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Thebais rescriptrix: Rewriting and closure in Statius' "Thebaid" 12

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Thebais rescriptrix: Rewriting and closure in Statius' "Thebaid" 12

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Content THEBAIS RES CRIPTRIX REWRITING A N D CLOSURE IN STATIUS' THEBAID 12 JESSICA SHAW DIETRICH A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (CLASSICS) MAY 1997 UM I Number: DP22304 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete m anuscript and there are missing pages, th e se will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI DP22304 Published by ProQ uest LLC (2014). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQ uest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United S tates C ode ProQ uest LLC. 789 E ast Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 4 8 1 0 6 -1 3 4 6 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 90007 This dissertation, written by under the direction of h£x:....... D issertation Committee, and approved b y all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of re quirem ents for the degree of CL y s & > ( e D O C T O R OF PH ILO SO PH Y Dean of Graduate Studies Date ... Mar',ch__ 2 7 ^ 1 9 9 7 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE Chairperson to leave the thread of all time and let it make a dark line in hopes that I can still find the way back to the moment I took the turn and turned to begin a new beginning still looking for the answer I cannot find the finish it's either this or that way it's one way or the other it should be one direction it could be on reflection the turn I have just taken the turn that I was making I might be just beginning I might be near the end. Enya "Anywhere is" Table of C ontents Preface iv Introduction 1 PA R TI: A LITERARY ANALYSIS 6 Thebaid 12.1-104 6 12.105-227 23 12.228-463 40 12.312-463 60 12.464-586 79 12.587-708 95 12.709-819 110 PART 2: REWRITING AND CLOSURE 123 Closure 123 Closure in Latin Poetry 136 Closure and Statius' Thebaid 12 155 A lternate endings 155 Closure and O penness in Thebaid 12 173 Lam ent 174 Theseus 177 Cyclical Patterning 181 The female voice in Thebaid 12 189 Bibliography 198 iii Preface Recognizing that translation is interpretation, I have included m y ow n prose translations of longer passages of Latin and Greek, as w ell as significant shorter passages. I w ish to thank m y dissertation advisor, Professor A nthony J. Boyle w hose support and guidance kept m e on track throughout this process. I w ould also like to thank m y parents for their understanding and interest in m y w ork. I ow e gratitude to those w ho listened to m y ideas patiently, especially w hen it w as not going as sm oothly as possible. This includes all of m y peers in the graduate program at USC, especially Trevor Fear and Claire Cam pbell. I also w ish to thank the faculty at USC w ho have also been h elp fu l an d generous w ith th eir ideas an d suggestions, especially m y com m ittee m em bers Professors A m y Richlin and John Pollini. iv Introduction Some severe criticisms have been m ade against th e Thebaid from tim e to tim e. Besides occasional obscurities of detail and lapses from good taste w hich m ar certain passages, it is held that the poem is episodic and lacks unity, that som e of the episodes, especially A drastus' narration in Book I and the w hole of Books V, VI, and XII, are unnecessary excrescences, irrelevant to the m ain story, that the double m otivation of the action obscures the poet's m ain pu rp o se, and th at there is no central hero.1 G ossage's analysis of the general criticism s of the Thebaid elucidate the purpose behind this dissertation. A ttention to Statius' structure in the Thebaid centers on a lack of them atic unity. Criticism ranges from an indictm ent of Statius' poetic ability to an assessm ent of the problem atic subject m atter. Ogilvie dism isses Statius' structure as hopeless: "It lacks an overall structure, w ith a plot leading forcefully to a climax. There are too m any episodic books (such as Book 6, the crem ation of A rchem orus) and too m any irrelevant digressions (such as the 500 lines in Book 5 on the history of Hypsipyle)." M ozley instead criticizes Statius' subject m atter, 1 Gossage (1972), 192-3. 2 Ogilvie (1980), 233. See also Summers (1920), 51-2: "Nothing could be much worse than the composition: the first six books drag terribly, scenes and similes recur, the characters are very rudely drawn, the two brothers overshadowed by the other chiefs."; Duff (1927), 377: "If Statius had studied the construction and proportion of his story more exactly, if he had condensed some and rigidly excised others of his episodes, the Thebaid would have gained in, unity and attractiveness, while his readers and his reputation might have been increased by the reappearance as separate poems of the best among the banished portions." 1 w hich, he says, does not lend itself to coherence: "It is, indeed, som ew hat lacking in unity of them e, yet it m ust be rem em bered that m uch depends on the story chosen, that of the Seven against Thebes is a difficult one to handle ow ing to the double interest: the A rgive and the Theban strands Q are h ard to com bine satisfactorily." Recent scholarship has begun to show that the understanding of the Thebaid as individual episodes bearing little relationship to each other m isunderstands the pow er of the poem as a w hole. For exam ple, the recent dissertation of Joanne Brow n clearly show s the relationship of the H ypsipyle narrative, often dism issed as a m eaningless digression, to the larger narrative of the poem .4 The final book of Statius' epic, also dism issed as standing outside the m ain narrative of the p o em ,5 has im portant im plications for a reading of the entire Thebaid. The form al structure of the Thebaid has been broken dow n in a num ber of w ays. The tw elve books, w hich look back to Virgil's structure of the Aeneid, fall into tw o halves6 or four triads.7 H ow ever, Statius m ay look back m ore to O vid's structure of the Metamorphoses, in w hich it is not strict book division, b u t them atic m ovem ents, w hich structure the poem . These m ovem ents are traced variously: 3 Mozley (1928), xiv. See also Dominik (1996), 8-9, esp. n. 54 and 56, for the literary history of criticism of the Thebaid's structure, as well as Arico (1972), 22 ff., and 30 ff., for the attention to structure in scholarship on Statius. 4 Brown (1995). 5 See, for example, Venini's (1961), 61, assessment of the criticism: "Degno di biasimo e parso soprattutto, come s'e visto, il l.XII, dedicato alia sepoltura degli eroi argivi per mano di Teseo. Meglio avrebbe fatto Stazio, dice la critica, se avesse interrotto la narrazione al punto culminante, la morte in duello di Eteocle e Polinice, invece di introdurre una nuova vicenda compromettente l'untia deH'insieme." See also Frassinetti (1973), 245ff., for Venini's contribution to the understanding of Statius’ structure. 6 Ibid., 64ff. 7 See Kabsch (1968), 32 ff., for an analysis of the poem in triads and the role of the twelfth book in the final triad. B urgess sen sib ly a rg u e s for th re e b ro a d "m ovem ents" or divisions to the poem : the initial im petus of the narrative to w ard w ar (1.46-4.645), the delay in N em ea (4.646-6.946). and the reactuation of the narrative to w ard w ar (7.1ff.). Vessey divides the Thebaid into four m ajor sections, a division that differs from Burgess only in the identification of a fourth section (12.464-809). Schetter also divides the poem into four parts (1.45-3.721, 4.646-7.144, 7.628-11.761, 12.1-809), b u t this stru c tu re excludes tw o significant sections of the text (4.1-645, 7.145-627).8 The division of the poem into m ovem ents em phasizes the relationship of structure to them e. Som e attem pts have been m ade to read the final book as the resolution of the previous eleven books: "In this final section, w e see a sum m ary and a repetition of all th at has gone before in the epic: but because the underlying antitheses are true and absolute the conclusion is a trium ph for right and m orality."9 Venini sees them atic unity in Statius’ use of episodic structure in the Thebaid: D a q u e s ti c o n tin u i a c c e n n i r is u lta incontrovertibile la preoccupazione del poeta di far si che il l.X II n on appaia com e u n a sezione in se conclusa, m a si presenti com e l’atteso e naturale epilogo dell'intera vicenda. Cio sig n ifica che, p u r a v e n d o d i m ira principalm ente l'episodio, egli non dim entica che l'episodio appartiene a u n tutto.1 0 8 Dominik (1996), 10. 9 Vessey (1973), 328. 1 0 Venini (1961), 63-4. 3 H ow ever, the w ay in w hich Statius relates the final book to the rest of the poem both recasts and reinterprets events from the previous eleven books. The com plete state of the Thebaid allows for analysis of how Statius chose to end his epic: "Of the seven surviving epics of the first centuries B.C. and A.D. three (probably) rem ained unfinished at the author's death (Virgil's Aeneid, Lucan's Bellum Civile, Statius' Achilleid) and one, V alerius Flaccus' Argonautica, breaks off in the m anuscript tradition in the course of w hat w as probably the last book. O nly O vid's Metamorphoses, Statius' Thebaid, and Silius Italians' Punica have any claim to rep resen t the considered and polished last thoughts of their authors."1 1 These "last thoughts" of the author need to be considered in a detailed reading of both the final book and the entire poem . H ow the Thebaid ends and relates to the previous eleven books m ust be considered along w ith how Statius uses the tradition of endings in Latin literature to create an ending about the possibility of successful closure. The first p a rt of this d issertatio n is concerned w ith S tatius' repetition of them es set out earlier in the Thebaid, p articu larly in the rep resen tatio n of certain scenes. A detailed literary analysis also dem onstrates Statius' attention to his epic predecessors. The patterns of allusion, both intertextual and intratextual, are the prim e instrum ent of m y interpretation. The Thebaid is at the intersection of an inherited tra d itio n an d c o n tem p o rary signifiers. The in te rp re ta tio n of the c o n tem p o rary relevance of the Thebaid to Flavian Rom e has been 1 1 Hardie (forthcoming), 234. However, the Aeneid is only said to be unfinished by the secondary literature (cf. Suetonius' Life), while Ovid claims that the Metamorphoses was unfinished when he went into exile (Tristia 1.7.17-24). dem onstrated m ost effectively by D om inik and Ahl, w hile critics such as Vessey and K ytzler have analyzed Statius' allusions to his predecessors. By draw ing on both kinds of analysis of Statius' text, b o th the use of contem porary signs and the literary tradition, I w ill show how Statius "opens" his ow n place w ithin the Latin tradition. Statius draw s attention to his relationship to Rom an epic tradition in the very first lines of the poem w hich refer explicitly to Lucan's Bellum 1 0 Civile. H e m aintains his dialogue w ith his predecessors th ro u g h the 13 final lines of the poem , in w hich he refers to Virgil's Aeneid. The final book is p a rticu la rly stro n g in its allusions to p rev io u s w orks, yet com m ents critically on Statius' ow n sense of history an d the role of the present. Statius' aw areness of the strong R om an literary trad itio n in w hich endings are problem atized places him in a unique position to both com m ent on and explore the issues of closure in the final book of his epic. Exam ination of how Statius exploits the techniques for closure displayed in the Latin tradition reveals his ow n am bivalence tow ard the possibility of closure. 1 2 Cf.fratem as acies (Theb. 1.1) and cognatasque acies (BC 1.4). 1 3 nec tu divinam Aeneida tempta (Theb. 12.816). 5 PART 1: A LITERARY ANALYSIS Thebaid 12.1-104 The first w ord of the tw elfth book indicates the problem s w ith closure the poet will explore in the final book— nondum. The reader m ight reasonably expect the poem to end after the clim actic h an d -to -h an d com bat of Eteocles and Polynices at the end of book 11, w hich has m uch in com m on w ith the ending of the Aeneid.1 4 Statius tells the reader at 12.1 that the w ork is not yet o v er.1 5 N ow here else in the Thebaid does Statius use nondum to open a book, nor is it seen in other epics as the first w ord of a book.1 6 Tem poral w ords such as iam and interea are com m on w ords for 17 opening books, connecting them to the previous books. N o n d u m is unusual, perhaps looking back to Statius' statem ent in the proem — that he 1 8 is not yet able to n arrate D om itian's accom plishm ents. T here is an im plication in the opening th at Statius w ould cover these events in a different poem w hich is sim ilar to Virgil's statem ent in the th ird book of 1 4 Cf. Legras (1905), 148: "c'est le duel d'Eteocle et de Polynice qui doit mettre fin a la guerre et terminer l'action principale"; for the relationship of Eteocles/Polynices to Aeneas/Turnus see Venini (1970), xviii, (1971), 22, and Ogilvie (1980), 232: ”[T]here has to be a final duel in which Polynices and Eteocles re-enact the fight of Turnus and Aeneas." Ogilvie does not account for the 'final duel' occuring before the actual end of the poem. Malamud (1995), 191-2, sees the final duel as Lucanian, rather than Virgilian: "At the narrative climax of the poem, the mutual slaughter of Eteocles and Polynices, Statius is at his most Lucanian, exploding into an impassioned apostrophe to his protagonists in which the desire to commemorate is poised against the desire to conceal (11.574-79)." See also Venini (1971), 45ff., for Lucan's influence in Thebaid 11. 1 5 Cf. A eneid 12.1 Turnus ut..., which focuses on the final challenge for Aeneas and Turnus' defeat as resolution of the problems in Italy. 1 6 Horace Odes 2.5 opens with nondum. 1 7 Virgil's use of interea at 5.1 is very effective in contrasting the actions of Dido in book 4 with Aeneas' departure from Carthage. 1 8 Theb. 1.17. 6 the Georgies th at he w ill cover A ugustus' accom plishm ents at a later tim e.1 9 N ondum reinforces the problem s of closure by em phasizing that the w ork is n o t yet over, and that the story continues. The opening section of Thebaid 12 reveals the afterm ath of the events of the previous book and the final confrontation of Eteocles and Polynices. The sight of the battlefield is revealed slow ly w ith the com ing 20 daw n. Statius' use of d aw n as the opening for the book indicates a them atic structure for the entire poem , as w ell as carefully alluding to the use of daw n in the epic tradition. A personification of daw n w orks as a tem poral indicator, b u t there are also m etaphorical im plications in the daw n. The lig h t d aw n brin g s can be the light of know ledge and 2 1 recognition. Light is associated w ith seeing and understanding. The rising of d aw n is also related to the resurgence of life from death. Just as the daw ning of a new day is connected to life, night is strongly associated w ith death. Statius uses the com ing light to expose the death from the preceding night.22 Virgil's Aeneid provides an im portant m odel for Statius in his use of daw n at the opening of a book. W hereas in the Greek epic poem s, daw n appears regularly and im poses a sort of tem poral fram ew ork, Virgil only uses the appearance of daw n once in the Aeneid to begin a book. Book 11 opens w ith A urora rising from the ocean: Oceanum interea surgens Aurora reliquit (A en. 11.1). This short one line tag is rem iniscent of the form ulaic description of daw n in the H om eric poem s. This daw n com es after the 1 9 For the connection of the proem and Georgies 3 see Newman (1975), 81. 2 0 Schetter (1960), 67 and 76, connects book 11 and 12 through the movement from night to day. 2 1 For example, dawn brings understanding and sanity to Attis in Catullus 63.39ff. 2 2 Statius may be following Lucan, BC 7.787: Postquam clam dies Pharsalica damna retexit. 7 death of M ezentius at the end of book 10, building on the association of death w ith night. Book 11, after the daybreak, describes the trophy m ade w ith the arm s of M ezentius and the burial of Pallas. The scenes of burial and lam entation in Aeneid 11 are clearly a m odel for Statius in Thebaid 12. Statius reverses the last tw o books of the A eneid in the Thebaid. The climactic confrontation of the antagonists Eteocles and Polynices occurs in 23 Thebaid 11, w hereas burial and lam entation are featured in Thebaid 12. Statius' structuring of the Thebaid brings together form and m eaning. By reversing the final books of the Aeneid, Statius "closes" and then "re-opens" the w ork, underscoring the problem s w ith closure and the arbitrariness of endings. The use of the ep ith et Tithonia (12.3) for the d aw n recalls or foreshadow s V alerius Flaccus' Argonautica. 24 V alerius Flaccus opens book 3 of the Argonautica w ith the figure of daw n also called Tithonia: tertia iam gelidas Tithonia solverat umbras/ exueratque polum (Argo. 3.1-2). A fter daybreak, the A rgonauts begin th eir journey to Colchis. The beginning of the new day has a strong connection w ith the beginning of the journey. D aw n in the Argonautica is a signal of the beginning of the m ain narrative of the epic— the journey of the Argo. Sim ilarly Statius is em phasizing "beginning" rather th an "ending" at the opening of Thebaid 12.25 2 3 Cf. the battle between Tumus and Aeneas at the end of Aeneid 12. 2 4 I do not wish to deal with the relative chronology of the Thebaid and the Argonautica. It is sufficient to recognize that Statius and Valerius Flaccus were composing their epics at roughly the same time and would have been aware of each others' poem. 2 5 Tithonia may also recall Ovid's story of Aurora in M etamorphoses 13 in which she, as wife of Tithonus, mourns their son Memnon. Her presentation as a grieving mother is consistent with the themes of lamentation in Thebaid 12. 8 The description of daw n in Thebaid 12 is considerably longer than its predecessors. Statius describes a com plicated relationship betw een all the forces in the breaking of day. The opening of the passage sounds very naturalistic (nondum cuncta polo vigil inclinaverat astra/ortus\ 12.1-2]), b u t Statius soon m oves on to a personification of night in the figure of the m oon, Luna (instantem cornu tenuiore videbat/ Luna diem[ 12.2-3]). Luna introduces A urora described as Tithonia, the w ife of Tithonus. A urora prepares the sky for Phoebus, the su n god. Statius' description of the daw n is a com plicated com bination of n atu ral phenom ena (polo, astra, ortus, nubes, aethera) w ith gods m ixed in as personified elem ents (Luna, 26 Tithonia, Phoebo). Statius goes far beyond an epic form ula here; this elaborate d escrip tio n has an alm ost cinem atic effect. As the light gradually grow s from the pale light of the m oon, to the rosy glow of daw n, to the bright, clear light of the sun, the reader grow s apprehensive ab o u t w h a t w ill be revealed. Suspense and ap p reh en sio n are key ingredients of Statius' opening for the book. In addition to heightening the tension in the opening scene of Thebaid 12, the description of d aw n looks back to the opening of book 6. Book 6 actually opens w ith the figure of Fam a, b u t d aw n rises at lines 25ff.27 As in book 12, daw n, here also Tithonia, is accom panied by other m ythological figures, N ox and Som nus. Som nus carries a ho rn (cornu [27]) as does Luna in 12 (12.2-3). There is an elem ent of potential danger in the daw n, adding to the suspense of w h at the new day w ill bring. The figure of Som nus looks forw ard to the destructive role he plays 2 6 See Feeney (1991) 376ff., for personifications in the Thebaid. 2 7 Schetter (1960), 67, also compares the openings of books 6 and 12. 9 in book 10. The d aw n of book 6 is a com bination of the elem ents of sight and sound— sight reveals less of the events th an the sounds of lam entation w hich fill the air: iam plangore viae, gem itu iam regia m ugit flebilis, acceptos longe nem ora avia frangunt m ultiplicantque sonos. (Theb. 6.28-30) N ow the p a th s rum ble w ith th e so u n d of lam en tatio n an d now th e m o u rn fu l palace m oans w ith a sigh, far aw ay the rem ote groves break u p and am plify the caught sounds. The lam entation is for O pheltes. Book 6 is concerned w ith the funeral 28 and the funeral gam es. The connection of book 6 an d 12 is b o th them atic and structural. The them atic link is through m o u rn in g an d the effects of death on the living. Structurally, the poem is broken roughly in half. Book 6 ends the first half of the poem , b u t the d eath of O pheltes is the beginning of the w ar— he is the first casualty of the A rgive arm y, w hile 29 12 concludes not only the second half of the poem , b u t the entire w ork. The repetition in the opening of the books reinforces the sense of a beginning rather than end. A fter the daybreak, a group of Thebans enters onto the battlefield. Statius describes them as agmina Dircaea (12.5). The term agmina is 30 generally used in this poem to indicate an arm y. S tatius m ay be heightening the suspense w ith the possibility of another arm y entering the 2 8 For the role of the games see Kytzler (1968) and Vessey (1970e). 2 9 Cf. Gossage (1972), 227, n. 43: "Statius appears deliberately to have placed a book in which funeral rites are the main subject at the end of each half of the poem to stress the importance of this aspect of pietas." 3 0 Cf. 2.468; 7.633,10.30; 12.647, 663, 665. 10 field. There is no indication w ho m akes up this group of Thebans, b u t the m ilitary nature of the w ord agmina m ay im ply a m ale group. There w ill be a contrast w ith the appearance of the A rgive w om en later in the book. Dircaea is not an uncom m on epithet for the Thebans in the Thebaid. The story of Dirce, her treatm ent of A ntiope, and her violent death, involve them es of hu m an and divine vengeance— them es relevant to the current 32 situation at Thebes. Dirce's ill treatm ent of another w om an m ay contrast w ith the sym pathy am ong the A rgive w om en depicted later in the book. The Thebans are afraid to enter the battlefield even after a night's repose (12.6-8). Statius m ay seem to exaggerate the fear of the Thebans as they creep forth and open the city gates. Statius w ill concentrate on the description of the battlefield and the burials as does V irgil in Aeneid 11, b u t first he stops the action to concentrate on the Thebans them selves. The tw o sim iles w hich follow focus on the Thebans, building m ore tension before the description of the carnage o n the battlefield. The sim iles function to stop the narrative and give a psychological p o rtrait of the fearful Thebans. The reader first encounters the T heban reaction to the destruction before the description of the battlefield itself.33 The first sim ile is very short and undeveloped— the Thebans are like a m an long at sea getting back his "land legs": u t adsiduo iactatis aequore tellus prim a labat. {Theb. 12.12-13) 31 2.142, 5.647, 8.357,10.466. 32 See Davis (1994), 474, for a treatment of the usage of mythological epithets in the Thebaid. 33 This is a common cinematic technique particularly in horror movies when the camera focuses on the face of those observing and registers their horror before panning out to show what has provoked this reaction. Ju st as at first th e earth slips for som eone constantly tossed about on the sea. This short sim ile breaks up the narrative, w hile Statius continues to focus on the Thebans. The second sim ile is longer and m ore developed. The T hebans are like doves seeing a snake attack their hom e. Statius pays attention to the birds' fear for their children and their unw arlike n atu re (imbelles [12.18]). This links the sim ile to the follow ing passages in w hich the T hebans desperately seek out fam ily m em bers am ong the corpses. The sim ile m ay also look back in the Thebaid for its sense of im pending disaster. The doves are described as Idaliae volucres (12.16). The only other appearance of doves in the poem is in book 5 w hen V enus prepares to w reak havoc on the w om en of Lem nos, and she banishes her com panions: et Idalias procul ablegasse volucres (5.63). The doves fear a snake (draconem) entering their hom e.34 The im age of the snake attacking offspring looks back to the appearance of a real snake in book 5 w hich succeeds in killing o c an infant. The death of O pheltes has already been referred to in the sim ilarities w ith the b u rials in book 6. T hese sim iles describe the psychological state of the Thebans as they respond to the d estruction aro u n d them . Statius concentrates on their reactions, like a cam era on th eir face, to bu ild suspense for w h at is aw aiting them outside the city walls. 34 The only other occurence of a draco is on the necklace of Harmonia. The ecphrasis of the necklace in Thebaid 2 provides a visual account of the doomed families of Thebes, past, present, and future. 3 5 Cf. Theb. 5.538-40: occidis extremae destrictus verbere caudae/ignaro serpente puer,fugit ilicet artus/somnus, et in solam patuerunt lumina mortem. 12 Statius next describes the battlefield and the search for corpses. H ere Statius departs dram atically from his V irgilian m odel. In Aeneid 11 the em phasis is on the pyres built by the L atins36 and not the bodies of the dead. This scene is rem iniscent of others in the Thebaid and also looks 37 forw ard to A rgia's search for the corpse of Polynices later in the book. In book 3, the wives, children and elderly of Thebes p o u r out to the grove of the Sphinx to collect the bodies of those slain by T ydeus in the n ight attack ordered by Eteocles: A t n uptae exanim es puerique aegrique parentes m oenibus effusi. (Theb. 3.114-5) But frightened brides and children and sick parents po u r out from the walls. A t the site, the old m an A letes tells of a sim ilar experience in T heban history, w hen the children of N iobe w ere slain. N iobe is described w ith the bodies of her children: innum eris cum circum fusa m inis corpora tot raperet terra, tot quaereret ignes. (Theb. 3.193-4) W hen she snatched up so m any bodies strew n about the earth in incalculable ru in and she sought so m any pyres. 36 Cf. Aen. 11.203-6: Nec minus et miseri diversa in parte Latini/innumeras struxere pyras, et corpora partim/multa virum terrae infodiunt, avectaque partim/finitimos tollunt in agros urbique remittunt. 3 7 Legras (1905), 135-6; Vessey (1973), 128. 13 A nother child is killed tw o books later, the infant O pheltes w ho is crushed by snake w hile his nurse H ypsipyle is distracted by telling her story of th e events on Lem nos. W hen the d eath is m ade ap p aren t, H ypsipyle holds the m angled lim bs of the baby and m ourns: ingem inat m isera oscula tantum incum bens anim aeque fugam p er m em bra tepentem quaerit hians. (Theb. 5.594-6) B ending over him she doubles such w retched kisses and gasping seeks the w arm flight of his breath through his limbs. The child's m other also desires to handle and touch the lim bs of her dead child: lacerasque super prorumpere nati/relliquias ardet (6.35-6). Statius does not look back to Virgil in his description of the corpses, b u t there are strong parallels w ith Seneca and Lucan. The desire to handle and p u t back together the lim bs of the dead is represented b y Seneca in his portrayal of Theseus at the end of the Phaedra. Theseus perform s "last rites" for his son H ippolytus, w hich includes bringing together the pieces of his m angled body: disiecta, genitor, m em bra laceri corporis in ordinem dispone et errantes loco restitue partes, fortis hie dextrae locus, hie laeva frenis docta m oderandis m anus ponenda; laevi later is agnosco notas. (Sen. Phaedra 1256-60) Place in order, father, the dispersed lim bs of the fractured body and retu rn to their place the w an d erin g parts. This is th e place of his strong right hand, here his left hand skilled in 14 c o n tro llin g rein s o u g h t to be p lac ed ; I recognize the signs of his left flank. Statius is also follow ing Lucan's description of the battlefield after the troops of C aesar and Pom pey m eet at P harsalus in Bellum Civile 7. In Lucan’ s presentation it is Caesar w ho looks out over the field, rather than the fam ilies of the dead. W hile the graphic depiction of the corpses is o © attributed to the baroque nature of the post-A ugustan w riters, it m ay signal an interest in the psychology of grief. In a recent article describing Bosnian w om en’ s reaction to the deaths of their children during the 1990's this story is recounted: The boys B ojadzi h a d c ra d led as in fan ts becam e scattered body pieces that she picked up, placed in plastic bags an d ru sh ed to the hospital, in a crazed, m acabre gesture tow ard th e im p o ssib le h o p e th a t th ey c o u ld be saved.39 This story show s the problem s of com ing to grips w ith the death of loved ones, even w h e n faced w ith extrem e p h y sical evidence. S tatiu s em phasizes the physical rem ains of the dead and the im portant role the 3 8 Cf. Hutchinson (1993), 288: "The epic tradition of describing wounds precisely, and of varying its deaths within strong conventions, is converted into a source of (among other things) black grotesquerie and macabre elegance. This audacity with genre and with instinctive reactions, though its origins lie in Ovid and even Virgil, is eminently characteristic of the period." See also Ogilvie (1980), 233-4, on the 'literary macabre' in Statius. For the effect of gruesome detail on Statius' contemporary audience see Erren (1970), 90ff. 3 9 "Bosnian Women Repudiate Death by Giving Birth." Los Angeles Times, August 21, 1995. 15 corpse plays in the psychology of grief. The em phasis is on the needs of the living to contain and control the bodies of the dead.40 In the ru sh to dispose of the bodies strife arises: at circum informes truncos miserabile surgit/ certamen (12.33-4). A gain there is the th reat of renew ed violence. But this is a battle for piety— w ho w ill perform the rites of the dead. The struggle here for funeral rights is played out m ore fully later in the book betw een A rgia and Antigone. There as well, it is a "just" battle because the participants are vying for piety. The T hebans have trouble distinguishing betw een the corpses of fam ily and foe: saepe etiam hostiles-lusit Fortuna parum per- decepti flevere viros. (Theb. 12.35-6) Often, even, because Fortune teased for a little w hile, they w ere deceived an d m o u rn ed the enem y men. Vessey claims this scene em phasizes the helplessness of the Thebans at the hands of fortune,41 b u t it is not clear in the text that F ortuna is "playing" w ith the Thebans. The am biguity allow s for the irony th at those w ho fought an d died in battle cannot be identified by w h at they died for. Fortune m ocks those w ho are m ourned for by their enem y— they died in vain because w h at they died for is erased in death. 4 0 Another recent disaster, the crash of TWA flight 800, also underscores the desire and need among the living to recover the remains of the dead. 4 1 Vessey (1973), 128: "Among so many mangled bodies, they find it difficult to distinguish friend from foe (12.350): as the poet comments, 'lusit Fortuna parumper' (35). The verb lu d ere is rare in the Thebaid; the sentence may be taken as Statius' final judgement on the plight of the Theban citizens: they are the playthings of fortune, nothing more." These scenes of searching th ro u g h and em bracing corpses are generally follow ed by the disposal of the dead, w hich also recalls not only book 6, b u t also the Aeneid. In book 12, the great num ber of funeral pyres needed has d en u d ed the neighboring areas of lum ber (et iam montibus orbatis [12.50-1]). A gain this looks back to the events around the death and funeral of O pheltes in book 6. In book 6 tw in pyres are built, one to the infant O pheltes and one to the gods to atone for the death of the snake. This second p y re is m ad e by laying w aste the local w oods: aderat miserabile lucof exscidium (6.96-7).42 Statius also returns to the m odel of Aeneid 11 in these scenes, w here the em phasis is on the pyres not on the corpses. The episode concerning the burial of Pallas is in terru p ted by a truce w ith the Latins in o rder to conduct funerals for their dead (Aen. ll.lOOff). A eneas grants the truce to the Latin envoys and scenes of burial sim ilar to those in Statius follow. The pyres of the Thebans recall those of the Latins.43 In both the Thebaid and Aeneid the procedures take several days, described by celestial m ovem ents: tertius Aurorae pugnabat Lucifer (Theb. 12.50) and tertia lux gelidam caelo dimoverat umbram (Aen. 11.210). There are also sim ilarities in the descriptions of confusion, grief, and lam entation. In Aeneid 11 Aeneas' reaction to the death of Pallas and the arrangem ents for his burial and E vander's reaction and com pletion of the funeral are interrupted by and contrasted w ith the funerals of the Latins. Statius m akes the juxtaposition of the single royal funeral and the m odest 4 2 Williams (1968), 266-7, treats the scene in Thebaid 6.90ff as imitation of Aeneid 6.179ff. concluding: "This composition is decorative and devoid of fresh inspiration: the mind's eye is firmly closed. Nothing can be left unsaid and, once said, it can be said again with more detail or carried to a still further extreme of nonsense." 4 3 Cf. Theb. 12.52-54 and Aen. 11.132 and 201. 17 battlefield pyres m ore striking by a direct contrast: he opens w ith the battlefield funerals and then describes the lavish funeral of M enoeceus. The connection w ith the burial of Pallas in Aeneid 11 is im portant to Thebaid 12 because of its relationship to the burial of M enoeceus and the lam ent of Creon. The funeral of Pallas fram es the m odest pyres of the Latins and the lavish display for M enoeceus by C reon is juxtaposed w ith the confusion on the battlefield and the sim ple pyres of the Thebans. There is also a contrast w ith the bodies of Eteocles and Polynices lying exposed on the field (12.57-9).44 The funeral of Pallas has som e striking sim ilarities w ith the funeral of M enoeceus, b u t the scenes do m ore to contrast the respective m ourners— A eneas and E vander w ith C reon.45 The pyre of M enoeceus is piled w ith w eapons and spoils: sed bellicus agger curribus et clipeis G raiorum que om nibus arm is sternitur; hostiles super ipse, u t victor, acervos pacifera lauro crinem vittisque decorus accubat. (Theb. 12.62-5) But a w arlike pile is heaped u p w ith chariots and shields, and all of the arm or of the Greeks; above the enem y heap he him self lies, like a victor, decorated w ith peace-bearing laurel and fillets on his hair. Pallas' pyre is also m arked by spoils: 4 4 Vessey (1971), 241: "The two brothers remain in death as they were in life, saevus and exsul. The victims of furor, they are bound forever to their lot. Immediately after these lines, the poet turns to the funeral of Menoeceus. The contrast is deliberate. It is the same juxtaposition of piety and impiety, of virtus and Juror." 4 5 Contra Kabsch (1968), 48, who argues Creon is presented as a good father in this passage which problematizes his role later in the book. 18 harum unam iuveni suprem um m aestus honorem induit arsurasque comas obnubit am ictu, m ultaque praeterea Laurentis praem ia pugnae aggerat et longo praedam iubet ordine duci; addit equos et tela quibus spoliaverat hostem . (Aen. 11.76-80) The m o u rn in g m an w ra p p e d one of these (robes) as final honor of the youth and covered the hair about to be b u rn ed w ith a cloak, and after th is h e a p e d u p th e m an y spoils of L aurentine battles and ordered th at the booty be carried in a long colum n; he added horses and w eapons w hich he him self h ad spoiled from the enem y. P erhaps the m ost significant sim ilarity betw een the funerals of Pallas and M enoeceus is that both are m arked by hum an sacrifice. Both incidents are told w ith rem arkable brevity. 46 The h u m an sacrifice m ade by A eneas to the shade of Pallas problem atizes his character and m ay be seen as p a rt of the developm ent into the figure w ho w ill kill T urnus w ith o u t pity.47 C reon as w ell is characterized by his action— this is the C reon w ho w ill forbid the burial of his nephew and condem n his niece to death. A eneas in A eneid 11 is a m odel for C reon, b u t, in at least one instance, C reon stands in direct opposition to Aeneas. The truce m ade by A eneas w ith the L atins to h alt the battle in o rd er to b u ry th e d ead co n trasts sh arp ly w ith C reon's edict fo rb id d in g the fu n erals of the A rgives. The role of E v ander in A en eid 11 is also tw ofold for the 4 6 Cf. Aen. 11.81-2: vinxerat et post terga manus, quos mitteret umbris inferias, caeso sparsurus sanguine flammas and Theb. 12.68-70: spirantes super inferias captiva Pelasgum / corpora frenatosque pater, sollacia fo rti/ bellorum, mactabat equos. 4 7 See Boyle (1986) 98ff., for Aeneas' character in this passage and final book. 19 presentation of Creon. O n the one hand, C reon is like Evander in his open grief for his son slain in a battle for w hich neither is responsible. H ow ever in the lam ents of the tw o fathers for their sons, there are m arked contrasts. E vander's ad d ress lacks blam e (nec vos arguerim, Teucri, nec foedera nec quas/ iunximus hospitio dextras [11.164-165]) and is full of p ride in his son's achievem ents in battle. C reon's lam ent blam es his son for his actions (12.72) and condem ns the entire w ar (impia bella [12.84]). C reon's lam ent for his son also connects him to other characters in the Thebaid. H e him self calls attention to the relationship to O edipus: et nunc Oedipodi par estfortuna doloris/ ac mihi (12.86-7). O edipus too grieves 48 for his sons in book 11. The lam ent of O edipus is analyzed by D om inik in his treatm ent of the m ale lam ent.49 A lthough he does not include an analysis of C reon's lam ent, the characteristics of the m ale lam ent are im portant for C reon's speech. For exam ple, D om inik notes that the m ale lam en t in clu d es self-condem nation an d a desire for d eath . C reon expresses these sentim ents at 80ff: et nunc heu quae digne tibi sollem nia quasve largiar exsequias? nec si fatale potestas A rgos et im pulsas cineri m iscere M ycenas, m eque super, cui vita-nefas!-et sanguine nati p artu s honos. ('Theb. 12.80-84) A n d n o w alas w h a t rites or w h a t fu n eral procession shall I lavish suitably on you? N ot even if it w ere possible to m ix fatal A rgos and fallen M ycenae w ith y o u r ashes an d to p u t 4 8 Schetter (1960), 119, also connects Creon's speech to Polynices in book 11.187ff. 4 9 Dominik (1990), 82-4, makes the connection between the behavior of Creon and Oedipus and their position as tyrant at Thebes. 20 m yself u p o n them , w hose life— unspeakable-- and honor are b o m from the blood of m y son. The tone of guilt also comes through in A eneas' lam ent for Pallas.50 It is the regret and guilt that lead both C reon and Aeneas to their final acts of violence and revenge. Creon's desire for revenge also recalls Seneca's portrayal of A treus in Thyestes. Creon w ishes to display the result of his edict refusing burial: longos utinam addere sensus corporibus caeloque anim as Ereboque nocentes pellere fas, ipsum que feras, ipsum unca volucrum ora sequi atque artus regum m onstrare nefandos. ('Theb. 12.95-8) If only it w ere rig h t to a d d lo n g -lastin g sensation into their bodies and to drive their guilty spirits from the sky an d from Erebos, and to follow m yself the w ild beasts and the hooked m ouths of birds and to show them the unspeakable lim bs of kings. This is sim ilar to the actions of A treus in Thyestes. A fter killing his nephew s and serving them to his brother, A treus w ants his vengeance to be revealed and recognized by Thyestes w hen he describes in great detail for him the sacrifice of his sons (1058ff.). A treus' only regret is th at both the children and the father w ere unaw are at the tim e of his crime: 5 0 Williams (1973), 381: " With Aeneas' feelings of sorrow are linked his feelings of guilt. In 8.514f. Evander had entrusted Pallas— spes et solatia nostri— to Aeneas to be taught the lessons of battle; in 10.515f., after the death of Pallas, Aeneas grimly reflects on the hospitality he had been shown by Evander; and in this passage his self-blame is often evident (45-6,49,55). These lines indeed are crucial to an appreciation of the last scene of the poem, when Aeneas kills Tumus in vengeance for Pallas." 21 cecidit in cassum dolor; scidit ore natos im pio, sed nesciens, sed nescientes. ('Thyestes 1066-8) M y p ain fell into uselessness; he tore a t his sons w ith an u n h o ly m o u th , b u t he w as unaw are, as w ere they. Both C reon an d A treu s d isp lay the need for th eir victim s to have know ledge of their revenge. C reon's em phasis on his rig h t to m o u rn alone (uni fas sit lugere parenti) creates a tension betw een the scenes of lam entation in the opening of the book and the later scenes, w hich are m arked by sh ared fem ale experience. By em phasizing his sole rig h t as a p aren t to m ourn, C reon excludes M enoeceus' m other Eurydice, w ho does lam ent at 10.790ff. In book 10 C reon participates in his wife's lam entation (congemit [10.792]). At the end of her lam ent Eurydice is rem oved from the scene: diceret infelix etiam num et cuncta repleret questibus: abducunt com ites fam ulaeque perosam solantes thalam oque tenent. (Theb. 10.815-7) T he u n h a p p y w o m a n sp o k e a n d filled e v e ry th in g w ith h e r c o m p la in ts: h e r com panions an d m aidservants led her aw ay hating those w ho com forted her and they held her to her room. E urydice's rem oval echoes V irgil's p resen tatio n of E uryalus' m other. A fter her rem oval in book 10, Eurydice rem ains absent from M enoeceus’ fu n eral in Theb aid 12, an d so th e o p en in g scenes of th e b o o k are predom inantly male. Statius does not specify the T heban m ourners, b u t 22 his use of agmina im plies a m ale group, as do the m asculine pro n o u n s illi and hi (12.24), and C reon's lam ent an d the rem oval of E urydice m akes M enoeceus' funeral exclusively m ale. These open in g scenes of m ale lam entation and b u rial w ill contrast w ith the later scenes in the book w hich are alm ost exclusively female. The solitary lam ent of C reon for his son stands in contrast to the shared grief of A rgia and A ntigone over the corpse of Polynices and the united fem ale voice in the concluding episode of the book. 12.105-227 The second episode of the tw elfth book is linked to the previous e p iso d es by th e connective interea. The events w h ic h follow are contem poraneous w ith the preceding events— the funerals of the Thebans and Creon's lam ent for M enoeceus. It is clear from the first w ord th at this passage w ill be concerned w ith them es sim ilar to previous episodes in the book— th at of lam entation (flebilis [12.105]). The contrast seem s to be b etw een the agmina Dircaea (12.5) of the opening episode an d flebilis comitatus ab Argis (12.105). H ow ever in the next line Statius m akes it clear th at this is a different kind of g ro u p -o n e com prised solely of w om en: orbae viduaeque (12.106).5 1 A t this p o in t Statius begins to em phasize fem ale characters. Earlier episodes deal w ith the various roles of w om en in w ar and society, b u t the events of book 12 (106ff.) are unique in Latin literature in the expression of w om en's voices. Therefore the interea w hich 5 1 Cf. the feminine adjectives here and the ambiguous hi, hi, illi at 12.24. 23 begins this episode underscores a contrast betw een the scenes of T heban lam entation, culm inating in Creon's isolated and exclusively m ale lam ent, and the m o u rn in g A rgive w om en. The real contrast is b etw een m ale divisiveness represented by C reon and fem ale cohesion. The A rgive w om en are characterized by tw o things— their lack of m en (orbae viduaeque[l2.l06]) and their shared pain (sua volnera cuique, par habitus cuncti [12.107-8]). The w om en are com pared to captives (ceu capta manus [12.107]). This is an allusion to the trad itio n al role of w om en as p a rt of the spoils of w ar. There is also a strong tragic elem ent in the description of the A rgives as captive w om en. The A rgives becom e the tragic chorus of the Thebaid.52 Statius focuses and centers on the fem ale 5 3 p e rsp ec tiv e especially th ro u g h th e ir d irec t speech. A lth o u g h lam entation is a regular form of fem ale speech in epic, Statius brings it to the forefront, rath er th an m argin alizing it.54 S tatius em phasizes the w om en's appearance, w hich is typical for lam entation— loosed hair, tied up clothing, scratched faces, and bruised arm s (12.108-110).55 The term 5 2 Cf. Cassandra in Aeschylus’ and Seneca’ s Agamemnon and tragedies with a chorus of captured women (Eur. Phoenissae, Sen. Troades and Agamemnon). Seneca's Phoenissae (also called Thebais) lacks a chorus. See Frank (1995), 8ff., for a discussion of the evidence for a chorus in Seneca's Phoenissae. 5 3 Nugent (forthcoming), 4: "Among the human protagonists of the work, figures like Argia, Atalanta, Jocasta, and Antigone are not only represented as strong, capable agents; they are also allotted far more direct discourse than their female counterparts in earlier epic. In the Aeneid human (i.e., non-divine) females speak approximately 388 lines of direct discourse; in Lucan's Fharsalia. they speak approximaely 266 lines (and this includes liminally human figures like the ghost of Julia, the Pythia, and the witch Erictho). In the Thebaid. Hypsipyle's narration alone occupies approximately 450 lines, and including the speeches of other women nearly doubles that figure." 5 4 Ibid., 4: "For the most part, however, such lamentation exists in Homer or Vergil mainly as an allusion, an unvoiced background to the action of the male protagonists, which occupies center stage. In the Aeneid. for example, the speech of mourning mothers occupies a total of 20 lines of direct discourse. But the Thebaid. rather than merely alluding to the mourning of bereaved mothers, directly transcribes it." 5 5 Cf. Cat. 64.349-352, Virgil Aen. 9.437, Sen .Troades 63, 87, Lucan BC 2.335-6. 24 molles (110) for their arm s further underscores the fem inine n atu re of the band. The A rgive w om en are first introduced as a group, unified by their expressions of grief (nigrae catervae [12.111]). A t 111 Statius begins a catalogue of individual A rgive w om en— the six w om en correspond to six (of the seven) w arriors w ho have died at Thebes.56 A rgia, as leader, regina (12.111]), gets the fullest description. Statius' use of regina m ay be ironic, for A rgia is a queen w ithout a rex and w ith o u t a regnum. The failure of Polynices' m ission to Thebes m eans th at she w ill n ev er be queen of Thebes. A drastus does not die in the conflict; therefore, she is not queen of A rgos either. The title certain ly connects A rgia to V irgil's 58 presentation of Dido. The characterization of A rgia increases her stature th ro u g h this passage, especially in com parison to th at of previous epic heroines; she m ay even reach A ndrom ache in Iliad 6 at 12.113-15.59 A rgia's sister D eipyle follow s and brings w ith her the w om en of C alydon, the countryw om en of her h u sb an d Tydeus. These w om en are allies: Lernaeo Calydonidas agmine mixtas (12.117). The use of agmen again here em phasizes the difference of this group w ith the other agmina of the poem . This "arm y" is m ade u p of w om en seeking to enact their fam ily 5 6 Argia (Polynices), Deipyle (Tydeus), Neacle (Hippomedon), Eriphyle (Amphiareus), Atalanta (Parthenopaeus), and Evadne (Capaneus). 5 7 Adrastus' wife is never named. She may only appear in the poem once at the wedding of Argia and Polynices at 2.227: casta matrem cinxere corona/Argolides. The textual problem of m atrem for matrum (see Hill [1983], loc. cit.) may erase her from the text altogether. However, parentes at 2.235 indicates both mother and father are present. 5 8 Virgil dramatically signals Dido's important role in Aeneid 4 by beginning the book and each major section of the book at regina... (A en. 4.1). 5 9 Cf. Argia's sole concern for husband (non regia cordi/non pater: una fides, unum Polynicis am ati/ nomen in ore sedet [12.113-5]) with Andromache’ s speech to Hektor Iliad 6.429ff.: c /Ekxop, axotp au pot eaai rcatfip k c c i rcoxvia pfjxrip/ r]5e KocoTyviyroq, cfb Sc poi 0cAepb<; jiapaKovny;. d u ty by burying the dead.60 The figures of the dead are each recalled by the presence of the w om an w ho m ourns him . Statius uses the description of D eipyle to refer again to the crim es of T ydeus (12.118). H ippom edon and C apaneus are also represented by their w ives N eacle (12.121-123) and E vadne (12.126-128). C apaneus' hubris is recalled in his w ife's anger at heaven (12.128). A talanta is also p resen t m o u rn in g for P arth en o p aeu s (12.124-127). The w om en m o u rn their m ale relatives regardless of their actions in the T heban w ar. T herefore, D eipyle's grief is as real and legitim ate as A talanta's. The piety of the w om en outw eighs the crim es of the m en. These w om en are the preservers of the fam ilial bonds th at their m ale counterparts have dissolved— serf cuncta iacenti/ infelix ignoscit amor (120-1). E riphyle, the w ife of A m phiareus, stan d s a p a rt, p o rtra y e d negatively w ith respect to her h u sband— impia (123). She is the one guilty of crim e, bribed by the necklace of H arm onia, b u t she cannot tain t the m em ory of A m phiareus, w ho died nobly in battle. The catalogue of w om en is a fem ale com plem ent to the catalogue of the Seven against Thebes in book 4 (4.32-309),6 1 b u t m ay also recall other catalogues of w om en in the epic trad itio n — the Ehoiae an d Odyssey 11. O nly fragm ents of H esiod's catalogue rem ain, the Ehoiae, in the end of the Theogony an d the beginning of the A spis. It m ay be a rg u e d th at the w om en of the catalogue are characterized as w ives and m others, defined by their relationships to m en. O dyssey 11 contains a catalogue of the spirits of w om en O dysseus encounters in the u n d erw o rld . H ere again, 6 0 Cf. Vessey (1973), 131: "Grief has brought them a terrible unity of purpose." 6 1 For an analysis of the catalogue in book 4 and its antecedents see Kytzler (1969), 219- 3°. 6 2 The opening of the Aspis reads: ..” H otT| npoXiouaa Sopouq Koa TtaxpiSa ydaav/ pA/uGev £ < ; 0ri(3a(; |_ i£ T aprpov'AppupuowoCAXKjxnvri, Guyaxrip A.aoaaooCH^eKxp'ooovoq. w om en are defined by their relationships w ith m en, positive or negative. It sh o u ld be n o ted th at E riphyle is listed as a negative exam ple for w om en.63 The w om en in Odyssey 11 represent archetypal "good" and "bad" w om en, based on their relationship w ith their h u sbands and sons, as in H esiod. The passage is fram ed by A gam em non's indictm ent of his faithless w ife C lytem nestra and the positive exam ple of the good Q ueen Arete. Statius does som ething different in his catalogue by m oving aw ay from categorizing the w om en as "good" or "bad", and by concentrating on th eir role in m o u rn in g th eir h u sb an d s. The process of lam en tatio n d isregard s w h eth er the one being m o u rn ed is "good" (A m phiareus) or "bad" (Tydeus) or the one m ourning is "good" (Argia) or "bad" (Eriphyle)— it is an act of piety w hich redeem s everyone. The w om en are unified, n o t only on the h u m an level, b u t in the divine sphere as well. The universality of grief for w om en is expressed th ro u g h the presence of various goddesses. The A rgives are w atched from above by H ecate, Ino, D em eter, Juno, and Iris (12.129-140). These goddesses are appropriate patronesses because of their associations w ith death, m otherhood, and m arriage. There is also a kind of sym pathy from the divine level to the h u m an th at is generally lacking in the Thebaid.64 The go d d esses rep resen t d ifferen t aspects of fem ale characteristics. H ecate especially is associated w ith fem ale pow er and m agic against m ale abuses.65 H ecate is also strongly associated w ith D iana,66 w h o is not 6 3 Od. 11.326-7. 6 4 For the role of the gods and their attitudes towards human events, see Dominik (1994a) and Feeney (1991). 6 5 Cf. Euripides Medea 394ff. Hecate is attributed with powers rivaling Zeus in Hesiod's Theogony 411ff. but does not seem to be particularly associated with women. 6 6 See, for example, her appearance in Seneca's Phaedra 412. See also Boyle (1987), 163-4: "Hecate was a primitive goddess, associated with the moon (Luna), Diana and the 27 rep resen ted in this passage, b u t h as d em o n strated h er sy m p ath y for / T '7 A talanta in book 9. The presence of Ino as the genetrix Thebana (12.131) underscores the universality of the situation for w om en. H er association w ith Thebes does n o t prev en t her from m ou rn in g w ith the A rgives, in fact her role as a m o th er u n ites them to her. H ere the T hebans and A rgives are w orking together and are n o t at w ar. The cooperation of A rgives and Thebans in this scene looks ahead to the relationship of Argia and A ntigone. D em eter is also relevant to the situation because of her ow n loss (quamvis sibi luget [12.132]). She is n o t iso lated in h er lam entation, b u t shares in the m isfortune of others. The identification w ith an d sym pathy for other w om en in this passage exceeds anything elsew here in Latin epic. Juno's appearance has several resonances. She w ill ap p ear three tim es in this book as a p atro n to the A rgives. H ow ever, her relationship w ith the A rgive w om en recalls a m ore violent episode in the poem . In book 10, Juno responds to the A rgives' prayers by sending Som nus to the Thebans enabling the A rgives to com m it great slaughter. Juno's role, and the role of m ost of the other O lym pians, is am biguous in the poem . D om inik says th at Ju n o ’ s role in book 12 "attest[s] to the vagaries and 68 arbitrariness of divine su p p o rt for h u m an causes." Statius uses Juno's epithet Saturnia w hich recalls her m ore destructive role in the Aeneid.69 Juno is also called Saturnia by Statius in book 10 (10.162), w hich is her underworld, thus possessing heavenly, earthly and chthonic powers. Hence ’ triformed’. She is generally identified with Diana and is particularly associated with witchcraft." 6 7 Theb. 9.637ff. 6 8 Dominik (1994a), 49. 6 9 For example, Juno is called Saturnia at 1.23 where she is associated with anger; 4.92 when she plots with Venus concerning Dido; 7.428 and 7.572 she is connected to the fury Allecto. See Johnson (1976), 123ff., for Juno's role in the final book of the Aeneid. 28 m ost violent appearance in the poem . The appearance of Juno in Thebaid 12 is follow ed by Iris. The com bination of Juno and Iris m ay recall Aeneid 70 4 in w hich Juno acts in her ow n interests at the expense of m ortals. The lack of com passion am ong the goddesses for their h u m an p aw n s in the 7 1 Aeneid m akes the harm ony of the fem ale m ortals and goddesses m ore striking in the Thebaid. The description of Iris at 12.137ff., w ho is bid d en to preserve the bodies of the A rgives until the w om en reach Thebes, links her to her appearance in Aeneid 4 b y her care of dead bodies (it is she w ho cuts the sacrificial lock of h a ir from D ido). This concern to preserve corpses also looks back to the final book of the Iliad. H erm es tells Priam th at H ector's corpse is p reserved by the gods an d that th e atrocities of A chilles have no effect on the b o d y (Iliad 24.410ff). The fear an d uncertainty Priam faces in approaching Achilles for the b o d y of his son is sim ilar to the u n know n dangers the A rgive w om en face at Thebes. The association of the A rgive w om en w ith the figure of P riam in th e Iliad elevates them to heroic figures. The appearance of the goddesses also has the effect of validating the m ission of the A rgive w om en. Juno protects the w om en so th at the glory of the huge undertaking not be lost: ne pereatque ingentis gloria coepti (12.136). The m ission of the A rgive w om en contrasts strongly w ith that of their m ale counterparts. There are several indications that the w ar against Thebes is not fully sanctioned by the gods or m en, b u t is a p u n ish m en t sent on Thebes by Jupiter to atone for p ast crim es (1.259). The om ens 7 0 Cf. Juno and Venus' manipulation of Dido by having her fall in love with Aeneas. Juno feels compassion for Dido, but cannot (or does not) prevent her sacrifice. 7 1 This does not include family relationships such as Venus and Aeneas and Juturna and Turnus. read by A m phiaraus in book 3, the unw illingness of the T heban soldiers in book 4 (4.345f) and Bacchus' delaying techniques at N em ea in books 4 and 5, all dem onstrate a hesitation tow ards this w ar. The w om en, on the other hand, are m oved by a great sense of urgency. A t 141 a m essenger su d d e n ly ap p ro ach es the A rgive w o m en — again, d em o n stratin g the influence of trag ed y on this section. Statius delays nam ing the m essenger so that the description is deceptive. Statius says th a t the m essenger ap p ears s q u a lid u s ecce genas. In th e last appearance of O edipus in book 11 he is described: steteruntque tementes/ 7 2 ceu visu squalore genae (11.673-4). The read er m ay expect to see the exiled O edipus at this point. The m essenger is characterized by his inani vulnere (12.141). A problem arises in the m eaning of inane. A lthough it m ay be used of a w o u n d , m eaning gaping, there is also a sense of em ptiness. This em ptiness is strongly associated w ith O edipus' gouged eyes.74 Statius relieves the suspense by nam ing the m essenger O rnytus. This nam ing is im portant— the nam e contains w ithin it sounds of loss and 7 5 lam entation. O rnytus is presented as weak: timido secreta per avia furto/ debile carpit iter fractaeque innititur hastae (12.143-144). H is role looks forw ard to M enoetes w ho is also characterized as w eaker th an A rgia on the journey to Thebes. The gender reversal in the passage is continued 7 6 throughout the final book. 7 2 There are textual problems with this line, Hill reads: steteruntque trementes/ ceu visu praesente genae. 7 3 OLD 2b, cf. Ov. Fast 2.849, Sen. HerF 978. 7 4 Cf. Theb. 1.55,10.697. 7 5 Or<orbus, cf. orbae (12.106); Oedipus is orbum visu (1.74); Ornytus is a speaker in the first Eclogue of Calpurnius Siculus. It is he who announces the advent of the emperor Nero. 7 6 There is perhaps a recollection of Lucretia in Ovid's Fasti through the use of inane vulnus (Fast. 2.849). Lucretia becomes like a man in Ovid (iam satis est virtus dissimulata 30 The w o rd agmina receives a great deal of p lay in this passage. O rnytus is separated from his fellow soldiers (desertus ab agmine [12.142]), the rest presum ably being dead. The A rgive w om en appear to him as a new agmen {quae iam super agmina Lernae/ sola videt [12.146-147). This also echoes the d escrip tio n of the T hebans as agmina Dircaea (12.5). The A rgive w om en w ith the C alydonian w om en are also described as p a rt of an agmen (12.117). In book 12 Statius introduces a different kind of agmen from the m ilitary troops earlier in the poem . These agmina are m ade u p of everyone except the soldiers. The Dircaea agmina at Thebes m ust be m ade up of those w ho did not fight in the battle— old m en, w om en and children. In this passage the agmen is clearly female. Statius has replaced the agmina of the previous p a rt of the poem w ith a new kind of g ro u p — not to w age 77 w ar, b u t to deal w ith its effects. O rnytus' role is prim arily th at of a m essenger. This m essenger speech is like the speech given in Thebes by M aeon after th e attack on Tydeus. Both of these m essengers are survivors of a great battle: restab at acerbis funeribus socioque gregi non sponte superstes H aem onides. {Theb. 2.690-2) There rem ained alive an unw illing survivor of the cruel deaths out of the allied flock — the son of H aem on. diu [2.844]; fertur in exequias animi matrona virilis [2.847]). This certainly has resonance for Argia who will also take on male characteristics. Ornytus' weakness allows a gap that Argia must fill with her own strength. Ovid tells the story of Lucretia to illustrate the last day of kingship in Rome. Lucretia’ s "manly virtue" resulted in the end of tyranny. Argia will also threaten the power structure at Thebes. 7 7 In the twelfth century French adaptation of the Thebaid, Le Roman de Thebes, the Argive women actually join Theseus' army and fight at Thebes (10,070ff.). 31 and squalidus ecce genas et inani vulnere pallens O rnytus— hie socio desertus ab agmine. (Theb. 12.141-3) B ehold O rn y tu s d efaced a n d p ale w ith a gaping w o u n d , he h ad been deserted by his allied troop. T hese m essen g ers re p o rt an d com m ent on th e situ atio n at Thebes. A lthough M aeon is a Theban, his speech to Eteocles serves to indict the king for the am bush and its failure. H e says: bellum infandum om inibusque negatam m ovisti, funeste, aciem. (Theb. 3.71-2) You , w retch, have set in m otion an u nholy arm y, denied by om ens. M aeon’s suicide is also an eloquent com m ent on the statu s of p o w er at 78 Thebes. O rnytus com m ents on Creon as a ruler: bello cogendus et arm is in m ores hom inem que Creon. (Theb. 12.165-6) C reon m u st be forced by w ar and arm s into m orality and hum anity. 7 8 Cf. Ahl (1986), 2831: "Maeon is less willing to bear the yoke of imposed leadership than is the anonymous critic in 1, yet he is praised by Statius, whereas the critic is censured. Further, Statius lauds Maeon for reviling kings, reges, not just a king. He seems to be approving a general principle, rather than just a specific action." See also McGuire (1990), 28-33, and Dominik (1990), 86-7, for the implications of Maeon's suicide in the contemporary Roman imperial court. 32 O rnytus gives the first indication to the A rgives of the situation at Thebes- 79 -the ru lers have changed, b u t not th e n a tu re of the rule. O rn y tu s' account of C reon includes a repetition of his ban on burial: solis avibusque ferisque/ ire licet (12.153-4). The im plied presence of C reon on the field is sim ilar to Lucan's presentation of C aesar in Bellum Civile 7 w atching over O ft the battlefield after Pharsalus. C reon is clearly a dictator at Thebes. O rnytus suggests that the w om en go to A thens to seek the help of Theseus against C reon. O rnytus uses the epithet Cecropiam for A thens (12.163). There m ay be a sense of potential danger to the A rgive w om en in Statius' use of the term Cecropian. The m ythical backdrop of the story of the p u n ish m en t of the king's d au g h ters is om inous for the A rgive 8 1 w om en w ho seek A thens' aid. Statius m ay not only be recalling the story of Cecrops, b u t also the use of the adjective in the literary tradition. Seneca uses the term at the opening of the Phaedra in w hich H ippolytus 8 2 sets the scene of the A thenian countryside. The description of n atu re in the opening passage foreshadow s the destructive force of n a tu re in the 83 play. Statius uses a phrase in the Silvae sim ilar to th at in the Thebaid. In the Silvae Statius is referring to the friendship of T heseus an d P irithous w hich also has disastrous consequences for A thens— it is Theseus' absence from A thens in order to help Pirithous abduct Persephone w hich leads to 7 9 See Dominik (1990) for the nature of tyranny in Thebes in the Thebaid. 8 0 Ornytus' description of Creon is similar to the appearance of Caesar in Bellum Civile 7 who watches the animals and birds as they devour corpses on the battlefield of Pharsalia (7.825f). 8 1 Cf. M et. 2.555 8 2 Sen. Phaed. 2: summa cjue montis iuga Cecropii. 8 3 Cf. Theb. 12.163-5 Cecropiam...opem and Silvae 2.6.55 Cecropiamque fidem. 33 P haedra's desire for H ippolytus.8 4 O rnytus also describes T heseus as the triu m p h an t general retu rn in g from the defeat of the A m azons (12.163-4). T heseus is described as laetum (12.164), w hich reflects his a ttitu d e in victory. Statius' characterization of T heseus is am biguous later in the book, particularly in his relations w ith w om en. This passage foreshadow s th e p ro b lem s w h ich w ill arise in th e ch aracter of T heseus a n d h is relationship w ith the A m azons, particularly H ippolyte. The p o ten tial for d isu n ity am ong the w om en is a p p aren t in the w o rd discors (12.173). The w o rd is used earlier in the poem , especially in connection w ith the opinions of the Thebans on the prospect of fighting b etw een Polynices an d Eteocles (10.581,11.100). The brothers are unable to resolve the situation w ith o u t violence. The w om en debate their course of action, w hich connects th e w om en w ith th eir m ale c o u n terp arts in A rgos. The decision w h eth er to continue to Thebes or go to A thens is sim ilar to th e decision faced b y the A rgive m en w h eth er or n o t to go to w a r a g a in st T hebes. In book 3 (349ff) T y d eu s re tu rn s from h is unsuccessful envoy to Thebes and Eteocles. The rem ainder of the book is taken u p w ith the debate am ong the m en. R esolution to go to w ar com es from A drastus, reacting to the influence of his d au g h ter A rgia (3.678ff.). A rgia again is responsible for the decision of the A rgive w om en. A t 177 A rgia h as an ex trao rd in ary m etam orphosis. She seem s psychologically to becom e a m an: hie non fem ineae subitum virtutis am orem colligit A rgia, sexuque im m ane relicto tractat opus. (Theb. 12.177-9) 84 Sen. Phaed. 243. 34 H ere A rgia contracts a su d d e n p assio n for unfem inine m anliness an d u n d ertak es a hu g e task, having left behind her gender. Statius is clearly playing w ith the concept of virtus in this passage. Virtus b y definition is "unfem inine", b u t Statius is offering a m odel for fem inine v irtu e in A rgia. The subitum is also a defining characteristic of h er new "heroism " in th e tw elfth book. A rgia, like T heseus, is defined by h er quickness of action. T hroughout her appearances in the Thebaid Statius holds A rgia u p to the m odels of various epic w om en. W hen A rgia is in tro d u c ed in book 1 she a p p ea rs like D iana: pharetrataeque ora Dianae (1.535). D ido's in tro d u ctio n in th e Aeneid is in sim ilar term s: ilia pharetram/ fert umero gradiensque deas supereminet omnis...talis erat Dido (A en . 1.500-503). A rgia an d h er sister b lu sh at the introduction to th eir future husbands: pariter pallorque ruborque/purpureas hausere genas (1.537). A rgia is here connected n o t to D ido, b u t to L avinia (Aen. 12.65-69). There are other connections to Lavinia in the situations she an d A rgia face as the daughters of kings. A eneas com es to L atium an d is an n o u n ced by a series of signs w hich indicate to L atinus th at A eneas is m eant to be his son-in-law (Aen. 7.58ff.). Polynices also com es as an exile to A rgos. A d rastu s recognizes Polynices and T ydeus as his fu tu re sons-in-law based on the signs they b ear on their shields (1.490- 497). But the m odels of D ido and Lavinia, alth o u g h im p o rtan t for the presentation of A rgia, w ill not be sufficient for her role in Thebaid 12. A rgia's relationship to h er h u sb an d is depicted in ten d er term s u n u su a l in epic. In book 2 A rgia and Polynices are show n in bed w hile 35 A rgia sym pathizes w ith her h u sb an d (2.332ff.). This extrem ely personal m o m en t can be com pared to a scene in L ucan's Bellum Civile w here C ornelia an d Pom pey discuss the fu tu re w hile in bed (BC 5.734ff.). But w h ereas P om pey is relu ctan t to go to w a r because of C ornelia, A rgia v ig o ro u sly su p p o rts h e r h u sb a n d 's q u e st for th e T h eb an c ro w n .85 L ucan's w ork contains several sym pathetic portrayals of the good, R om an w ife— th e y are c h aracterized b y th eir h u sb a n d s or su p p le m e n t th e characterization of the m en w ith w hom they are involved.86 A rgia is also p o rtray ed as a good "Roman" wife. In books 2 and 3 she takes an active p a rt in h er h usband's career by speaking on his behalf to h e r father. It is A rgia's speech to A drastus th at convinces him to su p p o rt Polynices in an attack on Thebes. In book 12 A rgia benefits her h u sband b y seeing to his 87 burial, and because she acts in his interests she is m ade heroic. In book 12 A rgia breaks aw ay from all fem ale epic a n d tragic m odels, going beyond even a M edea or an Am azon: quo R hodopes non ulla n u ru s nec alum na nivosi Phasidis innuptis vallata cohortibus iret. (Theb. 12.181-2) She goes w here no other R hodopian d aughter- in-law nor nursling of snow y Phasis fortified b y her unm arried cohorts w ould go. 8 5 Cf. BC 5.739ff. and Theb. 2.334ff. 86 Marcia's appearance as the bride in mourning supplements the image of Cato as bridegroom of his country; Cornelia holds Pompey back from war, which leads to his portrayal as unwilling leader. 87 The laus Turiae is a historical example of the praise a woman received for her duty to her husband. 36 H aving gone beyond her fem ale epic counterparts b y leaving h er gender behind, A rgia takes on characteristics of m ale epic heroes. She devises a plan th ro u g h trickery (tunc movet arte dolum ) w hich m ay connect h er to O dysseus, b u t m ost of all, here she resem bles A eneas, m oved by pietas (12.186). She is beset by visions of her hu sb an d , w hich urge h er on to her goal: sed nulla anim o versatur im ago crebrior, A onii quam quae de sanguine cam pi n u d a venit poscitque rogos. (Theb. 12.191-3) N o other im age m ore often tu rn s in h er m ind th a n th a t w h ich com es strip p e d from the slaughter of the A onian field an d d em an d s a funeral pyre. This scene parallels the scene before the com bat of Eteocles and Polynices 8 8 in w hich Polynices has a vision of A rgia in m ourning. The visions are sim ilar to the ap p earan ces of H ector an d C reusa in A eneid 2, w hich m otivate A eneas to leave Troy. H ow ever, Statius, by taking the reader into A rgia's m ind uses the visions som ew hat differently th an Virgil, w ho depicts these figures as actually appearing before Aeneas. P erhaps Statius is m ore closely follow ing Lucan's use of visions. Lucan has Julia ap p ear to P om pey in a dream (BC 3.9ff) in order to w arn him . In the Thebaid these visions are internal to the character, focusing the reader on the thoughts of 89 the characters and their m otivation by going into their m ind. 8 8 Theb. 11.142f. 8 9 Vessey (1986), 3004, considers this passage an extreme example of Statius' mannerism. 37 A rgia tells th e A rgive w o m en to h ead to A th en s, w h ile she approaches Thebes. She invokes her right to go to Thebes as a m em ber of the royal fam ily (12.200-203). H er deception lies in the fact th at she does not tell the A rgive w om en her plans to bu ry Polynices against the edict of Creon. It is not clear if she is protecting them or taking glory for herself.90 Argia chooses M enoetes to travel w ith her. M enoetes is the counterpart to O rn y tu s, i. e. a w eak, ineffectual m ale. H e is d escribed as once the g u ard ian of h er m aidenhood and m odesty.91 This role is su perfluous now th at A rgia is a wife. H er "transform ation" into a m ale figure also precludes the necessity of a guardian. H is role also recalls A rgia's first appearance in the poem in the care of her nurse: n ataru m haec altrix eadem et fidissim a custos lecta sacrum iustae V eneri occultare pudorem . (Theb. 1.530-31) This w as the sam e nurse of his d au g h ters and m o st faith fu l g u a rd ia n chosen to h id e th eir m odesty m ade sacred for law ful m arriage. M enoetes is filling the fem inine role as a nurse, allow ing A rgia to take a m asculine position. The effect of the pairing of a vital young w om an and an o ld er w eak m ale evokes A ntig o n e's relatio n sh ip w ith h e r fath er O edipus at the end of Thebaid 11. In creating a sim ilar situation for A rgia and A ntigone, Statius begins to bring these characters together. 9 0 Cf. Nisus and Euryalus in Aeneid 9, esp. 194-5: m m mihi facti/fama sat est. 9 1 Cf. Vessey (1973), 132, n. 1: "The presence of Menoetes preserves Argia from any appearance of immodesty: we may compare the roles of Phorbas in book 7 and Actor in book 11, who attend Antigone." W hen she is separated from her com rades A rgia reveals h er tru e intentions to the reader th ro u g h an apostrophe. In his analysis of this speech D om inik says "The love and devotion th at A rgia show s for her 92 h u sb a n d in this apo stro p h e highlights her noble a n d p io u s nature." D om inik u n d erp lay s A rgia's tru ly heroic role in this p a rt of the poem . A rgia begins her journey to Thebes w ith single-m inded determ ination: nil corde nec aure pavescens, et nim iis confisa m alis propiorque tim eri. (Theb. 12.222-3) F earing n o th in g she feels or h ears, she is confident in her very great m isfortunes, she is som ething m ore likely to be feared (than to feel fear). H er concentration is p a rt of her resolve for action, again m ark in g the quick pace of the final book. This breaks the com parison w ith A eneas, w ho is notable for n o t rem aining focused on his journey from Troy to Italy. The final im age of A rgia in the passage com pares her to a devotee of Cybele (12.224ff). As a w om an w ho has broken the bonds of h er sex and takes on m ale characteristics, she becom es, in a sense, a m an w ith o u t m ale genitalia— like th e Galli, th e castrated follow ers of C ybele. The association w ith the G alli w o u ld n o t be a positive im age for a m ale character, b u t Statius is using it of a fem ale and therefore o verturning its m eaning. The second episode of Thebaid 12 (105-227) deals w ith issues w hich w ill preoccupy the rem ainder of the book. Statius introduces the contrast 9 2 Dominik (1994b), 177. 39 betw een th e m ale lam entation at Thebes an d the unified w om en from Argos. Scenes of the shared experience of grief and loss am ong w om en recur in the A rgive w o m en 's em bassy to A thens, the cap tu re of the A m azons, the m eeting of A rgia and A ntigone on the battlefield at Thebes, and the final group lam ent of the w om en at Thebes. 12.228-463 The central episode of Thebaid 12 involves A rgia's night journey to T hebes, h er search for the corpse of Polynices, an d his b urial. This passage is structurally central in the book as w ell as them atically linked to the preceding and follow ing events. This p a rt of the book is concerned w ith the experience of loss, lam entation, an d burial. The episode can be b ro k en into tw o p a rts — A rgia's jo u rn ey to T hebes an d th e b u ria l of Polynices. These scenes are separated by the intervention of Juno. A rgia's journey b u ild s u p her heroic statu re in this book by connecting h er to other figures in this poem and other epics. The journey m otif also has im portant narrative im plications. A rgia's journey takes place after the su n has set (228-9). The setting su n is a reverse of the rising daw n at the opening of the book. The light at the opening of the book served to illum inate the scene, b u t in this passage the presence of the sun could reveal too m uch. The sun itself has tu rn ed 93 aw ay from the violence at M ycenae in order to avoid w itnessing crim es. The darkness w hich covers A rgia's journey protects h er from detection. Statius' language in this passage em phasizes the d arkness an d A rgia's 9 3 Cf. Theb. 1.325: caligantes abrupto sole Mycenas and Theb. 12.231: caligantibus arvis. 40 inability to see: cum tamen ilia gravem luctu fallente laborem/ nescit abisse diem (230-231); sereno nigra die (233-234); caecisque incisa novalia fossis (234). The night, darkness, an d th e carelessness of sleep create a d an g ero u s situation. 94 In the epic tradition, nig h t provides cover for a great num ber of violent episodes. In the Aeneid the G reeks sack Troy at night.95 The attack of N isus an d E uryalus on the R utulian cam p takes place after dark.96 In the Thebaid night tim e covers the attack of the A rgives on the sleeping Thebans (10.208ff). The attack of H opleus and D ym as takes place just before the daybreak— w h en it is darkest: quarta soporiferae superabant tem pora nocti, cum vacuae nubes et honor non om nibus astris, adflatusque fugit curru m aiore Bootes. (Theb. 10.326-8) The fo u rth p a rt of th e sleep -b earin g n ig h t rem ain ed , w h e n the clo u d s are em p ty an d there is honor for only a few stars, and Bootes flees before the breath from a greater chariot. There is a potential threat in the darkness and the false security of sleep. T here m ay also be a recollection of L ucan in the n ig h t journey of Argia. This w hole passage contains m any references to books 6 and 7 of the Bellum Civile. H ere A rgia sets out like Sextus P om pey, w h o also journeys at night to m eet Erictho: 9 4 Vessey (1973), 132: "This section of the twelfth book is dominated by the conflict of light and darkness, of love and tyrrany, of pietas and cruelty. Like Polynices in book 1, Argia travels in the gloom of night (228ff.) and when she reaches Thebes it is sunk in 'nigrantes tenebras' (254)." 9 5 vertitu r interea caelum et ruit Oceano nox/ involens umbra magna terramque polum que/ M yrmidonumque dolos {Aen. 2.250-253) 9 6 egressi superant fossas noctisque per um bram / castra inimica petunt, m ultis tamen ante fu turi/exitio {Aen. 9.314-316) 41 alta nocte poli, Titan m edium quo tem pore ducit sub nostra tellure diem , deserta per arva carp it iter. (BC 6.569-72) W hen the n ig h t w as high at th e pole, at the tim e w h en T itan h o ld s m id d a y u n d e r th e earth, he picks o u t his w ay th rough the em pty fields. O ther allusions to Bellum Civile 6 in this passage w ill connect A rgia w ith the Erictho figure. The darkness of the n ight is m irrored in the darkness and sense of 97 loss in A rgia's m ind. H er w akefulness du rin g the night is an exam ple of her distraction— she is alm ost o u t of h er m ind w ith grief. H er m ental anguish m ay connect her to other epic fem ales. D ido sp en d s a sleepless 98 night w h en she is to rm en ted by th o u g h ts of A eneas. M edea is k ept aw ake an d distracted by her th o u g h ts of Ja so n ." This distraction also m anifests itself in A rgia's w an d erin g th ro u g h the w ilds (quotiens amissus eunti/ limes [240-241]). W hen Dido hears the rum ors of A eneas' d ep artu re she ru n s th ro u g h the city like a M aen ad .100 The possession of A m ata by Allecto in Aeneid 7 also m anifests itself in her roam ing like a B acchant.1 0 1 9 7 See Vessey (1986) 3003-7, for his discussion of Argia’ s journey as mannerism in the over specification of details. 9 8 Cf. Aeneid 4.522ff esp.: at non infelix animi Phoenissa, neque um quam / solvitur in somnos oculisve aut pectore noctem/accipit (Aen. 4.529-531). 9 9 dixerat haec stratoque graves proiecerat artu s,/ si veniat miserata quies, cum saevior ipse/ turbat agitque sapor (Valerius Flaccus Argonautica 7.141) 1 0 0 saevit inops animi totamque incensa per urbem/ bacchatur, qualis commotis excita sacris/ Thyias, ubi audito stim ulant trieterica Baccho/ orgia nocturnusque vocat clamore Citheraeron (Aen. 4300-303). 1 0 1 quin etiam in silvas simulato numine Bacchi/ maius adorta nefas maioremque orsa furorem / evolat et natam frondosis montibus abdit, (Aen. 7.385-387). A rgia's w an d erin g is also connected to the actions of a Bacchant by the proxim ity of Mt. C ithaeron (iamque supinantur fessis lateque fatiscunt/ Penthei devexa iugi [243-44]). The figure of P entheus recalls im ages of his dism em berm ent by his m other and aunt. A rgia reverses the role of a Bacchant by m oving from the n atu ral w orld tow ards the city— Bacchants ru sh out of the city. A nd rather th an seeking to destroy a body, she strives to preserve h er h u sb an d 's corpse. A rgia is m oved b y animi a n d luctus (12.237), not furor.102 The Bacchant im agery is appropriate for this passage because of its m ythological associations w ith the tran sg ressio n of b o u n d aries. The m yths of M aenads deal w ith the danger of w om en outside of the city and 103 in the w ild. Statius em phasizes the w ildness of the n a tu ra l landscape through descriptions of the darkness, pathless w ilds, threatening boughs, and especially the haunts of beasts (12.232ff). The m ovem ent betw een city and co u n try also involves issues of n a tu re an d cu ltu re, an d m ale and fem ale. V alerius Flaccus represents the force of the b o u n d a ry betw een inner an d outer in M edea's desire to follow Jason outside, b u t she w ants the threshold to expand so th at she w ill n o t have to leave the h o u se .104 W hen she m akes the decision to leave her father's house an d m eet Jason in a grove, M edea's fear of the o u tsid e is v iv id ly described by V alerius Flaccus.105 P haedra in Seneca's Phaedra is also d raw n to the outside.106 1 0 2 Furor moves the frenzied matrona, who is described like a Bacchant in Lucan's BC 1.673ff. esp. 695: et lasso iacuit deserta furore. 1 0 3 Cf. Pentheus: ¥k8t|p, o c ; tov pev xfja8lT exuy^ocvov kA /u c o 8e veoxpoc xf|vS ava tdt6A.iv kcxkoc,/ yuvdiKcxq i|piv SajpaT5 £KA,£A,oi7i£vou/ 7iA,aox(xiai pctKxeiouaiv, tv 5e 5aaidoi^/ ^jpecri Ooa^eiv, xov vecoaxi 8a{povoc/ Aiovuaov, Baxiq’ eaxi, xipcoaac, % opoi<; (Euripides Bacchae 215-220). 1 0 4 ilia domum atque ipsos paulum procedere posies/ optat, at ardentes tenet intra limina gressus (Argonautica 7.109-110). 1 0 5 haud aliter caecae per moenia deficit urbis/ incedens horretque domos Medea silentes./ hie 107 The results for b o th M edea an d P h aed ra are d isastrous. A rgia's journey reverses those of the M aenads an d other fem ale figures. She m oves from the "outside" of the country tow ards the "insides" of the w alls of the city of Thebes. Perhaps A rgia should not be considered "female" at this po in t in the narrative because she has broken th ro u g h the lim its of her gender at 12.177-9. H er journey then not only reverses the "raving" fem ale ru sh from the city into the outside, b u t also enhances her status as a hero, m aking her com parable to m ale heroes in epic. A rgia's jo u rn ey is a co m p an io n piece to the jo u rn ey h er fu tu re husband m akes in the first book. Polynices struggles w ith his exile (1.314- 22)— he is in turm oil: spes anxia mentem extrahit et longo consumit gaudia voto (1.322-3). Statius em phasizes the darkness su rro u n d in g the exiled T heban (1.336ff; 1.345). As he m akes his w ay across the landscape a great storm rages, an o u tw ard m anifestation of his psychological state. The landscape is the external m anifestation of the psychology of the characters. The violence of the sto rm cu lm in ates in th e fight b e tw ee n T y d eu s an d 1 O S Polynices. O nly th e in te rv en tio n of A d ra stu s calm s th e ir rag in g em otions by bringing them inside to the palace: tunc m itis A drastus: im m o agite, et positis, quas nox inopinaque suasit au t virtus au t ira, m inis succedite tecto. {Theb. 1.467-469) iterum extremae nequiquam in limine portae/ su bstitit atque iterum fletu s animique soluti (Argonautica 7.380-383) 1 0 6 Quo tendis, anime? quid furens saltus am as?/fatale miserae matris agnosco malum:/peccare noster nouit in siluis amor { Sen. Phaed 112-114). 1 0 7 Hippolytus is the one destroyed by nature in the Phaedra, but Phaedra's death is closely linked to Hippolytus'. 1 0 8 See Bonds (1985) for a discussion of the fight between Tydeus and Polynices and its relationship to the battle of Polynices and Eteocles. 44 T hen m ild A d rastu s says: com e now , an d p lace a sid e th e th re a ts w h ic h n ig h t a n d unexpected virtue or anger b ro u g h t about and enter u n d er m y roof. This passage contrasts the types of behavior ap p ro p riate for inside and outside. A rgia is very sim ilar to her h u sb an d here: her journey an d her passion w ill lead to her "confrontation" w ith A ntigone, w hich brings her before C reon. She differs significantly from her husband, how ever, in her treatm ent of h er adversary. A rgia and A ntigone do not resort to m indless violence as d o Polynices an d T ydeus, b u t rath e r strive for a m u tu ally beneficial solution. Polynices' journey is repeated by T ydeus in book 2. The journey itself is psychological as w ell as physical. The dissolution of the fraternal bond b etw een Polynices and Eteocles is replaced by the relationship of Polynices an d T ydeus. The rep etitio n of the journey b in d s T ydeus to Polynices. T h ro u g h o u t the poem T ydeus is often a rep lacem en t for Polynices.109 S tatius quickly relates T ydeus' jo u rn ey to T hebes from A rgos in one line: Iam que em ensus iter silvis ac litore d u ru m (Theb. 2.375) A n d n o w he co m p leted his jo u rn ey m ad e difficult by trees and the shore. 1 0 9 When Tydeus is slain in battle and Polynices mourns him, the latter wishes that he could die as well (Theb. 9.75) 45 Statius concentrates on the journey back from Thebes after T ydeus' failed em bassy to Eteocles and the attack in the grove of the Sphinx. The journey th at T ydeus m akes th en in book 2 from T hebes to A rgos p u ts him v irtu ally in the footsteps of Polynices. The journeys of Polynices and T ydeus are rehearsals for the m ajor narrative of the poem — the m ovem ent from A rgos to Thebes of the arm y of the Seven. These journeys p ro v id e a n arrativ e m odel an d ru les for reading. The narrative, especially in book 12, alternates betw een A rgos an d Thebes. The m ain n arrativ e of the poem is the battle, w hich is p reced ed by the journey of the A rgives to Thebes. In m any w ays the first p a rt of the poem is about delay. In p articu lar, the events in N em ea and the H ypsipyle n arrativ e serve to p o stp o n e the w a r.110 But the p o em is itself about m issed opportunities to avoid violence: Scholars contend that the H ypsipyle episode is a d ig re ssio n from th e "rea l" sto ry of th e T heban w ar. In a sense, they are right. The journey to N em ea is literally a digression from the shortest route betw een A rgos an d Thebes. It is caused by Bacchus for the specific purpose of diverting the arm y from Thebes— p a rt of the divine m aneuvering as the gods aid the cities they cham pion in the forthcom ing w ar. T hat w ar is, in the final analysis, u ndertaken so tw o b ro th ers m ay fight to th e d eath , so m eth in g they could have done at the outset w ith o u t any m achinations of pow ers h u m an and divine. In short, th e w a r itself is a m ost u n n ecessary digression.11 1 1 1 0 See also Vessey (1986), 2988ff. 1 1 1 Ahl (1986), 2887. 46 The tw elfth book stan d s ap art from the first eleven because it is about action and not delay. A rgia is quick and decisive, and her journey hastens the events at Thebes. The quickness of the narrative is continued in the final book by T heseus, w ho also acts quickly. The em ergence of new heroic figures in the poem , like A rgia, is necessary for this new k in d of narrative. Statius em phasizes the strength of his heroine through the presence of a w eak m ale figure. M enoetes him self recognizes that A rgia has o u tru n him: p u d e t ire M enoeten tardius, invalidaeque gradum m iratur alum nae. ('Theb. 12.237-8) It sham es M enoetes to go slow er, he m arvels at the pace of his w eak w ard. M enoetes is so tired by the journey th at h e can barely speak for lack of breath (cum pectore anhelo/ iam prope deficiens sic incipit orsa Menoetes [244- 245]). This reversal in gender roles of the w eak and the strong is sim ilar to th e rela tio n sh ip b etw een O ed ip u s a n d A ntigone. A lth o u g h S tatius him self p o rtray s the relationship of O edipus an d A ntigone at the end of Thebaid 11, this passage in book 12 ow es m ore to Seneca’ s Phoenissae (or Thebais). The opening act of Seneca's p lay depicts O edipus and A ntigone outside of the city discussing Thebes, w hich is sim ilar to the in terp lay 112 b etw een M enoetes a n d A rgia. The p arallel rela tio n sh ip s b etw een O edipus and A ntigone, on the one hand, and A rgia and M enoetes, on the 1 1 2 For example, Oedipus does not want to return to the city saying the air itself is polluted: has ego auras ore pestifer traho? (Sen. Phoen. 220). Menoetes also complains about the taint surrounding Thebes: grave comminus aestuat aer sordidus (Theb. 12.248). other, em phasize the sim ilarities of the w om en's positio n an d therefore create sy m p ath y b etw een th e tw o w hich w ill be p la y e d o u t in th eir confrontation on the battlefield. M enoetes announces th at Thebes is near. Statius stops the action, as he does in the opening of the book, in order to focus on the description of Thebes. M enoetes' description of the city is vivid, appealing to m any of the senses. Statius again uses an alm ost cinem atic shot to engage the readers an d m ake them see th rough the eyes of his characters. M enoetes 113 claim s that he does not think that the scene is a m irage: h au d procul exacti si spes non blanda laboris, O gygias, A rgia, dom os et egena sepulcri busta iacere reor. (Theb. 12.246-8) If th e h o p e fro m lab o rs e n d u re d is n o t d eceitful, A rgia, I th in k th a t th e O g y g ian houses and the tom bless sepulchers lie not far. Ogygias em phasizes the cataclysm ic destruction the w a r has exacted on Thebes.114 M enoetes' d escrip tio n of th e "tom bless tom bs" is full of inversion and paradox. There m ay be a connection to Lucan's description of E rictho's h au n ts: desertaque busta/ incolit (BC 6.511). The E rictho passage is full of in v ersio n of th e n a tu ra l o rd er, c u lm in atin g in the reversal of life and death. Statius' description of Thebes reinforces the confusion at th a t city. The im age of th e b attlefield at T hebes has im plications for the poem as a w hole. Tom bs are physical m em orials to the dead. Statius him self in the Silvae m akes the connection b etw een 1 1 3 Menoetes' questioning of his clear vision may be another connection to Oedipus. 1 1 4 Ogygus was king of Boeotia during the first flood. 48 m onum ents w hich m em orialize the dead and the function of epic poetry to m em orialize.115 The em pty tom bs m em orialize nothing b u t the futility of w ar— perhaps w hat Statius does in the epic as a whole. The description of T hebes breaks th ro u g h the b o u n d aries of city an d country. The w alls of a city separate the inner and outer w o rld s,116 an d Thebes in p articu lar is defined by its w alls. H ow ever, confusion 117 arises w h en the line b etw een inside an d outside is b lu rred . M ilitary an d dom estic boundaries are crossed in the Thebaid. The w alls at Thebes are b ro k en by the seven gates w hich m ay allow for m ore m o v em en t i i o betw een n atu re and city. In M enoetes' description of Thebes the plain seem s to stretch out and encom pass the city: cernis, u t ingentes m u ro ru m porrigat um bras cam pus. (Theb. 12.251-2) Y ou see, h o w th e p la in ex ten d s th e h u g e shadow s of the walls. The w alls are the physical m anifestation of the boundary, serving to keep w om en in— like A ntigone, w ho previously stood on the w alls of the city to 1 1 5 Cf. Silvae 2.7.71-2. 1 1 6 Cf. the clear boundary represented by the walls of Troy in the Iliad. 1 1 7 Cf. Zeitlin (1990) on the role of Thebes in tragedy, esp. 148ff.: "Unable to incorporate outsiders into its system and locked into the priority of blood relations of the genos, Thebes endlessly shuttles between the extremes of rigid inclusions and exclusions on the one hand and radical confusions of difference on the other. Eteokles (and Pentheus), for example, are intent on not letting the women inside come outside, but fail in their attempts, and Dionysos and Polyneikes are the outsiders who press their claim to being insiders, with destructive results." 1 1 8 Georgia Nugent (forthcoming), 13: "The Thebaid, however, renders the boundary between martial and domestic worlds uniquely permeable." For example, Atys, a dying soldier, is brought into the domestic sphere from the outer battlefield. Women often intrude into the male area: for example, Jocasta leaving the gates of Thebes to enter the battlefield to plead with her son (7.470ff). 49 look o u t.119 As the city encroaches on the n atu ral landscape, the w alls expand and A ntigone is allow ed to enter onto the battlefield. A rg ia's reactio n to h e r first sig h t of T hebes is p h y sic al— she sh u d d ers (horruit). H ow ever, she reaches out her h an d s as if to p ray to the city. A rgia's p ray e r to Thebes m ay have som e relatio n sh ip to L ucan's invocation of T hessaly at the en d of Bellum Civile 7. T here is a strong connection b etw een the physical site of the battle of P harsalia an d the im plications of th at battle— the land itself takes on the guilt of those w ho fought and died there: Thessalia, infelix, quo tantum crim ine, tellus, laesisti superos, u t te tot m ortibus unam , tot scelerum fatis prem erent? (.BC 7.847-9) T hessaly, u n h a p p y lan d , by w h a t crim e d id yo u so offend the gods th at they press on y ou alone w ith so m any deaths an d w ith the fate of so m any crimes? The stain w ill n o t disappear because the land is perm eated b y the corpses w hich rot on its fields. The field hosts the spirits of the R om an dead w ho w ill p erp etu ate the guilt. A rgia too appeals to the lan d because it holds the bodies of the dead. She recognizes that the dead belong to the land on w hich they fell. A rgia asks only for a p y re for Polynices: rogos hospes planctumque et funera posco (12.261). A rgia's plea echoes th e n arrato r's voice in BC 7 w ho also asks sim ply for burial: 1 1 9 turre procul sola nondum concessa videri/ A ntigone populis teneras defenditur atraf veste genas (7.243-244). 50 petim us n on singula busta discretosque rogos: u num da gentibus ignem , n on interpositis u ran tu r corpora flam mis. (BC 7.803-5) W e seek n o t in d iv id u a l tom bs an d sep arate pyres: give one fire to the people, let n o t the bodies b u rn w ith interposed flames. W hat Lucan's narrator asks for, a shared pyre, is w hat A rgia w ill receive— she w ill b u rn h er h u sb an d 's b o d y on a pyre previously used. She calls u p o n h er h u sb a n d ’ s shade to lead her to his corpse (12.264-267). A lthough she addresses Polynices, her appeal is to the city of Thebes itself, and she does not call on C reon at all. The city holds the guilt a n d it does not m atter w ho rules. A rgia legitim ates h er claim on Thebes th ro u g h h er relationship to the ru lin g fam ily— nurus Oedipodis (260). V essey th in k s th a t th is is a m iscalculation on A rgia's part: "She calls herself the daughter-in-law of O edipus (260), as if that title w o uld soften the h ard h eart of Creon; it w as from th at ill-fated u n io n th at trag ed y h a d sp ru n g for h e r an d for b o th 120 cities." It is not clear if Vessey m eans the union of O edipus and Jocasta or Polynices and Argia. But this is p a rt of the po in t— A rgia's use of a term 1 9 1 connoting fam ily relationship em phasizes the p roblem s at Thebes. Fam ily relatio n sh ip s have b een confounded by a son w h o m arries his m other an d sires his brothers an d sisters. A rgia's direct confrontation of the problem s at Thebes and her position w ithin a confusa domus contrasts 1 2 0 Vessey (1973), 132. 1 2 1 Cf. Frank (1995), 4, in which she discusses the use of names in Seneca's Phoenissae: "The theme of the tangled relationships in the royal house of Thebes is sustained throughout Phoen. by the complete avoidance of proper names in direct address (a feature unique to Phoen.) and the abundance of terms which denote consanguinity." 122 w ith Polynices' attem p t at evasion in n am in g his fath er in A rgos. W hen A d rastu s asks Polynices ab o u t his fam ily for a second tim e, he continues to avoid claim ing O edipus as a father and nam es only Jocasta as his m other: est genetrix Iocasta mihi (1.681). A rgia's rela tio n sh ip to O edipus also brings her closer to A ntigone, w hom she w ill soon encounter in person. Before entering the p lain A rgia kindles h er to rch 123 in a pastorale tectum (267-8). The unusual term pastorale placed in a position of em phasis at the beginning of the line m ay echo the use of the w o rd in Aeneid 7. V irgil term s A llecto’ s call to th e Italian co u n try sid e to w a r a pastorale signum (A e n . 7.513). The w o rd em phasizes th e co n trast b e tw ee n the peaceful country surroundings and the im pending violence. A rgia's m ad rush onto the battlefield at Thebes is com pared to the w anderings of Ceres after having lost her d au g h ter (12.270ff). A gain, the experience of grief and loss is expressed by Statius th ro u g h his use of darkness. N atu re is in accordance w ith Ceres as w ell, echoing her cries for her daughter. Statius e m p h asizes th e in te r-re la tio n sh ip s of th e n a tu ra l ele m e n ts of th e landscape in the use of asyndeton: Persephonen amnes silvae freta nubila clamant. The anaphora in the repetition of Persephonen at the beginning of the line (12.276; 277) looks forw ard to th e rep eated cry of the gathered w om en at Thebes for P arth en o p aeu s (Arcada 12.805-807). T he n a tu ra l w orld responds and reverberates in sym pathy w ith the fem ale experience. 1 2 2 Theb. 1.466-7: ille refert contra, sed mens sibi conscia fati/cunctatur -proferre patrem. 1 2 3 Vessey (1973), 132, connects Argia's torch with her love for Polynices: "Bearing aloft a blazing torch, the symbol of her burning love (267ff), she searches the battlefield for her husband's corpse (281ff.)." A rgia is described as a regina at 280, as she w as at 12.111. The contrast betw een h er current situation as a su p p lian t at her hu sb an d 's city and her p rev io u s life at A rgos is extrem e. H er statu s at A rgos should have b ro u g h t h e r an advantageous m arriage. Because A d rastu s h a d no sons,124 her h u sb an d w ould be king, rex, at A rgos. A rgia is connected to Lavinia in the Aeneid w hose m arriage is also based on the kingdom she 125 represents. A cquisition of pow er is a strong them e of the Thebaid. The role of w o m en in the transfer of pow er, especially of the d a u g h te rs of kings, is ex p lo red b y S tatius in th e ch aracters of H y p sip y le, A rgia, A ntigone, an d Jocasta. C learly the w o m en of the Thebaid are deeply entangled in Statius' portrayal of pow er. T here is also a sense of irony in A rgia's d escrip tio n as regina. A rgia's sta tu s at T hebes is a p ro b lem th ro u g h o u t th e p o em , ju st as Polynices' statu s as rex is problem atic. Polynices prom ises his w ife she w ill be queen of tw o cities: fors aderit lux ilia tibi, qua m oenia cernes coniugis et gem inas ibis regina per urbes. (Theb. 2.361-2) By chance th at day w ill com e for you on w hich yo u w ill see the w alls of your husband and you w ill go as queen through tw in cities. 1 2 4 Adrastus is said to have two sons in Apollodorus (1.103), but there is no mention of them in the Thebaid. 1 2 5 filius huic fato divum prolesque virilis/ nulla fu it, primaque oriens erepta iuvneta est./ sola domum et tantas servabat filia sedes/iam matura viro, iam plenis nubilis annis (Aen. 7.51-53). Eteocles recognizes the am biguity of A rgia's position an d p o in ts o u t the problem s in the effect Polynices' m arriage w ill have on the royal house at Thebes: anne ferat luxu consueta paterno hunc regina larem ? nostrae cui iure sorores anxia pensa trahant, longo quam sordida luctu m ater et ex im is auditus forte tenebris offendat sacer ille senex. (Theb. 2.438-42) W ill y o u r queen, accustom ed to h e r father's w ealth en d u re this house? For her rightly do o u r sisters p erfo rm th eir anxious task; o u r m other, defaced from long lasting grief an d th at accursed old m an, h eard by chance from the deep shadow s w ithin, w ould offend her. The contrast betw een A rgia's projected entrance into Thebes an d the final reality is very strong in this passage— rather th an pride, she m u st feel fear. A rgia begins to pick over the corpses in the dark. This passage is 126 connected w ith several others in the Thebaid, b u t there is em phasis on her solitude (sola [12.283]) an d the darkness (tenebras [12.284]). In his graphic depiction of the bloody field and A rgia's h an d lin g of the corpses, Statius m ay be alluding to the gruesom e depiction of the w itch Erictho in 127 Bellum Civile 6. L ucan stresses the d arkness an d gloom . E rictho's presence on the battlefield of Pharsalia is another indication of the danger of tran sg ressio n of a fem ale into the m ale, m artial dom ain. The w itch Erictho em bodies aspects of the m ale fears of fem ale pow ers; even the 1 2 6 Cf. Thebaid 3.114ff; 3.193ff; 5.594ff; 6.35ff. 1 2 7 Cf. BC 6.518-20 and Theb. 12.282. 1 * } R gods fear her. A rgia's presence on the battlefield w ill offer a challenge to the stru cturing of m ale pow er at Thebes, represented by Creon. A rgia em bodies fu rth er w itch-like qualities w h en she com plains about the lack of light from the stars (12.290). H er com plaint results in an increase in th e lig h t of the m oon, as if b y m agic. She is once ag ain connected to Erictho in w hose grove the only light is supplied by m agic: m arcentes intus tenebrae pallensque sub antris longa nocte situs n um q u am nisi carm ine factum lum en habet. (BC 6.646-8) D ank shadow s w ith in an d m old bleached by the long night u n d e r the cave never h a d light, except by m agic charm . 1 0 Q H ow ever, Erictho m akes the night darker for her trip to the battlefield. 130 The p o w er over celestial forces is often attributed to w itches. Seneca's M edea displays even m ore control over nature, including the heavens: evocavi nubibus siccis aquas egique ad im um m aria, et O ceanus graves interius undas aestibus victis dedit; pariterque m u n d u s lege confusa aetheris et solem et astra vidit et vetitum m ore tetigistis, ursae. (Sen. Medea 754-9) I have called out w aters from d ry clouds and I have p u t into m otion the dep th s of the sea and O ceanus sent his great w aters deeper into the conquered w aves; an d having confounded the 1 2 8 BC 6.527-8. 1 2 9 BC 6.624: et noctis geminatis arte tenebris. 1 3 0 Cf. BC 6.499: illis et sidera prim um / praecipiti deducta polo. 55 law of the sky, the earth sees the su n an d the stars at th e sam e tim e and you, Bears, touch w h at is forbidden by custom . The ability to d raw d o w n the m oon is also alluded to on the necklace of H arm o n ia (2.284) given to A rgia b y Polynices as a w e d d in g p resen t, im p licatin g h e r in th e T heban house. A rgia d o es n o t c o n tro l th e m ovem ents of the m oon herself, b u t the reaction to A rgia's com plaint is im m ediate. In fact w h at h ap p en s here is th at Juno intervenes for a second tim e in this book. Juno's seem ingly sym pathetic role is u n d ercu t b y her earlier, m ore violent p articip atio n in earthly events. Juno is described as leaving the bed of Jupiter (12.292). There is rare harm ony b etw een the tw o, perh ap s em phasizing Juno’ s role as a goddess of m arriage and therefore the one to aid A rgia in h er acts of m arital fidelity. Juno asks C ynthia for h er help. There seem s to be accord betw een the fem ale goddesses, looking back to Juno's appearance earlier in the book in the presence of other goddesses, w ith Juno even fo rgiving C y n th ia for h e r help in th e co nception of 1 31 H ercules (12.300-301). H ow ever, there is still a sinister aspect in the 132 collusion of goddesses. Juno asks C ynthia to show h e r horns: exsere quaeso/ cornua (305-306). These horns look back to Luna at the opening of the book, an d also to Sleep in book 6. Sleep, as in book 10, is let loose on the Theban w atchm en (12.307-308). The results in book 10 w ere disastrous 1 3 1 Cf. Feeney (1991), 343: "Juno, for example, will prove in this poem to be very different from her normal self. At the end of the poem, therefore, Statius has her dwell for a moment on the traditional malevolence which she has not embodied here, as she refuses to follow up her resentment against the moon-goddess for her actions on the night of Hercules' conception." 1 3 2 Cf. Juno and Venus in Aeneid 4; Hera and Aphrodite in Apollonius Rhodius Argonautica 3; Juno and Iris in Thebaid 10. 56 an d the presence of Sleep in this p assag e m ay also ad d ten sio n to the outcom e. The allusion to Sleep in book 10 also em phasizes the connection of the actions of A rgia an d A ntigone to those of H opleus an d D ym as. The figure of C ynthia, w ho resp o n d s to Juno, also connects these episodes. D ym as p ray s to C ynthia for light to aid their m ission at 10.365ff. The m ission of H opleus an d D ym as has o th er sim ilarities w ith th at of A rgia and A ntigone— th ey b o th seek a corpse. W hen they try to rescue the corpses of P arth en o p aeu s an d T ydeus from the T hebans, W illiam s says th at H opleus an d D ym as "are acting o u t of love and d u ty to w ard s their d ead m asters (10.348-9).1 ,1 3 3 A rgia is also m o v ed by love w h e n she searches for Polynices. M oreover, H opleus an d D ym as fear discovery w hen they have found the b o d ies,134 an d A rgia is in a sim ilar situation to theirs on the battlefield at Thebes, b u t she is not afraid. The tw o young m en are killed in battle and the n arrato r lam ents them : vos quoque sacrati, quam vis m ea carm ina su rg an t inferiore lyra, m em ores superabitis annos. forsitan et com ites non aspernabitur um bras E uryalus Phrygiique adm ittet gloria Nisi. (Theb. 10.445-8) You also are consecrate although m y song rises from an in ferio r in stru m e n t, yo u w ill last th ro u g h tim e m em o rab le. A n d p e rh a p s E uryalus w ill not sh u n com panion shades and 1 3 3 Williams (1972), XVIII. 1 3 4 Ibid., XVIII: "The discovery of the bodies is described most briefly and elliptically as Statius hastens to concentrate on the emotions of Hopleus and Dymas— first joy, then fear of discovery in the moment of success: mutua laetantes nec verba, nec ausi flere diu: prope saeva dies indexque m inatur ortus (378-82). Finally there is a superb picture of their haste and anxiety: eunt taciti per maesta silentia magnis passibus exhaustaque dolent pallere tenebras (382-3)." 57 th e g lo ry of P h ry g ia n N isu s w ill accep t th em .135 A rgia a n d A n tig o n e rep lay th e H o p le u s a n d D ym as e p iso d e m ore 136 successfully by accom plishing the b u rn in g of Polynices' corpse. The connection to N isus and E uryalus also raises the problem of m otivation, b u t the w om en are clearly m otivated b y pietas. Juno's participation in book 12 and her association w ith the A rgive w o m en looks back to the A en e id . D ido is c h arac terize d b y h e r relationship to Juno w hich ad d s to the pathos of Aeneid 4. A rgia is also closely associated w ith Juno, because Juno is th e p a tro n g o d d ess of 137 Argos. In this passage Juno show s a special relationship w ith Argia. The p a tro n a g e of Juno connects A rgia to D ido, w h o is also closely identified w ith the goddess. D ido is the m ost significant fem ale paradigm for Argia. The interplay of light an d d ark in this passage is rem arkable. The light, w hich is so revealing in the opening of the book, is n o w deceptive. The d arkness of n ig h t is protective an d com forting. The d arkness m ay 1 3 5 For the relationship of the Hopleus and Dymas passage to Virgil’ s account of Nisus and Euryalus see Summers (1920), 38-9; Kytzler (1969) 209-19; Williams (1972), XIX and 76ff.; Vessey (1986), 2966; Williams (1986), 218. Krumholz (1955), 95, sees Statius' remark in the epilogue (12.816-7) about his debt to Virgil as a direct reference to this passage: "Was er hier in der Sphragis auf das ganze Werk bezieht, spricht er auberdem noch speziell am Ende einer besonders deutlich von Vergil entlehten Partie aus: Die Episode vom Tod des Dymas und Hopleus (Theb. X, 380-448) ist eine genaue Nachbildung des Untergangs von Nisus und Euryalus (Aen. IX, 367-449)." 1 3 6 Contra Kabsch (196), 29, who connects the Argive women to Hopleus and Dymas: "Ahnlich vorausweisende Funktion auf Buch XII haben in Buch X die Einfuhrung der argivischen Frauen und, stimmungsmapig in enger Beziehung zur Eingangsszene stehend, die Hopleus-Dymasepisode. Die Argiverinnen sind am Schlup der Thebais mit Haupttrager der Handlung; das in der Hopleus-Dymasepisode angeschlagene Motiv der Sorge um die Toten wird in Buch XII zum zentralen Thema. " 1 3 7 Cf. Theb. 1.259ff. reveal som ething about A rgia's inner em otions, b u t it also serves to cover an d protect her. It is the flickering torches w hich cast shadow s, m aking p ercep tio n difficult. The darkness has the p o w er to sw allow the light: gelidaeque facem vicere tenebrae (12.242). The torch helps h er on h er journey and connects her to Ceres: qualis ab A etnaeis accensa lam pade saxis orba Ceres m agnae variabat im agine flam m ae A usonium Siculum que latus. {Theb. 12.270-72) As bereft Ceres w ith her torch lit from A etna's rocks alters A usonia an d the side of Sicily w ith the im age of the great flame. H ow ever, M enoetes m ust w arn A rgia to keep the flam e covered because it w ill attract the attention of Creon: adm onet adtonitam fidus m em inisse C reontis altor et occulto subm ittere lam pada furto. {Theb. 12.278-9) The faithful gu ard ian w arns the th u n d erstru ck girl to rem em ber C reon and to h ide the torch w ith deceit. In fact it is the light of the flam e from the funeral p y re of Polynices that 138 w ill reveal her to Creon. Thebes is revealed by the flickering fires: et speculis moriens interm icet ignis (12.251). The fires in th is p assag e em p h asize the gloom rath e r th a n relieve it. The final b u rst of lig h t 1 3 8 Cf. Nisus and Euryalus given away by light glinting off Euryalus' helmet: et galea Euryalum sublustri noctis in um bra/prodidit immemorem radiisque adversa refulsit {Aen. 9.373- 374). 59 p ro v id ed b y the m oon has a violent effect, frig h ten in g the umbrae and cutting th ro u g h the stars; even the goddess can barely stan d it (12.310- 311). Vessey traces the association of darkness w ith Thebes: O ly m p u s a n d th e U n d e rw o rld , A rg o s a n d T hebes rep re se n t related antitheses: A rgos reflects heaven, Thebes is an earthly hell. For th is reaso n , Ju p iter se n d s M ars d irec tly to A rgos, b u t w orks th ro u g h th e U n d erw o rld in b rin g in g his influence to b e ar u p o n Thebes. The darkness and violence of the U n d erw o rld reaches A rgos indirectly, b y the p a th w hich 139 connects the city w ith Thebes. A rgia's journey begins to bring light to d ark en ed Thebes, beg in n in g the process of resolution. 12.312-463 W ith the lig h t from the m oon, A rgia first recognizes the cloak of Polynices (12.312-313). The cloak w as m ad e by A rgia herself (12.313). Polynices is d istin g u ish ed b y this cloak in book 11 directly before the battle w ith Eteocles: quam quam h au d arm is inhonorus et ipse nec palla volgare nitens: opus ipsa novarat M aeoniis A rgia m odis ac pollice docto stam ina p u rp u reae sociaverat aurea telae. (Theb. 11.399-402) 1 3 9 Vessey (1973), 324; see also Moreland (1974) for the role of darkness in Thebaid 1. 60 A lthough in no w ay is he dish o n o red by his w eap o n s a n d he h im self shines w ith a n o t com m on cloak: A rgia herself picked o u t the w o rk in M aeonian fashion and allied the gold th rea d to th e p u rp le desig n w ith h er skilled thum b. Maeoniis connects A rgia w ith H om er,140 associating her w eaving to poetic p ro d u ctio n , an association S tatius w ill exploit. The ap p earan ce of the cloak before an d after the d isastro u s battle of Polynices an d Eteocles reflects a trad itio n of ill-om ened gifts b etw een m en an d w o m en w hich foreshadow violent ends. In the Aeneid A eneas gives D ido a cloak and another garm ent as a gift. The gifts are inappropriate because th ey w ere associated w ith H elen.141 A eneas' gift to Dido foreshadow s the tragedy of their relationship th ro u g h the association w ith the unfaithful H elen and the fall of Troy. M ore im p o rtan t are the cloaks w oven by D ido herself w hich are used in the burial of Pallas: turn gem inas vestis auroque ostroque rigentis extulit A eneas, quas illi laeta laborum ipsa suis quondam m anibus Sidonia Dido fecerat et tenui telas discreverat auro. (Aen. 11.72-5) T hen A eneas lifted out tw o coverlets stiff w ith gold and p u rp le w hich S idonian D ido h a p p y in h e r o w n task s once m ad e for h im a n d distinguished the threads w ith thin gold. 1 4 0 Cf. Horace Odes 1.6.2; Propertius 2.22.29, Ovid Pont. 3.3.31. Ovid also uses the term to describe Arachne at M et, 6.5, furthering the connection of poetry and weaving. 1 4 1 pallam signis auroque rigentem/ et circumtextum croceo velamen acantho,/ ornatus Argivae Helenae (Aen. 1.648); pallamque et pictum croceo velamen acantho./ praecipue infelix, pesti devota futurae,/ expleri mentem nequit ardescitque tuendo/Phoenissa (Aen. 1.711) D ido's cloaks are associated w ith funerals and lam entation in this passage by their use for the burial of Pallas. They are the last traces of D ido in the Aeneid, w ho has been gradually m arginalized th ro u g h o u t the second half of the epic. O nly her w eaving rem ains as the vestigia of h er presence in the epic.142 In another tradition, cloaks them selves are destructive. In Seneca's Medea M edea sends a cloak to C reusa, th e bride-to-be of Jason, an d her father C reon. The cloak is d ip p e d in p oisons an d kills th e w earers instantly.143 In V alerius Flaccus' Argonautica H yp sip y le gives Jason a cloak she has w oven herself. O n the cloak she w eaves th e story of the escape of h e r father T hoas.144 W eaving is a n arrativ e m eth o d o pen to w om en in epic,145 b u t Statius' epic w om en have th eir o w n voices to tell th eir stories. H is H yp sip y le does n o t need to w eave the sto ry of her father; she tells it in her ow n w ords. T here is no indication of w h at A rgia m ay have w o v en on the cloak, b u t it is n o t necessary, because A rgia herself is p resen t o n th e battlefield, an d n eed n o t project h e r voice through w eaving on the cloak. 1 4 2 Amata and Turnus both replay the figure of Dido in the second half of the Aeneid, but Dido herself fades, appearing only as a voiceless shade in the underworld in book 6, through the bowl Ascanius promises Nisus and Euryalus in book 9, and finally she is present only in her woven work. 1 4 3 est palla nobis, munus aetherium, dom us/ decusque regni, pignus Aeetae datu m / a Sole generis, est et auro textili/ monile fulgens quodque gemmarum nitor/distinguit aurum, quo solent cingi comae./ haec nostra nati dona nubenti ferant,/ sed ante diris inlita ac tincta artibus./ vocetur Hecate, sacra letifica appara,/statuantur arae,flamma iam tectis sonet (Sen. Medea 570ff.). 1 4 4 dixit lacrimans, haesuraque ca.ro/ dona duci promit chlamydem textosque labores./ illic servati genitoris concisa sacra/pressit acu currusque pios: stant saeva paventum /agm ina dantque locum; viridis circum horrida late/ silva tremit; mediis refugit pater anxius umbris. (Valerius Flaccus Argonautica 2.408-413) 1 4 5 Cf. Ovid's account of Arachne (M et. 6.1ff.) and Procne and Philomela (Met. 6.424ff), esp. 571ff. See also Richlin (1992). 62 A rgia at first believes th a t the cloak is all th a t rem ain s of her h u sb a n d (12.315-316). W hen she sees his corpse in the d u st (12.316), S tatius says the b o d y is tra m p le d , calcatum (12.317). T his reverses Jupiter's description of Polynices and Eteocles in Thebaid 1 tread in g on the eyes of his father O edipus as he p u t them out: at nati— facinus sine more— cadentes/ calcavere oculos. (Theb. 1.28-9) Polynices h as m o v ed from an active role to a passive one. A t the sight of the corpse of h e r h u sb an d , A rgia reacts violently. The loss of h er animus (fugere animus [12.317]) is sim ilar to d e ath .146 The lack of vision an d h earin g (fugere...visusque sonusque [12.317]) m ay also be like the experience of falling in love.147 A rgia's extrem e physical reaction indicates the severe em otional im pact of view ing the dead body of h er husband. H er reaction is in sym pathy w ith h er h u sb an d 's experience. In his battlefield scenes S tatius is concerned w ith representing the physicality of h u m an identity. The description of Polynices' corpse em phasizes the dependence of his identity on his body. W hen she falls on the b ody of her husband, A rgia tries to gather up w hatever rem ains, b reath from his kisses (12.319-20) and blood from the cloak an d his hair (12.320). K issing the corpse is a m otif already seen in this book in the initial scene of the Thebans gathering u p their dead: p ars oscula figunt vulneribus m agnis et de virtute queruntur. (Theb. 12.27-8) Som e im p rin t kisses on the great w o u n d s an d lam ent valor. 1 4 6 Cf. dying Dido: quae luctantem animam nexosque resolveret artus (Aen. 4.695). 1 4 7 Cf. Catullus 51. 63 There are other exam ples in Latin literature w hich dem onstrate the desire to send a m essage to the dead th rough the exchange of b reath or kisses. In Seneca's Troades A ndrom ache sends A styanax to his death, b u t gives him 148 kisses an d d u st to carry to his alread y d ead father H ector. She also seeks to kiss h er d ead h u sb an d as well: si quid cineris latet/ scrutabor ore (S en.Troades 811-2). A m ore sinister exam ple is L ucan's E rictho, w ho kisses the d ead for sexual pleasure as w ell as to send h er m essage to the u n d erw o rld .149 The repeated scenes of fondling corpses in the Thebaid represent the need of the living to m aintain contact w ith the dead. This is also evident in A rgia's speech to Polynices. A rgia addresses the corpse of Polynices at 322ff. H er speech is an em otional outburst, the counterpart to her physical reaction. T hrough her speech A rgia m oves from extrem e em otional expression to her resolution of p u rp o se in b u ry in g the corpse of h er hu sb an d . Statius takes the tim e w ith the speech to enter the m in d of his character. In Aeneid 11 V irgil represents A eneas' disappointm ent in his lam ent of Pallas, an d here A rgia expresses h e r reaction to the events. In his analysis of A rgia's lam ent D om inik says th at "the constituents of A rgia's lam ent for h er h u sb an d are com m onplace."150 She co n trasts h is form er g lo ry w ith his p re se n t situation (12.322-324). She asks about his triumphis (324). This n o t only 1 4 8 sume nunc iterum comas/ et sume lacrimas, quidquid e misero viri/funere relictum est, sume quae reddas tuo/oscula parenti. matris hanc solacio/ relinque vestem. tumulus hanc tetigit m eus/ manesque cari. (Sen. Troades 805-811). 1 4 9 saepe etiam caris cognato in funere dira/ Thessalis incubit membris atque oscula fig en s/ truncavitque caput conpressaque dentibus ora/ laxavit siccoque haerentem gutture linguam / praemordens gelidis infudit murmura labris/ arcanumque nefas Stygias mandavit ad umbras (BC 6.563-568). 1 5 0 Dominik (1994b), 130. 64 contrasts Polynices w ith T heseus w ho rides in triu m p h after his defeat of the A m azons (12.164), b u t A eneas asks a sim ilar question of Pallas: hi nostri reditus exspectatique trium phi? (Aen. 11.54) T hese a re o u r re tu rn s a n d o u r a w a ite d trium phs? This contrast is also evident in the p ro u d appearance of Polynices in his cloak in book 11 an d the state of the cloak n o w soiled w ith blood and dust. In her distraction, A rgia seem s to believe th at Polynices is still alive (12.325-328). D om inik also says "A rgia's o b serv atio n th a t P olynices possesses only the actual g ro u n d he lies on is p articu larly pathetic an d 15 1 stresses the futility of his struggle to gain the T heban throne." This is also reflected in her speech earlier to Thebes itself, in w hich she recognizes th at the land possesses the corpse of Polynices (12.256ff). A t first A rgia blam es Polynices for going to w ar, an d rem em bering h er o w n p a rt in 152 m aking it possible, she shifts the blam e to herself (12.336-7). H ow ever, she does persist in blam ing Eteocles an d continues h e r h u sb an d 's h atred of his b ro th er (12.341-3). A rgia's claim th a t she w ill g u a rd Polynices' corpse from the birds and beasts (12.342-3) m ay again recall Erictho on the battlefield of Pharsalia.153 D om inik says that A rgia's resolution to b u ry Polynices retu rn s her to com posure. In h er efforts to b u ry h er h u sband against C reon’ s w ill she is "in accordance w ith h u m a n an d divine law in th e face of tyrannical 1 5 1 Ibid., 131 1 5 2 Cf. Thebaid 3.678ff. 1 5 3 et, quodcumque iacet nuda tellure cadaver,/ ante feras volucresque sedet (BC 6.551-552). 65 opposition."154 A rgia displays a "m oral aw areness of the in d iv id u al's responsibility to other fam ily and com m unity m em bers."155 But D om inik u n d erp lay s the em otion in this scene. A rgia's love an d devotion to h er h u sband are sim ilar to those of other fem ale characters in Latin literature w ho do n o t d isp lay "m oral aw areness." In fact th e em o tio n s A rgia displays are m ore often connected 'with furor.156 Statius sets u p possible m odels for A rgia th ro u g h the echoes in h er speech, b u t contrasts her w ith these p o ten tial m odels by changing the effect of h e r o w n w ords. H er em otion transform s into fides (347), n o t furor. A rgia's speech reveals a great deal ab o u t h e r character an d h er h ero ic role in th e final b o o k of th e Thebaid, b u t th ere are m any recollections of Aeneid 4. As noted above, D ido is an im portant epic m odel for A rgia. A rgia asks herself heu quid ago? at 12.328. D ido asks herself the sam e question: en, quid ago? at 4.534, w h en she realizes th at A eneas has left her. A rgia's last com m ent to her h u sband th at she w ill take com fort in his son (parvoque torum Polynice fovebo ) also echoes Dido: si quis mihi parvulus aula/ luderet Aeneas (Aen. 4.327-8). The relationship of A rgia in T h e b a id 12 to th e D ido of A e n e id 4 is co m p licated . B oth bo o k s p ro b lem atize the heroic m o d el— A eneid 4 th ro u g h th e g reat p erso n al sacrifices A eneas m u st m ake, and Thebaid 12 th rough the em ergence of the fem ale heroic type. A rgia is like D ido, a w om an left by a m an, b u t she is also like A eneas. Aeneid 4 is concerned w ith the price th at an epic hero m u st pay, sacrificing his individual desires for the com m unity. A fter her 1 5 4 Dominik (1994b), 132. 1 5 5 Ibid., 132 1 5 6 Dido in love is characterized by her furor: ardet amans Dido traxitque -per ossa furorem (Aen. 4.101). 66 death in Aeneid 4, D ido is gradually m arginalized in the text. She appears silent in A eneid 6, th ro u g h the bow l in book 9, an d by book 11 all th at rem ains of her are the cloaks she w ove. In his rew riting Statius recalls the figure of D ido in A rgia , b u t does n o t m arginalize her; rath er, he brings her into the forefront. The m odel of D ido is im portant to the presentation of A rgia as an epic hero because it underscores the striking differences in the role A rgia plays in the Thebaid com pared to that of D ido in the Aeneid. A rgia incorporates the speech of another fem ale character from the Aeneid in her speech in Thebaid 12. In its tone of lam ent an d loss A rgia's speech is very sim ilar to th at of E uryalus' m other in Aeneid 9, especially in her ad d ress to the corpse: Hunc ego te, Euryale, aspicio (Aen. 9.481). A rgia says: h u n c ego te, coniunx, ad debita regna profectum ductorem belli generum que potentis A drasti aspicio, talisque tuis occurro trium phis? (Theb. 12.322-4) I see you thus, h usband, w ho h ad m arched out for th e ow ed kingdom as a leader of the w ar an d son-in law of p ow erful A drastus, an d so I set out to m eet yo u r trium ph? 157 There are sim ilarities in the vision of the bodies on the fields an d the significance of cloaks— E uryalus' m o th er m entions th e cloak th a t she is w eaving for her son. Statius evokes the figure of E uryalus' m o th er in his p resen tatio n of A rg ia’s lam ent, b u t again there are striking differences. E uryalus' m other succeeds in stopping the battle only m om entarily before 1 5 7 Cf. Aen 9.491: et funus lacerum tellus habet and Theb. 12.328-329: proiectus caespite nudo/ hoc patriae telluris habes. 67 158 being rem oved from the scene. H er disappearance is necessary for the continuation of the battle. A rgia, on th e other h an d , rem ains on the scene and in the forefront of book 12. A rgia recalls not only D ido an d E uryalus' m other, b u t also Seneca's P h aed ra, echoing the regret an d responsibility th a t she d isplays in her final speech in Seneca's Phaedra. 159 P h aed ra u n d e rstan d s h e r role in the d eath of H ippolytus and pays for it w ith her ow n life: nil tu rp e loquim ur: hac m an u poenas tibi soluam et nefando pectori ferrum inseram , anim aque P haedram p ariter ac scelere exuam . (Sen. Phaed. 1176-8) W e say n o th in g base: I w ill p ay th e price for y ou w ith this h an d and I w ill insert this sw ord into this unspeakable breast, an d I w ill strip aw ay life and crim e equally from Phaedra. A rgia m ay echo P haedra's tone and acceptance of responsibility160: quid queror? ipsa dedi bellum m aestum que rogavi ipsa patrem , u t talem nunc te com plexa tenerem . (Theb. 12.334-5) W hy do I com plain? I m yself caused w a r and I m yself asked it of m y sorrow ful father so that n o w I h o ld y o u in th is c o n d itio n in m y em brace. 1 5 8 illam incendentem luctus Idaeus et A ctor/ Ilionei m onitu et m ultum lacrim antis Iu li/ corripiunt interque manus sub tecta reponunt (Aen. 9.500-502). 1 5 9 See Boyle (1987), 32, for Phaedra’ s character at the end of the play. 1 6 0 Schetter (1960), 119-20, connects Argia's speech in book 2 with her regret in book 12: "Gleichfalls in Ruckbezug auf diese Szene in 2 sowie auf die Schlufizene von 3, in der Argia ihren Vater um den Feldzug gegen Theben bittet, stehen aus der gleichen Rede der Verse (12.333ff.)." 68 P haedra pays w ith her life and is rem oved from the text. The p lay ends w ith the exclusively m ale scene b etw een the corpse of H ip p o ly tu s and 1/1 Theseus. A rgia's lam ent for h er h u sb an d has m uch in com m on w ith those of h er fem ale counterparts in epic and tragedy, b u t the behavior her w o rd s inspire in h er is v ery different. A rgia does n o t kill h erself in despair, b u t seeks to effect change. A rgia's speech recalls m ale characters as w ell; for exam ple, it contains elem ents of A eneas' lam ent for Pallas in Aeneid 11. A rgia shares th e to n e of re g re t a n d resp o n sib ility A eneas expresses o v e r Pallas. A eneas' b itte r iro n y at P allas' re tu rn to his fath er, hi nostri reditus exspectatique triumphi {Aen. 11.54), is echoed in A rgia's talisque tuis occurro triumphis? (12.324). Both A rgia an d A eneas take responsibility for the present situation an d the deaths they are faced w ith. A rgia recognizes her role in facilitatin g th e w a r b etw een A rgos an d T hebes (12.336-337). A eneas acknow ledges his failure to prev en t the death of Pallas: n o n haec E uandro de te prom issa parenti discedens dederam , cum m e com plexus euntem . {Aen. 11.45-46) I d id n o t give these prom ises a b o u t y o u to fath er E vander, w hen he em braced m e as I left. A rgia em bodies the com passionate aspects of A eneas' character seen in his lam ent for Pallas. A eneas, how ever, does n o t allow his com passion to result in a change of b eh av io r.162 As he retaliated for P allas' d eath by killing L ausus, so he follow s Pallas' funeral laudatio by breaking the truce 1 6 1 The chorus may still be on stage, but are silent from 1246ff. 1 6 2 See Boyle (1986), 94-99 and 158, for an analysis of Aeneas' reaction to the deaths of Pallas and Lausus. w ith the Italians an d recom m encing the w ar. U nlike A eneas, A rgia's co m p assio n do es hav e b eh av io ral im p licatio n s, as she p u rsu e s h e r opposition of Creon. W hile A rgia addresses her d ead hu sb an d , A ntigone appears on the scene. A ntigone has h ad to escape the city, w here she w as being w atched (12.350-1). As she m oves from inside the city beyond the w alls, she m oves from an interior space associated w ith a fem ale w orld to an external space associated w ith the m ale w orld. She is described as "virgin lioness" in an u n u su al simile. Lionesses are com m on in epic sim iles, b u t they are alm ost 163 alw ays represented in relation to their cubs. H ow ever, it is clear th at this lioness has no cubs, b u t in fact is m oving from h er childhood to her ad u lt life. The lioness for the first tim e lacks h er m other's influence: et primus sine matre furor (12.298). A ntigone also em bodies furor w hich is a fam ily ch aracteristic, lin k in g h e r to h e r b ro th e rs.164 T he first tim e A ntigone entered the battlefield w as w ith her m other Jocasta in Thebaid 7. In book 11 A ntigone's n a rra tiv e statu re increases w h en she confronts C reon on behalf of O edipus. A ntigone m atures in the second half of the Thebaid un til she reaches the p oint in Thebaid 12 w hen she can participate equally w ith h er sister-in-law in the b u rial of h er b ro th e r.165 T he lion sim ile reveals h e r heroic natu re. Like A rgia, A ntigone is m ad e m ore pow erful an d heroic by the inadequacies of their m ale counterparts. A ntigone does n o t have to search for th e b o d y as A rgia d id , p e rh a p s b ecause she w atch ed the b attle from th e w alls (398ff.). The 1 6 3 Cf. Theb. 5.204; 10.414; Virgil Georgies 3.245; 4.408. 1 6 4 Cf. Theb. 1.126;1.328; 2.305 1 6 5 See Legras (1905), 230, for a comparison of Antigone's role in the Thebaid and in tragedy. confrontation of the sisters-in-law is introduced by ecce (349) an d is linked to the m an y scenes of confrontation b etw een m em bers of the h o u se of O edipus. Jocasta is also announced by ecce, w h en she leaves the city to confront Polynices in th e A rgive cam p. She is described in m o urning, w ith u nkem pt h air an d bruised breast (7.474ff), as are A rgia an d A ntigone in 12 (12.364-5). A ntigone and A rgia are at first w ary of each other, and there is the tension of possible violence b etw een the w o m en (12.370-2). H ow ever, b o th scenes end in recognition and em braces: Ipse etiam ante oculos nunc matris ad oscula versus (7.534) an d hie pariter lapsae iunctoque per ipsum (12.385). T his p assag e reverses th e e n co u n ter of Polynices an d T ydeus in book 1. T ydeus is in tro d u ced in A rgos b y ecce (1.401). The potential for violence is realized betw een the m en an d they fight: hie vero am bobus rabiem fortuna cruentam adtulit: h au d passi sociis defendere noctem culm inibus, p au lu m altem is in verba m inasque cunctantur; m ox u t iactis serm onibus irae intum uere satis, turn vero erectus uterque exsertare um eros nu d am q u e lacessere pugnam . (Theb. 1.408-13) H ere in d eed fortune b ro u g h t b loody rag e to them both: in no w ay w o u ld they en d u re allied roofs to w ard off the night, they delay a little in w o rd s an d th reats by tu rn ; soon w h e n th eir anger sw elled enough w ith h u rled w ords, then tru ly each rose u p and freed his shoulders and they provoked naked battle. O nly the in terv en tio n of A d rastu s en d s th eir fighting. In book 12 the situ atio n is sim ilar— stran g ers m eetin g in th e d a rk a n d b o th claim ing 71 particu lar rights. H ow ever, the w om en do n o t indulge in hostility, b u t w ork together an d share in the task. This scene also contrasts w ith the scene in Thebaid 6 over the b o d y of O pheltes. E urydice an d H ypsipyle are n o t b ro u g h t together b y shared grief, b u t E urydice q u estio n s H y p sip y le 's rig h t to p a rtic ip a te in the m ourning of the child for w hose d eath she m ay be responsible.166 M ost striking, how ever, is the contrast b etw een the relationship of A rgia and A ntigone an d th at of th e bro th ers Eteocles and Polynices. The ecce th at announces the arrival of A ntigone is repeated in the ecce w h en the rem ains of th e b ro th ers recognize each o th er an d split the flam e on th e funeral pyre. This, of course, is an indication of the hostility of th e b rothers, w hich is m ost clearly depicted in book 11 in their final confrontation. T hro u g h o u t th e recognition scene there is tension b etw een A rgia an d A ntigone concerning th eir relationship to Polynices. A rgia blam es A n tig o n e for n o t b ein g p re se n t to h e lp P olynices (12.331-332), b u t A ntigone seem s to think that she has m ore rig h t to the b o d y (12.366-367) before she recognizes A rgia. A ntigone berates herself for allow ing her sister-in-law to ou td o her in piety (12.383). W hen the question of identity has been w orked out, the w om en display their extraordinary cooperation and share in em bracing the body: hie pariter lapsae iunctoque p er ipsum am plexu m iscent avidae lacrim asque com asque, partitaeque artus red eu n t altem a gem entes ad v u ltu m et cara vicibus cervice fruuntur. C Theb. 12.385-8) 1 6 6 Theb. 6.180ff. 72 H ere at th e sam e tim e, they fell over him w ith joined em brace and m ingle equally eager tears an d h air an d divid ing his lim bs they, sighing, each retu rn to his face, an d feed in tu rn s on his beloved neck. The w o rd s of sh arin g an d cooperation d o m in ate this p assag e— pariter, miscent, partitae, alterna, and gementes. A rgia attem p ts to console A ntigone. She essentially lies to her, telling A n tigone th a t Polynices th o u g h t only of h e r in T hebes (394-6). A rgia says th a t A ntigone w as d earer to Polynices th a n his o w n w ife (12.397). The children of O edipus seem to have as stran g e relationships am ong them selves as th eir fa th e r/ b ro th er h a d w ith th eir m other. The confusion of fam ilial relatio n s m ay lead to th e in d ic atio n of fem ale com petition in th e ran k in g of the closeness of th e relationships betw een sister and wife, an d the desire to be first on the scene to perform the burial rites. T heir c o m p e titio n takes place, a p p ro p ria te ly e n o u g h , on the battlefield— the place w here m ale com petition is played out. The presence of w om en on the battlefield is a fu rth er indication of th e b lu rre d lines (confusa domus) at Thebes. The necessity for w om en to p articip ate in the 1 67 m ale sphere is a result of the inability of the m en to achieve resolution. H aving m ad e the decision to b u ry Polynices, A rgia an d A ntigone m u st arrange the disposal of the dead. Statius em phasizes th at A rgia and A ntigone m u st w ork together to achieve their goal: hue laceros artus socio conam ine p o rtan t 1 6 7 For example, compare Jocasta's role in Euripides' Phoenissae, in which she confronts Polynices and Eteocles within the city walls, and her action in Thebaid 7, where she leaves the walls to confront Polynices within the Argive camp; see also Legras (1905), 126, for a comparison of Jocasta in book 11 and Seneca's Phoenissae. 73 invalidae, iungitque com es non fortior ulnas. (Theb. 12.411-2) W eak they carried his b ro k en lim bs w ith a joined spirit and their com panion, w ho w as no stronger, lends a hand. Statius again uses language of cooperation and com panionship— socio and comes. These w o rd s also have m ilitary connotations, w hich fu rth er the contrast b etw een A rgia an d A ntigone an d Eteocles an d Polynices. First they w ash the b o d y in the river Ism enos (12.12.409-410). The description of the river recalls th e events of book 9 an d the deaths of three w arriors, and especially the aristeia of H ip p o m ed o n an d the path o s of th e deaths of the yo u n g C renaeus and Parthenopaeus. Ism enos is described by Statius as an evil om en in book 9, p erh ap s looking forw ard to his role in Thebaid 1 /TO 12. E ven after the battle th ere are co n stan t rem in d ers of th e great destruction this w ar has caused, especially in the cost of yo u n g life. A rgia an d A n tig o n e are co m p ared to the sisters of P h a e th o n (12.413ff.). The sim ile em phasizes the role of w om en in m o u rn in g as w ell as the sisterhood of the tw o w om en. Phaethon's sisters are used by Virgil in Eclogue 6 as an im age of com passion: turn Phaethontiadas m usco circum dat am arae corticis atque solo proceras erigit alnos. (Ec. 6.62-3) T hen he su rro u n d s the sisters of P h aeth o n in m oss of b itte r b ark an d lifts th em from the ground as tall alders. 1 6 8 signa mali (9.227). 74 T hrough this sim ile, Statius also recalls the story of P h aeth o n in O vid's Metamorphoses. O vid's account em phasizes the m isuse of ill-gotten pow er and n o t only the price the in d iv id u al pays, b u t the universal destruction cau sed .169 T here is an im plicit com parison of P h aeth o n a n d Polynices, w ho b o th chose to p u rsu e inappropriate pow er. A t Thebes, in book 12, all the pyres are b u rn e d out, except for one: stabat adhuc...rogus (12.420). The role of the gods is called into question in this passage: seu forte...seu numine divum (12.420). Feeney cites this as an exam ple of the struggle for pow er betw een the three areas of influence in the poem — heaven, hell, and earth: Finally, w hen Polynices' w ife and sister need a funeral py re for his corpse, the glow ing pyre of Eteocles is n earb y — w h eth er by chance or the w ill of th e gods, as a resu lt of the action of Fortune, or of the E um enides (12.420-3).170 The w om en do n o t recognize this last py re as th at of Eteocles an d place the b o d y of Polynices w ith his brother. The repetition of ecce (429) here em phasizes n o t only the b ro th e rs' recognition of each o th er, b u t also contrasts this episode w ith th e m eeting of the sisters earlier in the book. The rem arkable description of the recognition of the b rothers on the p y re 1 71 and the persistence of their hatred continues the cycle of violence. The 1 6 9 Ovid Metamorphoses 2. Iff 1 7 0 Feeney (1991), 350. 1 7 1 See Burck (1979), 325: "Als die Flammen erneut auflodem, teilen sie sich, zungeln gegeneinander und bewahren in einem erschreckenden Sinnbild bis uber den Tod hinaus den Zwist und Hass der beiden Bruder." re so lu tio n in th e c o o p eratio n of th e sisters A n tig o n e a n d A rg ia is 172 overshadow ed by the antagonism of the brothers. A ntigone recognizes th at they h ave placed her brothers together: en clipei fragm en sem iustaque nosco cingula, frater erat. (Theb. 12.439-40) Oh! I recognize the broken bit of his shield and the half-burnt sw ord belt, it w as m y brother. H er w o rd s of recognition recall Seneca's Thyestes w h en T hyestes realizes th a t he has been tricked by his b ro th er into eating his children: agnosco fratrem (Seneca Thyestes 1009). The b ro th erly love b etw een A treu s and Thyestes is shattered by the struggle for suprem e p o w er in the sam e w ay as Polynices an d Eteocles are im plicated in a w eb of p e rv e rte d fam ily relationships. Seneca's play also em phasizes the continuation of violence 173 th ro u g h previous generations to successive generations. The events at M ycenae are a c o u n te rp art to th e h o u se of O ed ip u s an d th e violence su rro u n d in g th e q u est for kingship. A ntigone d isp lay s h e r o w n clear u n d e rsta n d in g of th e situ a tio n in h er k n o w led g e th a t th e d e a th s of Eteocles and Polynices have accom plished nothing: nil actum bello; m iseri, sic, d u m arm a m ovetis, vicit nem pe Creon! nu sq u am iam regna, quis ardor? (Theb. 12.442-3) 1 7 2 Feeney (1991), 363: "Statius will not follow the natural impetus of the poem, or the prompting of his own creation, Evadne, and the present act of burial as a resolution of the discord between the three spheres of the poem's action. It is not a comprehensive triumph. The brothers' hate persists unassuaged even in death, as w e learn in the marvellous moment when the flame on their joint pyre divides in two (12.429-41)." 1 7 3 Cf. the ghost of Tantalus at Thyestes Iff. and the ghost of Laius Thebaid 2.7ff. N o th in g w a s a c c o m p lish e d b y w a r; so, w retched ones, w hile you attacked w ith arm s, C reon w as victorious to be sure! N ow there is no kingdom , w hy such passion? The earth shakes at the recognition of the b ro th ers (12.447-448), as n atu re again revolts in reaction to h u m an events in th e p o e m .174 The quake serves to alert th e soldiers th a t A ntigone h as escaped an d th a t illegal activity has occurred on the battlefield. As the soldiers p o u r onto the field, only M enoetes is afraid (12.452). Statius once again contrasts the heroic n a tu re of the w o m en against m ale w eakness; in d eed , A rgia an d A ntigone vie for the responsibility of the burial of Polynices. T here m ay be som e co n trast to Sophocles' A ntigone in this scene. In the A n tig o n e 175 A ntigone asks for the help of her sister Ism ene, an d alth o u g h Ism ene refuses to oppose C reon, she tries to share in the credit w h en A ntigone’ s 176 heroism is revealed. A rgia is a tru er sister to A ntigone th a n Ism ene proved to be. Just as T ydeus replaces the displaced Eteocles for Polynices, A rgia replaces Ism ene as a sister to A ntigone. The relationship of A rgia and A ntigone is also expressed differently in H yginus w h o says th at A rgia 177 flees from C reon's m en w hile A ntigone faces the ty ran t alone. Vessey says "Statius decided to include nothing th at reflected adversely on Argia. The tw o w om en are united an d equal in their love an d in th e obedience to IT S the call of duty." Statius does m ore th an n o t "reflect adversely" on the character of A rgia, b u t has carefully b u ilt her u p as the h ero of the final 1 7 4 For example, the sun turning away from the events in Mycenae at Theb. 1.325. 1 7 5 Soph. Antigone 61ff. 1 7 6 Ibid. 536ff. 1 7 7 Hyginus, Fab. 72. 1 7 8 Vessey (1973), 133. See also Legras (1905), 136. book. In this passage A rgia clearly d em o n strates h e r ability to resolve conflict w ith o u t violence. G rief an d loss u n ite th e w o m en in Thebaid 12, b u t th ere is still u n d erly in g tension in the relationship of A rgia an d A ntigone. T hey are com petitive w ith each other in their displays of pietas. Statius allu d es to this earlier in the scene w h en A rgia seem s to h o ld A ntigone so m ew h at responsible for the d eath of Polynices and A ntigone seem s to th in k th at A rgia has overshadow ed her in h er responsibility to the corpse of a fam ily m em ber. H o w ev er the tw o m u st act together to achieve th eir com m on goal of b u ry in g Polynices: iunge, age, iungefidem (12.378). The h arm o n y 1 7 Q of the tw o is juxtaposed w ith the hostility of Polynices an d Eteocles. As Vessey argues, A rgia and A ntigone vie for greater acts of pietas, w hile the 180 brothers are characterized by a lack of pietas. The initial tension at the m eeting of A rgia an d A ntigone dissolves into the im perative of a joint action. H ow ever, at the end of the scene the tension returns. A rgia and A n tig o n e alm ost reach th e level of h o stility of th e b ro th e rs in th e ir attem pts to take responsibility for the burial of Polynices: nusquam ilia alternis m odo quae reverentia verbis, iram odium que putes. (Theb. 12.461-2) N ow here is th at respect w hich w as just n o w in the interchanging w o rd s, y ou w o u ld th in k it w as h atred and anger. 1 7 9 Schetter (1960), 120-1. 1 8 0 Vessey (1973), 133, n3: "The equal pietas of Argia and Antigone here balances the equal impietas of Eteocles and Polynices in book 11." The anger an d h a tre d of th e b ro th ers is on the surface of the encounter betw een A rgia an d A ntigone, b u t the subjunctive (putes) indicates this is n o t the case. A rgia an d A ntigone are com peting for the rig h t to claim 1 8 1 pietas w hich th e b ro th ers clearly did not. In th eir eagerness to take responsibility, the w om en ru sh off the battlefield to face Creon. 12.464-586 A t 12.464 the scene shifts aw ay from Thebes to the A rgive w om en w h o are h e a d in g to w a rd s A thens. S tatius picks u p th e sto ry of the A rgives from w here he left off at 12.196-197 w h en A rgia goes to Thebes, advising the A rgives to head for A thens an d Theseus. This shift in scene is sim ilar to the one at 12.105, w h en the action m oves from th e funerals at Thebes to the m ou rn in g b an d of A rgive w om en. Statius m oves the action aw ay from Thebes an d back again th ree tim es in th e book. The rap id shifting of scene is characteristic of the final book an d in contrast w ith the earlier p a rts of the poem , w hich are characterized b y delay. The shift at 12.105ff, how ever, is linked very closely to the events n a rra ted before it. The scenes are joined by interea, w hich highlights the contem poraneous actions of th e T hebans an d A rgives m o u rn in g th e dead. H ow ever, at 12.464 S tatius em phasizes th e difference from the p rec ed in g scene by em phasizing th e distance b etw een them : at procul The p rev io u s scene en d s w ith A rgia an d A ntigone d rag g in g them selves before th e ty ran t 1 8 1 There are very few examples of male pietas in the Thebaid. See Kyztler (1986) for the figure of Coroebus. 79 C reon. This p assag e w hich follow s b rin g s th e A rgive w o m en before Theseus, w ho is set u p as a contrast to Creon. Juno a p p ea rs for a th ird tim e in this b o o k h elp in g th e A rgive w om en. P reviously in the book Juno h as led the A rgives from A rgos (12.134-136) a n d h elp ed p ro v id e lig h t for A rgia o n th e b attlefield of T hebes (12.291-311). Juno re tu rn s to th e scene h a v in g secu red th e g o o d w ill of P allas (dextra iam Pallade [12.464]), e m p h a siz in g th e cooperation of fem ale figures in this final book. Statius u nderscores the close connection of Juno to th e A rgives b y u sin g th e ep ith et Phoroneas (12.465), referring to the king of A rgos and the origins of the cult of A rgive Juno, as w ell as by having Juno seem to share in their grief: non ipsa minus (12.465). Juno acts alm ost as a choregos of a trag ed y b y influencing their appearance. She dresses the w o m en --ipsa manu ramosque oleae vittasque precantes/ tradit, et obtenta submittere lumina palla (12.468-469). She also instructs them in their gestures: et praeferre docet vacuas sine manibus urnas (12.470). The vacuas urnas look back to the egena sepulcri busta (12.247-8) w hich characterized the battlefield at Thebes. Ju n o 's trea tm e n t of the A rgive w o m en as a tragic ch o ru s p e rh a p s recalls E u rip id es' Supplices, w hich covers the sam e events as this p a rt of the Thebaid. This is reinforced by the presence of an audience, w h o p o u r from th eir houses to see the m o u rn in g b an d (12.471-472). A gain Juno, becom ing the ch o ru s leader, controls the situation by m ingling w ith th e crow d an d an sw erin g their q uestions (12.474-478). The pro cessio n of th e A rgive w o m en a n d the A th en ian observers looks fo rw ard to the triu m p h of T heseus an d the conquered A m azons later in the book. A t 12.478ff. the w om en are com pared to Getic birds: 80 Geticae n o n p lu ra q u eru n tu r hospitibus tectis trunco serm one volucres, cum duplices thalam os et iniquum Terea clam ant. (Theb. 12.478-80) G etic b ird s m ake no lengthier com plaint w ith m u tila te d speech o n th e foreign roof to p s, w h e n th ey decry th e rep eated m arriag e an d cruel Tereus. This sim ile stan d s to g eth er w ith the one at 12.515, w h ich com pares the w o m en to cranes. T he sim iles fram e th e d escrip tio n of th e a ltar of C lem entia an d reveal the em otional m ovem ent of the scene. This sim ile com pares the w om en to nightingales and alludes to th e story of Procne, P h ilo m ela, a n d T ereus. S tatiu s recalls th e sto ry to ld b y O v id in Metamorphoses 5, w hich, according to Ahl, introduces in ap p ro p riate sexual violence to the scene: In the first, the m ythic allusion to the A thenian p rin c e sse s P ro cn e a n d P h ilo m ela, a n d to T hracian T ereus seem s, at first, n o t w h o lly a p p ro p ria te to th e situ a tio n of th e A rgive w om en. It is fraught w ith sexual violence an d m utilation; the T heban C reon is allow ing the d e c o m p o s itio n of d e a d w a r r io r s , n o t th rea te n in g th e chastity an d b o d ily p a rts of 1 82 their w ives. C reon does v iolate fam ily ius by fo rb id d in g th e fu n e ra l rites to be p erfo rm ed by fem ale relatives as does T ereus by rap in g his w ife's sister and h id in g his crim e. T here is an u n d ercu rren t of sexual violence in the 1 8 2 Ahl (1986), 2892. 81 follow ing scenes, especially in the im age of the A m azons c a p tu re d by Theseus. A hl does see relevance in the association w ith A thens, because of the role Tereus played defending A thens from invaders for w hich he w as 183 aw ard ed Procne, the d au g h ter of th e king of A thens. T ereus is th en connected to T heseus— also th e d efen d er of A thens. T heseus is also im plicated by the presence of H ippolyte, w ho looks ahead to th e b irth of H ip p o ly tu s a n d the sto ry of P haedra. T heseus is like T ereus, w h o is characterized by his double m arriage (duplicae thalamos [12.480]), w h en he m arries P haedra, the sister of A riadne. A hl also refers to the problem s of 184 language and utterance raised in O vid's account. The A rgives are here inarticulate (trunco sermone [12.479]), b u t as the scene m oves th ro u g h the description of the A ltar of C lem entia, the w om en gain a clear voice in the rhetorical speech of Evadne. T he d e sc rip tio n of th e p recin ct, a lta r, rite s, a n d d iv in ity of C lem entia begins a fl2 .4 ^ i. This passage is often considered the tu rn in g p o in t of the p o e m .^ y T h e d ivinity of C lem entia is the b eg in n in g of the resolution of the poem by p resen tin g a positive sym bol of pow er. The altar sta n d s in the m id d le of A thens (urbe media[12A81). C lem entia is described as mitis (12.482), w hich connects h er to o th er figures in the 1 poem , especially A drastus. This passage is concerned n o t only w ith the ecphrasis of a shrine, b u t also w ith the n a tu re of the divinity. A hl rem arks th at it is a very different kind of divinity from those seen in other 1 8 3 Ibid., 2892-3. 1 8 4 Ibid., 2893. 1 8 5 Even Statius' strongest detractors admit the importance of this passage; see Ogilvie (1980), 332-3; Gossage (1972), 203. 1 8 6 Cf. Theb. 1.467 82 epic ecphrases— "Unlike the tem ple of Juno in A eneid 1.441-493, or th at of D ido in Punica 1.81-100, this shrine is not dedicated to a pow erful deity or v en g efu l sp irit, b u t to th o se w h o h a v e lo st e v ery th in g , o r alm o st I O '? everything." T he d ifferen ce b e tw e e n C lem en tia a n d o th e r epic divinities is the lack of trap p in g sJn h e rjn ih ^ w h ic h separates her divinity from false cultural form s. Statius m ay be m aking a connection betw een A ra C lem entiae and the description of the A r^ M a x im a J n Aeneid 8. The altar is described at th e en d of the story of H ercules an d C acus an d E v an d er's w o rsh ip of H ercules. This p a rt of book 8 is concerned at one level w ith an idealistic 188 p o rtrait of rustic Italy. G ransden sees the rustic sim plicity of E vander's kingdom in direct contrast w ith D ido's C arthage: "In th e Aeneid, ju st as C arthage is th e anti-type of Rom e, so D ido's invitation to A eneas in the 189 first half of the poem is the anti-type of E vander's." Statius evokes a sim ilar kind of sim plicity in his d escription of the A ra C lem entiae. By recalling the A ra M axim a in his description of th e A ra C lem entiae Statius continues his rap id replay of the second half of the Aeneid in the final book of the Thebaid. S tatius' p re se n ta tio n of th e a ltar is v irtu a lly an an ti-ecp h rasis. Statius says there is no im age of the divine form: nulla autem effigies, nulli com m issa m etallo form a dei. (Theb. 12.493-4) 1 8 7 Ahl (1986), 2890. 1 8 8 See Boyle (1997), for dissonances in the ideal landscape of early Rome. 1 8 9 Gransden (1976), 28. 83 H ow ever, th ere is no im age, the form of th e god com m itted to no m etal. Statius uses ecphrasis m any tim es in the Thebaid to describe objects w hich u su ally b rin g do o m u p o n th eir b earer, as w ell as to in d icate sinister aspects of th e ch aracter of the w earer. For exam ple, th e necklace of H arm onia in book 2 n o t only reflects on the royal fam ily of Thebes, b u t looks fo rw ard to th e treachery of E riphyle. The sh ield of C renaeus in book 9 describes the scene of E uropa crossing the ocean on the bull's back; h o w e v er, C re n a e u s' o w n fa ith in th e a b ility of th e w a te r of his g ran d fath er's river to protect him is his dow nfall. The anti-ecphrasis of the altar m ost strongly contrasts w ith another ecphrasis later in th e book, of the shield of Theseus. Theseus' shield reveals his o w n m ythic history in the im age of the C retan bull, w hich, on the one h an d , d em o n strates his heroism , b u t, on the other, recalls his treatm en t of the C retan princess A riadne. The lack of an im age on the altar is significant because it is represented instead in the hearts and m inds of those w h o com e to p ray at it: mentes habitare et pectora gaudet (12.494). S tatiu s n o t only describes th e a ltar, b u t gives th e h isto ric al b ack g ro u n d . T h ro u g h th e reference to O restes, A hl says, S tatiu s is adapting the altar in the Eumenides for his altar: "Here [Eumenides 681-705] surely, is the p ro to ty p e for Statius' A ltar of M ercy, o p en d ay an d night: clem ency dissociated from pow er, an d from despotism o r anarchy. It is the ideal of justice, u n iq u e, as A thena sees it, in the w o rld ."190 Statius ad d s to the G reek concept of the altar w ith the in tro d u ctio n of the R om an 1 9 0 Ahl (1986), 2891. See also Kabsch (1968), 165. political concept of the new m an (hominemque novum [12.501]): "The N ew M an is n o t only, shall w e say, dem ocratic m an, b u t m an in som e w ay renew ed an d m ysteriously transform ed."1 91 V essey also rem ark s on the influence of the Stoic tra d itio n in th is passage, in p a rticu la r, Seneca's 1 09 Naturales Questiones. Seneca's De Clementia is also very influential for Statius, p articu larly the role it plays as a m odel for th e b eh av io r of the em p ero r N ero. S tatius also refers to the im p o rtan ce of A th en s in the Eleusinian m ysteries, w hich A hl connects to the fam ily of the P apinii Statii th ro u g h an inscription to either Statius or his father from th e C ouncil of 193 the A reopagus. A Feeney connects d e m e n tia 's ap p earan ce in th e final book to the rem o v al of th e O ly m p ian s from e a rth ly e v e n ts.194 R ath er th a n an O ly m p ian deity, C lem entia is a p ersonification w h ich em p h asizes the h u m a n c o n d itio n .195 T his is in lin e w ith F een ey 's a n aly sis of th e developm ent of the poem : T he g o d s b e co m e u n a p p ro a c h a b le , a n d ineffectual; the qualities w hich are associated w ith them an d w ith h u m an s are allow ed to act for a w hile, w ith success, as in th e case of V irtus, or w ith o u t, as in th e case of Pietas; finally, the poet's focus confines itself entirely to h u m an em otions and exchanges. C lem entia h a d been left am ong h u m an s by the gods, so 1 9 1 Ibid., 2891. 1 9 2 Vessey (1973), 310, n.l. 1 9 3 Ahl (1986), 2891-2. 1 9 4 Feeney (1991), 357: "With as much force as his tradition allows him to command, Statius makes it impossible for us to refer to the gods for help when we try to find a vantage-point, at the poem's end, from which to make some sense of resolution. After the three realms' tussle, it emerges at the end that the Olympians must surrender their claims to moral authority." 1 9 5 Ibid., 391. S tatius tells u s (12.449-505); w ith th e gods' d isappearance, an d w ith the a b an d o n m en t of n arrativ e th ro u g h personification, this h u m an realm is the only one in w hich she can n o w exist.196 Feeney does n o t account for the role of Juno in book 12 n o r the fem inine n a tu re of th e p erso n ificatio n s. P e rh a p s S tatiu s is e m p h a siz in g th e separation of the pred o m in an tly m ale O lym pian p o w ers from the h u m an realm : h e certain ly d raw s a full p ic tu re of a m ore sy m p ath etic an d interactive fem ale realm . The kind of clem ency described by Statius in his description of the altar is different from the type of clementia generally found in the R om an tradition. Burgess contrasts the n atu re of clementia in the Thebaid w ith its other uses in Latin literature. The m ost significant differences, according to B urgess, are the a d d itio n of a th ird p a rty an d the q u estio n of guilt. T raditionally clem ency w as bestow ed u p o n a transgressor b y som eone in 197 a p o sitio n of p o w e r— it rep laces p u n ish m e n t. H e says: "The p resu p p o sitio n necessary for the w o rd clementia to be u sed is th at a fixed stan d ard of behavior w hich relates tw o in d iv id u als or a g ro u p s h as been breached b y one of the partners; the o th er is th en in a p o sitio n to show 198 clem entia in resp ect to th e p u n ish m e n t he exacts for th a t breach." H ow ever, in Statius, the people w ho seek the altar of C lem entia have been injured, are "tragic victim s," w ho seek the aid of C lem entia against their oppressor. There are then three parties involved and the term is rem oved 1 9 6 Ibid., 391. 1 9 7 Burgess (1972), 339. 1 9 8 Ibid., 339. 86 from the "realm of crim e an d p u n ish m en t."199 B urgess says th a t Statius' n ew definition "underlines the poet's lack of concern for the q u estio n of h u m an guilt an d directs attention tow ards the problem of oppression an d suffering w ith w hich, I believe, the Thebaid is p rim arily concerned."200 The presence of a th ird p a rty is an indication th at the trad itio n al form of clem ency h as failed. The th ird p a rty is necessary to enforce clem ency, 201 w hich seem s to be a paradoxical concept. B urgess also addresses the issue of irony in the use of clementia, especially as it is used by Tacitus, b u t fails to m ake the connection w ith Statius. H e also connects th e events of th e poem a n d the trea tm e n t of h u m a n ity to th e c o n tem p o rary au d ien ce of th e Thebaid in clu d in g the em peror: "In the Ara Clementiae Statius offers D om itian a clear policy for em pire a p p ro p ria te to w h at h e felt w as th e m ost im m ediate n eed of the R om an people, a need illustrated in full m easure by the p receding eleven books of the Thebaid." H e says "An em peror w h o show s clementia w ill th u s redress all w ro n g and intervene on behalf of all o rd in ary m en w h o are u n a b le to h e lp th em se lv e s, o p p re sse d , p e rh a p s, b y a w e a lth y 203 adversary or by im perial bureaucracy." Burgess ignores th e possibility of an ironic use in Statius. B urgess seem s to th in k th a t th e em p ero r is represented b y the figure of clementia in Statius' m odel, b u t fails to see th at the em peror is also the agent o f^ p p re js io n . B urgess him self notes th at m onarchs are guilty of inclementia in the poem . Statius' p resen tatio n of 1 9 9 Ibid., 348. 2 0 0 Ibid., 348. 2 0 1 This paradox, however, is reflected in the pax romana--peace maintained by the threat of force. 2 0 2 Burgess (1972), 349. 2 0 3 Ibid., 348-9. £r * T heseus m akes his role of earth ly ag en t of clementia problem atic. So Statius' m odel of C lem entia acts both as a m odel for D om itian's behavior concerning justice, an d as a critique of the em peror's oppression. This passage ends w ith a sim ile w hich looks back to the beginning of the description of the altar an d the sim ile of the Getic birds. The A rgive w om en are n o w com pared to cranes m igrating to Egypt: ceu patrio su p er alta grues A quilone fugatae cum videre Pharon; tunc aethera latius im plent, tunc hilari clangore sonant; iuvat orbe sereno contem psisse nives et frigora solvere Nilo. (Theb. 12.515-8) As cranes m ade to flee over the deep by native A quilon, w h en th ey see P haros, th e n th ey fill th e sky m o re w id ely , th e n they so u n d w ith joyful noise; it is pleasing u n d e r the calm sky to sp u rn the snow and to shake off the coldness along the Nile. This sim ile ties the A rgive w om en to their m ale counterparts, w h o are also described as cranes (5.11-16). A hl says "these sim iles of m ig ratin g birds rem in d u s th a t it is n eed for, n o t th e site of, sa n ctu a ry th a t rem ains constant."204 This sim ile com pares the cran es’ w in ter h a v en safe from h arsh w eath er to A thens as a haven for the A rgive w om en. H ow ever, the next passage strongly contrasts w ith the notion of A thens as a safe haven, as the A rgives are n o t the only group of w om en p resen t in A thens. The A m azons have no haven in A thens. T here m ay also be an allusion to L ucan in these im ages of cranes. In the Bellum Civile the Italian fleet is also com pared to the flight of cranes: 2 0 4 Ahl (1986), 2892. Strym ona sic gelidum brum a pellente relin q u u n t p o tu rae te, Nile, grues, prim oque volatu effingunt varias casu m onstrante figuras; m ox ubi percussit tensas N otus altior alas, confusos tem ere inm ixtae glom erantur in orbes, et turbata p erit dispersis littera pinnis. (BC 5.711-6) So w h en cranes leave b eh in d frozen Strym on having been forced by w in ter in o rd er to drink y o u , N ile, a n d w ith th e first flig h t m ak e sh iftin g sh ap es a p p e a rin g b y chance; soon, w h e n a h ig h er w in d beats th eir o u treach ed w ings, they gather into confused circles, m ixed b y ch an ce, a n d th e le tte r is b ro k e n a n d d isru p ted by scattered w ings. L ucan's sim ile alludes to the association of cranes w ith the alp h ab et an d therefore language. The reference to L ucan th ro u g h the sim ile of the cranes highlights the role th at language plays for the A rgive w om en. But Statius inv erts L ucan's crane sim ile by m oving the A rgive w o m en from silence to speech. W hen th e w o m en first a rriv e in A thens th ey are com pared to nightingales w h o have difficulty speaking, b u t th ro u g h the influence of C lem entia the w om en develop a facility w ith language w hich allow s them to address Theseus. T heseus appears in triu m p h at 12.519ff. arriving from his defeat of the A m azons. H e is joyously w elcom ed by the people of Athens: Iam que dom os patrias Scythicae p o st aspera gentis proelia laurigero subeuntem Thesea curru laetifici plausus m issusque ad sidera vulgi clam or et em eritis hilaris tuba n u n tiat arm is. (Theb. 12.519-22) 89 A n d n o w th e clapping an d cry of the crow d flu n g u p to the stars an d the tru m p e t m ad e joyful by e n d ed w arfare an n o u n ces T heseus re tu rn in g to h is n a tiv e h o m es o n a c h ario t bearing the laurel of victory after h arsh battles w ith the Scythian tribe. Statius first concentrates closely on the spoils on view in the triu m p h al procession (12.523-528). H ere are th e arm s an d the w om en. T heseus' e n try into th e city is v ery R om an an d m ig h t h av e significance for a co n tem p o rary audience. Som e of S tatius' au d ien ce co u ld recall T itus' entry into Rom e in 71 C.E. an d others could visualize the p o w erfu l im age on the A rch of Titus of the spoils from the sack of Jerusalem being carried through Rom e in trium ph. A ttention is also given to the captive A m azons w h o stan d in co n trast to the A rgive w om en. They do n o t tru st in the clementia of A thens an d h e r representative, T heseus; rath e r th ey tu rn to u n m arried M inerva (12.531). The A m azons have been c ap tu red , yet, not thoroughly defeated, they retain som e control by denying th eir sexuality: ipsae autem nondum trepidae sexumve fatentur (12.529). H ow ever, Statius describes H ip p o ly te as th o ro u g h ly tam ed b y T heseus th ro u g h a sexual relationship: iam blanda genas patiensque mariti/ foederis (12.534-535). The description of H ippolyte is th ro u g h the eyes of the A ttic w om en (Atthides [12.536]), w ho in terp ret h er relationship to T heseus as one of erotic desire- -blanda. This m ay be an indication of Theseus' a ttitu d e to w a rd s w om en. 205 V essey sees this as a triu m p h of civilization over b arb arism , b u t he ignores th e disastro u s resu lt of h er m arriage to T heseus, referred to by 2 0 5 Vessey (1973), 312: "Theseus, by conquering the Amazons, has acted as champion of order and civilisation: it is because he is the consistent defender of the moral law that he, and he alone, can draw to a close the history of sin and crime at Thebes." Statius at 12.539.206 The b irth of T heseus' son H ip p o ly tu s foreshadow s tragic events beyond the scope of the poem — Theseus' role in the d e ath of his w ife and son, w hich m ay look back to the story of Philom ela allu d ed to earlier in the passage. Statius' presentation of T heseus is full of references to his p a st an d fu tu re. T his p lay w ith the n a rra tiv e line, especially th ro u g h references to sto ries he w ill n o t n a rra te , is p a rt of S tatius' em phasis on the problem s of closure in the final book. The A rgives are also spectators of the trium ph, b u t the defeat of the A m azons rem inds them of their ow n purpose. The w om en are referred to as Pelopeides (12.540), w hich is only u sed for the A rgive w o m en in one o th er place in th e poem . T he A rgive w om en are called Pelopeides at 10.49ff: at procul Argolici supplex in m argine tem pli coetus et ad patrias fusae Pelopeides aras sceptiferae Iunonis opem red itu m q u e su o ru m exposcunt. (Theb. 10.49-52) But far aw ay a su p p lian t b a n d g ath er o n the th re s h o ld of th e A rg iv e te m p le a n d th e P elo p eian w o m e n sp re a d o u t on th e n a tiv e altars seek the help of scepter-bearing Juno and ask for the retu rn of their families. It is this passage w hich leads to Juno unleashing Som nus on the T hebans, causing great destruction. In this passage the A rgive en treaty leads to a bloody disruption. In book 12, once again the entreaty of th e A rgives w ill be m et w ith violence— Theseus w ill renew the fighting. 2 0 6 There is a textual problem here with paritura/placitura, see Hill (1983), 323. The reading of p a rtiu tra emphasizes Hippolyte's pregnancy and foreshadows Theseus' conflict with his son. 91 T heseus addresses the A rgive w o m en from his triu m p h al chariot and bids them to speak: atque ubi tard av it currus et ab axe superbo explorat causas victor poscitque benigna aure preces. (Theb. 12.543-5) A n d w h en the victor h ad slow ed th e chariots an d from his p ro u d vehicle asked ab o u t th eir m otives and inquired about their w ishes w ith a kind ear. E vadne, th e Capaneia coniunx, speaks for the A rgive w om en. D om inik says th at E vadne m ay seem like an o d d choice to speak for the A rgives because h er h u sb a n d C ap an eu s is th e m o st b lasp h em o u s figure in the 9 07 w ar. H ow ever, V essey argues for h e r role: "It is a p p ro p ria te th at it should be the w ife of the m ost im pious of the A rgives w ho now confronts th e m o st p io u s of kings w ith a m o v in g p lea for aid a g ain st C reon's 208 savagery." T here is n o th in g to su p p o rt V essey's claim th a t T heseus is p io u s in th is scene, b u t th e "im piety" of C a p an e u s u n d e rsc o re s the devotion of the w ives an d m others to perform th eir act of piety. E vadne’s role in book 12 m ay also look back to h er role in E uripides' Supplices, in w h ic h sh e co m m its su ic id e o n th e p y re of h e r h u sb a n d . S tatiu s em phasizes th e pietas of these w o m en in th eir d esire to m a in tain the fam ily bond, regardless of the character of their m ale relatives. 2 0 7 Dominik (1994b), 88: "It is ironic that Evadne should base her appeal to Theseus for aid on the righteousness of her cause, for her husband is the most blasphemous figure in the war and the antithesis of a man such as Adrastus, w ho is portrayed generally as a representation of justice and rightness." 2 0 8 Vessey (1973), 312. 92 D om inik p ro v id es an analysis of E vadne's deliberative speech to Theseus, in w hich he says th at it is a careful speech w hich anticipates the presbeutikos logos of M enander.209 A lthough it is im p o rtan t to recognize the regularity of E vadne's speech, the correctness of h e r speech does n o t em pty it of content, b u t there are im p o rtan t them es in h er speech w hich should n o t be ig n o red — the discussion of w h a t it m eans to be a m an, and the attention to T heseus' p a st an d fu tu re deeds. E vadne claim s th a t the A rgives' hu sb an d s w ere m en, an d not m onsters, an d includes a discussion of w h at it m eans to be hum an. H er w o rd s em phasize the corporeal n atu re of man: hom inum , inclyte Theseu, sanguis erant, hom ines, eadem que in sidera, eosdem sortitus an im arum alim entaque vestra creati. (Theb. 12.554-6) They w ere of the blood of m en, fam ed Theseus, m en, b o rn u n d e r th e sam e stars an d to the sam e lo t of liv in g so u ls a n d to th e sam e sustenance as you. V essey claim s th a t E vadne's a rg u m en t looks back to the d iscu ssio n of clementia: "Her arg u m en t recalls the Stoic doctrine of h u m an brotherhood, on w h ic h , as w e h a v e re m a rk e d , Seneca fo u n d e d h is th e o ry of 910 clementia.” But w h at seem s to connect m en in E vadne’ s speech is their physical m akeup. In the m any descriptions of corpses on the battlefield in the Thebaid Statius em phasizes the reduction of h u m an figures into b o d y 2 0 9 See Dominik (1994b), 79, for a structural analysis of the speech. Dominik uses Menander to analyze the speech; however, the work is third century C.E. and may not be strictly relevant for Statius' poem. 2 1 0 Vessey (1973), 312-313. 93 parts. In this passage E vadne depicts verbally the h u m an condition and its physical n a tu re w hich Statius has depicted graphically in the b roken bodies lying on the field. E vadne's speech includes m any references to Theseus' story beyond his a p p ea ra n c es in th e n a rra tiv e of th e Thebaid. S tatius uses these references to o th er aspects of T h eseu s’ sto ry to call into q u estio n the "m odel of a clem en t an d ju st kin g ."211 E v ad n e calls h im b y th e patronym ic Aegide. O vid is the only other R om an au th o r k n o w n to have used this term : in Heroides 4, P h aed ra uses it to recall to H ip p o ly tu s the 2|2 story of T heseus an d A riad n e in the labyrinth. S tatius allu d es to a com plicated nexus of m yth su rro u n d in g T heseus w ith the use of this term : th ro u g h the reference to O vid he alludes b o th to the p a st of T heseus an d his desertion of A riadne and to the fu tu re an d the problem s T heseus w ill face w ith his ow n son H ippolytus. The term n o t only alludes to Theseus' p a st at C rete, b u t also to his retu rn , w hich leads to his fath er's death. T heseus is not particularly assiduous in his pietas to w ard s his father. E vadne also uses praise of T heseus' p ast d eed s to p ersu ad e h im to help the A rgives. This recollection of T heseus' history, along w ith the d escription of his shield, places T heseus in a m ythic context w h ich does n o t bo d e w ell for the A rgives. E vadne's m ention of T heseus' kindness to the old w o m an H ecale (12.582) is u n d ercu t by the events at C rete (12.581- 582), w hich resu lte d in the d esertio n of A riad n e an d the d e a th of his father. E vadne tries to distinguish T heseus from C reon w h en she refers to the defeat of the A m azons: credo et Amazoniis Tanain fumasse sepulcris, unde 2 1 1 Ibid., 312. 2 1 2 Her. 4.59-60: perfidus Aegides, ducentiafila secutusjcurva m eaefugit tecta sororis ope. 94 haec arma refers (12.578-579). T heseus allow s th e b u rial of th e defeated A m azons, w hile C reon has refused b u rial for the A rgive dead. H ow ever, E vadne's reference to the A m azons an d T heseus' conquest highlights her precario u s situ atio n in a d d re ssin g th e m an w ho has recen tly attack ed w om en. E vadne's speech ends w ith a reference to Theseus' m o th er (12.585), w hich is rem iniscent of Priam 's ap p eal to Achilles in the final book of the Iliad. W hereas P riam rep resen ts the father figure to A chilles, E vadne a p p ro p ria te ly a p p eals to T heseus th ro u g h th e fig u re of h is m o th er. H ow ever, T heseus' m o th er is curiously absent from this text, m u ch like 213 E urydice at the opening of the book. T heseus' m o th er is a p ro m in en t figure in E uripides' treatm en t of the story in the Supplices, an d influences her son to help the A rgives. H er absence from the text helps com plete the picture of T heseus, w ho is am biguous at best in his trea tm e n t of fem ale figures. By p u ttin g T heseus in A thens as th e triu m p h a to r o v er the A m azons a n d b y p re se n tin g h is m ythic p a st as slay er of his father, deserter of w om en, an d his fu tu re as the killer of his son an d w ife, Statius casts do u b t on Theseus' role as the ideal ruler and cham pion of justice. 12.587-708 A fter E vadne speaks an d the A rgive w om en end their plea (12.587- 588), Theseus reacts to their request. Statius says th at he is m oved b y iusta ira (12.589). Ira is a particularly im p o rtan t w o rd in this passage because it is the em o tio n w h ich m o tiv ates m o st of th e ch aracters in th e poem , 2 1 3 Adrastus' wife is missing from the mourning Argive women; is it only because her husband survives? 95 including C reon later in the book (12.687). V essey says th a t ira is the o p p o site of th e Stoic co n cep tio n of dementia.214 For V essey, iusta a d eq u ately co m p en sates for a n d m odifies th e ira of T heseus so th a t "Theseus know s th a t dem entia requires him to accede to the w idow s' cry 2 ic for succour." The ira iusta w hich m o tiv ates T heseus is a paradoxical p hrase, as V essey p o in ts o u t th ro u g h th e exam ple of Seneca— ira m oves T heseus in the n am e of dem entia , b u t th e tw o are opposite concepts in R om an Stoicism. Statius uses the p h rase in one other place in the Thebaid: at 7.538, w h en he describes T ydeus' reaction to Polynices’ decision to go to battle. M oved b y th is em otion, T ydeus h a ra n g u e s th e tro o p s, w hich in sp ires fu ro r a n d evokes th e E rinyes (7.562); his iusta ira o p en s th e floodgates of violence for th e fig h tin g b etw een th e T hebans a n d the A rgives. C ertainly the text raises doubts about the righteousness of the battle betw een A rgos and Thebes. Likew ise here, alth o u g h Theseus' anger ag ain st C reo n 's v io latio n of th e A rgive corpses m ay be ju stified , the speech w h ich follow s n o t only recognizes th e presence of th e E rinyes (12.590), b u t also gives rise to furor (12.593) an d the Furies w h o are later seen at w o rk by C reon (12.696). T h ro u g h the recollection of th e first expedition against Thebes b y the repetition of iusta ira, Statius questions the legitim acy of the second attack. The desire for bloodshed is an elem ent of ira, as Statius m akes clear w h en he associates the personified figure of 217 Ira w ith Furor in book 3 to describe the figure of M ars. 2 1 4 Vessey (1973), 311, refers to Seneca's De Clementia 1.5.4-6: " d em en tia, as Seneca makes clear, is the antithesis and antidote of ira ." 2 1 5 Ibid., 314. 2 1 6 Cf. A eneid 10.714 (iustae...irae) and 8.494 (F uriis...iustis). Both passages in the A eneid refer to the Etruscan attitude towards Mezentius. 2 1 7 Theb. 3.424. 96 Theseus' speech begins w ith the expression of h is h o rro r at C reon's actions (12.590-593), b u t m oves to his readiness and w illingness to fight: adsum , nec sanguine fessum crede; sitit m eritos etiam num haec hasta cruores. (Theb. 12.594-5) I am present, and d o n 't think m e tired of bloodshed; this spear even no w thirsts for w orthy blood. T heseus m ay seem decisive w h en he responds im m ediately to the A rgive w om en's plea w ith o u t delay (nulla mora est [12.596]), b u t h e also seem s ^ I Q eager for battle. Nulla mora est has m etanarrative im plications as well. T here w ill be no m ore delay as the poem sp eed s on to its conclusion. 219 Theseus sends a m essenger (12.596-597), n o t to negotiate, b u t to give an u ltim a tu m back ed u p w ith iorce—proelia Thebis (12.598). S ta tiu s is beginning to b u ild u p the associations of T heseus w ith A eneas in the final tw o books of the Aeneid in this scene. A eneas accepts the truce from the Latins to b u ry bodies and seem s to w a n t peace, b u t ends u p b reak in g his 220 truce. Theseus' actions are also am biguous; alth o u g h he offers peace, he is quick to w ar. T heseus' desire to go to w a r m akes h im sim ilar to m any o th er characters in the poem , rath e r th en isolating him as a m odel for behavior. 2 1 8 Legras (1905), 138, compares Theseus' hesitiation in the Suppliants and his reaction here. 2 1 9 Vessey (1973), 314, says that the messenger offers repentance to Creon: "Even to the tyrant, however, Theseus first offers an opportunity for repentance and a change of heart." But the appearance of the messenger at 12.682ff seems to negate this, because there is no time between the messenger speech and the appearance of Theseus, ready for battle. 2 2 0 Aen. ll.lOOff. Aeneas grants the truce and 11.445ff. Aeneas prepares for battle. 97 S tatius m akes the association w ith o th er figures im plicit w ith a sim ile com paring T heseus to a bull fighting for dom inance in his m eadow (12.601-605). Bull sim iles are also u se d of P olynices, E teocles, an d 221 Tydeus , an d here Statius draw s a com parison for T heseus w hich m ay n ot be altogether flattering— A hl says th at the b u ll sim ile "links him to the o thers co m p etin g to be lord of the m ead o w s, m en S tatius h as alread y c o n d em n ed for th eir crim inal am bitions." H o w ev er, th is sim ile also fu rth ers the connection of T heseus to A eneas w h o is d ep icted as a bull before he goes to battle w ith T u rn u s (A en . 12.715ff.). Statius b u ild s u p m an y associations w ith th e second h alf of the Aeneid in th e final book, culm inatin g in the battle of C reon an d T heseus w h ich evokes th e final battle of A eneas an d T urnus. The p resen tatio n of T heseus as an A eneas figure, th ro u g h such im ages as the bull sim ile, increases his heroic stature, b u t associations w ith A eneas as w ell as w ith other characters problem atize Theseus' role in the poem . The presence of M inerva w ith the h ead of M edusa links T heseus to 9 9 0 O e d ip u s th ro u g h th e im age of th e snakes. O e d ip u s' p ra y e r for v e n g ea n ce calls u p T isip h o n e, w h o is d e sc rib e d in v iv id d e ta il, em phasizing h e r snaky locks: resolutaque vertice crines/ lambere sulpureas permiserat anguibus undas (1.90-1) a n d centum illi stantes umbrabant ora cerastae (1.103). As T isiphone ap p ears in response to O ed ip u s, M inerva appears for T heseus after he has agreed to go to w ar, bearing the h ead of M edusa, the description of w hich recalls the im ages of T isiphone th ro u g h h er snaky hair: 2 2 1 Cf. 3.330-335 (Tydeus); 11.252-66 (Eteocles); 2.323-230; 9.82-85 (Polynices). 2 2 2 See Taisne (1972) and Vessey (1986), 2983, for snake imagery in the Thebaid. 98 p rotinus erecti toto sim ul agm ine Thebas respexere angues. (Theb. 12.608-9) Im m ediately the snakes standing straight u p in 223 a w hole group looked tow ards Thebes. T heseus m ay sta n d o u t from the o th er characters in th e p o em in his 224 decision to m ake w ar for a "righteous" cause, b u t Statius u n d ercu ts his presentation th rough im ages w hich connect him closely to other m onarchs 'J 0 S w ho abuse p o w er such as O edipus, Polynices, and Eteocles. The catalogue of the A ttic troops begins at 12.611 an d looks back to the A rgive catalogue in book 4. Statius evokes the catalogue in book 4, b u t in book 12 he alters the narrative function of the catalogue. The catalogue of troops in book 4 concentrates on the Seven, taking over 250 lines (4.32- 308), w h ereas the A ttic tro o p s are covered in less th a n 30. In books 4 th ro u g h 6 Statius delays, th ro u g h such devices as the catalogue, the onset of w ar, w hich is declared at the en d of book 3, b u t does n o t b eg in until book 7. A fter the battle, the n arrativ e pace quickens u n til th e p o in t in book 12 w h en it is declared th at there w ill be no delay (nulla mora est) and 2 2 3 Taisne (1972), 365, links this scene to book 8 in which Athena appears to Tydeus: "A deux reprises, Stace utilise le participe recti pour decrire l'attitude offensive des serpents: leur valeur apotropaique est encore soulignee par l'adjectif seruatricem." 2 2 4 For example, see Vessey (1973), 314, for analysis of the differences between Thebans and Athenians: "Theseus and the Athenians take up the sword to assert a moral order which governs the whole cosmos; Creon and the Thebans are inflamed by disruptive powers that are inimical to nature and morality. In the conflict between the Thebans and the Argives, both sides had been dominated by the Furies and disaster was inevitable. The Athenians w ill serve a greater cause and may be confident of victory." See also Kabsch (1968), 121, for the role of Athens in the Thebaid. 2 2 5 Contra Vessey (1973), 315-6 who compares Theseus to Adrastus and Kabsch (1968), 161 ff., who views Theseus as a positive contrast to Creon in the poem. Kabsch (1968), 169ff., also sees Theseus' speech in this passage as an echo of Jupiter's speech at 7. 216ff., legitimizing the war against Thebes, and making Theseus a Jupiter on earth. 99 the battle is hastened b y Theseus' eagerness. Even the narrative break of a catalogue cannot slow the m om entum of the final book. In the catalogue of book 12, m o st of th e A ttic sites receive n o m o re th a n a line of description, except for those w hich Statius uses to recall som e negative aspect of T heseus or the history of Attica. For exam ple, the description of Sunion, in w hich Statius m anages to in sert an o th er reference to Theseus' problem atic past: lin q u itu r Eois longe speculabile p roris Sunion, u n d e vagi casurum in nom ina ponti C ressia decepit falso ratis A egea velo. (Theb. 12.625-6) Sunion, visible from E astern prow s is left behind, w here the C retan ship w ith the lying sail deceived A egeus about to fall and give a nam e to a w an d erin g sea. T his p assag e certain ly im plicates T heseus in th e d e a th of his fath er th ro u g h such w o rd s as decepit an d falso. Theseus' role in th e d eath of his father connects him to O edipus, w ho w as also responsible for his father's 226 death. The reference to Elisos a n d its role in concealing th e rap e of O rithyia (12.630-631) m ay look ah ead to T heseus' role in th e rap e of O 'y'7 P ersephone b y P irithous. T hese stories of rap e are rela te d b y the involvem ent of a th ird party. The description of the A cropolis as the site of the strife of M inerva an d N eptune (12.632-634) recalls the contest for the foundation of A thens betw een M inerva an d N eptune, a divine exam ple of the stru g g les for p o w er b ein g p lay ed o u t on earth in th e poem . The 2 2 6 See Dominik (1994a), 94-5, for Theseus' intention to kill his father. 2 2 7 Statius tells the story through the figure of Pluto at 8.53ff. 100 m ythic origins of the principal pow ers of the poem an d ensuing legacy for their descendants is a strong them e in the Thebaid. Statius concludes the catalogue w ith H ippolyte, w ho cannot fight because of her pregnancy (12.636-637). This child w ill be H ippolytus, w ho w ill cause a new set of problem s for Theseus. T heseus' treatm en t of his 229 fu tu re son is another connection to the figure of O ed ip u s in the poem . By calling T heseus N eptunius (12.588) Statius m ay also refer to T heseus’ relationship w ith the god in Seneca's Phaedra. Theseus' call to his father to destroy his son H ip p o ly tu s results in the appearance of the bull from the sea. The w o rd s tum entis utri (636-37) m ay also be a recollection of the Phaedra, w hich tells the story Statius does not of H ippolytus, P haedra, an d Theseus. Statius m ay be tap p in g in to the im agery of preg n an cy an d b irth u sed by Seneca to connect the M inotaur to th e bull from the sea w hich 230 kills H ippolytus. In this scene Statius continues to play w ith T heseus' n arrativ e role by foreshadow ing events of his life beyond the scope of the poem . The reference to H ip p o ly te at the end of the catalogue also recalls the catalogue of the Italic tro o p s in Aeneid 7, w hich concludes w ith the figure of C am illa (A eneid 7.803-817). C am illa is directly connected to H ippolyte later in the Aeneid as she enters battle w ith her com panions: quales Threiciae cum flum ina T herm odontis p u lsan t et pictis b ellan tu r A m azones arm is, 2 2 8 See Davis (1994) for the role of history and mythic histories connecting the stories of Thebes, Argos, Athens, and Rome. 2 2 9 See Dominik (1994a), 94: "The references to the future progeny of Hippolyte (538f., 635-38) are a reminder that Theseus, like Oedipus, w ill adjudge he has been wronged, w ill curse his offspring who will endure a tragic death, and will suffer banishment (cf. Plut. Thes.), an indication that the cycle of mythical history will repeat itself." 2 3 0 See Boyle (1987), ad 1016. 101 seu circum H ippolyten seu cum se M artia curru Penthesilea refert. (Aen. 11.659-62) Just so w hen the Thracian A m azons p o u n d the stream of the T herm odon and w age w ar w ith p ain ted w eapons, either aro u n d H ippolyte or w hen w ar-like Penthesilea conveys herself in her chariot. T hrough the allusion to the figure of C am illa in the Aeneid Statius recalls the role of w o m en in the Aeneid, especially those w ho try to enter the m ale dom ain, such as D ido, w ho is also com pared to an A m azon, an d Cam illa. In the A eneid these w o m en are u nable to su sta in th eir role in th e m ale sphere and are destroyed, b u t Statius develops these w om en th ro u g h their role as m other. The figures of C am illa an d H ip p o ly te also allu d e to the figures of A ta la n ta an d h e r son P a rth e n o p a e u s in th e Thebaid. The dedication of H ip p o ly te's quiver (12.638) recalls A talanta's cultivation of 23 i D iana (9.585ff). The allusion to th e figure of A talanta an d H ip p o ly te’s im pending m oth erh o o d also look forw ard to the end of the book an d the lam ent for A talanta's son, Parthenopaeus. In his d escrip tio n of th e A th en ian tro o p s a n d T heseus' speech S tatius co n tin u es to stress th e rig h teo u sn ess of th is w a r th ro u g h the eagerness of the A thenians. T heseus sees his tro o p s sh in in g w ith their w eapons— d u /d ferro. The w eap o n s m ay be sw eet because of the cause they fight for, b u t T heseus is the one view ing (dux videt [640]), an d the im plication is th a t the w eapons are pleasing to Theseus. The description of th e m en leav in g th e ir fam ilies— utque piis raptim dent oscula natisf 2 3 1 Camilla is also distinguished by her quiver (Aen 7.816): Lyciam ut gerat ipsa pharetram. 2 3 2 Cf. Horace Odes 3.2.12: dulce el decorum est pro patria mori. 102 amplexusque breves increases the urgency of the A thenians, b u t also recalls 233 a form ulaic description of m en departing. This eagerness am o n g the troops contrast strongly w ith Statius' ensuing description of the Thebans. T heseus h aran g u es his tro o p s at 12.641ff., ag ain em p h asizin g the righteousness of the battle because of the crim es of the Thebans. N atu re is fav o rab le to th eir m issio n (N aturam ducem [645]), w h ic h m ay be an 234 indication of Theseus' construction as a Stoic hero. In his description of T hebes T heseus co n tin u es th e association of th a t city w ith snakes th ro u g h an im age of the Furies as anguicomae sorores leading th e T heban tro o p s (647). The u n u su a l w o rd anguicomae only occurs in tw o o th er places in the poem , b u t not only connected w ith Thebes. Statius uses the w o rd to describe th e im age of the gorgon on the goblet used b y A drastus to p o u r a libation for A pollo (1.544). It is also u sed for the gorgon's head w hich A pollo uses to frighten A m phiareus' com petition in the gam es in book 6 (6.495). The snake im agery is connected as m uch to the A rgives as to the Thebans. The gorgon's head also looks back to T heseus him self, at w h o se d e claratio n of w a r A th en a sh ak es th e g o rg o n 's h e a d (606ff.). T h eseu s' e m p h a sis o n th e ju stific atio n for w a r is u n d e rc u t b y his eagerness: "The en th u siasm of T heseus for w a r an d his oblivion to its h ard sh ip seem not to reflect sim ply the extent of his su p p o rt for the justice of th e w o m en 's cause. In d eed there is so m eth in g tro u b lin g a b o u t his TIC avidity for w ar." Theseus' desire for bloodshed is also em phasized by a 2 3 3 Cf. Lucretius D R N 3.894-5, Virgil Georgies 2.523-4, and Horace Odes 2.14.21-22. 2 3 4 For example, see Boyle (1987) 18ff., for the role of natura and universal order in Seneca's Phaedra; see Vessey (1973), 312ff., for a presentation of Theseus' connection to Stoic doctrine. 2 3 5 Dominik (1994a), 96. 103 contrast to his p resen tatio n in E uripides' Supplices, in w hich T heseus does 9 " 3 f \ n ot decide to fight un til C reon has rejected his em bassy. A fter his speech, Theseus casts his sp ear in the m an n er of a R om an declaration of w ar. Theseus' statu s as a victorious R om an general is also m ad e ex p licit w h e n he rid es in triu m p h th ro u g h A th en s. S tatiu s com pares T heseus to Ju p iter an d the violent onset of w in ter (12.650ff). D om inik d iscu sses th e co m p ariso n of T heseus to d iv in ities w h o are 237 connected w ith cruel behavior in the poem , including Jupiter. V essey connects this sim ile to the great n a tu re of T heseus an d role as reg en t on 23 8 earth as Jupiter is in heaven, b u t he does not discuss the negative role of Jupiter in the poem . Vessey also notes th at there w as a contem porary 239 association of Jupiter w ith the em p ero r D om itian. This association of T heseus, Ju p iter, an d D om itian could be p u sh e d m u ch fu rth e r th a n Vessey takes it. Statius him self m akes the connection b etw een Jupiter and D om itian in the prologue, b o th in term s of the role Jupiter p lay ed in the civil w ars of 69 (1.21-2) an d D om itian's eventual apotheosis: m agni cedat tibi Iu p p iter aequa p arte poli, m aneas hom inum contentus habenis, u n d a ru m terraeque potens, et sidera dones. (Theb. 1.29-31) 2 3 7 Cf. Ibid., 95: "The comparisons between Theseus and the cruel deities Jupiter (649-55) and Mars (733-36) further link the Athenian monarch closely with the malevolent and destructive gods. The former comparison likens the aggressive manner of Theseus' departure to the violent oncoming of winter effected by Jupiter, suggesting that the human role of the monarch corresponds to the divine role of the cosmocrator in its disagreeable aspects." 2 3 8 Vessey (1973), 314-5: "The simile reveals that Theseus, in his impartial devotion to justice and to law, is an earthly reflection of the supreme god." 2 3 9 Ibid., 315, n.l. 104 S hould Jupiter yield to y ou an equal share of the great sky, m ay y ou rem ain content w ith the reins of m en, m aster of lan d and sea, an d m ay you bestow the stars to the sky. Jupiter's actions in the sim ile take place in the N o rth (longam indignata quietem / tollit hiems animos ventosque sibilat Arctos [12.652-3]) as do D om itian's G erm an cam paigns: nec Arctoos ausim spirare triumphos (1.18). T here m ay also be som e connection b etw een D om itian's w ars on the G erm an frontier, w hich w ere difficult to justify an d p e rh a p s perceived as em pty battles,240 an d Theseus' defeat of the A m azons an d his eagerness to cham pion justice for th e A rgives. D om itian u se d the G erm an w ars to increase his im age as a m ilitary lead er241 an d T heseus seem s eq u ally concerned w ith his self-presentation. As the A th en ian s set o u t to w ar, S tatius describes th e sh ield of Theseus. The shield depicts the events on C rete and T heseus' defeat of the M inotaur. The ap p earan ce of the M in o tau r along w ith th e reference to T heseus as N eptunius (12.665) plays w ith the association of T heseus as bull-slayer as w ell as bull. V essey says th at T heseus' ap p earan ce as the slayer of the M inotaur links him to the savior figure of M ithras in book 242 1. H ow ever, as A hl p o in ts out, this is n o t a straig h tfo rw ard positive com parison: "Apollo, invoked by A d rastu s as M ithra, is an am biguous 2 4 0 Tacitus, Agricola 39.2: inerat conscientia derisui fuisse nuper falsum e Germania triumphum, emptis per commercia quorum habitus et crines in captivorum speciem formarentur. 2 4 1 See Jones (1992), 126, for a discussion of Domitian's need to prove him self in the military arena: "Now, emperors with no military experience tended to seek it once they gained power, and it need cause no surprise if Domitian be included in their number." 2 4 2 Vessey (1973), 313: "In tauroctonous Mithras, we see a 'figure' of Minotauroctonous Theseus, in Adrastus' allusion to the saviour-god, a foreshadowing of the saviour-hero. Like Mithras' slaying of the bull, the destruction of monsters by Hercules and Theseus symbolises the defeat of evil and disorder." 105 243 god w ho brings as m uch sorrow u p o n m an k in d as benefit." The shield collapses the d u al n atu re of T heseus into a single figure— "The bull slayer acts like a bull him self in his eagerness for battle, suggesting th at T heseus is a ttrac ted as m u ch b y th e p ro sp e ct of fig h tin g w ith C reo n as he is interested in u p h o ld in g n atu ral law."244 T heseus is doubly p resen t— in the text an d on the shield, w hich has an u n settlin g effect on b o th those w ho en co u n ter h im in b attle (terror habet populos, cum saeptus imagine torva/ ingreditur pugnas [12.672-3]) an d on th e read er w h o is aw are of T heseus' 245 m ythic p a st a n d future. The shield of T heseus is m odeled on tw o very im p o rtan t ecphrases in the second half of the Aeneid. The shield of A eneas in Aeneid 8 is the m ost obvious parallel. Statius is clearly looking back to Aeneid 8 for his m odel of the shield, b u t there are som e striking differences. The shield of A eneas is a com plicated p resen tatio n of the fu tu re of R om an history, the results of A eneas' actions in Italy. A eneas' reaction to the m eaning of the shield is com plex (Aen. 8.729-31). The im ages rep resen t the ideology of the R om an em pire, an d the justification of Rom e's history. A eneas rejoices in th e im ages, b u t is ig n o ran t of th e rea lity .246 A eneas is w illin g to continue w ith his m ission in Italy because he does n o t u n d e rsta n d the im plications of his actions, b u t is b lin d ed by the ideology rep resen ted in the im age. T heseus, on the other h an d , seem s to be self-consciously using his o w n im age an d history to define him self an d his role as cham pion of 2 4 3 Ahl (1986), 2895. 2 4 4 Dominik (1994a), 96. 2 4 5 Cf. Ahl (1986), 2895: "The combined effect of hero and shield make him twice present: people see him in 'real' life, his hands red with Amazon blood, and in art, where his earlier deeds are represented." 2 4 6 See Boyle (1986), 172ff., and Johnson (1976), 112ff., for Aeneas' reaction to the shield and the implications for his character. 106 justice. T heseus obviously know s the im plications of his actions th ro u g h his ow n experiences an d does not hesitate to act again. The subject m atter of the shield of T heseus ow es m ore to V irgil's description of the d oors o n the tem ple of A pollo d esig n ed b y D aedalus th an to his account of the shield of A eneas. The d o o rs also d ep ict the events on C rete {Aen. 6.23ff.). Statius m ay be recalling the doors th ro u g h the description of A riadne, w h o is p resent as the final im age on the shield 247 as a restatem en t of T heseus' treatm en t of w om en. A hl says th a t the 248 im ages on the shield are a rem in der of Theseus' link to the past, w hich is em phasized b y the recollection of D aedalus' hands: "D aedalus' hands, Vergil tells us, fell tw ice w h en he tried to depict his son's death: bis patriae cecidere manus (Aen. 6.33). H ere it is th e sp ectato rs w h o see T heseus' h an d s already d oubly bloodied."249 A fter the d escrip tio n of th e shield, Statius begins the next passage w ith saevus. Follow ing T heseus' shield as it does, it m ay be u n d ersto o d to ap p ly to T heseus because Statius delays the nam ing of Creon. In this passage Statius begins to b rin g T heseus and 250 C reon together and to u n d ercu t their differences. Statius retu rn s to the events at Thebes w ith at interea at 12.677. The transition to Thebes recalls the transition a t 12.105 (interea) w h ere Statius m oves the action aw ay from the funerals at Thebes to concentrate on the la m e n ta tio n of th e A rg iv e w o m e n . T he interea e m p h a siz e s th e contem poraneous actions at Thebes an d A thens an d picks u p the action 2 4 7 Cf. Theb. 12.676: absumpto pallentem Gnosidafilo and Aen. 6.30: caeca regens filo vestigia. 2 4 8 Ahl (1986), 2895: "Statius reminds us too that Theseus belongs to an older generation; his Cretan triumphs are in the rather distant past." 2 4 9 Ibid., 2895. 2 5 0 Contra Kabsch (1968), who sees Theseus and Creon as standing in contrast to each other. 107 left off at 12.643. A ntigone an d A rgia a p p ear as they d id earlier in the book, read y to pay for their crimes: am bae hilares et m ortis am ore superbae ensibus intentant iugulos regem que cruentum destituunt. (Theb. 12.679-81) Both cheerful a n d p ro u d w ith love of d eath stretch th eir necks to w a rd s the sw o rd s a n d deprive the bloodthirsty king. The w o m en 's h eroism is to u ch ed u p o n briefly, before th e m essen g er ap p ears like a deus ex machina to save th em from C reon's sw o rd . The appearance of the m essenger Phegeus is certainly dram atic, a n d serves to fram e A rgia's heroic exploits in Thebes ju st as the ap pearance of O rn y tu s at 12.141 begins A rgia's role in Thebes. P hegeus com es to Thebes ostensibly to offer peace, b u t is quick to th re a te n w ar: ille quidem ramis insontis olivae/ pacificus, sed bella ciet bellumque m inatur (12.682-3). D om inik com pares this scene to the arrival of T ydeus in Thebes as an exam ple of T heseus' d estru ctiv e intentions: "The ad d ress of T ydeus to Eteocles is sorely lacking in basic diplom acy, 251 b u t he does n o t th reaten w ar against Thebes." T ydeus' m ission is "a sincere a tte m p t on th e p a rt of the A rgives to forestall th e g rea t w ar: h o stilities are n o t im m ed iately d ecid ed u p o n even w h e n th e A rgive 252 o v e rtu re is rejected." T h eseu s o n th e o th e r h a n d a llo w s no o p p o rtu n ity for peace, arriving on the scene alm ost before the m essenger has finished his speech (iam medios operire cohortibus agros/ ingeminans 2 5 1 Dominik (1994a), 96-97. 2 5 2 Ibid., 97. 108 [12.685-6]). The sp eed w ith w hich T heseus en ters th e battlefield offers little o p p o rtu n ity for C reon to repent. C re o n h e sita te s b riefly b efore h e accep ts th e c h a lle n g e — sfeht ambiguo Thebanus in aestu/curarum (686-7). It is unclear w h a t ho ld s him back: nutantque minae et -prior ira tepescit (687). A re th e th reats T heseus' challenge or his ow n response? T here is som e w eakness in the resolution for w ar, p erh ap s on b o th sides, before the tunc, w h en C reon stren g th en s his resolve. A s the Thebans p rep are for w ar again, Statius concentrates on the reluctance of the T hebans to re tu rn to w ar, w hich contrasts strongly w ith the eagerness of the A then ians (12.662-4). The T hebans' w eap o n s hav e n o t y et b een fixed or rep laced fro m th e recen t b a ttle w ith th e A rgives— the shields are broken (clipeis fractis [12.700]), the helm ets sullied (galeas humiles [12.701]) an d the spears still covered in gore (adhuc sordentia tabo/ spicula [12.701-702]). As the Thebans d rag them selves to w ar, unlike the A thenians, they do n o t kiss their fam ilies n o r do th eir p aren ts p ray for th em (12.707-708). The unw illingness of th e T hebans to fight leaves them open to defeat— cessat fiducia valli, m u ro ru m p atet om ne latus, m unim ina portae exposcunt. ('Theb. 12.703-4) Faith in the palisade fails, the w hole side of the w alls lay open, gates dem and defense. The continued fighting in Thebes has taken its toll on the inhabitants w ho can n o lo n g er ev en d e fe n d th e ir city from a h o stile force. In his d escrip tio n of a city w o rn o u t from co n stan t w arfare, S tatius m ay be allu d in g to the events in Rom e in 69. The battle for the em p ire after the d eath of N ero led to the quick an d violent succession of G alba, O tho, and V itellius. The ev en tu al accession of V espasian m ay hav e b een less the resu lt of a victorious general th a n th e w eariness of th e R om an people u n a b le to rally b e h in d a n o th e r cause. D om inik v iew s th e a n alo g y b etw een T heseus a n d D om itian as favorable on the surface, b u t also sees a negative asp ect in th e p resen ta tio n of T heseus: "But th ere lu rk b en eath the surface som e fairly d istu rb in g im plications concerning the extrem ely v io len t m a n n e r in w h ich T heseus resto res m o ral o rd e r to Thebes. The co m p ariso n therefore reflects ad v ersely u p o n th e F lavian restoration."254 12.709-819 T he final section of Thebaid 12 is concerned w ith the accelerated encounter of T heseus an d C reon and the results of th at m eeting. U pon Theseus' arrival at Thebes, Statius quickly begins the battle narrative. A t 12.709 Statius calls T heseus A tticus w hich contrasts w ith the reference to C reon as Thebanus at 12.715. These m en have ceased to hav e in d iv id u al characteristics, b u t are rath er extensions of the cities th ey represent. As A tticus an d Thebanus, they are rem oved from the p articu lars of th e battle, a n d are ra th e r tim eless fig u reh ead s in an etern al stru g g le for pow er. 2 5 3 Dominik (1994a), 156: "On the surface such an analogy appears to be favourable to Domitian from an official viewpoint. Theseus' campaign to restore moral sanity to Thebes by ensuring the burial of Argive dead corresponds with the propaganda of the Flavian restoration that stressed the return to peace and order after anarchy in Rome and the provinces during the period." 2 5 4 Ibid., 157. 110 C reon especially is only one in a strin g of recent leaders of Thebes, and engages in battle n o t because of his ow n character, b u t because he is king of Thebes. This battle, although instigated by the A rgive w om en's request to b u ry th e d ead , is essentially for control of th e city of Thebes, in the sam e m an n er as w as the previous battle of Eteocles an d Polynices. C reon is the last possible m em ber of the T heban h ouse to rule, an d his rem oval clears the w ay for T heseus to take control of the city. T heseus, w ho has been characterized in this book as eager for battle (12.588ff.), renew s his enthusiasm at th e sight of th e battlefield an d the su n glinting off the arm or. T here m ay be a recollection of Lucan's Bellum Civile 7, in w hich the arm ies of P om pey a n d C aesar are b ro u g h t together after m u ch h esitatio n an d are described in a sim ilar m anner: miles, ut adverso Phoebi radiatus ab ictu/ descendens totos perfudit lumine colies (BC 7.214-5). It is especially the air (or sm ell) w hich enflam es Theseus: dirisque vaporibus aegrum aera pulverea p enitus sub casside ducens ingem it. (Theb. 12.712-4) H e groans breathing into his d u sty helm et the air tainted w ith deadly fum es. This looks back to A rgia's first sight of the city at 12.248: grave comminus aestuat aerj sordidus. A gain there m ay be a recollection of Bellum Civile 7, w here the air of Thessaly is also tain ted — aera pestiferum (BC 7.411). Statius uses th e p h rase iusta ira (12.714) to describe the m o tiv atio n of T heseus, w hich w as also u sed at 12.589 w h en T heseus, reacting to th e en treaty of the A rgive w om en, decides to go to w a r ag ain st Thebes. T h ro u g h the 111 rep etitio n of this p arad o x ical p h rase S tatius reinforces th e am biguities centering on the character of Theseus. Statius credits C reon w ith n o t doing battle on the field on w hich the battle against Polynices an d the seven occurred (12.715ff). Like A rgia's ad d ress to Thebes earlier in the book (12.255ff.), this p assag e personifies the site of battle and attributes a certain am ount of the tain t of gu ilt to the sy c c land of T hebes itself. Like the ad d ress to T hessaly in Bellum Civile 7, the battlefield retains the m em ory of those w ho fought a n d d ied there. It is th e d e a d w h o p o ssess th e lan d , n o t th e v icto rio u s gen eral. The battlefield of P harsalia w ill also en d u re another battle an d fresh carnage: ante novae venient acies, scelerique secundo/ praestabis nondum siccos hos sanguine campos (BC 7.853-4). Statius em phasizes th e different n a tu re of this b attle from th a t of the previous one: iam que alternas in proelia gentes dissim ilis Bellona ciet; no n clam or utrim que, n o n utrim que tubae. (Theb. 12.720-2) A nd now disparate Bellona rushes each people in to b attle; no b a ttle cry o n b o th sides, no tru m p e t call on both sides. The T hebans, w h o hav e alread y been described b y S tatius as less th an eag er for th e ren e w e d b a ttle (12.699ff.), are d e p ic te d as w e a k an d ineffectual (12.722-3). This w ill n o t be any kind of real battle— the soldiers can barely stand. The recentness of the prev io u s battle is em phasized by 2 5 5 In book 1 Jupiter condemns Thebes itself and not just the ruling family, and seeks to destroy it: mens cunctis imposta manet (1.227). 112 the w o u n d s w hich still bleed (12.725). The A ttic troops, w ho w ere earlier sh o w n as eag er for w a r, are also sh o w n as lack in g th e ir o rig in a l enthusiasm . The A thenian attitu d e tow ard the w ar is representative of the increased n arrative pace in this p a rt of the poem — not even the soldiers can m ain tain th e necessary en th u siasm for w a r w hich w anes quickly. The w a r w ith Thebes is fought in haste, as th o u g h the characters of the poem are m erely p ressin g th ro u g h to th e end. The A th e n ia n so ld iers are described as a storm w ind w hich has lost its force (12.728-729). 256 T heseus takes the field w ith his Mamthonida quercum w hich ad d s to the nexus of m y th Statius creates a ro u n d the character of T heseus an d his heroic p a st th ro u g h th e reference to th e b u ll of M arathon. S tatius th en co m p ares T heseus to M ars in a co m p licated sim ile. V essey gives a p o sitiv e re a d in g of th e sim ile: "Sim ilarly a t 733ff., T heseus, o n th e battlefield, is likened to M ars. H e possesses godlike attributes because in him w e see a perfect im age of the 0eto<; avfjp, th e "d iv in e m an " w hose w ill a n d e n d e a v o u r are d ire c te d so le ly to w a rd s th e d e fe n se of righteousness."257 T heseus m ay be p resen ted as a figure of salv atio n in the poem , b u t Statius filters his heroism th ro u g h a com plex p resen tatio n of his m ythological character. E arlier T heseus h a d b een co m p ared to Jupiter, an d as D om inik rem arks, b o th Ju p iter an d M ars are cruel an d 2 5 6 The comparison of battle to a kind of storm is common in epic, cf. A en. 12.921-924. Generals take on aspects of forces of nature, for example the image of Aeneas as a thunderbolt (Aen. 12.654) and the image of Caesar as lightning (BC 1.151-154). This contrasts the troops with their leader Theseus, w ho is described in relation to the elemental forces of a storm in the simile to Jupiter (12.650-655); cf. Hardie (1993), 47: "Theseus is like the storm-god Jupiter in combinatorial imitation of the beginning and end of the Aeneid, the storm in book 1 and implicit equation of Aeneas and Jupiter at the close of book 12." 2 5 7 Vessey (1973), 315. 113 258 hostile deities in the w orld of the Thebaid. V essey accepts th e surface presentatio n of T heseus by view ing positively the character of the god of w ar, b u t there is an indication th at T heseus m ay be a d estructive force in the sam e w ay as M ars, w h o is accom panied by mors a n d fuga (12.734). Statius continues to characterize T heseus as a victorious R om an general w ith the im age of M ars, th e p rim a ry god of R om e. M ars' role in the R om an p resen tatio n of w a r is clear on the C ancelleria reliefs, o n w hich 259 M ars is dep icted w ith M inerva lead in g D om itian into w ar. A n o th er possible negative aspect of the sim ile is the relationship to Aeneid 12.331- 260 336, in w h ich T u rn u s is com pared to M ars. The figure of C aesar in L ucan’s Bellum Civile also takes on the characteristics of M ars in the fight against the troops of P om pey (BC 7.569-70). T hrough this sim ile Statius connects T heseus to other problem atic figures in epic w h o are associated w ith violence an d destruction. Statius tries to distinguish T heseus from the other w arriors because they take advantage of the panic of the Thebans (12.738). T heir behavior is com pared to th at of w olves an d dogs: sic iu v at exanim is proiectaque p raed a canesque degeneresque lupos. (Theb. 12.739-40) Just as spoils, laid o u t an d d ead , please dogs and degenerate wolves. 2 5 8 Dominik (1995a), 95: "The comparisons between Theseus and the cruel deities Jupiter (649-55) and Mars (733-36) further link the Athenian monarch closely with the malevolent and destructive gods." 2 5 9 See Toynbee (1957) for a description of the Cancelleria reliefs. ^H ardie (1993), 47. The im age of A thenians as scavengers on the battlefield in som e w ays answ ers C reon's p ray er in th e o p en in g of the book in w h ich he asks to lead w olves an d dogs to th e corpses of the A rgives. It is a very negative im age for the A thenians, w hich contrasts them w ith th eir leader. Statius sets u p th e id ea th a t T heseus is m ore of a lion: magnos alit ira leones (12.740). Lions are of course a v ery a p p ro p ria te im age for a heroic w arrior, b u t the presence of ira also inform s the d escrip tio n of T heseus. D om inik sees this passage as connecting T heseus to T ydeus w h o is also com pared to a lion (8.593-6). F u rth erm o re "the co n tem p t of T heseus for th e co m m o n so ld iery of T hebes a n d h is refu sal to e n g ag e in th e ir slaughter (736f.) recall the b ru tal T ydeus, w hose p rid e p rev en ts him from p lu n d erin g the youthful A tys an d com pels him to express a preference for m ore w o rth y victim s (8.587-91; cf. 583-85, 592f.).1 ,2 6 1 T here m ay also be an association w ith the em p ero r D om itian in the figure of a lion. M artial connects the em p ero r to a lion in th e arena as does Statius in Silvae 2.5. The contrast Statius m akes b etw een T heseus' search for w o rth y victim s (nec facilem dignatur dextra cruorem [12.737]) an d the com m on slau g h ter of the A th en ian tro o p s (cetera plebeio desaevit sanguine virtus [12.738]) m ay have a connection to L ucan's description of the civil w ar fought in Bellum Civile 7, in w hich there are p atrician, n o t plebeian corpses litterin g the field: iacet aggere magno/ patricium campis non mixta plebe cadaver (BC 7.597- 59). But Statius u n d ercu ts his ow n com parison b y a contradiction. Line 741 begins w ith an em phatic w ord, attamen, used only tw ice elsew here in 0 A 0 — the poem . The em phasis o n th e w o rd h eightens the d isp a rity of the 2 6 1 Dominik (1995a), 97. 2 6 2 Cf. Theb. 6.584; 8.645. 115 kind of w arrior T heseus is set u p to be an d the kind of fighting he engages in. T heseus launches into a battle frenzy in w hich he kills seven m en in six lines. T heseus' behavior is sim ilar to th at of A eneas in book 10 w h en his violent blood lu st is inspired by the d eath of Pallas.264 T heseus goes after H aem on, th e son of C reon, before attack in g C reon him self. The figure of H aem on balances out the funeral of M enoeceus at the opening of the book. This also looks back to A eneid 10 an d the d eath s of son and father, L ausus an d M ezentius, at the h an d s of Aeneas. W hereas A eneas an d T u rn u s m anage to avoid each o th er for over tw o books Statius hastens the encounter of T heseus an d C reon. H ow ever, the single com bat still bears m any sim ilarities w ith the final scene of the Aeneid. H ard ie says th at this com bat in the Thebaid is m ark ed b y signs of closure, especially in the use of form s of the w o rd extrema at 755, 759, 777, an d 781, as w ell as b y allusions to the final scene of th e Aeneid.265 C reon is associated w ith odia, ira, an d is described as furens, an d audax (12.759- 760), w hich connects him closely to the figure of T urnus, w h o describes 266 his o w n e n tran ce into b a ttle w ith A eneas as th e p ro d u c t of furor. Theseus, alth o u g h closely connected to A eneas at the end of the Aeneid , is also contrasted w ith him . Before Theseus' response to C reon Statius once again refers to him as the son of A egeus, Aegides (12.769), casting Theseus in his m ost negative light an d p e rh a p s m aking th e stro n g est contrast to 267 A eneas w h o w as characterized by his devotion to his father. T heseus is 2 6 3 Cf. Dominik, (1995a), 98: "Theseus' expression of disdain for taking easy victims is proven false, when he strikes down seven warriors in quick succession with considerable ease, barely missing another with his spear (741-51)." 2 6 4 Aeneid 10.510ff. 2 6 5 Hardie (forthcoming), 250. 2 6 6 Aen. 12.680: hunc oro sine mefurere ante furorem. 2 6 7 Cf. places in the Aeneid where Aeneas is called Anchisiades esp. 10.822. 116 also d e sc rib e d as th u n d e rin g (intonat [12.771)— ag ain recallin g his relationship to Jupiter and its negative im plications in the text. Theseus' ta u n t to C reon m akes explicit the sacrifice im agery of the 0 AO scene, also a p p a re n t in V irgil's tre a tm e n t of th e d e a th of T urnus. T heseus en d s w ith th e p ro m ise of C reon's bu rial, w h ich b o th refers to C reon's fo rb id d in g of th e b u rial of the A rgives a n d looks back to the Aeneid. T urnus asks th at he be retu rn ed to his father (Aen. 12.936), b u t the read er is n o t told if A eneas grants his request. Theseus, on the other h an d , m akes clear th a t he w ill afford b u rial to C reon (12.780-781), p e rh a p s answ ering the am biguity of the ending of the Aeneid. H ow ever, D om inik a sse rts th a t T h eseu s' q u ick sla y in g of C reo n is in fact a n e g ativ e co m p ariso n to A eneas: "H is co n d u ct co m p ares u n fav o ra b ly w ith the beh av io u r of V ergil's A eneas, w ho at least pau ses briefly an d gives som e 270 th o u g h t to sp a rin g T u rn u s before d isp atch in g h im in a b lin d rage." T heseus does not delay in killing Creon; this is characteristic of the book as w hole, in w h ich th e n a rra tiv e pace is accelerated. S tatiu s m ay be referrin g to A eneid 10 an d th e slaying of Pallas b y T u rn u s, w h o does prom ise b u rial rites: quisquis honos tum uli, quidquid solamen humandi est,/ largior (Aen. 10.493-494) . The en d is quick an d decisive. As A hl says, 2 6 8 In to n a t may also echo Virgil's description of Octavian at the end of the Georgies. Theseus is once again associated with a Roman general. By evoking the end of the Georgies Statius may be looking ahead to the end of his own poem, in which he w ill also present his relationship as poet to the emperor. 2 6 9 Hardie (1993), 46-47: "In later times the altar of Clemency 'overcame the fury of Oedipus and defended Orestes from his mother' (12.509-11): w ith this last example Statius hints at the supersession of the cycle of revenge at the end of the O resteia, an ending that Virgil also reworks at the end of the A eneid. But if this is a signal that the sacrificial resolution of crisis is to be superseded, it is disturbing to find that Theseus himself, in a replay of the last lines of the A eneid, represents the death of Creon as a sacrifice (12.771-3)." 2 7 0 Dominik (1995a), 98. T heseus is u n iq u e in the epic in that he effects a solution to the im m ediate 271 problem of burial. F ighting ceases at the d eath of C reon, an d the battlefield is tu rn ed into the site of the treaty w hich ends hostility. This is an inversion of the treaty in Aeneid 12 w hich, w h en broken, renew s the fighting. T heseus is received as the cham pion of b o th the A rgives and Thebans: iam que hospes Theseus; o ran t succedere m uris dignarique dom os. ('Theb. 12.784-5) A nd now T heseus is a w elcom e guest; they beg h im to en te r th eir w alls a n d to h o n o r th eir hom es. H ard ie refers to S tatius' "unseem ly h aste to tie u p loose ends" in the 272 "m ixture of c eleb ra tio n a n d lam e n ta tio n , triu m p h a n d fu n eral." T heseus' e n try in to th e city co rresp o n d s to th e triu m p h of A u g u stu s 27 3 rep re se n te d o n the shield of A eneas in A eneid 8. H o w ev er, as A hl p o in ts o ut, the p o em does n o t en d w ith the im age of th e triu m p h of T heseus— "T heseus' v icto ry p ro v id e s a chance for tears ra th e r th a n a cessation from tears; the 'T hebaid' en d s w ith lam entations for th e d ead, 274 n o t w ith paean s celebrating T heseus' victory." The ap p earan ce of the A rgive w o m en p o u rin g o u t onto the battlefield d isru p ts the sense of the 2 7 1 Cf. Ahl (1986), 2897: "The difference between Theseus and the other warriors of the epic is that he has a simple solution to what is now a straightforward problem. Like Maeon, he confronts a tyrant, weapon in hand. Unlike Maeon, he uses his weapon on the tyrant: he attacks the problem not himself, and thus brings at least a temporary halt to the cycle of war." 2 7 2 Hardie (forthcoming), 251. 2 7 3 Ibid., 251. 2 7 4 Ahl (1986), 2897. 118 ending, renewing the violence through the simile comparing them to Bacchants.275 Ahl says that the cries of the women evoke a range of emotion: To the outside observer, the outburst of emotions could mark the bloodthirsty cries of devotees dem anding— or reveling in — some hideous outrage. There is a paradoxical satisfaction in the women's expression of grief. The sim ile evokes Statius' description of Polyxo and the Lemnian women in 5.92-101 as they prepare to m urder their husbands. The intensity of hysterical emotion finds the same pitch and the same voice w hether it is in response to suffering endured or to suffering inflicted. The range of emotional expression available to hum ans is more limited than the circumstances to which the emotions m ust respond.276 It is the lament of the Argive women which inspire the Epigoni and renew 977 the cycle of violence at Thebes. At 797 Statius begins to assert the voice of the epic narrator, 978 although he does not leave behind the scene on the field at Thebes. There is a struggle between effects of closure and aperture in this part of the text. In his discussion of the passage H ardie rem arks on the strangeness of the placement of the conceit of the 100 mouths— it is more 2 7 5 Hardie (forthcoming), 252. 2 7 6 Ahl (1986), 2897. 2 7 7 Ibid., 2897; Feeney (1991), 363. 2 7 8 Vessey (1986), 2974-5 : " It [epilogue] follows a passage of more formal closure and withdrawal from the theme, in which the poet asserts his inability to describe the funeral that succeeded Theseus’ intervention (poems of lamentation yet to be composed, for they are beyond the limes) and which ends with a brief metaphor: the epic is a vessel that has reached harbour after a long voyage (797-809)." I would argue with Vessey that lamentation does not stand beyond the themes of this poem. 119 ap p ro p riate in the m iddle of a text, or before som ething w hich w ill take a great deal of n arrativ e space, such as a catalogue. Statius' p lacem en t of this passag e at the end of the p o em has the effect "to leave the p o em as a w hole open-ended. Statius exaggerates the hyperbole of grief to suggest 279 th at w h a t is left over is n o th in g less th an a w hole epic of m ourning." The list of the heroes w ho are m o u rn ed looks back to th e o p en in g of the 280 poem in w hich Statius lists the characters w ho w ill ap p ear in his poem . Statius ends w ith the lam ent for P arthenopaeus in the repetition of Arcada, 281 w hich echoes w ith great resonance. The rep etitio n of a n am e th ree 282 tim es recalls the R om an trad itio n of calling on the d ead th ree tim es. T here is also th e recollection of the other A rcadian y o u th w h o se n am e is 283 invoked at the en d of the A eneid, Pallas. R epetition is also u se d by V irgil w ith clo su ral force a t th e e n d of th e Eclogues (E c. 10.72-3).284 H ow ever, the m ention of the inspiration of A pollo serves as a kind of ring co m p o sitio n a n d b rin g s th e re a d e r back to th e o p e n in g of th e poem . R ather th an serving as a closural device, this technique brings the read er 285 to an o th er o p ening— a n ew invocation for a new poem . F urtherm ore, 2 1 9 Hardie (forthcoming), 252-253. 2 8 0 Ibid., 253. 2 8 1 See Hardie (1990b), 11, for the connection of Parthenopaeus with Euryalus through the theme of the grieving parent. 2 8 2 Hardie (1993), 48 n .l 2 8 3 Cf. Hardie (1993), 48: "It is a good moment to stop, for Virgil had also ended with a dead Arcadian, Pallas. But where the Virgilian Pallas had focused the final gathering of epic wrath, Parthenopaeus is the source of a grief that at last brings the two sides together." 2 8 4 Hardie (1993), 48, ignores the strong sense of closure through repetition in the Eclogues in his discussion of the ending of the Aeneid and Thebaid: "In the final count the tripling of grief overbids the gemination of civil war, where the doubling of the name of Pallas in Aeneas' final words seemed to point to the violence that arose out of differing claims on the dead boy and his goods." 2 8 5 Hardie (forthcoming), 253. 120 Statius introduces th e im age of the ship, w hich is pro b ab ly a recollection of V alerius Flaccus' Argonautica th ro u g h association of th e sh ip w ith creative com position. Statius continues his focus on the possibilities of closure th ro u g h the reference to other treatm ents an d h an d lin g of closure 287 in the Latin poetic tradition. It is at this p o in t th a t S tatius b reak s off an d ad d re sses his ow n ry O Q book. The last ten lines of th e poem have b een the subject of a great deal of scholarly debate because of Statius' statem ent of his relationship to his w o rk an d the p o em 's relationship to the p rev io u s tradition.289 The ad d ress to the p o em is full of literary allusions a n d references to poets in clu d in g C atullus, H orace, V irgil, O vid. S tatius begins b y n am in g his w ork, Thebai (821), and stressing the w o rk th at w en t into its production: o mihi bissenos m ultum vigilata per annos (811). This m ay be an a ttem p t to "one u p " V irgil w h o sp e n t ten years com posing the A eneid. W hereas Virgil w as said to w rite a line a day, Statius seem s to have w ritten a b ook a year. Statius is also playing w ith the relationship b etw een p o et an d book. H e claim s to be th e dom inus (810) of his w ork, b u t th e reference to D om itian fo u r lines later, also rem in d s u s of D om itian's (unofficial) title "d o m in u s et d eus." Statius plays w ith the p o w er to confer im m ortality— does th e p o em give th e p o et an ev erlastin g n am e (H orace) or do es it d ep en d o n the magnanimus em peror? For Statius the an sw er seem s to lie 2 8 6 See Davis (1990), 46ff., for the use of a ship as metaphor for poetry in Valerius Flaccus. 2 8 7 The metaphor of the ship is called "trite" by Hardie (forthcoming), 252, and is "an admission of the impossibility of any adequate epic conclusion to a boundless subject." 2 8 8 Williams (1978), 235, sees this as a deliberate attempt to avoid closure rather than reinforce it: "Finally, just before the final a^pocyi!; (which is an imitation of Ovid's), Statius ends the Thebaid by more self-conscious literary laments on his own lack of power to take the story any further; this is a highly emotional passage, and it neatly gets around the problem (virtually insoluble) of finding a convincingly conclusive ending." 2 8 9 Vessey (1973); Williams (1986), 218ff.; Malamud (1995); Hill (1995), 98-9. 121 in th e "youth of Italy" w h o read the w o rk (815).290 T his m ay also be a 291 reference to V irgil's Aeneid w hich w as an "instant classic", as w ell as being the story of Italy as m uch as of R om e— Italiam (A e n . 1.2). S tatius seem s to be asserting confidence in his w o rk an d its survival. H ow ever, the direct reference to the Aeneid eclipses all else. S tatius' reference to his relatio n sh ip to the A eneid h as h eld the a tte n tio n of m o st critics. V essey claim s th a t S tatiu s is a sse rtin g his 292 inferiority to Virgil. H ardie's read in g of the passage relies too m u ch on Statius' relationship to V irgil an d he ignores the L atin trad itio n to w hich 293 Statius clearly m akes allusion. Statius' o w n w o rd s im plicate his w o rk w ith a reading of the Aeneid, b u t there are m any other influences at w ork. O v id ’ s Metamorphoses are clearly a m odel in the use of the epilogue as w ell as th ro u g h such verbal echoes as vive, precor and livor. The assertio n of p oetic im m o rtality is fo u n d in E nnius, C atu llu s, H orace, a n d V irgil's Georgies. Statius' claim is a com plex poetic statem ent w hich alludes to the problem s of ending th ro u g h o u t the Latin poetic tradition. The sphragis is a clear form of "ending", b u t these final lines of the poem need to be read in lig h t of th e them atic d ev elo p m en t of Thebaid 12 in o rd e r to d eterm in e Statius' an sw er to the question of "closure" and w h at Statius' h an d lin g of closure says about the poem as a w hole.294 2 9 0 See Vessey (1986), 2976 for a discussion of theThebaid as schoolroom text. 2 9 1 Boyle (1993), 79ff. 2 9 2 Vessey (1973), 1: "All accepted Virgil as their master and the A en eid as the perfect exemplar of their genre, to be imitated and worshipped, but never equalled. Their realism, which was proved in the event, should not, however, blind us to the merits of those who willingly accepted a position in the second rank." 2 9 3 Hardie (forthcoming), 257. 2 9 4 These final lines are themselves about the possibility of closure. The thematic implications of Statius' handling of his ending of the Thebaid will be discussed in more detail below. 122 PART 2: REWRITING A N D CLOSURE Homer: "Marge, I don't understand. Is it a good ending or a sad ending?" Marge: "It doesn't matter— it's just an ending." -The Simpsons The final book of S tatius' Thebaid is concerned w ith b rin g in g the poem to an end. This process is h ig h lig h ted b y S tatiu s' o w n n arrativ e stru ctu rin g of the poem w hich en d s the m ain n arrativ e of the poem , the fight b e tw ee n th e b ro th e rs Polynices a n d E teocles, at th e e n d of th e p en u ltim ate book. In stru ctu rin g his poem thus, Statius calls atten tio n to his am bivalence a b o u t endings. This am bivalence m an ifests itself in difficulty S tatius seem s to be h av in g com ing to a satisfy in g end, or to achieving closure. To an aly ze th e stre n g th of S ta tiu s' e n d in g of the Thebaid, I w ill first look at th e v a rio u s w ay s in w h ich closure can be assessed and th en discuss the im plications n o t only of closure, b u t also of openness. I w ill also consider the literary trad itio n to w h ich Statius is resp o n d in g an d sh o w h o w R om an p o e try is self-consciously a w are of closure. By situating Statius in this theoretical an d historical fram ew ork, I w ill read the final book of his Thebaid as an explicit statem en t of S tatius' poetics. Closure A ll th in g s com e to an en d , b u t h o w a tex t e n d s len d s structure, m eaning an d form to the entire w ork. The sense of an en d in g is to m ake sense— to give m ean in g and resolution. T aste in end in g s can be representative of a tim e or a style. A recent New Yorker rem ark s on the proliferation of book titles w ith the w o rd s "The E nd of..".1 F rank K erm ode discusses th e A pocalypse as giving stru c tu re an d m ea n in g to literary w orks of the m o d ern era.2 Brooks seem s to suggest th at th e atten tio n to endings has increased in sophistication over time: This tenuous, fictive, arb itrary statu s of en d s clearly speaks to an d speaks of an altered situ atio n of plot, w h ic h n o lo n g e r w ish e s to b e seen as e n d - d eterm in ed , m o v in g to w a rd full p red icatio n of th e n a rra tiv e sentence, claim in g a fin al p le n itu d e of m e a n in g . W e h a v e , in a se n se, b e co m e to o sophisticated as read ers of p lo t quite to believe in its orderings. P art of o u r sophistication no d o u b t has to do w ith the cinem a, a form th at is consubstantial w ith tem poral successiveness and has m ad e th e syntax of p lo t so a v a ila b le it seem s to offer n o fu rth e r challenges.3 In H o lly w o o d en d in g s are ch an g ed b ased on au d ien ce reactio n — if the p aying public is n o t satisfied, the en d in g changes: "[B]ut w h en the film 's d ark en d in g tested p o o rly at research screenings, it w as rew ritten."4 A h a p p y en d in g m ay please a m ovie audience, b u t resolution is n o t alw ays the goal of a literary w ork. In o rd e r to d eterm in e h o w reso lu tio n is achieved, Fow ler lists five senses of the w o rd closure in m o d ern criticism: 1 Lancaster The N ew Yorker Jan. 1,1996, 9-10. 2 Kermode (1966), 6: "In their general character our fictions have certainly m oved away from the simplicity of the paradigm; they have become more ’ open.' But they still have, and so far as one is capable of prediction must continue to have, a real relation to simpler fictions about the world. Apocalypse is a radical instance of such fictions and a source of others." See also Ricoeur (1984), 22ff., for Kermode's influence on the story of endings. 3 Brooks (1984), 314. 4 "Baring 'Striptease's' Humor" Los Angeles Times, May 22,1996. 124 (1) The concluding section of literary w ork; (2) The process by w hich the read er of a w o rk com es to see the end as satisfyingly final; (3) T he d e g re e to w h ic h a n e n d in g is satisfyingly final; (4) The degree to w hich the questions p osed in th e w o rk are a n sw e re d , te n sio n s released , conflicts resolved; (5) The degree to w hich the w o rk allow s new critical readings.5 C losure is a com bination of these elem ents in a w o rk an d , rath e r th a n a sim ple read in g (if a w ork show s these elem ents, then it is closed), th ere is a ten sio n b e tw ee n th e elem en ts w h ich close a text a n d th o se w h ich struggle to keep it open. B arbara H errn stein S m ith's Poetic Closure: A Study of How Poems End is an analysis of various w ays in w hich an au th o r indicates the end th ro u g h closural devices. Sm ith's form al analysis is b a sed on generic conditions, so th at m uch of her analysis is based on form al elem ents such as m eter an d rhym e. Form al an d them atic elem ents of a p o em cannot be fully separated in the m eaning of a poem : Since the experience of closure is th e com plex p ro d u ct of both form al an d them atic elem ents, it is difficult to exam ine the effects of either one in dependently of the effects of the other in any given poem . To gauge the closural force of its form al structure, for exam ple, w e w o u ld have to strain o u t all the forces for closure th at arise from the po em 's them atic elem ents, to ignore the fulfillm ent of syntactic expectations an d of an y o thers th a t affect u s th ro u g h th e po em 's 5 Fowler (1989), 78. See also Fowler (forthcoming), 11-12. 125 re la tio n to th e c o n v e n tio n s of d isc u rsiv e speech.6 C losure is linked closely to the stru ctu ral p rin cip les of the poem , w h ich are co n stru ed variously. Sm ith discusses n a rra tiv e s u sin g the passage of tim e as a stru ctu ral principle w hich can cause a p ro b lem for closure: "The p assag e of tim e, h o w ev er, is co n tin u o u s; a n d a lth o u g h tem p o ral seq u en ce p ro v id e s th e p o e t w ith an excellent p rin c ip le of generation, it does n o t p ro v id e h im w ith a term in atio n point. H e~ h is story, his p o e m — m u st, at som e p o in t, stop; b u t th e conclusion, w ith respect to tim e alone, w ill alw ays be an arb itrary one." E vents w hich m ark tim e in o u r lives, su ch as m arriages an d d eath , are u se d th en to O secure closure. W hen the structural principles of a narrative defy closure, them atic p rin cip les can be u se d to effect a close of the text.9 Sim ilarly, Fow ler d iscusses th e p ro b lem of stru c tu re in th e classical h isto ria n s, w h o se stru c tu re s are o rg an iz ed p rim a rily b y tim e sequence. In the discussion of T hucydides' en d in g of book 3 Fow ler says th a t closure is secured b y them atic allusions, in ad d itio n to the tem p o ral fram ew ork: "This is a closure of n arrativ e as w ell as of an historical event, an d it is m ark ed n o t only by the form al d eclaratio n of an en d b u t also b y the gen eral reflection o n th e w hole course of P lataea's rela tio n sh ip w ith A thens. The detail of the n u m b er of years the alliance lasted is n o t a sign of h isto rical p recision; it is at once p a th e tic a n d a re p ro a c h to the 6 Smith (1968), 40. 7 Ibid., 117. 8 Ibid., 118. 9 Ibid., 118-9. A thenians."10 A s F o w ler sh o w s in T h u c y d id e s, th e m a tic c lo su re rein fo rces a n d stre n g th e n s clo su re in a n a rra tiv e w h o se s tru c tu ra l p rin cip les, b ased o n sequence of tim e, do n o t give a stro n g sense of closure. T here a re c e rta in th em atic ele m e n ts w h ic h S m ith sh o w s as possessing special closural force, such as the "sense of truth" in an ending: "The dev ices of clo su re o ften achieve th e ir ch arac teristic effect b y im parting to a poem 's conclusion a certain quality th a t is experienced by the read er as striking validity, a quality th at leaves h im w ith the feeling that w h at has just been said has the 'conclusiveness/ the settled finality, of ap p aren tly self-evident tru th ."1 1 She lists am ong th e th em atic devices closural allu sio n a n d u n q u alified assertion. C losural allu sio n s include w o rd s of finality, death, ending~"w hile they do not refer to the conclusion 1 2 of th e p o em itself, th ey nev erth eless signify term in atio n or stability." U nqualified assertio n has th e q uality of the "last w ord" "as if n o th in g 1 ^ further need be or could be said." In a d d itio n to "internal closure" b ro u g h t ab o u t from stru c tu re an d them e, closure can be reinforced th ro u g h endings w hich occur o u tsid e the m ain narrative. Sm ith includes the poetic coda as an exam ple of this kind of special term in al feature. She cites Grove's Dictionary o f M usic and Musicians for the definition of the term of coda; 1 0 Fowler (1989), 90. 1 1 Smith (1968), 152. 1 2 Ibid., 172. 1 3 Ibid., 183. W hen a n u m b er of p arts or voices w ere m ade to im itate or follow one an o th e r according to rig o ro u s rules, it w o u ld o ften occur th a t as lo n g as th e ru les w ere o b serv ed a m u sical conclusion could n o t be a rriv e d at. In d eed som etim es such th ings w ere co n stru cted in a m a n n e r w h ic h en ab le th e p iece to go o n forever if the singers w ere so m inded...In o rder to com e to a conclusion a few chords w o u ld be constructed ap art from the rigorous rules, an d so th e coda w as a rriv e d at...In a series of v ariations, each several v a riatio n w o u ld only offer the sam e kind of conclusion as th at in the first them es, th o u g h in a d ifferen t form ; an d in...the very n a tu re of th in g s it w o u ld n o t be aesthetically advisable for such a conclusion to be very strongly m arked, because in th a t case each several v a ria tio n w o u ld have too m u ch the character of a com plete set piece to ad m it of th e ir to g e th e r fo rm in g a sa tis fa c to ry co n tin u o u s piece of m usic. T herefore it is reasonable w h en all the variations are over to a d d a p a ssa g e of su fficien t im p o rta n c e to re p re se n t th e c o n clu sio n of th e w h o le set in ste a d of one of th e se p a ra te c o m p o n e n t 14 parts. A poetic coda is u sed as a special closural device w h e n the "structure of the w o rk does n o t itself ad eq u ately determ ine a conclusion."1 5 D eborah Roberts argues for a sim ilar definition of w h at she term s the "afterm ath." A fterm aths stand beyond the m ain narrative of the poem an d have particu lar im plications for a classical audience w h o w o u ld m ost likely be fam iliar w ith the story being told an d w o u ld p ay special atten tio n to w h at is included or n o t in a certain telling. R oberts cites three w ays in w hich a 1 4 Ibid., 188-189. 1 5 Ibid., 189. 128 classical a u th o r m ight refer to the afterm ath of a story: 1) refusal to speak of the afterm ath ; 2) h in ts of an afterm ath; 3) co m p lete silence on the afterm ath.16 T he a fte rm a th is im p o rta n t in c lo su re b e c a u se it a c k n o w le d g e s th a t n a rra tiv e s c o n tin u e b e y o n d th e ir te m p o ra l fram ew orks, yet it does im pose closural force. The coda an d the afterm ath m ay be related to the classical sphragis poem . A com m on feature of the sphragis is the sep aratio n of the au th o r from the text.: "By ru p tu rin g the illusion— by in a sense destroying his ow n creation— the p o et frees him self from being b o u n d b y th e text he has created. A s the text progresses, the po ssib ilities n a rro w , as w h a t has gone b efore d e te rm in e s w h a t shall follow: the gesture of R om antic Irony rem inds u s th a t this is after all just th e creatio n of a m a n like us, w h o can do w h a t h e likes w ith his m aterial."1 7 These special term inal features are obviously connected to the end of a w ork, b u t closure, as a feature of structure, can occur in o th er places in a w ork. For exam ple, internal closure, as seen in the book endings in an ancient epic, is very im p o rtan t in determ in in g an overall stru c tu re for a w o rk .1 8 False closure also has structural as w ell as them atic im plications. S m ith d iscu sses th e effects of false clo su re th ro u g h th e ex am p le of H erbert's Vertue, in w hich a strong sense of closure is achieved in the third stanza: In d eed , w h a t gives this p o em so m u ch of its p o w er is th e fact th at so m an y elem ents in its form al an d them atic structure conspire to bring 1 6 Roberts (forthcoming), 421-424. 1 7 Fowler (1989), 109-10. 1 8 Ibid., 95, for a discussion of Virgil's book division and the effects on structure. 129 a b o u t closure a t th e conclusion of th e third stanza. The fo u rth stanza, how ever, is h ard ly anticlim actic; on the contrary, it has the effect, e n tire ly a p p ro p ria te to its th e m e , of a revelation— th a t w hich is know n beyond w h at can be dem onstrated logically.1 9 The effects of closure are w id e-ran g in g , im pacting stru c tu re an d them e, b u t a failure to close, or a conscious attem p t to keep a text open, can also have im plications for reading. G ross lists five p oints of th e open form in her stu d y of open fictions: (1) O p en n ess a n d clo su re are o n ly relativ e term s; (2) O penness is a descriptive term bearing on a variety of conditions; (3) O p en n ess is a sta te m e n t a b o u t a w o rk 's total form , n o t just its ending; (4) O penness p ro d u ces a v ariety of effects, is u sed for a variety of purposes; (5) O penness an d closure are descriptive term s, n o t v a lu e ju d g m e n ts ; o p e n n e s s is n o t r y f i autom atically a good or b ad thing in itself. G ross quotes M ickey Spillane as saying th at the only reason people listen 21 to a joke or read a story is to find out h o w it ends. H ow ever, th e effects of o p en n ess are p e rh a p s m o re in te re stin g to a lite ra ry critic. G ross explains how openness in a narrative can w ork: O p e n fo rm m ak e s p a rtic u la r u se of th e p ro v o cativ e effects th a t m ay be affo rd ed b y 1 9 Smith (1968), 69. 2 0 Gross (1971), 9-11. 2 1 Ibid., 1. 130 assertion of disequilibrium , d isharm ony, an d d isturbance at precisely the p o in t at w hich the n a rra tiv e forces of a closed stru c tu re w o u ld u su ally be m oving to w ard a final equilibrium , h a rm o n y , a n d q u ie tu d e . A n e n d in g th a t refuses to interpret a story's m eaning provides, instead, an im plicit insight into the m eaning of th at m eaning. A n ending that refuses to ro u n d off a story's action m ay often redefine w h a t w e h a d th o u g h t th a t action w as. The absence of finality can often be the m ost ap p ro p riate an d m e a n in g f u l c u lm in a tio n to a s to r y 's 22 developm ent. It is clear th a t the degree of openness and closure in a w o rk is a statem ent of the au th o r u p o n th at w ork, w hich im plicates the read er in the form ing of m ea n in g . It is n o t ju st th a t as G ross say s, "by v io la tin g o u r e x p ectatio n s, th e y are q u ite d e lib era tely say in g so m e th in g th ro u g h 23 form," b u t th ere are o th er im p lications in the d eg ree of closure in a w ork, for exam ple on the political p osition of the w o rk an d the position tow ards gender issues in the text. T he p o litical im p licatio n s are tied u p in th e ab ility to achieve closure an d therefore a kind of stability: "N ot only is it true...that 'to bring som ething to an end is a clear sign of pow er' b u t the continuance of p o w er 2 2 Ibid., 10-11. See also Ricoeur (1984), 21, for the narrative purpose of the lack of closure: "Yet however illuminating this parallel between poetic closure and the law of a good form may be, it reaches its limit in the fact that in the case of poetic closure the configuration is a work of language, and from the fact that the feeling of completion may be obtained by very different means. It follows that the completion itself admits of many different forms, including surprise— and it is difficult to say just when an unexpected ending justifies itself. Even a disappointing ending may be appropriate to the structure of a work, if it is intended to leave the reader with residual expectations. It is equally difficult to say in which cases the deception is required by the very structure of the work rather than just being a 'weak' ending." 2 3 Gross (1971), 11. 131 is co n stan tly th rea te n ed b y closure. The politics of closure n a tu ra lly im plicate b o th the m o d ern critic or h isto rian an d the account th a t she is constructing." 24 Follow ing u p o n Fow ler's arg u m en t Stew art discusses the narrative im plication of the b aroque style of the N ike of Sam othrace and the G reat A ltar at P ergam on. H e concludes th a t th e b a ro q u e style of H ellenistic art is m ore "open," an d therefore the political im plications are m ore difficult to interpret: U nfused, disjunct, an d therefore characterized b y m assive internal tension, this hybrid is both historically contingent an d artistically unstable. T oo d e fe n siv e a n d self-reflex iv e to b e a ro u n d e d , in te rn ally consistent, a n d fin ish ed construct, it is thereby incapable of p resen tin g a n ew a n d in d ep e n d en tly viable w o rld view . Yet this is not to say th at the en d p ro d u c t w as either vacuous or infertile. Q uite the contrary. For stab ility a n d closure, it su b stitu te s raw e n erg y , a cu te h isto ric a l a w are n ess, a n d a d istin ct o p en e n d ed n ess th at is evidenced by its e x tre m e lo n g e v ity a n d e x tra o rd in a ry 25 p o p u larity both in A sia and, later, in Rome. Stew art's reading of the altar "opens" u p the political im plications of such a m onum ent. G en d er issu es are also closely tied into closure, b u t th ere is a double p ersp ectiv e to th e use of g en d er in closure. O n th e one h a n d , closure is associated w ith m ale p o w er, an d o p en n ess w ith a fem inine 2 4 Fowler (forthcoming), 17. 2 5 Stewart (1995), 171. 132 'Jfi ethos. H ow ever, in term s of spatial relationships, m en are associated w ith the open, public spaces w hereas w om en are confined an d closed in: The d a rk w o rld of the w o m e n ’ s q u arters has been set against the public space of the agora or forum , the sm all-scale fem ale genres of private lyric or elegy contrasted w ith the w ide-screen epics of m asculinity. This double-perspective o n constructions of the fem inine is p articularly sig n ific a n t for w o rk s like O v id 's Heroides, w here the fem ale "authors" set the sm all w orld of elegy against th e open spaces of epic an d in th e p ro cess p ro d u c e a tex t w h ic h "d efies textual lim its, p u rp o sely subverting traditional d ich o to m ie s a n d b lu rrin g th e b o u n d a rie s b e tw e e n th e fictio n a l a n d th e a u th e n tic , rh eto ric a n d p o e try , n a rra tiv e an d speech." A nd in general the fam iliar polarity in fem inist criticism of an tiq u ity b etw een readings w hich stress the totalising p o w er of m ale dom inance in the ancient w o rld an d those w hich use the v arious types of "read in g against the grain" to o p e n u p th e gynaikonitis m ak es th e issu es associated w ith closure a p a rtic u la rly fertile m e e tin g -p o in t fo r m o d e rn c ritic is m of 27 gender. Fow ler sh o w s h o w the closure of a w o rk m ay m ake a statem en t ab o u t gender relationships in that w ork. M usic, again, helps to explicate a concept in p o etry th ro u g h the g en d er b ased w o rd s u se d for analysis. S usan M cC lary discusses the qualitative use of gender term s in m usic: 2 6 Fowler (forthcoming), 21: "This equation betwen logo- and phallocentricity, between closure of meaning and male power, has played an important role in m odem thought about gender, and in contrast feminist critics have often figured their own discursive practices as by contrast more 'open.'" 2 7 Ibid, 22-23. 133 T he 1970 edition of the H a rv ard D ictionary of M usic, for instance, in clu d es th e fo llo w in g entry: M a sc u lin e , fe m in in e c ad en ce. A cadence or ending is called 'm asculine' if th e final ch o rd of a p h ra se o r section o c c u rs o n th e s tro n g b e a t a n d "fem inine" if it is p o stp o n ed to fall on a w eak beat. The m asculine en d in g m u st be considered the norm al one, w hile the fem inine is p referred in m ore rom antic styles. This stan d ard definition m akes it clear th at the designations "m asculine" an d "fem inine" are far from arbitrary. The tw o are differentiated o n th e b asis of rela tiv e stre n g th , w ith th e b in a r y o p p o s itio n m a s c u lin e /f e m in in e 28 m ap p ed onto stro n g /w eak . The en d in g of a w o rk m ay be "m asculine" or "fem inine" im pacting the them es an d m eaning of the w ork as a w hole. The film A ntonia’ s Line, the 1995 w inner of the A cadem y A w ard for Best Foreign Film , beautifully d em onstrates a "fem inine" o p en stru ctu re w hich bears on th e them es of the w ork. The film tells th e sto ry of a w o m a n 's life, a n d in tro d u c e s h e r d e sc e n d a n ts— a d a u g h te r, g ra n d d au g h ter, an d g reat-g ran d -d au g h ter. The n arrativ e m oves th ro u g h the lives of all of th e w om en in turn . The m ovie en d s w ith A ntonia's death, b u t w ords on the screen after the fade-to-black indicate th a t the story does n ot end w ith the d eath of A ntonia, b u t h er "line" continues, as w ell as their 2 8 McClary (1991), 9-10. Gendered language is also used of verse, for example the term "feminine ending" in Gross (1979), 282: "Feminine ending: A hypermetrical line with a final unstressed syllable." In Latin literature verse and style are also gendered. Cf. the use of terms such as mollis and durus to refer to poetic forms and Senecas' criticisms of Maecenas' literary style, Ep. 114. There is also the masculine (strong) and feminine (weak) caesura in Latin verse. stories. T he denial of an en d in g certainly indicates an o p e n stru ctu re. T here are o th er indications— th e atten tio n to th e seasons an d h a rv e sts th ro u g h o u t th e p ictu re em phasize the co n tin u atio n of cycles in natu re. This m ovie is tru ly a "w om an's m ovie" telling the story of w om en, an d the stru ctu re em phasizes the m ovem ents an d stru ctu rin g principles of these w om en's lives— their connection to nature, their involvem ent in b irth, and therefore the continuation of the "line." T hese criteria o u tlin ed b y such critics as Fow ler, G ross, R oberts, an d Sm ith m ake is possible to assess h o w closed or o pen a text m ay be. H ow a text fulfills th eir criteria an d therefore th e d eg ree of closure it displays im pacts the g en d ered o r political read in g of th a t text. Fow ler concentrates on generic considerations: "D ram a an d the n arrativ e genres sh are a concern w ith p lot, h o w ev er defined. It is easy to set u p an opposition here to genres like lyric and elegy w hich do not obviously tell a story, an d to stress the differences betw een the m ethods of closure used in 29 these an d those u sed in the n arrativ e an d dram atic genres." H ow ever, to read the en d in g of the Thebaid only in lig h t of the L atin epic trad itio n w o u ld be incom plete. The L atin poetic trad itio n is full of self-conscious an d self-reflexive en d in g s w h ich m u st be tak en in to acco u n t for an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of Statius' t r e a t m e n t of closure. 2 9 Fowler (1989), 119. Fowler goes on to say that this is oversimplification, although he continues to encourage an author or genre approach to closure. 135 C losure in L atin Poetry The stu d ies on closure discu ssed above focus h eav ily on genre. 3 0 Studies center on the form , for exam ple, of the novel or the sh o rt story. In classics there is also a division by genre am ong the w o rk s on closure. H ard ie discusses closure in epic: "Epic, at th e su m m it of th e ancient h ierarch y of genres, is obsessed w ith pow er, stru c tu re s of control, an d 31 ends th at justify their m eans." Q uint also uses closure as a characteristic of genre: "The opposition betw een epic and rom ance, d ear to the literary th e o rists of th e R en aissan ce a n d to m o d e rn critics, d e scrib e s the distin ctio n b e tw ee n a teleological, lin ear n a rra tiv e a n d a looser, m ore episodic n arrativ e th at ap p ears to resist the closure it m ay sim ultaneously 3 2 project." Such a connection b etw een genre an d closure relies on too lim ited a d efin itio n of epic. The O dyssey w ith its loose co m p licated stru c tu re an d atten tio n to fam ily relatio n sh ip s h as n o place in eith er H a rd ie 's or Q u in t's m o d el of epic. L ucretius' De Rerum N atura a n d A pollonius' Argonautica also p u sh at these definitions. A lth o u g h it is helpful to look at the trad itio n of endings in Latin epic an d th eir attem pts at closure, this leads to an incom plete picture of closure in R om an poetry. Fow ler discusses other places to look for closure: T h is te n s io n b e tw e e n c o m p le tio n a n d c o n tin u a n c e b e c o m e s of e v e n g re a te r 3 0 See Fowler (1989), 75, for the recent studies done on closure. 3 1 Hardie (forthcoming), 233. 3 2 Quint (1991), 9. im portance if w e extend th e stu d y of closure n o t only to th e en d in g s of com plete literary w o rk s b u t also to th e in fra te x tu a l "lie u x stra te g iq u e s" w ith in th em a n d to w h a t one m ight call the super textual groupings of w orks in collections or oeuvres. The tech n iq u es of closure at these levels are m ostly the sam e as th o se fo u n d at th e end of in d iv id u a l w orks, th o u g h obviously th ere w ill be a h ierarch y of e n d in g a n d th e re are c le ar a d v a n ta g e s in seeing the p h en o m en o n of closure on a b ro ad fro n t rig h t from th e level of the p h rase, the line, the stanza, the chapter, the book th ro u g h 3 3 to the largest groupings of collected w orks. The self-consciousness of th e R om an p o e ts in th eir a tte n tio n to the p ro b lem s of closure in d icates th e im p o rtan ce of an u n d e rs ta n d in g of tech n iq u es in the en d in g s of all k in d s of L atin p o e try w h ic h project them selves as com plete, w hole w orks of art b y calling atten tio n to th eir ow n endings. C ollections of p o e try are often co n sid ered as a co m p lete w o rk because of the poet's careful arrangem ent and attention to closure. Virgil's Eclogues display a high degree of structure an d organization: "They are a m ost painstakingly organized w ork, in w hich com plexity an d intricacy of structure are ap p aren t n o t only at the level of individual poem s b u t at that of the entire book."34 Boyle's analysis of the Eclogues d em o n strates the them atic m ovem ent th ro u g h the poem s to w ard s Eclogue 10 w hich serves to "close" the book. Eclogue 10 is the culm ination an d recapitulation of the p rev io u s nine poem s, b rin g in g to g eth er th e ideal an d th e real, a n d the 3 3 Fowler (1989), 82. 3 4 Boyle (1976), 11. 137 failu re of p o e try over love. The re p e titio n of um bra (Ec. 10.75, 76) com bines b o th form al and them atic elem ents of closure. R epetition is a com m on form al device, and the repetition not only occurs in the final lines of this poem , b u t looks back to the final w o rd of the o p en in g p o em (Ec. 1.83). The associations of the w o rd umbra w ith d eath are consistent w ith a h ig h d eg ree of closure, as w ell as th e m en tio n of th e e v en in g (venit Hesperus [10.77]) an d the retu rn hom e (ite domum [Ec. 10.77]).35 The figure of th e p o e t G allu s a n d th e a tte n tio n to th e failu re of p o e try also dem onstrates strong them atic closure. The assertion of the poet's ow n a ttitu d e to w a rd s h is p o e try b ecom es th e v irtu a l sig n ifie r of L atin 37 closure. H o race's Odes 1-3 also form a co m p lete "book" a n d O des 3.30 3 8 d isplays a h ig h degree of closure. The first w o rd of the p o em , exegi, im plies b o th by m ean in g a n d th e use of th e p erfect ten se a sense of com pletion an d finishing. The them atic closure of 3.30 is indicated b y the atten tio n to d eath , an d specifically th e m o n u m en ts to th e d ead . M ost im portantly this poem looks back to the opening of the Odes by m aking an explicit statem ent about poetry. The ad d ress to M elpom ene (Odes 3.30.16) resp o n d s to th e ad d ress to tw o other M uses, E uterpe an d P olyhym nia at 3 5 Smith (1968), 175-6, on thematic closure, esp.: "Some of these points are given further substance, and others are raised, by another form of closural allusion: references not to termination, repose, or stability as such, but to events which, in our nonliterary experiences, are associated with these qualities— events such as sleep, death, dusk, night, autumn, winter, descents, falls, leave-takings and home-comings (176)." 3 6 See, for example, Rutherford's treatment of the self-reflection at the end of Greek lyric poems (forthcoming), 87: "Songs may also conclude with references to poetry. Such references provide a frame, surrounding the message-the narrative-with statements that draw attention to the medium." 3 7 Cf. Horace Odes 3.30; Virgil Georgies 4.559ff., Ovid Amores 1.15, M et. 15. 3 8 For the sources of and influences on this poem, see Woodman (1974), 155ff. Odes 1.1.33. Odes 1.1 an d 3.30 are also linked b y th eir m eter, the lesser A sclepiad, an d are the only tw o poem s in the first three books w ritten in this m eter. Santirocco's analysis of the structure of Odes 1-3 highlights the im portance of the final tw o po em s of the w ork. Odes 3.29 is p a rt of a series of poem s to M aecenas in w hich H orace distances him self from his p a tro n , a n d "it is p recisely th is freed o m th a t m ak e s p o ssib le th e 39 a ch iev em en t celeb rated in th e final p o em of th e collection." The relationship b etw een M aecenas an d H orace spans th e entire collection so th a t Santirocco traces a m o v em en t from th e o p en in g p o e m to th e end: "Thus, C. 1.1 an d 3.30 balance each o th er and fram e th e collection; b u t th ey also m a rk a real p ro g ressio n , from the p o e t's p ra y e r for poetic im m ortality to his final boast th at it has been achieved in his art."40 P ro p e rtiu s' first book of Elegies also sta n d s as an e n tire w o rk m arked off by a final poem w hich dem onstrates elem ents of closure. It is sim ilar to H orace's Odes 3.30 in the atten tio n to d eath , m em orial, an d poetry. Elegies 1.22 also looks back to the opening poem of the w o rk in its address to Tullus, a device used architecturally by P ropertius, d ividing the book into three sections w ith th e opening and closing poem s fram ing the w hole book.41 T here is a stro n g elem en t of d e a th in th e final poem 42 evoked by sepulcra (1.22.3) and funera (1.22.4). P ro p ertiu s juxtaposes the deaths of his countrym en w ith his ow n b irth (genuit). The attention to his hom eland is sim ilar to the closural technique discussed b y R utherford in 3 9 Santirocco (1986), 168. 4 0 Ibid., 172-3. 4 1 See the arrangement of the book by Camps (1961), 10. 4 2 Propertius 4.11 is also full of death— it is addressed to the dead Cornelia, see Johnson (forthcoming), 247ff., for an analysis of closure in Propertius 4.11. G reek lyric: "Some songs en d w ith self-identification on the p a rt of the p o et— in classical p o etry never explicit, b u t conveyed via reference to his native land, as in Isth. 6 an d P yth. 4.'43 P ro p ertiu s m akes explicit in the R om an trad itio n w h at is im plicit in the G reek trad itio n — the connection of the life of the poet to the poetry itself. O vid's first book of Amores also stan d s as a com plete book, w ith a b eginning an d ending. The open in g p o em explodes th e sincerity of the poet in love an d repositions O vid in the trad itio n of love poets. The final poem , A m ores 1.15, also m oves aw ay from th e conceit of love to the problem s of love poetry. The opening of the poem replays the division of the public an d private w hich O vid erases in his collection of poem s.44 In this final poem of th e book, O vid alludes to H orace's closural poem th ro u g h th e th em e of poetic im m o rtality g iving a catalo g u e of p o ets w hose fam e has lasted, en d in g w ith him self. H e allu d es to d e a th an d funerals (1.15.39ff.): pascitur in vivis Livor; post fata quiescit,/ cum suus ex merito quemque tuetur honos, ag ain p e rh a p s recalling b o th H o race an d P ro p e rtiu s' co n clu d in g poem s. O vid, h o w ev er, w ill live (vivam [Am. 1.15.42]) in his w ork. This is an even stro n g er claim th a n H o race’s to poetic im m o rtality — H orace's book w ill rem ain as a m o n u m e n t to him , w hereas O vid's p o etry in effect replaces him and lives as him . T here is a clear relationship betw een O vid's en d in g an d H orace's w hich indicates a consciousness in the Latin poets of a trad itio n of ending an d closure. 4 3 Rutherford (forthcoming), 87. 4 4 Am ores 1.9 brings together the military and amorous life so that there is virtually no difference in the pursuits of war and love. Virgil's Eclogues, H orace's Odes 1-3, P ro p ertiu s' Elegies 1, an d O vid's Amores 1 all sta n d as com plete w o rk s in an d of them selves.45 This is partially due to the high degree of closure in the final poem s of each of the collections. T hese p o em s d isp lay n o t o n ly fo rm al clo su re th ro u g h rep etitio n of w o rd s, w o rd s of ending, com pletion, an d d eath , b u t also them atic closure. All of these closural poem s m ake a statem en t about the n atu re of p oetry an d the poet him self. P erhaps it is the personal n atu re of this p o etry w hich leads to a kin d of "personal closure." T hese closural poem s are also tied to th e stru ctu re of th e book. Boyle an d Santirocco d em onstrate the tig h t stru ctu rin g of the Eclogues an d Odes respectively,46 show ing how the final poem stan d s ap art from the m ain b o d y of poem s. These poem s are the culm ination, recapitulation and also reflection of the previous poem s. The a tte n tio n to clo su re, in p a rtic u la r th e th em es of p o etic im m ortality, is strongly developed by the A u g u stan poets, b u t m ay look back to th e tra d itio n of R epublican epic. E nnius' R om an epic A n n a ls d em o n strates th e epic as w ell as R om an a tten tio n to closure. Skutsch argues persuasively th at the Annals w o u ld have originally en d ed in book 15, w ith the d escrip tio n of the dedication of the tem ple of th e H ercules and the M uses. 47 T here is a strong sense of closure in the d escription of the triu m p h of F ulvius N obilior. The triu m p h provides the kind of ritual 4 5 The Amores are published a second time as a collection of three books. 4 6 See Boyle (1976), 14, for the structure of the Eclogues and Santirocco (1986),149, for a diagram of the second half of Odes 3. 4 7 Skutsch (1985), 553: "Ennius intended to end the A n n a ls with an account of the campaign conducted by his patron M. Fulvius Nobilior in Aetolia, of which he was a witness himself, concluding with Fulvius' triumph in 187 BC and the founding of the temple Herculis Musarum." Ovid ends Fasti 6 with a description of the temple as well. A Q closure found in the funeral of H ector in Iliad 24. The d edication of the tem ple Herculis M usarum is also a ritual w hich enforces closure, b u t the depiction of the M uses offer an o th er ty p e of closure. The appearance of the M uses and their relationship to poetic pro d u ctio n w o u ld have been an o p p o rtu n ity for E nnius to re tu rn to th e o p en in g of his p o e m a n d his reflection of poetic in sp iratio n an d au thority, in p articu lar h is d ream of H om er.49 The fram ing of the Annals by a discussion of poetic inspiration seem s to have m ore in com m on w ith the Latin book of lyric or elegy th an w ith the H om eric G reek epics. The Annals m ay conclude at book 15, b u t do n o t en d th ere d u e to th e n a tu re of E nnius' subject— c o n te m p o ra ry history. 50 The th ree books a d d e d after book 15 by E nn iu s change the force of closure in book 15. The problem atic e n d in g of th e Annals h as repercussions for the L atin trad itio n in w hich closure becom es a p o in t of contention an d controversy. The en d in g of L ucretius' De Rerum Natura is also problem atic due to the m an u scrip t tradition. Peta F ow ler solves the p ro b lem by placing lines 1247-51 after 1282-6, w hich affect the degree of closure. She gives four aspects of closure in these n ew final lines— th e th em e of re tu rn (redibant), the generalizing reflection of th e disease, epiphonema, an d ring com position.51 T he h ig h ly stru c tu re d n a tu re of th e w o rk h as b een noted, an d th e final section looks back to th e b eg in n in g . L ucretius 4 8 Silius Italicus evokes this ending of the A nnals in the final book of the Punica with the triumph of Scipio. 4 9 See Skutsch (1985), 147ff. for a discussion of the dream. 5 0 See Fowler (1989) and Smith (1968) for the problems of closure in texts based on historical narrative. 5 1 P. Fowler (forthcoming), 192-196. 5 2 Kenney (1971), 12-13 opens his w o rk w ith a description of V enus in her role as progenitor, giver of life , w h ere book 6 closes w ith M ors an d h u m an death. T hem atically th ere is a stro n g sense of closure in the m o v em en t from life to death. F ow ler's a rg u m e n t co n cern in g th e p lac em en t of th ese lines to close L ucretius' w o rk is persuasive. H ow ever, h e r treatm en t of closure in the w o rk is based on generic categories, contrasting th e epic trad itio n w ith the didactic: "One of the factors that m ake the ending of the D N R particularly 'open' is the lack of any form al coda. A lth o u g h it is difficult to m ake confident assertions, especially about the earliest texts, this is arg u ab ly a c o featu re w h ich associates th e p o em w ith epic ra th e r th a n didactic." Fow ler bases h e r generic distinctions o n th e G reek trad itio n , w hich is problem atic for L atin literature. L ucretius m ay be reacting to the G reek didactic tra d itio n b y not in cluding a coda to his w ork, b u t, as Fow ler dem onstrates, he is also reacting to the tradition of epic represented by the Iliad and the endings in tragedy as w ell.54 Fow ler view s the lack of a coda and the sense of pessim ism about the h u m an condition at the end of De Rerum Natura as failed closure w hich bears on the m eaning of the poem . She argues th a t L ucretius u n d o es his en d in g by a lack of closure, reinforcing th e them es of d estru ctio n w hich are related to th e larger poem : "The 'so lu tio n ' for th e psychological p roblem s of h u m an beings is a recognition th at all of us, an d everything else in the w o rld as w ell, are subject to decay. But w h a t is m ore w orrying is th at the representation of the fear of d eath is so pow erfully em otive that it a p p e a rs to u n d e rm in e in a rad ical m an n e r th e ra d ia n t m essage of 5 3 Fowler (forthcoming), 205. 5 4 Ibid., 196-199. 143 L ucretius' faith -th at E picureanism h as a rriv ed to save m an k in d . The p ro b lem is created b y th e false rhetoric of closure."55 F o rm ally an d them atically the D N R displays a great deal of closure; b u t Fow ler rejects this closure because it does not satisfy an E picurean ideal: i.e. there is a lack of "conceptual" closure. The "darkness" at the en d of the w o rk and the ab ru p tn ess of the ending, how ever, look forw ard to th e poem s of Virgil. V irgil’ s atten tio n to closure is clear even in his earliest w ork, the Eclogues, an d he continues in the carefully articu lated b u t increasingly problem atic en d in g s of the Georgies an d the Aeneid. T he e n d in g of the m ain n a rra tiv e of the Georgies is a d escrip tio n of the bugonia an d the generation of the bees. This ending incorporates several com m on closural them es, especially the associations b etw een d eath an d rebirth. H ow ever, the strongest m ark of closure is the poem 's coda, in w hich V irgil nam es him self a n d describes his poetic p ro d u ctio n . The m o v em en t from the ideal w orld of p oetry to the real w orld of the p oet is sim ilar to the ending of the Eclogues, w h ich V irgil also includes in the en d in g of the Georgies th ro u g h th e figure of T ityrus (Georg. 4.566). The e n d in g of the Georgies th e n becom es a n o th e r e n d in g to the Eclogues as w ell— th e tw o are a com plete w o rk together.56 V irgil's insertion of him self into the ending of the text brings o u t som e of the m ain them es of the final book, especially the figure of the p o et represented by O rpheus. The relationship b etw een 5 5 Ibid., 222. 5 6 Fowler (1989), 83: "And it would certainly be odd to say that the Bucolics and Georgies were a single work of Vergil's; yet the concluding sphragis of Georgies 4 retrospectively fashions the two works into an oeuvre." p o etry an d p o w er is m ad e explicit in the juxtaposition of O ctavian and Virgil, a technique w hich O vid exploits in the Metamorphoses. The discussion of closure in L atin epic, an d in fact L atin literature, centers on V irgil's Aeneid. The p o et's atten tio n to closure is v ery clear th ro u g h o u t th e final book. H ard ie show s h o w even th e o p en in g of the 57 tw elfth book begins the process of closure. The final lines them selves display form al closure in the repetition of w o rd s and ring com position (cf. condit 12.950 and conderet 1.5). The com plex system of im agery u sed by 5 8 Virgil th ro u g h o u t the Aeneid also recurs in a m eaningful w ay at the end. T hrough the im ages and their association w ith furor59 V irgil collapses the distance b etw een pietas and fu ro r in the final en counter of A eneas an d T urnus: "The constellation of fu ror im agery explodes in this p assag e as A eneas' behavior is indexed by storm (921ff.), flam e (946), w o u n d (948), sacrifice ('im m olat', 949) and-sonally-serpent (949)."60 A t th e en d pietas has becom e furor: "The death of T urnus m ay signify the victory of A eneas, Rom e an d her em pire, b u t it is V irgil's concern to em phasize th a t it is a victory for the forces of non-reason an d the triu m p h , if of pietas, of pietas redefined as furor."61 The death of T urnus and the occurrence of the w ord umbra (12.952) also show a strong use of them atic closure. In m an y w ays 5 7 Hardie (forthcoming), 240. 5 8 Boyle (1993), 93: "The fabric of the A eneid's narrative is permeated by such symbolic images as serpent, fire, wound, storm, gold, brightness, bee, deer, hunting, sacrifice, beast, dream, shadow and darkness, which occur at signal junctures of the epic and bring to the contexts in which they appear associations derived from their appearance in other contests as part of an imagistic system." See also Hardie (1986), 147 and 177, for an analysis of lightning imagery in Aeneid 12. 5 9 Ibid., 93. 6 0 Ibid., 93. 6 1 Boyle (1986), 131-2. Virgil d isplays a high degree of b o th form al an d them atic closure in the end of the Aeneid. H o w e v e r, th e a b ru p tn e s s of th e e n d in g is c o n s id e re d problem atic. V irgil does n o t include a final ritu a l like th e fu n eral of 63 T urnus or the m arriage of L avinia an d A eneas, n o r does he step back from the w o rld of the poem an d introduce the figure of the poet. It is not necessary for th e en d in g of the Aeneid, w hich V irgil has closed off firmly. In fact, V irgil’ s en d in g says a great deal about the possibility of closure. A ritual or com m ent from the poet gives "m eaning" to a w ork. Instead, the final w o rd of the Aeneid, umbras, echoes the beginning an d en d in g of the Eclogues. By h a rk in g back to his earlier w ork, "V irgil n o t only recalls earlier skepticism an d indicates the holistic n atu re of his oeuvre; he signals the echoic M use's triu m p h , the cyclic futility of his o w n poetic life. H e prophesies the failure of th e Aeneid."64 V irgil im plies artistic failure in the scenes in w hich a rt is experienced w ith in th e Aeneid, th e frescoes on the tem ple of Juno, the carvings by D aedalus on the tem ple of A pollo, an d the shield of A eneas. These scenes em phasize the im potence of the artist to affect h u m an behavior.65 Therefore, to m ark off the en d in g of the Aeneid in any other w ay th an the a b ru p t w ay V irgil does w o u ld give a false sense of m eaning. O vid does m ake his bid for poetic im m o rtality at th e end of the Metamorphoses. A lth o u g h th e coda m arks the form al close of the poem , 6 2 Hardie (forthcoming), 238-9. 6 3 It is interesting that this lack was felt and a thirteenth book with these events was added later by Mapheus Vegius (see, e. g. British Library Additional MS 11954). 6 4 Boyle (1986), 176. 6 5 Ibid., 176. 146 B archiesi p o in ts o u t th a t th e stories of the fifteenth book all p o in t to closure.66 This m ovem ent tow ards an end culm inates in the apotheosis of C aesar a n d th e p ro m ise of A u g u stu s' o w n d iv in ity . In d ire c tly confronting A ugustus, O vid also brings him self as poet into th e picture in the coda. T his device w as seen in H orace an d V irgil's Georgies. O vid m akes explicit w h a t h ad been im plicit in the p o em ~ th e relationship of the artist to th e source of political p o w e r.67 O vid repeats his o w n claim to im m o rtality seen in th e Am ores th o u g h the echo of vivam (Met. 15.879), recalling Virgil's use of umbra in the ending of the Eclogues an d the Aeneid. V irgil a n d O v id seem to striv e for clo sure n o t only in th e p o e m in q u estio n , b u t in th eir en tire corpus. Such stru g g le for clo su re an d constant rew riting of endings highlight the attention given to this issue in the Latin poetic tradition. O vid's Fasti seem s to postpone the question of closure by appearing to be incom plete. A lth o u g h the p o em rep resen ts th e calendar, only six m o n th s have su rv iv ed in the tradition. O vid com plicates th e p ro b lem him self in the Tristia b y the am biguous statem ent: sex ego Fastorum scripsi totidemque libellos (Trist. 2.549). Both Barchiesi's an d N ew lan d s' analysis 6 8 recognize the high degree of closure at the end of the sixth book. The red ed icatio n of the T em ple of H ercules an d the M uses looks back to E nnius' en d in g an d offers the sam e o p p o rtu n ities to com m ent on poetic inspiration. H ow ever, w h at O vid does not say is as im p o rtan t as w h a t he 6 6 Barchiesi (forthcoming), 310: "The narrator of the Metamorphoses, for his part, had elaborated an interminable ending: the entire last book can be read as an extended coda." 6 7 The Musomachy of the end of book 5 and the story of Arachne in book 6 are an implicit statement of this relationship. 6 8 Barchiesi (forthcoming); Newlands (1995). 147 does say, an d , as Barchiesi p o in ts out, O vid deliberately refrains from a direct m ention of the im perial fam ily at the end of Fasti 6.69 This m ay also be the explanation for not w riting p a st June, because in th e next m onths, July an d A u g u st, it w o u ld be im possible n o t to co n fro n t th e em p ero r 70 directly. O vid's attention to the closure of th e sixth book m ay indicate th at he d id n o t intend to w rite the second half of the year. Like the A ugustan poets, the N eronians also display a concern w ith closure in their poetry. The Eclogues of C a lp u rn iu s Siculus ow e a great deal to the Eclogues of Virgil. U nlike V irgil's poem s, arranged in groups of 7 1 three w ith the ten th and final eclogue stan d in g outside the p a ttern , the seventh and final eclogue of C alpurnius Siculus is p a rt of the m ovem ent th ro u g h o u t th e collection. T hree o v ertly political p o em s am o n g th e Eclogues— the first, fourth, and seventh— develop the political stance of the w ork. The collection m oves from the optim istic golden age vision of the first p o em to the rejection an d dism issal of the bucolic w o rld in th e final poem : "C alpurnius' C orydon rejects the pastoral w orld absolutely, an d by his rejection signals n o t only the u n im pedable co rru p tio n exerted b y city 7 2 on country b u t the d eath of the pastoral vision in N ero's Rome." D avis argues th a t it is n o t ju st the rejection of C o ry d o n w hich m ark s th e final poem , b u t the rejection of the poet as w ell: "N ote th a t it is n o t C orydon 6 9 Barchiesi (forthcoming), 330-331. 7 0 Ibid., 326: "The twin proems to Books V and VI analyze the names 'May' and 'June' and discuss competing aetiologies. A similar investigation was not possible for the next two months, whose names leave no room for discussion. A dramatic intervention in the history of the calendar renamed the months for two members of the Julian family. Each reader of the poem should feel the effect of surprise that arises when the text fails to reach its promised political climax." 7 1 Boyle (1976), 14-16. 7 2 Boyle (1991), 37. 148 w h o is d isa p p o in te d b u t th e p o e t him self. C o ry d o n is a larg ely u n co m p re h en d in g figure w h o does n o t ap p reciate or u n d e rs ta n d the 7 ^ n atu re of the w o rld w ith w hich he com es into contact." The closure in th e sev en th eclogue is com plete, sim ilar to th a t in V irgil's Eclogues, th ro u g h its rejection of an entire poetic vision.74 Seneca's trag ed ies share in C alp u rn iu s' rejection of th e ir poetic w orld. Seneca respects the Latin attention to closure in his plays, perh ap s reactin g m ore to R om an w o rk s th a n to generic con v en tio n s: "Each Senecan play en d s in dialogue u tte re d by one of the dramatis personae. A ttic tra g e d y e n d s m ore freq u en tly th a n n o t (it becom es th e ru le in E uripides) w ith a short ode or lyric utterance from the chorus, as do both non-Senecan plays, Hercules Oetaeus an d Octavia, in the Senecan corpus. N o extant Senecan play does this. Those fam ous Senecan end in g s exhibit not only theatrical po w er, b u t a considerable d ep artu re--it seem s— from 75 stan d ard tragic practice." T here is strong form al closure in the plays of Seneca d u e to highly stru ctu red p attern s of w o rd s an d im agery in the plays. For exam ple, the 7 f t final w o rd of the Medea, deos (1027), echoes the first (dz[lj). The Phaedra en d s w ith th e c o m m an d of T h eseu s (1277f.) w h ic h looks b ack to 7 7 H ip p o ly tu s' c o m m an d s w h ich o p en th e play. T he im a g ery len d s stru ctu re to th e plays, often clim axing at the close, as in th e Thyestes: "Notice also how , as often in Seneca, the action has a carefully architected 7 3 Davis (1988), 49. 7 4 For Virgil's pessimism at the end of the Eclogues see Boyle (1976), 32-5. 7 5 Boyle (1988), 87. 7 6 Ibid., 81. crescendo m ovem ent beginning at the end of the th ird chorus (622), as its im age of fortune's w hirl is taken u p by the M essenger w hose description of A trean bestiality is stru c tu re d n o t only to b u ild to its o w n stu n n in g clim ax b u t to lead, via the cosm ic note on w hich it ends, straig h t into the star-chorus' terror of the im m inent collapse of the zodiac— thence to A treus 7 8 the new su n (896f)." The crescendo of im agery crashes to a close w h en A treus reveals the bodies of the children to Thyestes. C om m entary on the response to the deaths in the various plays is a co m m o n c lo su ral device for Seneca. R ath er th a n g iv in g m ean in g , how ever, they m ore often underscore the cyclical n atu re of violent crim e— th e characters learn n o th in g an d th e d eath s h av e no lasting m eaning. T arran t says th at the en d in g of the Thyestes offers no hope: "As u su al, Seneca p ro v id es no resolution at the end, no choral com m ent to set the action in a w id er context, no u n involved m inor characters to give a sense of life continuing in its norm al course. A t its m ost pow erful, h ere an d in Medea, Senecan d ram a seem s to negate th e v ery concept of a n o rm ally functioning w orld; the passions th at have driven the protagonists have left 79 the o rd er of thin g s radically an d p erm an en tly disjointed." T here is no resolution possible in Seneca's d ram atic w orld; therefore the p lay s close form ally and dram atically. The closure in b o th C alpurnius an d Seneca is so absolute th at the Latin trad itio n in th eir respective genres, bucolic an d tragedy, is n early closed off as well. T here is no response in these genres to this kind of ending. H ow ever, epic continues self-consciously an d self- reflexively to deal w ith the question of the end. 7 8 Ibid., 84. 7 9 Tarrant (1985), 243. 150 It is tem p tin g to disregard Lucan's epic in the discussion of closure in L atin literatu re d u e to its unfinished state. H ow ever, M asters' recent w ork on the poem , w hich argues for com pleteness, needs to be taken into consideration. The arg u m en t for com pleteness is a difficult one an d the solutions are unsatisfactory. Lucan does display a clear stru ctu re in the existing p a rt of the poem an d the endings of books also show attention to closure. References to d eath and n ight are especially stro n g in th e book endings of the Bellum Civile. Every book ends w ith som e sort of closural allusion. In b o o k 1 the fren zied m atro n a m akes h e r p ro p h e c y an d collapses, as th o u g h dying. Both books 3 an d 7 en d w ith descriptions of the afterm ath of battle, especially of the battlefield littered w ith corpses. Book 6 closes w ith the falling of n ig h t after th e second "death" of the cadaver b ro u g h t back to life by Erictho. The final com plete book, book 9, ends w ith th e m o u rn in g of C aesar for his rival Pom pey. P erh ap s the strongest suggestion of L ucan's attention to stru ctu re an d closure in the Bellum Civile is the bu ild -u p to the death of Pom pey. Books 2 an d 5 close w ith th e fo resh ad o w in g of P o m p ey 's d eath . P o m p ey 's d e a th is n o t n arrated until the end of book 8. The strong sense of closure at the end of 80 8 m ay indicate a tetrad structure of a 12 book epic. M asters, how ever, argues against structure as an indication of com pleteness. M asters begins his a rg u m en t for com pleteness from th e external biographical m aterial, b u t far m ore com pelling is th e internal evidence. M asters too easily dism isses the question of structure: "U ltim ately I think 8 0 Joyce (1993), 197: "In Lucan's epic, the final scene, the burial of Pompey the Great, leads into the poet's eulogy and farewell (vv. 712ff.). Such a clear sense of closure strongly argues , if not for an epic of twelve books like the Aeneid, then at least for one of four book units.” th at argum ents about structure get us now here, because stru ctu re is m ore p rofound an d com plicated a thing th an any m ere division an d subdivision into equal parts: for stru ctu re is m ad e stro n g by the fact th a t there w ill alw ays be com peting w ays of view ing it, so th at it sh o u ld n o t so m uch su rp rise u s as delight us to find triad s an d tetrad s and p e n ta d s w orking 8 1 across each other as the poem proceeds." But M asters does n o t consider L ucan's careful stru ctu rin g of the first eight books of the p o em an d the shape of th e epic as a w hole. If th e Bellum Civile is a 10 b o o k epic, as M asters suggests, it m ig h t also be possible to m ake stru c tu ra l analogies w ith other 10 p a rt collections such as the Eclogues of Virgil, H orace’s first book of Sermones an d the first book of elegies of T ibullus, an d ho w they "close." A fu rth er stru ctu ral p roblem is th e length of book 10 w hich is significantly sh o rter th a n the other books, p articu larly b o o k 9, w hich is 8 2 quite long. P erhaps, as M asters suggests, the beginning of book 10 has 83 been attached deliberately to book 9. M asters seem s to indicate th at he feels L ucan is after an O vidian treatm en t of the book at this late p o in t in 8 1 Masters (1992), 245. 8 2 Ibid., 247: "When all is said and done, the poem does have a very peculiar shape: book 9 is absurdly long, book 10 absurdly short." 8 3 Ibid., 247-8, n.74: "The short length of book 10 need not imply anything is missing from the end; for the excessive length of book 9 is equally striking, and must be taken as part of the same problem. Both sides of the dispute have noted that the last 150 lines of book 9 ( the part dealing with Caesar's journey from Pharsalus to Egypt) would be more at home as an introduction to book 10. Re-dividing the books accordingly would leave book 10 quite long enough to pass muster; but that is a drastic solution. If the books have been transmitted as Lucan left them, the peculiar distribution of the lines gives us no basis on which to argue that Lucan failed to complete his poem; merely that, at worst, he did not manage to arrange it properly before he died (though it is hard to imagine how the problem could have arisen); or, at best, that he felt there was something to gain from arranging it so provocatively— for instance, the effect of surprise at the brevity of the final book." 8 4 the poem . The attention to stru ctu re in the earlier books of the poem m ake the looseness of structure M asters argues for at the end of the poem unlikely. M asters' strongest argum ents are for them atic closure. Because endings are often the place for an au th o r to reflect o n and indicate his position on the m eaning of the w ork, w ith o u t an ending, it is difficu lt to say w h a t L u can 's p o sitio n is re g a rd in g th e Bellum Civile. H ow ever, it clearly tells the sto ry of civil w ar. M asters show s h o w the poem deals w ith question of finis an d ho w this relates to civil w ar, w hich O C is endless itself. This endlessness th en lends itself to a p o em w ith o u t end: For a poem w hose prem ise is the endlessness of its m aterial the only possible en d in g is one w hich proclaim s in its last throes h o w m uch m ore there is yet to come. In addition, the civil w ar is a dilem m a w ith o u t a solution; it is a w ar w h ere no one side is right, w h ere m erely to take sides— or to take the side of im partiality— is w ro n g . For a p o em w h o se p rem ise is th e im possibility of its resolution, the only possible ending is one w hich cuts us off at th at m om ent w here nothing is resolved; w hich freezes for us th e par quod semper habemus locked forever, 8 6 exem plarily, in bitter, precarious balance. The last lines of the poem are tak en by M asters as a k in d of epilogue w hich rem oves C aesar from his central position an d replaces him w ith a 8 4 The book endings in Ovid seem less distinguishable and episodes flow between books. In general the impression of structure in Ovid is fluid (this is not to say that Ovid hasn't very carefully structured his poem). 8 5 Masters (1992), 252ff. 8 6 Ibid., 253. 153 final v isio n of P o m p ey , in a sim ilar m ove to O v id 's e n d in g of his 87 Metamorphoses. M asters' a rg u m e n t for them atic closure h as obvious m erit: an inconclusive en d in g for an epic about the endlessness of civil w ar; b u t his structural analysis is unsatisfactory. The book endings of the first eight books display strong closure and L ucan d em onstrates thorough attention to the stru ctu re of the epic as a w hole. M asters' assertion th at L ucan w o u ld deliberately play w ith convention because he is w ritin g an 88 unconventional epic d isre g ard s too easily the p a tte rn s estab lish ed in books 1-8. The L atin tra d itio n itself m akes it v irtu ally im possible to reg ard 89 closure an d closural devices as m arks of genre. In stead , th ere are certain tren d s and approaches to poetic closure th ro u g h o u t th e trad itio n w hich stan d out. The L atin poets all share an atten tio n to form al closure th ro u g h rep etitio n of w o rd s an d im ages. T hem atic closure is also often b ro u g h t about by a ritual, such as the triu m p h at the end of E nnius' Annals 15 an d Silius Italicus1 Punica. The treatm ent of d eath in these R om an poets is also a closural allusion, especially how d eath relates to the p oet an d his p o etry as in P ro p ertiu s' Elegies 1.22, w hich grow s into a b id for poetic im m ortality in H orace's Odes 3.30, V irgil's Georgies,90 an d O vid Amoves 1.15 an d 3.15 an d Metamorphoses 15. O n the other h an d , this ho p e for the future is counterbalanced by the su d d e n an d bleak end in g s of L ucretius 8 7 Ibid., 258: "[It] urges us to see Caesar's absence from the last lines of 'his' poem as a deliberate displacement, a poetic slight contrived by the creator against his creation." 8 8 Ibid., 250 "[I]t is in the field of narrative technique, as much as in every other aspect of epic composition, that Lucan shows himself to be the perverse, destructive iconoclast to whom nothing, absolutely nothing, is sacred." 8 9 Contrast to Smith (1968); Fowler (1989); Hardie (1983); Quint (1991). 9 0 Virgil contrasts his poetic activites with Octavian's military acheivements, which can be interpreted as an assertion of his poetry's endurance. an d Virgil's Aeneid. The darkness and pessim ism especially of th e Aeneid look forw ard to the u tter d espair an d rejection of the poetic w o rld in the en d in g s of th e N ero n ian p o ets C a lp u rn iu s Siculus a n d Seneca. The Flavian authors inherited this tradition of closure in Latin poetry. Statius adopts a unique pastiche of these endings in his closing of the Thebaid. Closure and Statius' Thebaid 12 "I know, it probably doesn't have the sense of closure that you want, but it has more than some of our other cases." Agent Dana Scully on "The X-Files" Alternate endings The final book of the Thebaid is m ade u p of allusions to th e endings of m any m ajor w orks of classical literature. By referring to earlier w orks, Statius b u ild s u p the closural expectations for his ow n poem . The echoes of other endings m ay reinforce the "sense of an ending" of th e Thebaid, b u t Statius also rew orks these endings, often w ith the resu lt of u n d erm in in g closure. By bringing together the different approaches to closure in the tradition, Statius m akes his ow n statem ent about the m eaning of endings and the possibility of "true" closure. T here are m an y funerals in Thebaid 12, the m o st lavish of w hich occurs early in the book— the funeral of M enoeceus. The sim ilarities w ith 155 the funeral of Pallas in Aeneid 11 have already been noted,91 b u t there are also sim ilarities w ith the ritual w hich ends the Iliad — the funeral of H ector. Iliad 24 is concerned w ith the confrontation b etw een P riam an d Achilles, the retu rn of the b o d y to the city, the disposal of the body, and the lam ent of A ndrom ache, H ecuba, and H elen. Statius recalls aspects of the funeral Q 2 of H ector in th e m any funerals of Thebaid 12. Both the funeral of H ector an d M enoeceus co n tain scenes of th e g ath e rin g of the w o o d a n d the 93 construction of the pyre. There m ay be a contrast betw een the spoils on M enoeceus' funeral pyre (Theb. 12.62ff.) an d the spoils w ith w hich Priam ran so m s back th e b o d y of his so n (II. 24.579). B oth th e fu n era l of M enoeceus an d the ransom ing of H ector rep resen t the w o rth of the sons to their fathers an d the fathers' psychological need to confront the death of their sons. H ector is m ourned by his father, his wife, m other, and sister- in-law . S tatius obviously allu d es to th e Iliad in e n d in g his epic w ith lam entation. The fu n eral of M enoeceus is a tten d ed b y C reon, w h o rep resen ts A chilles in Iliad 24 as m uch as P riam , an d his m ale a tten d a n ts (12.104). C reon evokes th e figure of P riam in the final book of th e Iliad by his display of a father's grief and need to lam ent his son properly. H ow ever, C reon's bitterness an d solitude94 connect him to the figure of A chilles at the end of the Iliad as well. Achilles is also alone an d still n u rsin g his grief 9 1 See above, 16ff. 9 2 See also Kabsch (1968), 42, for the connection of Iliad 24 and Thebaid 12. 9 3 For example, compare the wood gathering scene (Theb. 12.50-3 and II. 24.782-4) and the attention to the pyre and laying out of body (Theb. 12.62-6 and II. 24.790-8). See Williams (1986), 207-9, for Statius' imitation of Virgil in the wood gathering scenes. 9 4 He claims exclusive rights to mourn Menoeceus at 12.79. 156 for P atroklos.95 A chilles' grief cau sed him to desecrate th e corpse of H ector in the sam e w ay th at C reon's grief for his son stirs u p his anger so th at he rep eats his edict to forbid b u rial to the A rgives (Theb. 12.100). Both A chilles a n d C reon are u n ab le to change th eir b eh av io r to w a rd s others based on th eir ow n experience of loss.96 C reon sacrifices h u m an victim s at his son's p y re (Theb. 12.68-9), w hich recalls A eneas' action at the funeral of Pallas; b u t both accounts are m odeled on Achilles' action at Iliad 23.175. C reon is m ore closely linked to figures like A eneas an d A chilles w hose passio n s do n o t allow th em to learn from the d e ath s of y o u n g w arriors, th an he is to a rep en tan t old m an like Priam , w h o has learned to recognize the im m ense toll on h u m an life that w ar exacts. The figure of Priam , then, is p erh ap s m ore strongly recalled in the Thebaid b y the A rgive w o m en w h o m u st also ap p ro ach a (potentially) h ostile p e rso n in o rd e r to achieve th e b u rial th ey desire. W hen the A rgives a p p ro a ch T heseus, th ey are v u ln erab le in the sam e w ay th at P riam is, approaching A chilles (II. 24.477-9). Both the w om en an d Priam are a id e d b y th e gods. H erm es g u id es P riam to the cam p of th e M yrm idons an d assures h im th at H ector's body has been p reserv ed (II. 24.137). W hen Priam finally view s the body of his son, it is being anointed by the serving m aids: xov 5' k n ii ouv Sjicoai A ouaav m i x p ia a v eAmcp (II. 24.587). Statius com bines these elem ents from the Iliad— th e role of the gods, the preservation of the b od y and the anointing— in his scene w ith the A rgive w om en. The A rgive w om en are looked over by H ecate, D em eter, 9 5 Cf. Iliad 24.511, and 592ff. 9 6 Achilles does change his behavior in Iliad 24 when confronted by Priam, but in Creon Statius evokes Achilles' presentation in book 23. an d Juno, a n d Iris is also sent to p reserv e th e b o d ies of those lying exposed on the field: nec n on functa du cu m refovendi corpora curam Iris habet, putresqu e arcanis roribus artus am brosiaeque rigat sucis, u t longius obstent exspectentque rogum et flam m as n o n ante fatiscant. (Theb. 12.137-40). N or does Iris have no care for the n ourishing of the d ead bodies of leaders an d sprinkles th eir rotting lim bs w ith secret dew s an d the juice of am brosia so th at they last longer an d aw ait the pyre and do not w aste before the flam es. The presence of the gods in both the Iliad and the Thebaid underscores the justice an d legitim acy of the claim s of Priam an d the A rgives for b u rial of kin. S tatius seem s to leave o u t the fem ale lam en t of the Iliad in the 97 funeral of M enoeceus, b u t rath er it has been p o stp o n ed u n til the very end of the Thebaid. T hree w om en are n am ed at the en d of the Thebaid in connection w ith lam entation. Statius echoes H om er in his p resen tatio n of the m o u rn ers— A ndrom ache (wife), H ecuba (m other), H elen (sister) are 98 paralleled h ere b y E vadne (wife), A rgia (sister), and A talanta (m other), w ho m o u rn the A rgive dead (Theb. 12.803-5). The Iliad, how ever, does not end w ith the em otional clim ax of a m aternal lam ent; instead H om er pan s back o u t from his tight shot on H elen and reintroduces P riam , w ho gives the orders for H ector's burial, w hich are th en carried o u t by the city 9 7 Eurydice is nowhere to be seen in 12, as she is in book 10.792ff. 9 8 Argia is also "wife" in Thebaid 12, but at 804 Statius emphasizes her relationship to Deiphyle: u t saevos narret vigiles Argia sorori. 158 of Troy u n ited u n d e r his leadership (17. 24. 776ff.). The em phasis at the en d of the Iliad is on th e co m m u n ity a n d n o t th e in d iv id u a l. In the Thebaid, on the o th er h an d , th e em phasis is on the m o u rn in g w om en and their personal losses. Statius also allu d es to the en d in g of th e O dyssey in Thebaid 12, particularly the renew ed o u tb u rst of violence w hich concludes the w ork. In th e O dyssey the suitors' fam ilies g ath er in o rd er to d eb ate seeking v en g ean ce a g a in st O d y sse u s (Od. 24.420ff). T h ere m a y be som e recollection of th is debate w h e n th e A rgive w om en, stru c k b y fe a r," decide w h eth er to go to Thebes in o rd er to defy C reon alone, or to seek help from T heseus in A thens (12.173-6). The speech of E vadne to Theseus elicits a response from the Neptunius heros (12.588)100 w hich is filled w ith justification for violence against Thebes an d righteous in d ig n atio n (Theb. 12.590ff.), a n d echoes th e sp eech of E u p eith es calling for v en g ean ce against O d ysseus (Od. 24. 426ff.). Both the fam ilies of th e su ito rs an d T heseus show a stro n g desire for vengeance, b u t p e rh a p s th is desire is m ore u n d e rsta n d a b le from the fam ilies' p o in t of v iew — th ey h av e lost fam ily m em bers. T heseus' m otives, on the other h an d , are less clear. By evoking the en d of the Odyssey, Statius can contrast T heseus w ith the suitors' fam ilies and cast d o u b t on his interest in going to Thebes. A fter speeches on b o th sides, som e of the m em bers of the assem bly arm them selves for b attle (Od. 24.463). The sp eed an d eagerness of the 9 9 Cf. Theb. 12.166-8: sicfatus, at illis horruerunt lacrimae, stupuitque immanis eundi/ impetus, atque uno voltus pallore gelati and Od. 24.450: l 'Q.q (Jxrco totx; 5' ocpa n a vx a q hub xA,copbv 5eo<; rfpei. Perhaps there is a verbal echo of y/Uopov in pallore. 1 0 0 The m ention of N eptune contrasts Theseus w ith O dysseus w hom N eptune persecutes. A thenians arm ing for battle is sim ilar to th at of the suitors' fam ilies in the Odyssey}01 The fam ily of O dysseus engages the fam ilies of the suitors in a brief battle until Z eus stops the fighting w ith a lightning bolt: m i t o t s 5ri Kpovibrp; OMjnei xf/oA.oev-ra Kepauvov {Od. 24.539). The figure of Z eus in the Odyssey is replaced by T heseus in the Thebaid w ho appears like Jupiter. But instead of ending the hostilities, Theseus' throw begins the fighting, in the traditional R om an w ay of declaring war: dixit, et em issa praeceps iter incohat hasta: qualis H yperboreos ubi nubilus institit axes Iuppiter et prim a trem efecit sidera brum a. {Theb. 12.649-51) H e spoke and, having h u rled his spear, begins th e jo u rn ey ju st as w h en Ju p iter covered in clouds steps on the N o rth ern poles and m akes the stars shiver w ith the first frost. The th u n d erb o lt of Z eus en d s the hostilities b etw een O dysseus an d the suitors' fam ilies and the survivors m ake a p act {Od. 24.546). S tatius uses the spear th ro w n by Theseus to renew the violence. In evoking the en d in g of the O dyssey Statius can ag ain p o in t out som e im p o rtan t differences. Fighting alongside O dysseus are his father L aertes a n d his son T elem achus. The final book of th e O d yssey is 102 co n cern ed w ith reso lu tio n of conflict b e tw ee n m ale g e n eratio n s. 1 0 1 Cf. Theb. 12.639-41: Hos ubi velle acies et dulci gliscere ferro/ dux videt, utque piis raptim dent oscula n a tis/ am plexusque breves and O d. 24.466-8: ou\j/a 8' £7ieix' em xen^ea eaaeiSovxo./ aoxap enei p' eaaavxo Ttepi ypol vcbpona % oA k o v ,/ aGpooi riyEpeGovxo rcpo aaxeoq eopt>%6poio. 1 0 2 See, for example, Telemachus' words to his father: o\j/eoei, oa k' eGeXriaQa, rcocxep <t>iAe,x' &5’ evi Gupcp/ on xi icaxoaoxuvovxa xeov yevoq, me, ayopeuen;c{Od. 24.511-2) and Laertes’ response: xiq vu poi Tijjipri rjSe, Geoi (fii^oi! l) [ictka %a\pm/ m o; Q ’ mcovoq x‘ apexric; 7tepi T elem achus' p articip atio n in the fighting is th e en d of his m atu ratio n process developed th ro u g h o u t the poem . A t the end of the Thebaid there are no fathers and sons. The sons have all been killed an d th e battle is left 103 to C reon an d T heseus, b o th , arg u ab ly , at th e en d of th e ir prim e. T heseus kills H aem on, C reon's son, before killing C reon him self (12.747), th u s com pletely o bliterating the line of C reon. The d isru p tio n of sons predeceasing their fathers is highlighted by O edipus and C reon, w ho both m ust m o u rn their sons. W hile the Odyssey ends w ith the reu n ited house of Ith ak a fighting together, th e Thebaid is a b o u t th e confusa domus of O ed ip u s w h ich has n o t straig h ten ed o u t its fam ilial relatio n sh ip s, b u t red u c ed th em to m eaninglessness. A ny reso lu tio n m u st com e from outside. O ne further scene in the final book of the Thebaid m ay recall, n o t the final book of the Odyssey, b u t the penultim ate book, w hich is also involved in the process of closure. The recognition of Polynices by A rgia (12.312ff.) m ay look back to a n d co n tra st w ith th e reco g n itio n a n d re u n io n of O dysseus an d Penelope. In book 23 O dysseus ap p ears to Penelope still grim y from th e b attle w ith the suitors (Od. 23.115). Polynices also is covered w ith, in fact tram p led in, the d u st (Theb. 12.316-7). O dysseus and P enelope b o th rem ark on his re tu rn from exile (Od. 23.169-70). In her speech to her h u sb an d 's corpse, A rgia m akes a great deal of Polynices and her ow n "hom ecom ing" to Thebes, contrasting their expectations w ith the Sr|pw exovcn.. (Od. 24.514-5). 1 0 3 Cf. Ahl (1986), 2897: "Creon is no Tydeus or Capaneus, no warrior at the height of his powers. Neither is Theseus, whom Statius also depicts as old; his battle with Creon is a one-sided contest of the elderly." Ahl does not specify how Theseus appears old, but references to his mythic past indicate that he has lived a long life. failed reality (Theb. 12.325ff.). W hen P enelope finally accepts th e m an before h e r as h er h u sb a n d , h e r knees loosen, she kisses his h e ad , an d holds him tight: xf|<; 8' ocuxou A a)xo youvaxa k oci < |> iA ,o v pro p of) pax' fecvayvoucrp xa 01 eprceSa 7ie<|>pa5' OSuoaeu^. Soncpuaaaa 5' £7C£ix'\0'u<; Spapev, c x ju < > V 8e %8ipaq Seipfi PaA.A/'OSuafji, K&pr| 8 ek d ct' p8e 7upo<xr|\)8a. (Od. 23.205-8) T hen h e r knees an d h er o w n h e art loosened a n d she rec o g n ize d th e clear sig n s w h ic h O dysseus h a d sh o w n to her. C rying, she ran n ear to him , an d th ro w in g h e r h a n d s a ro u n d the neck of O dysseus, she kissed his head. A rgia has a sim ilar reaction to the body of Polynices. She alm ost loses consciousness, kisses his bloody face, an d clings to his corpse (Theb. 317- 21). This b itte r recollection of one of th e final scenes of th e Odyssey highlights the lack of achievem ent in the Thebaid. The retu rn of Polynices to Thebes is w ra p p ed in failure and the contrast of the tearful recognition a n d reu n io n w ith A rgia w ith th e jo y fu l an d su ccessfu l re u n io n of O dysseus an d Penelope em phasizes Polynices' failure at Thebes. Statius' em phasis on the physicality of the dead bodies littering the battlefield ow es som ething to L ucretius’ description of the p lague victim s at the end of De Rerum Natura. L ucretius describes the exposed bodies w hich even th e anim als w o u ld n o t feed off because of the p lag u e (D R N 6.1215ff.). S tatius sim ilarly uses the im age of exposed b o d ies a n d the threat of anim als on the Theban field in C reon's edict forbidding b u rial to the A rgives w here he w ishes to lead the anim als an d b ird s to the corpses him self: ipsumque ferns, ipsum unca volucrum/ ora sequi atque artus regum monstrare nefandos (12.97-8). L ucretius, in ad d itio n to the exposed bodies, also em phasizes the erasure of differences in death. In the country, all the bodies are heaped together, parents m ixed in w ith children: exanim is pueris su p er exanim ata p aren tu m corpora n on n u n q u am posses retroque videre m atribus et patribu s natos su p er edere vitam . (D RN 6.1256-8) N ever could y ou n o t be able to look back on the d ead bodies of p a re n ts p iled above th eir d e a d c h ild re n a n d c h ild re n g iv in g u p life above their dead m others an d fathers. Statius depicts the d ead from the su rv iv o rs' p o in t of view , an d sim ilarly show s the difficulty in distinguishing the corpses: nec certa facultas noscere, quern m iseri vitent calcentve cruorem . (Theb. 12. 36-7) N o r w as it easy to know for sure w h at carnage the w retched ones should avoid and w h at to tram ple. The m u ltitu d e of d ead bodies and the problem s of disposing of them has led to a b reak d o w n in the religious practices of burial at A thens— pyres are reu sed (D R N 6.1278ff.). S tatius also describes th e im p act of m u ltip le b u rials on th e p eo p le of Thebes, w h o begin to fight over g iv in g rites (12.34) an d A rgia and A ntigone m u st reuse a p y re w hich is still b u rn in g for the body of Polynices (12.420ff.). 163 L u cretiu s’ d escrip tio n of th e p lag u e an d the d isp o sal of bodies em phasizes the fragility of the h u m an body and the physicality of corpses. This contrasts w ith his earlier assertion th at d eath m eans n o th in g to us (3.830ff.). In the "diatribe against death," L ucretius satirizes th e need for funerals: nam si in m orte m alum st m alis m orsuque ferarum tractari, no n invenio qui non sit acerbum ignibus im positum calidis torrescere flam m is au t in m elle situm suffocari atque rigere frigore, cum sum m o gelidi cubat aequore saxi urgerive su p em e obtritum p ondere terrae. (D R N 3.888-93) For if it is a b ad th in g in d eath to be d rag g ed by the bite of w ild beasts, I d o n 't find ho w it is n o t a h arsh thing, h av in g b een placed on the flam es, to b u rn w ith the w a rm flam es or to suffocate drenched in honey or stiff w ith cold, w h en lying on th e slab of chilly rock, or to be crushed u n d er the w eight of earth. L ucretius th en concentrates on the needs of the living to m o u rn the dead (3.894ff.). Statius, too, seem s to be concentrating on the sheer corporeality of h u m an d eath in his description of the afterm ath of battle, especially the corpses littering the battlefield at Thebes, w hich are depicted graphically, as is A rgia's discovery of h er h u sb an d Polynices. S tatius certain ly rew rites th e final b attle of th e Aeneid betw een A eneas an d T urnu s at the end of book 11 in the confrontation of Eteocles and Polynices,104 b u t the final battle of the Thebaid b etw een C reon an d T heseus also ow es so m eth in g to th e end of V irgil's w ork. T heseus is 1 0 4 Hardie (1993), 46 and Hardie (forthcoming), 249-50. 164 com pared to Jupiter as he enters the w ar, particularly Ju p iter as a storm god (Theb. 12.650ff.). Storm im agery also su rro u n d s A eneas as he enters the fray w ith T urnus.105 Theseus' killing spree before he reaches C reon is sim ilar to A eneas' actions in book 10 an d Theseus' brief search for C reon in battle is like A eneas in book 12.106 H ardie also rem arks on the sim ile of T heseus as M ars w hich recalls Aeneid 12.331-6: "In the th ird sim ile (733-5) T heseus is like M ars, a figure for the fury of w a r th a t p re su p p o se s no m o ral distinctions, b u t w hich w e m ay note is m o d eled o n a V irgilian 1 07 sim ile ap p lied to T urnus (A en . 12.331-6)." It is certainly im p o rtan t to see th a t S tatius is d ev elo p in g im agery of b o th T u rn u s an d A eneas in Aeneid 12 in the figure of Theseus an d th u s collapsing the tw o figures as a response to V irgil's characterization of the figures in the final book of the Aeneid. But H ardie dism isses too easily the im plications this sim ile has for T heseus' character. T heseus is a figure of the "fury of w ar" just as A eneas b ecom es th e em b o d im en t of fu ro r. T h ere are d ifferen c e s in the presentation of C reon an d T u rn u s— C reon is not hu m b led before T heseus as T urnus is before A eneas, w h en he pleads for his corpse to be retu rn ed to his father. Statius confronts the a b ru p t ending of the Aeneid by seem ing to correct som e of the difficulties : "In tw o respects the finality of the d eath of T urnus is tightened up: the first throw of T heseus' m assive spear brings certain death, an d in the last w o rd s of this ty ran t to the dy in g m an Theseus assures C reon of the burial th at A eneas m ight, conceivably, w ish lu > Boyle (1986), 131. 106 ££ Theb. 12.752-3: sed solum votis, solum clamore trem endo/ omnibus in turm is optat vocitatque Creonta and Aen. 12.466-7: solum densa in caligine T urnum / vestigat lustrans, solum in certamina poscit. 1 0 7 Hardie (1993), 47. 165 to d en y T u rn u s (if w e p ress th e Iliadic m odel of A chilles' response to 108 H ector's request for burial)." By "correcting" V irgil's ending, Statius m ay seem to stren g th en his ow n closure, b u t he also acknow ledges the pro b lem s w ith closure by exposing th e p ro b lem s w ith th e en d of the Aeneid. T hrough the spoiling of arm s an d im ages of sacrifice,109 Statius recalls the d eath of T urnus in C reon's d eath .11 0 T he w o m e n 's lam en t for th e d e a d P a rth e n o p a e u s also ow es som ething to the ending of the Aeneid. Before he deals the d eath blow to T urnus, A eneas recognizes the baldric of Pallas. A eneas' rep etitio n of Pallas' nam e functions as a kind of lam ent: Pallas te hoc vulnere, Pallas im m olat et poenam scelerato ex sanguine sum it. (Aen. 12.948-50) * Pallas, b y this w o u n d , P allas sacrifices you, an d exacts paym ent for crim inal blood. The cry of the w o m en certainly recalls th e rep etitio n of Pallas' nam e, though here the nam e is repeated three times: A rcada quo planctu genetrix E rym anthia clam et, A rcada, consum pto servantem sanguine vultus, A rcada, quern gem inae pariter flevere cohortes. (Theb. 12.805-7) W ith w h a t lam en t th e E ry m an th ian m o th er cried for the A rcadian; the A rcadian, w ho kept his looks, alth o u g h all his blood w as gone; the 1 0 8 Hardie (forthcoming), 251. 1 0 9 Cf. Theb. 12.771 and Aen. 12.949. 1 1 0 Cf. Theb. 12.777 and Aen. 12.951. 166 A rcad ian , w h o m th e tw in arm ies lam en ted alike. The replacem ent of the nam e w ith an epithet derived from P arthenopaeus' place of origin, A rcadia, also links h im closely to Pallas w h o se father, E vander, w as king of a new A rcadia. H ardie argues th at the repetition of the n am e th ree tim es reform s th e d o u b le rep etitio n at th e e n d of the Aeneid: "The nam e of his nationality is repeated three tim es in the sam e case at the beginning of three consecutive lines (805-7); in the final count th e trip lin g of grief o v erb id s th e g em in atio n of civil w a r, w h e re the doubling of the nam e of Pallas in A eneas' final w ords seem ed to p o in t to the violence th a t arose o u t of differing claim s on the d ead bo y a n d his goods."111 H ard ie's p o in t is obscure; it is the fact of repetition, n o t the n u m b er of tim es, w hich is significant. In each case, th e repetition, and th erefo re, th e focus on th e y o u th fu l figure, lead s to a n o u tb u rst of violence. A eneas m akes T urnus a sacrifice to p ay for the d eath of Pallas. The lam ent of the w om en at the end of the Thebaid m ay be the cause of the 112 renew al of violence by the Epigoni. The choice of P arthenopaeus as the object of the final lam ent of the A rgives is appropriate for the larger them es of the poem . In the sam e w ay th at Pallas stan d s in for an d epitom izes all th e lost y o u n g lives in the 113 Aeneid P arth en o p aeu s also is "the m ost pathetic." S tatius does seem 1 1 1 Hardie (1993), 48. 1 1 2 Ahl (1986), 2898: "Cries of mourning for the dead at the end of the war are indistinguishable from a call to battle. In a sense they are precisely that: the first stirrings of those emotions which will send the descendants of the Seven to try~and to succeed— where their fathers had failed." 1 1 3 Hardie (1993), 98: "Perhaps the most pathetic of the Statian dead youths is Parthenopaeus, w ho combines features of Virgil's N isus and Euryalus, Pallas and co n cern ed w ith the loss of y o u th in w a r, b u t, in th e d e p ic tio n of Parthenopaeus' death in book 9, Statius em phasizes his eagerness in going to w a r (Theb. 9.683ff.). It is his m other, A talanta, rather, w ith w h o m the greatest sy m p ath y lies. She is incapable of com peting w ith th e allure of w ar, a n d P a rth en o p a eu s gives h e r no th o u g h t as he rid es into b attle (9.737). By em p h asizin g her lam en t at the end of th e Thebaid Statius highlights her personal loss. The m other's lam ent is echoed by the arm y, unlike V irgil's ending in w hich A eneas the soldier has the final w o rd and the only voice of m aternal grief, E uryalus' m other, has been rem oved. Statius does not m erely recall Aeneid 12 in his final book, b u t in fact Thebaid 12 replays scenes from the entire last half of V irgil's epic. The catalogue of A thenian troops w hich culm inates in the figure of H ippolyte (Theb. 12.611-38) recalls the catalogue of Italian heroes of Aeneid 7 w hich closes w ith C am illa. The shield of T heseus (12.665-76) is b ased on the g o ld en sh ield p re se n te d to A eneas in A en e id 8. T he voices of the lam en tin g w om en, especially A rgia (12.322-48) an d A talan ta (12.805), evoke the im age of E uryalus' m other in Aeneid 9. The cost of yo u n g life w hich dom inates books 10 an d 11 of the Aeneid are recalled b o th in the fu n eral of M enoeceus (12.60-104) a n d the lam en t for P a rth e n o p a e u s (12.805-7). F inally th e b a ttle of C reo n a n d T h eseu s (12.752-781) dem onstrates sim ilarities w ith the final battle of Aeneid 12 betw een T urnus an d A eneas. Statius' use of the second half of th e A eneid, the "battle books," rep eated in quick succession, underscores the rep eated violence th ro u g h o u t the Thebaid. The replay of th e Aeneid becom es m ore system atic as Statius approaches the end. From the catalogue on Statius increases the Camilla, and, in inversion, of Ascanius." 168 pace of the n arrativ e th ro u g h the rap id succession of im ages from the Aeneid. j Before the epilogue, Statius reintroduces his ow n voice into the text th ro u g h a few poetic tropes. The first is the poet's inability to recount the m ourning voices (Theb. 12.797f.). It has already been rem arked th at this is a fairly com m on device, b u t u n u su al if not un iq u e at the end of a w ork. H ow ever, Statius follow s this trope b y the im age of the ship com ing into harbor: mea iam longo meruit ratis aequore portum (Theb. 12.809). This im age com paring the poet's w o rk to a ship m ay be u n u su a l,114 b u t it recalls a m ore a p p ro p ria te u se at th e end of the A rgonautica of A p o llo n iu s of R hodes.11 5 A pollonius concludes his w o rk w ith an ad d ress to his heroes and the com pletion of the voyage he does not n arrate (Argo. 4.1772). The end of their sea-journey and its conclusion is the end of his poem : q5q yap em k /U ) toc 7teipa0' i k & vco/ upexepcov Kapaxoov (Argo. 4.1775-6). Statius is certainly picking u p this im age in his description of the poetic journey. The nam e of the god A pollo w hich ends the preceding line m ay also point to the reference to A pollonius (Theb. 12.808). The Thebaid ends w ith an epilogue in w hich Statius ad d resses his ow n w ork. M alam ud says this is a surprise ending: "The Thebaid provides scene after scene th a t could be, a n d in fact have already been, epic conclusions, only to su rp rise u s w ith th e generically u n u su a l step of closing w ith an epilogue."116 Statius of course does have precedence in 1 1 4 Although the image of the poem as journey is certainly more common. 1 1 5 Ship imagery is also used by Ovid for closure in the F a sti, for example at the close of book 2: venim us in portum libro cum mense peracto/ naviget hinc alia iam mihi linter aqua (Fasti 2.863-4) and also 6.778ff. 1 1 6 Malamud (1995), 190. the epilogue at the close of an epic in O vid, and o u r review of the tradition show s th at O vid's ending ow es a great deal to the collections of poem s w hich en d o n a p erso n al note, su ch as V irgil's Eclogues an d Georgies, P ropertius' Monobiblos, H orace Odes 1-3, an d O vid's ow n Amores 1 an d 3. O vid's epilogue to the Metamorphoses is also strongly recalled b y Statius in his ow n epilogue. Statius expands O vid's assertion of com pletion, iamque opus exegi (Met. 15.871) in his reference to his w o rk as o mihi bissenos m ultum vigilata per annos/ Thebai (Theb. 12.811-2). W hile O vid picks u p the 117 p o te n tia l d a n g e r to his p o em from H orace, S tatiu s only m akes reference to the th re a t of livor (Theb. 12.818), p e rh a p s from an o th e r of 118 O vid's stro n g closural poem s, Amores 1.15. The figure of Jove in O vid m u st certainly look to A u g u stu s, b u t Statius refers to D om itian in his appeal to Caesar, w hom he calls magnanimus (Theb. 12.814). Statius asks his p o em to liv e —vive, precor (Theb. 12.816) w h ich echoes th e stro n g assertion of O vid— vivam (Met. 15.879). The tone of the en d in g of the Thebaid differs from th a t of O vid's epilogue, b u t both are concerned w ith poetic succession. O vid is m ore confident in his ad d ress to his book. H a rd ie sees this confidence as a resu lt of the stories w hich precede O vid's ow n voice: "At the end of the poem O vid's confident claim to a future poetic im m ortality bru sh es aside anxieties ab o u t [poetic] succession and success, b u t n o t before the Speech of P y th ag o ras, w h ich functions as a foil to O v id 's o w n escape from m utability of all kinds, has stunningly and com prehensively rehearsed the 1 1 7 Cf. M et. 15.871-2 and Odes 3.30.3-5. 1 1 8 See Vessey (1986), 2976, for the connection of livor to the Greek poets Pindar and Callimachus. key passages concerning succession in the earlier Latin epic tradition."119 O th e r p a ssa g e s in th e Metamorphoses, h o w e v e r, u n d e rc u t O v id 's confidence; th e A rachne passage, for exam ple, w h ich illu stra te s the d an g er a n d p o w e r of the gods w h en an g ered b y subversion. S tatius ad o p ts a seem ingly m ore reverent a ttitu d e to w ard the em p ero r an d the preserv atio n of his w ork. H e also directly ad d resses the issue of poetic succession by referring to the w ork of another au th o r and its relationship to his ow n--the Aeneid: nec tu divinam A eneida tem pta sed longe sequere et vestigia sem per adora. (Theb. 12.816-7) A nd do n o t assail the divine Aeneid, b u t follow b ehind and alw ays revere its path. A lthough Statius m akes specific reference to the Aeneid, the tone of the passage ow es m ore to V irgil's Georgies. This is p e rh a p s th e m ost personal of the epilogues, the only place in w hich the poet nam es him self (Vergilium [Georg. 4.563]). A t the end of the Georgies V irgil contrasts his poetic activities w ith O ctavian's m ilitary an d political achievem ents. T hom as say s th a t th is c o m p a riso n is m ad e w ith "excessive self- deprecation" especially the contrast b etw een "glorious" achievem ents of 120 O ctavian an d th e leisure of Virgil. V irgil's d escrip tio n of O ctavian "thundering" (fulminat [Georg. 4.562]) m ay look ahead to the figure of Jove in O vid's epilogue. Furtherm ore, the storm im agery continues from the Hardie (1993), 106. 1 2 0 Thomas (1988), 240. 171 bugonia in w hich the bees rise in a cloud (immensas nubes [Georg. 4.557]) 1 2 1 w hich m ay be recalled in Statius' use of nubes. Statius m ay continue his 122 recollection of V irgil's sphragis in his reference to C aesar. T he self- deprecating tone th at Thom as rem arks on in V irgil is taken u p by Statius th en in his epilogue. H ow ever, in his m odesty, Statius does not com pare him self to th e em peror, b u t com pares his poetic w o rk to V irgil's other m asterw ork, the Aeneid. The rep lay of end in g s for o th er w orks in th e final book of the Thebaid m ay reinforce closure, b u t it also em phasizes th e p ro b lem s of resolution in Latin poetry. Statius dem onstrates the problem s of closure in his predecessors th ro u g h his incorporation of their endings in his ow n w ork. H is use, or reuse, of these end in g s highlights the artificiality of endings. By presenting a num ber of possible, or previously seen endings, Statius seem s to be casting about for an en d in g — in the sam e w ay h e tells the read er he does for a place to start in the beginning of the poem : unde iubetis/ ire deae? (Theb. 1.3-4). The Thebaid does "en d " an d S tatius does seem to m ake an effort to "close" the w ork. The question of w h eth er or not Statius in ten d ed the Thebaid to be read as successfully "closed" bears significantly on the reading of the final book. 1 2 1 See Boyle (1986), 81 for the connections of Aristaeus and Octavian through the storm imagery: "Indeed the connection between Caesar and the Aristaean bugonia seems almost overtly equivocal. The slaughter of the bulls, source of apian generation (G. 4.538ff.; caesa vitu la, G. 4.547; caesis iuuencis, G. 4.284) and constituent of Caesarian triumph (caesos iuuencos, G. 3.23), was enunciated emblem— at the poem's centre (caesis iuuencis, G. 2.537)— of postlapsarian man." 1 2 2 Cf. Georg. 4.560: Caesar dum magnus ad altum and Theb. 12.814: iam te magnanimus dignatur noscere Caesar. There may also be a "displaced" verbal echo from Virgil's use of Parthenope (Georg. 4.564) and the presence of Parthenopaeus in the final lines of the Thebaid. C losure a n d O p en n ess in Thebaid 12 The final book strives for them atic closure b o th in the attention to d eath an d th ro u g h the figure of Theseus. H ow ever, Statius' presentation of these them es does m ore to "open" the w ork th an to close it. D eath, funerals, an d lam en tatio n are strong features of closure, b u t th ere are three separate scenes in Thebaid 12 devoted to these im ages. The repeated battlefield b u rials do m ore to u n derscore the presence of the u n en d in g cycle of violence in th e poem th an to offer a satisfying sense of resolution in ritual. There are the burials on the battlefield at Thebes w hich open the book, culm inating in the funeral of M enoeceus; Statius retu rn s later to the sam e site w ith A rgia, as she participates in the placing of th e corpse of her h u sb an d Polynices on the funeral pyre; an d finally, the w om en ru sh onto th e b attlefield afte r th e fig h tin g to b u ry n o t o n ly th e A rgives, b u t p resu m ab ly also the T hebans an d A thenians killed in the m ost recent battle. These scenes pick u p from passages earlier in the poem , including books 2 and 6. The funeral of M enoeceus in book 12 repeats the funeral of O pheltes in book 6. The attention to death in books 6 and 12 looks back to the Aeneid w here book 6 takes place in the u n d erw o rld an d book 12 deals w ith the d eath of T urnus, an d each m arks a firm ending. A lthough the stru c tu rin g a ro u n d the them e of d e a th is sim ilar, in th e Thebaid the red o u b led funerals of O pheltes an d of M enoeceus are im plicated in the continuation of violence. The funerals function b o th as beginnings an d ends: the d eath of O pheltes ends the H ypsipyle narrative, b u t he is the 123 first c asu a lty a n d th e b e g in n in g of th e w a r w ith th e T hebans; M enoeceus is the last of the T hebans to die, b u t his fu n eral incites the battle w ith A thens. These funerals p ro v id e reasons for th e continuation an d renew al of violence, an d no longer have closural force d u e to their repetition. R ather th an ending the cycle of violence and death, the corpses keep piling up. Lament "Why should it take the tears of a woman to see how men are?" -Roddy Frame A long w ith m arriage, d eath is th e m ost com m on e n d in g for a 124 narrative stru ctu red sequentially. By concentrating on the physicality of the d ead bodies, Statius em phasizes the finality of d eath for the dead, evoking Lucretius. The allusions to L ucretius recall his description of the physical aspects of d eath as w ell as the problem s w ith the disposal of the dead in books 3 an d 6. But d eath is as m uch a beginning as an ending. In his concentration on lam ent, Statius also em phasizes the toll on the living. The d e ath of a loved one is th e b eg in n in g of the process of grief. As L ucretius also p o in ts o u t, funerals are for th e liv in g — a p ro cess for displaying loss. Thebaid 12 is certainly concerned w ith lam entation. The first lam ent of the book is the T heban lam ent for those killed in the battle. Statius does 1 2 3 The change of his name from Opheltes to his cult name "Archemorus" is very important in his role as "beginner". 1 2 4 Smith (1968), 118. not specify w ho is in this group, only th at it is m ade u p of Dircaea agmina (12.4). T he term a g m in a c ertain ly h as m ale c o n n o ta tio n s w ith its associations w ith battle an d arm ies. The group m u st be a m ix of all those w h o d id n o t p articip ate actively in the fighting— old m en, w o m en an d ch ild ren . F o llo w in g th e lam en ts of th e T h eb an c ro w d is C reon, represented alone, delivering an exclusively m ale funeral oration. The final tw o th ird s of the book is filled w ith fem ale lam entation: A rgia, A ntigone, the A rgive w om en collectively, A talanta, and E vadne. Statius m oves from a predom inantly m ale position w ith regard to the d ead in the beginning of the book to em phasizing the fem ale lam ent at the end of the Thebaid. H olst-W arhaft's analysis of th e role of th e fem ale lam en t in the G reek trad ition m ay illum inate Statius' use of the fem ale lam ent in Thebaid 12. These lam ents are associated w ith th e dan g er of ren ew ed violence. O ne com ponent of the lam ent is the assigning of blam e for the d eath of the 1 9 S lam ented. In h e r tre a tm e n t of the m o d ern lam en ts of th e G reek countryside, H olst-W arhaft discusses som e com m on features w hich are also relevant to the ancient trad itio n of the fem ale lam ent, inclu d in g the blam ing of an outside agent of d eath and the focus on the bereaved rather th a n o n th e d ead . O ne key featu re of the fem ale lam en t is "that vengeance is frequently instigated an d exacted by w om en." It is this th re a t of violence th a t m akes th e fem ale lam en t so p o w e rfu l a n d dangerous. 1 2 5 Holst-Warhaft (1992), 75: "The agent of death may not be obvious, but there still seems to be a need to assign blame to someone specific." 1 2 6 Ibid., 97. H olst-W arhaft cites this elem ent of vengeance as a p rim ary political reason for the b an n in g of excessive fem ale lam ent in the sixth cen tu ry 127 u n d e r th e law s of Solon. These law s m ay have been an a tte m p t to replace fem ale lam entation u n d e r the A thenian dem ocracy b y th e m ale 128 funeral oration. The d a n g ero u s aspect of g riev in g for th e d e ad is shifted in a political m ove, bringing the lam ent to the benefit of the city as a whole: The epitaphios logos w as delivered b y a m ale a lre ad y sin g led o u t for his p o sitio n in the A th en ian h ierarch y as one likely to com bine praise of the dead w ith praise of the city. The polls's su b stitu tio n of public praise for p riv ate m o u rn in g , at least as it p resen ts itself in the co n tex t of th e fu n e ra l o ratio n , in v o lv es a rejection of tears an d lam ents for the d e ad as fem inine, barbaric and trivial.129 T ragedy, th en , as a dem ocratic form , is in v o lv ed in th e p ro cess of rem oving the lam ent from the fem ale and m aking it public an d male: By a p p ro p ria tin g th e lan g u ag e, m u sic a n d g estu re of trad itio n a l w o m en 's lam en ts a n d e m p lo y in g th e m in p u b lic p e rfo rm a n c e , trag ed y 's "deep place" involves the audience in an agon that provides m en w ith an outlet for the p o ten tial violence of grief w hile d en y in g 1 2 7 Ibid., 117-8: "Behind the legislation is that women's loud and demonstrative behaviour at funerals could create a danger to society by stirring up feelings of revenge." 1 2 8 The existence of these laws suggests the power of the female lament— why legislate against it unless it was a strong presence already in Athens? 1 2 9 Ibid., 124. 176 w om en any public role in the artistic ritu al of 130 dram a they custom arily controlled. In A thenian tragedy the potential for the th reat of fem ale m o u rn in g to the state m ay have h ad a cultural effect by displaying fem ale lam ent, b u t it is contained th rough m ale authority. H olst-W arhft claim s th a t th e m o v em en t to w a rd dem o cracy in A thens used such cultural form s as tragedy to displace the fem ale lam ent. In th e R om an tradition, S tatius incorporates m an y aspects of th e m ale lam en t su ch as th e c o n ce n tra tio n on th e p ra ise for th e d e a d a n d 1 3 1 consolation in o rd er to end grief in the Silvae. Epic is also considered a m ale form , an d so w o m en 's voices concerned w ith m o u rn in g are often 132 m arginalized. S tatius in th e final book of the Thebaid seem s to be retu rn in g the fem ale voice to the forefront. The fem ale lam ent is b ro u g h t back as a legitim ate questioning of state values an d yet is also strongly associated w ith the m ale poetic voice. Theseus C losure im plies a certain degree of resolution of critical issues in a w ork. The figure of Theseus can be read as bringing resolution an d hope 1 3 0 Ibid., 129. 1 3 1 Silvae 1.4, 2.1, 2.4, 2.5,2.6, 2.7, 3.3, 5.1 and 5.3 all include elements of lamentation and grief for the dead. For the rhetorical models of the Silvae see Hardie (1983), 103ff. See also Bright (1980), 48-9 for the humanizing effect of the lamentation in Silvae 2. 1 3 2 Most explicitly Euryalus’ mother in Aeneid 9; the Iliad's presentation of female lament is pre-fifth century. to the bleak w orld of the Thebaid: "Theseus is the great peace-m aker, w ho because he is b o th just and m erciful is alone able to d ra w a close to the 133 d ark tale of h u m an sin, passion an d m adness." T heseus does resolve the m o st im m ed iate issue in th e final b o o k — th e b u rial of th e A rgive m en.134 T heseus' association w ith th e city of A thens an d th e altar of C lem entia in th e city also m akes h im an exam ple of an ideal ru le r in contrast to th e other leaders featured in the poem , in p articu lar those of IOC the T heban royal house. C lem entia in this poem provides a p arad ig m 1 O iT for leadership. Vessey contrasts Statius' presentation of T heseus w ith his role in E uripides' SuppHces.131 H ow ever, V essey does n o t note th a t his role in the Thebaid is p erh ap s m ore sim ilar to his role in Sophocles' Oedipus at Colonus, w here he also steps in to settle a confrontation at the conclusion. The tra d itio n of T heseus as arb iter is w ell established in tragedy. In the OC how ever, T heseus is acting w ith in his role as king of A thens in the area su rro u n d in g A thens, w hereas in the Thebaid Theseus' association w ith A rgos and Thebes is ten u o u s at best. V essey sees the figure of Theseus as a balance for the role of A drastus in the first book, b u t he claim s that he supplem ents A drastus an d m akes u p for his w eaknesses: 1 3 3 Vessey (1973), 308. 1 3 4 Cf. Ahl (1986), 2897: "The difference between Theseus and the other warriors of the epic is that he has a simple solution to what is now a straightforward problem. Like Maeon, he confronts a tyrant, weapon in hand. Unlike Maeon, he uses his weapon on the tyrant: he attacks the problem not himself, and thus brings at least temporary halt to the cycle of war." 1 3 5 Cf. Ahl (1966), 57: "In a very real way, the world of peace at home , and the carrying of civilization overseas are found in Theseus' person and city.” 1 3 6 Vessey (1973), 311: "It is mercy that distinguishes a king from a tyrant; it is the glory and the salvation of monarchs." 1 3 7 Ibid., 308. 178 The final section of book 12 is do m in ated by T heseus, ju st as the first book closed w ith A d ra stu s as its cen tral figure. The cu lt of C lem entia in book 12 balances the w o rsh ip of A pollo in 1. T heseus is, in som e w ay s, a se co n d a n d g re a te r A d ra stu s; A th e n s is an o th er an d m ore p erfect A rgos. A d ra stu s a llo w ed h im self to becom e a p a rtn e r in a co rru p t an d sinful w ar. T heseus is w illing to fig h t, b u t o n ly for a ju st a n d h o ly en d . C om pared w ith T heseus, A drastus is a w eak, h e lp le s s a n d in a d e q u a te m o n arc h . H is scrupulous piety to the gods w as n o t enough, for he did n o t possess T heseus' dispassionate and noble v irtu e .138 Vessey ignores the fact that the real counterpart of the ending of book 12 is the opening section of the w ork and that Theseus echoes O edipus as m uch as he m akes u p for A drastus' presentation. Statius uses the epithet Aegides (Theb. 12.546) for T heseus, m aking reference to Theseus' father. There is a m ore pointed reference at 12.625-6 w hich im plicates T heseus in his father's death: unde vagi casurum in nomina pontij Cressia decepit falso ratis Aegea velo. Theseus' involvem ent in his fath er's d e a th n o t only com plicates his character as one w h o has trouble w ith the people closest to him , b u t also connects h im to O edipus. O edipus w as, of course, also involved in the death of his father. Theseus' connection to O edipus lends a kind of ring com position to the poem . The poem opens w ith the effects on the rule of Thebes generated b y O edipus' anger to w ard s his sons. T heseus is also characterized b y an g er in his attack on Thebes (iusta mox concitus ira [12.589]). By retu rn in g to O edipus 1 3 8 Ibid., 315. 179 th ro u g h Theseus, Statius seem s to u n d ercu t the presentation of T heseus as an ideal m onarch an d therefore the sense of resolution he can achieve. In stead , th e situ atio n at Thebes rem ains v irtu ally u n ch an g ed from its status at the opening of the poem . In defeating C reon Theseus destroys the legitim ate m ale line to the T heban th ro n e. By d isru p tin g th e line, T heseus reo p en s th e original q u estio n of th e p o em — w h o is to be k in g of Thebes. T heseus does "resolve" in one w ay the problem s in Thebes by rid d in g it of a tyrant. But he also p rolongs the situation by claim ing the th ro n e for him self. The p ro b lem at T hebes is n o t w h o is to be king, b u t th e in stitu tio n of 1 OQ m onarchy itself. V essey says th at T heseus is an ideal m onarch, b u t Statius gives the reader reasons to question his m otives. The sim ile of the bull connects Theseus to m any of the other less successful m onarchs in the poem , including Eteocles, Polynices, and T ydeus. In ad d itio n to Theseus' involvem ent in the d eath of his father an d his connection to O ed ip u s, Statius creates a nexus of m yth su rro u n d in g Theseus, w hich indicates that th ere is a m o re sin ister sid e to his ch aracter. As th e "e a rth ly ” rep resen tativ e of C lem entia T heseus does aid the A rgive w o m en w h o com e to A thens in order to supplicate him . H ow ever, the scene in w hich E v ad n e c o n fro n ts T h eseu s is fra m e d b y th e c a p tiv e A m a z o n s (Theb. 12.519ff. and 635ff.).140 References to Theseus' past w ith A riad n e 1 4 1 1 3 9 See Dominik (1990), for the presentation of monarchy in the Thebaid, esp. 83: "Assumption of monarchal power foredooms its possessor and disposes him to a lack of feeling and humanity." 1 4 0 Cf. Ahl (1986), 2893, on the presentation of Amazons: "They are humiliated captives, not aggressive invaders as in Aeschylus, where they are forcibly dispossessed of the Areopagus by Theseus. Although their limbs and their chastity are threatened, not by the tyrannical Creon, but by Theseus, liberator of the Argive women, they utter no complaint." an d his fu tu re w ith P h a e d ra 142 also com plicate th e p re se n ta tio n of T heseus' relatio n sh ip s w ith w om en. W hat in d icatio n is there in the poem that Theseus w ill be any better a king than those before him ? In fact there are m ore indications that by virtue of being a m onarch, T heseus w ill only repeat the behavior displayed by his predecessors. Cyclical P attern in g There is a cyclical p attern in g to the Thebaid— b o th stru ctu rally and them atically. N ot only does Statius retu rn to the beginning of the Thebaid th ro u g h the connection of Theseus to O edipus, b u t the epilogue balances the p ro em of th e p o em , rep eatin g an d reinforcing m an y of the sam e them es.143 M alam ud read s the recusatio of book 1 in tw o w a y s— th a t Statius rejects the historical epic represented in the trad itio n by E nnius, L ucan an d Silius Italicus, b u t "on the o th er h an d , of course, the m ere presence of the praise of D om itian at the outset of the poem m u st raise in the readers' m inds the notion that D om itian is, som ehow , key to the poem : pow er relations in Thebes an d pow er relations in Rom e are n o t unrelated, history and politics cannot be neatly excluded from epic, an d w ill n o t be 1 4 1 Theseus' shield bears the story of Theseus' exploits in Crete with the Minotaur, and the story of Ariadne’ s role in helping him achieve his goal (Theb. 12.665ff.). 1 4 2 Hippolyte's pregnancy foreshadows the birth of Hippolytus which w ill lead to the tragedy of Phaedra (Theb. 12.539). 1 4 3 Malamud (1995), 190: "With its mention of Domitian and its discussion of the poem's future, the epilogue mirrors the recusatio of Thebaid 1.15-40, where Statius rejects the idea of singing the exploits of Domitian, a task postponed to the indefinite future, and sets out instead the more tractable topic of Theban fratricide." absent from the Thebaid."144 D om itian as ruler of Rom e is th en im plicated in the presentation of the T heban m onarchs. In the first book the figure of D om itian is ju x tap o sed w ith O ed ip u s, an d in the final book th ere are several connections of T heseus w ith D om itian. The figure of D om itian reinforces the stru ctu ral cycle of the Thebaid by figuring in the opening an d the close of the p o e m .145 The cyclical n atu re of the Thebaid is also im plicated in the treatm en t of h isto ry in th e poem . Sm ith arg u es th at cyclical patterning show s th at a poem has now here else to g o .146 T here is now here else to go from Theseus except to Dom itian. 147 The epilogue looks back n o t only to Statius' relationship w ith the em peror b ro u g h t o u t in the early lines of the poem , b u t also to Statius' statem ent of his poetic position to w ard s the treatm ent of history. Statius opens the Thebaid w ith statem ents concerning the arbitrariness of lim its, especially beginnings: unde iubetis/ ire deael (Theb. 1.3-4). S tatius lim its him self to the house of O edipus (limes mihi carminis esto/ Oedipodae confusa domus [Theb. 1.16-17]) because he does not w ish to tell of the exploits of 148 D om itian— yet (nondum [Theb. 1.17]). M alam ud sees this em phasis on 1 4 4 Ibid., 190. 1 4 5 See Dominik (1994a), 168ff., for Domitian's and Statius' position as structural "pillars" of the poem. 1 4 6 Smith (1968), 67: "By returning to the original point of departure, it suggests that there is no place else to go and, consequently, that the journey has been completed." 1 4 7 Cf. Ahl (1986), 2819: "Within Statius' epic, there are five kings of Thebes: Oedipus, Eteocles, Polynices (for a matter of seconds), Creon, and Theseus. The civil wars of Statius' lifetime saw Rome ruled, in under two years, by Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius and Vespasian. Statius does not press the analogies." 1481 wonder if the nondum which opens book 12 is an echo of its use here. Even in the final book, it is not yet possible to discuss Domitian. See also Ahl's comments on nondum at 12.529: "The force of nondum is chilling. 'Not yet' implies that they will be forced, in time, to succumb." Does Statius fear, that, like the Amazon women, he w ill be forced to relate the deeds of Domitian, as he did presumably in the De Bello Germanicol lim its as affecting the statem ent of Statius' poetics in the en d in g of the Thebaid: C om ing, as w e hav e said, after a series of possible and w ell-precedented en d in g points, th e c o n c lu sio n fu n c tio n s m e ta p o e tic a lly , indicating the arbitrariness of all conclusions an d the fictional n atu re of closure, th u s neatly echoing th e concerns ab o u t lim its laid out in th e preface to the text. C losely related to the lite ra ry , in te lle c tu a l a n d p h ilo s o p h ic a l q u e stio n s of lim its, e n d s a n d cau ses th a t perm eate the Thebaid an d are inscribed in its ending, is a p attern of im itation and allusion in the epilogue th at bears on the relation of epic to ideology.149 A hl also com m ents on the im portance of arbitrary b o u n d aries in reading Statius' history: "Any attem p t to isolate an in d iv id u al p erso n or action from context w ill lead to a m isu n d erstan d in g of th at p erso n or event, and of th e epic as a w h o le ."150 W hat A hl calls an "insistence o n th e in terrelatio n sh ip of all th in g s in a co n tin u u m "151 do es n o t allow for closure of th e p o em --th e c o n tin u u m of b o th h isto ry a n d p o e try is inescapable and goes beyond Statius' o w n contem porary history. The rep etitio n of th e b eg in n in g at th e e n d in g does hav e som e closural force. Sm ith show s ho w the form al stru c tu re of a circle has certain closural im plications: 1 4 9 Malamud (1995), 191. 1 5 0 Ahl (1986), 2821. 1 5 1 Ibid., 2821. 183 In certain poetic form s, such as the ro n d eau , closure m ay be secured th ro u g h a stru c tu ra l principle analogous to th at of the circle; and, in general, w henever a poetic form repeats at its conclusion a form al u n it w ith w hich it began, closure w ill be thereby strengthened. Form al s tru c tu re in th ese in stan c es, h o w e v e r, is "circular" only in the loosest sense an d never m ore th an by analogy to geom etric circularity. To m ention only the m ost obvious distinction, one is p e rc e iv e d sp a tia lly a n d th e o th e r tem porally. W e cannot ever really "retu rn " to th e b eg in n in g p o in t in a poem o r piece of m usic; w e can only rep eat it. A nd, as w ill be illu stra te d later, it is th e rep etitio n , n o t th e "return," that is the source of closural effects in such poem s.152 Statius seem s to use th e rep etitio n of th e b eg in n in g to indicate form al closure, b u t them atically this retu rn w orks quite differently. The Thebaid is a circle, an d there is a return, because no progress is m ade th ro u g h the poem . The lack of p rogression th ro u g h the w ork an d the re tu rn to the beginning only underscore the cycles of h u m an behavior w hich cannot be escaped. Especially th ro u g h the figure of Theseus, Statius leaves Thebes in alm ost the sam e position in w hich the poem began. It is questionable w hether or not anything has changed in Thebes, or should be expected to change. This seem s very sim ilar to the technique em ployed b y Seneca at the en d s of his tragedies. A lth o u g h a character m ay close the p lay in a p p aren t victory, for exam ple, the triu m p h an t A treus a t the en d of the Thyestes, there is no redem ption, an d violence continues to beget violence 1 5 2 Smith (1968), 27. 184 in the m oral chaos of Seneca's dram atic w orld. A t the end of the Thebaid there is no change in Thebes, no r in Rome. O n the surface there is resolution at Thebes in the Thebaid in the ritu a l of th e fu n erals an d th e figure of T heseus. H o w ev er, S tatius' p resen tatio n of resolution is u n d e rm in ed b y the p o ten tial for renew ed violence. Thebes is im plicated in a cycle of violence w hich is seem ingly w ith o u t end. In his discussion of Statius' use of h istory in th e Thebaid Davis says th at history is affected by tw o forces— h ered ity and the w ill of 153 Jupiter. D avis d em o n strates h o w th e p a st of Thebes, in clu d in g its foundation m yths, is responsible for the cu rren t situation in the city. The p a st an d the p resen t offer little hope of change for the fu tu re .154 It is m ore th an “n o t su rp risin g "155 th at beginnings an d endings are arbitrary in th e Thebaid because "Theban h isto ry is so m uch of a piece th a t it m atters little w here one starts and w here one ends."156 Instead, it should be seen th at Statius deliberately leaves his w ork unresolved and unclosed in o rder to m ake the p oint that history repeats itself. H ow ever, the story of Thebes, past, p resen t an d future, is n o t alone in history, b u t there are also strong connections an d sim ilarities w ith the other cities in the poem . A rgos, w hich is closely connected to M ycenae, and A thens are depicted by Statius as sharing in foundation stories an d p ast histories sim ilar to those of Thebes; an d therefore, th ey sh o u ld expect the sam e difficulty in the 1 5 3 Davis (1994), 464. 1 5 4 Ibid., 468-9: "But if Statius stresses the continuity between Theban past and present, he also suggests that the future will not be so very different. Jupiter can reassure Bacchus that this expedition against Thebes will fail, but he also foreshadows a second assault upon the city (Theb. 7.218-21)." 1 5 5 Ibid., 469. 1 5 6 Ibid., 469. 1 f >7 p resen t an d future. D avis a ttrib u tes these p ro b lem s to h e re d ity — especially fam ily traits h an d ed d ow n th ro u g h generations.158 The history repeated an d u n en d in g in the Thebes of the Thebaid is the sam e for other cities w ith sim ilar histories. There is one final city w hose history m u st be taken into account in a reading of the Thebaid— Rome. Davis connects the m ythical story of Thebes and A rgos w ith Rome: A t the level of m yth, even a cursory read in g suggests parallels betw een Thebes an d A rgos on th e one h a n d a n d R om e on th e other. V en u s a n d M ars are, in d iffe re n t w a y s, an cesto rs of b o th T hebes a n d Rom e. The m ythic h isto ry of all th ree cities in v o lv ed divine rap e of h u m an fem ales an d fratricidal enm ity: Rhea Silvia is the Italian equivalent of E u ro p a , S em ele, Io, D a n a e , A lc m e n a , A m ym one and Psam athe, w hile R om ulus and R em us are the R om an analogues of the Spartoi, E te o c le s a n d P o ly n ic e s , A tr e u s a n d T hyestes.159 Statius is using the story of Thebes in a sim ilar w ay to O vid's use of Troy in the speech of Pythagoras to indicate the potential fu tu re of Rom e (Met. 15.421). Also involved in Statius' treatm ent of Rom e is his treatm ent of the 1 5 7 Cf. the presentation of Thebes as "other" in Athenian tragdy. See Zeitlin (1990) 130ff., esp. 145: "Thebes, the other, provides Athens, the self, with a place where it can play with and discharge both terror of and attraction to the irreconcilable, the inexpiable, and the unredeemable, where it can experiment with the dangerous heights of self-assertion that transgression of fixed boundaries inevitably entails, where the city’ s political claims to primacy may be exposed and held up to question." 1 5 8 Davis (1994), , 472-3, cites Oedipus' speech condemning his children, in which he recognizes their genetic predispostion for violence: da, Tartarei regina barathri,/ quod cupiam vidisse nefas, nec tarda sequetur/ mens iuvenum; modo digna veni, mea pignora nosces (Theb. 1.85-7) 1 5 9 Ibid., 482. 186 Aeneid— the epic of the foundation of Rom e. D avis sees the Thebaid as a gloom y response to Virgil's epic: "But just as Thebes is a Rom e strip p ed of w e a lth a n d g lory, so th e T h eb a id is an Aeneid w ith o u t ideological superstructure."160 There are m any cycles at w ork in the Thebaid. The poem is stru ctu red as a circle, and the repetition of history is reinforced th rough the presentation of m onarchs as w ell as the renew al of violence at the end. T here is also a poetic cycle at w o rk in w hich Statius him self is im plicated. The cyclical n a tu re of the Thebaid ow es a great deal to the poetic vision of Virgil. Boyle's discussion of V irgil's use of the "echoic M use" m ay also give insights into Statius' ending of the Thebaid. Boyle first traces the "echoic M use" in the Eclogues in w hich it serves to signify "the internal resonance of [Virgil's] created w o rld condem ned to insignificance by the inability to reach bey o n d the confines of the poetic co n stru ct into the w o rld of action, events, an d history."161 A lth o u g h th e e n d in g of the Georgies m ay be less pessim istic in the assertion m ad e in the au th o r's 1 voice, the echo of the Eclogues is strong. Finally, the Aeneid also ends w ith an echo of the Eclogues w hich Boyle cites as the "triu m p h of the echoic M use" in Virgil's recognition of the "cyclic futility of his ow n poetic 163 life." Boyle sees th e e n d in g of th e Aeneid as in d icatio n th a t "the Aeneid's clim actic echoes of both the beginning of itself and the ending of Ibid., 482. 1 6 1 Boyle (1986), 34. See also, Boyle (1977) for a more complete discussion of the echoic Muse in the Eclogues. 1 6 2 Ibid., 82: "In the final lines' repetition of the Eclogues' opening verse the echoic Muse— index in Virgil's earlier vision of poetry's contemporary impotence— momentarily, perhaps signally, intrudes . Orpheus' last words too (G. 4.525-27) were echoic." 1 6 3 Ibid., 176. V irgil's earliest text confirm the epic's and the oeuvre's statu s as echoic M use, signaling the closed internal system of V irgil's poetic w o rld , the im p en etrab le w alls se p a ra tin g th e w o rld of text a n d th e w o rld of history."164 Statius too is inspired by the echoic M use. The Thebaid is cyclical, retu rn in g to the b eg in n in g at th e e n d - trap p ed in an un en d in g circle. M any episodes of the final book are echoes of the p rev io u s eleven books as w ell as of end in g s from o th er w orks. Thebaid 12 includes the verbal echoes, or vestigia, of the second half of the A eneid. The rep etitio n of "A rcada" in the lam en tatio n of the w om en echoes at the very end, reverberating back into the w ork. O nly in the very last lines of the epilogue does Statius look beyond the w orld of his poem . D oes he b reak th e cycle b y looking to the fu tu re of th e Thebaid? The reception of his w ork is key to the epilogue and to the po em 's continued existence. It is h ere th a t an y h o p e for the escape from ty ra n n y or reso lu tio n ap p ears. The fu tu re of th e Thebaid seem s to rely on its relationship to the Aeneid. 165 H ow ever, after Statius' death, the poem w ill com e into its ow n: "Even if Statius advises his poem for th e p resen t to follow at a distance, the future holds honores that m ight w ell be those of a god."166 Statius' hope is not for the future of Rom e, b u t his im m ortality rests in th e e d u catio n of th e y o u th of Italy — Italia iam studio discit memoratque iuventus (Theb. 12.815). Statius tu rn s his back on Rom e as the 1 6 4 Boyle (1995), 103-4. 1 6 5 Cf. Hardie (1993), 110-1: "Just so the Thebaid's successful imitation of the A eneid may result in a measure of self-divinization. And indeed the last two lines of the Thebaid seem to hint at this; Statius looks to a time in the future after his death, when Envy evaporates and the poem will be accorded its ’ deserved honours' (m eriti honores 819). The language is that of worship paid to god or hero, the language that Silius uses in his canonization of Ennius. ” 1 6 6 Ibid., 111. 188 site of th e future, as he does in his o w n life by retu rn in g to N aples. H e looks to the Aeneid to give his w ork fam e, a life after death, creating a kind of poetic succession separate from history. Statius' dependence on Virgil and the Aeneid leaves him w ith in a poetic an d not historic w orld. V irgil "prophesies the failure of the Aeneid," b u t Statius lives in a tim e w h en it 168 is clear th at there has been no change. Statius can see th a t the Aeneid has effected no change on the political structures of Rom e, b u t he still pays hom age w ith in the poetic tradition. By follow ing the Aeneid, the Thebaid p u rp o rts to have no historical im plications, b u t can exist forever in the poetic realm . The fem ale voice in Thebaid 12 The cyclical n atu re of the Thebaid on the one h an d reinforces closure th ro u g h its stru c tu re , b u t on th e o th e r h a n d seem s to u n d e rm in e resolution them atically. A nother feature of the problem atic closure of the Thebaid is the association w ith a fem inine ending. M cC lary describes an ending w ith a strong cadence as m asculine, b u t a sustained note, like the repetition of "Arcada" in the lam entation of the w om en, is a w eak cadence, m ore closely defined as "fem inine." H ow does a reading of the Thebaid as a fem inine text contribute to its m eaning? S tatius’ use of the fem inine voice, particularly strong in the tw elfth book, m ay illum inate a reading of the poem as a w hole, and there are also im plications for situating the w ork 1 6 7 Boyle (1986), 176. 1 6 8 Augustus' promise of the return of the golden age has resulted in such figures as Caligula, Nero and Domitian. 189 in the poetic tradition, especially in relation to Virgil's Aeneid and O vid's Metamorphoses. There is a m om ent in the Thebaid 12 that crystallizes Statius' use of the fem ale voice. This m om ent com es after Juno arranges for C ynthia to aid A rgia in recovering the b o d y of Polynices. In the su d d e n flood of light, A rgia recognizes the cloak she w ove for her hu sb an d . A rgia soon identifies the corpse of Polynices and begins her lam entation speech. The juxtaposition of the recognition of the cloak and A rgia's lam ent recalls and rem oves the association of w eaving w ith the fem ale voice. Statius m akes it clear th at A rgia w as responsible for the p ro d u ctio n of th e cloak her h u sb an d w ore, b u t he cannot describe in great detail w h a t w as depicted on it, bypassing the o p p o rtu n ity to m arginalize the fem ale voice and its challenge to m ale values. The n a rra tiv e "accid en t" of m ale b lood concealing fem ale texta (Theb. 12.314) is contrived by Statius to give full narrative play to the fem ale voice, w hich is m ade all the m ore conspicuous by the evocation an d inversion of epic's tra d itio n of su b m erg in g the w om an's story in the products of the domus. Prim e am ong them are texta. A rgia's speech in book 12 displays sim ilarities w ith other lam ents, m ost n o tab ly A eneas' for Pallas in A eneid 11. M ore ap p ro p ria te ly , how ever, A rgia's speech closely resem bles th a t of E uryalus' m o th er in A eneid 9, w hich is p e rh a p s the closest of the Aeneid's speeches to the Thebaid's rep eated expression of grief an d loss. D espite the sim ilarities, how ever, the different han d lin g of the lam enting fem ale figure in Virgil and Statius highlights the disparity of the authors' positions. A rgia in fact echoes the w o rd s of E uryalus' m other in her address to the corpse: Hunc ego te, Euryale, aspicio (Aen. 9.481) is expanded: hunc ego te, coniunx, ad debita regna profectum/ ductorem belli generumque potentis A drasti/ aspicio (12.322-4). A rgia an d E uryalus' m other also share sim ilar visions of the corpse lying exposed on the battlefield.169 E uryalus' m other m entions the cloak th at she is w eaving for her son, no w a funeral shroud. H ere in the m iddle of som e of the Aeneid's m ost bloody fighting a w om an is given her ow n voice, w hich succeeds in its challenge to traditional m ale values by stopping the battle. She is never nam ed, how ever, and im m ediately after 170 h e r sp e ec h sh e is p h y sic a lly re m o v e d fro m th e scene. H e r disappearance is necessary for the continuation of the battle. A rgia, on the other hand, rem ains not only on the scene b u t also in the forefront of book 12. V irgil's p re se n ta tio n of E u ry a lu s’ m o th e r in d icates th e stro n g association of the fem ale voice in epic w ith a dissatisfaction w ith m ale epic values. O vid also uses a fem ale voice m arginalized into w eaving to express an alternative view to the trad itio n al m ale epic values. O vid's story of Procne and Philom ela m akes a concrete connection b etw een the suppressed fem ale voice and w eaving. H aving been rap ed b y Tereus, her 171 sister's h u sb an d , Philom ela m akes an eloquent speech. H er voice is then suppressed in the m ost physically graphic w ay as Tereus rips out her tongue (Met. 6.555-7). H aving lost the ability to speak, Philom ela devises a w ay to co m m u n icate th ro u g h w eav in g (Met. 6.574-80), u sin g h er w eaving to express her outrage at the violence done to her. Philom ela and 1 6 9 Cf. A en. 9.491: et funus lacerum tellus habet and Theb. 12.328-9: proiectus caespite nudo/ hoc patriae telluris habes. 1 7 0 illam incendentem luctus Idaeus et A cto r/ Ilionei m onitu et m ultum lacrim antis Iu li/ corripiunt interque manus sub tecta reponunt (Aen. 9.500-2). 1 7 1 Cf. Richlin (1992), 158-79. h er sister Procne u n ite to p u n ish T ereus by feeding him his son. The cooperation of the sisters against the tyranny of Tereus is sim ilar to that of the A rgive w om en in Thebaid 12, w ho unite in o rder to confront C reon's abuse of p o w er in fo rb id d in g the funerals of the A rgive m en. Statius m akes specific reference to th e O v id ian story at 12.476ff. in a sim ile likening the A rgive w om en to Getic birds, or nightingales. The story of A rachne also told b y O vid is another clear exam ple of the association of the fem ale voice and w eaving in the Latin tradition. It is not the quality of A rachne's w eaving w hich gains h er p u n ish m en t from M inerva, b u t the subject m atter. Just com peting w ith a goddess is already a challenge to authority, b u t the stories w oven in h er tap estry are also a challenge to established pow er. W hile M inerva's ta p e stry d ep icts the traditional roles of the O lym pian gods, A rachne's is an indictm ent of the gods w ith its tales of incest, violence, an d rape. A rachne's tapestries also include the repressed fem ale voice by concentrating on "the victim ization 172 of h u m an females." A rachne's is a subversive voice; she is silenced by M inerva, w ho transform s her into a spider. The A rachne passage at th e o p en in g of Metamorphoses 6 brings together issues associated not only w ith the fem ale voice in w eaving, b u t w ith the poetic voice itself. E leanor Leach discusses the relationship of A rach n e's ta p e stry to O v id 's o w n p o e try a n d p o etic v isio n in th e Metamorphoses. She arg u es th a t th e tap estries of b o th A rach n e an d M inerva m ust be read together for a full picture: 1 7 2 Anderson (1972), ad loc. 192 B oth M in erv a's a n d A rach n e's v e rsio n s of m y th o lo g y an d m e ta m o rp h o sis a sse rt th e pow er of the gods: the one as a force of order, the other as a force participating in the flux of n a tu re . A s c re a to r of th e p o e m , O v id m aintains a vision em bracing b o th poin ts of H ow ever, O vid's sym pathy lies w ith A rachne because "A rachne's vision is p e rso n al, lim ite d a n d reb ellio u s; it re p re se n ts th e h u m a n a rtist's determ ination to assert his version of tru th in the face of an uncertain and authoritarian w orld."174 In h e r discussion of ek p h rasis Leach view s the tap estries as a reflection of the Metamorphoses, the w orks of art function to g eth er for a 175 m ore com plete poetic w orld view . Leach seem s to un d erestim ate the im portance b o th of the subject m atter of A rachne’ s tapestry an d of O v id ’ s account of h e r p u n ish m en t. The tap estries of M inerva an d A rachne clearly d o n o t b ear th e sam e relationship to the m ain n a rra tiv e of the poem . A rachne alm ost duplicates stories told by O vid in the first five books of the poem ; M inerva's representation of divine o rd er is now here to be seen. A rachne's p u n ish m en t, as w ell as th at of the E m athides in book 5, em p h asizes n o t o n ly h o w th e a u th o rita ria n p o in t of view 176 "overw helm s th e h u m a n perspective," b u t h o w v in d ic tiv e ly a n d violently the gods seek to destroy any criticism of their conduct. 1 7 3 Leach (1974), 103-4. 1 7 4 Ibid., 104. 1 7 5 Ibid., 118. 1 7 6 Ibid., 118. 193 The figure of A rachne w ould be fam iliar to Statius not only th rough the story of O vid, b u t in the story on the frieze of the Forum T ransitorium . D 'A m bra discusses the rem aining figures on the frieze from the forum and identifies one group as the punishm ent of A rachne b y M inerva. The figure of M inerva is pro m in en t for Statius because she w as th e p a tro n deity of the em peror D om itian, w ho w as responsible for the b u ilding of the Forum T ransitorium and its tem ple to M inerva. D 'A m bra associates the figures 177 on the frieze w ith a pro g ram enforcing chastity and m atronly virtues, b u t there is an o th er possibility. The forum m o n u m en talizes the final passage of the A rgiletum into the Forum R om anum . The A rgiletum is connected to poetic p ro d u ctio n by Statius' co ntem porary M artial, w ho 178 m entions the book sellers' stalls th at line the street. D om itian w as 179 censor for life. H is use of the A rachne p arad ig m m ay be in ten d ed to cover the poetic texta nearby. In the face of these exam ples of w o m en 's voices identified w ith th eir w eaving, S tatius consciously dem arginalizes th e fem ale voice by separating it from the process of w eaving. In the passage from Thebaid 12 w hen A rgia recognizes Polynices, Statius does not include a description of w h at w as w oven b y A rgia on the cloak of Polynices. H e has no need for ekphrasis in this passage, because A rgia is there to give the read er her interpretation of the events in her ow n w ords. Statius' H ypsipyle does not w eave the story of the escape of Thoas, as does V alerius Flaccus' character: ra th e r S tatius n a rra te s th e ev en ts o n L em nos th ro u g h th e voice of 1 7 7 See D'Ambra (1993), 104-108. 1 7 8 Martial Epigrams I.3.1-2; 1.117.9-12. 1 7 9 See Coleman (1986), 3087ff., esp. 3112, for Domitian's relationship to literature and censorship. H ypsipyle herself, dedicating over a full book to h e r story. Ironically, H y p sip y le's voice displays itself th ro u g h a kind of w eav in g —quid longa 180 malis exordia necto? (5.36)~the w eaving of a poetic narrative. But how are A rgia's voice and fem ale voices in general connected to the poetic p osition of the poem ? A rgia is critical of the ty ran n y of C reon in Thebes. She is ready to defy him by burying Polynices. D om inik says th at in h er efforts to b u ry Polynices, A rgia is "in accordance w ith 1 81 h u m an an d divine law in the face of tyrannical opposition." A rgia is critical of the b attle for p o w er th at led Polynices to th e battlefield at Thebes. Statius brings her voice center-stage— it is not the soft protestation or unsuccessful alternate view , b u t a full-bodied, clear-voiced indictm ent of the abuses of pow er in the Thebaid. The fem ale voice in th e Thebaid, p a rtic u la rly in b o o k 12, is associated w ith lam ent. The w om en lam ent the d ead an d em phasize the h u m a n cost of w ar. This voice is p re se n t in th e A eneid, b u t self consciously m arg in alized th ro u g h its localization in fig u res su ch as E u ry alu s' m o th e r, w h o is rem o v ed from th e scene, or th ro u g h its ap p ro p riatio n by m ale figures such as A eneas in book 11. In Statius the lam enting voices of w om en are the final note h eard in the poem before Statius' ow n voice. L am entation n o t only serves to em phasize the toll of w ar on the survivors, b u t also verbally m em orializes those lam ented. This 182 verbal com m em orization is also a function of epic p o etry . Statius brings this lam entation to the forefront, rath er th an m arginalizing it as 1 8 0 Statius also compares the conversations of women to weaving at 8.636: talia nectebant. 1 8 1 Dominik (1994b), 132. 1 8 2 Statius discusses how Lucan's epic Bellum Civile is a proper monument to Pompey the Great: Pharo cruenta/Pompeio dabis altius sepulcrum (Silvae 2.7.71-72) V irgil does. H en d erso n argues th at Statius is offering a re-read in g of V irgil by em phasizing "an incipient tendency in V irgilian narrative so that it m ay rea p p ea r, am plified an d stren g th en ed , in full view . N o t th e W arrior display of Arrna virumque, b u t its disfiguration and displacem ent 183 before the pain of W om an's Bereavem ent." In his epilogue, Statius p u lls aw ay from th e focus on th e fem ale voice and en d s w ith his ow n. In his address to his poem , Statius asks th at it follow behind the Aeneid at a respectful distance: nec tu divinam Aeneida tem p ta j sed longe sequere et vestigia semper adora (12.816-817). Vessey reads 1 84 this statem ent as S tatius’ recognition of his inferiority to Virgil. But clearly Statius m eans m ore th an that his poem is inferior. By asking his text to follow the Aeneid he tu rn s the text into the figure of a w om an— not sim ply the Juvenalian arnica (carmen amicae/ Thebaidos [Sat. 7.82-3]), b u t a V irgilian C reusa or E urydice, follow ing a h u sb a n d in v ain , o n ly to d isa p p ea r. M alam u d arg u es th a t S tatius' ep ilo g u e com prom ises th e 185 fem ale voice h eard in the lam entation for Parthenopaeus, b u t I believe it is n o t the validity of the voice th at is dism issed. Statius is deliberately rep resen tin g his ow n text as m arginalized, as if it w ere a fem ale voice in 18 3 Henderson (1993), 188. 184 Vessey (1973), 1: "all (Statius, Valerius Flaccus, Silius Italicus) accepted Virgil as their master and the A en eid as the perfect exemplar of their genre, to be imitated and worshipped, but never equaled." 185 See Malamud (1995), 193: "The penultimate ending of the Thebaid begins with words....which reveal epic's impulse to grieve, and to commemorate, and thereby to re instill the seductive and dangerous values of pietas and patria. But— and this is important- -this is the story Statius does not tell. His mourning women do not resolve into the figure of Atalanta grieving for her dead child. The ferocious ethic of the battlefield is precisely not balanced at the end by the doleful voice of the victimized female. Instead, Statius raises the possibility of such a commemorative text— and then changes, literally, the subject. The women in the text are dismissed, while the text itself becomes Woman . 196 an earlier epic or w oven into a tap estry ,186 m arginalized b y the culture and Flavian pow er. But this self-m arginalization is itself paradoxical if not ironic. Like the w om en in the text, the Thebaid itself aspires to centrality and effect. Significantly, the p o et's concluding allusion to O v id 's A rachne episode th ro u g h the im portant figure of Livor (Theb. 12.818; Met. 6.129) is preceded by an inversion of M inerva's com m and to A rachne (vive quidem, M et. 6.136). In exhorting his poem to live (vive, Theb. 12.816) Statius u su rp s the M inervan position and replays O vid's o w n confidence in the p o w e r of the poetic voice (vivam, M et.15.879). Salvation m ay lie n o t in R om e, b u t in Italy's y o u th (Itala iuventus, Theb. 12.815). The re tu rn to N aples is not too distant (Silvae 3.5). 186 Statius also makes the connection of weaving to poetic production explicit in the Silvae when he discuses the poetry of Pollius: seu nostram quatit ille chelyn seu dissona n ectit/ carmina sive minax ultorem stringit iambon (Silvae 2.2.114-115). 197 Bibliography Ahl, F.M. 1966. Kings, Man and Gods in the Thebaid of Statius. D issertation (U niversity of Texas) ________ . 1984a. "The Rider and the Horse: Politics and Pow er in R om an Poetry from H orace to Statius." A N R W 2 32.1:40-110. ________ . 1984b. "The A rt of Safe Criticism in Greece and Rome." AJPh 105:174-208. ________ .1986. "Statius' T hebaid: A Reconsideration." A N R W 2 32.5:2803- 2912. A nderson, W. 1972. Ovid's Metamorphoses Books 6-10. N orm an: U niversity of O klahom a Press. Arico, G. 1972. Ricerche Staziane. Palerm o: Grafiche C appusi. Barchiesi, A. 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Core Title Thebais rescriptrix: Rewriting and closure in Statius' "Thebaid" 12

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