never th irst again. C h rist is that living Fountain that gives C o n cu rren c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 183. 92 n . d . , p. 11. R efreshm ent and Satisfaction to all that come to Him. It is his Fulness that we all receive, G race for G race. H ere is a Well set open by the Living and E ternal God, a Fountain unsealed. . . .93 A final quotation illustrates not only the use of water im ages, but also the blending of the h u n g er-th irst motif with the light-dark motif in conjunction with images taken fro m the realm of plant growth. Fox explained: In ye Old Covenant they had ye Outward Booths, & F easts of T abernacles; Now in ye New Covenant they come to be grafted into C hrist Je su s, & in him everie Plant grows green allwaies in ye Second Adam . . . as C hrist said her [sic] yt believes in me Out of Belly shall flow R ivers of Living Water: Now is this tru e ? Can R ivers Spring out of his Belly? This spake he of ye Spirit: You being Grafted into C hrist ye Fountain by believing in ye Light . . . from him ye Living Fountain do these Springs of Living W aters come; this spoke he of ye Spirit, this Spirituall River, & Fountain. . . .94 E arly Quaker serm o n s show considerable reliance upon the p rim al drives of hunger and th irst to explain, through m etaphor, the satisfaction and com fort of believers. The p reference for simple food and drink, such as w ater, bread, milk, or fruit, reflected both their simple lifestyle, and the s im ila r preference for simple food and drink in Biblical m etaphors. 93 "God's Call To The C areless World," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . . , pp. 62-63. 94 Y early M eeting, London, M ay, 1678, R ic h ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 479. 230 The P ilgrim age Metaphor The fifth m ost common metaphor in early Quaker serm ons identified them with the Puritan vision of life as a pilgrim age. R e ligious pilgrim age, per se, is probably not archetypal, but the m e ta phor is a reflection of the quest m etaphor, a significant archetypcal i 95 pattern. The concept of pilgrimage is one that perm eated Biblical literature, and was especially im portant to seventeenth century , i 96 i Christian literatu re. There w ere several variations of the m etaphor j i i in the serm ons, but all involved the conception of life as a journey ! from an evil to a good place, from Egypt to Canaan, from "Death to j 1 97 I Life, and fro m D arkness to Light. . . . " A spiritual pilgrimage is j 95 H erm ann G. Stelzner, in "The Quest Story and Nixon's November 3, 1969 A d d ress," The Q uarterly Journal of Speech, LVII (April 1971), pp. 163-172, finds five elem ents of the quest story. R e interpreted to fit the needs of the Quaker pilgrimage metaphor, the five elem ents becom e: (1) "a precious Object an d /o r P erso n to be found and P o ssessed or m a rrie d " --h e a v e n , Je ru sa le m , Canaan, God, Jesus; (2) "a long journey to find the O bject"--the Pilgrim age; (3) "a H ero "--th e P ilg rim -T ra v e lle r; (4) "the Guardians of the Object who m ust be o v e r come before it can be w on"--the powers of Satan, the lusts of the "world"; and (5) "the H elpers who . . . a s s is t the Hero "--the Light, Voice, Seed, etc. (p. 164). *^The journey of the Jew ish nation fro m Egypt to the Land of P rom ise is perhaps the best example of the m etaphor in Biblical l i t e r ature. In seventeenth century England, the image of the "P ilg rim " was im m ortalized by John Bunyan's P ilg rim 's P ro g re s s (1678). In 1691 C risp wrote his Short H istory of a Long T ravel fro m Babylon to Bethel (published in 1711), which paralleled Bunyan's classic at several points. See Lucia K. Beam ish, Quaker M inistry 1691-1824, pp. 27-30, for a brief com parison of the two w orks. 97 C risp , "The Spirit of C hrist the only true Guide." Scripture- Truths . . . , p. 51. Z31 either expressly developed or implied in twenty-seven of the 98 serm ons. A typical use of the pilgrimage image, complete with the iden tification of the believ er's life with that of the Hebrews in the w ild e r ness, is seen in this passage from Fox: . . these that are Come to j be Convinced now . . . & that have stood still, & seen salvation, & i have been p reserv ed through ye Redd Sea, & have come into ye w ild e r ness, & out of Egypt, & bondage . . . they finde abundance of trouble, 99 before they Come to Canaan." As the journey to the P rom ised Land ! was difficult for the Hebrews, so it was for the pilgrim . C risp spoke of people who had come away from the evil cities only to be ensnared by the troubles of the w ilderness: "We have before our Eyes from day to day, those that have . . . been in g reat m e asu re brought out of Sodom, and out of the way of Egypt. . . . but at last they have taken and arrogated those Gifts to them selves. . . Approximately one month after C risp had spoken, Penn preached a funeral serm on in Many of the serm ons, while not using the te rm s "pilgrim " or "pilgrim age," nevertheless develop the same m etaphor using such p h ra se s as "spiritual journey," "heavenly journey," or "spiritual trav e l." 99 Yearly Meeting, June 11, 1674, Headley MSS, p. 269. * ^ " T h e Sheep of C h rist hear his Voice," S cripture-T ruths . . . , p. 147. 7T Z which the Land of P ro m ise was contrasted with the trouble of the p resent "wandering" life: We are T rav e lle rs here in this Vale of T e a rs, in this Earthly P ilgrim age, into the Land of Rest the Heavenly Canaan; Let us follow our blessed Jo sh u a, that is leading us into that Land of P ro m is e , and he will give to every one his Lot. . . . O B lessed are they that are waiting for their Lot and Portion in that Heavenly Country to which A braham had his Eye, the City, the New J e r u s a le m . . . .101 Six y e a rs later Penn further developed the same im age: . . . watch against the Enemy of our Souls, that he may not seduce us and bewilder us, and make us wander and loose [sic] our W ay, while we are travelling through the W ilderness of this W orld, toward the heavenly Canaan. The same Almighty A rm , that brought us out of Egypt, will conduct us through the W ilder n e s s , and bring us safe to Canaan: Our Heavenly Jo shua, the Lord Jesus C hrist, will be our Captain and Leader. . . .102 Penn urged his h e a r e rs to ". . . travel on and faint not, and you shall 103 come with Joy to the End of your Jou rn ey . . . ." The m etaphor of spiritual pilgrimage expressed an " o th er w orldliness" on the p art of the p reac h ers, especially with reg ard to the p leasu res of the p resent life. Fox explained: "Our Religion is P racticall, it brings & bowers [sic] down every mind to seek after ye things above, as H eirs of another Kingdom, & not these Outward ^ ^ C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 76. 102 "The Sure Foundation," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 28. 103 "The Dying Counsel Of The Wonderful C ounsellor," Harmony o fD h m ig a jid H e a v e n lv D o ctrin e s . . . , p. 103. ----------------- — --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------233 T ransitory things here below; P ilg rim s & S trangers yt are hastning to another Countrey or Kingdom; are not much affected 8t taken wth any 104 thing they m eet wth as they travell along. . . The journey through life was so dangerous that, as C risp maintained, "The Child- | i I ren of Is ra e l might as well have gone through the Red Sea, without the i help of God, as the C hristian T raveller can go through the many dif- J I ficulties . . . he is to m eet with in his Way, without the assistance of 105 God's Holy Spirit." I Penn was, by far, the m ost frequent u ser of the pilgrimage | j im age. It appears in some form in all ten of his surviving serm ons. j Penn was also the m o st innovative at adapting the m etaphor to tra n s i- j ! tory im ages of journeying in his day. In one serm on, for example, j true believers becam e not only "p ilg rim s," but "tenants": "It becometh us to live as S trangers and P ilg rim s on the E arth: F or we are but Tenants at Will of the G reat Lord. . . At another time he c o m pared the life of the believer with a short stay at a roadside inn: "This World is but an Inn, and we m ust not think to dwell h ere. We are 104 W om en's Meeting, B arbadoes, October, 1671, Richardson MSS, typed copy, p. 273. 105 "The Undefiled Way to E ternal R est," S cripture-T ruths . . . p. 97. ^ ^ " T w o Made One," Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . , p. 152. — - 234 107 Travelling in the way to Heaven, the Undefiled way. . . . " The image of the traveller, whether used by Fox, C risp, Penn, or another early Quaker, was at once fam iliar and strong because it was built upon a long history of associations fro m Biblical times through Puritan. It w as an expression of the "quest" story, which I infuses human experience to the degree that when it is employed, j "Occasionally universal human reactions a re e l ic te d ." * ^ Conclusion ! I I j We have examined the five m o st prom inent m etaphors which j janimated early Quaker serm ons. Eschewing detailed theological a rg u m ent or Scriptural exposition as the p rim a ry reaso n s for preaching, j early Q uakers tended to reh ea rse their favorite them es in their s e r mons through the development of archetypal m etaphors. This was a conscious choice, not occasioned by the inability of the p reac h ers to argue effectively or exegete Scripture adequately. The serm ons may generally be classified as instances of the genre of rhetorical discourse called "reaffirm ation," in which the speaker attempted to revitalize the faith already held by the audience. The p rim ary strategy of the re a f firm ation motive w as archetypal m etaphor. 107 "The G reat Design of C hristianity," H armony of Divine and deavenly D octrines . . . , p. 129. ^ ^ S te lz n e r , p. 163. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------— — 235~ Implicit in each m etaphor was an argum ent fundamentally based upon analogy, in which the spiritual truth paralleled a natural phenome non, and called for sim ilar behavior from the listeners as their r e sponse to the natural phenomenon, e.g., the "light" allowed vision in I the physical world, while the "Inward Light" made spiritual vision ! I possible. The strength of the appeal lay not in making the form of the j analogical argum ent conspicuous, but in the choice of archetypal com-j i parison in the f irs t place. The m etaphor provided an analogical p e r- | ! spective on spiritual reality. i ! The five m a s te r m etaphors which we have discussed relate to five prim al experiences of man: the need for light and sound, the phenomenon of reproduction and growth, the necessity for nourishment, and the quest for a better life. By fa r the m ost significant metaphor was the Light, but the use of the four "secondary" im ages was also im portant inasm uch as they amplified the a re a s of association not covered by the Light. They also provided additional perspectives on spiritual reality. When reduced to their lowest common denom inator, the five m etaphors are all m eans by which the workings of God's grace could be viewed. God, to early Quakers, was the enlightener, the speaker-guide, the planter, the nourisher, and the ultimate goal at the end of the spiritual quest. The im agistic structure of the serm ons was their strength as well as their detrim ent. It allowed a rich thematic m osaic to be constructed, but it made the serm ons often 236 appear unsystem atic and som etim es chaotic. Ju st as a m osaic, when j I viewed too closely, does not present a meaningful pattern, the sermonsj, if approached without appreciation for their reliance on p rim ary im ag- j istic appeals, will p resen t a vision of poor preaching. | I i C H A P T E R VI OTHER SALIENT CHARACTERISTICS OF QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 The g re a t advantage of this true w orship of God, which we j profess and practise, is, that it consisteth not in m a n 's w is dom, a rts , o r industry; neither needeth the glory, pomp, riches, ! nor splendour of this world to beautify it, as being too simple and i contemptible to the natural mind and will of m an. . . .1 j I ! Previous chapters examined the them es and archetypcal m e ta- j phors of early Quaker serm ons; it rem ain s to analyze additional factor^ l j chara cteristic of Quaker serm ons. | We shall firs t d iscu ss the m ovem ent from the "incantatory" style of the e a rlie st Q uakers, described by P ro fe sso r Jackson Cope as "an incredible repetition, a combining and recombining of a cluster of 2 words and p h rases drawn from S cripture," to the "catechital" style, with its use of rh eto rical questions, dialogue, and queries, which ch aracterized the serm o n s from 1671 to 1700. We shall argue that the blending of literaln ess and m etaphor and scrip tu ra rediviva, both of B arclay, Apology, p. 256. "Seventeenth Century Quaker Style," p. 733. 237 ------------------------------- —------ 278" which Cope saw as c h ara cteristic of early Quaker style, survived in the serm ons of this study. In addition, we shall argue that the "incan - tatory" style did not survive in the later serm ons. Second, we shall examine the extent and use of spatial te rm s in the serm ons. The posi- i tion taken with reg ard to spatial te rm s will involve two argum ents: ! (1) the extensive use of spatial te rm s in the serm ons validates P ro fe s-j sor M aurice C re a s e y 's observation that spatial te rm s reveal a con- j | tra s t between form alized religion and a religion based upon personal j I 3 | acquaintance with C h rist in the present; and (2) that use of spatial I j te rm s in the serm o n s does not reveal the dualism between the world of the spiritual and that of the natural, which C reasey found in the written works of Q uakers in the last part of the seventeenth century. I T hird, we shall d iscuss the appeal based upon guilt as found in the serm ons. P ro fe s s o r Hugh B arb o u r's finding that the e a rlie s t Quaker 4 p reac h ers mounted "a m assive assault upon any point of guilt" in the h e a re rs, will be quantified with regard to the later surviving serm ons. It will be argued that although the guilt appeal is present in the later serm ons, it is tem pered with the appeal of forgiveness. Finally, the chapter will consider the ethical persuasion of the serm ons, arguing that the use of personal testim onials was a strong appeal in the 3 " 'Inward' and 'O utw ard1: A Study in early Quaker Language," p. 5. 4 Q u ak ers in P u rita n E n g lan d , p. 129. ____________________ — — 239 serm o n s because it placed the lives of the p reac h ers them selves on the w itness stand. The order in which these four topics are discussed in the chapter is determ ined by the relative significance they have in the total picture of Quaker serm on rhetoric. The elem ents which pro- j I duced the "catechital" style are m o re observable than spatial te rm s in j the serm ons, although no complete analysis of the serm ons could over-| I look either factor. Similarly, although the assault on guilt is not the i j p rim a ry appeal in the serm ons, it is n evertheless an im portant one, j though balanced by the factor of forgiveness through love. The use of j i I t personal testim onials by the p re a c h e rs appears as the least im portant i i ! j ch ara cteristic discussed, prim arily because it is exhibited in fewer serm o n s. It is a c h a ra cteristic, however, which was undeniably a I | p art of early Quaker rhetoric, and in specific serm ons was a key appeal. F r o m the "Incantatory" to the "Catechital" Style P ro fe s so r Jackson I. Cope examined early Quaker style up to the fourth q u arte r of the seventeenth century and documented from w ritten sources three stylistic o ccu rren c es which he saw as defining c h a ra c te ristic s of Quaker style: (1) the blending of literaln ess and m etaphor; (2) the "incantatory" style of repetition and combining of Scriptural p h rases and words; and (3) the reliving of scriptural sagas (scriptura rediviva). W hereas C ope's study included the y e a rs prior ■ 240“j to the fourth quarter of the seventeenth century, the present study j spans the y e a rs of the last three decades of the century. Both the j i j blending of literaln ess and m etaphor as well as scriptura rediviva are J | present in the surviving serm ons of this study, while the "incantatory 1 1 j i style is not prevalent. Cope had a s s e rte d that all three characteristicsj disappeared as the century neared its close. Cope's documentation on j the change of style is generally sp arse, and completely neglects the j surviving serm o n s. A close analysis of the serm ons of 1671-1700 j I reveals that m odifications of Cope's findings a re in o rd er. | | The blending of literaln ess and m etaphor, as Cope described it,I was the subject of the previous chapter. There it was observed that j the strength of early Quaker serm ons lay in archetypal m etaphors j which becam e analogs between Quaker conceptions of the spiritual and physical w orlds. The "light," for example, is an excellent instance of the phenomenon which occurs when "m etaphor has transcended its n o r mal function, and instead of m e re ly indicating a point of re semblence 5 between two differentiable entities, it has totally m erged them ." Thus we have already, in fact, shown that this aspect of Quaker style co n tinued on in the serm o n literatu re fro m 1671 to 1700. Scriptura rediviva is another of Cope's stylistic c h a ra c te ristic s which continued in the serm ons. The te rm rela tes to the reliving of C ope, "S eventeenth C en tu ry Q uaker Style," p. 733. 241 ^ i Scriptural tim es in c u rre n t life. This stylistic mode is im plicit in many of the te rm s used throughout the serm o n s. Fox, especially, was| i fond of referrin g to Q uakers as "Inward Jew s," with the "inward A rk of! the Convenant," and the "spiritual circum cision." These re fe re n c e s j show that the events and rite s of biblical tim es were being reenacted j in a spiritual, "inw ard" sense, by true believers. The mode of scrip tu ra rediviva is also p resen t in the pilgrimage m etaphor. Cope I maintained that after the third q u arte r of the seventeenth century, there! developed in Quaker style a "self-conscious analogizing through Scrip- ! ture im agery which sounds only a faint echo of the im m ediacy of the ; isame p h rases on the tongues of the early Publishers of T r u t h . Y e t \ | 1 jthe continuing popularity of the image of spiritual pilgrim age, drawn from the story of the trek fro m Egypt to the P ro m ised .Land, is e v i dence that scrip tu ra rediviva lingered in the serm on literatu re after it iapparently waned in the w ritten w orks. Penn was not m erely analogiz- i ing when he said: It is the D esire of my Soul that you may all be a willing People in the Day of God's Power, and be pressing forward in the Ways of God, tow ards the Heavenly Canaan. And now that you are brought out of Sodom and Egypt, you may never hanker after it again, nor go fro m the n a rro w Way that leadeth unto Life E te rn a l .7 ^Ibid. , p. 749. 7 "God's Call To The C a re le ss World, " Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . . , p. 43. 242 The "epistemology of verbal incantation," which Cope also called the "incantatory" style, is not prevalent in the serm ons, although one would expect it to continue in discourse expressly i m promptu in nature rath er than planned for publication. This w riter has i found only seven instances of "incantatory" style in the serm ons, and j l none m atch the height of expression of C ope's exam ples. A quotation j | from Fox provides the best instance of the phenomenon in the serm ons, complete with repetition, and combining and recombining of Scriptural I i I | l and other p h ra se s: j So now ffriends, all that are in ye P ow er, & ye Life Come ‘ I to be h e ire s of Life, & of a world & kingdim, that hath noe end, ! so that you may all keep ye Gospell o rd e r, for here com es up j his Government, in ye Heavenly Seed: that b ru ise s ye head of j ye serpent, that b ru ises ye head of all evill Government; so Now j here is ye Government of ye blessed Righteous Seed, which is a ! m istery , : This is known as every one hath Received C hrist Jesus, so walk in him, there is ye Gospell o rd e r, that is ye Power of God, which w as before ye Devill was, which brings Life, & Im ortality to Light, ye Power of God, ye Gospell: brings into Life, now in this Pow er, in this Gospell; is ye order, ye everlasting o rd e r, of ye Gospell, which is a m iste ry . . . .8 The scarcity of the "incantatory" style in the serm ons may be accounted for by the in te re st among Q uakers in reacting to the c r i t i cism leveled at "enthusiasm ," and by the influence of m en like Barclay 9 and Penn, both educated intellectuals. g Yearly Meeting, London, June 9, 1674, Headley MSS, p. 253. 9 The influence of the Monday Morning Meeting was felt in Q uakerism by their suppression of Je re m ia d s . The m inutes of that body, however, do not indicate discussion of any of the serm ons or serm on collections consulted in this study. 143 Thus the "incantatory" style did indeed pass from the scene in j i the third quarter of the seventeenth century, as Cope had a sserted . j I However, both the blending of literaln ess and metaphor and scrip tu ra j rediviva were perpetuated in the Quaker serm ons of the period. It I rem ains to examine the stylistic form which replaced verbal incantation^ An examination of the serm o n s reveals an extraordinary re li- j ance upon rhetorical questions. Sixty-three of the serm ons use this j i scheme, and m o st of them actually rely upon it as a structural co m - j ponent.*** In th irty-seven of the serm ons, exactly half, the questions are put in dialogue form , thus heightening the dram atic impact of the j discourse.** Eight of the serm ons construct questions which a re quite j j Edward P . J. C orbett has distinguished between "figures," | "tropes," and " sc h e m e s" in this m anner: "We will use 'figures of speech' as the generic te rm for any artful deviations fro m the ordinary mode of speaking o r writing. But we will divide the figures of speech into two m ain g ro u p s--th e schem es and the trope s . A scheme (Greek sch em a, form , shape) involves a deviation from the ordinary pattern or arran g em en t of w ords. A trope (Greek tropein, to turn) involves a deviation from the ordinary and principal signification of a w ord" (C lassical Rhetoric for the Modern Student [New York: Oxford U niver sity P re s s , 1965], pp. 426-427). **Rhetorical th e o rists have long recognized the power of r h e torical questions, expecially when used in the fo rm of im aginative d ia logue. One of the m o st forceful statem ents is that of Longinus: ". . . the content is quite inadequate, but the inspired, rapid turn of question and answ er, the reply to him self as if he w ere someone else, not only make the passage m o re successful because the figure is used, but actu ally m ore convincing." Again, "Passionate language is m ore moving when it seem s to a ris e spontaneously and not to be contrived by the speaker, and the rh eto rical question answ ered by oneself stim ulates this emotional spontaneity" (On G reat Writing, tran s. by G. M. A. Grube [Indianapolis: The B obbs-M errill Company, Inc., 1957], p. 30). ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 244~j I I I sim ilar to the "queries" which later becam e an integral part of the | 12 Quaker discipline. Several pertinent exam ples from the serm ons should illustrate the "catechital" style. Fox often used short rhetorical questions to add variety to his I prose. In 1674 he a s s e rte d : "God hath spoken to us by his Son: Is ! | God speaking againe ? yes, ye sam e God that was Speaker, in Paradisej. 13 . . ." A y e a r later he incorporated longer questions as pointed ap- i i plications of his theme to his audience: "Do not ye Oxe know his Owner j I & ye Ass his M a ste rs C rib ? Thy Owner is he yt purchased thee, & j 14 jbought thee: Dost thou know thy O w ner? Dost thou know thy Crib?" j On the im portance of queries, M arg aret H. Bacon w rites in j h e r, The Quiet Rebels (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1969): [the queries were] "questions which the monthly meeting asked them selves on a regular basis. The queries w ere f ir s t used as a fo rm of gathering information about the Society, but gradually becam e a form of self- examination" (p. 81). Q ueries dealt with whether m eetings w ere kept for worship; whether there was expression of love and unity; whether children w ere being trained properly; whether trade and business w ere being conducted in an honest m anner; whether vain am usem ents were avoided; and other facto rs of Quaker lifestyle. Rufus Jones added that "The 'Q ueries' called for an exam ination of the life from at least a dozen m o ral and spiritual view-points, and tended to present a concrete m oral ideal for the daily life at home and in business occupations" (Q uakers in the A m erican C olonies, p. 146). Although instances of the use of queries or "advices" by individual Quaker m eetings are known before the 1690's, they becam e m o re common after the turn of the century. 13 Yearly Meeting, London, June 9, 1674, Headley MSS, p. 250. Y early M eeting, London, May 25 o r 26, 1675, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 451. In 1678 he was yet m ore direct: "Do you want W isedom ? Do you want I ! Life? Do you want Salvation? from him you m ut [sic] have it; So 15 abide in him by belief in ye Eternal Light. . . . " j i C risp, to a great extent, relied upon the rh eto rical question | for his organizational stru ctu re in many serm o n s. Of the thirty-tw o i i serm o n s by C risp which survive, thirty-one show usage, much of it j extensive, of rhetorical questions. On the subject of waiting on the j I Spirit's leading, C risp asked: j | What is the Scripture the Rule of F aith? and may People believe i what they find in Scripture? . . . and did Q uakers, think you, ' i never find in Scripture that People w ere to wait for the Spirit j . . . and that all Religion that is not in P ow er, is not available, [ did they not find it in Scripture ? And you that are not Quakers, j Did you ever read the New T estam ent? How cam e it to pass that ye never found these Texts ? ^ ; i Later the sam e y ear he chided his h e a re rs : How can a People come to the Knowledge of the Truth, without the Spirit of Truth that reveals i t ? Can any come to the Know ledge of C h ris t unless he that sent him rev ea ls h i m ? Where are P eo p le 's Books? w here are their Bibles? where is their Rule . . . that all their Endeavors for many Ages have proved fruitless in re sp e c t of the Knowledge of G od?*' 15 Yearly Meeting, London, May, 1678, Richardson MSS, typed copy, p. 480. ^ " B a p t i s m and the L o rd 's Supper A ss e rte d ," S c rip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 73. ^ " N o true Worship without the right Knowledge of God," S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 153. 246 The prolific use of rh eto rical questions by other early Quaker p re a c h e rs would produce num erous illustrations. A quotation from John Butcher may be taken as typical of their use: F o r what end hath God concluded all under Sin? For what end is it? That we m ight be d estro y ed ? No, God through C h rist . . . hath extended to you the Day of Visitation, that you m ight come to the knowledge of Life and Salvation: But w herein may we come to this Knowledge ? It is in that way which God hath ordained, even by C h rist. . . . What is God's end in concluding all under Sin? w as it that he m ight destroy all the Children of M en? . . . No, but that he might have m e rc y upon all. . . The injunction to use plain language kept Quaker p re a c h e rs from developing to any extent the eloquent figures of speech, but the novelty of rh eto rical questions m o re than com pensated for "plain jlanguage." The rh e to ric a l questions also em phasized the Quaker view jof com munication because they s tirre d questions in the minds of the listen ers, thus placing the focus of the communication situation on the listener rath e r than the p re a c h e r. In one half of the serm o n s, the rhetorical questions w ere placed in the form of dialogues, which had the effect of shifting the focus fro m the mind of the listen er to an im aginary dram a cre a te d by the p re a c h e r. The dram atic im pact of the serm on was heightened by the d ra m a in the dialogue, and the p re a c h e r w as able to p resen t doctrinal positions in an involving m anner The diaglogue form is well rep resen ted in F o x 's serm on to a G eneral Meeting in 1680: 18 C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , pp. 156-157. What saith M oses in the Old T estam en t? "The p rie s t's lips shall j p re s e rv e the people's knowledge:" Well said, Moses! What sayest thou in the New Covenant: "I confess the law served till the seed cam e." What seed is that? C h rist is the seed of the woman. "C hrist the high p rie st, m ade higher than the h e a v e n s ." ^ i H ere the listener is made to see M oses in dialogue with Fox, and i M oses is articulating the Quaker position that the seed is C hrist. j i C risp was the m a ste r of the dialogue form among the preachersj rep resen ted in the se rm o n s . In a 1688 serm on, he used dialogue to j i underline the difference between Q uakers and those who believed that j perfection w as not possible in this life: ' i Go to one place and another place, and ask them what is your j way? Our way (say they) is the right way, the m ost sure and , certain way that can be found for People to w alk in: But wither will it lead m e? It will lead to the Kingdom of God: That is it I would have; but will it lead m e to H oliness? No, never in this i World, you m ust never come to Holiness; do the best thou canst j do here, it is but Sin. . . . Do you hold out that in your way? I Yes; then I have done with that. . . .20 During the la s t two decades of the seventeenth century, the development of "q ueries" a s an aid to group discipline was m irro re d in the serm ons. None of F o x 's serm o n s (1671-1681) show this ultim ate evolution of the rh eto rical question, but it began to appear in C risp 's serm ons. Queries showed a d ram a tic change fro m traditional r h e to r ical questions in that they w ere not answ ered by the preacher. Wheeler Street, London, June 1, 1680, A serm on . . . by Thom as Story . . . , p. 69. 20 "Captive Sinners set fre e by Je s u s C h rist," in Scripture- T ruths . . . , p. 114.__________________________________________________ 248 Sim ilarly, the questions w ere not answ ered by im aginary c h a ra c te rs i in a dialogue. The queries w ere answ ered by the h e a r e rs in their j own m inds. Q ueries worked together with the appeal for self- examination, which appeared in tw enty-seven serm ons. The appeal for self-exam ination was well established in the serm o n s before the j advent of queries, and continued throughout the y e a rs of this study. | C risp, for exam ple, urged all to ". . . examine their own H earts, I i 21 I (whether they have really received the Gospel. . . ." The same i d esire was ex p ressed by Bowater in 1693: ". . . let every one of you | J j jconsider with your selves, how fa r you are broken off from your evil i ! 22 1 jways. . . ." Bowater noted that when the Lord did not seem p resen t' jat the m eetings, "we were willing to reflect upon our selves, and ex- j amine within our selves, what w as the m a tte r that the Fountain did not 23 send forth its living stre a m s. . . ." Quaker p re a c h e rs also linked "waiting" on the Lord to "experience" and "feel" his power to the p ro c e ss of self-exam ination. Bowater asked: . . . what is it that your Souls do d e sire , you have presented your Bodies here at this time, what is it fo r? . . . I would have every one of you to wait for your selves, you that have been 21 "The Dawning of the Day of G race and Salvation," in S cripture- T ruths . . . , p. 111. 22 C oncurrence and Unanimity . . p. 52. 23 Ibid. r acquainted with the manifestation of the Spirit, wait in it, feel j your minds ex ercised towards God, wait at his Footstool. . . .^4 j i Q ueries provided guidelines for ones self-examination. The j I I beginnings of the form , as it appeared in eight of the serm ons, may be | ! seen in a typical example from a 1688 serm on by C risp: | . . . let your Minds be turned inward, search and consider, is there a Light enlightens every Man that com es into the World? Is there a D esire of E ternal Life manifested in m e ? Is there that in me that puts me upon Obedience to God, and to mend my j Life and Conversation, that I m ight be recom mended to God? ; Is there something in me that speaks to me when I speak am iss, and do a m i s s ? ^ j I Four y e a rs later, C ris p had refined the technique, making it le ss j I direct and m ore generally applicable: j i i I . . . if Men would, but in every thing they do, answer the ! | Principle of T ruth in them selves, they would put the Question j I to them selves, Shall I take up my Daily C ro ss, or no? Shall j I deny my self those P le a su re s that my Conscience doth condemn; and those ungodly Gains that I seek after by Falsehood, by Lying, P revaricating and Departing fro m the T ruth? Shall I do this, that I may be Rich and G reat in the World, or shall I n o t? 26 Of the serm o n s rep resen ted in this study, the m ost extensive and b est use of the query-type rh eto rical question was made by Penn. His use was d irec t and aimed precisely to aid in self-examination. He 24 Ibid., p. 53. The en treaties to "wait," "experience," and "feel" appear in forty-eight, thirty-tw o, and forty-five serm ons, respectively. 25 "C hrist the Way To E ternal Life," in S cripture-T ruths . p. 6. 26 '1 The Standard of Truth," in Scripture-Truths . . . , p. 78. , 250 told his h e a re rs at Wheeler Street: "Consider, my Friends, where ar your H earts and Affections this Day? Do you love God above all? Do you love him with all your H earts, with all your Souls, and with all 27 i your Strengths?" The best example of the use of queries appears in ! j another of Penn's serm ons at Wheeler Street. In this passage the j queries constitute a spiritual inventory for his listen ers, which is j precisely the function q ueries cam e to serv e: i I . . . see to it how the Work goes on, the Work of your Redem p- | tion and Salvation. Do you feel your selves near to the L o rd ? j Do you find your selves to have m ore Pow er over your Souls; Do you know your selves advanced in the Work of God? A re ye ' come to Die daily to that which is contrary to the Lord?^® ! We have observed that although the blending of literaln ess and j m etaphor, as well as scriptura red iv iv a, continued in the serm on | i ! literature from 1671 to 1700, the "incantatory" style waned. The style of Quaker serm ons from 1671 to 1700 would best be described as "caiechital," because of reliance upon variations of rh eto rical q u es tions. Three varieties of fo rm s w ere used by the p reac h ers: (1) the traditional rhetorical question, directing the audience toward a specific answ er which the p re a c h e rs would often provide; (2) the dialogue form, using an im aginary question and answ er situation; and (3) the query, by which the p reach er hoped to stimulate the p ro cess of self-examination 27 "The P ro m is e of God F o r The Latter D ays," in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 6 6. 28 W heeler S treet, C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 79.____ \ -----------------------------------------— -------------- Z5 r in his h e a r e rs ' m inds. The firs t two fo rm s directed the minds of the audience to specific answ ers, thus they w ere catechital in purpose. The query, although on the surface open-ended in form , directly pointed the h e a re rs to a self-exam ination which, if undertaken honestly^ i iwould lead to prescribed behaviors, e . g . , "repentence," clo ser adher-j ence to the group's beliefs, etc. The "catechital" style, especially in ! the fo rm of the query, was better adapted to the m ore introspective trend of late seventeenth century Q uakerism . Through refinem ent of I the rh eto rical question, with the addition of dram atic dialogue and the * I d irec tn ess of the query, the Quaker p re a c h e rs w ere able to offset the j ! jloss of the emotional im m ediacy of "incantation" and je re m ia d s. The j j j j 1 [queries also allowed the p reac h ers to reinforce group discipline in i ! i jtheir serm ons. The Use of Spatial T erm s M aurice C reasey, D irector of Studies, Woodbrooke, in the Selly Oak Colleges, Birm ingham , England, concluded that "On alm ost every page of the w ritings of early F rie n d s the re a d e r feels that he is being challenged to recognize a contrast. This contrast is expressed 29 m ost frequently in spatial te rm s . . . ." His observation holds true for the surviving serm on literatu re of the period 1671-1700. Spatial " 'Inward' and 'Outward': A Study in early Quaker Language,' p. 3.________________________________________________________________________ — 252 te rm s appear in sixty-five of the serm ons; "inward" and "outward," the use of which C reasey examined in his article, appear in sixty-two of 3 0 the serm o n s. Although the w idespread occurrence of spatial te rm s j in the serm o n s co rro b o rates C re a s e y 's findings, the m anner in which the te rm s are used neither negates nor substantiates his argum ents. Brief review of C re a s e y 's position on the use of "inward" and ! 1 "outward" is helpful at this point. C reasey maintained that there w ere j I at le ast two u ses of the te rm s in early Quaker literature. He docu- j ! mented a change in usage between the e a rlie s t Quakers, represented by Fox, and the Quakers who cam e later in the century, represented j by B arclay and Penn. Fox used spatial te rm s , according to C reasey, j to indicate a difference between ". . . on the one hand, a form al or conventional or notional knowledge of Christianity as a body of ' r e vealed tru th s' and religious and ethical practices and, on the other, a transform ing and creative personal acquaintance with and relation to 31 C h rist in the Spirit." What had before been only "outward" knowledge to Fox, becam e "inward" spiritual experience. At the hands of B a r clay and Penn, argues C reasey, "inw ard" and "outward" not only signified the difference between conventional and spiritual Christianity, 30 See A ppendix C fo r an e n u m eratio n of the s e rm o n s. 3 1„ . C re a s e y , p. 5. -------------------- — ------— Z53 32 but "a contrast between two modes of revelation. . . With this usage of "inward" and "outward," wrote C reasey, "it is very difficult 33 to accord any fundamental im portance to History or to Scripture." C reasey skillfully illustrated his viewpoint from the apologetical w rit- 34 ings of Barclay and Penn. The presen t w riter is in substantial agreem ent with C re a s e y 's findings in the apologetical works of Barclay and Penn, but curiously, the usage is not presen t in B arclay 's or P en n 's serm ons. W hereas C reasey found a "q uasi-C artesian Dualism' I i between knowledge of the spirit and the knowledge of history and Scrip-' ture, neither interacting with the other, in the w ritings of Barclay and j Penn, their serm o n s reveal a usage of spatial te rm s which emphasizesj 35 the distinction between spiritual and notional C hristianity. 1 3ZIbid. , p. 12. 33 Ibid. 34 C reasey cites B arclay 's Apology (1678), and The Possibility and necessity of inward im m ediate revelation (1686); and P enn's The C hr i stian - Quake r (1674). 35 D e s c a rte s' dualism lay between mind and m a tte r, soul and body. He began his philosphy by doubting all but his ability to doubt. The existence of self, m a tter, natural phenomena, and God w ere "proved" by the fact that m a n 's mind has an innate knowledge of the existence of a perfect being--G od--and since a perfect being would not deceive, man can take the external world to be an actuality as long as he has clear and distinct ideas of the external world. The soul, th e re fore, did not derive its knowledge fro m sensation or experience. The dualism which C reasey sees in P en n 's w ritings is exemplified in Penn's view of history in the S criptures. C re a se y w rites: "F or Penn, the revelation given by God in and through the vicissitudes of the history of 2 5 4 1 i The usage which c h a ra c te riz e s all the serm o n s in this study which employ spatial te rm s , is the usage which C reasey described as F o x 's. F o x 's use of spatial te rm s is typified in this passage from a 1678 serm on: As the Jews Outwardly w ere c a rrie d to Babilon & Egypt wn they T ra n s g re s s e d ye Outward Law; so plainly wn you T ra n s g re s s the H ebrew people, and through the discipline of cultus and law, p riest i and prophet, is not seen as a p ro g ressiv e drawing n ear by God, reveal-f ing and effecting that which, ap art from these things, m u st have r e - j mained hidden. It is seen, ra th e r, as a somewhat regrettable in tru sion of the inferior 'outward' mode of revelation, made nece ssary by the people's failure to make right use of an already fully available 'inw ard' m ode of revelation" (p. 13). C reasey concludes his statement: on P e n n 's position by adding that "Penn does not altogether avoid giving; the im p re ssio n that, in some way, the W ord's becom ing flesh is alm ost an e m b a rra s s m e n t to h im in his apologetic" (p. 13). Barclay, accord-) ing to C re a se y , went further than Penn and distinguished "within the | concept of Revelation, two kinds of Revelation, and 'inw ard' kind alleged to be withou any essential connection with H istory, and an 'outward' kind, whose existence cannot indeed be denied and whose value cannot be m inim ized fro m the standpoint of C hristian faith and experience but which can be accorded only an equivocal and alm ost m arg in al status in religious thought. . . .[B arclay also postulated] a 'separate and distinct' organ within m an, which yet is no p art of m a n 's essential being, dependent in no way upon the constitution of m a n 's mind, w hereby alone this inward mode of Revelation is to be received" (p. 22). The p resent author has described the position generally taken by early Q uakers in their serm ons as a "dynamic tension" between the Spirit and the S criptures, between the indwelling Spirit and the h is to r ical Jesu s. A rthur O. R oberts has succinctly su m m a rized this posi tion: "Although m uch of the Quaker preaching proclaim ed the im m e d iacy of spiritual experience of C hrist, it should never be forgotten that it is the once-offered Je s u s C h rist who 'speaks to the condition' of searching, sinful man, the real P a sc a l Lamb, whose blood wet the hillside in P ale stin e" (Through Flam ing Sword, p. 94). 2 3 5 ye New Convenant, & Law of Life wch ye Apostle saith ye Law of Life made me free from Sin & Death; so did not in ye Old Covenant; but ye Law of ye New Covenant this m akes People F re e : T herefore foreverie one to keep to C hrist; & Receive this Law to make y m Gods F re e -m e n , & F ree-W om en. In ye Old Covenant they had a Law to make People F re e Outwardly; In ye New Covenant they have a Law to m ake free Inwardly, & Outwardly. . . .36 To Fox, Old T estam ent rites were m e re "outward" shadows of i the inward truth of C h rist in the New T estam ent. C hrist was not only j i i the historical personage, however, but also the inward, spiritual truth | 1 as well. Fox observed: "The Jews . . . hung him Outwardly upon ye j 37 ! T ree who had been Inwardly slain from ye Foundation of ye W orld." ' He thus incorporated both the historical and spiritual aspects of the death of C h rist. j | | j Other early Quaker p re a c h e rs used the same essential m e a n ings of "inw ard" and "outward" as Fox. In a 1688 sermon, C risp dealt with the question of whether the Scripture ("outward evidence") or the 3 6 Yearly Meeting, May, 1678, p. 474. 37 D evonshire House, May, 1677, p. 398. Fox maintained that "C hrist died for all, a s well for blacks as for whites, for every Man. . . . " (Women's Meeting, Barbadoes, pp. 272-273). The necessity of the historical death of Jesus w as made even m o re plain in this passage from a 1675 serm on: "In ye days of C h rist they w ere mad against him; they w arred against h im in his F le sh as he was Man. Now he said he was ye Light; & ye Son of God, yt every one should believe in him , & receive him; Now they Crucified him, Buried him, he is risen his F lesh saw no Corruption; ye Heavenly Spiritual Man his Blood p u r- chaseth he who saw no Corruption. . . . " (Yearly Meeting, London, May 25 or 26, p. 450).______________________ ______________________________ ----------------------------------------------------— — — 256~ indwelling C h rist should take precedence. He concluded: "The Out- | ward Evidence will do you no good, 'till you come to lay hold of the Inward Evidence in your own H earts; then the Outward Evidence that 38 God sends, will be serviceable to you." H ere there is a hint that ! i there are two modes of knowing, one inward, and the other outward, | but the latter is not em asculated at the expense of the fo rm e r. C risp j clearly opts for both the C h rist of experience and of history. In an- ! I I other serm on he told his listen ers "to be acquainted with the Works of j I 39 I the Lord, both inwardly and outwardly. . . ." C risp is really draw -! j ing the distinction between the religion of the Spirit, as opposed to that j of the L etter. A later serm on by Richard Ashby contained this w arn- j ing: | If any of us are satisfying our selves in sitting down in an Outward Gathering, and only exercising our natural faculties | to hear and to understand, and come not to know and be acquainted in our selves, with the Inspiration of the Almighty, the word of Truth, we are Strangers to it. . . Ashby plead with the people to "not re s t satisfied in outward F o rm s , 41 and in an outward P rofession. . . ." This statem ent w as a repetition 38 "C h rist All in All," in S cripture-T ruths . . . , pp. 30-31. 39 "The Kingdom of God Within," in S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 82, em phasis added. 40 C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 101. ________41Ibid., p. 108.________ j --------------------------------------------- — ---- 257 of the early Quaker position that form al religion was insufficient to j i ! tran sfo rm life. The sam e year, Samuel Waldenfield decried the fact j that "People have looked for Salvation outwardly many tim es m ore than Inwardly; Salvation is an inward Work upon their Souls, by the Spirit I 42 ! and Power of the Lord God." ! One can readily perceive the attributes which C reasey saw in \ j I Fox's meaning of the te rm s "inward" and "outward" in these passages, j i A distinction is being m ade, in each case, between conventional, life- J j less religion, and the vital experience of the living C hrist. I I An examination of B arclay 's use of spatial te rm s is hindered by| the fact that only one of his serm ons is extant, but it too shows a usage j not approaching that found in his apologetical w orks. In the serm on, I Barclay d esired that his h e a re rs "be Inwardly gathered into this 43 Heavenly Life. . . ." After the serm on Barclay prayed in thanks giving for "those precious P ro m is e s which thou hast left upon Record, 44 and im p re sse d upon our Minds and H earts." After this obvious refer ence to Scripture, he expressed thanks that God had given an "inward sense of that pure Life of thy Dear Son, w hereby we may be enabled to 42 "C hrist Altogether Lovely," in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 197. 43 C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 5. 44 Ib id . , p. 7. 258 45 live to thy P ra is e . . . The "q uasi-C artesian D ualism " between the knowledge of the Spirit and the knowledge of history, neither in te r acting with the other, is not present in these passages. Barclay seem s to say what Fox and o th e rs have said, that the only road to the religion of the Spirit is by the Spirit. Barclay, however, said nothing in the j | serm on which would contradict his view of two distinct revelations, | that of the Spirit obviating that of the Scripture, which C reasey docu- j i mented in B arclay 's apologetical w orks. The serm on is inconclusive j evidence of B a rc la y 's use of spatial te rm s in his serm ons. Penn's serm ons, on the other hand, a re filled with statem ents j I which show the necessity of both the h isto rical and spiritual knowledge I of Christianity. He m aintained: "They only have the Benefit of what C h rist hath done and suffered in his Outward Coming in the Flesh, that believe in him, and see the Necessity of his inward Appearance and 46 Coming in the Spirit. . . ." H ere Penn does use "inward" and "out w ard" to refer to two kinds of knowledge, but he did not imply that the "inward appearance" made the "outward appearance" unnecessary. Penn was, ra th e r, reiterating the position of Fox that "people read the Scriptures without a right sense of them, and without duly applying 45 Ibid. 46 "God's Call To The C a re le ss W orld," in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 48. Z 5 T 47 them to their own states." P en n 's statem ent re fe rs as much to the differences between form alized Christianity and spiritual Christianity as it does to two m odes of knowledge. The tenor of P en n 's usage is seen when one com pares passages in other serm o n s of his with the one already cited. In another serm on, Penn used the phrase "inward freedom ," which had been used by Fox in a 1678 serm on: "If thou a rt made free, thy Knowledge will be accompanied with experience, and j not notions only; you want not notions, but P o ssessio n of Inward fre e - { i 48 i dom and liberty. . . . " Penn articulated the original meaning of spatial te rm s , that notional Christianity was inadequate, and that experience of the living God was a necessity. It infused such state- 49 m ents as: "Let us not be Outward but also Inward C hristians . . ." and "the Knowledge you have in Religion, it m u st be experim ental; for 50 historical Knowledge only will not do. . . ." H istory and Scripture w ere neither rejected nor preem pted; but the necessity of going beyond m e re historical or Scriptural knowledge was staunchly presented. ^ Jo u rn a l, p. 31. 48 A serm on preached at Wheeler Street, London, April 13, 1694, in C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 83. 49 "Two Made One," in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 197. 50 "The Sure Foundation," in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly Doctrines . . . , p. 25. — 260 We have seen, then, that the surviving serm ons p resen t a | rem arkably consistent usage pattern for spatial te rm s . The im p o r- j tance of spatial te rm s , especially "inward" and "outw ard," in Quaker j I serm on rhetoric has been upheld. The changes in usage which P rofes-j sor C reasey found in the apologetical works of Barclay and Penn (w ork| which, in both cases, preceded the dates of the serm ons) do not appear! I in their serm o n s. The assertion that there are two m odes of know- I ledge, Scripture and the Spirit, is made by Penn, but we understand j i this usage to be a reflection of the principle s tre s se d by Fox, that | I S criptural or h isto rical knowledge of C hrist, per s e , produces only an i i ! "outward," notional Christianity; all true Christianity is produced by } i the work of the Spirit which also gave forth the S criptures. The fact that C re a s e y 's findings w ere not entirely corroborated by an analysis of the serm o n s may be a result of the sm all num ber of J serm ons which actually survive out of those which w ere preached. This explanation is especially relevant to Barclay. F r o m Penn, however, ten serm ons survive, none of which obviates Scripture o r history as a part of true C hristianity. This phenomenon may be due to the sm all num bers of serm ons, but it is m o re likely due to the fact that Penn probably did not find it n ece ssary or useful to reveal the totality of his philosophical underpinnings in his serm ons. Whatever the case, Penn neither ex p ressed nor implied in his serm ons the " e m b a rra ss m e n t" at -------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2 tt~ 51 "the W ord's becoming flesh," which C reasey found in his apologies. The A ssault on Guilt Professor„H ugh Barbour argued that the method of the Quaker preacher p rio r to 1660 was to mount "a m assive assault on any point of 52 guilt in his h e a r e r s . " This assertion is difficult to establish for the early period of Quaker preaching because only one serm on survives 53 prior to 1671, and this serm on is not based upon a guilt appeal. However, through a close analysis of other docum ents of the period, such as journals, tra c ts , and meeting re p o rts --th e docum ents of the F ir s t P ublishers of Truth are ex am p les--B arb o u r has concluded that the prim ary appeal of early Quaker p re a c h e rs was on the basis of the guilt of the h e a r e rs . The serm ons of this study, while reflecting the preaching of a later period, one with perhaps m ore in te re st in m a in taining or "p reserv in g " the group discipline, also reveal a reliance upon the guilt appeal. In the later serm ons, however, the guilt appeal was tem pered with an appeal based upon God's love and forgiveness. Thirty-nine of the serm ons dealt with the judgment of God. The guilt appeal w as inextricably connected with the judgment because 51„ C reasey , p. 13. 52 B arbour, Q uakers in Puritan England, p. 129. 53 See F o x 's se rm o n , 1653, in S ev erall L e tte rs . . . , pp. 15-16 ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 252 " I ! judgment im plies guilt. On the other hand, love, which im plies fo r- ! giveness and m ercy , infused the serm ons in approxim ately equal p r o portions to judgment. For serm ons of the p o st-l6 7 0 's, the careful o b se rv e r could no longer characterize them as a "m assive assault" on j i guilt. , I The causes of this change of tone in the serm ons are proble- ! I m atic, but perhaps lie in three possible a r e a s . F i r s t , we have ob- j served in a previous chapter that the Quaker outlook on society had i I changed from that of the powerful, overcom ing arm y of the Lamb whichj i I would change society, to that of the "Rem nant" which would be p re - j I served from the evils of the society. The f ir s t image called forth God's| | righteous judgment; the second image saw God's judgment in per s p ec- . tive with his m e rc y and preserving love. Second, the serm ons of the present study w ere delivered to prim arily Quaker gatherings, w hereas many of the incidents reported in the early reco rd of the "first pub- 54 lishers of truth" w ere involving evangelistic efforts in alien te rrito ry . Fully thirty-two of the serm ons in this study w ere prim arily intended for the edification of Quaker congregations, while forty-two of the serm o n s assum e an audience of both Q uakers and non-Q uakers. None 54 Q uakers held three kinds of m eetings: (1) public m eetings for evangelistic purposes ("threshing" m eetings), (2) m eetings for worship, and (3) business m eetings (see Roberts, Through Flam ing Sword, p. 99]. The serm ons of this study w ere delivered p rim arily at worship m e et- .ngs, although F o x 's a d d re sse s at Yearly Meetings fall into the third :ategory. ________________________________________ _ ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ZFTj of the serm o n s is intended solely for non-Q uakers. This factor does i not imply that a guilt appeal was not used for in-group discourse, but | it does suggest a reaso n for the tem pering of its use; by and large, those already convinced of the truth of Quaker beliefs presum ably needed le ss d ire c t confrontation with their guilt than ardent non- Quakers. F o r the Quaker, self-exam ination would reveal guilt apart ; from the effort of the preacher. The appeal to self-examination was i not an assau lt on guilt, because w hatever guilt resulted from self- i examination w as self-produced. T h ird , the em phasis upon judgment ' and guilt did not p resen t a total picture of God's dealings with m an. | I The other half of the Quaker m essag e w as that guilt could be rem edied j through C hrist; God's judgment of sinners was, for the believer, j avoided because of C h ris t's substitutionary atonement. The serm ons of this study p re se n t a better balance of Quaker belief. R eg ard less of an apparent d ecreased em phasis on guilt appeal in the later serm ons, the following exam ples will show that the appeal was indeed a salient factor in the serm ons, although modified by p o si tive statem ents regarding the love and m e rc y of God. While speaking to a m e n 's meeting on Barbadoes Island, Fox found it n e c e ssa ry to threaten God's judgment to those who would not educate their fam ilies and slaves in C hristian m orality: ". . . let not your F am ilie s of Whites, & Blacks be like Sodom, & G omorah . . . l e s t sudden destruction come upon you, & ye Lord root you out as he did 55 ym ." C risp also alluded to impending death and judgment when he said: . . if the Lord should call you this Night to give up your 56 Account, the Lord hath a great deal against you, I am sure. . . The fact that no evil could be hidden from God w as attested to by Bo w ater, who affirm ed: . . there may be something . . . that doth in s ecret rem ain, and though they m ay seek to hide it from Men in their 57 Profession, yet God will find them out. . . ." Even Penn relied upon the guilt appeal; he warned: "You m ust be turned from Sin, or 58 Sin will turn you into Hell." I The Use of P erso n al Testimony E arly Quaker p re a c h e rs knew the strength of ethical p e rs u a - j 59 I sion. They discussed experiences which had actually o ccu rred in i 55 M en's Meeting, Barbadoes, October, 1671, Richardson MSS, typed copy, p. 125. 56 "The Dawning of the Day of Grace and Salvation," in S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 125. 57 C oncurrence and Unanimity ■ . . , p. 56. 58 "God's Call To The C a re le s s World," in Harmony of Divine and Heavenly D octrines . . . , p. 52. 59 The concept of "ethos" has been the subject of investigation by rhetoricians fro m the time of A ristotle. A ristotle maintained that the speaker should produce proof in his discourse that he is ( 1) a man a high ch ara cter, (2) a person com petent to speak on the subject, and (3) a m an of good will (see R h e to ric , Bk. I, Chapter 2, and Book H, Chapter 1).______________________________________ _________________________ 265 their own lives, not a b strac t theological principles. It is not s u r prising, then, that twenty-two of the serm ons reveal the speakers relating testim onials of events and changes in their lives. The p er- i I sonal accounts both em phasized the high ch ara cter and competence of | I the speakers to speak on their topics, as well as helped establish rap- j | port with their audiences. ' j Fox used the appeal of his personal ch a ra c te r to good advantagej | in 1680, when he addressed a meeting at Wheeler Street. He spoke as j J the acknowledged leader of a m ovem ent which had weathered p ersecu - ! i I tion. His audience was aware of his personal sacrifices for the Quakerj ! cause. Speaking of the coming of the New Covenant in C hrist, Fox | ! affirmed: And this I knew, and experienced, before ever the name of Quaker w as in England; and since I came abroad to declare the everlasting truth, I have been a sufferer very much, by tim es, above these thirty y e a rs , in gaols, and prisons. Any my body hath been spoiled for the testimony of Je su s. So that I am not able to travel as I have done. And it was hard for m e to come this journey: but I was moved of the Lord to come.^O After this statement, one would have had difficulty pressing the charge that Fox was insincere in his beliefs. At tim es the personal testim onies read like pages fro m a seventeenth century spiritual diary, in which the preacher is as much W heeler S treet, London, June 1, 1680, A se rm o n by . . . Thom as Story . . . , pp. 73-74.________ 266 rehearsing his spiritual biography, as he is identifying him self with the struggles of his h e a re rs . C risp offers an excellent exam ple: . . . in my younger Y ears, I have Fasted, and P rayed, and spent tim e in H earing, Reading, and Meditation, and did all in my own Power, and all to mend my State, but I could not mend it, and as I grew up in Years, Sin and Corruption m o re prevailed, and there was no help, and I cam e so far as to believe there w as no help, and that if God did not help me, I was undone to all Eternity: I many tim es wish'd that I had never been born; I went to M inisters and Meetings, and to all sorts of separate People, and to all m anner of Ordinances, and to all m anner of 1 M eans, to mend this bad H eart of Mine. . . . but m y A rm was j never so long as to reach thereunto, it was far out of my Power j and R each. 6 l i i Thom as Chalkley, a young preacher on a visit to North America! I from England, felt the need to defend his knowledge of spiritual m a t- j i j te rs in this statem ent: ". . . some persons m ay say . . . but how 1 Idoth thou know these things, for thou a rt but a Youth, I speak nothing Frien d s, but what I have Experienced. I have felt the word of God enter into my Soul, . . . I have known what it is, to be born again. . . ." 62 P a rk also defended him self with a statem ent of personal con viction in a 1694 serm on. P a rk made it clear that belief in the Inward Light did not obviate belief in the historical Jesu s: "The F i r s t and G reat Com m andm ent," in S crip tu re-T ru th s . . . , p. 52. £ > 2 June 7, 1698, m anuscript, handwritten, Swarthm ore College L ibrary, pp. 9-10. ------------------------------------------------------- I I never did d e s ire to hear any thing, or speak any thing, that i had the le ast tendency to undervalue the Death, Sufferings, | Satisfaction, Mediation, and Intercession of our Lord Je su s [ C hrist; but have always Owned, Believed, and P reached these great T ru th s.^3 j Even though seventeenth century Quakers produced a "unified | 64 ' rhetoric of symbolic action," with high ethical standards of life j I underlining their d isco u rse, they still found it n e c e ssa ry in a signifi cant num ber of serm ons, to make their ethical appeal explicit. i I ! Conclusion I ------------------------------------------------------------------------ j Quaker serm ons of the last three decades of the seventeenth i century exhibit c h a ra c te ristic s which identify them both with an earlier' i I period of Quaker rhetoric as well as a la te r period. The continued I 'appearance of the blending of literaln ess and m etaphor, scriptura rediviva, and the assau lt on guilt link the serm ons with the rhetoric of the e a rlie s t Q uakers. C onversely, the disappearance of the "incanta- tory" style, the in creased use of God's love and m ercy as an appeal, and the growth of the "catechital" style, with its use of rh eto rical questions, dialogue, and queries, identified the serm ons with a later age of Q uakerism which w as reacting to the c riticism of "enthusiasm ," and moving toward an introspective quietism . The continued use of p. 74. 63 C oncurrence and Unanimity . . . , p. 183. 64 B aum an, "A sp ec ts of Seventeenth C entury Q uaker R h e to ric ," 268 spatial te rm s is an additional sign of continuity in Quaker thought b e cause it showed a continued em phasis on the spiritual v e rs u s the notional approach toward Christianity. The evidence of the serm ons fro m 1671 to 1700 indicates a dichotome between P en n 's beliefs as i expressed in his apologetical w orks and those expressed in his s e r- I i m ons. The serm ons show no derrogation of historical evidence. Gen- ; i I erally, the serm ons fro m 1671 to 1700 are tran sito ry . They bridge the! i gap between the f ir s t and third generations of Quakers. One rhetorical! constituent, which held fairly constant from the days of Fox through thJ I bulk of the serm ons, was the explicit use of ethical appeal. P reachers! ! jseemed m o re than willing to place their personal experiences and char-f I ! i jacter before their h e a r e rs for purposes of defense or as evidence of ! i the working of the Inward Light. In previous chapters, the them es of Quaker serm ons were identified and illustrated, and the archetypal m etaphors of the serm ons were identified and analyzed. This chapter has identified four addit ional c h a ra c te ristic s of the serm ons: ( 1) the catechital style, (2) the use of spatial te rm s , (3) the guilt appeal tem pered with love, and (4) the personal testim ony. The present chapter com pletes the descriptive analysis of the serm on literatu re from 1671 to 1700. It is now appro priate that we undertake a com parison of the significant sim ilarities and differences among Anglican, Puritan, and Quaker serm on rhetoric. I I C H A PT E R VII SIMILARITIES AND CONTRASTS IN ANGLICAN, PURITAN, AND QUAKER PREACHING The seventeenth century in England was par excellence an age of serm ons. It w as a century of violent theological and political upheaval, and the serm o n s of the period reflect its varying opinions and em otions as no other literary rem ains of the time can be said to do; for the serm on . . . was a public pronounce m ent of views held by an appreciable num ber of contem porary Englishmen. . . . F o r the century in question the serm on, besides its strictly religious function, took in large m e asu re the place of the journalistic p re s s at the present day, and enjoyed the enorm ous influence, reinforced by a trem endous sanctity of | authority, of a m odern broadcasting company. 1 i i Although we have alluded to contrasts among Anglican, P uritan, and Quaker preaching in previous chapters, in o rd er to gain a better I perspective of Quaker serm on-m aking, it is now appropriate that we make explicit s im ilarities and d issim ila ritie s among Anglicans, P u ri- jtans, and Q uakers with reg ard to homiletical theory and practice. | | The im portance of preaching in the seventeenth century cannot be attributed to a uniform ity of m e ssen g er, m essage, or method. The serm ons which have survived fro m that period show that there w as ^M itchell, E n g lish P u lp it O ra to ry , p. 3. 269 270' much disagreem ent among the p ractitio n ers of pulpit oratory regarding! such questions as what constituted the best education for potential clergym en and what place the serm on should occupy in the life of the church. More fundamentally, the p re a c h e rs differed as to which d o c trines should be preached as true, and which branded as heretical. They also disagreed on the proper style of the serm on, and how it I I should be prep ared and delivered. T here w ere disagreem ents not only among Anglicans, P u ritan s, and Q uakers over these issues, but there j i w ere also changes in outlook and m odes of preaching over the span of ! the century within each of the three groups. Despite the changes, how-j |ever, it is possible to construct composite pictures of the general i [preaching practice of Anglicans, P uritans, and Quakers. This chapter^ I will present an overall consideration of the pulpit oratory of each of the three groups. Each section will consider: (1) the preparation and role of the m in ister, (2) the role of preaching in the church, (3) the basic doctrinal position, (4) the style of the serm ons, (5) differences in co n gregations, and (6) the preparation and delivery of the serm ons. S im ilarities and differences between the groups will be noted as the chapter proceeds. P reaching in the Established Church Anglicans em phasized a highly trained clergy, acquaintance with the ancient and m edieval w rite rs on theology and the liberal a rts , and 271 ! the im portance of preaching in the church tradition. The Anglican p reac h er was viewed as a m an separated from other men because of a sacred calling. i Anglicans believed that the future pastor should have a "broad I knowledge of all the a rts and sciences with special preparation in the ! 2 study of divinity and the S crip tu res." In his personal preparation of s erm o n s Anglicans maintained that "the preacher should study m uch in | i i the Scriptures, the works of the C hurch F a th e rs, and the serm ons of I 3 other men." The ends theoretically gained by the potential m in ister ; i ! from study at a university have been well stated by Caroline Richardson): j The ability to speak in public, intelligently and effectively, ! to bear him self easily when assaulted with argum ents, was the | m o st conspicuous good that a young p reacher would have gained fro m his university experience, but his education would also be I valuable. The preacher m u s t have something to say; he m ust know whether other m e n --s c h o la rs of all tim es, writing in many languages--had thought as he did. M ost subjects taught at the u niversities would, as a m a tte r of fact, serve as preparation for preaching. . . A Anglicans defended the im portance of church traditions, such as the sa c ra m e n ts, and tended to see preaching as but one p art of the tradition, not the param ount one. To a staunch Anglican, for exam ple, M arsee F red Evans, A Study in the Development of a Theory of h o m ile tic s in England from 1534 to 1692 (unpublished Ph. D. d i s s e r t a tion, University of Iowa, 1932), p. 202. 3 Ibid. , pp. 202-203. 4 E nglish P r e a c h e rs and P re a c h in g , 1640-1670, p. 15. 2721 the altar was higher than the pulpit in im portance. | The Anglican view of preaching in the life of the church derived from their doctrinal position. C om parisons between the doctrinal i positions of Anglicans and P uritans have been discussed in Chapter II, j and may thus be briefly sum m arized here. William Haller presented j the Anglican status when he w rote: ! \ I The position of the Anglican churchm en at the Reformation j required that they defend the separation from Rome. Their J subsequent position as spokesmen for the religion established j under Elizabeth required that they develop the historic catholic | tradition of the church in a direction consistent with the spirit ; of national independence but opposed to social revolution. Taking J the middle way between Catholic and Puritan, they defended the j church established under the crown. . . . In doctrine they moved j steadily away from orthodox C alvinism with its disturbing equal- j itarian im plications toward a theology of elastic com prom ise and > j continuous adjustm ent between divine law and human nature, j toward a rationalism which supported public security while con ceding the desirability of so much change as might in the p ro c e ss of time prove itself to be unavoidable and relatively pain less .6 Anglicans defended the authority of crown and church, em phasized the tradition of the church fath e rs, and "dwelt upon the worship, love, and i veneration due God for all that from creation--and especially the Jerem y Taylor, great Anglican preacher of the m id-century, spoke, in his preface to the Golden G rove, of pulpits which "are fallen under the harro w s and saws of im pertinent p reac h ers, who think that all religion is a serm on, and all serm o n s ought to be libels against truth and old go v ern o rs," quoted in George Lacey May, Wings of an Eagle. An Anthology of Caroline P r e a c h e rs . . . . (London: S. P . C . K . , 1955), p. xxix. ^The R ise of P u rita n is m , pp. 21-22. ---------------------- -— _ ---------------------- 27y^ 7 ! Incarnation--he had done for m an." The preaching in the established church underwent a pro cess of change during the seventeenth century, from the so-called "witty" or "m etaphysical" preaching popular during roughly the first fifty y e a rs, to the rationalistic preaching of the la tte r part of the century. The "wit" of the m etaphysical p re a c h e rs has been described by Mitchell as "the facility in discovering resem b lan ces, often in wholly unexpected j j objects or events. . . . It is nearly always ingenious, often far-fetchedj, 8 | and som etim es distinctly ludicrous." He hastens to say, however, ; that j . . . it cannot be roundly condemned as inappropriate, because j it undoubtedly recalled the w andering attention of the auditors. ] . . . Often, also, the "wit" itself is clearly the outcome of a j sanctified imagination and a r is e s spontaneously out of the con sideration of the text, and is no m e re by-play judiciously intro duced to enliven the exposition.9 F u rth e rm o re , the A nglican's use of wit was ra re ly , at le ast in the large city churches or at court, inappropriate to his audience, which was often composed of nobles with lite ra ry taste. The p reacher e x pected his h e a r e rs to understand a G reek or Latin quotation, to r e m e m b er a literary allusion, to understand the im plications of a pun, to May, p. xxix. g English Pulpit O ra to ry , p. 159. 9Ibid. 274 appreciate his use of alliteration or antithesis. Often his stance was not "evangelical"; he was not generally attempting to win converts to his church. Bishop A ndrewes provides an interesting example of the preaching of a fo re m o st Anglican during the high w ater m a rk of the j I "m etaphysical" period. G. M. Story rem a rk ed in his introduction to ! the only m odern anthology of A ndrew es' serm ons that j i He brought to b e a r on the elucidation of a text or doctrine a form idable weight of scholarship, and his sense of relevance enabled him to cut through p erip h e ral controversy and lay bare m a tte r s of ce n tra l im portance. . . .[H is serm ons] take for granted in the re a d e r an in te re st in the subject-m atter. Andrewes | J is not preaching to the unconverted.^® ] i jThe Bishop showed the refinem ents of his time in his serm on-m aking: j : i | I ithe use of m ulti-lingual quotation, the use of Biblical im agery and typology, and extrem ely tight logical organization p a t t e r n s .^ A ndrew es' method had its roots in the sixteenth century and the middle ages, where the serm on w as usually divided into two or th ree sections, 12 each section being fu rth er partitioned and sub-divided. Lancelot A ndrew es, S e rm o n s , ed. by G. M. Story (Oxford: at the Clarendon P r e s s , 1967), p. xxx. ^ I b i d . , pp. xxxvi-xliii. 12 Ibid. , p. xliii. On the fo rm at of m edieval serm ons see H arry Caplan, "A Late Mediaeval T rac tate on P reaching," in Studies in Rhetoric and Public Speaking in Honor of Jam es A lbert W inans, ed. by A. M. D rummond (New York: Cornell University P r e s s , 1925), pp. 61-90. See also Otto A. D ieter, "A rb o r P ic ta : The Medieval Tree of P reach in g ," The Q uarterly Journal of Speech, LI (April, 1965), Z T 5 r It is apparent fro m tue surviving serm ons of such forem ost j ! Anglican p re a c h e rs of the ea- ly century as Andrewes, Donne, and Taylor, that they v.ere not preaching for the benefit of com m oners. Their serm ons survive a s exam ples of literary pulpit style ra th e r than | as exam ples of a c ro s s -s e c tio n of Anglican preaching. One suspects j that their preaching was unusual, and certainly a cut above that which 1 I ! aght have been heard in the average p arish church. Little is actually j known of the preaching in the Anglican Church outside the g reat cathe- j d ra ls except in the often derogatory statem ents made by contempo- j r a r ie s . May sees in Richard B a x te r's condemnation of the lazy, non- j |preaching, clergy of his boyhood "one great reason for the English j 13 ! Church collapsing s • easily before the Puritan onslaught." j I During the Interregnum , Anglican preaching continued, often, as in the case of Jerem y Taylor, in exile. We may be fairly certain that the "witty" style of the firs t p a rt of the century, although on the wane, continued among Anglicans. In an ad d ress given in 1660, the year of the Restoration, R obert South pointed an accusatory finger at the A ndrew es' school of p re a c h e rs: "All vain, luxuriant allegories, rhyming cadencies of sim ilary w ords, are such pitiful em bellishm ents pp. 123-144. D ieter notes that m edieval p reac h ers elaborated upon a single theme through divisions and sub-divisions (p. 129)- Wings of an E a g le , p. xvi. -------------------------------------------- Z T 6 ~ 14 of speech, as serve for nothing but to em base divinity. . . Even while South was in his critica l p rim e, Anglican preaching was undergoing change. The influence of c ritic s like South, the long dominance of the Puritan "plain" style, and the em ergence of the Royal i Society, all played p arts in changing Anglican pulpit oratory into the ! rational, unemotional brand which flourished in the early eighteenth j century. Bishop John Tillotson is the principal example of the apex of j ! Anglican preaching at the close of our period. Having had a Puritan j upbringing, he was affected by the em p h asis on plain style advanced by j P uritan nonconformity. He was also influenced by John Wilkins' j I E c c le sia ste s (1646), a discourse on preaching which stressed the im - j portance of teaching clearly, convincing strongly, and persuading ; t 15 powerfully. Wilkins was an influence in the founding of the Royal Society, of which Tillotson became a m e m b e r. With trends toward conciseness and rationality in Tillotson's background, it is not surprising to re a d that his preaching shows a "clear, but quite unpretentious architectonic d e s i g n . " ^ He states a 14W orks (1823), vol. Ill, p. 32. 15 L iterary histo rian s generally accept the fact that Tillotson owed much to Wilkins' influence. See Gosse, H istory of Eighteenth Century L iteratu re (1922), p. 76. A rthus Pollard, English S e rm o n s , No. 158 of W rite rs and Their Work (Longmans, Green &Co. , 1963). p. 26._________________ — 277 th e sis and develops it; he p hrases objections and refutes them. His prose has been appropriately called "Plain and unaffected," o r "pike- 17 staff" prose. In addition to the sylistic clarity which Tillotson m a in tained, his serm o n s show evidence of the basic Anglican principle of "uncommon belief in the sufficiency of reason to establish both the ! 18 I reality of God and the essential truths of the Christian faith." Avoiding, f on the one hand, the em phasis of the Roman Catholic Church upon the j ! authority of the Pope, and, on the other, the Puritan belief that the j Bible should be considered the irrefutable rule of God in all m a tte rs of! i ! faith and practice, the Anglicans sought for a m o re reasonable b asis j I of faith. In his famous serm on, "His Com m andm ents are not G rievous ,'1 i Tillotson attem pted to expound upon a rational foundation for belief. In his recent study of the eighteenth century pulpit in England, John Downey w rites that this serm on of Tillotson em bodies . . . the quintessential elem ents of what has become known as Latitudinarian theology. . . . Tillotson is solicitous to show how reasonable and beneficial Christianity can be. M ystery and sacrifice are not so m uch condemned as set aside as redundant. His appeal is to common sense and self-interest. 19 Throughout the seventeenth century, Anglican preaching e x hibited two c h a ra c te ristic s which held fairly constant. The firs t is that 17I b id ., p. 27. 18 J a m e s Downey, The Eighteenth Century Pulpit . . . (Oxford; Clarendon P r e s s , 1969), p. 14. 19Ibid. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------ T78 fro m the time of Andrewes to Tillotson, Anglican serm ons w ere usually based upon a Scripture text. Although some scholars point out that Anglicans tended to be m ore topical in their approach to serm ons than their nonconformist counterparts, all the serm ons of the age tended to 20 follow the Reformation habit of em phasis upon Scripture. The d iffe r ences among Anglican p reac h ers on the use of Scripture are easily discerned: the e a rlie r p reac h ers of the century w ere m ore concerned with minute details of exposition, often involving an explanation of each word in the text; the later p re a c h e rs used the text m ore as a general setting for their preaching. The second chara cteristic of Anglican preaching in the seven teenth century which holds constant, is the fact that Anglicans generally j p re fe rre d the extem pore mode of delivery over the m e m o rito r, which was prized by P u rita n s. Apparently few Anglicans, especially in the early part of the century, entered their pulpits with m anuscripts, al- 21 though notes as an aid to m e m o ry w ere not uncommon. In the latter p a rt of the century, a tendancy grew among Anglicans toward the read serm on. Tillotson, him self, p re fe rre d this mode, and was apparently 22 an able oral read e r. 20 D argan, A H istory of P reaching, II, 145. 21 Mitchell, p. 25. 22 An H istorical Anthology of Select B ritish Speeches, ed. by Donaid C. Bryant, et a l . (New York: The Ronald P r e s s Company, 1967 p. 1 5 7 . __________________________________________________________________ — 279 The extem pore method, or the later m an u scrip t method, did not preclude careful preparation. Both P uritan and Anglican divines realized that their pronouncem ents fro m the pulpit w ere far m o re than m e re passing com m ents; they spent m uch tim e in the study of Scrip- j ture, the Church F a th e rs , and c o m m en ta ries. Involved stylistic j beauties, or detailed argum ents, dem anded m ore than a m odicum of j p reparation. A rderne, him self an Anglican, had set forth what con- ! i I stituted the ideal of preparation and delivery in the established church:] I . . . here you m ust give yourself that liberty and boldness of ] speech, which re s e m b le s extem pore talk upon the w arm th of a sudden and p resen t thought; yet with this caution, that you do not j on either hand tra n s g re s s the laws of decency, by high flights j enthusiastic and giddy, or else by groveling stoop to clownish j p h ra se s, such which m ay be taxed as a rude treatm en t of a noble i subject. 23 ] Anglicans as well as P uritans echoed in their practice the advice of jHyperius, a P ro testa n t theologian of the sixteenth century: "Truly there is nothyng m o re unseemly, nothyng m o re perilous, than if a man p re su m e to teach in the church ex te m p o re , and without prem editation, 24 or ra th e r rashly without choice to powre out euerything." Anglicans, for the m o st part, attempted to em ulate good extem pore sp e e c h -- extensive preparation with the vitality of superior conversation. 23 D irections Concerning the M atter and Stile of S erm o n s, p. 16. 24 A ndreas G erhard H yperius, The P ra c tic e of Preaching, tran s by John Ludham (London: T. E ast, 1577), Bk. I, p. 16.________________ ------------------------------------------------- ----- — --------------------------------------------------Z80 Puritan Preaching P uritans and Anglicans recognized a need for extensive a c a demic education for their m in isters, and for each group, the m in ister, or the p riest, was the key instrum entality for the superintending of j j worship. F or the Anglicans, the p rie s t officiated in the church ritual, j i of which the serm on w as generally a part; for the Puritan, the pastor j preached the serm on, which was the central event of the w orship j service. j Anglicans and P uritans disagreed as to the role of preaching in ! the life of the church. The centrality of Anglican worship was the j Icelebration of the M ass. Sermons w ere thought to be instructive and j edifying, but not n e c e ss a ry in every m eeting. We are reminded that j P u rita n ism began as a faction within the established church which sought to re tu rn the church to the Scripture and "pure" doctrines. P reaching becam e a way to deem phasize ritual and em phasize Scrip tural instruction for P u rita n s. The P uritan tradition of stressin g the im portance of preaching extended back to the reign of Elizabeth when 2E the practice of inform al teaching called "prophesying" was developed. When A rchbishop G rindal refused the Q ueen's o rd e r to suppress this form of preaching, he w as removed fro m office. In 1583, John Witgift Webber, A H istory of Preaching in Britain and A m e ric a , I, p. 197. See Notestein, The English People on the Eve of Colonization, pp. 1 6 1- 162. ZfiTi | j becam e Archbishop. With a zeal for uniformity in the church and for the suppression of growing P u rita n ism , he drew up the famous Five A rticles, which provided in p art that no preaching, catechizing or praying be permitted i.i. any private home where any are p resen t besides the family; that no one be perm itted to preach or catechize unless he read the whole service, ] and adm inister the Sacram ent four tim es a year; that all clergy : w ear clerical vestm ents; that no one be perm itted to preach unless ' he be ordained by the C hurch of England; that none be allowed to preach unless he accept the Queen as sovereign head of both i State and Church, that he use only the Book of Comm on P ra y e r. ! 26 I • • • I These provisions struck at the h e a rt of P u ritanism , since they j ! smacked of the Popish influence P u rita n s felt compelled to drive from the English church. R epression of P uritan pulpit powers is evidence of [ the influence Puritan p asto rs w ere having in the religious life of the j i country. R epressive tactics aim ed at silencing Puritan preaching helped lead some P u rita n s to flee England for Holland, and eventually to establish a colony in N orth A m erica. Ultimately, P urita n ism , in England trium phed under the a rm ie s of Crom w ell, but once in power, its energy w as not found strong enough to enforce ecclesiastical d is c i pline. During the reign of P u rita n ism , sects multiplied. The P uritan em phasis upon preaching, on minute Scriptural exposition, and plain style, becam e the model for some of the sects which developed on the radical fringes of P u rita n ism . Often the p re a c h e rs of the "enthusiastic" 26 W ebber, I, 197. — 282 sects w ere, as we have seen, self-educated, and drawn from the laboring c lass. In subsequent y e a rs , when some of the m ore radical p re a c h e rs in the em erging sects turned their dislike of the ordained clergy into a general attack against learning, the traditional Puritans 27 tended to stand with Anglicans in defense of secular learning. N e v e r theless, it was the P u rita n 's "plain" style, which we will later discuss* that the em erging sects chose to em ulate. P u rita n s had developed the doctrine of the "m eans" of salvation. Under their system , the principal "m ean s" was the serm on. Because j i I they believed, in contradistinction to Quakers, that supernatural r e v e l ation had ceased with the completion of the canon of Scripture, it was n ece ssary , they said, for a person to be converted through some m e a n i other than d irect revelation. "The serm o n ," w rites P e rry Miller, "was the chief of these m eans because it had the Bible from which to gather its doctrines, logic with which to prove them , and also rhetoric to make doctrines attractive, reaso n s convincing, and applications 28 efficacious." P uritans believed that a physical stim ulus, such as hearing the gospel spoken by a p re a c h e r, was a prerequisite to every conversion, but that the Spirit of God accom panied the stimulus: The w ords of the m in ister are as a rro w s to wound a proud heart, and they humble the spirit, yet not by their own force, rath e r by the blessing of God upon them; one m in iste r brings m o re m en to 27 M iller, The New England M ind, p. 116. 28 Ib id ., p. 304.____________________________________________________ ---------------------------------------- -......... 283 repentance than another, and in p a rt because of his superior eloquence, yet the final cause of a sin n er's conversion is not any m in isterial rhetoric but the Holy G h o s t . 29 Puritan preaching was aimed at all the people rather than a select few. Puritan p re a c h e rs accepted the Calvinistic view of the predestination of the elect to heaven and the re s t of mankind to hell, but as William Haller has pointed out, j A rgue though they m ight that many were damned from all eternity, j the p re a c h e rs were to find it practically inadvisable as well as theoretically impossible to name the many who might not be saved, j R ather, all their in terest lay in exposing everybody--the great m a s s of the people--to the preaching of the convenant of grace. ! They spoke and acted, therefore, as though there were no con- j science which could not be awakened. . . .30 j i j Given the em phasis P u rita n s placed on the im portance of j j ! Jpreaching as a m eans of salvation, their method of serm on-m aking | consistently followed their utilitarian need. Accepting the R am us- P erk in s tradition, Puritan divines began with a definite Biblical text, clarified it, "raised the doctrine" fro m it, gave reasons for the doc- 31 trine, and applied the doctrine for the use of the listen ers. The " d o ctrin e-u se" form at was w ell-established in the hom iletical theory of the time, but was prom inent especially in William P erk in 's, The Arte of Prophecying, the prim ary hom ilectical source of P u ritanism . 29 Ibid., p. 290. ^ The Rise of P u rita n is m , p. 304. 31 Levy, Preaching in the f ir s t Half Century of New England History, pp. 88-95.____________________________________________________ 284 The influence of R a m ism on P e rk in s has been e sta b lish e d , but one ! ! 1 m ay also o b serv e the d ir e c t influence of R am istic thought on P u rita n serm o n m ethod. A lthough p rim a rily d e sc rib in g the R a m ism of New England P u rita n s e rm o n s , Levy also su m m a riz e d the e s s e n tia l in flu en ce s of R am us on E nglish P u rita n se rm o n s : i R a m u s 's sim plified ap p ro a c h to a problem , w ith the e m p h a sis alw ays upon d ic h o to m ies, en co u rag ed any P u rita n follow er to see h is w orld a s com posed of o p p o site s: d eed s w ere eith e r good j o r bad . . . m en w ere e ith e r saved o r dam ned. . . . The w ording j of te x ts w as analyzed or "opened"; the r e s u lts w ere com bined, by | the R a m ist m ethod of g en e sis, to fo rm the d o c trin e . E v ery s ta te - I m e n t w as followed by its re a s o n s o r p ro o f s - -a d ire c t m ethod of | p ro c e d u re relying m u ch upon ax io m atic tru th ra th e r than upon j sy llo g istic re a so n in g . Then again, the R a m ist idea w as that the j th e o ry o r a r t involved in solving a difficulty m a tte re d le s s than the u se o r purpose to w hich one put the conclusion a rriv e d at; a j re fle c tio n of th is u tilita ria n way of thinking m ay be seen in the long " u se s" and "ap p licatio n s" of the d o ctrin e with w hich each i s e rm o n cam e to an e n d .33 P e rh a p s the best-know n c h a r a c te r is tic of P u rita n s e rm o n s w as th e ir u se of the "plain" sty le. The s e rm o n s m ay justly be called "plain" when one c o m p a re s th e m to m any A nglican se rm o n s. P u rita n s e rm o n s w ere plain, e sp e c ia lly in the e a rly p a rt of the cen tu ry , not because th e ir m a k e rs could not a p p re c ia te nor execute the v a rio u s Howell, Logic and R h eto ric in England, 1500-1700, pp. 206- 207. P r o f e s s o r Howell n o te s th at P e rk in s "is not a thoroughgoing d i s ciple of R am us (p. 207), but his w ork on p reac h in g is dichotom ous in s tru c tu re , and shows o th e r R a m is tic tr a i ts . 33 Levy, p. 19. F o r a m o re thorough exam ination of R a m ism on P u rita n thought, see P e r r y M ille r, The New England M ind, pp. 116-153. ____________________ ________________________ — 285 s c h e m e s and tro p e s of the s ty listic rh e to r ic s , n o r because they did not i u n d erstan d H ebrew , G reek, o r L atin. P u rita n s used sty listic v a r i a tio n s w ith m o d e ra tio n , and q uotations fro m foreign tongues h ard ly at all, fo r b asically two re a so n s : (1) they aim ed at a differen t and m uch b ro a d e r audience than m any A nglican p re a c h e rs , and (2) they believed I th a t learn in g should be hidden, not p a ra d e d . The A nglican p re a c h e r often fe lt that his audience would be b o red u n le ss he delighted th em I I I I w ith sty listic d is p la y s. In a P u r ita n congregation, how ever, "the | I I educated would not grow w eary w hen plain points w ere not m ade d e - ! i lightful; educated P u rita n s did not find life that dull, and they w e re j 34 S aw akened not by elocution but by solidity and ra tio n a lity ." j i The P u rita n plain style h as often been m is re p re s e n te d as a | totally d ry , unengaging use of language. No doubt, at the hands of poor p ra c titio n e rs , e sp e c ia lly fro m the m id -c e n tu ry onw ard, it becam e p r e cisely that. Many P u rita n s, how ever, would have ag reed with and acted upon the sen tim en ts e x p re s s e d by P u rita n M ichael W igglesw orth .n an u n d erg rad u ate o ratio n in 1650: "How sw eetly doth eloquence even n fo rc e tru e th upon the u n d erstan d in g . . . . Eloquence giues new lu s te r 35 and bewty, new stre n g th new v ig o u r, new life unto tru eth . . . ." Yet ^ M i l l e r , p. 359. 35 The P u rita n s : A Sourcebook of th e ir W ritin g s, ed. by P e r r y M ille r and T hom as H. Johnson (Rev. ed. , two v o ls. ; New York; H a rp e r & Row, P u b lis h e rs , 1963), II, 674. — ---------------------------------------------------------- 28^ m o s t P u rita n s would h asten to caution th a t "w henever it becam e an end in itse lf, w henever it w as laid on too lav ish ly , w henever th e re w as eleg an ce for the sake of elegance alone . . . then it becam e 'c a rn a l 3 6 elo q u en ce1." The plain style, as H a lle r has shown, "w as called plain E nglish not because it w as u nim aginative o r in the la rg e r sense u n lite ra ry but because it w as d esigned to be intelligible and m oving to 37 plain people who w ere v e ry co n scio u s of being E n g lish ." Like A nglican p reac h in g , P u rita n pulpit o ra to ry cam e under attack during the la s t half of the sev en teen th c en tu ry . In the sam e a d d re s s in w hich he d erid e d the A n d re w e s1 school of preaching, South had h a r s h w o rd s fo r P u rita n s , whom he said fo rced th e ir d o c trin e s fro m s c rip tu re te x ts: ". . . and w ell it m ay be said to be draw n fro m i the w o rd s; for as m uch a s it seldom actu ally flow s or re s u lts fro m 3 8 them . . . ." He also b e ra te d the P u r ita n 's o v eru se of jargon, the "w h im sical can t of is s u e s , p ro d u cts, te n d an cie s, b reath in g s, indw ell- 39 Lngs, ro llin g s, re c u m b e n c ie s . . . ." T here is little doubt th at the c r itic is m leveled ag ain st P u rita n se rm o n s w as, at le a s t in p a rt, ju stifie d . Many P u rita n p re a c h e rs a fte r 3 6 M ille r, New England M ind, p. 307. 37 The R ise of P u r ita n is m , p. 133. 38 W orks (1823), III, 34-35. 39 Ibid. 287 the R e sto ra tio n w e re of m o re lim ited education than th e ir p r e d e c e s s o r s , and this left them open to the sam e kinds of a tta c k s w hich b ecam e pop- 40 u la r ag a in st the grow ing n u m b er of lay p r e a c h e r s . Like o th e r groups w hich live to develop beyond th e ir ru d im e n ta ry stag es, P u rita n s a s sum ed the usage of a su b c u ltu ra l language. M itchell o b s e rv e d that the P u r ita n 's "language of the C onvenant" i . . . w as in g re a t p a rt d e riv e d fro m legal phraseology, and . . . I fro m p h ra s e s d e s c rip tiv e of the m a r ita l ex p erien ce. In the la tte r j case the e x p re s s io n s used had decided affinities with m any of the m o re striking p a s s a g e s fro m the H ebrew p ro p h ets. . . . they w ere u sed by those who em ployed th e m at a m om ent when taste in this m a tte r w as definitely changing, and being used frequently j w ithout the co n su m m ate lite ra ry sk ill of a m a n like Donne they j a p p ea red cru d e and even d isg u stin g . . . .41 j G lanvill, for exam ple, m entioned p re a c h e rs who extoll the b enefits to i I people who " ro ll upon C h r is t, clo se w ith C h r is t, get into C h r i s t , get | 42 a saving in te r e s t in the L ord C h r is t. . . ." Such language w as esp ecially d ista ste fu l to A nglicans who p re f e r r e d not to w aste th eir s e rm o n s on "g e n e ra l and indefinite things, as in ex h o rtatio n s to the people to get C h ris t, to be united to C h ris t, and things of the like sig n ificatio n ."4 '* 40 M itchell, p. 371. 41I b id ., p. 260. 42 E ssa y C oncerning P re a c h in g (2nd ed. , London, 1703), p. 28. 43 Je re m y T ay lo r, "R ules and A d v ic e s," quoted in M itchell, 3. 374. ------------------------------------— — — — ---------------------------zsr R. F . Jo n es c r e d its a book published in 1669 by Simon P a tric k with turning the tide of c r itic is m leveled at E nglish preach in g , in the p a rtic u la r d ire c tio n of P u rita n s . In his A F rien d ly D ebate Between a C o n fo rm ist and a N o n -C o n fo rm ist, P a tric k asso ciated pedantic and " rh e to ric a l" p reac h in g w ith P u rita n is m , and " F ro m th is a s so c ia tio n j . . . the sty listic re v o lt ac q u ire d all the v iru le n c e c h a r a c te r is tic of ; 44 j the pow erful re a c tio n a g a in st the P u rita n s ." The u ltim a te end of this] J tu rn -ab o u t, w rite s Jo n es, w as th at " 'F in e p re a c h in g1 soon becam e the j rh e to ric a l c o u n te rp a rt of fa n a tic a l religion; en th u siasm w as d etecte d as; i quickly in the f ir s t a s in the second. On the o th er hand, a ratio n al j i i religion and a plain style w e re claim ed by the conform ing c le rg y as | I 45 jtheir sp ecial p o s s e s s io n s ." j The actual situ atio n w ith re g a rd to pulpit style follow ing the R esto ratio n , w as th a t both A nglican and P u rita n p reach in g w ere rapidly approaching the sa m e point. M itchell h a s gone so far a s to call pulpit 46 style following the R evolution of 1688 a "unity." Both A nglican and P u rita n preaching w e re re a c tin g to c ritic is m ; both w ere re a c tin g to the gains with com m on people posted by un learn ed lay p r e a c h e rs , p a r tic u la rly the Q u ak ers, who had le a rn e d fro m the e a r lie r P u rita n s th a t the 44 "The A ttack on P u lp it E loquence in the R e sto ra tio n ," in The Seventeenth C entury (Stanford: Stanford U niversity P r e s s , 1965) p. 116. 45I b id ., pp. 116-117. 46 __________E nglish P u lp it O ra to ry , p. 275._________________________________ 289 ! g re a t m a ss of people a re "g re a tly taken w ith a P r e a c h e r th a t speaketh I I to th e m in a fa m ilia r Language, and ex h o rte th them as if it w ere for 47 th e ir liv es. . . . " R e g a rd le ss of the e x c e s s e s w hich pro m p ted c r itic a l re a c tio n in ! the th ird q u a rte r of the ce n tu ry , P u rita n p la in n ess, together with the j ris e of scientific d is c o u rs e advocated by the Royal Society, had shown the nation the " p o ss ib ilitie s of a sim p le, s tra ig h t-fo rw a rd , u n e m c u m - j . . ,,48 i b e re d p ro s e . ! | With re g a rd to the actu al p re p a ra tio n of P u rita n s e rm o n s, we know that they p re fe rre d to lab o r o v e r m a n u s c rip ts which they would j 49 • c o m m it to m e m o ry , although som e spoke using n o te s. In any c a s e , | i i the se rm o n s w ere m o s t often ard u o u sly p re p a re d . It w as only on r a r e i 50 i o ccasio n s that a P u rita n would co n sen t to speak without p re p a ra tio n . Q uaker P re a c h in g Q uakers d iffere d significantly fro m A nglicans and P u rita n s in the kind and am ount of education re q u ire d of th e ir p r e a c h e rs . F ew of the e a rly Q u ak ers w e re fo rm a lly educated th e m s e lv e s, and even 47 R ich ard B a x te r, R eliquiae B ax terian a e (London, 1696), p. 32. ^ M itc h e ll, p. 275. 49 Ib id ., p. 26. 50 Levy, p. 81. 290 u n iv e rsity educated m e n like B a rc la y and Penn did not advocate fo rm a l tra in in g for the p reac h in g m in is try . B arclay , fo r exam ple, stated with re g a rd to knowledge of le tte r s : "we judge it not so m uch n e c e s s a ry to the w ell being of one, though accidently so m e tim e s in c e rta in r e s p e c ts 51 it m ay co n cu r, but m o re frequently it is hurtful than helpful." Under i the Q uaker view , the p rim a c y of the S p irit w as defended and all else ! w as deem ed se c o n d a ry . To som e it m ay have seem ed a d e trim e n t th a t | a m an not be schooled in the lib e ra l a r ts , but a s B arclay said: "the S p irit and g ra c e of God can m ake up this w ant in the m o s t ru s tic and j ig n o ran t; but th is know ledge can no w ays m ake up the w ant of the S p irit | 52 ! in the m o s t le a rn e d and elo q u en t." R ebecca Sm ith, in her Foundation of T ru e P re a c h in g , d enied in ty p ical Q uaker fashion th at p reach in g j i jcould be " m e re N a tu ra l A bility, o r a c q u ire d P a r t s and L aern in g [sic], b eca u se m an in this P o s tu re , in th is N a tu ra l State and Condition know eth not the things of God, and so he cannot M in iste r th em to o th e rs , of w hat 53 he is ig n o ran t h im se lf. . . ." W ith th e se b eliefs, Q u a k e rism lived until the nineteenth c en tu ry , when the p a s to ra l sy ste m , with the in stitu - r 54 tion of tra in e d m in is te r s , w as e s ta b lish e d in som e y e a rly m e e tin g s. 51 A pology, p. 186. ^Ibid. , p. 193. ^ Ib id . , p. 9. 54 F o r a lively d isc u ss io n of the effects of nineteenth cen tu ry re v iv a lis m on F rie n d s , see David C . LeShana, Q u a k e rs in C alifo rn ia (N ew berg, O regon: The B a rc la y P r e s s , 1969), pp. 29-45. See also W alter R. W illiam s, The R ich H e rita g e of Q u a k e ris m (G rand R apids: W illiam B. E e rd m a n s P u b lish in g C om pany, 1962), pp. 192- 201 . -------------------------------------------------------------- 291“ Given a theology w hich em p h asized the d ir e c t co m m unication of God to m an by the Inw ard Light, it would be n a tu ra l to expect Q u ak ers to d e -e m p h a s iz e the im p o rta n c e of preach in g . Although th e re a re o cca sio n al co m m en ts in the lite ra tu re of e a rly F rie n d s w hich se e m to u n d e rc u t the v alu es of preach in g , the close o b s e rv e r w ill find th a t j Q u ak ers c ritic a l of p reac h in g w ere reac tin g to a fo rm of p reac h in g , ! not preach in g p er s e . E a rly Q u ak ers, fa r fro m d e -e m p h a siz in g p reach in g , actually re v ita liz e d the preaching m in istry w ith th e ir con- j cept of the Inw ard L ight. U nder Q uaker theology, ev ery p erso n p re s e n j at a m e etin g w as a poten tial m in is te r . Q uakers no m o re d ero g ated jpreaching becau se of the Inw ard L ight enlightening all m en , than P u r i - jtans did becau se they believed in the doctrine of p red estin atio n . I Q u ak ers did, how ever, m ain tain that the role of the p re a c h e r w as that 55 of the "m id w ife," ra th e r than p rie s t. The p r e a c h e r 's duty w as to turn his h e a r e r s to the Inw ard Light: his " p ro fe s sio n " w as a t b e s t tra n s ito ry and te m p o ra ry . T he plea w as often fo r se lf-ex a m in atio n of o n e s ' sp iritu a l sta te . T h e re a re also in stan ce s in the s e rm o n s w hen the p re a c h e rs explicitly leav e the p e r s u a sion to the S p irit. F ox, a fte r having ch astized the Q u ak ers of B arbados for th e ir m o ra l laxity, called on the w orking of the Inw ard Light in this "M idw ife" is B a rc la y 's te rm . See A pology, p. 223. B a rb o u r u ses the te rm " m a tc h m a te r," Q u ak ers in P u rita n England, p. 130. ~zw m a n n e r: "so I leave th e se things to your s e rio u s C o n sid eratio n , & to ye w itn e ss of ye S p irit of God in you all . . . & be obedient unto it, & 56 see if it will not lead you into ye se lf sam e thing. . . Q u ak ers reco g n ized two types of vo cal m in is try : (1) p reach in g at "th re sh in g " m e e tin g s, at which Q uaker p re a c h e rs bo m b ard ed the "w orldly" with th e ir w arn in g s; and (2 ) preaching at local m eetinghouses, I 57 a risin g out of silen t m e d itatio n and w o rsh ip . The s e rm o n s of th is | | study a re of the la tte r v a rie ty , but they indicate th at Q u ak ers fro m I671j i to the tu rn of the cen tu ry spoke to two kinds of audiences in th e ir lo cal ■ i 58 1 m eetings: the co m m ited and the u n co m m ited . j i In d o ctrin e, the se rm o n s indicate significant d is a g re e m e n t with | A nglicans and P u rita n s . T he e s s e n tia l m e ssa g e of Fox, w hich la te r j ip reach ers re p e a te d , has been succinctly stated by B eam ish : . . . th e re w ere TWO T ru th s around w hich his theology d ra w s an e llip se . . . . The f i r s t of th e se w a s the h is to r ic a l tru th , sh ared by all C h ris tia n s , th at J e s u s C h ris t, the Son of God, becam e in c a rn a te , lived, taught, died, and ro s e again fo r m a n 's salvation. 56 M en 's M eeting, O cto b er, 1671, R ich ard so n MSS, typed copy, p. 207. See also C ris p , "B a p tism and the L o rd 's Supper A s s e r te d ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 70. 57 F o r d is c u s sio n of the two o c c a sio n s of Q uaker p re a c h in g , see B eam ish , Q uaker M in is try , pp. 16-19, and B arb o u r, Q u ak ers in P u r i tan E ngland, pp. 131-132. B u sin e ss m e etin g s w ere also c o n sid e re d w orship m e e tin g s, see R o b e rts, T hrough F lam ing Sw ord, p. 100. 58 F o rty -tw o of the s e rm o n s a d d re s s e d two au d ien ces; th rity -o n e a d d re s s e d the in -g ro u p . -------------------------------- 293~ The second w as his conviction that salvation w as d ire c tly com m unicated to m en only in so fa r as they respond to the | inw ard light of the S p irit of C h r is t.^9 The e m p h asis e a rly Q u ak ers placed upon the Inw ard Light produced a th e o re tic a l le sse n in g of im p o rta n c e on the S c rip tu re , but in p ra c tic e , j Q uaker p re a c h e rs showed stro n g re lia n c e upon the B ible. The sam e Spirit, they m ain tain ed , in sp ire d the Bible as th a t w hich infused th e ir i relig io n . P u rita n s saw in this Q uaker position, an attack upon th e ir i so u rce of authority. The b elief in the Inw ard L ight also co n tra d icted the A nglican e m p h a sis upon re a so n , although, a s we have o b serv ed , ! re a so n w as acknow ledged by Penn and B arclay a s an e p istem o lo g ical j i tool useful in a r e a s not sp iritu a l in n a tu re . E ven the position of Penn j and B arclay , how ever, n ev er w as given voice in the se rm o n lite ra tu re ,! i I and fu rth e rm o re , did not ap p ro ach the level of im p o rtan ce assig n ed to re a s o n by T illotson and o th er L a titu d in a ria n s. We have o b se rv e d d iffe re n c e s betw een A nglicans, P u rita n s , and Q uakers on the education and position of c le rg y , the place of p reac h in g in the life of the ch u rch , and the ty p e s of d o c trin e p re se n te d . F ully a s d ra m a tic are the c o n tra s ts in the fo rm of the s e rm o n s . E ach group produced a kind of s e rm o n lite r a tu r e v/ith c h a r a c te r is tic s e sse n tia lly peculiar to its own ro o ts . Q u ak ers re je c te d the " d o c trin e -u s e " fo rm a t ivhich P u rita n s follow ed. Only tw elve of the surviving s e rm o n s begin 59 Q uaker M in is try , p. 5. _ _ . . 294 j with a tex t, a p ra c tic e com m on to both P u rita n s and A nglicans, but I | m o st do not develop the te x t at all. A tex t m e re ly s e rv e s as a s ta rtin g J point fo r the s e r m o n . ^ N ever w as the s tru c tu re of Q uaker se rm o n s as concise o r fo rm a l a s th at followed by P u rita n s . C ris p s a rc a s tic a lly j d erid ed the P u rita n " d o c trin e -u s e " fo rm a t in this w ay: "T h is good i Man, and the o th e r good M an, m ade a good S erm on. Why w as it good? Not for any good they found by it, but becau se he ra is e d h is D octrine w ell, and proved it fro m S c rip tu re , th e re fo re we a r e obliged to believe it."^* A t an o th er tim e he e x p re ss e d the stan d ard Q uaker repugnance at! fo rm fo r f o r m 's sake: j They have invented and found out s e v e ra l w ays fo r P eople to i w o rsh ip and s e rv e God: T his and the o th er C erem o n y , th is and the o th e r O b se rv atio n and M ethod of P re a c h in g and P ra y in g : If all th is be w ithout the A ss is ta n c e ’and Divine H elp of the M ed iato r, th ro ' w hom we can ju stly expect A cceptance at G od's H ands, it is all good for n o th in g.^2 Although Q u a k e rs re je c te d the d o c trin e -u s e fo rm a t, th e ir s e r - I m ons show the skill of Q uaker p r e a c h e r s in S c rip tu ra l e x e g e sis. An exam ple fro m a 1688 s e rm o n by C ris p is the b est: Rev. 3. 20. Behold, 1 stand at the door and knock, and if any Man h e a r m y V oice, and open the d o o r, I w ill com e in to him , See, fo r ex am p le, C ris p , "B a p tism and the L o rd 's Supper A s s e rte d ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . . pp. 70-92; cf. , S tam p er, C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , pp. 188-201. ^ " C h r i s t All in A ll," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 16. 62 " P u re and S p iritu al W o rsh ip ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 58. 295H and Sup w ith him , and he w ith m e . H ere is good News for an hungry Soul. . . . C h r is t the M ed iato r, stands at the d oor and knocks, he w ill com e in and Sup w ith th ee, if thou open to him ; then we shall m e e t w ith the L o rd 's Supper. . . . he w ill b rin g J his B read w ith him , the B read of Life, and the Wine of his j K ingdom . . . . ; Now b e c a u se we w ill not p e rv e rt the S c rip tu re , I would have j you th at u n d e rsta n d Books, re a d w hat C o m m e n ta to rs of this and f o rm e r A ges say upon th is Text; w h eth er they do not d e liv e r in th e ir O pinions, that th is knocking at the D oor, is C h r is t callin g the Soul by h is G race; and th is D oor is the D oor of the H eart, and C h r is t's calling the Soul by his G race and S pirit, to let h im in by F a ith : T his is th e ir Ju d g m en t and Sense, and th e ir Sense is m ine; and I b elieve the Genuin Sense of this Text, th a t C h r is t would have P eo p le think he is n e a r to th em , and would have th e m open th e ir H e a rts , and R eceive him by F aith . . . .63 I In the ex am p le, C ris p not only m a k e s the S c rip tu re ring w ith m eaning I I I for those who advocated the im m e d ia te e x p erien ce of C h r is t in the | ! S pirit, but he u s e s the evidence of no n -Q u ak er " c o m m e n ta to rs " to ‘ laccom plish th is ta sk . F a r fro m re je c tin g a ll of the P u rita n trad itio n in p reac h in g , Q u ak ers adopted P u rita n d is ta s te for the sty listic c h a r a c te r i s t ic s of A nglican s e rm o n s . Q uaker s e rm o n s , like th e ir P u rita n c o u n te rp a rts , did not contain H ebrew , L atin, o r G reek quotations. Only one surviving "The F i r s t and G re a t C o m m an d m e n t," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , pp. 56-57. Cf. , Fox, Y early M eeting, M ay, 1678, R ichardson MSS, typed copy, pp. 68-69, on John 1; W aldenfield, D ev o n sh ire H ouse, in C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , pp. 137-138, on Is a ia h 9:6; W al denfield, " C h ris t A lto g eth er L o v ely ," in H arm ony of D ivine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , pp. 198-199, on Isaiah 53; C ris p , " C h ris t All in A ll," in S c r ip tu r e - T r u th s . . . , pp. 25-26, on R om ans 7; C risp , "The Standard of T ru th ," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 72, on R om ans 8; and C r is p , "B a p tism and the L o rd 's Supper A s s e r te d ," in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , pp. 88-89, on R evelation 3:20. ---------------------------------------------------------------------------- Z W 64 se rm o n of early Q u ak ers u s e s a fo reig n quotation. A lso "w it," a s the A nglicans p ra c tic e d it, w as not p re s e n t in Q uaker s e rm o n s . One s e a rc h e s Q uaker s e rm o n s in vain for d ir e c t quotations fro m a u th o ritie s o th e r than B iblical s o u rc e s . j I I The s o -c a lle d " P u rita n L anguage," w hich South attacked, is j 1 exem plified in the se rm o n s of Q u a k e rs. Tw enty-tw o of the ex tan t s e r - j m o n s contain p h ra s e s w hich would have ra is e d the ire of m en like South! I 65 and G lanvill. C ris p , fo r ex am p le, talked of "com ing in to C h ris t," 66 and being "brought hom e to C h r is t." At an o th er tim e he spoke of acknowledging th a t m any in the co n g reg atio n "have not em b ra ced and 6 7 clo sed w ith" the d raw in g s of G od's S p irit. P enn a lso used the la n guage of m a rita l love: "I have had o th e r L o v e rs, but now my Soul 6ft loveth thee above all. . . ." C halkley pleaded in 1698: " F rie n d s I w ish you to e m b ra c e th is Love, le t your A rm s & B osom be open to 64 C ris p u s e s the te r m Ignis F a tu u s , in quoting unnam ed "le a rn e d Men and M in is te r s ," who say th at the Light w ithin is only a " n a tu ra l co n scie n ce" ("No T ru e W orship w ithout the rig h t Knowledge of G od," in S c rip tu re -T ru th s . . . , p. 162). 65 " C h ris t the Way, the T ruth, and the L ife ," in S crip tu re - T ru th s . . . , p. 97. ^ " T h e D awning of the Day of G race and S alv atio n ," in S c rip tu re - T ru th s . . . , p. 123. 67 "The g r e a t Duty of R em em b rin g o u r C r e a to r ," in S c rip tu re ■ T ru th s . . . , p. 97. 68 "G od's C all To The C a r e le s s W o rld ," in H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o c trin e s . . . , p. 41. ---------------------------------------- — --------------------------------------------------------------- 2 W 69 e m b ra c e this Love. . . The m o st fo rcefu l exam ple of "P u rita n language" found in the e a rly Q uaker se rm o n s is fro m D e w sb u ry 's la st se rm o n : " C h ris t J e s u s in M a rry in g m y Soul to h im se lf seized upon j 70 1 m e , and did w ork effectually in m e . . . ." The u sag e refle cted the j em p h a sis both P u rita n s and Q u ak ers placed on p e rs o n a l relig io n . j Q uaker p r e a c h e r s d iffere d significantly fro m both A nglicans | I and P u rita n s in th e ir m ethod of p re p a ra tio n and d e liv e ry . The h o u rs ! of painstaking a n a ly sis and com position, which w ere re fle c te d in the i i s e rm o n s of A nglicans and P u rita n s , w ere not c o n sid e re d n e c e s s a ry by Q uaker p re a c h e rs , and w ere seen as m e re "outw ard h e lp s" w hich j could outw eigh the p ro m p tin g s of the Inward L ight. They did not w rite out th e ir se rm o n s ahead of tim e , nor speak fro m m e m o ry , m a n u sc rip t, o r n o tes. Q u ak ers did not even c o n sid e r th e m se lv e s called to p reac h at a given tim e o r place u n le ss they felt the im m e d ia te leading of the 71 S p irit. 69 MS, h andw ritten, S w arth m o re C ollege L ib ra ry , p. 21. 70 C o n c u rre n c e and U nanim ity . . . , p. 23. 71 M inutes of th e Monday M orning M eeting indicate th at "publick1 F rie n d s , those w ith an acknow ledged p reac h in g m in is try , should m e e t tog eth er on m ondays, or send a note to te ll the other m in is te r s which m eeting they would be attending. T h e re is no indication, how ever, that plans to be at a c e rta in m eetin g w e re not su b ject to change, o r even th a t the "publick" F rie n d w as expected to p re a c h at the m eeting (typed copy, vol. I, p. 5). 298 On the o th e r hand, Q uaker se rm o n s w ere not chaotic in content o r s tru c tu re . They re v e a l p re p a ra tio n in the fo rm of firs t-h a n d in te n sive acquaintance on the p a rt of the p re a c h e rs w ith the S c rip tu re s , and care fu l thought on theo lo g ical to p ics. M ost of the ex tan t se rm o n s e x h ib it a w ide v a rie ty of S crip tu re quotations around a g ra d u a l in te rw e a v ing of th e m e s . None of the se rm o n s contains a p artitio n of m ain points^ I and it m ay be a ss u m e d th at the p re a c h e rs had little know ledge concern-! ing the fin al com position of the se rm o n until it w as com pleted by th e m | at the tim e of d e liv e ry . Even when te x ts w ere quoted a t the o u tse t, the s e rm o n s did not focus upon the m eaning of the te x t beyond the f i r s t few | i lin e s . T h is au th o r h a s found no evidence to indicate that Q uaker s e r - ! m ons w e re prep lan n ed specifically fo r the o c c a sio n s at w hich they werej L . 72 spoken. C onclusion s The Q uaker concept of the im m ed iate re v e la tio n of G od's S p irit through th e Inw ard L ight produced se rm o n lite ra tu re w hich both r e flected and d iffere d fro m A nglican and P u rita n p re a c h in g . Q uaker 72 M any of the im a g e s and th e m e s a re the sam e in the s e rm o n s . O bviously, the p r e a c h e r s rew o rk ed m a te r ia ls w hich had been u sed p r e viously in s e rm o n s . F u r th e r m o re , s e v e ra l of the s e rm o n s show a resp o n se to p a rtic u la r situ atio n s which m u s t have p ro m p ted forethought an the p a r t of the p re a c h e rs . See e sp e c ia lly F o x 's s e rm o n s on B a r - aadoes, and P e n n 's se rm o n at a fu n eral, June 19, 1688, in C o n c u rre n c t and U nanim ity . . . , and wedding se rm o n , "Two M ade O ne," O cto b er 3, 1694, in H arm o n y of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin e s — 299 s e rm o n s w ere fleeting rh e to ric a l a c ts. T h eir purpose w as fundam ent - i ally to d ir e c t the h e a r e r s to the so u rce of tru th --th e Inw ard Light. They also , how ever, in the tra d itio n of g re a t p reaching through the a g e s, offered an opportunity for teaching in the life of the church. S erm o n s w ere not "m e a n s of G ra c e " to Q u ak ers, as the P u rita n s b e - I lieved, but they w ere e ss e n tia lly d ire c te d at helping the h e a r e r find thej G iver of G race. Surviving Q uaker s e rm o n s gen erally focus the a tte n - j i I tion of h e a r e r s m o re on th e ir p re s e n t, im m e d ia te , re la tio n sh ip with I the living God, than upon the d e lib e ra te exposition of S crip tu re a s one < m ig h t expect to find in P u rita n s e rm o n s. C hurch tra d itio n and the j im p o rta n c e of re a s o n in faith a re e ith e r ignored o r d isp a ra g e d in Q uaker s e rm o n s . T h ere is co n sid e ra b le ju stificatio n for placing the preach in g of A nglicans, P u rita n s, and Q u ak ers on a continuum , w ith A nglican p reac h in g and Q uaker p reaching at e ith e r e x tre m e . A nglicans, and P u rita n e le m e n ts w ithin the C h u rch of E ngland, w ere h e ir s of preaching; i a s p ra c tic e d in the m iddle ag es; th e ir e m p h a sis w as upon m aking S c rip tu re and ch u rch tra d itio n useful to the life of p a ris h io n e rs . A s the E n g lish R efo rm atio n p ro g re s s e d , how ever, and A nglicans w ere o b li gated to defend the au th o rity of the C h u rch , State, and T rad itio n , P u r i ta n preaching b eca m e m o re d is tin c t fro m A nglican. P u rita n s co n sciously attem pted to e x o rc ise any show of trad itio n , avoided sty listic e x c e s s e s w hich they saw as r h e to ric a l re fle c tio n s of w orldly lu s ts for ----------------------------------------- — 300 u n n e c e ssa ry tr if le s , m ade the pulpit the focus of th e ir m e etin g s and the j c e n te r of w o rsh ip , and m ade th e ir hom iletic th eo ry one of p rim a ry j e m p h a sis upon p ra c tic a l S c rip tu ra l e x e g e sis. Q uaker p r e a c h e r s w ere ! the h e ir s of the lay p r e a c h e r s on the frin g e s of m id -c e n tu ry P u r ita n is m . Q uaker s e rm o n s a re the logical re s u lt of accepting the P u rita n ! 1 i im p atien ce w ith tra d itio n and th e ir cultivation of the "plain" style, or. the one hand; w hile a t the sam e tim e re v e rs in g the P u rita n epistem o- logical o rd e r of " S c rip tu re f ir s t, then S p irit," to "S p irit f ir s t, then i I S c rip tu re ," on the o th e r hand. The rh e to ric a l r e s u lt of the Q uaker | i position w as the totally im p ro m p tu se rm o n . The d iffe re n c e s and s im - j j | ila r itie s am ong A nglican, P u rita n , and Q uaker s e rm o n s show a p ro - j g re s s io n fro m e m p h a sis upon c h u rch trad itio n (including S crip tu re), to I ! e m p h a sis upon S c rip tu re while acknow ledging the im p o rta n c e of the S pirit, to e m p h a sis upon the S p irit while acknow ledging the im p o rtan ce of S c rip tu re . E ac h of the th re e se rm o n fo rm s d isc u ss e d in this chapter is a refle ctio n of e s s e n tia l changes in the philosophical assu m p tio n s re g a rd in g ep istem o lo g y and au th o rity . They offer evidence of the p rin cip le that ch an g es in philosophical p resu p p o sitio n s w ill produce changes in the n a tu re and fo rm of rh e to ric a l d is c o u rs e . At the hands oi capable m en in each cam p , the se rm o n becam e a fo rc e w ithin the g- oao s tru c tu re and tra d itio n . F o r the A nglican, the s e rm o n becam e a l i t e r ary a s w ell as a didactic effort; the P u rita n s e rm o n b eca m e an -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------JUT exposition of d o ctrin e applied to the b e lie v e r 's life; and the Q uaker s e rm o n b eca m e a poignant plea for o p en n ess to the S p irit's leading and pow er. C H A PTE R VIII CONCLUSION The Q u ak er m o v e m en t w as able to com e into being, fav o u red by O liver h im se lf, though highly offensive to m o s t p e rso n s in au th o rity . U nder the P ro te c to ra te it took such ro o t th a t the f ie r c e r p e rse c u tio n s of the R e sto ra tio n p erio d could not d e s tro y it. G eorge F o x m ade a t le a s t the m o st o rig in al co n trib u tio n to the h isto ry of re lig io n of any E nglishm an. H is v ery s p iritu a l and v ery unorthodox C h ristia n ity had im m en se su c c e s s am ong the P u rita n s e c ta r ie s of the la s t half of the S eventeenth C entury.^ This study w as m o tiv ated o rig in ally by the a u th o r's in te r e s t in the rh e to ric a l phenom ena of e a rly Q u a k e rs. It w as o b s e rv e d in p re lim in a ry study th a t the often e x p re s s e d im age of Q u a k e ris m as a religion b ased upon " s ile n c e " did not p re s e n t an a c c u ra te p ic tu re of the e a r lie s t Q u ak er s. D uring the f ir s t fifty y e a r s of Q u a k e ris m , the move-' m en t w as la rg e ly e n e rg iz e d by the spoken w ord. A s a r e s u lt of the p re lim in a ry study, the author found that th e re w ere two fa c to rs which m ade an ex am in atio n of the p reach in g of e a rly Q u a k e rs p o s sib le , e x p e dient, and n e c e s s a r y . G eorge M. T re v e ly a n , The T udors and the S tu a rt E r a , Vol. II of H isto ry of E ngland (G arden City, New York: L o n g m an s, G reen and Co. , 1965), p. 217. 302 303 F ir s t, sev en ty -fo u r s e rm o n s d eliv ered by Q u a k e rs in the y e a r s 1671-1700 have su rv iv ed . Only a fra g m e n t of a se rm o n survived the f ir s t decade of Q u a k e ris m , 1650-1660, and fro m the y e a r s 1660 to 1670 no s e rm o n s a re extant p e rh a p s becau se m o s t of the Q u ak er p re a c h e rs w ere in p riso n for significant p o rtio n s of that tim e . F ro m 1671 to 1700, h o w ev er, s e v e n ty -th re e s e rm o n s w ere e ith e r " p ira te d " by e n t e r p risin g p r in te r s , o r re c o rd e d in notes w hich la te r b eca m e m a n u sc rip t collections in Q u ak er lib r a r ie s . T hese s e rm o n s constitute a r e p o s i to ry of data on e a rly Q uaker s e rm o n -m a k in g la rg e ly untouched by s c h o la rs in te re s te d in rh e to ric . Although the e x isten ce of som e of the 2 se rm o n s has been acknlow edged by th re e s c h o la rs , no one has re p o rte d a s y s te m a tic a n a ly sis of Q u ak er p reac h in g b ased upon the se rm o n lite r a tu r e . Second, th e re has b e 'n a tu rn ab o u t in the in te rp re ta tio n of Q u ak er o rig in s. E a rly in the tw entieth cen tu ry , it w as popular to view Q u a k e ris m as an outgrow th of C ontinental m y s tic is m , although evidence 3 of h is to ric a l influences w as quite s p a rs e . R e v isio n is ts , such as 2 L u ella M. W right, The L ite r a r y Life of the E a rly F rie n d s (New York: C olum bia U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1932), pp. 143-148; and L u cia K. B e a m ish , Q uaker M in is try , 1691-1834 (Oxford: By the A uthor, 76 c W oodstock Road, 1967), pp. 22-23. T. Canby Jones includes the m a jo rity of F o x 's s e rm o n s as d ata in his theological study "G eorge F o x 's T eaching on R edem ption and S alvation" (unpublished P h .D . d is s e rta tio n , Yale U n iv e rsity , 1956). 3 _________ See e sp e c ia lly the w o rk s of Rufus Jo n e s. 304 G eoffrey N uttall and F r e d e r ic k T o lies, countered the m y stic a l v iew point with a position which saw Q u a k e ris m as a n a tu ra l outgrow th of 4 P u rita n is m . With re g a rd to the re a p p ra is a l of Q u ak er beginnings, this study sought to exam ine the surviving s e rm o n s w ithout the b eg in ning p e rs p e c tiv e which views Q u a k e rism as m y s tic a l in o rig in , and at the sam e tim e acknow ledging the influences of P u rita n is m on e a rly Q u a k e rism . A dditionally, the author h a s attem p ted to avoid the p e r- I spective of seeing Q u a k e ris m as sim ply another ra d ic a l P u rita n sect. It w as b eliev ed that the se rm o n s would not only shed light upon the th e o ry of d is c o u rs e of e a rly Q u a k e rs, but also tend to illum inate th e ir o rig in s in c le a r e r p e rsp e c tiv e . A rm e d with a body of rh e to ric a l data to an aly ze, and a ra tio n ale for th e ir study based upon both the lack of study of e a rly Q uaker se rm o n s and a continued in te r e s t and c o n tro v e rsy in Q u ak er stu d ie s, the au th o r se t out to an sw er th e se questions: W hat w e re the in te lle c tual, re lig io u s , so c io -p o litic a l, rh e to ric a l, and h o m ile tic a l c u rre n ts which su rro u n d ed and influenced the rh e to ric of e a rly Q u a k e rs ? What See esp e c ia lly N uttall, The Holy S p irit in P u rita n F aith and E x p e rie n c e (Oxford: B o ris B lackw ell, 1946), pp. viii, 13-14, 16-18. 5 L ew is B enson h as c ritic iz e d the "ev an g elical" p e rs p e c tiv e of viewing e a rly Q u a k e rs solely as a P u rita n sect in C atholic Q u a k e rism : A V ision fo r All M en (Philadelphia: The F rie n d s Book S to re, 1968), p. 7. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 305~ philosophical p re su p p o sitio n s u n d erlay e a rly Q u ak er rh e to ric ? What w ere the salien t c h a r a c te r is tic s of Q uaker s e rm o n s fro m 1671 to 1700? F inally, in what w ays w as the preaching of the e a rly Q u ak ers s im ila r to o r d ifferen t fro m that of the A nglicans and P u rita n s ? S u m m ary of the Study E a rly Q u ak er s e rm o n s w ere p reach ed in an age c h a ra c te riz e d by revolt ag ain st au th o rity and trad itio n . In the in tellectu al re a lm , m en like D e s c a rte s and B acon w ere challenging deductive sy stem s of knowledge in favor of m a th e m a tic s and d ire c t o b se rv a tio n of phenom ena. At the end of the cen tu ry , m e n w ere beginning to e x p re s s confidence th at, given unbiased o b se rv a tio n and the rig h t application of re a so n , all the m y s te rie s of the u n iv e rs e would be d isc o v e re d . Changes o c c u rrin g in the relig io u s life of sev en teen th century England w ere no le ss s p e c ta c u la r. P u rita n is m had e m e rg e d as the m o st pow erful religious fo rc e in England, and had spaw ned n u m e ro u s se c ts during the In terre g n u m , and by the la tte r p a rt of the cen tu ry was declining. P u rita n s e m p h a sized the p e rso n a l e x p e rie n c e of G od's g ra c e and sovereignty in the b e lie v e r's life, the n e c e ss ity of a life of good w orks a s the effect of salvation, the u ltim a te au th o rity of S crip tu re for all m a tte r s of faith and p ra c tic e , and the b e lie f th a t the state should be re m a d e for G od's glory. A n g lican s, on the o th e r hand, defended ch u rch trad itio n s in h e r ited fro m R om an C a th o lic ism , m aintained th at the c h u rch was the 306~ u ltim a te au th o rity , and a s s e r te d th a t re a s o n should be the p rim a ry rule in the life of th e ch u rch . Many of the e s s e n tia l b eliefs of P u rita n s w ere adopted by the s e c ts which p ro life ra te d during the C om m onw ealth, including an in te re s t in so cial ju s tic e , and an e m p h a sis upon the Holy S p irit. At the close of the cen tu ry , the in c re a s e d im p o rtan ce of r e a son am ong le a rn e d m en had begun to challenge the au th o rity of S c rip tu re . T here w e re also sw eeping changes in th e so cio -p o litical re a lm . The a ris to c ra c y and m o n a rc h y w ere challenged, and during the C om m onw ealth, e x tre m e so c io -p o litic a l views w ere voiced by such groups a s the D ig g ers and L e v e lle rs . P e rs e c u tio n of Q u ak ers and other d is s e n te rs followed the R e sto ra tio n of the m onarchy and con- l tinued g en erally until to le ra tio n w as achieved in 1689. England, during the y e a r s of Q uaker g e n e sis, w as p rim a rily a g ric u ltu ra l and r u r a l, although lin es of com m unication betw een v illag es w e re m o re com m on. C hanges in thought, relig io n , and society w ere m ir r o r e d in the r h e t o r ical and h o m ile tic a l c u rre n ts of the seventeenth century. The long reig n of the s ty listic r h e to ric s , so n e c e s s a ry to a society based upon h ie ra rc h y of social sta tu s, w as challenged by the need for p la in er la n guage voiced by B acon, the R oyal Society, and la te r A dam Smith and G eorge C am pbell. P u rita n s had m ain tain ed a "p lain " style in th e ir pulpits long before it b ecam e fashionable in the la s t p a rt of the cen tu ry . The c la s s ic a l rh e to ric a l sy ste m w as challenged on the one hand by P e te r R am u s, w hose d ia le c tic a l and rh e to ric a l th e o rie s w ere in vogue --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 307~ in England during the e arly p a rt of the cen tu ry , and, on the o th e r hand, by rh e to ric ia n s who followed the lead of Bacon. R a m u s' use of dichot om ies and h is ax io m atic m ethod b ecam e the m odel for the "d o ctrin e- u s e " ap p ro ach advocated by W illiam P e r k in s ' The A rte of P ro p h e e y in g , the p rim a ry P u rita n source for h o m iletical theory. C la ssic a l rh e to ric was also em p h asized during the century by the N eo -C ic e ro n ia n s, and becam e the m a jo r influence on rh e to ric a l theory during the m id and late cen tu ry . Both R am ism and c la s s ic is m , when adapted to the needs of h o m ile tic s , called for detailed and a c c u ra te S c rip tu ra l exposition. D uring the th ird q u a rte r of the cen tu ry , a "new h o m iletic, " along the lines of the new rh e to ric of the Royal Society, w as being advanced. Style for the sake of style was attacked by such c r itic s of co n tem p o rary pulpit style as John W ilkins and Jo sep h G lanvill. The fo rm ativ e y e a rs of Q u a k e rism , fro m the 1650's through the 1660's, saw co n sid era b le d y n am ism betw een individual view points e x p re s se d w ithin Q u a k e rism and the developm ent of a group W eltan- s ic h t.^ A fter the 1670's, how ever, the group b elief s tru c tu re approached the place w here it e x e rte d co n sid era b le p re s s u re on the individuals in the group. It is thus p o ssib le to c o n s tru c t a p ic tu re of A case in point of e x tre m e e x p re s sio n w ithin Q uaker ran k s is seen in J a m e s N a y le r's "triu m p h al e n try " into B ris to l, in which he w as seen as a M e ssia n ic figure. See W illiam C. B raith w aite , The B egin nings of Q u a k e r is m , rev ised by H enry J. C adbury (2nd ed- ; C am bridge U n iv ersity P r e s s , 1961), pp. 241-278. 308 the Q uaker W eltan sich t w ith a fa ir am oung of co n sisten cy for the y e a rs 1671-1700. Q u a k e rs of this period saw m an as d e g en e rated and in need of p erso n al salv atio n fro m sin. Unlike the C alv in ists, they m aintained that all m en w ere enlightened by the Inw ard L ight of C h ris t, and thus capable of attain in g salvation. The L ight w as seen as a gift of G od's g ra c e , not an in h e re n t fa c u lty --a sp ark of d iv in ity --o f m a n 's n a tu re . If the Inw ard L ight was obeyed and not re s is te d , it would lead to the i individual's salvation. Q u ak ers also a s s e rte d th a t m an could o vercoir;; the power of sin in this life and becom e "p e rfe c te d " through the pow er of the Inw ard L ight of C h rist. F ox held a position on p erfectio n which saw m an a s re tu rn e d to the sin le ss state of A dam before the fall, but m o st of the p re a c h e rs during the y e a rs of this study thought th a t the p ro c e s s of p erfectio n ad m itted of fu rth e r grow th and the p o ssib ility of retu rn in g to sin. Q u a k e rs m aintained th a t a m an p o s s e s s e s a fre e will capable of resp o n d in g to o r re je c tin g the o v e rtu re s of God. The Q u ak er outlook on so ciety during the la s t h alf of the se v e n teenth century u nderw ent change. W hereas in the f ir s t two d ecad es Q u ak ers saw th e m s e lv e s as fighting the "L a m b 's W ar, " an overcom ing of evil with good in all s tr u c tu re s and lev els of society, in the la te r y e a rs they began to see th e m se lv e s m o re as the "R em nant" to be p r e serv ed fro m the ev ils of society they had ap p aren tly given up hope of d ra stic a lly a lte rin g . E ith e r im age re su lte d in an attitude of se p a ra tio n fro m society. S ep aratio n , w hether e x p re s se d in the L a m b 's W ar or as 309 the p re s e rv a tio n of the R em nant, m a n ifested itse lf in b eh av io ral p a t te rn s which co n tra ste d with those of the "sinful" m a jo rity of E nglish society. T h ree p ecu liar Q uaker b eh av io rs re la te d d ire c tly to language usage: (1) the re fu sa l to take o ath s, (2) the in siste n c e upon using the " tru e " n am es of things, and (3) the use of "plain sp e e c h "--in c lu d in g the re fu sa l to use o rn a m e n ts as w ell as "you" in the sin g u lar. E a rly Q uaker ep istem o lo g y w as infused with the concept of the Inw ard Light. To seventeenth century Q u a k e rs, the L ight of C h ris t w as the p rim a ry so u rce of sp iritu a l knowledge. L a te r Q u a k e rs, n o t ably B a rc la y and P enn, began to give m o re e m p h a sis to re a so n as a m e a n s of knowledge in the n o n -s p iritu a l re a lm , w h ereas Fox saw the Light as the p rim a l so u rce of all know ledge. The S c rip tu re s b ecam e, for Q u a k e rs, a seco n d ary so u rce of know ledge. The d istinction b e tw een S c rip tu re and the Inw ard L ight tended to be th e o re tic a l in n atu re , how ever, since e a rly F rie n d s also believed that the leading of the Inw ard L ight would n e v e r c o n tra d ic t S c rip tu re becau se the sam e S p irit in sp ire d both S c rip tu re and the b e lie v e r. The dynam ic ten sio n between the Light and the S c rip tu re am ounted to an injunction to obey b o th , since the S p irit could not c o n tra d ic t h im se lf. R eason w as acc o rd ed a high place by B arclay and Penn, but w as c o n sid e re d su sp e c t by Fox and o th e rs u n le ss it was guided by the Light. The surviving s e rm o n s , including B a rc la y 's and P e n n 's , follow F o x 's lead by assigning little or no ro le to re a so n . M ost e a rly Q u a k e rs believed h o w ev er, that, 310 enlightened by the S p irit of God, re a s o n could be a valid ep istem o lo g i- cal tool. The group, o r the "co m m u n ity " of b e lie v e rs , also w as an im portant ep istem o lo g ical tool for e a rly Q u a k e rs. They believed th at the Inw ard L ight would lead people into a sense of unity. Unity thus becam e a m e a n s of testing the leading of the Light. E a rly Q u ak er psychology saw m a n 's m ind as com posed of fa c u l tie s . His ability to re a s o n had been c o rru p te d by sin. C o rru p ted r e a son would in tu rn c o rru p t judgm ent, which would inevitably c o rru p t the conscience. All hum an facu lties w e re of no use in attaining the s p i r itual life. Yet e a rly F rie n d s o p tim istic a lly m aintained th a t all m en had the innate capacity to resp o n d to the Inw ard L ight during th e ir "Day of V isitatio n ." The Q uaker view of com m unication, th e re fo re , saw any vocal exchange, including p reac h in g , as a "shadow " of r e a l co m m u n i cation with God through the Inw ard Light. In spite of a seem ingly p e s sim istic view point on the value of p reac h in g , the Q u a k e rs produced m any m en w hose vocation w as p rim a rily preaching. E a rly Q u ak ers m aintained th a t th e ir p re a c h e rs should be holy m en, that they should speak spontaneously as they w ere led by the Inw ard L ight, and that they should d ire c t th e ir h e a r e r s to the so u rc e of the tru th - -th e L ight itself. N oticeably a b s e n t fro m qualificatio n s fo r vocal m in istry among Q u a k e r s was the n e c e s s ity of fo rm a l education. Q u ak er m e etin g s for w o r ship m et on the b asis of sile n t w aiting upon G od's S pirit. Out of the silence cam e vocal m in is trie s by both m en and w om en who felt m oved 311 to p re a c h , p ra y , o r p ra is e . Q uaker p re a c h e rs developed a ratio n ale for p reac h in g b ased upon four p rin c ip le s: (1) p reach in g could help a p e rso n reco g n ize the leading of the Inw ard Light; (2) p reach in g could aid in the in d iv id u al's grow th through S c rip tu ra l in te rp re ta tio n , advice, re p ro o f, o r in stru c tio n ; (3) p reaching could a ct as a defense of Q uaker d o c trin e s; and (4) p reach in g was com m anded by C h ris t in the Bible. T h em es developed in Q uaker s e rm o n s fro m 1671 to 1700 re v e a l th re e c h a r a c te r is tic s concerning the content of e a rly Q u ak er se rm o n rh e to ric . F i r s t , Q u ak er se rm o n s w e re m u lti-th e m a tic , often in the fo rm of ju x tap o sitio n of concepts and t e r m s re le v a n t to the G ospel. In this r e s p e c t they a r e c lo s e r to the e a rly p reac h in g of ev a n g e lists such as St. P e te r , who p ro c la im e d the G ospel, as opposed to the la te r p reac h in g in the e a rly church which w as m o re co n cern ed with in s tr u c tion and apology. Second, th em es w hich a r e developed in g r e a te r d e ta il in the s e rm o n s w ere usually of a c o n tro v e rs ia l n a tu re . T hird, Q u a k e r s e rm o n s tre a te d th re e kinds of them es: (1) theological th e m e s, (2) th e m e s re le v a n t to guiding individual b eh av io r, and (3) th e m e s re v e a lin g Q u ak er attitu d es and re s p o n s e s to c u r r e n t so ciety . T heolog ical th e m e s included both those concerning the re la tio n sh ip s of God and m an , and th eo lo g ical th e m es trad itio n ally tied to re lig io u s ritu a l. In the f i r s t ca te g o ry , concepts such as faith, G od's love, joy, pow er, re d e m p tio n , and re g e n e ra tio n found th e ir way into a la rg e m a jo rity of the s e rm o n s , G od's pow er and m a n 's faith, for ex am p le, a p p ea rin g in 312 sixty-five and fifty-nine of the sev en ty -fo u r s e rm o n s, re sp e c tiv e ly . In addition, concepts such as ju stific a tio n , sanctification, and G od's ju d g m e n t--su b je c ts of th eo lo g ical dispute in the a g e --w e re also tre a te d in the s e rm o n s , ap p ea rin g tw en ty -eig h t, fo rty -six , and th irty -n in e tim e s , re sp e c tiv e ly . C oncepts tra d itio n a lly tied to re lig io u s ritu a l, such as w o rsh ip , b a p tism , and the L o rd 's Supper, w ere tre a te d by Q u ak er p re a c h e rs as sp iritu a l e n titie s ra th e r than p h y sical acts; w o r ship ap p earin g in th irty -o n e s e rm o n s , b ap tism in tw enty-tw o, and the L o rd 's Supper in only th r c r . The s e rm o n s tre a te d "co m m u n io n ," which ap p ea red in tw en ty -fo u r s e rm o n s , as fellow ship, not p artaking oJ physical e le m e n ts. The a v e ra g e se rm o n interw eaved the theological th e m e s into a m o sa ic p a tte rn . D octrine w as r a re ly p re s e n te d in a sy ste m a tic m a n n e r, the p re a c h e r g en era lly expecting h is h e a r e r s to be acquainted with the concepts he w as pro claim in g . In su m , th e o logical th em es w ere handled by the e a rly Q uaker p r e a c h e r s according to th e ir own p re su p p o sitio n s. A lthough they used the language of the King J a m e s B ible, so fa m ilia r to P u rita n s , they m ain tain ed that all m en could attain salv atio n thro u g h faith in C h rist, not ju s t the elect. F u r th e r m o re , ju stificatio n dem anded a life sanctified to the Lord. H oliness in living w as expected a s the n a tu ra l re s p o n s e of the re g e n e ra te d life. The b e lie v e r 's w o rsh ip w as in s p irit and did not dem and ritu a l, p reach in g , o r any o th e r "o u tw ard " act. The only b ap tism recognized by Q u a k e rs w as th a t of the S pirit. C om m union w as not 313 b re a d and w ine, but the fellow ship of b e lie v e rs with C h ris t and each o th er. The s e rm o n s also o ffered th e m es re le v a n t to the ind iv id u al's behavior. Q u a k e rs w ere expected to live a life m a rk e d by h o lin ess, love for God and fello w -m en , hum ility, self-d e n ia l, o r d e r , and s im plicity. T hese b ecam e m a jo r topics for d isc u ssio n in the s e rm o n s. H oliness a p p e a rs in fifty -fo u r s e rm o n s , love in th irty , and hum ility in th irty -s e v e n . In addition to g e n e ra l th em es rev ealin g the b ro ad o u t lines of Q uaker lifesty le, sp ecific b eh av io ral injunctions b eca m e th e m e s in the s e rm o n s . E a rly Q u a k e rs w ere to be h o n est in b u sin ess a ffa irs, fre e fro m provoking th e ir ch ild ren , free fro m sexual im m o ra lity , diligent in the p ra c tic e of the Q uaker d istinctive language u se, and plain in th e ir d re s s . Although the la tte r topics w ere tre a te d in the s e rm o n s , the n u m b er of a p p e a ra n c e s is significantly le s s than that of theological concepts. T ren d s and events of E n g lish society also a p p e a re d in the s u r viving s e rm o n s in the form of co m m en ts, s o m e tim e s lengthy, m ade by the p re a c h e rs . Q uaker re a c tio n to the tim es and tre n d s divide into th re e groups: ( 1) the relig io u s re a lm , (2) the q u a s i-s e c u la r re a lm , anc (3) the re a lm of rad ic ally d iffere n t so cial n o rm s . Q u ak er a w a re n e ss of the relig io u s tre n d s of the tim e is m o s t conspicuous in the th e m e s r e l e vant to re lig io u s p e rse c u tio n , which ap p ear fo u rteen tim e s in the s e r m ons. Nine s e rm o n s also e x p re s s strong negative re a c tio n to the______ 314 Rom an C atholic C hurch. F u r th e r m o re , acco rd in g to the p re a c h e rs , all c u rre n t relig io u s g roups w ere m isguided. Six of the s e rm o n s show e ith e r a defense of e n th u sia sm o r a re a c tio n to the ra d ic a l relig io u s group called the " R a n te rs ." In the q u a s i-s e c u la r re a lm , the p r e a c h e rs e x p re s s e d a d is tr u s t of u n iv e rsity education in eight s e rm o n s , and a dislike for disputation and debate in eleven. As the century d rew to a clo se, the p re a c h e rs tended to adopt m o re of the language of the new science with w hich to e x p re s s th e ir relig io u s conceptions, showing th at they w ere at le a s t aw are of the e p istem o lo g ical changes taking place around them . The Q uaker opposition to the th e a tre is m entioned only in one serm o n . F in ally , in the re a lm of ra d ic a l social p ro p o sa ls advanced in c o n tra d istin c tio n to the p re v a le n t views of E n g lish society, four s e rm o n s re v e a l ra d ic a l opposition to w ar. Five of F o x 's s e r m ons e x p re s s b elief in the equality of m e n and women, and two e x p re s s the view that slav ery should be eventually elim inated. Although m any of the s e rm o n s also a d d re s s n o n -Q u a k e rs, they a re p rim a rily d ire c te d at Q u a k e rs o r n e a r-Q u a k e rs , the m a jo r m otive of the d isc o u rs e being to re a ffirm o r re v ita liz e a faith a lre a d y held by the audience. Q u ak ers la rg e ly re je c te d argum entation o r S c rip tu ra l exposition, p er se, a s e s s e n tia l s tra te g ie s in th e ir se rm o n s , although m any types of a rg u m e n ts and S c rip tu ra l ex eg e sis a re found in the s e r m ons. The s e rm o n s , r a th e r , show that the e sse n tia l stra te g y of Q u ak e r rh e to ric w as the d evelopm ent of r e c u r r e n t arch e ty p al m e ta p h o rs. 315 The m o st p ro m in en t m e ta p h o rs used in the se rm o n s w ere (I) the light- d ark m e ta p h o r, (2) the guiding voice m e ta p h o r, (3) the seed m e tap h o r, (4) the h u n g e r-th irs t m e ta p h o r, and (5) the p ilg rim a g e m e tap h o r. In the lig h t-d a rk m e ta p h o r, unquestionably the single m o st im p o rtan t m e tap h o r of Q uaker s e rm o n s , Light w as g e n e ra lly identified with good o r God, as in the "Inw ard Light, " and d a rk identified with evil. The guiding voice m e tap h o r g rew out of the Q u ak er p ro p en sity to view the w orld in te rm s of sound and silen ce. Out of the silen ce one could h e a r the guiding voice of God, o r C h ris t the W o rd . The seed m etap h o r em p h asized both an im al and vegetable a ss o c ia tio n s of "progeny." The seed w as seen as (1) the im age of good o r evil, C h ris t o r Satan; (2) the sym bol of the indw elling of good or ev il in a p e rs o n 's life; and (3) the faithful b e lie v e rs , or the "R em n an t." The seed also m a n ifested a s s o ciations with the d eath -life cycle in the C h ristia n tra d itio n . The h u n g e r-th irs t m e tap h o r w as built upon a se t of v eh icles w hich co m p a re d G od's s p iritu a l w ork in m e n 's liv es with the p ro c e s s of s a tis f a c tion of hunger and th i r s t in the s p iritu a l re a lm . B re a d and w a te r, both u n iv e rs a l e le m e n ts in m a n 's diet, w ere the m o s t com m on v eh icles in this m e ta p h o r. The p ilg rim a g e m e tap h o r saw m an as journeying fro m an evil place to a good place. A sso c ia tio n s fro m the Old T e sta m e n t tre k fro m E gypt to C anaan w ere the backbone of this im age. The p il g rim a g e was the seventeenth century Q u ak er v e rs io n of the "quest" 316 7 m etap h o r. The five p rim a ry m e ta p h o rs in the se rm o n s w e re in t e r re la te d in th at they all r e f e r r e d to G od's dealings with m an: God enlightened by the Inw ard L ight, guided by his voice, p re s e rv e d h is " se e d ," su stain e d the body with s p iritu a l b re a d and w a te r, and w as the u ltim a te goal of the s p iritu a l jo u rn ey . In addition to the th e m es and arch e ty p al m e ta p h o rs of the s e r m ons, they exhibited four other sa lie n t c h a r a c te r is tic s . F ir s t, rep lacin g the " in c a n ta to ry " style of the e a r l ie s t Q u a k e rs, the se rm o n s of the p erio d 1671-1700 re v e a l the " c a te c h ita l" style, c h a ra c te riz e d by extensive use of r h e to ric a l q u e stio n s, dialogues of q u e stio n -a n d - a n sw e r, and " q u e rie s ," d ev ices to a s s i s t in self-ex a m in atio n . The c h a r a c te r is tic s of e a rly Q u ak er style w hich Jack so n Cope d e s c rib e d as the blending of lite r a ln e s s and m e ta p h o r, and s c rip tu ra re d iv iv a , con- 8 tinued to be a p p a re n t in the la te r s e rm o n s . Second, the extensive use of sp atial t e r m s , identified by P r o f e s s o r C re a s e y as a p rim e attrib u te of Q uaker w ritin g s throughout the ce n tu ry , w as also ap p are n t in the 9 se rm o n s of the la s t th re e d eca d es. The use of sp atial te r m s was 7 See H a rm a n n G. S te lz n e r, "The Q u e st Story and N ixon's N ovem ber 3, 1969 A d d re s s ," The Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of S p eech , LVII (A pril, 1971), 163-172. g "S eventeenth-C entury Q u ak er S tyle," P ro c e e d in g s of the M od e rn L anguage A ss o c ia tio n , LXXI (S ep tem b er, 1956), 726-729, 732- 738, 746-749. 9 " 'In w ard ' and 'O utw ard': A Study in E a rly Q uaker L an g u ag e," Supplem ent No. 30. J o u rn a l of the F rie n d s H is to ric a l Society, pp. 3-4. T r r - indicative of the Q u ak er conception of a d ifferen ce betw een religion of m e re no tio n s, "o u tw ard " relig io n , and the "inw ard" relig io n of the S p irit. A lthough the evidence on B arclay is in co n clu siv e, th e re is nothing in P e n n 's s e rm o n s , and in p a rtic u la r h is use of sp atial te rm s , to indicate his " e m b a r r a s s m e n t" o ver the h is to ric a l J e s u s w hich P r o fe s s o r C re a se y found in P e n n 's apologetical w o r k s . ^ T h ird , although the a s s a u lt on guilt continued in the la te r se rm o n s as P r o f e s s o r B a r bour had d e s c rib e d it in the preach in g of the e a r lie s t Q u a k e r s , ^ the la te r se rm o n s of the p erio d 1671-1700 exhibit the appeal based upon the guilt of the h e a r e r s facing G od's w rathful ju dgm ent te m p e re d with the positive appeal b ased upon G od's love and fo rg iv e n e ss . F inally, the s e rm o n s show a co n sid era b le use of eth ical appeal by the sp e a k e rs. The p r e s e n t study h as shown that th e re a re d iffe re n c e s and s im ila r itie s am ong A nglicans, P u rita n s, and Q u ak ers w ith re g a rd to h o m ile tic a l th e o ry and p ra c tic e . F i r s t , A nglicans and P u rita n s w ere g e n e ra lly a g re e d that the m in is te r should be w e ll-tra in e d in theology and the lib e ra l a r t s , while Q u a k e rs did not co n sid er fo rm a l education to be n e c e s s a r y for the m in is te r. A ll th re e groups reco g n ized a c a ll ing fro m God for c e rta in m en to becom e p a s to rs , but Q u a k e rs tre a te d the calling in a m a n n e r w hich placed e m p h a sis upon the de facto n atu re 10Ibid. , p. 13. ^ Q u a k e rs in P u rita n England (New Haven: Yale U niversity P r e s s , 1964), p. 129. ______________________________________________ of the p a s to ra l m in is try , i.e . , he who m in is te r s is a m in is te r , while acknow ledging the need fo r a "u n iv e rs a l" m in is try , i . e . , all b e lie v e rs could p re a c h if they fe lt the im p u lse of the Inw ard L ight of C h ris t. Second, A nglicans, P u rita n s , and Q u a k e rs differed significantly with re g a rd to the ro le of p reac h in g in the life of the church. A nglicans saw p reaching as su b o rd in ate to the ce le b ra tio n of the m a s s and other ritu a l, but P u rita n s m ad e p reach in g the c e n tra l p a rt of th e ir w o rsh ip s e rv ic e . Q u a k e rs b ased th e ir w orship upon sile n t w aiting for the Spirit to speak eith e r d ire c tly to m e n or through m en to the congregation. In Q u ak er m e e tin g s the P u rita n e m p h a sis upon the spoken w ord w as evidenced by the fact th a t one o r m o re se rm o n s was the ru le ra th e r than the exception in Q uaker m e etin g s. T hird, the b asic d o c trin a l position of the th re e groups d iffered significantly. B riefly stated , the d iffere n ces w ere that A nglicans em p h asized the authority of tra d itio n and re a s o n , the im p o rta n c e of ritu a l and church m e m b e rsh ip ; P u rita n s em p h asized the a u th o rity of S c rip tu re , the n e c e ssity of p e rso n a l s a l vation of the e le c t, and a life of piety; and Q u ak ers, while acknow ledg ing the P u rita n e m p h a s is on p e rso n a l salvation and the im p o rtan ce of S c rip tu re , s tr e s s e d the p o ssib ility of all people attaining salvation, the p rim acy of the S p irit a s a ru le of faith, and a b elief that p erfectio n of life could be attain ed thro u g h the pow er of the Inw ard L ight of C h rist. F o u rth , the style of A nglican, P u rita n , and Q uaker s e rm o n s w as vastly different. A nglicans re ta in e d m uch m o re of the c la ss ic a l h o m ile tic a l 319 trad itio n than P u rita n s , and tended to em p h a siz e the e x p lic it use of sty listic a c c o u te rm e n ts . P u rita n s tended to be m o re u tilita ria n in th e ir ap p ro ach to s e rm o n co n stru ctio n by em p h asizin g a "p lain " style which was s p a rs e in o rn a m e n t, and em ploying the s tr ic t " d o c trin e -u se " fo rm a t which tied the p re a c h e r to the p ro c e s s of " ra is in g the d o ctrin e" fro m a S c rip tu re p a s s a g e , and "applying" the d o ctrin e to the use of his h e a r e rs . Q u a k e rs re je c te d the d o c trin e -u s e fo rm a t, em phasizing in stead a m o sa ic of th e m e s in th e ir se rm o n s based g en era lly upon arch e ty p al m e ta p h o rs and tied together c h a ra c te ris tic a lly by the " c a te - ch ital" style of rh e to r ic a l q u estio n s, dialogue, and q u e rie s. Like P u r ita n s, Q u a k e rs also em p h a siz e d a plain sty le , but added the p ecu liarity of the re je c tio n of "you" in the singular. F ifth, A nglicans, P u rita n s , and Q u a k e rs a d d re s s e d d iffe re n t au d ien ces. A nglicans, judged by s u r viving s e rm o n s , sought to speak to m e m b e rs of the C hurch of England, not g e n e ra lly evangelizing those who w ere outside the fold. F u r t h e r m o re , m any A nglican s e rm o n s appear to be a d d re s s e d la rg e ly to the upper c la s s , the ed u cated m in o rity . P u rita n s aim ed th e ir s e rm o n s at all c la s s e s and g e n e ra lly to all p erso n s b e c a u se , in spite of th e ir belief in p re d e stin a tio n , it w as im p o ssib le to te ll who w ere the e lect and who w e re not. Q u a k e rs also attem p ted to speak to all c la s s e s of m en b ecau se they believ ed th at all m en could respond to the Light. The surviving se rm o n s show th at Q uaker p r e a c h e r s a d d re s s e d Q u a k e rs p r i m a rily , although half of the se rm o n s indicate that n o n -Q u ak ers w ere 320 also a d d re s s e d . The ex tan t s e rm o n s , how ever, w ere p re a c h e d at m eetings for w o rsh ip , n o t e v a n g e listic "th resh in g " m eetin g s w here Q uaker p re a c h e rs confronted the "w o rld ." The Q uaker m e ss a g e w as d ire c te d to all m en, but the se rm o n s p reac h ed at g ath erin g s for w o r ship exhibit the q u alities of the r h e to ric of " re a ffirm a n tio n " o r r e v it a li zation of faith. F inally, th e re w ere significant d iffere n ces in se rm o n p re p a ra tio n and d eliv ery am ong A nglicans, P u rita n s , and Q u a k e rs. A nglicans p r e f e r r e d to la b o r on the content of the se rm o n and d e liv e r it in the ex tem p o re m ethod, although the end of the century w itn e ssed the ris e in p opularity of the re a d se rm o n am ong A nglicans. P u rita n s also took pains in s e rm o n com position, but d eliv ered the final p ro d u ct fro m m e m o ry . Q u ak ers re je c te d all p re p a ra tio n in advance of the m eeting, except p ra y e r, Bible read in g , and w aiting on the S p irit. Q uaker p reach in g m ethod was defiantly im p ro m p tu . Im p licatio n s of the Study T his study has im p lied , f ir s t of all, that Q u a k e rism w as not sim ply an o th er sp ecie s of E n g lish P u rita n is m . We have noted both s im ila ritie s and strik in g d iffe re n c e s betw een P u rita n s and Q u ak ers throughout the study. It is undeniably tru e that Q u ak ers w ere influenced by P u rita n s; they could n o t e s c a p e this phenom enon. F ro m P u rita n is m , Q u ak erism d re w an em p h a sis on p e rs o n a l salvation, e m p h a sis on the im p o rtan ce of p reac h in g , the affirm a tio n of the S c rip tu re s a s m o re --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3 2 1 - binding and tru stw o rth y than the dogm a and tra d itio n of the church, and the " re d is c o v e ry " of the Holy S p irit. S pecifically in the use of r h e t o ric , Q u a k e ris m w as in debt to P u rita n is m for the use of plain style and the P ilg rim a g e m e ta p h o r. Q u a k e ris m , h o w ev er, p re se n te d a d ra m a tic c o n tra s t to P u rita n is m on s e v e ra l fro n ts. The c o n tra s t is abundantly c le a r in the r e v e r s a l of S c rip tu re and the S p irit (the Light) in the Q uaker e p istem o lo g ical sy ste m . A lthough the p ra c tic a l im p lic a tions of this developm ent for Q u a k e rs re s u lte d in an e m p h asis upon both the S p irit and the S c rip tu re , the d ir e c t r e s u lt of the Q u ak er em pha sis on the im m ed iate leading of the L ight w as the Q uaker ap p ro ac h to s e rm o n p re p a ra tio n . Q u a k e rs did not p re p a re in any trad itio n al se n se for th e ir p reac h in g becau se they believed that the S p irit would speak in the im m ed iacy of the p re s e n t. One m ay point to Q uaker s e rm o n s as re fle c tio n s of P u rita n b elief b eca u se they a re in fact laced with S c r ip tu re . But this o b se rv a tio n te lls only h alf the sto ry . The c ru c ia l d if fe re n c e betw een the P u rita n and Q u ak er ap p ro a c h e s to s e rm o n r h e to ric lies in the use of the S c rip tu re in the s e rm o n s . Q uaker p re a c h e rs did not habitually exegete the S c rip tu re s fo r th e ir lis te n e rs as did the P u r itans. S c rip tu re a p p ea red in Q u ak er s e rm o n s b eca u se it, like the p r e a c h e r 's w ord, w as also the r e s u lt of the S p irit's w ork. The Bible coincided with the im m ed iate w ord of the S p irit spoken by the p re a c h e r; each validated the o th e r. Q u a k e rs did not use the " d o c trin e -u se " f o r m a t b e c a u se th at fo rm did not lend its e lf to the im m ediacy of the S p irit 322 which they p ro fe sse d . A nother strik in g c o n tra st betw een P u rita n s and Q uakers is seen in the Q uaker view of the m in is try . Although Q u ak ers reco g n ized the calling of God to m en who w ere freq u en t pulpit m in iste rs they also reco g n ized the u n iv e rs a l, de fa c to , c h a ra c te ris tic of m in is try , w hich potentially involved e v e ry b e lie v e r, both educated and u n e d u cated , m a le and fem ale. F in a lly , the Q u ak er reje ctio n of the doctrine of electio n , and th e ir e m p h asis upon the p o ssib ility of achieving p e r fection in this life, a re sufficient theological deviations fro m P u rita n thought to place the Q u ak ers outside the m a in s tre a m of P u rita n is m . The findings of this study provide su p p o rt for the view w hich sees Q u a k e ris m as n e ith e r the p ro d u ct of continental m y s tic ism , n o r the 12 ultim a te e x p re s s io n of E nglish P u rita n is m . Q u a k e rism w as, indeed, influenced by P u rita n is m , as w as E nglish society, but the distin ctiv e Q uaker b eliefs m ade them a fo rc e in th e ir own right in the h is to ry of the C hurch. Some of the m o st strik in g and im p o rta n t d istin ctiv e tr a i ts of Q u a k e rs a re exhibited in the surviving se rm o n s of 1671-1700. An additional im p licatio n of this study d e riv e s fro m the m otive view of com m unication, w hich se e s com m unication in te rm s of r e c u r re n t m o tiv es such as "a ffirm a tio n ," " re a ffirm a tio n ," "p u rificatio n ," The b e s t p re se n ta tio n of this view point is Lew is B en so n 's in C atholic Q u a k e ris m , pp. 1-43. 323 13 and "su b v e rsio n ." The a n a ly sis of e a rly Q uaker se rm o n s has re v e a le d that the arch e ty p al m e ta p h o r played a m a jo r role in a c c o m p lishing the p rim a ry m otive of re a ffirm a tio n in the serm o n s. T his study suggests that arch e ty p al m e tap h o r m ay be the m o s t effective and a p p ro p ria te stra te g y to achieve a re v ita liz a tio n of faith. B ecause a rch e ty p al m e ta p h o rs "extend beyond the lim its of a given tim e or c u l tu re and depend upon e x p e rie n c e s com m on to m en of m any r a c e s and 14 a g e s ," they se e m ideal s tra te g ie s to enliven feelings about relig io u s su b jects, which by th e ir n a tu re , m ove m en deeply and profoundly. The arch e ty p al stra te g y is built upon the identification of a faith a lre ad y deeply im bedded in a p e rs o n 's thought, feeling, and behavior, with a p rim a l im age w hich likew ise c a lls fo rth a sso c ia tio n s which a r e a p a rt of a p e rs o n 's thought, feeling, and b eh av io r. Both the faith and the a rch e ty p al im age a re p ro p e rtie s held by the audience. The sp eak er need only m ake the identification betw een the two salient. The study of e a rly Q u ak er se rm o n s has called in question the view that " n o n - lite r a r y " se rm o n s do not hold m uch in te re s t fo r the lite r a r y h isto ria n . W. F r a s e r M itchell exem plified this position when ^ S e e W alter F is h e r, "A M otive View of C om m unication, " The Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of S p eech , LV I (A pril, 1970), 132. "A ffirm ation" gives b irth to an im age; " re a ffirm a tio n " re v ita liz e s an im age; " p u ri fication" c o rre c ts an im age; and "su b v e rsio n " u n d erm in es an im age. M ichael M. O sborn and D ouglas E h n in g er, "The M etaphor in P ublic A d d re s s ," Speech M o n o g rap h s, XXXIX (A ugust, 1962), 229. 324 he excluded "e x te m p o re " se rm o n s fro m his c la s s ic study of E nglish s e rm o n s . M itch ell argued: "E x te m p o re p re a c h in g , in the sen se of d is c o u rs e s d e liv e re d w ithout p rev io u s m e d itatio n , as a p ro o f of d ire c t In sp ira tio n , need not be c o n sid e re d , as they obviously m ade no claim 15 to lite r a r y in te r e s t, and seldom re a c h e d the p rin te r. . . ." This study, h o w ev er, h a s indicated th a t, r e g a r d le s s of w hether a "c la im " to lite r a r y in te r e s t w as m ade by Q u ak er p r e a c h e r s , a close a n a ly sis of " u n lite ra ry " s e rm o n s m ay be useful to the student of lite r a tu r e . The s e rm o n s m ay re v e a l data of co n sid era b le lite r a r y in te re s t. If N o rth ro p F ry e is c o r r e c t when he says th a t "a rc h e ty p e s a re m o s t easily studied in highly conventionalized lite ra tu re : that is, for the m o st 16 p a rt, n aiv e, p rim itiv e , and popular lite r a tu r e ," then se rm o n s such as those of e a rly Q u a k e rs should be studied as w ell as the m o re l i t e r a ry p ro d u cts of A nglicans. B eca u se the se rm o n s analyzed in th is study co v ered a period of ap p ro x im ate ly th irty y e a r s , we w e re able to o b se rv e the waning of the " in c a n ta to ry " sty le in favor of the " c a te c h ita l" sty le. The use of rh e to ric a l q u e stio n s, dialogues, and q u e r ie s , c h a r a c te r is tic of the E n g lish P ulpit O ra to ry fro m A ndrew es to T illotson: A Study of Its L ite r a r y A sp e c ts (London: S. P. C. K. , 1932; New York: R u ssell & R u s s e ll, 1962), pp. 16-17. N o rth ro p F ry e , A natom y of C ritic is m (New York: A theneum , 1970), p. 104. JT5~ " c a te c h ita l" sty le , re fle c ts the m ood of Q u a k e ris m as it m oved tow ard the in tro sp e c tiv e age of Q u ie tism . The care fu l o b s e rv e r is thus able tc see in the style of the se rm o n s the tre n d which would eventually m ake silence not only the p re re q u is ite for h earin g the Voice of the S p irit, but u ltim a te ly the goal of a people p reo ccu p ied with self-ex a m in atio n . The " c a te c h ita l" style is a s ty listic re so lu tio n of two seem ingly ir r e c o n c il able b eliefs held by Q u a k e rs: (1) that the Inw ard Light im m ediately " sp e a k s " to m e n , and (2) that p reac h in g which is m oved by the S p irit is a leg itim ate p a r t of the C h ris tia n 's life. The em p h a sis on rh e to ric a l q u e stio n s, dialogue, and q u e rie s tu rn ed the m ind of the audience u lti m a tely back into th e m s e lv e s; the " c a te c h ita l" style placed the e m p h a sis upon the h e a r e r , not the p re a c h e r n o r the B ible. Even when d ia logues w ere u se d , the audience w as able to identify th e ir own questions w ith those u sed by the p r e a c h e r s . The im plication advanced by this phenom enon is th at changes in outlook produce changes in style. Q u a k e rs w ere g rad u ally becom ing m o re inw ard and in tro sp e c tiv e , and th e ir style re fle c te d this tre n d . A nother datum d isc o v e re d in the s e r m ons which illu s tr a te s the change in style as a re fle c tio n of a change in b elief is the m ove in Q u ak er se lf-c o n c e p t fro m viewing th e m se lv e s as so ld ie rs in the " L a m b 's W a r ," to the "R em nant" to be p re s e rv e d fro m the w orld. W hen Q u a k e rs began to see th e m s e lv e s e sse n tia lly as a p re s e rv e d m in o rity , the m ilita n t im a g e ry of the L a m b 's W ar d isa p p e a re d . 326 Suggestions for F u rth e r Study In view of the findings of this an aly sis of the se rm o n s of e a rly F rie n d s , this w rite r should like to su g g est th re e po ssib le d ire c tio n s w hich should be taken by subsequent re s e a r c h . The f ir s t d ire c tio n in w hich fu rth e r r e s e a r c h m ay be p rofitable lies in the fact that, as d is c u s se d in C hapter I, extant s e rm o n s fro m G eorge K eith and o th e rs who se p a ra te d fro m Q u a k e ris m a re available for study. T hese s e rm o n s w ere not included in the p re s e n t study becau se the author w as in te re s te d in e sta b lish in g the c h a ra c te ris tic s of m a in s tre a m Q uaker p reach in g for 1671-1700. C o m p a riso n should now be m ade betw een the se rm o n s of the p re s e n t study and those which su rv iv e the K eithian se p a ra tio n . It would be useful to o b se rv e changes in sty le , if any, which c o rre sp o n d to d iffe re n c e s in outlook which brought about the s e p a ra tio n of Keith and o th e rs fro m Q u a k e rism . In addition to the study of the K eithian s e rm o n s , a second d i r e c tion fo r r e s e a r c h su g g ests itse lf fro m this study. O ur atte m p t has beer to p re s e n t an o v e ra ll p ic tu re of e a rly Q u ak er s e rm o n r h e to ric for the y e a rs 1671-1700. L ittle e ffo rt has been m ade to deal with the p r e a c h e rs a s individuals. Fox, C risp , and P enn provide su fficien t data both in se rm o n s and o th er p rim a ry so u rce m a te r ia l to m ake b io g ra p h ic a l- rh e to ric a l study p o ssib le and d e s ira b le . A c o m p a riso n of the rh e to ric in the s e rm o n s and th at in the w ritin g s would se e m , in view of the find ings of this study, to be v aluable, p a rtic u la rly with re fe re n c e to Penn. 327 F in ally , e a rly Q u ak er r h e to ric is a p a rt of what w as d e sc rib e d in C h ap ter I a s the "R h eto ric of R eligious E n th u sia sm ." O th er groups w hich could be ju stly placed w ithin this category a r e the e a rly M etho d is ts , the p re a c h e rs in the nin eteen th century cam p m eetin g m o v e m e n t in A m e ric a , and, m o re re c e n tly , the P e n te c o sta l s e c ts. R e s e a rc h needs to be u n d e rta k e n w hich would seek to an sw er questions with re g a rd to th e se and o th e r m a n ifestatio n s of relig io u s e n th u siasm . Som e p ertin en t q u estio n s would include: D oes the im p ro m p tu se rm o n c h a ra c te riz e e n th u sia s tic r h e to ric g en era lly , or is it p ecu liar to Q u a k e ris m ? Is re a ffirm a tio n a p rim a ry m otive in e n th u sia stic r h e to r ic ? Is a rc h e ty p a l m e ta p h o r a r e c u r r e n t s tra te g y in the r h e to ric of relig io u s e n th u s ia s m ? 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Jo n es, T. Canby. "G eorge F o x 's Teaching on R edem ption and S alv a tion. " U npublished P h .D . d is s e rta tio n , Yale U niversity, 1956. M artin , Jo se p h W alford. "The E nglish Revolution and the R ise of Q u a k e rism (1650-1660)." U npublished P h .D . d iss e rta tio n , ; C olum bia U n iv ersity , 1965. (R oberts, A rth u r O. "G eorge F o x 's Concept of the C hurch. " Unpub- [ lished P h. D. d is s e rta tio n , Boston U n iv ersity , 1954. P e rio d ic a l A rtic le s B aum an, R ic h ard . "A spects of Seventeenth C entury Q uaker R h e to ric ." The Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of S p eech , LVI (F e b ru a ry , 1970), 67-74. C adbury, H enry J. " R ich a rd so n MSS." Jo u rn a l of the F rie n d s H istorT cal S o cie ty , XXXII (1935), 34-37. Cope, Jack so n I. "Seventeenth C entury Q uaker Style. " P ro ceed in g s of the M odern Language A sso c ia tio n , LXXXI (S eptem ber, 1956), 725-754. C re a se y , M a u ric e A. " 'Inw ard' and 'O utw ard'; A Study in E a rly Q uaker L anguage. " S upplem ent No. 30, Jo u rn a l of the F rie n d s H is to ric a l Society, 1-24. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- D ie te r, Otto A. "A rb o r P icta: The M edieval T re e of P reach in g . " The Q u a rte rly J o u rn a l of S p eech , LI (A pril, 1965), 123-144. E h n in g e r, D ouglas. "On R h eto rics and R h eto ric. " W este rn S peech, XXXI (F all, 1967), 242-249. "On S ystem s of R h eto ric. " Philosophy and R h eto ric. I (S um m er, 1968), 131-144. F is h e r , W alter R. "A M otive View of C om m unication. " The Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of Speech, LVI (A pril, 1970), 131-139. H arv ey , T. Edm und. "Q uaker L a n g u a g e ." Supplem ent No. 15, J o u r nal of the F rie n d s H is to ric a l S ociety. H ow ell, W ilbur Sam uel. "John Locke and the New R h eto ric. " The Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of S p eech , LIII (D e c e m b e r, 1967), 319-333. "The Plough and the F la il: The O rd eal of E ighteenth C entury Logic. " The H untington L ib ra ry Q u a r te r ly , XXVIII (N ovem ber, 1964), 63-78. Hunt, E. L. "An Introduction to C la s s ic a l R h eto ric. " The Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of Speech, XII (June, 1926), 201-204. i Jo n e s, R ich ard F . "Science and E n g lish P r o s e Style in the 3rd Q u a r te r of the 17th C entury. " P ro c e e d in g s of the M odern Language i A sso ciatio n , XXXXV (D ecem b er, 1930), 977-1009. M cK eon, R ich ard . "R h eto ric in the M iddle A g e s ." Speculum , XVII (1942), 1-32. M urphy, J a m e s J. "T he A rts of D is c o u rs e , 1050-1400." M edieval S tu d ie s, XXIII (1961), 194-205. O sb o rn , M ichael M. , and E h n in g er, D ouglas. "The M etaphor in P ublic A d d re ss. " Speech M o n o g ra p h s, XXIX (August, 1962), 223-234. "A rchetypal M etaphor in R h eto ric: The L ig h t-D ark F am ily . " The Q u a rte rly Jo u rn a l of S p eech , LIII (A pril, 1967), 115-126. 347 S te lz n e r, H erm an n . "The Q u est Story and N ixon's N ovem ber 3, 1969 A d d re s s . " The Q u a rte rly J o u rn a l of S p eech , LVII (A pril, 1971), 163-172. B ib lio g rap h ic S o u rces B ishop, W illiam W arn e r. A C heck list of A m e ric a n C opies of "S hort- T itle C atalogue" Books. 2nd ed. Ann A rb o r: U n iv ersity of M ichigan P r e s s , 1950. C aplan, H a rry , and King, H enry H. "P u lp it E loquence: A L ist of D o c to ra l and H isto ric a l Studies in E nglish. " Speech M ono g rap h s , Special Is su e , XXII (1955). Sm ith, Jo sep h . B ibliotheca A nti-Q uakeriana; O r, A C atalogue of books a d v e rs e to the Society of F rie n d s . . . . London: Jo sep h Sm ith 1873. ____________ . D escrip tiv e C atalogue of F rie n d s Books. 2 vols. L o n don: Jo se p h Sm ith, 1867. |____________ . S upplem ent to D escrip tiv e Catalogue of F rie n d s Books. London: E. H icks, 1893. | Wing, Donald G. S h o rt-T itle C atalogue, of Books P rin te d in England, i Scotland, Irela n d , W ales, and B ritis h A m e ric a . . ■ 1641-1700 i 3 vols. New York: Index Society, 1945. A P P E N D I X E S 348 A PPEN D IX A A CHECKLIST OF EX TA N T QUAKER SERMONS, 1650-1700 349 A PPEN D IX A A CHECKLIST O F EX TA N T QUAKER SERMONS, 1650-1700 A uthor P la c e D ate Source 1. Anonym ous Savoy M eetinghouse n. d. 1 2 . A nonym ous Southw ark P a rk 1 1/27/87 8 3. R ich ard Ashby St. M a rtin s le G rand 2 /1 6 /9 3 9 4. R o b ert B arclay G race C h u rch S tre e t 5 /1 6 /8 8 9 5. W illiam Bingley G race C h u rch S tre e t 3 /4 /9 3 9 6. John Bo w ater St. Jo h n 's S tre e t 3 /1 8 /9 3 9 7. 2 T hom as Budd G race C hurch S tre e t 4 /1 1 /9 4 10 8. T hom as Budd D evonshire House 6 /1 7 /9 4 10 i In the p reface to h e r The F oundation of T ru e P reach in g ^ A s s e rte d . . . , R ebecca Sm ith calls this se rm o n in question: "I hope th at no P e rs o n will believe th at th at C o u n terfeit S erm o n w as P re a c h e d by any P e rs o n that w as ca ll'd a Q u a k e r, but w ill think that it w as a m e e r F ictio n , as it re a lly w as. And the A uthor, in my h earin g C on fe ss e d , It w as a little T ric k , or a N ack, to get M oney. " 2 T hom as Budd, C h a rle s H a r r is , G eorge K eith, and John Raunce w ere a p a rt of The Society of C h ristia n Q u a k e rs , a d issen tin g group of Q u a k e rs. K eith u ltim ately becam e an A nglican. 350 1 — I A uthor P lace Date 351 Source 9. T hom as Budd H a rp Lane 1 0/14/94 10 10. T hom as Budd H a rp Lane 1 1 /4 /9 4 10 11. John B utcher G race C hurch S tre e t 3 /1 1 /9 3 9 12. F ra n c is C am field G race C hurch S tre e t 5 /1 4 /9 3 9 13. T hom as C halkley 3 Unknown 6 /7 /9 8 2 14. B enjam in Coole G race C hurch S tre e t 5 /1 2 /9 4 11 15. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S tre e t 2 /8 /8 7 3 16. Stephen C risp D evonshire House 2 /1 2 /8 7 3 17. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S tre e t 3 /8 /8 7 3 18. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S tre e t 3 /1 4 /8 7 3 119. Stephen C ris p St. M artin s le G rand 3 /2 6 /8 7 3 20. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 4 /1 8 /8 7 3 21. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S tre e t 4 /1 5 /8 8 3 22. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S tre e t 4 /2 5 /8 8 3 23. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 4 /2 9 /8 8 3 24. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 5 /6 /8 8 3 25. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 5 /1 0 /8 8 3 26. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S tre e t 5 /2 4 /8 8 3 27. Stephen C risp D evonshire House 5 /2 7 /8 8 3 In tern a l evidence in d icates the se rm o n w as p reach ed in the A m e ric a n colonies. A uthor P lace D ate Source 28. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 6 /3 /8 8 29. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 6/ 10/88 30. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 10 /1 0 /9 0 31. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 10/12/90 32. Stephen C ris p St. M artin s le Grand 1 1 /9 /9 0 33. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 1 1/12/90 34. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S tre e t 3 /1 6 /9 1 35. Stephen C risp G race C hurch S treet 7/2 6 /9 1 36. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 7 /29/91 37. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 8 /2 /9 1 38. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 8 /5 /9 1 39. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 8 /9 /9 1 40. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 4 /6 /9 2 41. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 4 /1 0 /9 2 42. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 5 /2 9 /9 2 43. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 6 /1 9 /9 2 44. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 6 /2 1 /9 2 45. Stephen C ris p G race C hurch S tre e t 7 /3 /9 2 46. Stephen C ris p D evonshire House 7 /1 7 /9 2 47. W illiam D ew sbury G race C hurch S tre e t 5 /6 /8 8 48. L eonard F e ll Unknown Unknown 49. G eorge Fox Unknown Unknown 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 9 1 1 A uthor P lace Date 353 Source 50. G eorge Fox 4 Unknown 1653 4 51. G eorge Fox B arb ad o es 10/71 7 52. G eorge Fox B arbadoe s 10/71 7 53. G eorge Fox Y early M eeting, London 6 /9 /7 4 7 54. G eorge Fox Y early M eeting, London 6 /1 1 /7 4 7 55. G eorge Fox Y early M eeting, London 5 /2 5 /7 5 o r 5 /2 6 /7 5 7 56. G eorge Fox D evonshire House 5/77 7 57. G eorge Fox Y early M eeting, London 5/78 7 58. G eorge Fox W heeler S tre e t 6 /1 /8 0 7 50. 1 G eorge Fox Y early M eeting, London 5 /2 4 /8 1 7 60. C harles H a r r is H arp Lane 1 1 /4 /9 4 10 6i . Philip H erm on L ongacre 1700 1 62. Philip H erm on G race C hurch S tre e t 1700 1 63. G eorge K eith D evonshire House 6 /1 7 /9 4 10 64. G eorge Keith G race C hurch S tre e t 8 /2 2 /9 4 10 65. G eorge K eith D evonshire House 8 /2 6 /9 4 10 66. G eorge K eith H a rp Lane 9 /2 /9 4 10 67. G eorge K eith H arp Lane 9 /3 0 /9 4 10 68. G eorge K eith G race C hurch S tre e t 10 /3 1 /9 4 10 4 The e a rly date in d icates th at the se rm o n w as d e liv e re d England. in : 354 A uthor P lac e Date Source 69. G eorge Keith T u rn e rs -H a ll, London 4 /1 6 /9 6 5 70. G eorge Keith T u rn e rs -H a ll 5 /5/1700 6 71. C h arles M a rsh a l G race C hurch S tre e t 3 /1 1 /9 3 9 72. J a m e s P a rk R atcliff 4 /1 9 /9 4 9 i 73. W illiam Penn Unknown^ 6/ 19/88 9 74. W illiam Penn G race C hurch S tre e t 1 /16/94 11 75. W illiam Penn D evonshire House 1/20/94 11 76. W illiam Penn W heeler S tre e t 1 /27/94 11 77. W illiam Penn W heeler S tre e t 4 /1 3 /9 4 9 78. W illiam P enn G race C hurch S tre e t 8 /1 2 /9 4 11 79. W illiam Penn D evonshire House 1 0 /3/94 11 80. W illiam Penn G race C hurch S tre e t 10/10/94 11 81. W illiam Penn G race C hurch S tre e t 10/21/94 11 82. W illiam Penn W heeler S tre e t 10/21/94 11 83. John Raunce H arp Lane 8 /1 9 /9 4 10 84. F ra n c is S tam per D evonshire House 5 /3 /9 4 9 85. John Vaughton G race C hurch S tre e t 4 /1 /9 4 9 86. Sam uel W aldenfield D evonshire House 3 /1 1 /9 3 9 87. Sam uel W aldenfield G race C hurch S tre e t 3 /1 1 /9 3 11 88. G eorge W hitehead G race C hurch S tre e t 1 0 /4/93 9 89. G eorge W hitehead G race C hurch S tre e t 1 0 /7 /9 4 11 ^The se rm o n is p refaced by a note: "Upon occasion of the D eatl of M rs. R ebecca T r a v e r s , an Aged S erv an t of God." 355 S ources: (Note: The so u rc e s a r e listed as s h o rt title s . See B ibliog raphy for full re fe re n c e . The so u rc e li s t is not exhaustive se v e ra l of the s e rm o n s also a p p e a r in o th e r so u rc e s. ) 1. A C ollection of S ev eral S erm o n s and T e stim o n ie s. . . . London: B. B eardw ell, 1701. 2. C halkley, T hom as. M r. T. C halkley's S erm o n & P r a y e r . . . . MSS a t F rie n d s H is to ric a l L ib ra ry , S w a rth m o re College. 3. C ris p , Stephen. S c rip tu re -T ru th s D em o n stra te d . . . . London: J. Sowle, 1707. 4. Fox, G eorge. [Serm on] "1653 This P r e c e p t w as w ritten fro m the Mouth of G eorge Fox, as he spoke it fo rth , by a F rie n d of T ru th ," in S ev erall L e tte r s to the Saints of the M ost High. No place, no p u b lish e r, 1654. 5. K eith, G eorge. A S erm on P re a c h e d at the M eeting of P ro te s ta n t D is s e n te rs , C alled Q u a k e rs. . . ■ London: B. A y lm er, 1696. 1 6. ____________ . A S erm on P r e a c h 'd at T u rn e rs -H a ll. . . . London: , W. B ow yer, 1700. I 7. R ich ard so n MSS. The Q u ak er C ollection, H a v erfo rd College j L ib ra ry . F o r a d e s c rip tio n of the MSS and an account of | its contents (including additional s o u rc e s for F o x 's s e r - [ m ons) see H enry C adbury, "R ich ard so n MSS," Jo u rn al of the F rie n d s H is to ric a l S ociety, XXXII (1935), 34-37. 8. S erm on P re a c h e d before the People C alled Q u a k e rs, in the P a rk ol Southw ark. . . . London: P rin te d for N .H . , 1688. 9. The C o n cu rren ce and U nanim ity; Of the People C alled Q u a k e rs . . . . London: J. Sowle, 1711. 10. The G re a t D o ctrin e s of the G ospel of C h rist. . . . London: Nath. C rouch, 1694. 11. The H arm ony of Divine and H eavenly D o ctrin e s. . . . London: J. Sowle, 1696. A PPEND IX B THEMATIC CHARACTERISTICS OF QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 356 APPENDIX B T H E M A T IC C H A R A C T E R IS T IC S O K Q U A K E R S E R M O N S . 1 6 7 1 -1 7 0 0 Number of Sermon^ T hem es 1 3 4 5 6 11 12 13 u 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 T heological^ G race X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Truth X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Ju stification X X X X X Faith X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Redem ption X X X X X X X X X X X R egen eration (New Birth) X X X X X Repentance X X X X San ctification X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X P erfe ctio n X X X X X X X X X P r e serv a tio n X X X X X X X X X X Rem nant X X X X X X X X X X C onvince m ent X X X X X X X Heaven X X X X X X X X X HeU X X X X X Word o f Lord (not Scriptu re) X X X X X X X X X X X X Love (G od's to Man) X X X X X X X X X X X X X P ea ce X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Joy X X X X X X X X X Pow er X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X F ear X X X X X X X X X Judgm ent X X X X X X X X W orship X X X X X X X X B aptism X X X X X L ord 's S u p p er-- X C om m union (F ellow sh ip ) X X X X X X X X X X Second Coming o f C h r ist B eh avioral Guidance Love (M an's) X X X X X X X X H o lin ess X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Unity X X H um ility X X X X X X X X X S elf-D en ia l X X X X X X X X O rder X Sim p licity X X Sexual M orality X X P lain Speech^ X X X P lain D r e e s A nti-E loquence Com m entary on T ren d s and E ven ts A n ti-C ath olicism A n ti-T ith es D istru st o f L earning A nti-D isputation and Debate Language of New S c ie n c e U sed R eaction to E nth usiasm or R antism R eaction to P ersecu tio n Anti-W ar Love of Country A n ti-T h eatre P la ce o f Women (Equality) A n ti-S lavery X X X X X X X X X X Num ber r e f e r s to the serm o n num bers in A ppendix A. Rational f o r ex clu sio n of serm o n s is d isc u sse d in Chapter I. ^The r e fe r e n c e s indicate when the word ( o r its d eriv a tiv e) a p p e a r s , o r w h e n the s u b j e c t is d is c u s se d . ^ I n c l u d i n g the concepts o f ( 1 ) s p a m e n o m o f o r n a m e n t , ( 2 ) u s e o f " t h e e " a n d "thou," a n d (3 ) a v o i d a n c e of o a th -ta k in g . 3 5 7 T H E M A T IC C H A R A C T E R IS T IC S O F Q U A K E R S E R M O N S . 1 6 7 1 -1 7 0 0 - -C o n tin u e d 358 Num ber « > f Serm on T hem es 25 26 27 26 29 10 31 12 11 14 15 )o 17 1H 19 40 41 42 T h eo lo g ica l G race X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Truth X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X J u stifica tio n X X X X X X X X X Faith X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X R edem ption X X X X X X X X X X R egen eration (N ew Birth) X X X X X X X X X X X X X R epentance X X X X X X X X X X S an ctification X X X X X X X X X X X X X X P e rfec tio n X X X X X X P r e se r v a tio n X X X X X X X X X X X X X R em nant X X X X X X X C onvince m ent X X X X X X X X X X X X X H eaven X X X X X X X X H ell X X X X Word o f Lord (not Scrip tu re) X X X X X X X X X X L ove (G od 's to M an) X X X X X X X X X X X X P ea ce X X X X X X X X X X X X X Joy X X X X X X X X X X Pow er X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X F ea r (o f God) X X X Judgm ent X X X X X X X X X X X W orship X X X X X X B ap tism X X X X L ord 's Su pper- - Com m union (F ellow sh ip ) X X X X X X X Second C om ing o f C h rist B eh avioral Guidance Love (M an's) X X X X • X X H o lin ess X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Unity X X X X X X X H um ility X X X X X X X S e lf-D en ia l X X X X X X X X X X X X X O rder S im p licity X Sexual M orality P lain S p eech X X X P lain D r e s s A nti-E loquence X X X X X X X X X X X X C om m entary on T ren d s and E ven ts A n ti-C a th o licism A n ti-T ith ee D istr u st o£ L e a r n in g A nti-D isp utation and D ebate Language o f New Scien ce U sed R eaction to E nth usiasm or R antism R eaction to P ersecu tio n A nti-W ar Love o f Country A n ti-T h ea tre P la ce o f W omen (E quality) A n ti-S la v ery X X X X X X X M X xxxxx xxxx T H E M A T IC C H A R A C T E R IS T IC S O F Q U A K E R S E R M O N S . 16 7 U lT O O -.C o n tin u e d Num ber of Serm on Theme 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 ; 1 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 61 62 71 th eo lo g ica l Grace X X X X X X X X X X X X X Truth X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X J u stifica tio n X X X X X . Faith X X X X X X X X X X X X X Redem ption X X X X X X X X X R egen eration (N ew Birth) X X X X Repentance X X X X X San ctification X X X X X X X X P erfectio n X X X X X X P r e se r v a tio n X X X X X X X X X X X Remnant X X C onvincem ent X X X X X X X Heaven X V X X X X X X X X X H ell Word o f L ord (not S c r ip tu re ) Love (C od 's to M an) P eace Joy Power Fear (o f God) Judgm ent W orship Baptism L ord 's S u p p e r -- Com m union (F ello w sh ip ) Second C om in g o f C hrist X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X B ehavioral G u idance Love (M an 's) H olin ess Unity H um ility S elf-D en ia l O rder S im plicity Sexual M o ra lity P lain S p eech Plain D r e s s A n ti-E loq u en ce X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X C om m entary on T ren d s and E vents A n ti-C a th o licism A n ti-T ith es D istru st o f L earn in g A n ti-D isp u tation and Debate Language o f N ew S cien ce Used R eaction to E n th u siasm or R an tism Anti-W ar Love of C ountry A n ti-T h eatre P lace o f W om en (Equality) A n ti-S lavery X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X T H E M A T IC C H A R A C T E R IS T IC S O F Q U A K E R S E R M O N S . 1 6 7 1 - 1 7 0 0 - -C o n tin u e d T h e m f _________________________ 71 73 T h to lu g ic tl G race Truth X X Ju stification Faith X X R edem ption X X R egen eration (N ew Birth) R epentance S an ctification X P erfe ctio n P r e se rv a tio n X Rem nant X X C onvincem ent H eaven X H ell Word o f Lord (not Scrip tu re) X X L ove (G od's to Man) X X P ea ce X Joy X X P ow er X X T ear (o f God) X Judgm ent W orship B ap tism X L ord 's S u p p er-- Com m union (F ellow sh ip ) Second C om ing o f C h rist behavioral Guidance Love (M an's) X H o lin ess Unity X H um ility X S e lf-D en ia l X O rder S im p licity Sexual M orality P lain Speech P lain D r ees A n ti-E loq u en ce C om m entary on T rend s and E vente A n ti-C a th o licism A n ti-T ith es D istr u st of L earning A n ti-D isp u tation and D ebate Language o f N ew S cien ce U sed X R eaction to E n th u siasm or R antism R eaction to P ersecu tio n A nti-W ar Love o f Country A n ti-T h eatre P la ce o f W omen (Equality) A n ti-S lavery 74 75 76 77 78 Number of 70 80 81 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X srm on 82 84 85 86 87 88 89 T otal’ X X X X X X 63 X X X X X X 69 X X X X 28 X X X X X 59 X X X X X X 43 X X X X 30 X X X 28 X X X X X 46 X 28 X X X X X X 47 X X X 25 X X X 32 X X X X 42 X X 18 X X X 44 X X X X X X 51 X X X X X X 57 X X X 40 X X X X X X 65 X X X X X 29 X X X X 39 X X 31 X X X X 22 3 X X X 24 X 2 X X X X 30 X X X X X 54 21 X X X X X 37 X X 35 11 X 7 8 14 4 5 9 5 8 11 X 11 X 6 X X 14 X 4 X 5 1 5 2 A p p earan ces out o f 74 serm on s. APPEND IX C A RCH ETY PA L M ETAPHORS IN QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 361 APPENDIX C A R C H E T Y P A L M E T A P H O R S IN Q U A K E R S E R M O N S . 1 6 7 1 -1 7 0 0 M etaphors I 3 4 5 Num ber of Serm on 6 II U 13_ _ 14 15 16 17 18 19 *0 21 22 23 24 Light-D ark Light (Inw ard, e t c . ) Sun, day Sparks, fir e Star Beacon, la m p Candle Day of V isita tio n Day of L ord (Cod) V oice o f th e Light D arkneee, night Cloude, fo g , m ie t, shadow s V eil Chains o f D a rk n ess x x x x x x x x x x x X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Guiding V o ice Silen ce H earing th e V oice O racle C hrist (G od) as S p ea k er-T ea ch er X X X X X X X X X X X Seed Seed T ree and plant Vineyard Grafting X X X X X X X X X X X X H u n g er-T h irst W ater, w eU Wine Cup of L ife (Salvation) Cup of F o rn ica tio n M ilk /N u rsin g Bread Feeding (o n C h rist) X X X X X X X X X X X X P ilgrim age P ilg rim a g e W ild ern ess Sodom , E gypt Canaan, J e r u s a le m X X X X X X 362 M etaphor 363 A R C H E T Y P A L M E T A P H O R S IN Q U A K E R S E R M O N S , I 6 7 1 - 1 7 0 0 - - 0 > n iin u c d 2 5 2 6 27 JS 2 9 10 31 N um ber of Serm on 32 33 34 35 3t> 37 3 8 3 9 4 0 41 42 43 L igh t-D ark Light X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Sun, day X X X X X X X X X X X S p a r k ,, lir a X X X X X X X X Star B ea co n , L am p X CantUa D ay o f V isitation X X X D ay o f L ord (Cod) X X X X V o ica o f th e Light D a r k n e ss , night X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X C lou d s, fo g , m is t, shadows X X X X X X X X X V ail X X X X C hain s o f D ark n ess G uiding V oice S ile n ce H earin g th e V oice O ra cle C h rist (G od) as S p e a k er-T ea ch er Seed S eed T r e e and Plant V ineyard G rafting ‘ H u n g er-T h irst W ater, w e ll W ine Cup o f L ife (Salvation) Cup o f F orn ication M ilk /N u rsin g B read F eed in g (on C hrist) P ilg rim a g e P ilg rim a g e W ild er n ess Sodom , Egypt C anaan, J e ru sa le m X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X 364 A R C H E T Y P A L M E T A P H O R S IN U U A K E K S E R M O N S . 1 6 7 1 -1 7 0 0 - - C o n tin u e d M etaphor Num ber o l Serm on 4 4 45 46 47 4B 44 50 51 -J 53 54 65 56 57 58 59 61 62 71 L ieh t-D erk Light Sun, day Spark*, fir e Star B acon . L am p Candle D ay o f V iaitarion Day o f L ord (Cod) V oice o f the L ight O arkneaa, night C loudo, fo g , m ia t. ahadowa V e il Chaina o f D arkneaa X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Guiding V oice S ilen ce H earin g th e V oice O racle C hriat (C od) aa S p ea k er-T ea ch er X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Seed Seed T ree and Plant V ineyard C raftin g X X X X X X x x x x x x x x x X X X X X X X X X X X X X H u n ger-T h irat W ater, w e ll Wine Cup o f L ife (Salvation) Cup o f F o rn ica tio n M ilk /N u rsin g B read F eed in g (on C hriat) X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X P ilg rim a g e P ilg rim a g e W ilde rneaa Sod om , Egypt C anaan, J e r u sa le m X X X X X X X 365 A R C H E T Y P A L M E T A P H O R S tN Q U A K E R S E R M O N S , l o 7 1 - l 7t-Q --C .> n iin u rd M etaphor 7 2 1 3 74 75 76 77 Num ber of Serm on 78 79 80 81 82 S4 85 86 87 88 89 T otal L ight-D ark Light Sun, day Spark*, fir e Star B acon , Lam p Candl* Day o f V i*itation Day of L ord (G od) V oice o f tho L ight D arkne**, night Cloud*, fo g , m ia t, *hadow* Voil Chain* o f D arkne** X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X 65 14 24 6 7 1 2 0 6 2 55 26 10 2 Guiding V oice S ilen ce H earing th e V oice O racl* C hriat (God) a* Speaker->T eacher X X X X X X 5 39 5 17 Seed Sc«d T ree and Plant V ineyard G rafting H un ger-T hir*t W ater, w ell Wine Cup of L ife (Salvation) Cup o f F o rn ica tio n M ilk/N u rain g Bread F eeding (on C hriat) X X X X X X X X X X X X X X 26 26 10 11 17 7 4 3 8 23 8 Pilgrim age^ P ilg rim a g e Wilde rne*« Sodom , Egypt Canaan, J e r u sa le m XXXX XXX XX XX X XX X X X X X X X X X X X XX 27 15 14 A p p earan ce* out o f 74 aerm ona A PPEN D IX D OTHER SALIENT CHARACTERISTICS O F QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 366 A PPEND IX D O TH ER SALIENT CHARACTERISTICS OF QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700 N um ber of Serm on C h a ra c te ris tic 1 3 4 5 6 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 "In can tato ry " Style X R epetition X X X X X P a r a lle lis m X X " C atech ital" Style X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X R h eto rical Q uestions X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Use of Dialogue X X X X X X X X X X " Q u e rie s" X A ppeal to Self- E xam ination X X X X X X X X X X "W ait" on L ord X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X " E x p erie n ce" the L ord, etc. X X X X X X X X X " F e e l" the pow er X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Spatial T e rm s X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X " In w a rd "-- "O utw ard" X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Two A udiences X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X In-G roup D isco u rse X X X X P e rs o n a l T estim ony X X X X X Incident in life cited X Specific Text X X X X X X X L atin Q uotation " P u rita n " Language X X JX X X X X L 9.£. OTHER SALIENT CHARACTERISTICS OF QUAKER SERMONS, 1671-1700--C ontinued N um ber of Serm on C h a ra c te ris tic 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 "In can tato ry " Style R epetition X X X X X X P a r a lle lis m X X X X X "C atech ital" Style X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X R h eto rical Q uestions X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X U se of Dialogue X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X " Q u e rie s" X X A ppeal to Self- exam ination X X X X X X X "W ait" on L ord X X X X X X X X X X X X X X "E x p erie n ce" the L ord, etc. X X X X X X X X X X X " F e e l" the power X X X X X X X X X X X Spatial T e rm s X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X " In w a rd " -- "O utw ard" X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X Two A udiences X X X X X X X X X X X X In-G roup D isco u rse X X X X X X X P e rs o n a l T estim ony X X X X X X Incident in life cited X X Specific T ext X L atin Q uotation X " P u rita n " Language X X X O v 00 O THER SALIENT CHARACTERISTICS O F QUAKER SERMONS, N um ber of S erm on C h a ra c te ris tic 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 "In can tato ry " Style X X R epetition - X X X X X X P a r a lle lis m X X X X "C atech ital" Style X X X X X X X X R h eto rical Que stions X X X X X X X X Use of D ialogue X X X " Q u e rie s" X A ppeal to Self- exam ination X X X "W ait" on L ord X X X X X X " E x p erie n ce" the L o rd , etc. X X " F e e l" the pow er X X X X X Spatial T e rm s X X X X X X X X X X " In w a rd " -- "O utw ard" X X X X X X X X X X Two A udiences X X X In-G roup D isco u rse X X X X X X X X X P e rs o n a l T estim ony X X X Incident in life cited X X Specific Text L atin Q uotation " P u rita n " Language X X X 1671-1700- - Continued 56 57 5 J 59 61 62 X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X XX X X X O TH ER SALT' C h a ra c te ris tic 72 NT 73 CHARACTERISTICS O F QUAKER SERMONS, N um ber of S erm on 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 84 1671-1700- 85 86 87 -Continued 88 89 Total "In can tato ry " Style 7 R epetition X X X 24 P a r a lle lis m X X X X X X X zf " C atech ital" Style X X X X X X X X X X X X X 64 R h eto rical Q uestions X X X X X X X X X X X X X 6 1 3 U se of Dialogue X X X X X 37 " Q u e rie s" X X X X 8 A ppeal to Self- ! exam ination X X X X X X P 1 "W ait" on L ord X X X X X X X X X X X X (48 j " E x p e rie n c e " the | L o rd , etc. X X X X X X X X 32 " F e e l" the pow er X X X X X X X X 45 Spatial T e rm s X X X X X X X X X X X X X X X 65 "Inw ard" -- "O utw ard" X X X X X X X X X X X 62 Two A udiences X X X X X X X X X 42 In-G roup D isco u rse X X X X X X X X 32 P e rs o n a l T estim ony X X X 21 Incident in life cited X X X X 11 Specific Text X X X 12 L atin Q uotation 1 j " P u rita n " Language X X X X X X X 22 i 1 j A p p earan ces out of 74 se rm o n s 370 A PPEN D IX E P R O F IL E O F PREA CH ERS IN THE STUDY 371 APPENDIX E PROFILE O F PREACHERS IN THE STUDY P rea ch er Birthdate Death G eographic A rea ls) Trade R em arks A shby, R ichard 1663 1731 London, N orfolk B a rcla y , Robert 1648 1690 A berdeen , Scotland B ecam e Q uaker in 1666. Noted for h is A pology. B in gley, W illiam 1651 1715 London B ow ater, John 1629 1704 London T ra v elled in A m erica . B utcher, John 1666 1721 London t'l.H K 'll* It.^M IV ON In 1706 In * c routed a tru st fur |M«*r F rien d s. C halk ley, Thom as 1675 1741 London, A m erica T rad er, Seam an C oole, Benjam in 1717 B risto l C r isp , Stephen 1 6 2 8 1692 C o lc h e ster , London B ecam e Q uaker in 1655. Made 13 v is its to Holland. D ew sbury, W illiam 1621 1688 A llerth orp , E ast Riding Shepherd, C lothm aker F e ll, Leonard 1624 1701 B a y cliff (Sw arthm ore) V isited Scotland th ree tim e s . F o x , G e o r g e lo24 1691 L a n ca sh ire, London Shoem aker T ravelled to A m erica , H olland, G erm any. Noted for h is Journal. H orm on, Philip Nothing can be found on this man. M arsh all, C harles 1637( ?) 1698 B risto l B ecam e Q uaker in 1654. In 1670 preached in app roxim ately 400 m eetin gs in ! r . l l k . r. (4. « «. 14.04. Penn, W illiam 1644 1718 London Noted for founding A m erican colony. Stam per, F ran cis 1698 London Vaughton, John 1644( ?) 1712 London W aldenfictd, Sam uel 1652 1715 London W hitehead, G eorge 1636 1722 W estm orland, London Took role of lea d ersh ip after F o x 's death. 372

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Creator Graves, Michael Phillip (author)

Core Title The rhetoric of the inward light: an examination of extant sermons delivered by early Quakers, 1671-1700

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Speech Communication

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Speech Communication

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Fisher, Walter R. (committee chair), Goldstein, Harvey D. (committee member), McBath, James H. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-788387

Unique identifier UC11364446

Identifier 7309312.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-788387 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 7309312

Dmrecord 788387

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Graves, Michael Phillip

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA