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Achievement Of Cognitive Skills In Headstart As Related To Certain Home Environment Factors
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Achievement Of Cognitive Skills In Headstart As Related To Certain Home Environment Factors

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Content ACHIEVEMENT OP COGNITIVE SKILLS IN HEAD START AS
RELATED TO CERTAIN HOME ENVIRONMENT FACTORS
A Dissertation
Presented to
the Faculty of the School of Education
University of Southern California
In Partial Fulfillment
of the Requirements for the Degree
Doctor of Education
by
Helen Cecile Fried
June 1973
INFORMATION TO USERS
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Xerox University Microfilms
300 North Zeeb Road
Ann Arbor, Michigan 48108
73-31,344
FRIED, Helen Cecile, 1934-
ACHIEVEMENT OF COGNITIVE SKILLS IN HEAD
START AS RELATED TO CERTAIN HOME
ENVIRONMENT FACTORS.
University of Southern California, Ed.D.,
1973
Education, curriculum development
University Microfilms, A XERO X Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
This dissertation, w ritten under the direction
of the Chairman o f the candidate’s Guidance
Committee and approved by a ll members of the
Committee, has been presented to and accepted
by the Faculty of the School of Education in
partial fu lfillm e n t of the requirements fo r the
degree of D octor o f Education.
Date June,.. . 1 . 9 . 7 3
Dean
Guidance Committee
Chairman
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES
Chapter
I. THE PROBLEM .................................
Introduction
Statement of the Problem
Importance of the Study
Hypotheses
Scope and Delimitations
Limitations
Definitions of Terms Used
Organization of Remaining Chapters
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE . . .............
Overview
Historical Development of Early Childhood
Education
Characteristics of the Disadvantaged
Learner
Preschool Programs for the Disadvantaged
Learner
Summary
III. PROCEDURES .................................
Restatement of the Problem
The Community
Selection of the Sample
Procedures Used to Collect Data
Statistical Treatment of Data
Chapter
Page
IV. FINDINGS..........................   99
The Variation of Home Environment Measures
within the Economically Disadvantaged
Population
The Relationship of the Achievement of
Cognitive Skills to Home Environment
The Relationship between Achievement of
Cognitive Skills and Home Environment as
Compared to the Relationship between
Achievement of Cognitive Skills and IQ
Summary
V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS . . 108
Summary
Conclusions
Recommendations
APPENDICES............................................ 118
A. Parent Interview Form..................... 119
B. Scales for Rating Academic Environment .... 128
C. Scales for Rating Intellectual Environment . . 152
D. Statistical D a t a ............................... 167
BIBLIOGRAPHY .  .............................. . 178
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Ethnic Composition of School Population in the
District Involved in the Study ............. 86
2. Ethnic Composition of Head Start Enrollment in
the District Involved in the Study ..... 86
3. Age Criteria for Enrollment in Head Start
Program..................................... 87
4. Federal Family Income Criteria: Urban .... 89
5. Ethnic Composition of the Head Start Sample
Population................................... 91
6. One-Way Analysis of Variance of Academic
Environment Scores within the Economically
Disadvantaged Population .................... 101
7. One-Way Analysis of Variance of Intellectual
Environment Scores within the Economically
Disadvantaged Population .................... 101
8. Summary Results of Regressions of Cognitive
Skills on Home Environment................. 103
9. Summary Results of Regressions of Cognitive
Skills on Home Environment and I Q ......... 106
iv
CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM
Introduction
The preschool years have come to be recognized as aj
critical period of life during which environmental experi- i
ences have a great effect on the degree to which a child
i
will realize his full potential.
As the young child interacts with his environment
his self-concept begins to evolve, his language and social ;
skills start to develop, his attitudes toward learning
begin to take shape, and the concepts which will enable him;
to interpret and organize his environment begin to form
(14:145).
The nature of these lifelong patterns of behavior,
goals, and attitudes is strongly associated with the
characteristics of the child's parents, particularly as
expressed in child-rearing and family life-styles.
Although later experiences outside the home have important
influences on the developing child, the ways in which he
uses these experiences (such as Head Start or other pre- j
school programs) are greatly affected by what he has first j
learned at home (3:2).
With the exception perhaps of the trained sociolo- j
gist, society tends to use income level as the chief i
determinant of social class. People earning poverty level I
i
incomes (and those earning no income, as in the case of
welfare recipients) are generally.classified as part of the;
"lower class" or "disadvantaged" population. Within this j
category certain value systems and life-styles as well as
economic conditions are implied.
The difficulty with using such terms as "lower
class" or "disadvantaged" is that people frequently regard i
them as descriptive of a homogeneous group, ignoring the j
i
diversity of individuals within the group. As Smith and
Strickland have pointed out, regardless of the homogeneity j
or diversity within a school neighborhood, every child |
; I
differs from every other child in the background he brings
to school and in his competency in the use of language and i
skills he has developed in his learning of his language
(9:45) .
The relationship between social class and school
performance is therefore not a simple one and may not
« : 3
i
|
j reveal the specific qualities of a particular environment
which seem to foster academic success for its children.
; The literature is replete with descriptions of the cogni-
:tive and psychological deficits of the lower class or dis­
advantaged learner. Despite these generally substantiated
observations, there are numerous cases of children who,
though fitting many of the criteria for designation as
lower class or disadvantaged, do achieve a considerable
measure of academic success. There is an apparent need for
a greater examination of those factors in disadvantaged
families which appear to promote school achievement.
Statement of the Problem
The major purpose of this study was to investigate
the relationship between certain home environment factors
and the achievement of cognitive skills by Head Start
children in the year prior to entering kindergarten. Since
Head Start children must meet the stringent Federal Family
Income Criteria for admittance to the program (e.g., for
a family of four the gross annual income cannot exceed
$4,300), all families in the sample were regarded as
economically disadvantaged. Attention was thus focused on
; the type and quality of parent-child interaction and the
:relationship of these factors to success in the Head Start ;
• i
I
'program.
; |
Importance of the Study j
Research studies which have compared the school i
performance of middle and low income children have gener- j
Ially explained disparities in achievement between the two |
I groups in terms of gross differences in those skills and
attitudes associated with social class. The scales of
j
social status typically used have themselves often obscuredj
many important differences among a variety of environments I
and have given little information about the specific ways
i
1
in which environmental factors might affect the development!
of specific behavioral characteristics (88:3). !
As Manuel has indicated, group characteristics
merely alert one to conditions which may be found in an !
i
i
individual, but group membership can never be safely i
I v ;
depended upon as an automatic basis for understanding of |
the individual (6:33-34). A knowledge of both the group
!characteristics and the variations within the group is
needed to assess the individual child.
Chess has noted that there is an urgent need for
studies that will concretely examine the behavioral j
characteristics of lower class children and which will take
into consideration such factors as marked differences in
family structure, parental practices and attitudes, and j
ethnic background (43:5). j
I
Goldberg's observations were particularly relevant j
to the present study: j
Certainly, some pupils, even from the most disad­
vantaged homes, have successful school experiences j
with teachers who reach them through positive motiva­
tion. Who are these pupils, in what ways do their home j
relations differ from the rest, what was the image of
school which they had before entering, what kinds of
attitudes toward their own status and toward education j
do their parents have? All of these and other perti- I
nent areas of investigation may shed light on pre- and I
in-school procedures which might raise the educational j
sights of disadvantaged children. (24:90) !
i
This study was designed to explore more deeply the j
relationship between environmental factors in the home and I
the degree of success of Head Start children in the |
achievement of certain cognitive skills. |
Hypotheses
This study was designed to test the following
hypotheses:
Hypothesis 1. Within the economically disadvan- j
taged population, there is a significant difference in
scores on the Academic and on the Intellectual Environment ;
measures of the Wolf Home Environment Scale.
)
Hypothesis 2. There is a significant positive
relationship between scores on measures of the achievement i
of cognitive skills and home environment.
!
Hypothesis 2a. There is a significant positive:
relationship between Representational Level scores on j
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and j
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ-
I
ment Scale.
Hypothesis 2b. There is a significant positive i
i
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the !
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and 1
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ- !
ment Scale. !
Hypothesis 2c. There is a significant positive!
relationship between Representational Level scores on i
I
i
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Intellectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home
i
Environment Scale. ■
Hypothesis 2d. There is a significant positive}
I
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the j
i i
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
j
Intellectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home !
Environment Scale.
j
Hypothesis 3. The relationship between the scores j
of achievement of cognitive skills and the scores of
measures of home environment is greater than the relation- !
1
ship between the scores of achievement of cognitive skills !
and the scores of IQ.
Scope and Delimitations !
1. The investigation was confined to one school dis-
i
trict located in southern California. I
|
2. The preschool level (the year before kindergarten) |
was selected as the level from which all data were j
I
to be obtained.
i
3. Of the 114 children attending the Head Start pro­
gram, only 92 had been enrolled long enough to be
part of the population from which the sample was
to be selected.
Of the 92 eligible children, only 50 were selected
to form the sample population. j
i
i
Children who moved from the area or who were absent I
|
during part of the testing period were eliminated
I
from the study.
i
Limitations
The use of several testers with varying degrees of j
rapport with young children may have affected test :
i
i
results on the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic
Abilities.
|
The validity and reliability of any assessment
i
instruments administered to young, preschool
children may be viewed as limitations in themselves.j
j
The assessment of the home environment was limited ;
by the structure and comprehensiveness of the Wolf j
i
Home Environment Scale and by the degree of success|
the interviewer had in establishing rapport during 1
I
the parent interview.
Though each tester who administered the Illinois |
Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities was competent, j
consideration must be given to possible inaccura- j
cies in the scoring of twelve subtests.
5. Individual biases and differences in personality of
the two interviewers used to assess home environ- !
!
ment may have affected results of the parent
interviews.
Definitions of Terms Used
Cognitive skills. For the purposes of this study,
cognitive skills were defined as those language functions |
measured in the twelve tests of the Illinois Test of Psycho-*
linguistic Abilities.
i
IQ. In this study, IQ was defined as the intelli- j
j
gence quotient score obtained by a pupil on the Peabody
Picture Vocabulary Test.
i
i
Economically disadvantaged. As used in this study,!
the term economically disadvantaged referred to those
families whose incomes were at or below the Federal Family !
Income Criteria, a table of graduated incomes corresponding I
to the total number of individuals per family.
Home environment. In this study, home environment ;
was viewed as being composed of a number of subenvironments,
as measured by the Wolf Home Environment Scale.
10
Organization of Remaining Chapters
The remainder of the study is composed of four
chapters. Chapter II deals with a review of relevant
literature. Chapter III is comprised of descriptions of
the community and the subjects, the method by which the
subjects were selected, the procedures used to gather data,
the assessment instruments, and the methods by which the
data were treated. Chapter IV presents an analysis of the
accumulated data, with Chapter V containing conclusions,
recommendations, and suggestions for further study.
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Overview
Early childhood education is generally regarded as
an interdisciplinary field encompassing the interests of
specialists in developmental psychology, pediatrics, social
work, anthropology, and elementary education, as well as
other fields of study (60:82).
Particular attention is given in this chapter to
those research findings which were concerned with the
various environmental influences affecting the disadvan­
taged preschooler. In an attempt to deal with the broad
nature of this subject, the chapter is organized around
three major areas: (1) historical development of early
childhood education, (2) characteristics of the disadvan­
taged learner, and (3) preschool programs for the
disadvantaged learner.
11
| 12
j
Historical Development of Early
Childhood Education
; i
1
In order to understand the full implications of the j
■■ i
:recent growth of Head Start and other early childhood j
education programs, it is helpful to view these efforts in ;
: i
some historical perspective.
; ' i
!
1 i
Beginning Stages !
While kindergarten classes had their inception in j
this country in the mid-nineteenth century, nursery or
preschool education did not emerge until after World War I j
; i
!
(85:6-8). At this time, colleges and universities began j
to manifest serious interest in the education of young
children, stimulated by the work of such people as
Montessori in Italy, who was developing activity programs |
for young children which rejected the passivity and regimen--
tation of existing kindergarten classes. While John I
Dewey's philosophy of education was broad in scope, his !
| i
stress on activity and on first-hand experience in the j
learning process also had special meaning for early child-
i
hood educators and, in some ways, paralleled .Montessori's
!
concept of education for young children (12:21). !
I
As interest in child development became greater,
|colleges began to establish nursery schools as research
i
laboratories, attempting to use their findings to set up
environmental conditions conducive to optimum growth of
t
young children (83:5-6). During the 1920's, Gesell began a
developmental study of two-year olds at Yale Psycho-clinic.
In this same period, Gage, a student of Dewey, was helping
to train leaders in the field of early childhood education
at George Peabody College. Merrill Palmer School had
opened a nursery center as a child development laboratory,
while Baldwin was beginning the study of two- to four-year
olds at the Iowa Child Welfare Research Station (85:7).
Interest in early childhood education was spreading
and by 1930 the United States Office of Education reported
that the number of nursery schools had grown within the
previous decade from 3 to 262 (83:5). In the period from
1930 to 1946, nursery schools in the public and private
sectors of the nation expanded. The federal government
:contributed to this growth during the depression by estab­
lishing nursery programs under the auspices of the public
schools, both in an attempt to minimize the effects of the
depression on young children and to provide jobs for
unemployed teachers (7:42).
14
This program was later absorbed by the Lanham Act
: program, which had as its primary goal the provision of
adequate day-care facilities for the children of defense
j
workers during World War II. When the Lanham Act program
was terminated in 1946, the continuation of such nursery
school programs depended largely on local and private
funding sources. This gave impetus to the establishment of
numerous private nursery schools all over the country.
Such was the acceptance of nursery school education that
Chittenden reported in 1946 that there were more parents
interested in enrolling their children in nursery schools
than there were adequate facilities (83:6).
Since their inception in this country, nursery
schools have been largely supported by and oriented to the
middle-class family. Influenced by the work of Freud and
Gesell, early childhood educators gave great attention to
the personality development of the young child and were
concerned with the significance of early experiences and
their effects on later adult behavior.
It was felt that the child could not be rushed
through the various stages of development. The function of
the nursery school was to provide an environment in which
the natural unfolding of the child could take place as
; 15 I
; t
I maturation led him from one biologically determined
! i
developmental sequence to another. Play was seen as an j
area where the child could work out inner conflicts and
i
; I
experiment with those roles impossible for him to try with j
impunity in the "real" world (65:225).
The nursery school was generally expected to pro­
vide opportunities for the child to work and play with
peers in a relatively unstructured atmosphere. The child's1
jown self-selection was believed to provide the optimal
!
learning environment, with adults careful to refrain from
manipulating the direction of the child's inherent striving
(64:37). While programs might have differed, there was a
]
i
reasonably high degree of consistency in the theory of
early childhood education during this period (2:10).
A Re-examination of Concepts
As at all other levels of American education, the
Russian space success of Sputnik in 1957 accelerated an
examination of goals, values, and methodology in the field
of early childhood. Concern with the "knowledge explosion"
caused educators to turn with increased interest to the
concept of early learning and to the nature of the cogni­
tive development of the young child. Hymes, commenting on
|   16...
| this new concern with early cognitive learnings, wrote:
i At older levels the knowledge explosion has led to !
burgeoning enrollments in colleges. In under-six j
education it has meant: You can't start too early— !
I learn, learn, learn! Cognitive development has become \
the status symbol of much early education. (5:16) j
Directly related to this interest in early learning!
i i
i
:was a basic change in viewpoint concerning the malleability j
of intelligence. In 1961 J. McV. Hunt published Intelli- j
gence and Experience, in which he disputed the commonly j
;accepted belief in a genetically determined and fixed
! |
intelligence and, instead, stressed the importance of early,
environmental stimulation on intellectual development
(72:55). I
I
In 1964, Bloom also argued against IQ as an inborn
: j
constant. Using the hypothesis that the greater portion ofj
abilities measured in any subsequent testing consists of j
abilities measured in earlier testing, Bloom estimated that!
: I
, - I
;about 50 percent of all abilities were normatively attainedj
^ |
by age four, an estimate which emphasized the important ;
j j
roles of both early learning and cumulative effects on the !
i j
i
learner (53:149). Bloom maintained that intelligence was j
Imost plastic in the preschool and early elementary years,
' I
with stability of intelligence not completely reached untili
: |
approximately age twelve (72:55). i
These new developments in the field of early child-
I
hood education had particular import in the social and j
political climate of the United States of the early 1960's.;
While the relationship between the malfunctioning individ- |
I
ual and poor social conditions had certainly been demon- j
!
strated before, several factors seemed to heighten the !
i
nation's awareness of the problem. Among those factors
(
j
were the increasing physical decay of the cities, the
j
abandonment of the central cities by the middle class,
growing racial strife, and the rise in slum populations i
1
(30:140). I
In 1950, approximately 10 percent of the pupils in j
fifteen of the largest school systems were designated as !
!
disadvantaged (74:2). Today, in those same cities, often j
I
50 percent of the children are given this classification. i
i
The growth of the Civil Rights movement helped to focus l
|
attention on the minority poor of America. Numerous j
studies had shown that children from lower socio-economic I
i
homes, particularly from black, Spanish-surnamed and
American Indian homes, appeared to enter school with
serious educational disadvantages that prohibited both
successful school achievement and later occupational sue-
: j
cess. I
18
In its 1964 annual report to the President, the
Council of Economic Advisors stated:
Poverty breeds poverty. A poor individual or
family has a high probability of staying poor. Low
incomes carry with them high risks of illness; limita­
tions on mobility; and limited access to education,
information and training. Poor parents cannot give
their children the opportunity for better health
education needed to improve their lot. Lack of motiva­
tion, hope, and incentive is a more subtle but no less
powerful barrier than lack of financial means. Thus,
the cruel legacy is passed from parents to children.
(36:110)
The "War on Poverty" and
Project Head Start
Shortly after this report was issued, President
Lyndon B. Johnson called for an all-out "War on Poverty."
In August, 1964, legislation was passed to set up the
Office of Economic Opportunity which was to direct and
coordinate the efforts of the many governmental and private :
agencies involved in carrying out the President's mandate
|
(36:105). I
Head Start was one of the first programs developed I
to implement this "War on Poverty." Dr. Robert Cooke,
Pediatrician-in-Chief of John Hopkins Hospital, was asked
i
to form a panel of experts to draw up a blueprint for a
child development program to be funded by the Office of !
Economic Opportunity as part of its Community Action
19
Program. Cooke, as Chairman, wrote:
I
/ j
There is considerable evidence that the early yearsj
of childhood are a most critical point in the poverty !
cycle. During these years, the creation of learning *
patterns, emotional development and the formation of j
individual expectations and aspirations take place at ai
very rapid pace. For the child of poverty, there are
clearly observable deficiencies in these processes, •
which lay the foundation for a pattern of failure, and I
thus a pattern of poverty throughout the child's life. :
(87:1) ;
i
The Cooke Committee was guided by three basic con- i
cepts in its comprehensive approach to the problem:
I
1. The poor were homogeneous only in respect to
economic deprivation.
i
2. Effective programs would have to be tailored to
individual socio-cultural as well as geographical
differences among the poor. j
3. Involvement of the local community was essential in j
j
all phases of the program (61:98).
Head Start was viewed as an important instrument in i
breaking the cycle of poverty. Broad goals were written
which continue to guide the national program today. These j
goals dealt with-the child's physical, cognitive, and
emotional development, with special emphasis on strengthen-i
ing family and community relationships. Dr. Julius B.
Richmond, the first director of Head Start, supported these ;
j goals when he stated that any effort to improve the life of
I the Head Start child could not be compartmentalized into
health, education or welfare programs. Rather, the Head
Start Centers would need to be comprehensive in scope,
encompassing all of these services.
Project Head Start was designed to deal specifi­
cally with five major areas reflecting a conceptual view of
the program: (1) health, (2) nutrition, (3) education,
(4) parent involvement, (5) social and psychological
services. The long range goal of Head Start, as a Commu­
nity Action Program, was to bring about a permanent
increase in the ability of individuals and communities in
poverty situations to deal effectively with their problems
and, thus, to better their own conditions (81:6-11).
The summer of 1965 marked the beginning of a new
era for early childhood education. . . . Head Start
opened the eyes of the American people as nothing else
has to the needs of children in the three to six age
group. It brought us face to face with the fact that
one out of five children in the world's richest country
suffered from the same tragic neglect that victimized
their peers in poor, underdeveloped countries. (2:1)
The commitment to early childhood education con­
tinued to grow. In 1966, the Educational Policies
Commission of the National Education Association took the
official position that all children should have the
jopportunity to go to school at public expense, beginning at
! the age of four. What was advocated was not that preschool
should serve simply as an adjunct to the elementary school
!
program but, rather, that preschool should be seen as an
educational experience which would constitute an integral
iand vitally important part of each child's school career
: (20:49-50).
When, in 1969, President Richard M. Nixon announced
the delegation of Project Head Start to the Department of
Health, Education and Welfare, he indicated that this move
was part of a national commitment to the crucial early
years of life. Subsequently, he announced the organization
of the Office of Child Development within the Department of
Health, Education and Welfare. This new Office was given
the responsibility for Head Start, Day Care, and other
early childhood programs of the Children's Bureau (2:3).
By 1970, Head Start had served more than 3,800,000
jlow-income children on an operating federal budget-of
$360,000,000 (61:99). In July, 1971, the Senate Appropria­
tions Committee was informed by a representative of the
Department of Health, Education and Welfare that Head Start
was then composed of 800 to 900 grantees, 13,000 centers
(8,000 full-year and 5,000 summer programs), with
approximately 28,000 Head Start classes (68:4).
22
The Contemporary Scene
Under Title I of the Elementary and Secondary
Education Act of 1965, which provides local financial
assistance for low-income children, approximately 475,000
'preschool children were reported to be involved in programs
;in 1968 (2:3). It has been projected that by the end of
1972, approximately 3,000,000 three and four year old
children will be enrolled in preschool classes throughout
the country (75:237).
The recognition of the importance of early child­
hood education has spread beyond the federal level to
individual states, with more states passing laws both for
financial aid for public kindergartens and for the develop­
ment of pre-kindergarten programs. In one instance, the
Regents of the University of the State of New York have
proposed a long-range plan for the establishment of public
educational opportunities for all three and four year old
children within that state.
There has been a great variation throughout the
United States in the number of children enrolled in pre­
school classes. This has been due to such factors as
23
jdiffering densities of population, varying state and local
controls regarding the ages of children for whom public
school money can be used, availability of school plant
facilities, teacher certification procedures, and the past
history and traditions of regions in relation to the educa­
tion of young children (2:6-8).
Both from the Women' s Liberation Movement and the
Welfare Reform groups have come increasing pressures for
the provision of state and federally supported day care
facilities for the children of working mothers. It has
been predicted that the nation is on the threshold of a
quantum leap forward in the provision of such care for
young children (68:2). In viewing the contemporary scene
in preschool education, Hess wrote:
The extension downward of the beginning of formal
schooling changes and emphasizes the role of the school
Vis-a-vis the child, the school becomes increasingly
instrumental as the direct agent of socialization.
Vis-a-vis the family, there is an enlarging of the
arena of the child's life with which the school is
concerned and a marked gain in the potential impact of
the school as a source of values, skills, and orienta­
tions. (28:1)
While interest and participation in early childhood
programs have grown greatly, it still must be recognized
that a substantial number of the nation's three- to five-
year-old children are not currently enrolled in any type of
school program. It is likely however, that in the coining j
decade this situation will change radically, resulting in aj
sizable increase in the number of children (particularly
: i
; !
those designated as disadvantaged) who will participate in |
i
i
some form of a structured preschool educational program. j
Characteristics of the Disadvantaged
Learner
The overall goal of the Office of Economic Oppor­
tunity is to insure that no young child shall lack the j
environmental stimulation and opportunity which will |
make it possible for him to fulfill the complete range j
of his developmental capacities. (84:3) •
In order adequately to accomplish the above
i
described goal, it has been necessary to obtain a clear
understanding of the physical, emotional, and social j
j
environment in which the young children of poverty families j
exist and to study the present capacities and needs of
I
these children (84:2). A corollary to this important task !
has been the need to identify more precisely and clearly ;
|
the population in question. ' j
The Problem of Definition |
This broad group of children has been identified in J
a variety of ways, frequently reflecting divergent points
of view in respect to the nature of the educational problem I
I ......................................................      25
: at hand. Havighurst used the word "disadvantaged" as a
relative term. He wrote of the "socially disadvantaged"
I !
child as having a disadvantage, relative to some other j
!child, for some kind of social life. He considered the
' i
j
term to mean a disadvantage in living competently in an i
j
i
urban, industrial, and democratic society. j
The socially disadvantaged child is one who is i
handicapped in the task of growing up to lead a
competent and satisfying life in the American society. |
(26:16) ;
: i
Using the same term, "socially disadvantaged,"
Gordon and Wilkerson referred to a group of populations
j
which differed from one another in several ways but had in ■
j
common such characteristics as low educational achievement,!
tenuous or no employment, and limited ready potential for
upward mobility. Gordon and Wilkerson observed that such '
people were variously identified as "socio-economically
!
deprived," "the chronically poor," "the poverty stricken," I
and "the culturally alienated," but that all were handi- |
I
: j
capped by depressed social and economic status and fre­
quently by ethnic and cultural caste status as well. They
were predominantly of Negro, Puerto Rican, Mexican, j
i
southern rural, or mountain white origins, and were con- j
centrated largely in urban areas. Their cultural attitudes!
|          26 ".
1
; were typically alien to those of the broader communities
I and their children came to school disadvantaged to the
;degree that their culture had failed to provide them with
ithe experiences that were "normal" to the kinds of children
|the schools were accustomed to teaching (4:1).
Van de Eyken used the term "deprived" to describe
! any child who was brought up in an environment which was
intellectually dull, devoid of stimulus, and discouraging
to the spirit of inquiry (11:48).
Fearn referred to the "denied learner" and believed
that the term "denied" was more precise than "disadvan­
taged" because it described specifically the kinds of
factors which were instrumental in a child's relative
failure in school.
A denied child has been denied the specific verbal
stimulation necessary to cope with a school system
which tends to respond to specifically verbal compe­
tence; he is denied the extra-school experience neces­
sary to cope with a school system based upon a broad
repertory of experiences in relatively specific areas;
he has been denied the positive attitudes toward school
necessary to cope with a school system which depends
heavily upon attitudes for judgement; he is denied the
human respect— whether economic, racial, or linguistic
— necessary for healthy, human development. (50:51)
Gussow contended that defining the problems of poor
children in terms of "social disadvantage" or "cultural
deprivation" encouraged many to ignore the fact that
poverty was first of all a condition of the body. Agreeing
that cultural disadvantage was a reality, Gussow cautioned
that it was only a fragment of the threat which a poor
environment offered to the intellectual development of a
child.
The poor, from conception until death, are also at
differential risk with respect to a whole spectrum of
physical hazards, any one of which may be productive of
intellectual deficit and educational failure. (55:3)
Ellison, speaking before the Seminar on Education
for Culturally Different Youth, made reference to the
"so-called" culturally deprived, emphasizing that the
children in question were not so much culturally deprived
as they were products of a different cultural complex
(22:47).
Ornstein also considered what he termed the "tradi­
tional viewpoint," in categorizing the disadvantaged, as
too narrow in scope. He felt that educators tended to
categorize the disadvantaged too arbitrarily into such
areas of deprivation as economic, racial, social, and
psychological. While he agreed that lower-class and minor­
ity group youth were disadvantaged in schools, Ornstein
saw a danger in creating an oversimplified relationship by
labeling all students as lower or middle-class,
categorizing all minority groups as lower-class and,
conversely, all whites as middle-class. This, he con­
tended, reinforced a segregated rather than an integrated
j
view of society, reflecting in part, a cultural bias j
i
(67:264-71).
Rioux summarized much of this debate when he wrote:j
i
We are addressing ourselves to the causation of
poor school performance and poor attitudes toward
learning, which have a condemning and constricting
ramification on the lives of those involved. We are
talking about children who are located overwhelmingly j
in economically depressed urban and rural areas and who;
are, not surprisingly often members of minority groups.j
In any context, the children are disadvantaged; they
have health problems, they are not adequately clothed,
they suffer from the effects of poor housing, and their;
world is small as a consequence of the limiting factor j
of income. (34:80)
In dealing with the problems of deprivation and j
|
developmental learning, Fowler reported that prevailing
theory conceptualized the development of mental and physi- i
cal abilities and other psychological characteristics as a ;
joint product of the cumulative interaction of biological
and environmental forces (53:141).
Inadequate school facilities and staffs, school-
leaving before graduation, early marriage and child­
bearing, restricted occupational opportunities, low
income, large family size and family instability becomei
entangled in a pattern which both leads to and sustains;
the conditions of poverty. This pattern— the cycle of j
poverty— is self-sustaining during the life of a family I
unit and is perpetuated in the next generation. (23:232);
Edwards described the disadvantaged child as
generally coming from a language environment considerably
|
different from the majority culture. Such a child was j
likely, for example, to have spent his preschool years in aj
speech-sound system that varied considerably from standard |
! ' i
; American English. This might involve either a dialectical j
difference or a totally different language, resulting in
the learning of a different syntactical system. Such a
child would probably have difficulty in grasping the
patterns of standard American English and would therefore
construct his sentences differently (21:169).
Holland stated that the Mexican-American child could
not be thought of as fully bilingual, that such a child is
often a substandard or partial speaker of two languages.
This type of bilingualism could interfere with the more j
thorough learning of either language, resulting in the I
child's possibly using fewer complex language symbols than j
Anglo children. The NEA-Tucson Survey also observed that
even if the child could speak both English and Spanish, he I
might be only nominally bilingual, having a low level of
literacy in both languages. As a result of socio-economic j
differences between the Spanish-speaking and English-
speaking segments of community, many of the objects, social!
30
i
j
:relationships, and cultural attitudes presented in lessons
were absent from the Mexican-American child's home experi­
ence. The problem of learning English was thus enormously
: j
increased by his unfamiliarity with the objects and situa- !
i i
; j
: tions that the equally unfamiliar words and phrases stood
I for (1:33-40). j
; i
In discussing language acquisition, Smart stressed !
that the quality and quantity of a child's learning are
dependent on his linguistic encounters. !
; i
His early language models become facilitators or
inhibitors for developing his abilities to label, to
guide, and organize his thinking and to express his
ideas in elaborated syntactical forms. (71:654-56) j
f
Bernstein, in studies of language behavior of >
families as related to intellectual development of their
j
i
children, distinguished between two types of language,
restricted and elaborated. Bernstein saw the disadvantaged;
J
child as generally exposed to restricted language which had j
I
i
among its characteristics short, grammatically simple
sentences with a poor syntactical form stressing the active!
voice, simple and repetitive use of conjunctions, little
use of subordinate clauses to break down the initial cate­
gories of the dominant subject, and rigid and limited, use
of adjectives and adverbs where the reason and the
j conclusion were confounded to produce a categoric statement.;
| !
In contrast, the child from the advantaged home was!
more likely to hear elaborated speech characterized by such!
: I
;features as accurate grammatical order and syntax, grammat-j
i I
ically complex sentence construction with the use of
conjunctions and subordinate clauses, frequent use of
;prepositions which indicate logical relationships or
temporal and spatial continuity, and a discriminating
selection from a variety of adjectives and adverbs (26:18). |
Much recent developmental theory has supported
Bernstein's view of language as being inextricably related ;
to intellectual development, with language regarded as the j
major agency for enabling the child to move from the con-
j
crete, associational forms of learning and thinking to more;
|
complex and abstract forms of thought:
It may be in the domain of verbal language process- I
ing that stimulus deprivation has its greatest conse­
quences in the production of cognitive deficit in the j
socially disadvantaged. (53:149)
Dever concurred and stated that 'it was impossible
to separate lowered intellectual functioning from lowered
linguistic functioning. The heavy reliance on tests of
I
verbal ability in the diagnosis of such retardation, Dever !
observed, virtually defined retardation in terms of low
: language function (46:367).
A summary of the writings of a number of investiga­
tors (Luria, 1961? McCandless, 1964; Myklebust, 1960?
Vygotsky, 1939; Whorf, 1956) has reflected agreement that
high levels of cognitive ability, concept formation, prob­
lem solving ability and intelligence, as now measured, are
dependent on high levels of linguistic ability (73:597).
Smith, et al. concluded;
In fact, growth of intelligence appears to depend
in large part upon the adequate development of language
and language depends upon the verbal climate in which
the child lives as well as upon an intact sensory and
neurological system. (73:597)
Blank reported that failure in an auditory dis­
crimination task in the teaching of reading did not appear
to reflect auditory deficiencies per se, but rather
reflected the deficiencies of the retarded reader's experi­
ence in the seemingly simple cognitive demands imposed by
the task (41:292).
Gray and Fygetalies also noted the importance of
the development of linguistic abilities, particularly in
the development of higher order language. They stressed
the preschool level as crucial for this learning since the
inability to handle the basic tools of education, i.e.,
language, would preclude much academic success in school.
j  ...........: ..................................................................................  33......
Social disenfranchisement would then closely follow the
pattern established as a result of poor performance in
early school experiences (54:263).
For the middle class child, the intricate and
orderly accumulation of information supplies the child with
meaning of the world around him. Flint viewed the lower
class or deprived child as living a life of haphazard
activity which provided no orderly or understandable rhythm
of daily living. Thus, when he was presented with concepts
in the school situation, he could only superficially grasp
their meaning because he had no background into which they
could be incorporated (52:400-401).
In a University of Pittsburgh study, the ability to
name common vegetables developed more slowly among urban
poverty children than among private school kindergartners.
The researchers held that the culturally deprived child was
handicapped not only by limited experience, but more often
by the unorganized presentation of stimuli under conditions
which inhibited learning (77:77-81).
Hawkins found that five-year-old working class
children in London used more pronouns than did middle class
children, the latter using more nouns. The use of nouns
was found to facilitate the expansion of the child's
j communication skills through the use of modifiers rather
: i
i
{
than through pronoun usage (41:290). j
Black noted that the young child might be crippled !
!
; !
in language development if he did not perceive that objects!
had names and that the same objects might have different
names. The economic conditions under which the child lived;
i
!
with a scarcity of objects of all types plus the absence j
i
i
of discussion which frequently characterized communication j
i
in such a home, could prejudice against the development of j
i
labels and against the concept of specific names for every-I
thing. The disadvantaged kindergarten child, for example,
generally used fewer words with less variety to express
himself than did the kindergartner of a higher socio­
economic class. This use of language chiefly to express
concrete needs could contribute to the limitations of
self-expression (13:47). j
Riessman characterized the disadvantaged child as
i
i
typically a physical learner and consequently a slow
learner. He described the disadvantaged child's learning
style as "one-track," that is, the child might frequently j
persist in one line of thought without demonstrating
flexibility in his thinking processes. The child possess- j
i
ing this single mindedness might have considerable creative!
r  ..........................................................................  *................... .......... 35 ..
i
|potential which could be unrealized because of a lack of
reinforcement in the school (8:11-12).
Several recent studies summarized by Hallahan have
indicated that disadvantaged children tend to have an
impulsive rather than a reflective cognitive style. Zucker
and Strickler compared the performance of Head Start and
!middle-class children, using the matching familiar task,
and found that lower class children were significantly more
impulsive and less accurate than their middle class peers.
(56:5) .
In a study by Schwebel, lower class children per­
formed significantly poorer than did the middle class group
on a variety of verbal tasks. Lower class children
responded significantly faster or more impulsively on most
of the tasks. Closely related to these findings, Love
determined that economically deprived children looked at
visual patterns for a shorter period of time than did
middle class children, with the deprived children attending
to the patterns less intensely, as measured by a smaller
reduction of restless activity (56:5).
i 36
;Root Causes of School Failure
Among the Disadvantaged
Kollberg stated that the most clear-cut finding of
his research was that disadvantaged children had much lower
scores than did middle class children, both on rating and
on experimental measures of attention. He viewed the most
obvious defects of the disadvantaged child as defects in
attention, with the major cause of this deficit being the
constant distraction by siblings and peers.
Hess and Shipman hypothesized that the type of
cognitive strategy the child used— e.g., the less reflec­
tive information-processing strategies of the lower class
child— was determined by the type of control used by the
mother in her interaction with her child. The lower class
mother tended to use an imperative-normative system based
on social norms and the power and authority of the partici­
pants. ("You'll do it because I told you to.") In con­
trast, the middle class mother generally used a cognitive-
rational type of control which encouraged the child to
think through a situation in terms of the consequences of
his behavior. ("Don't you think you should go to bed now
so that you'll be well rested for tomorrow's baseball
game?")
Hallahan concluded that, whether because of a j
i
I
disorganized environment or because of the predominant use !
of the imperative-normative control techniques used by the j
i
lower class mother (and/or a combination of these and other:
factors), the lower class child was likely to possess an
impulsive cognitive strategy (56:5-6). I
In a 1960 study, Ammon investigated the effects of ;
a listener's expectation on his understanding of communica-j
tion. With both fifth grade and college level students,
Ammon found that the listener's expectation was a more
important contribution to understanding than was the content
of the communication (41:290).
Byerly noted that the physical environment fre­
quently acted as a deterrent to the growth of listening
skills. In a house, for example, where several people
lived closely together, the noise level tended to be so
high that a child might be forced to learn how not to
listen. He might learn to tune out his surroundings; but
by doing this, he might not learn how to distinguish
between relevant and irrelevant noises, a necessity in the !
classroom situation (15:223).
The disadvantaged student may be unaware of how to i
be successful in school although his family may recognize
..................................  38
generally the need for an education. Farias indicated that
the things the Mexican-American child learned in school
frequently came into conflict with much of what he had
learned from his parents. Such a situation could create
severe personality problems and consequently inhibit intel­
lectual performance (49:602).
Edmondson cited the emphasis in the Spanish­
speaking culture on traditionalism as compared to the Anglo
cultural emphasis on progress and change. Where the
Spanish-speaking culture tended to be paternalistic and to
value familism, the Anglo culture was more egalitarian and
emphasized individualism (1:33).
Sprinthall found that students who were superior
achievers in high school exhibited more values similar to
their teachers than did the other students. These differ­
ences in value orientation may already exist at the pre­
school level. As a result of a study of the incorporation
of values by lower and middle class preschool boys,
Ermalinski and Ruscelli recommended that the question of
value incorporation receive attention along with training
in basic academic skills at the earliest levels of
education (48:629-31).
Clauson and Williams stated that the greatest
|disadvantage of poverty children came from the pervasive­
ness of values and attitudes which, while adaptive to
deprivation, tended to neutralize those of the larger
society (16:173).
The achievement habit thus often ends for the dis­
advantaged before it has really begun. Metfessel wrote:
The cycle of skill mastery which demands that
successful experiences generate more motivation to
perform which in turn guarantees levels of skills
sufficient to prevent discouragement, and so on, may
be easily reversed in direction and end the achievement
prior to its beginning. (96:3)
Robinson and Robinson reported that observations of
disadvantaged children tended to suggest that patterns of
passivity, apathy, and discouragement were characteristic
at very early ages, while more advantaged children from
more stimulating environments were already active, inquisi­
tive, optimistic, and continually engaged in mastery
patterns.
Several investigations of achievement drive, as
cited by Robinson and Robinson, have indicated the impor­
tance of this impetus to successful productive activity.
Studies by Bayley and Schaefer, and by Sontag, Baker and
Nelson suggested that the achievement drive differed among
children and had striking effects on intellectual
! ..................................         40.‘.]
idevelopment. Those children with a high degree of achieve-j
1 i
: I
;ment motivation tended to become brighter as they grew
; i
older, while those with less motivation tended to fall {
I I
behind their developmental potential. Additional studies
i
by Douvan, Lot and Lot, and by Mussen, Urbano, and |
Bautourline-Young tended to support the view that the j
degree of achievement motivation was related to the socio- :
cultural background of the child.
In each instance, the group of more favorable
social status has the higher motivation to achieve
excellence. (35:48)
Hechinger described the middle class mother as j
obsessed with ways of exploiting and pushing the natural
curiosity of her child, buying countless books about infant;
behavior and about effective ways of answering or extract- ;
ing young children's questions. By contrast, Hechinger
perceived the "slum" home as a place of little opportunity ;
to talk, to question and seek answers, thus necessitating
an early educational effort to offset the lack of parental
teaching, care, and mind-molding (27:3-6).
Deutsch viewed the lower class child as lacking the ;
coping mechanisms of the middle class child for internal­
izing success or psychologically surviving failure in the
formal learning setting. If the lower class child started ;
ito fail, he did not have the same kinds of support from j
1 l
• i
his family, his community, or from the school, that his
counterpart in the middle class home had. Added to this
■ t
|
was an increased likelihood for the lower class child to
i
experience failure due to differences in preparation '
(17:14).
As with other motivational systems, the achievement;
drive is affected by subsequent experience and seems to be j
bolstered by a verbalized value system taught when the
child is able to grasp such abstract concepts as the notion
that with hard work, foresight, and sacrifice, success can :
come to anyone (35:48-49). Taba noted that the deficien- j
cies in background and the problems precipitated by the I
school formed a vicious cycle. The disadvantaged child
i
came to school with acculturation problems, an ill-developed
capacity to conceptualize experience, and, by school j
, i
standards, poorly developed verbal articulation. The
resulting low performance on ability tests resulted in the j
labeling of these children as slow learners or low achiev- i
ers. This designation reduced the child's already low !
self-esteem and self-expectation still further. The net
result was that the disadvantaged child was often labeled
uneducable and treated as such (10:12).
42
Despite the generally consistent appraisal of the
characteristics of the disadvantaged learner, many
researchers have stressed that overgeneralizations should
not be made, and that the disadvantaged should not be
viewed as one homogeneous group.
Deutsch cautioned that there are vast variations
'between subgroups and between individuals of the population
labeled "disadvantaged." These variations, he contended,
deal not only with broad racial and ethnic differences and
geographical and urban-rural differences, but with the more
specific and individually applicable family differences
(18:7-9).
Clausen and Williams, in reviewing research on
family structure and socialization, observed:
Patterns of family structure or changes in struc­
ture are clearly not simple dimensions or variables.
While family size, birth order and absence of either
parent, can and often do have significant consequences
for the child's identification, role-learning and modes
of relating to others, the psychological consequences
depend on processes that are influenced by the larger
social context, by interaction with other family
characteristics, and by the unique constellation of
persons (attitudes, adaptations, relationships)
involved. (16:175)
Herzog and Lewis also warned of "dubious labeling
and lumping" and noted that misinterpretations of behavior
could contribute to ineffectiveness of social institutions
iand programs (57:378). Some researchers have viewed the
;major cause of school failure among disadvantaged children |
i
i
i
as resting not so much in the inadequacies of their home j
environment but more in the inadequacies of the school
environment that the children enter. Baratz and Baratz,
strong proponents of this point of view, wrote that in the j .
i
case of the lower class black child:
What makes him appear "uneducable" is his failure !
in an educational system that is insensitive to the
culturally different linguistic and cognitive styles
that he brings to the classroom setting. The school I
therefore, fails to use the child's distinct cultural j
patterns as the vehicle for teaching new skills and !
additional styles. (39:39)
i
Baratz and Baratz recognized the need for critical inter- j
vention in the problem but maintained that the emphasis |
should be on the procedures and materials used in the
schools rather than on the children served by the schools
(39:41).
Fishback and Adelman expressed concern about the j
I
tendency on the part of many professionals to act as though j
children labeled as disadvantaged are all handicapped by j
internal deficiencies that cuase learning and behavior j
problems in the school, and to place little stress on the
i
role of the school in these problems:
44 i
■ i
; t
. . . such problems result not only from the j
characteristics of the youngster but also from the
characteristics of the classroom in which he is placed.
(51:115)
In a study of socio-economic status of students andj
!
school bureaucratization, Anderson concluded that schools !
occupied by low socio-economic students were operated
i
differently from those occupied by high socio-economic
i
students. Part of the problem was that explanations of low!
t
achievement based on social class frequently tended to
place the onus for achievement directly on the child and
his family. The onus, Anderson contended, ought to be on
the school, at least as long as schools claim a prerogative!
in the education of children (38:12-13).
Adkins also viewed the schools as contributing to
i
the academic failure of disadvantaged children, particularly
i
bilingual children. She maintained that these children
were frequently expected to read and comprehend materials
whose language might have little or no relevance to their
world. Their subsequent failure to interpret correctly
the meaning of this language contributed to a loss of
interest in reading and subsequently to lags in the total
educational process (37:7-11):
I Relevance and realism in language are essential to !
learning, and culturally and economically deprived
children are at insurmountable disadvantage without a
special approach and without special materials.
(37:10)
While some researchers may disagree on the assess- !
‘ i
ment of "blame" in the root causes of school failure, there!
is general agreement in the research literature on the
value of early childhood education as a means of preventing!
and alleviating educational deficits.
Preschool Programs for the
Disadvantaged Learner
In discussing the status of early childhood educa- i
tion today, Shane observed:
The extent to which early childhood education will ;
implant new behaviors in children before they enter j
the primary school will depend heavily on the nature
and the quality of the programs provided. (70:31)
It is precisely in deciding which new behaviors
should be implanted in the preschooler, particularly the
disadvantaged preschooler, and consequently which program
would be most effective in bringing about the desired
changes, that a wide divergence of philosophical and
pedagogical positions has become apparent among specialists ;
in early childhood education.
When writing of the preschool movement of the
46
1940's, it was possible for Lay to note: "There was indeed
a near consensus as to what constituted appropriate teach­
ing behavior in the early childhood field" (64:37). A
similar observation would be far more difficult to make in
the climate of the 1970's.
Several researchers have attempted to categorize
the myriad of preschool programs existing today. Shane
viewed most current programs as falling into one of four
categories:
1. Custodial types which provide physical care in
safe, healthy surroundings.
2. Academic programs which stress the early acquisi­
tion of skills in reading, number concepts, and
other areas.
3. Cognitive approaches which emphasize rich inputs
designed to increase "intelligence" but which avoid
structured academic content.
4. Developmental types which seek cognitive and
affective input as "balance" in the curriculum and
which attempt to stimulate maximum personalized
human development (70:31-32).
Getzels has maintained that there are basically
three types of programs for the "culturally deprived" child
of preschool age:
1. The program that assumes that the deficiencies of !
i
i
the culturally deprived child are more superficial j
than fundamental and more a matter of quantity than:
!
I
kind, therefore holding that supplementary pre- |
school experiences are needed. j
2. The program that assumes that the culturally
|
I
deprived child's deficiencies reside in the lack of!
familiarity with school-related objects and activi-j
ties and that the child needs experiences that are ,
predominantly academic-preparatory.
3. The program that assumes that the environment has ;
caused the culturally deprived child to be/become I
fundamentally different from his middle-class peersj
i
in self-concept, language, values, and perceptual
processes, and that he needs specialized programs
to counteract environmental effects (1:68).
i
Theoretical Rationales
La Crosse has stated that there are three theoretical
streams of thought now present in early education and that,
depending on one's theoretical approach, the "facts" about ;
children are different and often contradictory. The three :
48
|
I theoretical models that, according to La Crosse, have
; • |
generated most of our knowledge about early childhood are I
: !
(1) the Psycho-Maturational model, (2) the Stimulus- j
'Response (S-R) model, and (3) the Cognitive-Developmental !
i
i
model.
: j
The Psycho-Maturational model. The Psycho-
Maturational model is designated as that approach which
; i
organizes knowledge about child development through the
: i
theories of Freud and Gesell. The overall growth of the j
child is conceived as coming from the interaction of his
inner drives and the demands of society for appropriate
social behavior. The child's personality and cognitive j
i
functioning thus arise from such interaction. The child is i
assumed to be basically "good," with the demands of society!
usually at fault if there is a distortion of optimal
growth. j
The educational focus in the Psycho-Maturational i
model is to establish a non-threatening, protected environ-;
ment which will enable the child's inner good to unfold.
The child is conceived to be biologically programmed at a
particular rate which cannot be rushed by practice.
i i
Education and development will therefore have to wait untilj
! ........     49  1
I i
j j
! the child is ready to move to the next level of develop- j
! ]
' i
; I
!ment. The main concern of the three to six-year-old in j
i
this model is toward developing a sex-role identity, and j
i
formal "education" (learning to read and write) would be ;
delayed until interpersonal skills, i.e., the resolution of:
the conflicts between self-needs and society's demands,
have been attained. !
The preschool classroom reflecting this view of the;
young child would stress individual rather than group
activities because each child would need to be approached
at his own individual and psychological level. Self-
expression would be of paramount importance, with curricu- i
lum tending to be "expressive" rather than structured.
Activities would be designed to permit the child to experi-i
ment with various life roles and to act out inner conflicts.:
The Stimulus-Response model. The Stimulus-Response;
model, as defined by La Crosse, focuses on the observable,
rather than internal, states. In this approach, all learn-;
ing is viewed as taking place via basic mechanism; whenever;
a specific response to a stimulus is reinforced it is
"learned," that is, it is highly likely that the response
will be repeated when the organism is confronted with the
50
same stimulus again.
Both thinking and personality are viewed as being
composites of thousands of very discrete stimulus-response
bonds, and although the child is acknowledged to be born
with a genetically patterned hierarchy of responses, he
quickly becomes a product of his environment as he inter­
acts to and is reinforced by it. Teaching becomes the
process of identifying appropriate stimuli to elicit a set
of responses, identifying the appropriate or desired
responses, and finally, identifying the most powerful
reinforcement for the desired response. Learning and
development are viewed as proceeding by a process of dis­
crimination and generalization, with the child learning,
through mistakes and through differential reinforcement
from the environment, to discriminate between situations
which appear highly similar but require different behaviors.
Clearly identified behaviors or goals would be
presented in the preschool classroom together with a care­
ful plan of reinforcement contingencies developed to guide
the child toward the appropriate behavior. Goals would be
broken down into component steps, with the child proceeding
through small, discrete, hierarchically organized steps
toward mastery of the concept. Group teaching would take
51
place provided the members were all at the same level,
since the basic learning process would be the same for all.
The Cognitive-Developmental model. In contrast,
the Cognitive-Developmental model views development as
growing from an interaction between the particular way the
child views the world and the structure of the "outside"
world around him. Influenced by the work of Piaget, each
cognitive stage is viewed as possessing a characteristic
way of handling a problem, with the passage through the
various cognitive stages progressing in a fixed order. As
the child passes from one cognitive stage to another he
adds some new cognitive function to the existing structure,
leading to a reorganization of the old and integration with
the new.
The emphasis in the preschool classroom would be on
structure rather than content, on conceptualizing rather
than on rote memory, on the development of thinking
processes as opposed to personality or emotional develop­
ment. Presentation of materials would move from the con­
crete to the abstract as the child himself moves through
the various cognitive stages of development. Objects which
are as close to real life objects as possible would be
52
in the classroom. Emphasis would be on a wide range of
experiences, because the broader the experience base during
one cognitive stage, the more the child will take with him
to the next developmental level (95:1-8).
Evaluations. What La Crosse has chosen to call the
Psycho-Maturational model represents in large part the
traditional middle-class nursery school approach to early
education. It is this approach which is most widespread in
the majority of communities today and which has aroused
many critics, particularly those researchers concerned
with curriculum development for the preschool disadvantaged
child.
As noted, the traditional nursery school tends to
be unstructured, de-emphasizing direct teaching of cogni­
tive skills and emphasizing, instead, social and emotional
development. Many researchers who support the "traditional"
approach to early education believe irreparable harm can be
done to children in what they view as a highly pressured
and overstructured atmosphere. Some have expressed the
fear that these children are being robbed of their child­
hood because of adult overeagerness to demonstrate early
learning (64:38).
53
Black and Bios, supporting the traditional nursery
school goals, raised the following questions:
Granted that all children want to learn and love to
learn, where did so many sensible adults get the wild
notion that learning takes place only when a child
acquires sets of facts? Which child is better
"educated"— the one who can reel off the alphabet for­
wards and backwards yet steps on the prostrate body of
a friend in the process of grabbing the swing, or the
"illiterate" one who cheerfully says, "Me next" and
waits his turn? (82:1)
Black and Bios saw as the chief goals of the nursery
school: (1) to help children in developing strong and
positive self-images, (2) to aid them in experiencing life
fully, and (3) to make children aware that they have ideas
to express and that they possess the desire to receive
other ideas (82:2).
Beck summarized the traditional point of view when
she wrote:
The tendency to push cognitive learning and
mechanical memory training for every younger age groups
is viewed with concern considering the effect this is
likely to have on the development of human values in
the young human being. Early emphasis on academics
before the child has the neurological and psychological
maturity or spontaneous interest in such activities,
pushes out of the nursery, age-appropriate activities
important to normal growth and development. Reading
and number skills can be acquired at many stages of a
child's life. They are better assimilated when the
possibility of practical application arouses the child's
interest in acquiring these skills. The development of
basic relationships to people and attitudes towards
themselves and the world around them have their own
54
seasons/ which, when passed, might not be adequately
recouped. Young children have need for people, for
relationships and for spontaneous experiences, rather
than for structured teaching. (40:316)
Elkind, while largely disapproving of the "academic
preschool" for the middle-class child, believed there was a
need for more structured learning experiences for the dis­
advantaged child:
To the child who comes from the often chaotic
stimuli of the ghetto, the structure of a formal
instructional program is a needed counterpoise to his
experience at home. The structured preschool experi­
ence offered to the disadvantaged child helps compen­
sate for the cognitive and linguistic preparation that
the middle class child receives in the home. (42:132)
Weikart and Weigerink, commenting on preschool
intervention programs for the disadvantaged, reported that
Karnes had found that specifically designed cognitive
programs were more effective in producing intellectual
growth than was a traditional nursery program (93:1-2).
In a study by Clasen, et al., a comparison was
made between two Head Start groups, one receiving a sequen­
tial language development program and the other a more
conventional, socially oriented program with only inciden­
tal attention to language skill building. Both the
structured language and incidental language groups made
significant gains in language skills as measured by the
55
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities, but the sig­
nificantly greater gains obtained in the structured
language group accounted for the significant overall
difference between the two groups (44:401-403).
In a University of Florida study, Van De Riet, et
al. provided a group of twenty-four culturally deprived
five-year-olds with an experimental sequential program of
planned and guided learning experiences. A matched control
group was exposed to a "traditional" program, and another
control group received no preschool program. The experi­
mental program was organized on the assumption that
cognitive growth and development proceeded in an orderly
sequence and that the sequences proceeded from motor to
perceptual to symbolic aspects of cognitive functioning.
The "traditional" program emphasized the socialization
process and psychological well-being and was less directly
concerned with cognitive development. The performance of
the experimental group on nineteen developmental measures
was significantly superior to both control groups, and a
follow-up evaluation of the end of the subsequent year
indicated that this superiority still remained for the
experimental group (76:5-14).
In examining current research in early childhood
56
education, Butler observed that most preschool programs
are considered successful if they can demonstrate that
3
children who complete the program are more likely to suc­
ceed in the primary grades. Butler raised the question* '
however, as to whether this is the ultimate goal of early
childhood programs (2:64). Lane, exploring the same basic
question, asked:
What do we value in the years from two to five or
birth to five? For example, do we value choice as a
component of a young child's environment in school? Do
we value regimentation? Do we value conformity and
sanction punishment? Do we value uniqueness? Do we
value in the young child a sense of joy or satisfac­
tion when he has coped satisfactorily? If so, how do
we show it? (2:64-65)
Representative Preschool Programs
Several representative preschool programs,
described below by the nature of their stated goals, cur­
riculum and methodology, have addressed themselves at least
in part to many of the important questions raised by Butler
n
and Lane. Major aspects of all of these programs can be
found in various Head Start centers throughout the country.
r *
The Bereiter-Engelmann program. Perhaps no program
has been more diametrically opposed to the "traditional"
approach to early childhood education than has the
i
57
Bereiter-Engelmann program, frequently referred to as the
"academic preschool." The Bereiter-Engelmann philosophy of
teaching disadvantaged preschoolers was developed at the
'University of Illinois and was in many ways a reaction to
what the authors viewed as the failure of more traditional
preschool programs to aid the disadvantaged learner.
As reported by Young, Bereiter-Engelmann maintained
•that, if disadvantaged children were not to remain disad­
vantaged for all of their academic lives, they needed to be
placed in a program where learning would progress at a
faster than normal rate— in a sense, speeding up learning.
According to those researchers, there was certain verbal
information which disadvantaged children had not had an
opportunity to learn but which they could learn if effi­
ciently taught, and which, if not learned, would cause them
to have little chance of ever succeeding in school. The
disadvantaged child was seen as lacking the ability to use
t
language as a means of acquiring and transmitting informa­
tion and was viewed as possessing an unfamiliarity with the
uses of grammar, structured words, and inflections.
The Bereiter and Engelmann approach follows a
straight line to its objective. It teaches directly
with methods familiar to any modern language teacher,
the information the children must have to succeed in
first grade. Bereiter and Engelmann toss out the
58
enrichment and focus hard on what they have called
"more potent generators of significant learning/1 on
the premise that a child can get along for some time
not knowing what a zebra looks like, but that it is
critical for him to be able to form negatives and past
tenses. Such Head Start standbys as fingerpainting and
field trips are crowded out in favor of language
drills, seat work, games called "categories" and songs
which teach pronouns. (78:388)
An experimental group of disadvantaged four-year-
olds who attended an academic preschool for two years was
compared to a group which attended a traditional preschool
and kindergarten. The experimental group achieved signifi­
cantly greater Stanford-Binet IQ scores than did the
subjects in the comparison program at the end of both the
first and second years of instruction. While it was diffi­
cult to evaluate the effects of the program on the person­
alities of the children, interviews with parents and
observations of the children disclosed no ill effects from
the highly structured formal instruction (2:47-48).
Writing in an Australian publication, Roberts
questioned whether children trained in such a regimented
program could successfully develop their powers of reflec­
tive thinking, which are closely related to their own
action-learning and spontaneous speech.
What is the underlying framework of thought for
further development? What happens to children's minds
when they are conditioned and reinforced in such a
59
limited area? Are we not exploiting these disadvan­
taged children in America for the sake of a limited,
measurable advance in the field of verbal behavior?
(69:23)
At this time, there are insufficient longitudinal
studies to judge definitively the claims and criticisms
of the Bereiter-Engelmann approach to early childhood
education for the disadvantaged.
The Institute for Developmental Studies. The
Institute for Developmental Studies, under the direction of
Martin Deutsch, was among the earliest groups involved in
compensatory education programs. The major effort of that
institute has been directed toward an enrichment program
designed to bring to young children a curriculum whose goal
is to prevent and alleviate some of the detrimental effects
of living in a disadvantaged environment. Five basic
elements in the program have been (1) curriculum develop­
ment, (2) training of teaching and supervisory personnel,
(3) demonstration, (4) evaluation, and (5) research
(86:20-21).
Beginning in 1962, children who volunteered for the
program, which was worked out in conjunction with the New
York City Public School System, entered at the pre­
kindergarten level and continued through third grade.
60
Control groups who attended the same schools were divided
into three categories:
1. Self-selected controls, who met the same criteria
as the experimental group but were excluded on a
random basis.
2. Control children from the same background, who
began their schooling in the regular kindergarten.
3. A control group, also from the same background, who
began school in the regular non-enriched first
grade.
By 1970, six groups of children had entered the program,
one having begun each year from 1962 through 1967. On a
posttest at the end of prekindergarten and kindergarten,
sizable gains on the Stanford-Binet IQ and Peabody Picture
Vocabulary Test were made by the experimental groups. At
the end of kindergarten the experimental group was also
superior to the control groups on the Reading Prognosis
Test. Six subtests of the Illinois Test of Psycholinguis-
tic Abilities were administered to a sample group of
first-through-third-grade children and, again, the experi­
mental group was significantly superior to the controls
(2:43-44).
61
Tentative results suggest that continuous and care­
fully planned intervention procedures can have a sub­
stantially positive influence on the performance of
disadvantaged children and can avoid the cumulative
failure all too frequently found. (2:44)
Deutsch and Deutsch, in describing their program,
wrote'that there were several basic assumptions that were
fundamental to their thinking and programming. Environment
was considered to play a major role in the development of
cognitive skills and in the functional use of intellectual
capabilities such as learning how to learn. The impact of
different aspects of the environment was felt to be differ­
ent for different functions at different times. The
influence of environment was hypothesized to be greatest at
those times when the function being influenced was having
its period of most rapid growth. Some types of environment
were thought to be consistently more stimulating to cogni­
tive development than others, with lower-class and slum
environments generally contributing fewer or less well-
timed and less adequate stimuli than middle- and upper-
class environments.
While not espousing Piaget's concept of cognitive
development in particular, the Deutsches did hold that
cognitive development proceeded by stages and that these
stages probably followed a consistent order. Relating to
62
these stages of development was the assumption that some
kinds of skills or abilities were basic to others and that,
generally, there were fewer basic skills than there were
specific ones, with each basic skill contributing to a
number of adjacent specific ones.
. The proper tasks for early childhood education were
therefore felt to include:
1. Identification of the stimulation "lacks" in the
environment.
2. Diagnosis of the areas of retardation in cognitive
development.
3. Prescription of particular stimuli, strategies, and
techniques to accelerate the development of the
retarded functions.
4. Evaluation of the efficiency of the techniques
used (19:83-85).
The Deutsch model has been of great influence throughout
the country in compensatory education programs for young
children.
Early Training Project. Another program begun in
1962 was the Early Training Project, directed by Susan Gray
at George Peabody College for Teachers. In a five-year
63
study of disadvantaged black children, three groups were
randomized, the first group to attend, over a period of
three summers, a ten-week preschool program particularly
designed to offset deficits generally observed in cul­
turally deprived homes. In addition, that group was to
have three years of weekly visits from a home visitor who
was a certified elementary teacher with special skills in
early childhood and primary education. The second group
was to receive similar treatment, but only for two years,
and the third group became the local control group. A
fourth control group was selected from a similar city some
distance away in order to make possible some study of
diffusion effects among children and parents living in
proximity to the experimental group.
The program centered around attitudes and aptitudes
related to school-type achievement. In order to promote
attitudes relating to school success, experiences were
provided to develop achievement motivation, persistence,
delayed gratification, interest in school-type activities,
and identification with achieving role models. To promote
aptitudes in achievement, experiences were provided in
perceptual development, concept formation, and language
development (86:19).
64
The primary object of the home visits was to
involve the mother actively in sustaining and increasing
the gains the child had made during the preceding summer.
On the Stanford-Binet IQ test the experimental group
remained significantly superior, at the .05 level, to the
control groups, with the impact of the program on intelli­
gence tending to favor the group receiving the earliest
maximum exposure to the program. While the experimental
group remained consistently superior on almost one-half of
the subtests on school achievement tests during the first
two years of schooling, by the end of fourth grade the
differences were no longer significant.
In analyzing the results Gray noted two types of
diffusion effects. There was only one child in the control
group who had no contact with the families in the experi­
mental group. Comparison of the local and more distant
control groups was at least suggestive of some measurable
effect of this horizontal diffusion. In addition, younger
siblings closer in age to the experimental group, when
tested in 1964 and 1966, were significantly superior to
younger siblings of the control groups. Gray hypothesized
that, in terms of intervention techniques taught to the
mother, there was more spread of effect to the children
65
closest in age to those for whom the techniques were
designed (2:40-42).
Gray and Klaus, in discussing the general rationale
of the project, stated that the kinds of deficits the
deprived child showed were largely the result of the
particular patterns of interactions between the child and
others, especially the child and adults. These, the authors
called "reinforcement dimensions" and suggested that, in
the deprived home, the time and energy of the chief
reinforcing agent, the mother, were largely devoted to
subsistence activities, with the young child thus receiving
more reinforcements from siblings and peers. Because of
their age, these reinforcing agents would tend to be less
verbal than the adults, and the reinforcement the young
child received would therefore tend to keep him on a more
concrete and nonverbal level than the middle-class child.
The lower-class child would tend to receive rewards for
inhibitory rather than exploratory behavior, with the
"natural" curiosity of the child in danger of dying for
lack of encouragement.
The task of an intervention project with young
deprived children, as Gray and Klaus perceived it, was to
take advantage of the motivational patterns that already
66
appear to be built up and to gradually move the child
toward motivational patterns that seem to be more adaptive
to school success. This could be achieved by planning a
setting with a high ratio of adults to children so that
there would be an opportunity to reinforce when and where
needed and in the apporpriate manner.
Starting with M & M's or sugared cereal and with
cuddling a child in one's lap, one may move on to more
abstract and more delayed rewards. One can help the
child with the rude beginnings of a process of inter­
nalization of reinforcement. One can serve as a role
model— a model oriented toward those qualities that
make for adequate achievement in school. (25:70)
The strong commitment in the Early Training Project
to role-modeling, with particular emphasis on the training
of parents as effective models, has been duplicated in
varied forms in many preschool projects for the disadvan­
taged.
The Weikart and Lambie Project. Weikart and Lambie
reported on a twelve-week preschool intervention pilot
project conducted in the homes of thirty-five culturally
disadvantaged families to determine the feasibility and
effectiveness of a program designed to improve cognitive
growth. The specific goals of this project were to demon­
strate the impact of a home teaching program on the
67
intellectual development of four-year-olds and to determine
the acceptability of a home teaching project by their
mothers. This project was one in a series oriented toward
altering the behavior of mothers in areas such as language
patterns, teaching methods, and child control techniques.
Significant IQ gains as measured by the Stanford-Binet were
achieved by the experimental group. The researchers
maintained that their findings supported the contention
that deprivation was a function of the environment created
in the home, rather than a general socio-economic condition
(25:1-6).
Weikart was also involved in designing an experi­
mental program in the Ypsilanti public schools to assess
the longitudinal effects of a two-year preschool program
designed to compensate for mental retardation associated
with cultural deprivation. An integral part of the program
was weekly visits by a teacher to the home of each child,
where the teacher extended the school's activities on a
one-to-one basis, with increasing interaction between
teacher and mother. The program, described as cognitively
oriented, began as a program of "verbal bombardment" but
evolved into a more Piagetian approach with a two and one-
half hour morning class followed by the home-based
68
afternoon program. Each of three groups or "waves" that
had been through the two-year program showed a considerable
spurt in IQ during the first year of the preschool, and by
the third wave, the superiority was maintained throughout
the second year of the preschool. After a later report,
Gray indicated that the first-wave group, while not signif­
icantly different from the control group on the Stanford-
Binet, the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test or the Leiter
at the completion of kindergarten, did show themselves
superior on all subtests of the Gates Reading Test and the
California Achievement Test at the end of first grade
(2:42-43).
The New Nursery School. A program which encouraged
self-selection by the learner within a structured environ­
ment was designed by Nimnicht and called the Responsive
Environment model. In a two-year demonstration program at
the New Nursery School, three- and four-year-old Spanish-
surnamed children participated in a program whose objectives
were:
1. To develop a positive self-image.
2. To increase sensory and perceptual acuity.
69
3. To improve language ability.
4. To improve problem-solving and concept-formation
abilities.
The New Nursery School was organized as an "auto-
telic responsive environment," autotelic being defined as
an activity done for its own sake rather than for obtaining
rewards or avoiding punishment not connected with the
activity itself. The responsive environment was seen as
one which permitted the learner to explore freely and to
make full use of his capacity for discovering relationships
of various kinds. The learner determined the rate at which
events happened and he was always informed immediately
about the consequences of his actions. By the structure of
the environment, the learner was likely to make a series
of interconnected discoveries about the physical, cultural,
or social world. The teacher's role was not to teach
directly but rather to respond to the child and to facili­
tate his learning. After a two-year period, the experimen­
tal group had significantly higher mean scores on both IQ
and Metropolitan Reading Readiness tests (2:44-45).
Nimnicht cautioned that the crucial point in a
responsive program for children was the carefully planned
structure by the teacher and assistants. The teacher
70
needed to be able to explain why a particular toy or game
was in the classroom. A vague notion of how something
might be used in the development of a healthy self-concept
or in intellectual development was not enough. If a
teacher wanted something worthwhile to happen in a respon­
sive classroom, she had to plan for it (91:7).
One strong appeal of Nimnicht's model has been its
ability to promote the value of free choice of activities
within an environment that still has structure and specific
sequential goals.
The Montessori Method. The Montessori approach to
early education can also be termed one of independent
self-directed activity within a structured environment. In
discussing the basic principles of the Montessori Method in
relation to classes for preschool disadvantaged children in
Chicago, Rietz and Rietz stated:
Foremost is the principle that spontaneous, pur­
poseful activity in an environment prepared and
supervised by a trained adult will enable a child more
fully to develop not only his physical and mental
capacities, but also those healthy personality charac­
teristics that are often suppressed and frustrated in
the name of traditional education. (33:118)
The Montessori teacher was described as working toward
developing the disadvantaged child as an independent
learner, freed to work at his pace on self-selected tasks
of interest. Self-correcting materials which afforded the
child small but significant successes, encouraging the
mastery of more complex skills, were provided in the class
room (33:119).
Penho and Orem examined the major characteristics
of the Montessori Method and stated them to be:
1. Freedom within a framework of preparation for
individual full-functioning.
2. Activity and movement culminating in active "inner
discipline.
3. Sensory education and practiced observation.
4. Programmed auto-education for intellectual compe­
tence .
5. The teacher viewed as a stimulator of life and
director of the child's development (32:26-31).
Slaven and Johnson, in a report on a study of the
effects of Montessori educational techniques on disadvan­
taged Mexican-American and Anglo Head Start children in a
summer program, concluded that positive gains could occur
even in a relatively short period, with the most signifi­
cant gains taking place in the intellectual-academic and
social-emotional skill areas (31:90-93).
72
Hunt, while approving of much in the Montessori
approach to early education/ felt that the stress
Montessori put on sensory interaction with concrete materi­
als might be inadequate to overcome the severe language
deficits of culturally deprived children. He felt it might
be necessary to supplement the Montessori Method with'a new
emphasis on experiences that would develop the semantic and
syntactical aspects of language (29:60). In discussing the
work of Montessori and others such as Deutsch, Gray and
Nimnicht/ Hunt cautioned:
At this stage, no one can choose validly among them
with confidence. Choice must depend upon evaluative
investigation, analyses of the abilities that must be
ready-made before a child can profit from each and
analyses of the consequences of each in children's
ability to cope with subsequent schooling. (29:61)
While the various preschool programs for the dis­
advantaged may differ in methodology and immediate goals,
there is one long-range goal upon which almost all educa­
tors and psychologists would agree: that of providing a
program which will have a lasting effect on the partici­
pants and which will help to assure both their successful
school achievement and their eventual success as contribut­
ing adults in society.
73
Head Start. Grotberg, in reviewing the literature
on the impact of Head Start (perhaps the largest single
funding source for a wide variety of preschool programs for
the disadvantaged) has observed:
While the evidence is quite consistent concerning
the impact of a Head Start program, the evidence is
more contradictory concerning the long-range impact of
Head Start. These contradictions have encouraged
testing a number of hypotheses concerned with length of
Head Start experience, role of the teacher, type of
program, parent involvement, and experiences after Head
Start. (86:39)
Grotberg reported that consistent positive findings in
follow-up studies were in areas such as independence,
verbal participation, lack of timidity, and ratings of
attractiveness of personality, compliance with routine, and
response to authority. The inconsistent findings in
follow-up studies were in the cognitive area and in
measured intelligence (86:39-40).
A study of the impact of Head Start was carried out
for the Office of Economic Opportunity from June, 1968
through May, 1969 by the Westinghouse Learning Corporation
and Ohio University. This study came to be known as the
Westinghouse Report. The basic question posed in the study
was, "To what extent are children in the first, second, and
third grades who attended Head Start programs different in
74
their intellectual and social-personal development from
comparable children who did not attend?" The conclusion
drawn by the study was that:
In sum, the Head Start children could not be said
to be appreciably different from their peers in the
elementary grades who did not attend Head Start in most
aspects of cognitive and affective development measured
in this study with the exception of the slight but
nonetheless significant superiority of full year Head
Start children on the measures of cognitive development.
(97:3)
Smith and Bissell, among other researchers, criti­
cized the methodology and conclusions of the Westinghouse
Report. Sampling techniques were questioned, as was the
emphasis on overall evaluation of the Head Start program:
It is questionable whether such gross program com­
parisons can ever be meaningful. In any case, the
fruitful questions for policy-makers are probably not
questions of "overall effectiveness" but questions con­
cerning the relative effectiveness of different
strategies for carrying out a particular program with
various populations. (72:104)
Edward Zigler, Director of the Office of Child
Development, charged that the Westinghouse Report, which he
termed a shallow and poorly done valuation of Head Start,
was being used to justify an attitude toward Head Start
which was totally inappropriate. Zigler felt that it was a
serious error to evaluate Head Start in terms of whether IQ
could be raised a few points. People needed to be educated
75
to the fact that Head Start was a comprehensive program
interested not only in the production.of intelligence but
in the production of social competence in every developing
child (80).
Zigler discussed the Kirschner Report which indi­
cated that in 58 communities where there had been a full
year of Head Start there were 500 identifiable changes in
the educational system and the health delivery system of
the communities. In addition, Zigler made an observation
which has import in attempting to make generalizations
about any early childhood educational program for the
disadvantaged:
Head Start is still a young program. It is not yet
a program of homogeneously high quality. That's why,
when people say they're evaluating Head Start, I'm
never really sure what it is they're talking about;
Head Start varies in its quality and style all across
this nation. (80:145)
Cohen commented that, while program evaluation was
no novelty in education, the national thrust against
poverty and discrimination had introduced a new phenomenon,
large-scale programs of social action in education. Pro­
grams such as Project Head Start differed from the tradi­
tional object of educational evaluation in that, as social
action programs, they were not focused narrowly on a
76
particular aspect of curriculum or teacher in-service
training but on the broader aim of improving education for
the disadvantaged. The new programs were therefore not
directed at one school district but at millions of children
throughout the country, having been created and adminis­
tered far from the school districts which actually designed
and conducted the individual projects (45).
Cohen felt that what distinguished the new pro­
grams were not the formal problems of knowing their effects
but, rather, the character of their aims and their organi­
zation, which he viewed as essentially political. He
wrote:
The politics of social action programs produce two
sorts of evaluation problems. Some are conceptual— the
programs' nature and aims have not been well understood
or adequately expressed in evaluation design. Others
are practical— the interested parties do not agree on
the ordering of priorities which the programs embody.
As a result of the first, evaluation was misconceived;
as a result of the second, evaluation becomes a focus
for expressing conflicting political interests.
(45:216)
Cawley, et al., in discussing educational programs
for the preschool disadvantaged, noted that society had
developed very great expectations for such endeavors.
Rather than expecting preschool education to alleviate the
deficits in the developmental status of disadvantaged
77
children, Cawley maintained that a proper consideration
would be that Head Start should initiate a gradual inter­
vention in the pattern of educational disability which so
frequently accompanied economic and social impoverishment
(42).
When comparing the performance of Head Start and
non-Head Start children, Cawley noted that the tragic
aspect of these data was not the differences and lack of
differences between participants and nonparticipants but,
rather, in the fact that the overall developmental pattern
of these children was so replete with deficits. Planning
intervention strategies at the age of four, when the learn­
ing habits of children were considerably developed, was too
late in Cawley's opinion and intervention beginning as
early as eighteen months was recommended (42:124-31).
Weikart and Lambie hypothesized that the difficul­
ties of maintaining a long-term pattern of intellectual
growth could be from several sources:
1. The failure to alter the child's environment early
enough.
2. The failure of the preschool to evolve adequate
curricula to meet the needs of the deprived child.
78
3. The unwillingness of the elementary school to alter
curricula so that, following preschool, the child
could continue to progress with programs especially
designed for him.
4. The failure to recognize the child's deficits as a
symptom of basic child-rearing patterns which
needed to be corrected by retraining the mother in
areas essential for the child's cognitive develop­
ment, i.e., restructuring the mother-child inter­
action pattern. (It is this last hypothesis,
No. 4, which the authors indicated had the most
validity) (92:1-2).
It is evident that there is some divergence of
opinion among researchers as to the specific causes of
early deprivation and the effectiveness of individual pro­
grams in alleviating the deprivation. Regardless of one's
philosophical position in the field of early childhood
education, it may be wise to remember the admonition of
Hilda Taba:
If there is one single principle governing the
program-building for the educationally and culturally
disadvantaged children, it is that no single device will
suffice to counteract or to remedy the complex of
factors that produced the problem. (10:14)
79
Summary
Nursery or preschool education emerged after World
War I and, as interest in child development grew, colleges
and universities began to establish nursery schools to be
used as research laboratories. By 1946, the availability
of nursery schools in the United States was exceeded by the
demand of largely middle-class parents who looked on this
schooling as a valuable socializing experience for their
children.
The "knowledge explosion," new information on the
malleability of intelligence, and the national interest in
the problems of minorities resulted in a re-examination of
the early cognitive development of the young child and the
possible intellectual and psychological damage done by his
spending his early years in a deprived or disadvantaged
environment.
The "War on Poverty" was launched at the federal
level and, beginning in 1964, Head Start and other pre­
school programs were instituted as important instruments
in breaking the cycle of poverty.
The disadvantaged learner, when compared to his
middle-class counterpart, was generally viewed as having
80
serious language deficits, limited experiential background,
. poor physical health, serious family and environmental
stresses, and a value orientation incompatible with the
middle-class school system.
Researchers differed as to the root causes of
school failure (inadequate home background and/or inade­
quate school programs) but generally agreed on the need for
earlier educational intervention.
The traditional nursery school program, which tends
to be unstructured and emphasizes emotional and social
development more than the teaching of cognitive skills, was
rejected by many researchers as being unsuitable to the
special needs of the disadvantaged learner.
While there is a wide variety of existing preschool
programs for the disadvantaged, they typically have:
some degree of structure; include cognitively oriented
tasks, goals, and evaluation; place heavy emphasis on
language training and development; and make an attempt to
involve the parents as teacher and model for the young
learner.
There is considerable controversy today concerning
the long-term effects of Head Start and other prechool
programs for the disadvantaged. The value of early
childhood education, however, seems firmly established,
along with recognition of the enormity and complexity of
the task of helping to insure a successful school experi­
ence for all children in America.
CHAPTER III
PROCEDURES
Restatement of the Problem
The major purpose of this study was to investigate
the relationship between certain home environment factors
and the achievement of cognitive skills by children in
Head Start (a federally funded preschool program for low
income families). Particular attention was focused on the
type and quality of parent-child interaction and their
relationship to success in the Head Start program.
The study was designed to test the following
hypotheses:
Hypothesis 1. Within the economically disadvan­
taged population, there is a significant difference in
scores on the Academic and on the Intellectual Environment
measures of the Wolf Home Environment Scale.
Hypothesis 2. There is a significant positive
relationship between scores on measures of the achievement
82
83
of cognitive skills and home environment.
Hypothesis 2a. There is a significant positive
relationship between Representational Level scores on
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ­
ment Scale.
Hypothesis 2b. There is a significant positive
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ­
ment Scale.
Hypothesis 2c.. There is a significant positive
relationship between Representational Level scores on
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Intellectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home
Environment Scale.
Hypothesis 2d. There is a significant positive
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and Intel­
lectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environment
Scale.
84
Hypothesis 3. The relationship between the scores
of achievement of cognitive skills and the scores of
measures of home environment is greater than the relation­
ship between the scores of achievement of cognitive skills
and the scores of IQ.
The remainder of this chapter describes the nature
of the community in which the study was conducted, the
method by which the sample population was selected, the
procedures and instruments used for the collection of the
data, and the statistical techniques utilized in the
analysis of the data.
The Community
The school district in which the study was con­
ducted was located in the southeast portion of Los Angeles
County and extended over a sixteen-square-mile area.
In 1965, when the school district was organized as
the result of the unification of three small districts, the
school population was approximately 14,000. By the 1970-71
school year, during which this study was made, the school
population had grown to over 18,000, with housing tracts
in the $25,000 to $35,000 price range largely replacing
agricultural areas.
While much of the district was middle class in
nature, numerous pockets of poverty existed, particularly
in areas of heavy Mexican-American concentration. As of
October 15, 1970, the ethnic composition of the district
was as shown in Table 1.
As of September 28, 1970, the ethnic composition
of the district's Head Start program was as shown in
Table 2.
Selection of the Sample
All of the children registered in any of the seven
Head Start classes in the district in April, 1971, and who
had been enrolled in the program no later than September 28,
1970, were considered part of the original population from
which the sample was to be selected. Altogether, 92 stu­
dents were in this group.
In compliance with the Economic Youth Opportunity
Agency (EYOA) Guidelines all children entering the program
had to be between the ages of 3 years, 9 months and
4 years, 9 months as of the previous September 1 (the
twelve-month period before legal entrance to kindergarten
in California). Table 3 shows the age criteria for enroll­
ment in the Head Start program.
86
TABLE 1
ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF SCHOOL POPULATION IN THE DISTRICT
INVOLVED IN THE STUDY
Ethnic Group Number of Pupils
Percent
of Total
Spanish surname 3,935 21.4
Other White 13,921 75.4
Black 57 0.3
Oriental 302 1.6
American Indian 105 0.6
Other Nonwhite 137 0.7
Totals 18,457 100.0
ETHNIC COMPOSITION
DISTRICT
TABLE 2
OF HEAD START ENROLLMENT
INVOLVED IN THE STUDY
IN THE
Ethnic Group Number of Pupils
Percent
of Total
Spanish surname 65 57
Other White 49 43
Other 0 0
Total 114 100
87
TABLE 3
AGE CRITERIA FOR ENROLLMENT IN HEAD START PROGRAM3 ,
Month of Youngest Eligible Oldest Eligible
Enrollment Birth Month Birth Month
September 1970 December 1966 December 1965
October 1970 January 1967 December 1965
November 1970 February 1967 December 1965
December 1970 March 1967 December 1965
January 1971 April 1967 December 1965
February 1971 May 1967 December 1965
March 1971 June 1967 December 1965
April 1971 July 1967 December 1965
May 1971 August 1967 December 1965
June 1971 September 1967 December 1965
July 1971 October 1967 December 1965
August 1971 November 1967 December 1965
Effective Date: September 1970
aSource: EYOA Guidelines, September 1970.
88
In addition to age qualifications, all Head Start
pupils had to come from families whose total gross incomes
were at or below the Federal Family Income Criteria, as
shown in Table 4.
In the selection of the sample, the following
criteria were established for the elimination of children
from the original population:
1. All Spanish-surnamed children who, in the
judgment of a bilingual teacher, were not considered to be
fluent in English were eliminated from the study. This was
deemed essential because the Illinois Test of Psycholin­
guistic Abilities, the measure of cognitive growth in this
study, did not have a standardized Spanish edition, nor
did any of the administrators of the test possess sufficient
fluency in Spanish to conduct the test.
2. Children who had demonstrated excessive absence
during the school year (one calendar month or more) were
eliminated. It was felt that these children would not have
had the same continuity of educational experience as the
rest of the group.
3. Children who had attended any type of preschool
program before entering Head Start (e.g., Day Care Centers)
and who therefore might have received additional teacher
89
TABLE 4
FEDERAL FAMILY INCOME CRITERIA: URBAN3 ,
Family Size Annual Income Monthly Income
1 $1,900 $158
2 2,500 208
3 3,100 258
4 3,600 316
5 4,400 366
6 5,000 416
7 5,600 466
8 6,200 516
9 6,800 566
10 7,300 616
11 8,000 666
aSource: EYOA Guidelines, September, 1970.
90
instruction in cognitive skills were also excluded from
the original population.
As a result of the above criteria 81 children in
the original population remained for consideration as part
of the sample. For statistical reasons, it was desired
that the final sample be composed of 40 children. Because
of the high rate of transiency and the variety of child­
hood illnesses typical at this age, it was decided to begin
with a sample size of 50. Random selection of the subjects
was accomplished through the use of a table of random
numbers.
As anticipated the sample size dwindled during the
two-month testing period. Altogether, 43 children and
their families completed all phases of the testing.
Table 5 illustrates the composition of the sample
by ethnic background.
Procedures Used to Collect Data
From April 1 to May 1, 1971, two individual tests
were administered to randomly selected children comprising
the sample:
1. The Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, Form A,
designed to provide an estimate of a subject's
91
TABLE 5
ETHNIC COMPOSITION OF THE HEAD START
SAMPLE POPULATION
Ethnic Group Number of Pupils
Percent
of Total
Spanish surname 26 60.5
Other White 17 39.5
Total 43 100.0
verbal intelligence through measuring his hearing
vocabulary, yielding Mental Age (MA) and Intelli­
gence Quotient (IQ) scores.
The Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities, a
diagnostic test of specific psycholinguistic
abilities consisting of twelve subtests:
A. Auditory Reception. This subtest assesses the
child's ability to derive meaning from verbally
presented material.
B. Visual Reception. This subtest is a measure of
the child's ability to gain meaning from visual
symbols.
C. Auditory-Vocal Association. This subtest
assesses the child's ability to relate concepts
presented orally by use of verbal analogies.
D. Visual-Motor Association. In this subtest, the
child's ability to relate concepts presented
visually is assessed by means of picture
association.
E. Verbal Expression. The aim of this subtest is
to assess the ability of the child to express
his own concepts vocally.
Manual Expression. In this subtest, the
child's ability to express his ideas manually-
is assessed.
Grammatic Closure. This subtest assesses the
child's ability to make use of the redundancies
of oral language in acquiring automatic habits
for handling syntax and grammatic inflections.
Auditory Closure. This subtest deals with the
Organizing process at the automatic level,
assessing the child's ability to fill in miss­
ing parts which have been deleted in auditory
presentation and to produce a complete word.
Sound Blending. This subtest provides another
means of assessing the organizing process at
the automatic level in the auditory-vocal
channel.
Visual Closure. This subtest measures the
child's ability to identify a common object
from an incomplete visual presentation.
Auditory Sequential Memory. The child's
ability to reproduce from memory sequences of
digits increasing in length from two to eight,
is assessed in this subtest.
94
L. Visual Sequential Memory. In this subtest, the
child's ability to reproduce sequences of non­
meaningful figures is assessed (89:9-13).
Major attention was given to establishing rapport
between tester and subject. It was decided, therefore, to
administer the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test before
administering the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abili­
ties because the first test could be given by the child's
own classroom teacher.
A training session with all seven teachers was
held, stressing the importance of strict adherence to
testing procedures as outlined in the instruction manuals.
To insure greater accuracy in recording the test data, all
scoring of test results was done by one individual and
then checked by another. (Results of this test are pre­
sented in Appendix D.)
The Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities,
which required highly specialized training to administer,
was given chiefly by one school psychologist who had spe­
cial training in speech pathology, with assistance from
several graduate students in Speech at a nearby college.
The psychologist reviewed the scoring procedures of each of
the other testers. Where possible, make-up tests for
95
absentees were scheduled during the two weeks following the
designated testing time-block. (Results of this test are
presented in Appendix D.)
In May, 1971, parents of the children in the sample
were asked to participate in an interview designed to
measure home environment. This interview instrument is
known as the Wolf Home Environment Scale. In this scale,
developed by Dr. Richard M. Wolf, the home environment is
viewed as a number of subenvironments rather than as a
single entity. Each subenvironment is seen to operate to
influence the development of specific characteristics, with
evaluation of what parents actually do in their inter­
action with their children. The scale yields subscores for
a number of variables which are related to characteristics
of that environment. Measurement of aspects of the environ­
ment through use of the scale can be related to other
measurements of the individual. Two environments are
measured by the Wolf Home Environment Scale as follows:
1. The academic environment. Variables identified as
being related to this environment are:
a. The climate created for achievement motivation.
b. The opportunities provided for verbal develop­
ment .
96
c. The nature and amount of assistance provided in
overcoming academic difficulties.
d. The activity level of the significant individ­
uals in the environment.
e. The level of the intellectuality in the
. environment.
f. The kinds of work habits expected of the
individual.
2. The intellectual environment. Variables related to
this environment are:.
a. The stimulation provided for intellectual
growth.
b. The opportunities provided for and emphasis
upon verbal development.
c. The provision for general types of learning in
a variety of situations.
For each of the above variables there is a list of
process characteristics consisting of specific behaviors of
parents and others in the homes likely to be related to
general intelligence and/or academic achievement
(94:65-67).
A list of these process characteristics and
environmental variables can be found in Appendices B and C.
97
Prior to administering the Wolf Home Environment
Scale interview instrument, it was noted that many of the
children came from one-parent homes. It was therefore
decided that, in all cases, only the mother would be inter­
viewed. When the mothers were assured of respect for their
privacy and informed of the purpose of the interview, no
difficulties were encountered in setting up appointments.
In an attempt to gain greater rapport and frankness in
responses to questions, a Mexican-American staff member who
was a long-time member of the community interviewed all
Mexican-American mothers. The remaining interviews were
administered by one Anglo staff member.
After each interview, both administrators of the
instrument discussed the interview and rated the responses
according to the rating scales provided for each process
characteristic. Copies of the rating scales are contained
in Appendices B and C. (Results of the interviews are
presented in Appendix D.)
Statistical Treatment of Data
A one-way analysis of variance was used to test the
first hypothesis dealing with the variation of the factors
of home environment as measured by the Academic and
98
Intellectual Environments of the Wolf Home Environment
Scale.
. Multiple regression analysis was utilized to test
hypotheses 2 through 2d concerning the relationship between
the achievement of cognitive skills, as measured by the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities, and the
measures of home environment.
In hypothesis 3 multiple regression analysis was
also utilized to determine the relationship between the
achievement of cognitive skills and home environment as
compared to the relationship between the achievement of
cognitive skills and IQ.
CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS
The results of the statistical analyses used in the
study are presented in this chapter. The subheadings of
the various sections of the chapter have been organized to
relate to each of the hypotheses under examination. All
raw scores on which tables in the chapter are based appear
in Appendix D.
The Variation of Home Environment Measures
within the Economically Disadvantaged
Population
Hypothesis 1
Within the economically disadvantaged population,
there is a significant difference in scores on the
Academic and on the Intellectual Environment measures
of the Wolf Home Environment Scale.
A one-way analysis of variance was used to test
this hypothesis. Two measures of home environment were
utilized, the Academic and the Intellectual Environments of
the Wolf Home Environment Scale. Total scores for each of
the two environmental measures were used.
99
100
The 43 students' scores were ranked for both the
Academic and Intellectual measures of home environment and
the median score for each group, together with the three
immediately preceding and immediately following scores,
were deleted. The remaining 36 students were therefore
clearly identified as two groups of 18 students each,
labeled high and low scorers on the Academic and Intellec­
tual measures of home environment.
The results of the one-way analysis of variance
test of significant variation between high and low scores
on the Academic and Intellectual measures of home environ­
ment are presented in Tables 6 and 7.
The test data in the preceding tables show that,
within the economically disadvantaged population, there was
a significant difference in the home environments, as
measured by the Academic and Intellectual Environment
measures of the Wolf Home Environment Scale.
The Relationship of the Achievement of
Cognitive Skills to Home Environment
Hypothesis 2
There is a significant positive relationship
between scores on measures of the achievement of
cognitive skills and home environment.
101
TABLE 6
ONE-WAY ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF ACADEMIC ENVIRONMENT
SCORES WITHIN THE ECONOMICALLY DISADVANTAGED
POPULATION
Source of
Variation
Sum of
Squares
Degrees of
Freedom
Mean
Square
F Ratio
Between groups 45.3827 1 45.3827 117.9571*
Within groups 13.0811 34 . 3847
Total 58.4638 35
*
Significant at the .001 level.
TABLE 7
ONE-WAY ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF INTELLECTUAL
ENVIRONMENT SCORES WITHIN THE ECONOMICALLY
DISADVANTAGED POPULATION
Source of
Variation
Sum of
Squares
Degrees of
Freedom
Mean
Square F Ratl°
Between groups 31.0435 1 31.0435 112.6457*
Within groups 9.3699 34 .2756
Total 40.4134 35
*Significant at the .001 level.
102
Hypothesis 2a. There is a significant positive
relationship between Representational Level scores on
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ­
ment Scale.
Hypothesis 2b. There is a significant positive
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ­
ment Scale.
Hypothesis 2c. There is a significant positive
relationship between Representational Level scores on
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Intellectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home
Environment Scale.
Hypothesis 2d. There is a significant positive
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Intellectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home
Environment Scale.
To test the above hypothesis, the scores of the
Representational Level and the Automatic Level of the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities were regressed
on the Academic and Intellectual Environment measures of
the Wolf Home Environment Scale. Table 8 presents the
results of these multiple regressions.
The results presented in Table 8 reveal that the
Academic Environment factors had no positive significant
effect on the achievement of cognitive skills in either the
Representational Level or the Automatic Level of the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities (Hypotheses 2a
TABLE 8
SUMMARY RESULTS OF REGRESSIONS OF COGNITIVE SKILLS ON HOME ENVIRONMENT
Cognitive
Skillsa
Constant
Home' Environment*5
Regression
Coefficients
Partial Correlation
Coefficients R2 F-test
Academic Intellectual Academic Intellectual
Representa­ 27.579 -.171 3.330A -.0557 .6720 .8317 98.839^
tional Level (.483) (.580) (2,40)
Automatic 25.062 .712 2 , 636* * .1344 .3859 .6677 40.187^
Level (.830) (.997) (2,40)
♦Significant at the .01 level.
♦♦Significant at the .05 level.
Note: Figures in parentheses below the regression coefficients are the standard
errors of the coefficients, and below the F-tests are the degrees of
freedom.
a
Measured by Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities (ITPA).
b
Measured by Wolf Home Environment Scale.
103
104
and 2b).
However, the Intellectual Environment factors
appeared to have a noticeable effect on the achievement of
cognitive skills in both the Representational Level and
the Automatic Level of the Illinois Test of Psycholinguis­
tic Abilities (Hypotheses 2c and 2d). In addition, from
the multiple determination coefficient (R^), it was indi­
cated that the relationship presented by equation 1 was
superior to that presented by equation 2.
Since the two explanatory variables, academic and
intellectual environments, were highly correlated, as
indicated by a correlation coefficient of .8268, it is
possible that this high intercorrelation made it difficult
for the regression to distinguish the exact attributes of
each of the individual explanatory variables.
The Relationship between Achievement of
Cognitive Skills and Home Environment
as Compared to the Relationship
between Achievement of Cogni­
tive Skills and IQ
Hypothesis 3
The relationship between the scores of achievement
of cognitive skills and the scores of measures of home
environment is greater than the relationship between the
scores of achievement of cognitive skills and the
scores of IQ.
105
Multiple regression analysis was also used to test
the above hypothesis. IQ scores, as measured by the
Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test, were introduced as a third
variable in the regression equations. The results of these
regressions are presented in Table 9.
The results presented in Table 9 reveal that the
relationship between the achievement of cognitive skills
and home environment was much greater than the relationship
between the achievement of cognitive skills and IQ. This
is indicated by the fact that the regression and the
partial correlation coefficients of the IQ variable were
not significant.
Further, despite the addition of the IQ level
variable, the equations in Table 9 did not show any signif­
icant change in their summary statistics from the respec­
tive equations presented in Table 8.
Summary
The findings of this study indicated that both the
academic and intellectual home environments of economically
disadvantaged students varied significantly, but that only
the intellectual home environment factors had a significant
positive effect on the achievement of cognitive skills by
i
TABLE 9
SUMMARY RESULTS OF REGRESSIONS OF COGNITIVE SKILLS ON HOME ENVIRONMENT AND IQ
Cognitive
Skills9
Home Environment*3
Constant
Regression
Coefficients
IQ
Partial Correlation
Coefficients
IQ R2
F-test
Academic Intellectual Academic Intellectual
Representa­
tional Level
25.763 -.236 3.321*
(.490) (.582)
.0195
(.0214)
-.0770 .6748 .1443 .8352 65.888*
(3,39)
Automatic
Level
\
27.755 .809 2.650**
(.843) (1.002)
-.0289
(.0369)
.1519 .3901 -.1246 .6729 26.739*
(3,39)
*Significant at the .01 level.
**Significant at the .05 level.
Note: Figures in parentheses below the regression coefficients are the standard errors of the
coefficients, and below the F-tests are the degrees of freedom.
Measured by Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities (ITPA).
^Measured by Wolf Home Environment Scale.
106
the Head Start students. In addition, the results revealed
that the relationship between the achievement of cognitive
skills and home environment was far greater than the
relationship between achievement and IQ.
CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter presents a restatement of the purpose
of the study, the specific hypotheses under investigation,
a review of the procedure used, and the major findings of
the study. In addition, conclusions based on the findings
are drawn, recommendations are made, and areas for addi­
tional research are suggested.
Summary
Purpose
The major purpose of this study was to investigate
the relationship between certain home environment factors
and the achievement of cognitive skills by Head Start
children in the year prior to entrance to kindergarten.
Attention was focused on the type and quality of parent-
child interaction and their relationship to success in
Head Start.
Hypotheses
The following hypotheses were investigated in the
study:
Hypothesis 1. Within the economically disadvan­
taged population, there is a significant difference in
scores on the Academic and on the Intellectual Environment
measures of the Wolf Home Environment Scale.
Hypothesis 2. There is a significant positive
relationship between scores on measures of the achievement
of cognitive skills and home environment.
Hypothesis 2a. There is a significant positive
relationship between Representational Level scores on
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ­
ment Scale.
Hypothesis 2b. There is a significant positive
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Academic Environment scores of the Wolf Home Environ­
ment Scale.
Hypothesis 2c. There is a significant positive
relationship between Representational Level scores on
110
the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Intellectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home
Environment Scale.
Hypothesis 2d. There is a significant positive
relationship between Automatic Level scores on the
Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities and
Intellectual Environment scores of the Wolf Home
Environment Scale.
Hypothesis 3. The relationship between the scores
of achievement of cognitive skills and the scores of
measures of home environment is greater than the relation­
ship between the scores of achievement of cognitive skills
and the scores of IQ.
Procedure
A random sample of 50 students was selected from a
total eligible population of 92 children enrolled in a
federally funded Head Start preschool program for low
income families. Since Head Start children must meet the
stringent Federal Family Income Criteria for admittance to
the program, all families in the sample were regarded as
economically disadvantaged.
Ill
The school district, located in the southeast por­
tion of Los Angeles County, was a rapidly growing one with
housing tracts largely replacing agricultural areas. While
much of the district was middle class in nature, numerous
pockets of poverty existed, particularly in areas of heavy
Mexican-American concentration.
The Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities
containing twelve subtests of various cognitive skills was
administered individually to each child participating in
the study. An IQ score was also obtained for each student
by means of the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test.
All parents were contacted personally and inter­
views were subsequently conducted, utilizing the Wolf Home
Environment Scale, a measure of the Academic and Intellec­
tual Environments of the home. Since many of the children
came from one-parent homes, it was decided in all cases to
interview only the mother. Every parent was asked uniform
interview questions, with the home environment rated in
relation to the process characteristics of the Wolf Home
Environment Scale.
In testing hypothesis 1, a one-way analysis of
variance was used dealing with the variation of factors of
home environment as measured by subtest scores. Multiple
112
regression analysis was utilized to test the second set of
hypotheses concerning the relationship between the achieve­
ment of cognitive skills and measures of home environment.
Multiple regression analysis was also utilized in
hypothesis 3 concerning the relationship between the
achievement of cognitive skills and home environment as
compared to the relationship between the achievement of
cognitive skills and IQ.
Summary of Major Findings
The following were the major findings revealed by
this study:
1. There was a significant difference in the home
environments of the economically disadvantaged population,
as measured by the Academic and Intellectual Environments
of the Wolf Home Environment Scale.
2. It was demonstrated by multiple regression
analysis that the Academic Environment factors had no
positive significant effect on the achievement of cognitive
skills in either the Representational Level or the
Automatic Level of the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic
Abilities (Hypotheses 2a and 2b). However, the Intellec­
tual Environment factors appeared to have a noticeable
113
effect on the achievement of cognitive skills in both the
Representational and Automatic Levels (Hypotheses 2c and
2d). Since the two explanatory variables, Academic and
Intellectual Environments, were highly correlated, it is
possible that this high intercorrelation made it difficult
for the regression to distinguish the exact attributes of
each of the individual explanatory variables.
3. The results of the statistical analysis further
indicated that the relationship between the achievement of
cognitive skills and home environment was greater than the
relationship between the achievement of cognitive skills
and IQ.
Conclusions
The academic and intellectual environments of the
home were investigated concerning their relationship to
the achievement of cognitive skills by Head Start children.
The results of this investigation led to the following
conclusions:
1. The first hypothesis, that within the economi­
cally disadvantaged population there is a significant
difference in scores on the Academic and on the Intellec­
tual Environment measures of the Wolf Home Environment
114
Scale, was verified. The quality of home environment
appeared to vary greatly among families despite similarity
of economic condition.
2. The second hypothesis, that there is a signifi­
cant positive relationship between scores on measures of
the achievement of cognitive skills and home environment,
was partially supported. Only the intellectual factors of
the home environment were shown to be significantly
positively related to the level of achievement of cognitive
skills by Head Start children. The academic environment
factors appeared to have no significant positive effect on
the achievement of these skills.
3. The third hypothesis, that the relationship
between score of achievement of cognitive skills and the
scores of measures of home environment is greater than the
relationship between the scores of achievement and IQ, was
supported. The findings of the study revealed that the
home environment had a much greater effect on cognitive
skills achievement than did IQ.
Recommendations
Below are presented recommendations which may be
considered for implementation in the schools. In addition,
115
recommendations are presented which may be of use in
further study of the relationship between home environment
and achievement.
Recommendations for Schools
1. Because of the wide variations in the quality
of home environments indicated in this study, greater
attention might be given by the schools to methods of
identifying the diversity of home backgrounds among the
students who participate in programs for the low-income or
disadvantaged. This attention to qualitative differences
in home background should be used to discourage the
development of "blanket" enrichment programs and to
encourage more individualized assessment of needs.
2. The level of achievement of cognitive skills
appeared, in this study, to be significantly affected by
certain home environment factors by the year prior to
kindergarten. Schools should explore the feasibility of
even earlier intervention programs, giving particular
attention to the appropriateness of learning experiences
and materials for the very young child.
3. The relationship between certain home environ­
ment factors and the level of achievement of cognitive
116
skills, as indicated in the present study, suggest that
programs such as Head Start should place greater emphasis
on parent education. The process characteristics which
make up the intellectual environment of the home should be
examined by the staff to give direction to the development
of particular parent activities and attitudes.
4. The findings of the present study, indicating
that the relationship between achievement and home environ­
ment was much greater than the relationship between achieve­
ment and IQ, would suggest that schools should give greater
emphasis on home background than on IQ scores in assessing
the needs of individual students.
Recommendations for Further Research
1. Additional research into the ways in which home
environment might be qualitatively changed in relation to
the promotion of school achievement would be of consider­
able value. Knowledge of such methods and techniques would
provide specific direction for parent education programs.
2. Similar investigations of pre-kindergarten
children in middle- and upper-income populations would be
helpful in gathering additional data on the role of home
environment in the achievement of cognitive skills by
117
young children.
3. Studies using the same home environment instru­
ment should be conducted with similarly economically
disadvantaged children who have received earlier and longer
educational intervention, so as to ascertain the effects of
home environment on the achievement of such children at the
Head Start level.
4. Continued studies of the effects of home
environment on the achievement of present Head Start
students, as they progress through the primary grades,
could yield important additional data.
APPENDICES
APPENDIX A
PARENT INTERVIEW FORM
119
SOUTHWESTERN COOPERATIVE EDUCATIONAL
LABORATORY, INC.
Parent Interview
Richard M. Wolf USC
SWCEL Revision 9/67
(The words "Head Start" have been inserted wherever
grade level designation of the student is indicated)
Statement of Purpose: This is a study of differences in
environmental backgrounds of Head Start children. We are
trying to get an estimate of the variety of home situations
in your community. The reason for this is to have the
schools take this kind of information into account in
planning educational programs. Thus, this study is for
research purposes to aid in teaching your child more effec­
tively. We guarantee that we won't give this personal
information, as such, to the school!
Please answer as best you can.
1. How many children do you have? What are their ages?
Sexes: In what grade are they? In what schools?
Note: If not in school, determine whether employed
and/or separated from the family. Note: Record
information on opposite side.
Pointing Out the Subject: We are going to talk about your
Head Start child (name him). We will probably be referring
to the others on occasion, but our discussion will be
mainly about . . . (name).
2. How is he doing in school? In which subject do you
think he will do best? In which do you think he will
do worst?
Best:________________________ Worst:_____________________
3. What subject do you think he will improve in?
Most: Least:
120
121
4. How has he/she done in school so far? What grades
would you like him to get? What grades do you expect
he will get?
Expect:_____________________ Satisfy:___________________
5. How do your other children generally do in school?
6. What organizations or clubs, if any, do you belong to
(PTA, Church, Political, etc.)?
Does your child know what you do in these organiza­
tions? Yes No How?
7. What are your favorite recreation pastimes? Your hus­
band's? What recreational activities do you and your
family engage in on weekends together? What places
have you visited on weekends during the past six
months? Why?
8. Do you usually plan your weekends and vacations ahead
of time? How often? Who makes the plans?
9. Where have you, as a family, traveled during the past
two years? Why were these places chosen? What spe­
cific activites take up most of your time at these
places?
10. What newspapers and/or magazines do you subscribe to?
Do you encourage your child to read them? If so, how?
Do you discuss the articles or stories in them in his
presence? (Give examples). Does your child ever
participate in these discussions— vs. listening?
11. Does your child take any lessons— musical, dance,
academic subject? If so, what? How long has he taken
these? How did he get started in this area?
12. What hobbies, if any, does your child have? How long
has he been interested in this?
What seemed to get him started in this area? (Note
parent initiation.)
122
13. What kinds of toys, games, books, pamphlets, etc. have
you bought for your child in the past two years?
(Include birthdays and holidays) Give examples.
Preschool period? — list.
14. Does your child have a library card? If so, how long
has he had it? How did he come to get this card?
(Note parent initiation)
Do you remember the first few times he went to the
library? Did anyone accompany him? Who?
What kind of books have you encouraged him to read?
Where else does he obtain reading material?
Do you still read to him? Does he read to you? How
often?
15. What appliances do you permit him to operate?
How long have you allowed this?
16. Do you ask your child problems related to school sub­
jects that he is required to answer or solve on his
own? Give examples.
17. Does your child have a desk of his own? If not, where
does he study? What kinds of supplies are available
for him to work with? (Observe)
18. ' Do you have a dictionary in your home? If so, what
kind? Does your child have a dictionary of his own?
If so, what kind? Where are they kept?
How often does your child use the dictionary? How
often do you? When the child uses the dictionary, at
whose initiation— his or yours?
What other ways does your child have of learning new
words? School, relatives, etc.
Home dictionary:   Yes   No
Child's dictionary:   Yes   no
19. Do you have an encyclopedia in your home? If so, when
did you get it? Why? Do you buy yearbooks to accom­
pany the encyclopedia? Where is it usually kept? How
often do you use it? How often does your child use
paste
paper
paints
compass
protractor
others (specify)
ruler
crayons
it?
123
20. Do you have an almanac or fact book? If so, when was
it purchased? Who uses it? When?
What other sources of reading material does your child
have available to locate answers to his questions—
library, friends, etc.?
21. Do you have any workbooks or other kinds of learning
materials which you use to help your child in his
learning?
What other steps, if any, do you take to insure that
your child keeps up in his school work?
22. Does your child receive homework? Do you help him
with these assignments? How much time do you find to
work with him on these assignments per week? How much
time do you and your husband spend providing direct
help to your child in his school learning on weekdays?
On weekends? Also ask for preschool and primary
grades.
23. How often do you and your husband discuss your child's
progress in school? What generally results from such
discussions?
24. Have you had any experience in teaching? What?
Your husband?
25. When does your child usually eat dinner on weekdays?
Who eats with him?
Who does most of the talking at the dinner table?
About what?
26. At what other times are you together as a family on
weekdays? What are some of the things you do together
at these times?
27. What are some of the activities your husband engages
in with the child on weekdays? On weekends?
28. Are there any adults outside of you and your husband
that your child is particularly friendly with? If so,
what does he seem to like about them? What do you see
as this person's special qualities?
How often does your child see them? What does he do
when he's with them?
124
29. Did any other adults live with you when your child was
young? If so, who? How long did they live with you?
What was the age of the child when they left? (Note:
If the child was close to them, ask the following
questions): How much schooling did they have? How
would you rate their use of language?
30. Did you have a job outside the home when your child
was younger? If so, who took care of the child?
31. Did you read books to him when he was younger? If so,
when did you start? When did you stop? How regularly
did you read to him?
32. About how many hours a week does he usually watch TV?
What are his favorite programs? Do you approve of
them? If not, what do you do about them?
33. What are your favorite TV programs? Did you recommend
that your child watch any particular programs in the
past week? If so, which ones? Did you discuss any
programs with him after watching them?
34. How would you describe your child's language usage?
Do you help him to increase his vocabulary? If so,
how? How have you helped him to acquire appropriate
use of words and sentences?
Are you still helping him in these respects? If so,
how?
35. How much would you estimate you correct him in his
speech? Ex. use of "ain't" etc. How particular are
you about your child's speech? Are there particular
speech habits of his that you are working on to
improve? Give examples, if so. Earlier?
36. Do you speak any language other than English in the
home? If so, which one? Does the child also speak
this language?
37. How much schooling do you wish your child to receive?
38. How much schooling do you expect your child to
receive?
125
39. What is the minimum level of education that you think
your child must receive?
40. Do you have any ideas about the kind of work you
would like to see your child do when he grows up?
Do you have any ideas about the kind of work you
would not like your child to do?
41. How does your husband feel about the kind of work he's
doing? Is this the kind of work he always wanted
to do?
42. How do you feel, in general, about the accomplishments
of your family? How far have you been able to accom­
plish the aspirations or plans with which both of you
started your family life?
43. How important has education been in achieving these
goals? How much importance is education going to have
in the life of your child? Would his future status be
radically affected if he does not attain the level of
education you wish him to attain?
44. What is the educational level of some of your close
friends and relatives?
45. Do any of their children go to college or have they?
Are there any who did not attend college?
Are there any who did not complete high school?
46. Have you met with your child's present teacher? If
so, when? Why? Does the teacher usually initiate
parent-teacher conferences? If you ask for a meeting,
for what purpose? What other ways, if any, are you
in contact with the school?
47. Do you know your child's best friends in the neighbor­
hood and school? Do you approve of them? How would
you rate these children in their studies? Do you help
your child in choosing his friends? If so, how?
48. Do you have your child read biographies of great
people? If so, whose? Has he read any biographies in
the past two months? If so, whose?
126
49. Did you hug, kiss or speak approvingly to your child
in the past few days? If so, for what reasons?
50. What are some of the activities and accomplishments of
your child that you praise and approve of? How do you
do this? What things do you find you have to scold
him for?
51. Have you thought about what kind of high school pro­
gram you want your child to enroll in? If so, which
one? Why?
52. How often does the school give out report cards? Who
usually signs it? Do both parents see it? In what
ways do you use the report card?
53. Do you discuss his school grades with him?
What particular things do you discuss with him?
54. Do you have college plans for him? If so, what have
you done to financially prepare for this? In what
other ways, if any, do you prepare him for the attain­
ment of educational goals? (e.g., acquaint him with
colleges, telling him about what people learn in
college, etc.).
55. About how often do you ask your child how well he is
doing in school? What particular things do you ask
him?
56. Do you know what textbooks he uses in different sub­
jects in school? Do you know at the beginning of the
school year what things he will be studying during the
year in each subject? If so, how do you find this
out? (Note: get specific topics, not subjects, e.g.,
reading).
57. How much time do you think a child in Head Start
should devote to his studies outside of school each
day?
58. Is there any regular amount of time you have your
child study each day? How regularly is it followed?
127
59. Does he help you in the routine housework? If so,
what responsibilities does he have? How punctually
does he carry them out?
60. Is the housework distributed among the members of the
family? If so, who did the planning for such assign­
ments? How regularly are these assignments followed?
What factors, if any, come in the way of carrying out
such plans?
61.. How would you rate your child's habit of completing
his work on time, not leaving a problem undone,
correcting his mistakes, etc.?
How did he acquire these habits?
62. Do you ever have to change your own plans for the sake
of your child's school work? If so, what kinds of
plans have you had to change?
63. Have you had to sacrifice any of your major needs or
desires such as buying a new car, giving up a job,
etc. for the present and/or future education of your
child? If so, what did you give up? What were the
immediate consequences?
64. Are you taking any courses or involved in a hobby? If
so, what? How did you get involved in this? How are
you doing it— formally or informally? Did you study
any subjects or have a hobby during the past two
years? If so, what?
APPENDIX B
SCALES FOR RATING ACADEMIC ENVIRONMENT
128
SCALES FOR RATING ACADEMIC ENVIRONMENT
(94:Appendix C)
Rating Scales
There are twenty-one rating scales in all, as given
in this appendix. Each rating scale is preceded by the
name of the environmental process characteristics, the
criteria for its measurement, and the serial numbers of the
questions in the interview schedule that are based on the
characteristic. The interview instrument given in
Appendix A may be consulted for the questions.
The descriptions of the alternative points on the
scale given as cues to the rater had to be as brief and
explicit as possible for their practical use. Therefore,
they are often stated in the form of phrases or incomplete
and abridged sentences. Their meaning, however, will'
become explicit when read in the context of the other parts
of the scales and the criteria for the measurement of the
process characteristic concerned.
129
130
la. PARENTAL ASPIRATIONS FOR THE EDUCATION OF THE CHILD
Criteria: *Nature of the educational and vocation goals
*Level of expectation of the educational
accomplishments
Questions: 4, 5, 37, 38, 40, 43
Rating Scale:
9 Beyond four years of college. Occupational expec­
tation requiring very high education. Expectation
of best grades in school.
8
7 Four years of college. Occupational expectation
requiring high education. Expectation of A's with
some B's.
6
5 At least through high school. Some college educa­
tion desired. Moderately high occupational aspira­
tion. Expectation of B's with some A's and some
C1 s.
4
3 Only up to high school. Very moderate and uncer­
tain occupational expectation. Expected grades C's
with some B's.
2
1 Absence of any long term educational and vocational
goals. Only narrow and immediate goals. No
expectations about grades, or expectation below C's.
131
lb. PARENTS' OWN ASPIRATIONS
Criteria; *Present accomplishments
*Means of the accomplishments
*Future aspirations
Questions: 40, 41, 42, 43
Rating Scale;
9 Very high accomplishments already attained. Educa­
tion used as in the most important means of the
accomplishments, or a very keen feeling for not
having enough education. Still very high aspira­
tions.
8
7 High accomplishments already attained. Education
used as one of the chief means of the accomplish­
ments, or a keen feeling for not having enough
education. Still high aspirations.
6
5 Fairly high accomplishments already achieved.
Education used as one of the chief means of the
accomplishments, or a keen feeling for not having
enough education. Still more, but moderate
aspirations.
4
3 Moderate accomplishments. Education played only an
incidental role in the accomplishments. Very
moderate aspirations.
2
1 Little accomplishments. Education is not considered
as a means of any possible accomplishments. Prac­
tically no future aspirations.
132
lc. PARENTS' INTEREST IN ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT
Criteria; *Extent of participation in the educational
activities (e.g., reading, PTA)
*Keenness for the educational progress of the
'child
Questions: 6, 7, 23, 24, 46
Rating Scale:
9 Both parents very active in educational organiza­
tions and activities. Very particular about the
educational progress of the child.
8
7 Both or anyone of the parents active in educational
organizations and activities. Particular about the
educational progress of the child.
6
5 Only one of the parents occasionally active in
educational organizations and activities. Fairly
particular about the educational progress of the
child.
4
3 Only one of the parents occasionally active in
educational organizations and activities. Not quite
particular about the educational progress of the
child.
2
1 None of the parents active in any educational organ­
ization or activity. Not at all particular about
the educational progress of the child.
133
Id. SOCIAL PRESS FOR ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT
Criteria: *Education of the close relatives, parents,
friends, and neighbors
*Education of their children
Questions: 44, 45
Rating Scale:
9 All or most having four years of college and beyond.
Their children of college age are in college.
8
7 Most having some college education. Many have
finished all the four years. Most of their children
of college age are in college.
6
5 Some having high school completed or above, and some
having high school not completed. Some of their
children of college age are in college.
4
3 Many having high school not completed. Most of
their children of college age are not in college.
Some have dropped out before completing high school.
2
1 Hardly any having high school completed. Their
children of the college age are not in college.
Most of them have dropped out before completing high
school.
134
le. STANDARDS OF REWARD FOR EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT
Criteria: *Valuing academic accomplishments
♦Selection of gifts having educational value
Questions: 4, 13, 49, 52
Rating Scale:
9 Academic accomplishments very highly and invariably
praised. They are praised more than any other
accomplishments. Very high expectations of educa­
tional achievement. Selection of gifts invariably
having educational value.
8
7 Academic accomplishments are one of the most highly
praised accomplishments. High expectations of
educational achievement. Gifts very often having
educational value.
6
5 Academic accomplishments are praised. Some other
accomplishments are praised more. Moderately high
expectations for educational achievement. Some
gifts having educational value.
4
3 Academic accomplishments are occasionally praised.
Some other accomplishments are praised highly.
Moderate expectations of educational achievement.
Gifts having educational value chosen only occa­
sionally.
2
1 Academic accomplishments are not praised at all.
Some other accomplishments are very highly praised.
Very low expectations of educational achievement.
Gifts hardly having any educational value.
135
If. KNOWLEDGE OP THE EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS OF THE CHILD
Criteria; *Extent of knowledge of the child's educational
progress
*Extent of knowledge of the textbooks used by
the child and his courses of study.
Questions: 2,3,51,54,55
Rating Scale;
9 Detailed and up-to-date knowledge about the daily
progress of the child in the school. Knowledge
about the specific topics being studied or recently
completed by the child in different subjects.
Good acquaintance with all the textbooks used by
the child.
8
7. Detailed knowledge about the daily progress of the
child in the school. Knowledge about the general
topics covered or being covered. Acquaintance with
some of the textbooks.
6
5 General idea about the child's school progress in
terms of subject-wise grades. Knowledge of the
general topics covered in some of the subjects.
Acquaintance with one or two textbooks.
4
3 Some gross idea about the child's school progress in
terms of general grades. Knowledge of the subjects
studied but not the topics. No acquaintance with
textbooks.
2
1 No knowledge of the child's school progress. No
knowledge of the textbooks or topics of study.
136
lg. PREPARATION AND PLANNING FOR THE ATTAINMENT OF
EDUCATIONAL GOALS
Criteria: *Financial preparation
*Academic and mental preparation (e.g., empha­
sizing good grades as preparation for higher
learning, selecting bright children as friends)
Questions: 46, 47, 48, 50, 52, 53, 62
Rating Scale:
9 Sound financial preparation. Also academic and
mental preparation for higher learning.
7 A good financial preparation, or achievement of best
grades in the hope of getting good scholarships for
higher learning. Also fairly good academic and
mental preparation for higher learning.
5 Moderate financial preparation, or a desire to do it
but not yet done. Some efforts toward academic and
mental preparation for higher learning.
3 Only incidental preparation. No definite plans made
yet. Moderately high educational goals. However,
the parents are aware of the need for doing finan­
cial and other preparation to reach the goals.
1 No financial or other preparation. Absence of any
higher educational goals.
137
2a. QUALITY OF THE LANGUAGE USAGE OF THE PARENTS
Criteria; ♦Fluence of expression
*Pronunciation
♦Vocabulary
♦Organization of thoughts
Evidences: From the conversation with the mother during
the interview.
Rating Scale:
(1) To rate each of the four criteria individually
on the following scale, and (ii) to take their average as
the overall rating for this characteristic.
9 Excellent
8 Very good
7 Good
6 A little above average
5 Average
4 A little below average
3 Quite below average
2 Poor
1 Very poor
138
2b. OPPORTUNITIES FOR THE ENLARGEMENT AND USE OF
VOCABULARY AND SENTENCE PATTERNS
Criteria; *Variety of opportunities (e.g., books, TV,
travel, picnics, verbal interaction in home
situations)
*Frequency of opportunities
Questions: 7, 9, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30, 34, 36
Rating Scale:
9 A great variety of situations available frequently
and consistently.
7 A good variety of situations available quite
frequently.
5 A moderate variety of situations available fairly
frequently.
3 Only a few situations available infrequently.
1 Very limited situations available.
139
2c. KEENNESS OF THE PARENTS FOR CORRECT AND EFFECTIVE
LANGUAGE USAGE
Criteria: *Regularity in reading to the child during pre­
school period
*Variety of efforts for increasing vocabulary,
and correcting language usage, if needed.
Questions: 14, 18, 31, 34, 35
Rating Scale:
9 Read to the child very regularly, almost every day,
from early childhood until he began reading himself.
Some special reading to him still continues. The
child is encouraged to read some special material to
the parents and others. A great variety of efforts
in increasing vocabulary and improving language
usage.
8
7 Read to the child quite regularly, almost every day,
for about 3 years or more before he began to read
himself. Some occasional reading to him still con­
tinues. A good variety of efforts in improving his
vocabulary and language usage.
6
5 Read to the child fairly regularly for two or three
times a week for about 2 years or so. Some effort
to improve vocabulary and language usage still
continues.
4
3 Read to the child during the preschool period occa­
sionally and without any regularity. Incidental
efforts to improve vocabulary and language usage.
2
1 Not read to child with any regularity at any time.
Hardly any efforts to improve vocabulary and
language usage.
140
3a. AVAILABILITY OF GUIDANCE OF MATTERS RELATING TO
SCHOOL WORK
Criteria: *Extent of general supervision regarding school
work
*Readiness in guidance when asked for
*Suggestions regarding school work
Questions: 21, 22, 52, 54, 55, 57
Rating Scale:
9 Very regular general supervision regarding school
work. Guidance made readily available when asked
for. Suggestions given to the child regularly
regarding the betterment of school work at the
parents' initiative. Both parents provide the guid­
ance and suggestions.
7 Regular general supervision regarding school work.
Guidance available most of the times when asked for.
Suggestions given to the child sometimes, regarding
the betterment of school work, at the parents'
initiative. Both parents provide the guidance and
suggestions.
5 Fairly regular supervision regarding school work.
Guidance sometimes available. Suggestions given to
the child regarding the betterment of the work, only
occasionally. Only one of the parents provides
guidance and suggestions.
3 Occasional supervision regarding school work.
Guidance only occasionally available. Suggestions
given to the child regarding the betterment of the
work very occasionally.
1 No supervision regarding school work. No guidance
or suggestions available for improvement of work.
141
3b. QUALITY OF GUIDANCE ON MATTERS RELATING TO SCHOOL WORK
Criteria: *Relevance to the specific educational needs of
the child
*Consistency
*Competence
Questions: 2 , 3 , 16 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24
Rating Scale:
9 Consistent guidance and suggestions based on the
knowledge of the specific strengths and weaknesses
of the child in different school subjects. Consis­
tent guidance and preparation during preschool and
early school years. Both parents very competent to
give guidance.
8
7 Guidance based on the specific needs of the child
for a certain interval. Consistent educational
preparation and guidance during pre-school and early
school years. One of the parents very competent to
give guidance.
6
5 Guidance based on the general deficiency. Some
preparation for school learning during preschool
period. More guidance in early school years. One
of the parents fairly competent to give guidance.
4
3 Lack of clarity about the specific needs of the
child. Some vague directions regarding school work
on occasions. One of the parents only moderately
competent to give guidance.
2
1 No guidance. No knowledge of the child's needs in
scholastic progress. Little competence to give
guidance.
142
3c. AVAILABILITY AND USE OF MATERIALS AND FACILITIES
RELATED TO SCHOOL LEARNING
Criteria; *Selection of the material (e.g., Dictionary,
Encyclopedia, Workbooks)
*Guidance for the use of the material and
educational facilities
Questions: 11, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22
Rating Scale:
9 Selection of the most appropriate materials accord­
ing to the educational level of the child. Abundant
supply of the educational material. Appropriate and
timely guidance for the use of the materials and
facilities.
8
7 Selection of generally appropriate material accord­
ing to the educational level of the child. Fairly
abundant supply of the educational material. Appro­
priate and timely guidance for the use of the
materials and facilities.
6
5 Availability of some educational material. Specific
selection according to the child's level only in
some cases. Some general guidance for the use of
the materials and facilities.
4
3 Very moderate supply of educational material. No
specific selection according to the child's level.
Only occasional guidance for the use of the material
and facilities.
2
1 No availability of educational material in the home.
No use of facilities available in the community,
such as library.
143
4a. THE EXTENT AND CONTENT OF INDOOR ACTIVITIES OF THE
FAMILY
Criteria: *Variety (Discussion, Undertaking a project,
etc.)
*Frequency
*Educational value
Questions; 7, 10, 26, 27
Rating Scale:
9 A variety of activities in the home, having very
high educational value are frequently undertaken by
the family. Both parents participate.
8
7 A variety of activities in the home, having high
educational value are often undertaken by the
family. One or both parents participate.
6
5 A moderate variety of activities in the home, having
general educational value are sometimes undertaken
by the family. One or both parents participate.
4
3 Only a very few number of family activities in the
home have direct educational value. Often only one
parent participates.
2
1 No family activities in the home. Or, the activi­
ties have hardly any direct educational value. Both
parents are generally not available in any educa­
tional activities.
144
4b. THE EXTENT AND CONTENT OF OUTDOOR ACTIVITIES DURING
WEEKENDS AND VACATIONS
Criteria: *Variety (e.g., visits to a museum or a zoo,
traveling to historical places)
*Frequency
^Educational value
Questions: 6, 7, 8, 9, 27
Rating Scale:
9 A variety of child-centered activities outside the
home having very high educational value, and fre­
quently undertaken by the family. Both parents
participate. Initiated and planned by different
members of the family, instead of just one person.
7 A variety of outside activities having high educa­
tional value are often undertaken by the family.
One or both parents participate. Generally planned
by the parents.
5: A moderate variety of outside activities that have
high educational value. Such activities are only
sometimes undertaken by the family. One or both
parents participate. Generally planned by any one
of the parents.
3 A majority of outside activities having more recrea­
tional or other purposes, with incidental educa­
tional value. Or, very few outdoor activities. One
or both parents participate. Generally planned by
any one of the parents. Others follow.
1 Practically no outside activities of the family
having educational purpose.
145
4c. USE OF TV AND SUCH OTHER MEDIA
Criteria: ^Purpose of the use
*Extent of the Use
Questions: 32, 33
Rating Scale:
9 Regular use for specifically educational purpose.
Recreational value subsidiary. Frequent followup
discussions.
8
7 Regular use for general educational and recreational
purposes. Sometimes followup discussions.
6
5 Fairly regular use. Recreational purpose often more
predominant than educational purpose. Occasionally
followup discussions.
4
3 Not much use of TV and other media. Mostly recrea­
tional purpose when used. Hardly any followup
discussions.
2
1 No use of any of these media.
146
4d. USE OP BOOKS, PERIODICAL LITERATURE, LIBRARY AND
SUCH OTHER ACTIVITIES
Criteria: *Variety of material used by the family members
(e.g., books, magazines, newspapers)
*Encouragement to the child for the use of such
material (e.g., helping him to be a member of
the library, suggesting him to trade reading
material with friends)
Questions: 7, 10, 14, 31
Rating Scale:
9 Extensive reading of a variety of material by the
family members. Great encouragement to the child
for the same from his early age— even before he
learned to read.
8
7 Fairly extensive reading of a good variety of mate­
rial by the family members. Encouragement of the
child for the same ever since he learned to read.
6
5 Moderate reading of some variety of material by the
family members. Some encouragement to the child for
the use of reading facilities— only lately.
4
3 Some reading infrequently done by the members of the
family. Only occasional encouragement to the child
for the use of reading facilities.
2
1 Hardly any reading done by the members of the
family. No encouragement to the child also.
147
5a. NATURE AND QUALITY OP TOYS, GAMES, AND HOBBIES MADE
AVAILABLE TO THE CHILD
Criteria; *Thought-provoking element in the toys, etc.
*Variety
Questions; 12, 13
Rating Scale;
9 A large variety of thought-provoking and educational
toys, games, etc. provided to the child since early
childhood. Great encouragement for the development
of educationally oriented hobbies.
8
7 A fairly good variety of thought-provoking and edu­
cational toys, games, etc. provided to the child
since early childhood. Some encouragement for the
development of educationally oriented hobbies.
6
5 Some thought-provoking and educational toys, games,
etc. available. No educationally oriented hobbies.
4
3 Only a few thought-provoking and educational toys,
games, etc. available. No educationally oriented
hobbies.
2
1 Hardly any -thought-provoking and educational toys,
games, etc. available. No educationally oriented
hobbies.
148
5b. OPPORTUNITIES FOR THINKING AND IMAGINATION IN DAILY
ACTIVITIES
Criteria: *Variety (e.g., use of power appliances, thought-
provoking discussions, etc.)
*Level of complexity
*Extent of encouragement for independent think­
ing
Questions: 7, 15, 16, 25
Rating Scale:
9 Opportunities to work with a variety of complex
appliances. Opportunities to listen to and partici­
pate in thought-provoking discussions. Great
encouragement for independent thinking.
7 Opportunities to work with some variety of complex
appliances. Some opportunities to listen to and
participate in thought-provoking discussions. Some
encouragement for independent thinking.
5 Opportunities to work with a few moderately complex
appliances. Some opportunities to listen to
thought-provoking discussions. Some encouragement
for independent thinking.
3 Opportunities to work with one or two very moder­
ately complex appliances. Opportunities to listen
to thought-provoking discussions only occasional.
Hardly any encouragement for independent thinking.
1 Practically no opportunities to work with any com­
plex appliances. No opportunities to listen to any
thought-provoking discussions. No encouragement for
independent thinking.
149
6a. DEGREE OF STRUCTURE AND ROUTINE IN THE HOME MANAGEMENT
Criteria; *Planning and distribution of work
*Punctuality in following it
Questions: 57, 58, 59, 60
Rating Scale;
9 Well planned home management. Distribution of work
among the family members. Punctuality and disci­
pline in following the plans.
8
7 Major duties distributed among the family members.
Planning followed quite consistently.
6
5 Moderate planning. It is followed with only
moderate regularity.
4
3 Some efforts made for planning and distribution of
work which was not followed systematically.
1 No planning of household work.
150
6b. PREFERENCE FOR THE EDUCATIONAL ACTIVITIES OVER OTHER
PLEASURABLE THINGS
Criteria; *Priority to educational activities attached by
the parents
*Continuity of academic activities (e.g., taking
courses after completing formal education)
Questions: 53, 56, 57, 61, 62, 63
Rating Scale;
9 Very high priority attached by the parents to studies
and other educational activities. Great encourage­
ment to sacrifice pleasurable activities for com­
pleting school work. Both parents continued studies
voluntarily after completing formal education.
8
7 Educational activities and studies stand among the
activities of high priority. Encouragement to com­
plete school work before undertaking other activi­
ties. One or both parents continued studies
voluntarily after completing formal education.
6
5 Educational activities and studies moderately high
in priority. A few others higher in priority. One
of the parents continued studies either voluntarily
or as occupational requirement after completing
formal education.
4
3 Other activities higher in priority than educational
activities and studies. No specific habit formation
of completing school work before undertaking other
activities emphasized. One of the parents continued
studies after completing formal education as an
occupational requirement.
2
1 No emphasis attached to scholastic studies by the
parents. It is often made subsidiary to other
151
activities. Parents did not continue any studies
after completing their formal education.
APPENDIX C
SCALES FOR RATING INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT
152
SCALES FOR RATING INTELLECTUAL ENVIRONMENT
(94:Appendix D)
Rating Scales
There are thirteen rating scales in all, as given
in this appendix. Each rating scale is preceded by the
name of the environmental process characteristic, the
criteria for its measurement, and the serial numbers of
the questions in the interview schedule that are based on
the characteristic. The interview instrument given in
Appendix A may be consulted for the questions.
The descriptions of the alternative points on the
scale given as cues to the rater had to be as brief and
explicit as possible for their practical use. Therefore,
they are often stated in the form of phrases or incomplete
and abridged sentences. Their meaning, however, will
become explicit when read in the context of the other parts
of the scales and the criteria for the measurement of the
process characteristic concerned.
153
154
Al. Nature of Intellectual Expectations of the Child
Questions: 4, 38, 39, 40, 43, 53
Rating Scale;
7 Clear-cut expectations that the child will complete
high school and attend and graduate from college.
Efforts are made to acquaint the child with college
and what can be learned there. A plan for financing
a college education has been developed and is operafr
ing. Expects the child to receive the highest
grades.
6
5 An expectation that the child will definitely com­
plete high school. College going is admitted as a
possibility, but no definite expectation is evident.
Expects the child to receive B grades.
4
3 An expectation that the child will probably complete
high school. No expectation of college going is
evident. Grades expected are mainly C's.
2
1 It is expected that the child will definitely not
complete high school. No expectations about grades,
or expectations of less than C's.
155
A2. Nature of Intellectual Aspirations for Child
Questions; 4, 23, 37, 40, 41, 42, 43, 53
Rating Scale:
7 Clear-cut aspirations are evident. College education
is a definite aspiration. A plan for providing a
college education has been developed. Attempts are
made to acquaint the child with college and what can
be learned there.
6
5 Clear-cut aspirations that the child will complete
high school and the possibility of post-high school
education is anticipated. There is some awareness of
how post-high school education can be financed.
4
3 Aspirations limited to the completion of high school.
No further education is desired, but the possibility
of post-high school education is not excluded.
2
1 Definitely aspire for the child to become employed as
soon as possible.
156
A3. Information about Child's Intellectual Development
Questions: 2, 3 , 32, 50, 51, 54, 55
Rating Scale;
7 A clear-cut picture of the child's intellectual
development is apparent. Definite knowledge of the
child's intellectual strengths and weaknesses is
evidenced. There is a clear knowledge of the child's
school progress, supplemented by a personal appraisal.
Has clear notions as to whether the child is devel­
oping his talents fully. Knows areas of particular
difficulty, if any.
6
5 A fairly general knowledge of the child's intellec­
tual development is evident. Some knowledge of the
child's strengths and weaknesses is evident, but is
based more on school reports than on school reports
plus personal appraisal.
4
3 Can describe the child's intellectual development
only in general terms. Can possibly identify an area
of strength and an area of weakness. Source of
information is limited solely to school reports.
2
1 Only a vague notion of the child's intellectual
development is evident. Can be expressed only in
the most general terms.
157
A4. Nature of Rewards for Intellectual Accomplishment
Questions: 13, 48, 49, 51, 52
Rating Scale;
7 A system of rewards for intellectual accomplishments
is clearly apparent. Intellectual accomplishments
are quickly noticed and rewarded. Rewards vary from
gifts to verbal praise, but are consciously and
consistently awarded. Gifts are invariably selected
on the basis of their educational value.
6
5 Some attempts are made to identify and reward intel­
lectual accomplishments. However, no consistent
plan to reward intellectual accomplishments is
followed. Intellectual accomplishments may, on
occasion, go unnoticed and unrewarded. Gifts are
usually selected on the basis of their educational
value.
4
3 Rewards are accorded the child for his accomplish­
ments. However, no distinction is made between
intellectual and nonintellectual accomplishments.
Gifts are sometimes selected on the basis of their
educational value.
2
1 No evidence of rewards for intellectual accomplish­
ment is evident. Rewards accorded the child are
usually for nonintellectual accomplishments. Gifts
are rarely selected for their educational value.
158
Bl. Emphasis on the Use of Language in a Variety of
Situations
Questions: 10, 25, 26, 27, 33
Rating Scale:
7 Conscious efforts are made to exploit situations for
purposes of language development. Such efforts are
part of a well developed and consistently executed
plan. Both parents participate.
5 Some effort is made to exploit situations for pur­
poses of language development. However, no regular
plan is followed, and some opportunities for
language development are apt to be missed. Usually
both parents participate.
3 Little effort is made to utilize situations for
purposes of language development. Many opportunities
for such activity are missed. Usually only one
parent will participate.
1 Few efforts are made to utilize situations as oppor­
tunities for language development.
159
B2. Opportunities Provided for Enlarging Vocabulary.
Questions: 18, 24, 25, 26, 28, 29
Rating Scale:
7 Conscious and consistent efforts are made to enlarge
the child's vocabulary through exploitation of a
variety of situations. Abundant parental initiation
of such activities is evident. In addition, both
parents will undertake to create or select situations
where such opportunities will be afforded.
6
5 Some attempt is made to enlarge vocabulary by using
situations normally encountered. Little effort is
made to select or create situations where such oppor­
tunities will be present. Usually both parents will
be involved.
4
3 Little effort is made to provide opportunities for
enlarging the child's vocabulary. Situations
normally encountered may or may not be exploited for
enlarging vocabulary. Usually only one parent will
be involved.
2
1 Few opportunities are provided for enlarging the
child's vocabulary. The child's questions about
words and their meanings are apt to be dealt with in
a curt manner.
160
B3. Emphasis on Correctness of Language Usage
Questions; 18, 34, 35
Rating Scale;
7 A great deal of attention is placed on the child's
correctness of language usage. Specific instances
of incorrect usage are identified and corrected
immediately. A knowledge of specific incorrect
usages, if any, is kept clearly in mind.
6
5 Gross errors of language usage by the child are
identified and corrected in a fairly systematic
manner (use of "ain't," "done got," etc.). Finer
errors are not apt to be dealt with ("The car drove
good.") .
4
3 Only gross errors of the child's language usage are
identified. These are apt to be dealt with casually
and unsystematically.
2
1 Little or no attempt is made to emphasize correct­
ness of language usage by the child. Little or no
knowledge of the child's language errors is
evidenced.
161
B4. Quality of the Language Usage of the Parents
Questions;
Evidence of the quality of the language usage of the
parents is based on the language performance of the mother
during the course of the interview. Each mother was rated
separately on each of four criteria: pronunciation,
vocabulary, fluency of expression and organization of
thoughts. (The scale used for these ratings is presented
below.) The average of the four ratings was taken as the
overall rating for this characteristic.
Rating Scale:
7 Excellent
6 Good
5 Above average
4 Average
3 Below average
2 Poor
1 Very poor
162
Cl. Opportunities Provided for Learning in the Home
Questions; 10, 12, 15, 17, 27, 31, 33, 47
Rating Scale;
7 A number of situations in the home are frequently and
deliberately selected or created for the purpose of
facilitating the child's learning. Conscious effort
is made to exploit the opportunities for learning in
such situations. Both parents share in initiating
and carrying out such activities.
6
5 There is some recognition of the learning possibili­
ties inherent in various situations in the home, and
some conscious attempts are made to utilize these
situations for the child's learning. Usually both
parents participate.
4
3 There is some recognition of the learning possibili­
ties in activities in the home. Occasionally, some
effort is made to utilize such situations for the
child's learning. Usually only one parent partici­
pates.
2
1 Little or no attention is paid to selecting or
creating situations in the home designed to contrib­
ute to the child's learning. When such activities
take place, only one parent will be involved.
163
C2. Opportunities Provided for Learning Outside the Home
(Excluding School)
Questions: 7, 8, 9, 11, 14, 27, 28
Rating Scale;
7 There is a keen awareness of the educational poten­
tialities of non-home, non-school situations.
Conscious efforts are made to seek out and exploit
such situations for increasing the child's learning.
Both parents participate in initiating and carrying
out such activities.
5 There is a good deal of awareness of the educational
potentialities of non-home, non-school situations.
Some attempt is made to involve the child in some of
these situations. Usually both parents participate.
3 There is some awareness of the educational poten­
tialities of non-home, non-school situations, but
little conscious effort is made to engage the child
in them. Usually only one parent participates.
1 Little or no attention is paid to involving the
child in situations outside the home which will
contribute to his learning. If and when such
activity occurs, only one parent participates.
164
C3. Availability and Encouragement of Use of Learning
Supplies
Questions: 13, 17, 21
Rating Scale:
7 An abundance of learning supplies is readily avail­
able. Their use is strongly encouraged.
5 A fairly adequate set of learning supplies is present
in the home. They are not necessarily readily avail­
able, however. Some encouragement is given as to
their use.
3 A few learning supplies are available. They are
somewhat inaccessible and their use is not apt to be
encouraged.
1 Hardly any learning supplies are available. No
encouragement is given as to their use.
165
C4. Availability and Encouragement of Use of Books
(including reference works), Periodicals, and Library
Facilities
Questions: 10, 14, 18, 19, 20
Rating Scale:
7 There is an abundant supply of educational reading
materials in the home. These are readily accessible
to the child, and he is strongly encouraged to use
them. In addition, community facilities are made
easily accessible.
6
5 There is a good supply of educational reading mate­
rials in the home. There is some encouragement of
their use. However, little encouragement is given
to the use of facilities outside the home such as the
public library, school book clubs, etc.
4
3 There are some educational reading materials in the
home. Little encouragement is given about their use.
No attempt is made to encourage the use of community
facilities.
2
1 There is little in the way of educational reading
material in the home, and no attempt is made to
encourage the use of any outside the home.
166
C5. Nature and Amount of Assistance Provided to Facilitate
Learning in a Variety of Situations
Questions; 10, 11, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, 23, 27, 33, 34,
35, 57
Rating Scale:
7 A great deal of attention is paid to providing
assistance for learning in a variety of situations
both in relation to school work and non-school
activities. Both parents provide such assistance.
A deliberate plan for maximizing the child's learning
is evident.
6
5 Some attention is given to providing assistance in
learning in a variety of situations, but the focus
of such attention is on school work. Both parents
provide such assistance. A conscious plan is not
apparent.
4
3 Some assistance is given in activities connected with
school learning, but generally not in non-school
situations. Such assistance is apt to be infrequent,
and usually provided by only one parent. There is no
plan for such assistance.
2
1 Little or no attempt is made to provide assistance
to facilitate learning. Only in unusual situations,
e.g., imminent school failure, would some help be
provided. Such help would be withdrawn once the
situation has passed. Only one parent would provide
such help.
APPENDIX D
STATISTICAL DATA
167
ILLINOIS TEST OF PSYCHOLINGUISTIC ABILITIES, REPRESENTATIONAL LEVEL SCORES
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
Student Auditory Auditory Verbal Visual Visual Manual
Avsr&crs
No. Reception Association Expression Reception Association Expression
1 41 48 52
2 37 45 46
3 39 42 43
4 40 48 47
5 40 40 46
6 44 38 42
7 41 39 41
8 41 35 47
9 40 44 42
10 31 47 41
11 47 34 51
12 38 40 47
13 43 40 36
14 40 37 42
15 40 34 42
16 38 36 45
17 35 40 36
18 36 33 34
41 46 41 44.83
46 42 41 42.83
52 42 42 43.33
46 34 43 43.00
45 40 45 42.67
42 42 43 41.83
47 42 33 40.50
45 45 41 42.33
37 34 48 40.83
37 36 35 37.83
34 39 43 41.33
41 37 42 40.83
40 39 36 39.00
35 45 39 39.67
44 43 44 . 41.17
38 43 43 40.50
44 43 33 38.50
38 36 43 36.67
168
ITPA, REPRESENTATIONAL LEVEL SCORES— Continued
:udent
No.
(1)
Auditory
Reception
(2)
Auditory
Association
(3)
Verbal
Expression
(4)
Visual
Reception
(5)
Visual
Association
(6)
Manual
Expression
(7)
Average
19 44 26 47 39 43 37 39.33
20 33 42 47 41 36 38 39.50
21 35 45 41 36 40 41 39.67
22 40 36 38 40 34 33 36.83
23 41 36 42 40 39 36 39.00
24 32 29 32 45 44 39 36.83
25 32 32 45 40 45 39 38.83
26 38 34 38 44 40 37 38.50
27 33 29 43 31 34 44 35.66
28 32 37 39 37 34 43 37.00
29 33 30 40 38 31 43 35.83
30 31 32 34 37 43 39 36.00
31 31 33 40 34 32 47 36.17
32 28 26 44 37 34 46 35.83
33 30 30 35 37 38 37 34.50
34 31 34 36 41 40 33 35.83
35 34 28 45 34 36 36 35.50
36 30 26 47 43 30 37 35.50
169
ITPA, REPRESENTATIONAL LEVEL SCORES— Continued
Student
No.
(1)
Auditory
Reception
C2)
Auditory
Association
(3)
Verbal
Expression
(4)
Visual
Reception
(5)
Visual
Association
(6)
Manual
Expression
(7)
Average
37 38 24 34 34 37 41 34.67
38 33 30 39 33 33 36 34.00
39 37 31 41 30 24 39 33.67
40 34 34 34 43 29 35 34.83
41 29 30 28 37 27 30 30.17
42 33 26 34 38 33 35 33.17
43 34 27 29 43 24 40 32.83
170
171
ILLINOIS TEST OF PSYCHOLINGUISTIC ABILITIES,
AUTOMATIC LEVEL SCORES
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Student Auditory Grammatic Visual Visual
No. Memory Closure Memory Closure
1 44 48 46 37 43.75
2 41 38 47 50 44.00
3 44 36 46 44 42.50
4 38 45 42 44 42.25
5 50 30 47 41 42.00
6 47 44 33 47 42.75
7 34 56 42 41 43.25
8 30 34 48 44 39.00
9 49 36 37 43 41.25
10 38 40 46 49 43.25
11 35 27 36 52 37.50
12 39 36 36 42 38.25
13 51 30 38 41 40.00
14 45 30 39 40 38.50
15 36 35 26 44 35.25
16 41 33 32 36 35.50
17 41 28 43 40 38.00
18 35 32 44 50 40.25
19 35 28 41 41 36.25
20 37 32 35 34 34.50
21 27 40 44 27 34.50
22 38 38 39 36 37.75
23 36 30 35 34 33.75
24 34 25 45 44 37.00
25 42 31 30 33 34.00
26 39 21 36 40 34.00
27 44 28 # 34 45 37.75
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
ITPA, AUTOMATIC LEVEL SCORES— Continued
(1) (2) (3) (4)
Auditory Grammatic Visual Visual
Memory Closure Memory Closure
29 30 36 44
39 28 41 -*35
43 30 32 35
36 33 38 32
36 25 38 41
41 27 42 32
30 27 36 35
30 30 36 31
36 27 29 33
38 23 31 38
39 22 36 35
31 34 30 28
26 33 26 31
44 27 38 31
28 30 31 31
35 35 28 24
173
WOLF HOME ENVIRONMENT SCALE, ACADEMIC ENVIRONMENT SCORES
Student
No> I II III IV V VI Average
1 5.85 4.63 5.32
2 5.09 4.68 4.74
3 5.52 5.16 5.05
4 5.39 4.84 5. 32
5 5.97 5.00 5.42
6 6.00 5.17 5.63
7 5.00 3.68 4.58
8 4.61 4.42 4.53
9 5.00 4.21 4.53
10 4.91 4.37 4. 37
11 4.27 4.11 4.32
12 4.73 4.05 4.47
13 5.09 3.68 4.63
14 3.58 4.05 4.63
15 4.52 4.00 4.47
16 4.15 3.58 3.42
17 3.97 3.79 4.32
18 2.70 2.58 2.79
19 3.30 3.05 2.74
20 4.00 3.89 4.32
21 3.27 2.89 3.00
22 4.18 4.00 4.74
23 4.58 3.79 4.21
24 5.03 4.21 4.74
25 4.61 4.21 4.16
26 4.09 3.74 3.84
27 4.24 4.00 4.37
28 4.21 3.26 3.42
29 4.06 3.00 3.21
30 3.85 4.00 3.53
5.47
4.67
5.13
6.67
6.50
4.83
5.60
4.50
5.30
5.49
4.91
5.25
4.87
6.07
6.27
5.33
5.17
5.50
5.50
5.90
6.30
5.21
5.65
5.81
4.47
5.20
5.00
5.17
5.17
5.17
4.60
4.60
4.60
4.57
4.68
4.74
4.73
4.87
4.47
4.33
4.83
4.50
4.30
4.80
3.80
4.59
4.42
4.41
4.80
4.20
4.67
4.33
4.00
4.50
3.90
3.90
4.70
4.54
4.01
4.45
3.27
4.27
2.87
4.00
5.00
2.83
3.90
4.00
2.90
3.75
4.11
2.75
3.20
4.33
3.07
3.50
5.00
3.17
2.90
4.70
3.80
3.11
4.25
3.17
4.73
4.73
4.80
5.33
5.17
5.00
5.40
5.70
4.20
4.52
4.53
4.71
5.07
3.60
4.60
5.33
4.50
4.67
5.30
4.40
3.40
4.63
3.96
4.22
3.93
3.20
4.27
3.50
4.17
3.83
3.80
4.50
4.50
3.76
3.63
3.94
174
WOLF HOME ENVIRONMENT SCALE, ACADEMIC
ENVIRONMENT SCORES— Continued
Student
No.
I II III IV V VI Average
31 3.67 3.68 4.47 4 y20 4.17 4.60 4.02
32 3.12 '2.74 2.58 3S20 2.67 3.60 2.98
33 3.85 3.42 3.12 2.73 2. 83 3.30 3.35
34 2.58 2.00 2.12 2.20 3.17 1.50 2.25
35 2.18 2.89 2.05 3.47 2.67 1.50 2.44
36 2.27 2.05 1.74 2.47 2.67 2.10 2.17
37 1. 30 1.42 1.00 1.20 1.33 1.10 1.24
38 2. 85 2.84 2.42 2.67 2.67 1.70 2.62
39 1.70 1.89 2.00 1.73 2.50 2.10 1.88
40 2.42 1.47 1.47 1.67 1.33 1.80 1.83
41 1.61 1.53 1.42 1.33 1.67 2.00 1.56
42 2.03 1.84 1.47 2.47 2.33 1.70 1.94
43 2. 88 2.42 2.12 3.00 2. 83 1.80 2.56
Note: Column headings are described below:
I = Climate created for achievement motivation.
II = Opportunities provided for verbal development.
Ill = Nature and amount of assistance, provided in over­
coming academic difficulties.
IV = Activity level of significant.individuals in the
environment.
V = Level of intellectuality in the environment.
VI = Kinds of work habits that are expected of the
individual.
175
WOLF HOME ENVIRONMENT SCALE, INTELLECTUAL
ENVIRONMENT SCORES
Student
No.
I II III Average
1 5.23 4.11 5.08 4.91
.2 4.85 3. 89 4.56 4.50
.3 4.77 4.22 4.64 4.59
4 5.15 4.44 4.72 4. 80
5 4.58 3.94 4.22 4.28
6 5.00 4.11 4.36 4.51
7 3.81 2.94 3.56 3.50
8 4.31 4.00 4.39 4.28
9 4.50 3.61 4.31 4.21
10 4.19 3.67 3.81 3.90
11 4.04 3. 83 4.44 4.18
12 4.27 3.33
< »
3.69 3. 80
13 4.35 3.44 4.17 4.06
14 3. 88 3.56 3.94 3.84
15 4.77 3.94 4.33 4.39
16 3.88 2. 89 3.36 3.43
17 3.81 3.22 3.86 3.70
18 2.73 2. 39 2.64 2.61
19 3.65 2.72 3.06 3.18
20 3.58 3.22 3.69 3.55
21 3.73 3.22 3.53 3.53
22 3.19 2. 83 3.31 3.16
23 3.54 2.94 3.44 3. 36
24 3.19 3.11 3.39 3.26
25 3.46 2.83 3.50 3.34
26 2.92 2.61 3.03 2.90
27 3.04 2.94 3.19 3.09
176
WOLF HOME ENVIRONMENT SCALE, INTELLECTUAL
ENVIRONMENT SCORES— Continued
Student
No.
I II III Average
28 3.38 2.50 2,81 2.93
29 3.12 2.33 2.83 2.81
30 2.96 2.67 3.19 3.00
31 2.81 2.67 3.11 2.91
32 2.50 2.11 2.08 2.23
33 3.85 2.94 2.89 3.21
34 2.62 1.67 1.94 2.10
35 1.81 2.17 2.36 2.14
36 2.08 1.67 1.97 1.94
37 1.23 1.28 1.08 1.18
38 2.81 2.44 2.53 2.60
39 1.85 2.00 1.94 1.93
40 2.46 1.28 1.42 1.73
41 1.73 1.50 1.83 1.73
42 1.12 1.17 1.31 1.21
43 2.19 1.72 2.14 2.06
Note: Column headings . are described below:
•
I = Stimulation provided for intellectual growth.
II = Opportunities provided for,
verbal development.
and emphasis upon,
III = Provision for general types
variety of situations.
of learning in a
177
PEABODY PICTURE VOCABULARY TEST, FORM A— IQ SCORES
Student
No.
IQ
Student
No.
IQ
1 117 22 110
2 104 23 112
3 112 24 99
4 97 25 136
5 97 26 110
6 125 27 127
7 108 28 97
8 119 29 97
9 102 30 99
10 121 31 101
11 101 32 106
12 104 33 101
13 104 34 117
14 121 35 91
15 112 36 106
16 102 37 93
17 114 38 93
18 117 39 112
19 116 40 95
20 121 41 80
21 114 42 97
43 108
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Asset Metadata
Creator Fried, Helen Cecile (author) 
Core Title Achievement Of Cognitive Skills In Headstart As Related To Certain Home Environment Factors 
Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance) 
Degree Doctor of Education 
Degree Program Education 
Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital) 
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Language English
Advisor Naslund, Robert A. (committee chair), Brown, Charles M. (committee member), Schwartz, Audrey J. (committee member) 
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