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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Self-Sacrifice, Cooperation, And Aggression In Women Of Varying Sex-Role Orientations
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Self-Sacrifice, Cooperation, And Aggression In Women Of Varying Sex-Role Orientations
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INFORMATION TO USERS This dissertation was produced from a microfilm copy of the original document. While the most advanced technological means to photograph and reproduce this document have been used, the quality is heavily dependent upon the quality of the original submitted. The following explanation o f techniques is provided to help you understand markings or patterns which may appear on this reproduction. 1. The sign or "target" for pages apparently lacking from the document photographed is "Missing Page{s)'\ If it was possible to obtain the missing page(s) or section, they are spliced into the film along with adjacent pages. This may have necessitated cutting thru an image and duplicating adjacent pages to insure you complete continuity. 2. When an image on the film is obliterated with a large round black mark, it is an indication that the photographer suspected that the copy may have moved during exposure and thus cause a blurred image. You will find a good image of the page in the adjacent frame. 3. When a map, drawing or chart, etc., was part of the material being ‘ photographed the photographer followed a definite method in "sectioning" the material. It is customary to begin photoing at the upper left hand corner of a large sheet and to continue photoing from left to right in equal sections with a small overlap. If necessary, sectioning is continued again — beginning below the first row and continuing on until complete. 4. The majority of users indicate that the textual content is of greatest value, however, a somewhat higher quality reproduction could be made from "photographs" if essential to the understanding of the dissertation. Silver prints of "photographs" may be ordered at additional charge by writing the Order Department, giving the catalog number, title, author and specific pages you wish reproduced. University Microfilms 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 A Xerox Education Company BAEFSKY, Pauline Marshall, 1924- SELF-SACRIFICE, COOPERATION, AND AGGRESSION IN WOMEN OF VARYING SEX-ROLE ORIENTATIONS. University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1974 Psychology, clinical University Microfilms, A XERO X Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED. SELF-SACRIFICE, COOPERATION, AND AGGRESSION IN WOMEN OF VARYING SEX-ROLE ORIENTATIONS by Pauline Marshall Baefsky A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Psychology) January 1974 UNIVERSITY O F SO U TH ER N C A LIFO R N IA TH E GRADUATE SCHOOL U N IV E R S ITY PARK LOS ANGELES, C A LIF O R N IA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by Pauline;._Ma£sha^ under the direction of h§£.... Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by a ll its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of requirements of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H IL O S O P H Y Dean DISSERTATION COMMITTEE / ACKNOWLEDGMENTS In addition to the numerous friends and neighbors who have helped in uncounted ways, I would like to thank certain people in particular. I would like to thank Merry Demarest, Judy Smith, Millicent Stoller, and Larry Strain who helped in the gath ering and recording of data. The accountants, cabinet makers, and rate clerks deserve special mention. I especially want to thank Dr. Irving Kessler, and the Psychology faculty and students of Loyola Marymount University at Los Angeles for their cooperation in the study itself. Questions raised by my committee prodded me to explore and view in new ways some of the issues pertinent to the study. For their stimulating and cordial support, I wish to thank Dr. A. Steven Frankel and Dr. Barbara G. Myerhoff. It is difficult to assess the special quality of the contribution made by my chairman, Dr. Stephen E. Berger, He has left me, not with a feeling of having been taught, but with a feeling of having worked hard and learned much— of having struggled, stretched, pushed, and expanded the bounds of the world. In what terms can one express grati tude for such a gift? I want also to thank my aunt, Mary Marshall Foulke, who has consistently given generously of her physical and emotional support, and my mother, Bertha Marshall, who con tributed both manual labor and hearth-and-home to the final effort. My thanks go to my husband, Leo, and to my chil dren, Heather, Jeffrey, Laurie, and Michael— my family, without whom this would not have been probable. They have been intimately involved in the clashes of career and tradi tion and have carried on, not always enthusiastically but always with love and humor. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Page ii LIST OF TABLES vi LIST OF FIGURES viii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 General Issues in the Psychology of Women An Alternative View of History Industry and Education Psychology and Women Theories of Personality Related to Women Empirical Studies Relating to Self- sacrifice in Women Aggression Research Design Hypotheses Subjects Equipment Experimental Treatments Sex of Other Options Cost of Aggression Procedure Personality Measure Independent and Dependent Variables II. METHOD III. RESULTS 54 Primary Analysis Secondary Analyses Effects on Cooperative Play iv Chapter Page Effects on Aggressive Play Effects of Mode of Play on Dependent Variables Summary of Results Hypotheses Cooperation and Self-sacrifice Aggression Summary and Conclusions Intellectually Oriented Women Women High in Both Orientations Limitations and Implications IV. DISCUSSION 74 REFERENCES 104 v LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Summary of Analysis of Variance of the Effects of Sex of Other, Option Cost, and Role Orientation on Cooperation, Aggression and Points Given .............................. 55 2. Means and Standard Deviations for the Interac tion of Cost and Role Orientation on Zaps Half 1 .................................... 57 3. Means and Standard Deviations for the Interac tion of Sex of Other, Aggression Cost, and Role Orientation on Total Z a p s ............ 59 4. Means and Standard Deviations for the Effects of Role Orientation on Average Points Given in Half 2 .................................. 60 5. Summary of Analysis of Variance of the Effects of Intellectual Orientation, Zaps, and Average Points Given on Measures of Cooperation, Aggression, and Self-sacrifice in the First and Second Halves of Play.................. 63 6. Means and Standard Deviations for the Effects of Zaps and Average number of Points Given on Cooperative Choices— Half 2 ................ 64 7. Means and Standard Deviations for the Effects of Intellectual Orientation and Average Points Given on Zaps Half 2 ................ 66 8. Means and Standard Deviations for the Effects of Intellectual Orientation on zaps after Other's Cooperation and Defection .......... 69 vi Table Page 9. Means and Standard Deviations for the Inter action of Sex of Other, Aggression Cost, and Role Orientation on Zaps after Own Defection 70 10. Means and Standard Deviations for the Interac tion of Sex of Other, Aggression Cost, and Role Orientation on Average Points Given after Other's Defection ..................... 72 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. Score Matrix................................ 49 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION "What does woman want? Dear God] What does she want?" Freud's irritable question (quoted by Kreps, 1972, p. vii) articulated a frustrated male response to the women's rights movement during its presuffrage upsurge. The implication was that women were making unreasonable demands; they were being difficult and difficult to under stand. Women were somehow seeking to transcend their woman's role. Again, in the year 1974, and for a number of years past, women are protesting. In increasingly large numbers they are once more insisting that changes be made in their lives— and once more are met with angry rejoinders. Flexner (1971) noted the apparent paradox in that families are smaller, husbands more cooperative, housework lighter because of technological advances. Political and legal inequalities are disappearing. Women are working in increasing numbers and spend most of the money paid out for goods and services. Yet they are unsatisfied. Don't they have all the rights men have, everything they want? There is a traditional view of women which empha sizes physiological, biological, and pragmatic evidence that woman are basically nurturant, narcissistic, passive, and self-sacrificing— different from men in important, role- defining ways. Gray (19 67) in a handbook written to help women and men understand "the normal woman," has drawn extensively from medical and psychological literature to present her position. She saw in the adolescent girl's pride in displaying her body, in having acting aspirations, the narcissism necessary to attract and hold a man during her helpless pregnancy periods. She saw differences in male and female love dreams representing the traditional sexual positions. Following Deutsch (1944) , Gray discussed men struation, childbirth, and sexual encounter as the substrata of feminine masochism— the basis of femininity. Women develop a "natural attraction to suffering" and, thus, to the care-taking role. Gray stated: There's little question that girls and women seem more attracted to pain and suffering than boys. Girls are enormously attracted to professions like becoming medical missionaries, nurses or Sisters of Charity, where they get great satisfaction from re lieving suffering, (p. 186) Femininity is the holder together of civiliza tion, the conserver of warmth and forbearance that prevents us from cutting our collective throats. Men who have much warmth and forbearance usually get it through their women, or through their own female gifts.(p. 332) Andelin (1971) has written Fascinating Womanhood, a text for a course designed to teach women how to be happy in marriage. She speaks of the masculine role as a divine calling in which the husband is guide, protector, and pro vider for his wife and children. He rules and the woman supports and encourages his masculine prerogatives. He must be given the homage due a king. Women must develop both Angelic and Human qualities. The Angelic woman under stands men, has deep inner happiness, has a worthy charac ter, and is a domestic goddess. This is the nurturant, self-sacrificing part of the truly womanly woman. This side of her character brings about a state of near worship in her husband and brings her peace and happiness. The Human woman has femininity, radiates happiness, is fresh in appearance and manner, and is childlike. This narcissistic, passive aspect "fascinates, amuses, captivates, and enchants men. It arouses a desire to protect and shelter" (p. 153) . In demanding change from this type of role defini tion, woman, the traditionalists hold, subverts not only her own true nature but the structure of society itself. The vocal opposition to this position states that woman is largely socially defined, that role-defining differences, with the exception of those relating to child bearing, are nonexistent. So, if society is shaken by changes, it is a necessary tremor. Demanding women are insisting on child care centers to attenuate their nurturant role. They ask for greater participation in socially active jobs on a par with men and for equal financial rewards. Women want to be jockeys and football players; they want to be admitted to the stock exchange or just to trade their own stock without a husband's permission; they want enough welfare benefits to care for families with or without a father in the home; women want to be hired and upgraded on the basis of the value of their work; women want their husbands to share housework. News reports, television interviews, situation comedies, picket lines and sit-ins, welfare rights confer ences, panels on minority women— all these present a thousand voices gently, firmly, or aggressively urging changes in women's lives. On the other hand, other women are forming organizations, petitioning Congress, and picket ing just as vociferously supporting the maintenance of women's traditional role. The latter groups find support from many men who echo Freud's bewilderment. Men's dismay is expressed in terms of the care and protection they have given women, shielding them from the discomforts of the marketplace. Do women not want this protection? Do they want to be treated like men? Rapid social and cultural changes have taken place with the Industrial Revolution, changes which are acceler ating. Both men and women find that activities that were adequate and appropriate to dealing with yesterday's world are no longer functional. In the past, the total family, including the children, was often directly responsible for acquiring its food, clothing, and shelter through its own efforts. This is no longer either necessary or possible. Functions of the early home have been taken over by a com plex society and with them many of the household functions of both partners. The necessaries of life are now pro duced in broadly scattered areas. Even their component parts or the operations which make them consumable are products of multiple locales. The completion of a single commodity has become the work of a multitude of people, so that the contribution of each is lost as a perceptable operation on the completed object. Man has become largely a specialist working away from home. The impact of any individual is not visible. There is no indispensable man. Man has become as replaceable as the parts of the machines he operates. Once he has mastered the criterion skills for his job, the emphasis is on speed and efficiency with little engagement of creativity or thought. This is the case for the majority of men. In the home, an analagous picture emerges. Work has become simpler and routinized with scant intellectual challenge. There is minimal social recognition of the importance of the child-rearing or service aspects of the activity and no recognition by the formality of paychecks. Acclamation seems to be chiefly in support of woman's self-effacement in the interests of others. Since the start of the Industrial Revolution, women have been in the world of work outside the home. Before that, they func tioned at various times on a par with men, but always with their nurturant, family-tending, husband-tending role as primary. However, rapid developments in technology and the resultant diminishing of the sphere of wife and homemaker leaves each succeeding generation of women faced with new role definitions. Their difference from men is that, while the traditional functions of their sex are being phased out or greatly reduced, traditional attitudes are refractory. Modern woman, in attempting to make role decisions, finds herself directed by a traditional ideology into activities that are nurturant, nonaggressive, and self-denying. The purpose of this study is to examine self-sacri fice as a feminine characteristic. If woman is by nature passive and self-sacrificing, then she distorts her true potential when she enters into relationships in which she is aggressive and competitive. There is still a strong sentiment on the part of many women and still more men that woman's place— either primarily or exclusively— is in the home. However, she is shaken loose from her traditional role. Whether she is on welfare or in the middle class, woman is finding it more and more difficult to make home- making a full-time career. In common with men she finds inadequate employment for whatever intellectual and crea tive potential she may possess; in addition, when she looks outside the home for a career, she is reminded of woman's place. The primary focus of woman's place is a husband. However, a married woman may help her husband by working outside the home if she is not the primary wage earner or the one with the more important work. Whether she is married or not, the woman who enters the job market is reminded of her subsidiary role. Whether she finds a job to increase the family income, to broaden her life experi ence, or to support herself and/or others, she knows that men are promoted first and most often to the most challeng ing and responsible positions. If she has a husband, his work is more important than hers; if she has children, it is her time, not her husband's, that must be sacrificed in their care. It is suggested that when she chooses to pursue a career, she is somehow selfish or neurotic if she does not give it up or put it in abeyance to rear a family. This study will examine the degree to which self-sacrifice as a style exists in a representative group of female col lege students. General Issues in the Psychology of Women Simone de Beauvoir's The Second Sex (Le Deuxeme Sexe) was first published in France twenty-four years ago (1949), and in the United States twenty-one years ago (1952) . In a two-volume historical, biological, sociologi cal, philosophical work, de Beauvoir returned to Freud's puzzle, asking, "What is a woman?" What do the exhortations to be a woman imply? What is femininity? Is there a uniquely feminine role? It was not until ten years later, however, that women became attentive to women's issues on a larger scale. In 196 3, Betty Friedan, in The Feminine Mystique, announced bitterly that woman does not accept that anatomy is destiny, that she does not want Kinder, Kuche~, Kirche. In 1966, NOW (National Organization for Women) was formed as a civil rights organization for women. Women who had been active in the black civil rights movement joined NOW or joined other aroused women in groups both more radical and more traditional. History and prerecorded history are being searched, interpreted, and reinterpreted. Conventional doctrine has been examined historically by writers on both sides of the controversy with each extracting arguments in support of its point of view. On the side of custom, the argument seems to be that women must be as they have always been defined because they have been so defined always, and the original, historical definition was, of course, correct. Opponents of this view ask for a re-examination of history and its content. Since religion embodies the dominant philosophies, behavioral codes and prescriptions of a people, the Bible becomes a final authority for all points of view. In fact, an examination of the traditional view which is presumably 10 based on a scientific evidence indicates that it is more representative of Biblical prescriptions couched in modern terminology. Thus, a full examination of this position is required. Ward (1918), a supporter of the suffragist movement, pointed out that in Oriental, Greek, and Roman law and literature, and in European literature from the Middle Ages through the seventeenth century, women were usually viewed negatively and generally condemned. They were vile, evil, and dangerous. Books on witchcraft, especially, presented women in this light. Ward viewed the Hebrew Bible and the myth of the rib as particularly potent as an instrument for the subjection of women. This traditional view was stated most clearly and strongly by St. Thomas Aquinas. St. Thomas is noted, among his other scholarly attributes, for his explication of the Biblical rationale for the inferior status of women. As regards the individual nature, woman is defective and misbegotten, for the active power in the male seed tends to the production of a perfect likeness according to the masculine sex; while the production of woman comes from defect in the active power, or from some material indisposition, or even from some external influence, such as that of a south wind, which is moist, as the Philosopher observes. On the other hand, as regards universal human nature, woman is not misbegotten, but is included in nature's intention as directed to the work of generation. Now the universal intention of nature depends on God, 11 Who is the universal Author of nature. Therefore, in producing nature, God formed not only the male but also the female. Subjection is twofold. One is servile, by virtue of which a superior makes use of a subject for his own benefit; and this kind of subjection began after sin. There is another kind of subjec tion, which is called economic or civil, whereby the superior makes use of his subjects for their own benefit and good; and this kind of subjection existed even before sin. For the good of order would have been wanting in the human family if some were not governed by others wiser than themselves. So by such a kind of subjection woman is naturally subject to man because in man the discernment of reason predominates. (quoted by Bell, 1973, p. 122) Concurrent with the notion of woman as evil, woman as inferior, and woman as stupid, there developed around the twelfth century the picture of woman as ethereal, fragile, the gentle, unattainable lover, the sacrificing mother. That century saw simultaneous development in the religious sphere of the cult of the Virgin. The alliance of this point of view with that of the ecclesiastic experts persists as the Madonna-prostitute view of women. In either case, women must be prevented or protected from extending themselves into the world external to the home and must be kept out of the affairs of men. Occasionally, women sought to push back the bounds of the stereotype. In 1701, ;Astell (reprinted 1970) made an extremely "modest proposal." She urged formal education for women. She declared that women do have a role different 12 from men's but one which is invaluable and unique. Women must, therefore, be provided with education so that they can be best able to understand and to fulfill their respon sibilities to their Maker. Among present-day writers who counter the argument based on Biblical interpretation is Davis (1971), who hypothesized a "pre-history" to explain the intensity of the historical androcentric focus. She proposed that pre- historically women were the "first sex," man the second. She found in sites of lost civilizations and in remnants of myths and legends evidence that women were once dominant, that there was, millenia ago, a highly developed civiliza tion that man, in his rage and envy, destroyed. The inten sity of his fear and anger led him to degrade and demean woman's role, even altering history so that all that remains in our present society as a reminder of past eminence are a few folk tales and myths. Modern woman has been ignored, Davis feels, belit tled and ridiculed. Man has . . . devalued woman to an object of his basest physical desires and has remade God in his own image (a woman hater) . . . Worst of all, he has attempted to transform woman herself into a brainless simulacrum, a robot who has come to acquiesce meekly in the belief in her own inferiority, (p. 18) Davis said further that it is man1s image of feminity which 13 is accepted as custom, implying in woman . . . weakness, imbecility, dependence, masochism, unreliability, and a certain "baby-doll" sexuality that is ... a projection of male dreams. To the "feminist" of both sexes, femininity is synonymous with the eternal female principle, connoting strength, integrity, wisdom, justice, dependability, and a psychic power foreign and therefore dangerous to the plodding masculists of both sexes* (p. 334-5) An Alternative View of History The culture induces a perception that women have historically not been influential or active participants in the course of history. Bell (1973) indicated that, while the androcentric, often anti-woman was indeed the prevail ing theoretical bias, in point of fact women participated in the life of those historical times in a manner quite at odds with written doctrine. She pointed out that, while theologians and philosophers were weighty and verbose, women were in fact involved in an important positive way in the life of the Middle Ages. Their role, though circum scribed, was often effective and respected during the period from about 400 B.C. to 1800 A.D. Bell further indicated that the participation of women is coming to light slowly as scholars are now begin ning to change focus. Schmidt and Schmidt (1972) pointed out that, while Century Publishers was considering a 14 history text by a woman for publication in 1972 or 1973, in a study of 27 leading history texts currently in use, women are given only token mention. Inclusion of material dealing with women ran from five one-hundredths of one per cent to a high of two per cent in books with from 400 to more than 2,000 pages. The two-per-cent book written by Beard and Beard in 1959 is no longer in print. This is one of the few books which underlined the importance of women to American history. Beard and Beard pointed out that the successful settlement of the Americas needed the participation of active, economically-productive women. The English women settlers were drawn from a tradition that included trades women of all types, and women who took part in industry as bakers, sometimes butchers, millers, brewsters, spinners, and websters. Agriculture saw women raking hay, driving wagons, shepherding, shearing sheep, pulling peas, thatch ing roofs— and being less well paid than men doing the same jobs. So the ancient theoretical woman's role, laced here and there with strains from the Middle Ages elevating woman to the pedestal, was confronted in actuality by a function ing woman who behaviorally denied the stereotype of vicious, incompetent and fragile. At the same time, the primary 15 role of a homemaker was maintained. Sarah and Angelina Grimke, Quakers, were heiresses of the post-Elizabethan struggles which gave women the right to participate in religious matters. The Quakers, by the time of the Abolitionist activities before the American Civil War, allowed women to speak in public and to become ministers. Active Abolitionists, the sisters found their participation challenged on the basis of their sex. Even Sarah Grimke sought Biblical justification for the equality of women. She insisted that a Bible translated from the Scriptures by men would interpret them with male bias. Woman was created ... in all respects [the equal of man]: one who was like himself a free agent, gifted with intel lect and endowed with immortality; not a partaker merely of his animal gratifications, but able to enter into all his feelings as a moral and respon sible being (Grimke, 1970, p. 5; reprint of 1893 publication). While woman was excluded from participation in politics both because of her animal nature and because of her superior delicacy and refinement, women like the Grimkes, at first working for the right to support the anti-slavery movement, finally began to organize as feminists. Susan B. Anthony, one of the number of newly organ ized feminists, protested: 16 Men like to see women pick up the drunken and fallen]— repair the damages of society]— that patch ing business is in "woman's proper sphere"I— But to be master of circumstances— that is man's sphere! (quoted by Sinclair, 1965, p. 1) Industry and Education By the end of the 19th century, nearly twenty per cent of industrial workers were women (Beard and Beard, 1959). However, the views which had kept even the skilled craftswomen of the seventeenth century at lower wage levels worked to the disadvantage of nineteenth century women. Even the new struggling labor unions tended to meet the demands of women for better conditions of work or higher pay with the reminder that women's proper sphere was home and family, that their husbands were the proper providers. Their participation in the labor market was held to be transient and therefore one which was somewhat of an impedi ment which the employer could not dignify with full wages. The participation of women in industry has increased from 18 per cent in 1900 to almost 44 per cent in 1973. This accelerating percentage is impressive. It is note worthy, though, that there is a strong inclination for women to be channelled into secondary, service, and non- managerial work. The level of education completed by women reflects the same sort of trend. The number of women who go beyond the high school level is increasing yearly, but there is still a large gap between the number of advanced degrees earned by women and the number earned by men. In 1900, only 18.9 per cent of the earned degrees {bachelor's or first professional, master's, or doctor's) were earned by women, while in 1967, 38.4 per cent were. The women's degrees were preponderantly in the care-taking professions. Women obtained more bachelor degrees than men in education, particularly in education relating to early childhood, where, in 1967, 99.2 per cent of these bachelor degrees were awarded to women. Women also greatly outnumber men in such fields as social work, nursing (99 per cent in 1967), home economics, and library science. At the doctorate level, only 29.4 per cent of the degrees in education went to women. Men fill most of the administrative jobs in educa tion. This applies to schools at all levels, including colleges, whether coeducational or women's schools. The areas least well represented by women's degrees were in business and commerce, economics, and on the doctoral level, in the basic and applied sciences. While half of the doctoral degrees awarded in 1967 were in basic and applied sciences, only six per cent of them went to women (U.S. Department of Labor, 1969) . Women are increasingly better educated and are increasingly finding work outside the home. In both work and education, the stamp of custom seems to be operative. The jobs women train to fill and do fill are generally sub servient, often in the "helping" professions, rarely highly intellectually challenging or competitive. Thus, there seem to be some indications that, while women are moving out of the home, they are remaining in areas that at least resemble traditional role definitions. Psychology and Women There have been attempts to account for the degree to which women adhere to past patterns of relationship. Weisstein (1971) asserted that psychologists limit the exploration of human potential, that they fail to take into account the social expectations related to sex role. It is difficult to learn which characteristics of men and women are ultimately sex linked. She declared that until expectations and status are equal for men and women our view of which attributes are related to sex is prejudiced. Janeway (1971) pointed out that most women in some sense accept the concept that men are active, assertively innovative, involved with things and ideas, while women are 19 intuitive, interested in people and feelings, care-taking, and healing. These are qualities the social structure demands of each sex. They complement each other and do not compete or challenge each other. Adams (1971) was concerned with the manner in which the biological capacities of women have been shaped by social demands into patterns of restrictive role function ing. Women are trapped by the pervasive belief that they are the sole repositories of the compassionate components of life, that their primary, if not sole, interest should be in ministering to the needs of others. Implicit in the role that derives from this conviction is the virtue of subordinating individual needs to the welfare of others and the personal value and supposed reward of deriving a vicarious satisfaction from this exercise. . . . [Women stifle their underlying sense of frustrated disappointment] with the soothing rationalization that personal ambition and success are corrupting, and that they remain the salt of the earth through adding savor and essential strength to the lives of others. (pp. 205-6) Gold (1971) indicated that women who leave the home to work for wages or to do volunteer work are adhering to the Biblically-defined helpmate role by performing largely motherly and maintenance functions. Bardwick and Douvan (1971) listed the adjectives used in a number of studies to characterize masculinity 20 and feminity. For masculinity: Independence, aggression, competitiveness, leader ship, task orientation, outward orientation, asser tiveness, innovation, self-discipline, stoicism, activity, objectivity, analytic-mindedness, courage, unsentimentality, rationality, confidence and emotional control. For femininity: Dependence, passivity, fragility, low pain toler ance, rionaggression, noncompetitiveness, inner orien tation, interpersonal orientation, empathy, sensi tivity, nurturance, subjectivity, intuitiveness, yieldingness, receptivity, inability to risk, emo tional liability, supportiveness. (p. 147). Broverman, Broverman, Clarkson, Rosenkrantz, and Vogel (1970) administered a questionnaire to 79 mental health clinical practitioners— psychologists, psychiatrists, and social workers. The respondents checked lists of attributes they felt were characteristic of (1) healthy adults, (2) healthy adult males, and (3) healthy adult females. There were two hypotheses confirmed: (1) that clinical concepts of mental health for men and women differ and conform to societal sex-role stereotypes; and (2) that attributes felt characteristic of a healthy adult would coincide with attributes felt characteristic of a healthy male but not of a healthy female. Previous studies cited by the authors (Cowen, 1961; Kogan, Quinn, Ax, and Ripley, 1957; Wiener, Blumberg, Segman, and Cooper, 1959) indicated 21 positive relationships between social desirability and concepts of mental health. For a woman, then, to adjust in a healthy manner to her sex role, she must reject those behaviors seen as appropriate to a healthy adult. She must adopt socially-derogated behaviors, behaviors regarded as unhealthy in a generalized competent adult. Bardwick (1971) ended a review of studies pertain ing to physiological, psychological, and social influences on women with the recognition that there are endocrine and possibly CNS differences between men and women. However, the nature of the socialization process in the societies available to study is such that sex differences are maxi mized. She concluded that "Neither the extent of the phys ical contribution nor the variability that socialization can effect are presently known" (p. 216). Theories of Personality Related to Women The traditional view of women's role is supported, as Weisstein noted, by much of psychological theory, in particular by the psychoanalytic— the historically prevalent viewpoint. Freud felt that there was a biological basis for the subordinate role of women. He felt that the dis covery by the female that she did not have a penis was such 22 a wound to feminine narcissism that little girls developed an ineradicable sense of inferiority. If she does hot deny the fact of having been castrated and does not insist on being like a man (masculinity complex), the girl child begins to develop normally. She "begins to share the con tempt felt by men for a sex which is the lesser in so im portant a respect" (Freud, 1963b, p. 188; reprint from 1927). The castration complex leaves the girl child with her libidinous energy directed toward penis envy and even tually toward the desire for a child, particularly a male child (symbolic penis). Further, The comparative weakness of the sadistic component of the sexual instinct, which may probably be related to the penis-deficiency, facilitates the transformation of directly sexual trends into those inhibited in aim, feelings of tenderness. (Freud, 1963a, p. 181; reprinted from 1924) Thus, women are equipped for the caring mother role. Con sequently, in development, they give up the active, mascu line aspect and assume passive, feminine striving. Freud had not departed from Aristotle who also taught that the natural female state was a deformity, that the female prin ciple is passive, the male active, that the wife is consti tutionally inferior to her husband (Hutchins, 1952). While Freud in later writings evidenced some confu sion as to his assignment of activity to masculinity and 23 passivity to feminity, his student, Deutsch (1944), accepted and expanded these views further. She held that the basic feminine core has three facets: narcissism, masochism, and passivity.' She felt that . . . the origins of masochism and passivity are intimately connected. They are both the outcome of the feminine constitution and of a mechanism of instinctual reversion related to it that turns ener gies directed toward the outer world inward; and in so far as activity is concerned, we have considered passivity simply as a state of inhibition.(p. 239) In contrast to Deutsch, who regarded the existing culture complexes in which women function as the outgrowth of anatomical-physiological characteristics, Horney (1967) regarded social influences as crucial to woman's nature. She noted that women were economically dependent upon men, restricted to "spheres of life that are built chiefly upon emotional bonds" (p. 230). Blocked in their emotional and sexual outlets, regarded by the society as inferior to men, "it is hard to see how any woman can escape becoming maso chistic to some degree, from the effects of the culture alone" (p. 231). She admitted the possibility of a physio logical preparedness for masochism in greater male strength and potential overcoming of the female, feminine processes related to menstruation and childbirth, and the positions of the sexes in intercourse (the penetration of the woman). 24 The factors, however, she felt became subject to masochistic fantasies only in neurotic situations. Horney, therefore, found women often passive, masochistic, and egocentric, but placed the locus of these behavioral traits primarily in the social milieu. During the early years of the twentieth century, the women's rights movement was linked to the urging of freedom to disseminate birth control information and aids. Margaret Sanger (1920), the birth control pioneer, was vehement in her attacks on "woman's place" as weak and inferior. She felt that the woman . . . had chained herself to her place in society and the family through the maternal functions of her nature, and only chains this strong could have bound her to her lot as a brood animal for the masculine civilizations of the world.(p. 3) She saw the necessity for woman to control her own body, insisting that voluntary motherhood was the core of social change. Ida Tarbel (1925) was uncomfortable with the demand ing women of her day. A "muckraker," she exposed corruption in government but was very critical of the "Uneasy Woman" who was insisting upon equality with men. She felt that woman has a unique role and only does disservice to herself and others when she seeks to compete with man. In an 25 inclusive book of advice to the young women of that time, Tarbel wrote: To bear and to rear, to feel the dependence of man and child— the necessity for themselves [women]— to know that upon them depend the health, the character, the happiness, the future of certain human beings— to see themselves laying and preserv ing the foundations of so imposing a thing as a family . . . this is their destiny— this is worth while,(p. 19) The central fact of the woman's life— Nature's reason for her— is the child, his bearing and rear ing. There is no escape from the divine order that her life must be built around this constraint, duty, or privilege, as she may please to consider it. (p. 54) Tarbel also urged that women get a higher education which would fit them "intellectually to be a companion worthy of a child" (p. 74) . Wiggins, Renner, Clore, and Rose (1971) supported the view of woman as nurturant, home-building, and non competitive with men on a sociobiological basis. They noted that the human infant has, in relation to other animal species, a markedly reduced growth and maturation process (neoteny). Women are, therefore, bound to the home and their husbands to a defense, necessity-procurement role. This division of responsibility is part of the process of rearing a child who is helpless and defenseless for many years and results in a clearly-defined maternal-feminine 26 position with regard to men. Morgan (1972) used some of the same information to arrive at other conclusions. She felt that the human species has evolved as it has because of woman's competence and ingenuity in coping with changing life conditions. Man's skill as a hunter or his capacity to protect the home nest as the determiner of evolution and cultural prac tice is a fiction created by male biologists, paleontolo gists, and ethnologists. A contemporary popular successor to the viewpoint of Tarbel is writer, poet, editor Phyllis McGinley (1965), who declared that, "A man's ego bruises easilyso that his wife's primary duty is to bolster his delicate self esteem (p. 35). She felt that in an ideal society, the rearing of a family would be the only work a woman would want. We would unsettle no masculine pride by compe tition in masculine fields . . . The two nations, male and female, would each inhabit a sphere snugly suited to its ordained capabilities. . . . We are the self-immolators, the sacrificers, the givers,(p. 47) This position is given rousing support by Samra (1971), founder of the Society for the Emancipation of the American Male (SEAM), who modestly described his manifesto as "perhaps the first true masculinist tract since the 27 Koran.” By implication, the endless roster of social ills can be placed at the feet of improper women. By the time women had won their voting rights, economic power, and virtual equality on all levels in the nineteen-sixties, a new and huge industry had grown up employing thousands of psychiatrists, psychologists, marriage counselors, social workers, doctors, clergymen, and other professionals, who were valiantly and frantically occupied in trying to contain a massive epidemic of psychiatric disor ders, alcoholism, drug addiction, divorce, deser tions, identity crises, homosexuality, lesbianism, impotence, heart attacks, premature deaths, widow ing, wife-murdering, suicide, juvenile delinquency, violence and riots. Today, our madhouses are filled with people who believe in the equality of men and women and we can't build hospitals fast enough and big enough to accommodate them all. Women are in the forefront of the mental health movement . . . Women . . . [make up] the mass of the membership . . . of all mental health organizations, search ing for a cure for the madness of which they them selves, perhaps, are the principal cause, (p. 56) Samra went on to list the number of great "madmen" behind whom was a woman. He praised Mohammed who restored male supremacy and gentility to the Arab world. The issue of redefinition of woman's role, of "What is a woman?" continues to be debated. Biblical, biological, and ethological evidence is called upon to support the traditional role (McGinley, 1965; Wiggins, et al., 1971). Much of psychological thought is in agreement (Freud, 1963; Deutsch, 1944). On the other hand, other biological evi dence is cited to support a reexamination of the "anatomy 28 is destiny" concept (Bardwick, 1971; Bardwick and Douvan, 1971; Morgan, 1972). There is disagreement on the psycho logical front (Horney, 1967; Bardwick, 1971; Bardwick and Douvan, 1971; Weisstein, 1971). McGinley (1965) took the stand that women are the self-immolators. Samra (1971) saw the psychopathy of the world resulting from woman's defec tion from her role. Empirical Studies Relating to Self-sacrifice in Women Matina Horner identified a motivation to avoid success in an achievement-oriented situation, which she related to an expectancy-value view of motivation: It is identified as an internal psychological representative of the dominant societal stereotype which views competence, independence, competition, and intellectual achievement as qualities basically inconsistent with femininity even though positively related to masculinity and mental health.(Horner, 1972, p. 157) Some women, therefore, when in achievement-related situa tions, where expectations of success imply negative conse quences, will experience fear of success with impaired per formance and aspiration levels. Using story leads relating to success of like-sex protagonists, Horner (1969) found that 90 female and 88 male college students were significantly different from 29 each other in types of response to the success cue. Women much more frequently indicated fear of success and wrote stories with themes of social isolation, guilt, doubt about femininity and denial of success. In a second part of the study, a series of achievement tasks was introduced, with both women and men working under conditions of competition and noncompetition. It was found that over two-thirds of the men performed the tasks better under competition, while less than one per cent of the women did so. Of the women who were high in fear of success, 77 per cent did signifi cantly better when not competing. "Women who were low on the motive, however, behaved more like the men: 93 per cent of them got (significantly) higher scores in competi tion" (p. 62). Horner (1972) reported replication of these results among junior and senior high school girls, among secretaries, and among several groups of male and female college students (Horner and Rhoem, 1968; Schwenn, 1970; Horner, 1970; Watson, 1970; Prescott, 1971). These find ings suggest that "most women will fully explore their potential only when they do not need to compete— and least of all when they are competing with men" (Horner, 1969, p. 62) . Other suggestive data were provided by research utilizing the Prisoner’s Dilemma Game (PDG). Rapoport and Chammah (1965) found that women playing against men were, in general, no more cooperative than were men playing against women. However, when women played against women, they made fewer cooperative choices. (The implication of the article is that the opponents were known by sex but :not individually by encounter.) Persistent cooperative choices in the face of defection by the opponent have been called "martyr" runs. It was found that when women played against men there was a greater tendency on the part of the women to engage in martyr runs. Halpin and Pilisuk (1970) used the PDG to investi gate the effects of prediction in influencing playing style. Fifty male and fifty female students played under five conditions in which they were presented with identical random sequences of "Other" plays. In some conditions, players were told that they played against a preprogrammed computer sequence; in some, that the other was another player of the same sex. One condition just required pre diction of the appearance of lights. In regarding frequency of cooperative choices, it was found that sex was not a significant factor. However, in three out of four cases of indices based on both prediction and choice, greater 31 cooperation was shown by females, with females more willing to suffer loss by cooperating despite defections by Other. Social critics (e.g., Weisstein, 1971; Myrdal, 1969; Rubin, 1969) have compared the situation of women to the situation of blacks in our culture. If this comparison holds, we can expect to find similarities in self-percep tion, outlook, and responses to social stimuli between white women and blacks. Berger and Tedeschi (1969) found that black children playing PDG with a defection-inducing payoff matrix and a 50 per cent cooperative opponent cooper ated 45 per cent of the time. Their white counterparts cooperated 30 per cent of the time (p <..001). Rapoport and Chammah (1965) found that women cooper ated less than do men, though more when playing with men than when playing with other women. They also defect more after the other player's defection than do men. These studies give indications that in some game situations, women do, in fact, seem to act in a self-sacri ficing manner, and seem to act more so with men than with other women. While this evidence apparently confirms the traditional view of women, the evidence is indirect. It is not clear that cooperation means intent to sacrifice, or that defection means intent to aggress. 32 Aggression Taylor and Epstein (1967) placed 24 male and female undergraduates in a situation in which they were given varying low levels of electric shock by pseudo-competitors of either the same or contrasting sex. Both women and men inhibited their own resultant aggression against women and were correspondingly more aggressive against men. Women markedly increased (across trials) the levels of shock they gave to men, and ended with the giving of higher levels of shock (when other was male) than did men. The experimenters related their results to the strong social sanctions against inflicting pain on women. The responses by women toward men was seen as a response both to the pain and to the breaking of traditional taboos. Leventhal, Shemberg, and van Schoelandt (1968) cited psychoanalytic literature proposing that adequacy of psycho social adjustment is positively related to adequate (tradi tional) sex-role adjustment. Their view was that since the capacity to aggress appropriately is necessary to adaptive personality functioning, it can be assumed that well-ad justed individuals will be better able to discriminate the appropriateness of the use of aggressive responses. It is assumed, therefore, that individuals who are well-adjusted 33 to their sex roles will also aggress appropriately. Exper imental studies of aggression have yielded apparently conflicting information regarding woman's aggressive poten tial . Buss (1963) used a shock apparatus in testing hypotheses regarding the relationship of frustration to aggression. The apparatus employs a mechanism for adminis tering a mild to severe electric shock to the fingertips. The subject is placed in the role of "experimenter" or "teacher" who administers shock to a second participant. The second participant, a confederate of the experimenter, is not seen by the subject after the session begins. The confederate disconnects the electrodes but simulates dis comfort as the subject increases the intensity of shock. Frustration in the Buss study was the inability of the "subject" to learn. Experimental subjects were grouped according to varying motivations to have the "subject" learn. Women differed from men in that they delivered significantly milder shocks (p<.001), while men agressed more than did women against other men. Leventhal, Shemberg, and van Schoelandt (1968) used the Buss aggression apparatus to study differences in aggressive behavior between men and women who identify or do 34 not identify with their respective traditional sex roles. Twenty male and twenty female college students were divided into four groups according to ratings on the Guilford- Zimmerman Temperament Survey, masculine male (MM), feminine female (FF), masculine female (MF), and feminine male (FM). Subjects were instructed to administer shock to the confed erate as punishment for errors made in learning a task, a stronger shock supposedly inducing faster learning. Feminine females and masculine males— that is, those whose sex-role identification most closely adhered to the tradi tional sex-role definitions— had significantly higher aggression scores than did the nonconforming groups, as had been predicted. In a second study, Leventhal and Shemberg (1969) selected forty men and forty women on the basis of extreme scores on the Temperament Survey and exposed them to the experimental situation described above. The instructions for this study left the appropriateness of aggression ambig uous. Subjects were told to utilize shock in "teaching" their "subjects," but were also told that it had not been determined whether strong or weak shocks produced faster learning. In this study, feminine women showed less aggression than any of the other three groups (MM, MF, or 35 FM). On the other hand, masculine women (MF) had the high est mean score and were significantly higher than the FF group (p<.01). The researchers interpreted these results as supportive of what they called a psychoanalytic point of view, according to which the better adjusted person aggresses appropriately. They hypothesize that anxiety in the maladjusted inhibits aggression in the sanctioned situ ation and freedom from anxiety frees the subject for inap propriately high aggression in the unclear situation. However, these data are open to alternative inter pretations. It would appear that the writers are in error regarding the Freudian theory. Freud himself, as well as many of the neo-Freudians, defined woman as nonaggressive, even as masochistic. If the FF classification represents women with the most traditional orientation, and if a strong traditional orientation represents a good adjustment for a woman, then the FF woman should not be aggressive. Aggression is never appropriate except for one's own or a loved one's survival if one is a woman, according to the Freudian view. The authors' argument, therefore, is lack ing in its theoretical base. An alternative explanation might be that women accepting the traditional role definition would see 36 themselves on the passive rather than on the aggressive end of an aggression continuum. In a situation, therefore, which insists on an aggressive choice but allows for a selection of intensity, such women, responding to the demands of the task, would choose intensities toward the bottom of the scale. In the first study the (significantly) higher aggression score for FF also follows from the role- model theory alone without recourse to the social adjustment argument. Since compliance and desire to please are built into the traditional role, a woman (FF) who is given the instruction that stronger shock induces more efficient learning should tend to increase the shock in accord with the instructional set to induce learning in the subject. In both experiments, the FF chooses the most socially acceptable response— which is itself a passive response to social demands. Vinacke and his colleagues (Vinacke, 1959; Bond and Vinacke, 1961; Uesugi and Vinacke, 1963) studied women playing competitively either with other women or with men in a three-person game. The game involved six power patterns— the use of assigned weighted scores— such that in all but one pattern the players were unequal in strength. The instructions included permission to form coalitions, with 37 division of score points as part of the bargaining pro cedure. It was found that women tended to adopt a strategy of accommodation, whereas male players played what was termed an "exploitative" game. This was true under all combinations of players: one-sex groups, groups in which the male sex was in the majority, and those where the female players were the majority. When the game included a task thought by the exper imenters to be directly relevant to feminine interests (Uesugi and Vinacke, 1963), male play remained the same while female strategy became even more accommodating. The researchers found that women often by-passed winning strategies in favor of those in which the outcome was satisfactory to each of the three participants. Differences in male and female game behavior led to an identification of characteristic feminine behaviors— an "index of feminine strategy." Women offered to form more triple coalitions, strongly tended to divide the prize equally rather than according to weighting in pair alliances. They also tended to form alliances when "all-powerful," that is, in the con ditions where the weighting would allow their winning even if the other players were allied with each other against them. 38 Women, when in a strong position, often gave points to a weak member. A phenomenon observed in women and not at all in men was that of making "altruistic of fers." The strong member of the triad would often suggest an alliance of the other two which would defeat her. This strategy is reminiscent of the PDG "martyr" runs observed in the Rapoport and Chammah (1965) study. The defecting response has been regarded by some experimenters with PDG as a measure of aggression. For example, Rapoport and Chammah (1965) have called the response of defection following the Other's defection "retaliation" and speak of "punishing" cooperative re sponses by defecting or of "punishing" defecting responses. Bixenstein and Wilson (1963) speak of "malevolent" versus "benevolent" choices. Halpin and Pilisuk (1970) speak of being "stabbed in the back" by a defecting choice by Other. However, as suggested above, the "malevolent" intent of the defecting choice is not clear. As suggested by Tedeschi and Berger (1970): Within the context of a PDG a competitive response may be considered as often a defensive measure (minimizing losses) as it is an offensive exploita tive response (maximizing gains). Even in the latter case, it is not clear that the offensive player intends to harm the other player so much as he is acting in a completely selfish manner, what ever the consequences to others. (p. 555) 39 Studies exploring influences on cooperation in the PDG have introduced the extra-matrix option of threat to remove points from the other player (Gewitz, 1967; Tornat- sky and Geiwitz, 1968; Tedeschi, Horai, Lindskold, and Gahagan, 1968; Horai and Tedeschi, 1969). To help clarify the issue of intent, Berger and Tedeschi (1969) added a "zap" option to the PDG setting. This option allowed the subject to authorize the experimenter to take $10 in play money away from the other player at costs of 2, 5, 8, or 11 dollars to themselves. This is clearly an option, the exercise of which harms the other player— an aggressive choice. Bedell and Sistrunk (1973) used an aggressive op tion, called"punish" an altruistic option, "reward," and the pass option ("none"), in relating their study to Harsanyi's (19 62) concepts of power. Harsanyi points out that people's behavior may be influenced by positive or negative factors and, in any realistic context, the influence is exercised at some cost to the person wielding the power. The study examined the responses of three types of dyads: male-male, male-female, and female-female. They found that male dyads cooperated more than did female dyads; males cooper ated more than females; males used the reward option more 40 than did females; and females in the mixed dyads tripled the use of reward over that in female dyads and nearly doubled the mean number of cooperative plays. While males were equally rewarding and punishing in both conditions, women rewarded more and punished less in the mixed condi tion. Research Design It is evident from the above studies that in many situations women tend to avoid aggressive actions (with the exception where there is a strong task demand by the experi menter to aggress) and to pursue conciliating, often self- sacrificing courses. However, it is not entirely clear what the behavior indicates. Does cooperative play in the PDG indicate lack of aggression, lack of assertion, masochism? Is the martyr run perhaps a tendency toward more persistence in signalling intention— a less emotional response to defection than that of the male? The Vinacke studies seem to support a view of women as "fair-minded," playing in a manner which will bring the greatest good to the greatest number. This strategy would indicate that feminine percep tion of the game as cooperative, if viewed in that light, is logical rather than self-destructive. i 41 The Bedell and Sistrunk (1973) study found women punishing with other women, less so with man, and sparsely rewarding with other women but equally as rewarding as men in mixed dyads. The present study attempted to focus on the instru mentality of giving or taking points in an effort to dis cover the extent to which women will be self-sacrificing and/or aggressive. There is nothing in the logic of the game to invite either choice. This study employed aggres sive and altruistic options, but avoided the specificity of the "reward" and "punishment" concepts. It left the options to have points given or taken from the other at the sub ject's discretion, unlabeled as to purpose. Players were given the opportunity to aggress directly against the other player (at some cost to themselves) by removing points from Other's score in a (mythical) future game. They had, in addition, the opportunity to give the Other points at inter vals during a cumulative-point series of PDGs. Points given to the other player were subtracted from the subject's points in the game and added to the Other's score in the same game. The PDG is a game in which players may cooperate to maximize scores jointly or fail to cooperate (defect) and perhaps maximize the payoff for the defecting individual at the expense of the other player. While the payoff for joint cooperation is smaller for both players than the payoff for the defector when only one defects, the joint long-term gain is greater when both cooperate. The score for each iteration depends upon one's own as well as the other player's choice of strategy. So the outcome is always in doubt before play, and the choice circumstance is ambiguous. Players, thus, may vary strategy throughout multiple interactions of the game and may signal future strategy by each choice. Steele and Tedeschi (1967) cited and confirmed an earlier Rapoport (1964) finding that a payoff matrix with large Temptations to defect (payoff for defection if Other cooperates) and small Punishment for mutual defection will maximize the tendency to defect. This study uses such a matrix. With large payoffs and small punishment for defecting, a tendency for martyrdom should be perceived easily and should test the proposition that women are self-sacrificing and masochistic. Aggression was regarded for the purposes of this study as "behavior whose goal is the inflicting of injury on some object or person" (Berger, 1969; Berkowitz, 1962? Buss, 1963; Kaufman, 1965). Self-sacrifice was behavior 43 which gave advantage to the Other to the subject's disad vantage . Hypotheses This study investigated the degree to which women were cooperative, aggressive, or self-sacrificing in an ambiguously-structured game situation. Cultural expecta tions are that women should be accommodating and specifi cally should be noncompetitive with men. Women are, in fact, urged to encourage and support men's feelings of competence and mastery. It is expected that their maso chistic component will assure that, even in the face of betrayal, they will continue to be self-sacrificing. The first hypothesis assumed, therefore, that when there is a choice between noncooperation and cooperation with an other player, women would tend to work more with men that with other women. Hypothesis 1. In the PDG women will make more cooperative choices when the other player (Other) is a man than when the other player is a woman. A second cultural proscription has to do with aggression. The culture defines women as nonaggressive and stresses this stance with regard to men. The second 44 hypothesis thus assumed that women would withhold attacking behavior against men. Hypothesis 2. Women will exercise to option to remove points from the Other less frequently when Other is male than when Other is female. There are women who reject customary role prescripts and see themselves as different in varying degrees from the cultural pattern. In order to pursue interests at variance with the prevailing notions of women's role, the intellec tually oriented woman will presumably learn to be less compliant and less reactive to others' expectations. Thus, the third hypothesis assumed that in situations where there is a choice between cooperation and noncooperation with an advantage in noncooperation, traditionally oriented women would differ markedly in their response to the Other. Hypothesis 3. Women with a traditional role orien tation will make more cooperative choices than will women with an intellectual role orientation. Women who pursue a course diverging from the tradi tional role can be expected to regard their own interests as of importance to a greater degree than those women who conform to custom. The fourth hypothesis assumed that traditionally oriented women would forego their own 45 interests in deference to others to a greater degree than do those who have a variant style. Hypothesis 4. Women with a traditional role orien tation will exercise the option to give Other points more frequently than will women with an intellectual role orientation. The intellectual orientation assumes less compli ance to others, more attention to self-interest, and more self-assertion than does the traditional orientation. Therefore, the fifth hypothesis assumed, as well, that intellectually oriented women would find it easier to attack an other player than would her traditional counter part. Hypothesis 5. Women with the intellectual role orientation will exercise the option to remove points from the Other more than will women with the traditional role orientation. CHAPTER II METHOD Subjects The subjects for this study were 76 female students from psychology classes at Loyola University at Los Angeles. They were volunteers given extra credit in their courses for their participation. The subjects ranged in age from 17 to 51 years with the mode at 18. Of those 72 subjects who re ported adequate information (breadwinner's education and occupation in family of origin), 42 (58%) were in Hollings- head and Redlich's social classes III and IV (Myers and Bean, 1968). One subject was in class V and 29 (40%) were in classes I and II. Of the subjects in the latter group, 17 (24% of the total) were in class I. There were 80 sub jects seen but 4 were lost because their tally sheets were not readable. For 56 (74%) of the subjects the experimenter was a woman and for 20 (26%) the experimenter was a man. 46 47 Equipment Equipment consisted of two colored discs, one red and one blue, and a tally sheet with ball point pen for each subject to record her scores. The contrasting colors represented cooperative and defecting choices. Separating Subject from Other was a shower curtain which prevented Other (Examiner's confederate) from being seen by Subject, but leaving both Subject and Other to be seen by Examiner. Experimental Treatments Sex of Other Forty of the subjects were told that they were play ing against women, the other thirty-six that they were playing against men. In both cases, the Other's strategy was a preprogrammed 50% cooperative strategy. There were 61 iterations of the PDG and subjects recorded each iteration's number of points on their tally sheets. Options After every sixth iteration, the subjects were given the choices of (1) having 10 points taken from the Other's future game at a cost to themselves (aggressive, "zap" option), (2) giving the Other from 1 to 10 points from their 48 own pool of points for the present game (self-sacrifice), or (3) doing neither, but continuing play as before. Cost of Aggression Forty-one of the subjects were charged 8 points (high cost) for aggressing against the other player. Thirty-five were charged 2 points (low cost). Procedure Subjects were told upon entering a reception room that the purpose of the experiment was to determine whether personality factors are related to outcome in game situa tions. They were given a short form to complete which included brief demographic data plus the subject's major, year in school, grade point average, and vocational goals. They were asked to complete the French and Lesser Student Attitude Scale. They then entered the experimental room where it was explained that the shower curtain was in place to prevent communication between the players. However, they were told that the other player was a man/woman and that at the end of the game they would go into another room to dis cuss the game and to get feedback from the experimenter about how the Other felt about them as persons. An explanation of the PDG followed, with the 49 stressing of the statement that the goal of the game was to accumulate as many points as possible. They were told that the outcome depended upon the choices of both players and were shown an explanatory board upon which were graphically (in colored inks) and verbally listed the outcomes of the players' joint choices. The appropriate discs were indi cated and the subjects told that if both the subject and the other player pointed to the Blue disc, both would re ceive 2 points; if both pointed to Red, both would lose 2 points; if one chose Red and the other chose Blue, the player choosing Red would receive 10 points, the other would lose 10 points (Figure 1). Figure 1 SCORE MATRIX Opponent's Choices Red Blue w - 10,10 • H 2,-2 10,-10 They were told that each subject would receive feedback of the other's choices after each iteration. A trial game of 50 5 trials was played in which there was an opportunity for the subject to record the results of each combination of plays. If the subject's play perseverated on one color, the experimenter explained the remaining outcomes to be sure that the subject understood the choices. The text of the remaining instructions follows: From time to time in the course of the game one of you will have some further choices. (E takes envelope containing slips of paper with the word "option" written on each.) Let us stop now and see which player that is. Will you (E indicates subject by looking at her) draw a slip from the envelope. If it has the word "option" on it, you will have the extra choices. If it is blank, you (looking at E' s confederate) will have the choices. (S draws slip, announces word. E then says) You have the options. Now I'11 explain the options. Every once in a while I will stop the play and say, "It's option time." At that point you may do one of three things. 1) You may give the other player from 1 to 10 points. 2) You may have 10 points removed from another game that he/ she will play. 3) You may decide to do neither one of those things, but just continue to play. If you choose 51 to give the other player points, these points must come directly from your present game. (E points to a second chart defining the options. Speaking to both players, E gives 2 examples of points given to one player with the same number subtracted from the other player's score.) If you choose to have 10 points taken from the other player's future game, you will not get those points. They will be discarded. In fact, when you have 10 points taken from him/her, you must subtract 8/2 points from your own score for this game. (E gives example, speaking to both players, and indicating num ber of points remaining to the other player after sub traction.) If you do not want either to give or to take points, just say, "Pass," or "Continue," and we will go on with the game. The experimenter then summarized the above instruc tions briefly, indicating the chart with the PDG outcomes and the supplementary chart defining the options. When the subject stated that she understood the plays, the examiner stated that if the subject found that she needed further explanation, she should ask at any point in the game. 52 Personality Measure Subjects were divided into sex role orientation groups according to their scores on the French and Lesser (1964) Student Attitude Scale. This scale is made up of 46 items to be rated true or false by the subject. The scale includes two subscales related to the valuing of career (intellectual) and of traditional sex role orientations. An advantage of this scale is that subjects need not reject one type of value to support the other, but may endorse both. It has, in fact, been found that three groups emerge from the use of the scale— a group high in intellectual role orientation, a group high in traditional role orientation, and a third group which is high in both. Independent and Dependent Variables Independent variables for the primary analysis in this study were sex of the other player (male, female), cost of using the aggressive option (high, low), and sex role orientation as determined by scores on the French and Lesser scale (high intellectual, high traditional, high in both orientations). Dependent variables were total number of points accumulated, total cooperative choices, total aggres sive (zap) options used, total self-sacrifices used, number 53 of cooperative choices, zaps, and self-sacrifices in the first and second halves of play. Supplementary analyses used the independent vari ables of intellectual role orientation (high intellectual, low intellectual), zaps (high, low), and average number of points given (high, low). Dependent variables were total cooperative choices, zaps and self-sacrifices, and the num ber of coops, zaps, and self-sacrifices in the first and second halves of play. Further supplementary analyses used the following dependent variables: zaps after Other's cooperative choices, number of zaps after Other's defection choices, number of zaps after the subject's own coops and defections, and the average number of points given after Other's coops and after Other's defections. CHAPTER III RESULTS Primary Analysis A three-way analysis of variance was performed using the computer program, Manova (Clyde, 19 69), with the inde pendent variables of sex of other (male or female), cost of aggression (high or low), and the personality variable of role value orientation (high intellectual, high traditional, or high in both orientations). Dependent variables were total number of cooperative choices, cooperative choices in the first and second halves of play, total number of aggres sive options used, aggressive options used in the first and second halves of play, total self-sacrifice options used, and self-sacrifice options exercised in the first and second halves of play. A summary of the results of the analysis are presented in Table 1. No significant main effect was found for sex of other indicating that the influence of this variable is not determined in a simple manner. 54 55 TABLE 1 SUMMARY OF ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE EFFECTS OF SEX OF OTHER, OPTION COST, AND ROLE ORIENTATION ON COOPERATION, AGGRESSION AND POINTS GIVEN Independent Variables Dependent Variables Total Coops Total Zaps Average Points Total F £ F £ F £ Sex of Other (0) 0.023 0.881 0.178 0.675 2.842 0.097 Aggression Cost (C) 0.716 0.401 2.167 0.146 0.007 0.933 Orientation (R) 1.023 0.362 2.046 0.138 0.488 0.616 0 x C 0.003 0.955 1.025 0.315 1.269 0.264 0 x R 0.667 0.517 0.435 0.649 0.678 0.511 C x R 0.006 0.994 2.151 0.125 0.258 0.773 0 x C x R 0.453 0.638 3.579 0.034 0.666 0.517 56 There was a main effect of intellectual orientation on use of the aggressive option after the subject's own cooperative choice (F = 13.078/ df = 1/68, £<..001). Sub jects with a high intellectual (career) orientation used the zap option less after their own cooperative choices (mean = .633, SD = .647) than did the low intellectual (high traditional) group (mean = 1.370, SD = .936). Hypothesis 3 predicted that the traditional group would cooperate more than would the intellectual group. A planned comparison of the two groups indicated that the traditional group did make more cooperative choices than did the intellectual group (F = 16.974, df = 1, 57, £ <. .001) . No significant main effect was found for cost on the overall number of zap options used. However, when the effect of cost on use of the aggressive option was further analyzed into options used in the first and second halves, cost was found to have a significant effect in the first half (F = 4.225, df = 1, 64, ££0.043) but not in the second half (£>.464). Subjects used the aggressive option more under low cost (mean = 1.543, SD = 1.206) than under high cost (mean = 1.024, SD = .922) in the first half of play. A significant interaction of cost of aggressive 57 option and role orientation was found on zaps in half 1 (F = 3.315, df = 2, 64, £ <. 043) but not in half 2 (£ > . 394), Both the career group and the dual orientation group aggressed less at high cost than at low cost, with the high intellectual group being lowest of the three. The traditional group used the zap option more when cost was high than when cost was low. Means and standard deviations for this interaction are found in Table 2. TABLE 2 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE INTERACTION OF COST AND ROLE ORIENTATION ON ZAPS HALF 1 Independent Variable Dependent Variable = Zaps Half 1 Zap Cost I.V. = Role Intellectual I.V. = Role Traditional I.V. = Role Both M SD M SD M SD High 0.611 0. 849 1.667 1. 021 1.000 0.933 Low 1.692 1.154 1.467 1. 211 1.428 1.291 A three-way interaction of sex of Other, aggression cost, and role orientation was found to have a significant effect upon the total number of aggressive options chosen (F = 3.579, df = 2, 64, £<. 034). Table 3 presents the means and standard deviations for this effect. This effect was further analyzed for the first half and the second half of play, indicating that the effect was present in the second half of play (F = 3.652, df = 2,64, £<,.031), but not in the first half (£ >.126). According to Table 3 the high intellectual group was most sensitive to costs of ag gression. When cost was high, subjects with high intellec tual role orientation and those high in both intellectual and traditional role orientation zapped less than when cost was low. This finding qualifies the main effect of cost and the interaction of cost and role orientation on the use of the aggressive option in half 1. High intellectual women zapped men slightly less than women when cost was high and much less when cost was low. Those subjects high in both orientations also zapped men less than women. The traditional groups differed from both of these. When Other was female and cost was high, they zapped at a high rate, so that they were more aggressive to women than either of the other role orientations. This was primarily because when aggression costs were high they exhibited the unusual pattern of being more aggressive toward women under any condition or grouping. Their rate of zapping was higher at the highest cost rates than any other role orientation with both men and women. TABLE 3 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE INTERACTION OF SEX OF OTHER, AGGRESSION COST, AND ROLE ORIENTATION ON TOTAL ZAPS Independent Variables Dependent Variable = Total Zaps Sex of Zap I.V. - Role I • > • H Role I.V. - Role Other Cost Intellectual Traditional Both M SD M SD M SD Male High 1.000 1.500 2.500 1.604 2.000 1.414 Male Low 2.000 2.160 3.800 2.486 2.000 — Female High 1.444 1.590 5.250 2.062 2.286 1.976 Female Low 3.444 2.920 1.200 2.168 2.667 3.386 U1 60 There was no significant main effect of the inde pendent variable of role orientation on the overall average number of points given, when the relationship of role ori entation to average points given was further analyzed into points given in the first half of play and average points given in the second half of play, however, a significant effect was found for the second half (F = 3.803, df = 2,64, £< .028) , but not for the first half ( jd?.371) . Means and standard deviations for this effect appear in Table 4. TABLE 4 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE EFFECTS OF ROLE ORIENTATION ON AVERAGE POINTS GIVEN IN HALF 2 Independent Variables Dependent Variables Role Orientation Average Points Half 2 M SD Intellectual 1. 806 2.418 Traditional 2.741 2.903 Both 1.111 2.039 According to a Scheffe test (Scheff^, 1959), the group which was high in both orientations gave the least number of points on the average during the second half, while the high traditional group gave most (F = 4.023, 61 df = 1,73, £ < . .049) . A Scheffe test comparing the tradi tional woman with the other two orientations combined approached statistical significance (F = 3.735, df = 1,73, p> .057), indicating that the traditional group was highest in self-sacrifice. Hypothesis 4 predicted that the traditional group would use the option to give the Other points from its own score more often than would the intellectual group. A planned comparison of the two groups indicated that the traditional group did choose self-sacrifice more frequently than did the intellectual group (F = 112.36, df = 1,57, £ <..001) . Secondary Analyses In order to identify more precisely the relation ships among role orientation, aggressive play (zaps), self- sacrifice and the actual play of the game, supplementary analyses were performed. For this analysis, intellectual role orientation was used as a two-level variable by divid ing scores on the intellectual subscale of the Frejich and Lesser scale at the median into high and low scorers, constituting a group high in intellectual orientation and a group low in intellectual orientation. The group classified 62 as low in intellectual orientation can also be thought of as high in traditional orientation. An analysis of vari ance was performed with the independent variables of intel lectual role orientation (high and low), number of times the zap option was used (high and low), and average number of points given (high and low). Dependent variables were number of cooperative choices in the first half and cooper ative choices in the second half of play, number of zap options exercised in half one and in half two, and average number of points given in the first half and in the second half of play. Table 5 presents the results of this analy sis . Effects on Cooperative Play There was a significant main effect of average points given on number of cooperative choices in the second half (F = 4.185, df = 1,68, jo< .045) , but not in the first half (p> .066). Those who gave a high average number of points also cooperated more in the second half (mean = 10.459, SD = 4.152) than did those who gave fewer points (mean = 8.179, SD = 4.403). A significant interaction was obtained for zaps and average number of points given on cooperative choices in the second half (F = 7.891, df = 1,68, .007), but not in TABLE 5 SUMMARY OF ANALYSIS OF VARIANCE OF THE EFFECTS OF INTELLECTUAL ORIENTATION, ZAPS, AND AVERAGE POINTS GIVEN ON MEASURES OF COOPERATION, AGGRESSION, AND SELF-SACRIFICE IN THE FIRST AND SECOND HALVES OF PLAY Dependent Variables Independent Variables Coops-Half 1 Coops-tialf 2 Zaps-]lalf 1 Zaps-Half 2 Average Pts. Half 1 Average Pts. Half 2 F R^ F Z< F R* F R< F R* F R< Intellectual *1) 0.705 0.404 0.373 0.543 8.770 0.004 10.002 0.002 1.565 0.215 1. 509 0.223 Zaps (Z) 1.312 0.256 1.654 0.203 48.834 0.001 81.991 0.001 0.264 0.609 ,0.081 0.777 Average Pts. (A) 3.485 0.066 4.185 0.045 0.130 0.720 0.260 0.612 0.547 0.462 61.061 0.001 I x Z 0.090 0.766 0.001 0.981 1.613 0.208 0.219 0.641 0.989 0.323 0.664 0.418 I x A 0.810 0.371 0.546 0.462 0.347 0.558 4.250 0.043 2.054 0.156 0.163 0.688 Z x A 2.708 0.104 7.819 0.007 1.236 0.270 1.836 0.180 0.255 0.615 1.493 0.226 I X Z X A 0.242 0.624 0.030 0.862 0.632 0.429 1.754 0.190 0.830 0.366 2.145 0.148 CM ( j j 64 the first half (£>.104). Means and standard deviations for this interaction are found in Table 6. TABLE 6 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE EFFECTS OF ZAPS AND AVERAGE NUMBER OF POINTS GIVEN ON COOPERATIVE CHOICES— HALF 2 Independent Variables Dependent Variable Zaps Average Coops--Half 2 Points Given M SD High High 11.750 3.142 High Low 6.652 4.879 Low High 9.476 4.922 Low Low 10.375 3.719 This significant interaction qualifies the main -effect reported above. Thus, the tendency of those sub jects who gave a smaller average number of points to the Other also to cooperate less was true only for those who were also high in the use of zap option (F = 6.05, df = 1,68, £<.01). Consequently, subjects who cooperated least were those who gave few points (low on self-sacrifice) and who were high in zaps. 65 Effects on Aggressive Play A significant main effect for intellectual role orientation was found on the number of aggressive options exercised both in half one (F = 8.770/ df = 1/68, £<^.004) and in half two (F = 10.002, df = 1,68, £<.002). Subjects who were high in the intellectual orientation exercised the aggressive option less (mean = 1.041, SD = .839) than sub jects low in intellectual orientation (mean = 1.667, SD = .873) in the first half and in the second half of play (high intellectual— mean = .954, SD = .750; low intellec tual— mean = 1.667, SD = . 826). There was a significant interaction of intellectual orientation and average points given on the number of zaps in half two (F = 4.250, df = 1,68, p <.043), but not in half one (£ >.558). Table 7 contains means and standard deviations for this effect. This interaction qualifies the main effect of intellectual orientation on zaps reported above. Scheffe* tests were performed in order to identify which means were significantly different from each other. Within the high intellectual group, those who were high in average points given used the zap option significantly less than those who were low in average points given 66 TABLE 7 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE EFFECTS OF INTELLECTUAL ORIENTATION AND AVERAGE POINTS GIVEN ON ZAPS HALF 2 Independent Variables Dependent Variable Intellectual Average Zaps— Half 2 Orientation Points Given M SD High High .479 .471 High Low 1.384 .998 Low High 1.857 .662 Low Low 1.462 1.002 (F = 10.99, df = 1,45, £ < .002) . Within the low intellectual orientation, there was no difference in use of the zap option between those who were high in average points given and those who were low in average points given (£>.26). Thus, the group which was lowest in the use of the aggressive option was the high intellectual group which gave a high average number of points (F = 45.22, df = 1,33, £< .001, for high, high vs. low, high). Analyses of covariance were performed in order to determine whether the above differences in use of the zap option were an artifact resulting from the possibility that 67 when subjects chose to give points they, therefore, were not able to zap the other on that option. However, each of the effects obtained above was not effected when the covariance was performed using the number of times the sub ject chose to give points as a covariate. The £ levels obtained for those covariance analyses were: £< .03, £<•07, p<.001 for the corresponding analyses of variance above. A significant main effect of average points given was obtained on average points given in the second half (F = 61.061, df = 1,68, £ <.001) but not in the first half of play (£>.462). Thus subjects who were classified as high in the use of the self-sacrifice option were classi fied as high in self-sacrifice because they were higher in their use of the option only in the second half of play. Effects of Mode of Play on Dependent Variables In order to explore the subjects' mode of play, further analyses were performed. These analyses investi gated the influences of cooperation by other, defection by other, cooperation by self and defection by self on the average number of points given, and on the number of zap options used after a cooperative or defecting choice. 68 There was a main effect of cost on the number of times subjects used the zap option after their own defect ing choices (F = 6.010, df = 1,64, £ £ .017). The mean num ber of zaps after the subject's own defections under high cost conditions was 1.122 (SD = 1.177), and mean = 2.114 (SD = 2.036) under low cost. Thus, subjects used the zap option more under low cost than under high cost, and they were more likely to zap under low cost if they, themselves, had just defected. There was a significant main effect of intellectual orientation on zaps after Other defected (F = 7.35, df = 1,68, £<‘.008). This effect was present but less prevalent after Other cooperated (£^.047). Subjects with high intel lectual role orientation used the zap option less after Other's defection than did subjects with low intellectual role.orientation. Thus, the effect reported earlier of high traditional subjects to zap more was especially true if Other had defected. Means and standard deviations are in Table 8. There was also an interaction effect of sex of other, cost of the aggressive option and role orientation on the number of times the zap option was used after the subject's own defection (F = 3.465, df = 2,64, £<,.037) . 69 TABLE 8 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE EFFECTS OF INTELLECTUAL ORIENTATION ON ZAPS AFTER OTHER'S COOPERATION AND DEFECTION Intellectual Role Orientation Zaps After Other1s Cooperation Zaps After Other's Defection M SD M SD High Intellectual 1.143 1. 060 .979 .777 Low Intellectual 1,704 1.053 1. 630 1.160 Means and standard deviations for this interaction are presented in Table 9. Subjects with the intellectual role orientation used the zap option less after their own defections when Other was male than when Other was female. This was also true of the group high in both orientations. The traditional group showed less of a difference between male and female Others. However, as noted earlier, the overall mean for the traditional group playing with women is composed of two means which reverse the general trend of using the aggressive option less when cost is high. When cost was high for this group and Other was a woman, the option was used more than for any other group in any con dition in this analysis (mean = 2.750, SD = 1.708). The reverse is true under low cost (mean = .400, SD *= .894). TABLE 9 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE INTERACTION OF SEX OF OTHER, AGGRESSION COST, AND ROLE ORIENTATION ON ZAPS AFTER OWN DEFECTION Independent Variables Dependent Variable = Zaps after Own Defection Sex of Other Zap Cost I.V. - Role Intellectual I.V. - Role Traditional I.V. - Role Both M SD M SD M SD Male High 0.667 1.118 1.375 1.302 1.000 1.155 Male Low 1.500 1.291 2.600 2.221 1.000 — Female High 1.000 1.225 2.750 1.708 0.714 0.756 Female Low 3.111 2.892 0.400 0.894 1.833 2.220 71 Thus, these women were much more aggressive to women under high cost if they themselves had just defected than they were under the low cost condition. There was a significant effect of intellectual orientation on use of the aggressive option after the sub ject's own cooperative choice (F = 13.078, df = 1,68, £ <.001). The subjects with a high intellectual orienta tion used the aggressive option less after their own coop erative choices (mean = .633, SD = .647) than the group with low intellectual (high traditional orientation (mean = 1.370, SD = .936). The interaction of sex of other, cost of aggressive option and role orientation on average points given after Other's defection just failed to reach conventional levels of statistical significance <E> .054). Since there were other indications in this study that there are significant differences between the intellectual and the traditional groups, the means and standard deviations for this trend are presented in Table 10. After Other's defection, the intellectual group gave more points when the cost of ag gression was high than did the other two groups. They gave more to females when the cost of aggression was high TABLE 10 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS FOR THE INTERACTION OF SEX OF OTHER, AGGRESSION COST, AND ROLE ORIENTATION ON AVERAGE POINTS GIVEN AFTER OTHER'S DEFECTION Independent Variables Dependent Variable = Average Points after Other's Defection I.V. - Role I.V. - Role i • > • H Role Sex of Other Zap Cost Intellectual Traditional Both M SD M SD M SD Male High 1.111 1.833 1.500 2.726 1.250 0.957 Male Low 1.250 2.500 1.600 1.838 10.000 — Female High 2.889 3.551 1.500 1.915 1.429 3.780 Female Low 1.222 2.167 3.200 4.147 1.833 2.483 than did the other two groups. The dual orientation group gave more to men when the Other had defected than did the career or the traditional group. CHAPTER IV DISCUSSION This study attempted to explore the issue of self- sacrifice in women. The traditional view of women is that they are passive, narcissistic, and self-sacrificing by nature (Andelin, 1971; Deutsch, 1944; Freud, 1963a; Freud, 1963b; McGinley, 1965; Samra, 1971; Tarbell, 1912). The opposing view holds that the degree to which women are self-sacrificing is determined and maintained by the cul ture through sex-role definitions (Bardwick & Douvan, 1971; Broverman, et al., 1970; Horney, 1967; Janeway, 1965; Weisstein, 1971). This study sought to discover whether women are self-sacrificing, and if they are, to what degree and under what conditions. The factors explored were the influences of sex of the other person, cost of an aggressive option, and sex role orientation on measures of cooperation, self-sacrifice, and aggression. Women who were rated as high intellectual, high traditional or high in both these value orientations 74 75 played the Prisoner's Dilemma Game (PDG) where they had cooperative and defecting choices to make. In addition, there were options to aggress at some cost to themselves or to give points from their scores to the other person. A secondary analysis of variance was performed using inde pendent variables of intellectual sex role orientation, number of aggressive options used, and average number of points given in self-sacrifice options. A further supple mentary analysis examined dependent measures of both zaps and points given after cooperative and defecting plays by Other and by the subject. Summary of Results In general, where significant results were obtained, they appeared or were most significant in the second half of play. The results of the study relating to cooperative play may be summarized as: 1. The group with the traditional role orientation made more cooperative choices than the group with the intellectual role orientation. 2. Those who gave a high average number of points also cooperated more in the second half than did those who 76 gave fewer points. 3. Those subjects who gave a small average number of points and who were also high in the use of the zap op tion cooperated less in the second half than did those who gave a small number of points and were low in the use of the zap option. The results of the study relating to aggressive play may be summarized as: 1. Subjects high in intellectual orientation were the most sensitive to costs of aggression. This group and the group high on both orientations used the zap option more when the cost was low than when the cost was high. 2. Both the high intellectual group and the group high in both orientations used the zap option less with men than with women. 3. Conversely, the traditional group used the zap option more than did either of the other groups with both men and women. 4. The highest rate of use of the zap option was employed by the traditional group when playing with women when cost was high. 5. Subjects high in intellectual orientation exer cised the aggressive option less than subjects low in 77 intellectual orientation. 6. Subjects who were classified as high in the use of the aggressive option were so classified because they were high in their use of the option in both halves of play. 7. High intellectual orientation subjects who were also high in average number of points given used the aggres sive option less than did those who were low in average number of points given. 8. This difference did not hold for the low intel lectual group. That is, there was no difference in use of the zap option between those who were high in average num ber of points given and those who were low in average num ber of points given. 9. The aggressive option was used most under low cost when subjects had just defected. 10. The subjects with a high intellectual orienta tion used the aggressive option less often after their own cooperative choices than the group with high traditional (low intellectual) orientation. 11. Two subgroups of the traditional group reversed the overall pattern after their own defections. One of these subgroups used the aggressive option at the highest level for this study when playing with women with the option 78 at high cost. The other traditional group when playing with women with a low cost aggression option used the option at the lowest level for this study. 12. Whether Other had just cooperated or defected high intellectual orientation subjects who were also high in average number of points given used the aggressive option less than did those who were low in average number of points given. 13. The low intellectual (high traditional) group used the zap option more when they were high in the use of the self-sacrifice option when Other had just defected, but not when the Other had just cooperated. Results of this study relating to self-sacrifice may be summarized as follows: 1. Subjects who were classified as high in the average number of points given were so classified because they were higher in their use of the option in the second half, not in the first half. 2. The group which gave the largest average number of points was the traditional group. 3. The group which gave the smallest average num ber of points was the group high in both orientations. 4. After the Other's defection the intellectual 79 group gave more points when the cost of aggression was high than did the other two groups. 5. After Other's defection the intellectual group gave more to women when aggression cost was high than did the other two groups. 6. When Other was male, the group with both orien tations gave more points after Other's defection than did the other two groups. Hypotheses Hypothesis 1 predicted that in the PDG women would make more cooperative choices when the Other was a man than when the Other was a woman. There was no effect of sex of Other on cooperation. Therefore Hypothesis 1 was not sup ported. Hypothesis 2 stated that women would exercise the option to remove points from the Other less when the Other was male than when Other was female. The intellectual group and the group with both traditional and intellectual orientations did use the aggressive option less with men than with women. Hypothesis 2, therefore, was supported for most of the women in this study. Hypothesis 3 stated that women with a traditional 80 role orientation will make more cooperative choices than will women with an intellectual role orientation. This hypothesis was confirmed by the significant difference obtained in the specific comparison of these two groups. Hypothesis 4 stated that women with a traditional role orientation will give points more frequently than women with an intellectual role orientation. There was a significant difference between number of times the self- sacrifice option was used by the two role orientations. In addition, the traditional group gave a larger average num ber of points than the intellectual group. Therefore Hypothesis 4 was supported. Hypothesis 5 stated that women with intellectual role orientation will use the aggressive option more fre quently than will women with a traditional role orientation. This hypothesis was not supported, and the reverse effect was obtained. Not only did the traditional subjects use the zap option more frequently in the high cost condition when playing with women, the traditional group used the aggressive option significantly more overall. This study explored characteristic patterns of play in three differently oriented groups of women: women high in intellectual (career) role orientation, women high in traditional views of women's role, and a group which was high in both orientations. Previous studies employing the Prisoner's Dilemma Game (PDG) as an instrument have tended to regard defecting choices as aggressive and cooperative choices, especially when persisting following Other's defec tion as self-sacrificial or self-defeating when the instruc tion is to maximize gain (Halpin & Pilisuk, 1970; Rapoport & Chammah, 1965). While the second interpretation seems more accurately based than the first, both are only implied by the logic of the game. If one plays the PDG as in structed, that is, to maximize points, the defecting re sponse is the logical choice. However, an alternative perception of the instruction is that points should be maxi mized for both players. Then continuing cooperative responses can be the signal for both players to cooperate and thus to obtain the best outcome for both. Defection can be used to punish or to attempt to remove points when the game is seen as competitive. Cooperation can be viewed as reward, generosity, sympathy for the Other's inferior position or self-sacrifice. However, none of these can be directly evident from an examination of the play itself. The same confounding, of course, exists in an interpreta tion of defecting responses as aggression. 82 Since the defecting choice is not clearly defined as to intent/ this study used the zap option to introduce a specifically aggressive choice. There is no inherently rational justification within the context of the game for choosing to aggress through zapping. This is true, as well, of the self-sacrifice option which was introduced to effect this dimension directly. It was found that all groups did use both the aggressive and the self-sacrifice options and that high self-sacrifice coincided with high rates of coop eration. Cooperation and Self-sacrifice The traditional group in this study consisted of women who supported more the view of women as home and husband centered while socially conforming with emotional rather than intellectual or career values as primary. Studies which define women only according to traditional norms (e.g., Leventhal, Shemberg, & van Schoelandt, 1968) have assumed and found that women who deviate from those norms will also deviate in behavior in the direction of male responses. According to this view, the high tradi tional women of this study should behave more like "women" while their career oriented counterparts should behave more 83 like men. PDG studies have found women both more coopera tive (Halpin & Pilisuk, 1970) and less cooperative (Rapo- port & Chammah, 1965) than men. Bedell and Sistrunk (1973) using "punish" and "re ward" options found that men rewarded more than women did. The present study found that the high career group was not the highest in self-sacrifice (Bedell and Sistrunk's "re ward") . This study found, on the contrary, that high levels of both cooperation and self-sacrifice were charac teristic of the traditionally oriented woman. This is the result predicted by Hypotheses 3 and 4 and suggests that these women do tend to conform to social expectancies in this regard. In the use of the self-sacrifice option, there was no group which completely duplicated the behavior or Bedell and Sistrunk's (1973) men. The only condition under which the intellectual group (the most "male" group) approached male behavior was under high aggression cost when they gave more points than the other two groups. How ever, the Bedell and Sistrunk gift was limited to 4 points and costs for the use of either option were 0, 2, and 4 points, not approaching the potential gift of 10 points in this study and its corresponding equivalent cost nor the 8 points of high-aggression cost. These differences make 84 comparisons of results difficult and make the high givers in the present study more clearly self-sacrificing (which was the intent of this but n^t the other study). Thus, the self-sacrifice option was used by the subjects in this study. It was used most, as predicted, by the high traditional group and was used more with men than with women by the intellectual and the dual orientation groups. The traditional group reversed this trend by giv ing more to women than to men, reversing also the findings of previous studies which found women giving more or cooper ating more with men than with other women (Bedell & Sis trunk, 1973; Mack, Auburn, & Knight, 1971; Rapoport & Chammah, 1965). Aggression The use of the aggressive option, in contrast to the other measures, was used discriminantly in the cost condition and in relation to cost-role interaction in the first half of play. The traditionally oriented group, which zapped more overall, began zapping at high cost dur ing the first half. The tendency of the high intellectual group and the high dual-orientation group to use the zap option at higher 85 rates when costs were low than when costs were high may be a reality oriented approach to the game. Given that the frustrations of the game might induce the desire to aggress, the option is used more when least costly. Berger and Tedeschi (1969) found that "normal" subjects were most sen sitive to aggression costs when compared with delinquent and dependent white and black boys. The high intellectual and dual-orientation groups also found it easier to aggress against women than against men. While this is consistent with expectations of women in general playing against men, it apparently offers some contradiction to the concept that career orientation makes women's behavior more masculine. The traditional woman, on the other hand, used the aggressive option more often than the other groups and aggressed at the highest rate when playing at high zap cost with women Others. An explanation which would encompass both extremes of the apparent paradox of high rates of cooperation and of giving (self-sacrifice), accompanied by high rates of zapping, is that traditional women regard the game as a social situation in which they must conform to conventional requirements, must be generous, self-effacing, and accommodating. However, in a situation where this behavior is reciprocated only 50 per cent of the time, there may be frustration and accumulating 86 anger resulting from unsuccessful attempts to influence the Other to play cooperatively. At high cost, the barrier to expression of aggression against women, the safer target is weakened, but not against men. Or it may be that defection by Other is seen by traditional women as aggression against them. As Taylor and Epstein (1968) suggested, breaking of the taboo of aggressing against women elicits the retalia tory behavior of a high rate of zapping, especially against other women who are breaking the taboo of nonaggression. Berger and Tedeschi (1969) encountered a similar phenomenon with black male children who zapped at high rates when cost was high. These experimenters suggested that the zap use may have been a "face-saving" toughness induced by low total scores that resulted from their high rates of cooper ation and perceived powerlessness. The concept of "toughness" may also be used to explain the frequent use of the zap option after one's own cooperative choice (Berger & Tedeschi, 1969). The coopera tive move may be viewed as weakness and the zap as a strong counter move on the part of the traditional players. When cost was low the traditionally oriented group may have regarded their own defection as a sufficiently aggressive response, since their lowest zapping rate occurred in that 87 condition, i.e., use of the zap option after own defection. In contrast, after their own cooperations their rate of zapping was higher (mean = .8) than after their own defec tions (mean = .4). The zap option was used most often under low cost when subjects had just defected. There are alternative possibilities for the latter combination of events. One possibility is that the zap was used to underline the defec tion. It may be used as in the above examples as a show of strength (Berger & Tedeschi, 1969). Another possibility is that the defecting choice becomes a cue for the subject's own aggressive behavior (Berkowitz, 1967) and is then fol lowed by the zap. High intellectuals who gave a large average number of points used the zap option less than those who were low in the number of points sacrificed. The traditionals, on the other hand, zapped whether they gave a high number of points or not. When they were high in self-sacrifice, they were high in zaps after the Other's defection. The tradi tionals, who cooperated more than the other groups and gave more points than the others, seem to have reacted as "the woman scorned" when they had the opportunity to aggress and Other had just defected. They seem to have continued to 88 cooperate and to give points, but the use of the zap at that point is especially high and thus seems to be some sort of punishment to Other. Summary and Conclusions There is apparently a dramatic difference between the traditional group and the other two groups in the study. Leventhal and Shemberg (1969) found that under conditions of nonsanctioned aggression masculine women tended to give shocks at a higher level of intensity (were more aggressive) than feminine women. In that situation, while aggression was part of the instructional set, the level of aggression was not. The situation in this study differs in that, while the level of aggression was fixed, the choice to aggress and the frequency of aggression were the subjects' choice. The two studies can be compared, however, in respect to the subjects' choices relating to the intensity of aggression. A high number of zaps administered at high cost to the sub ject may be regarded as high intensity aggression that was implicitly sanctioned by the experimenter who made the choice available to the subject. It is qualitatively dif ferent from physical shock but retains the aggressive intent. This study suggests that high traditional 89 (feminine) women will be highly aggressive if they perceive that the situation justifies (sanctions) aggression. Berger and Tedeschi (1969) noted that subjects in a chance situation where they perceive themselves as powerless tend to take undue risks. They thus fulfill their own prophesies by proving themselves powerless as a result of their own self-defeating behavior. This behavior may be viewed also as supportive of a consistent self-image. The traditional woman views herself as cooperative, giving, and nonaggressive. She has been taught that the cost of aggres sion is indeed high, that she will surely be hurt by counter aggression, rejection, or desertion if she does aggress. She has been taught that she must particularly not aggress against men, the penalty being abandonment to a lonely and helpless state. Unable to express her hostility, she main tains it at a controlled but constant high level. She is the wife who is gentle, self-effacing, accommodating, thoughtful, never angry— but periodically depressed. She may maintain her self-sacrificing stance in the face of repeated provocations (in PDG, defections) to contrary be havior without responding aggressively, only to have an episode of explosive anger without apparent provocation and often at a safer target than her husband. When she 90 aggresses in the PDG, then, she does so more intensely in the safer situation, against a woman. However, she defeats herself by choosing the high cost (high risk) condition, thereby preserving her view of the world as demanding high penalties for the expression of aggression by a woman. An alternative explanation related also to risk-tak ing and having to do with woman's generally powerless posi tion is that part of her motivation may be related to her lack of real power in the world and the need to impress upon the experimenter and the other subject her capacity and willingness to exert strength. At low cost of aggression, the defecting choice would appear to be a sufficient display of strength. However, when it is more costly to use power (high cost condition) her aggression is not an ignoring of cost, but a flaunting of her strength through her willing ness to aggress against great cost. It also may be viewed alternatively or simultaneously as establishing credibility, as well as the "saving face" hypothesis suggested by Berger and Tedeschi (1969). As expected, the traditional group cooperated more and gave more points on more occasions, but contrary to expectation, used the aggressive option more. They also aggressed more against men than against women in contrast 91 to both the intellectual and the dual-orientation groups. This was again unexpected as was their extremely high rates of zapping against women when costs were high. In contrast, they had very low rates of zapping against women when costs were low. The more specific pattern of high zapping after the Other's defection does not fit the conven tional image of woman (even traditional woman) as self- immolator. Intellectually Oriented Women The high intellectual (career) women were sensitive to aggression cost, using the zap option less when the cost was high and more when the cost was low. They used the zap less with men than with women and less than did the high traditional women. After the other player defected those intellectually oriented women who were high in average num ber of points sacrificed zapped less than those intellectu ally oriented women who were low in self-sacrifice. While man's role defines him as competitive and aggressive, the woman who is preparing to enter the career (man's) world has been equipped with other behaviors. She has had the same social commandments which shape the tradi tional woman. She, too, has been told that she must be passive and self-sacrificing. Therefore, it is possible 92 that in response to the challenge of the PDG, some of these women are giving (high in the use of the self-sacrifice option) and not aggressive (low in the use of the zap op tion) . In general, the career decision gives them an aggressive stance for a woman and one which holds some power, so that the aggressive option is not used. Low intellectually oriented women are in a real life low-power condition so therefore must assert strength through the use of the aggressive option. The finding that high intellectually oriented women gave more points to the Other than did the other groups when zap cost was high and Other had just defected requires fur ther explanation. Women who give points after a male defects may be reflecting the bind in which women often find themselves in reality (Bern, 19 70) where their interests compete with those of men who are important to them. For example, a woman who is comfortably established in her own sphere, whose husband is offered a job in a new location can be seen to be in this position. If the husband accepts the job (defects) she must either go with him, giving up her own satisfying place (self-sacrifice), or not go (aggress) and face the possibil ities of anger and disruption of the relationship or even 93 of abandonment {high cost of exercising an aggressive op tion) . Career women encounter the situation in terms of their choice to achieve in man's competitive world (Horner, 1972). Berger, Jordan, Ham, and Gaines (1973) found that when performing identical intellectual tasks, women who were told that there were tasks done well by career women (women who compete with men) did not perform as well as those who were told that the tasks were performed well by traditionally oriented women (noncompetitive with men). Thus, they deferred in this achievement situation which can be viewed as a competitive one in the male sphere. All groups in the present study did give points to men after Other's defection when aggression cost was high. The former illustration demonstrates a reality situation in which these conditions hold. A closer examination of the data, however (Table 10), indicates that the career group's higher level of self-sacrifice after defection by the Other occurred with women under the high aggression cost condi tion. On the one hand the career oriented woman is en countering competition with men and so must defer in the manner of the other groups in situations of conflict of interest. But, also, she must answer to her own sex for her desertion of the conventional role. She therefore may 94 feel herself more often than those with the other two ori entations to be needing to placate the intense disapproval of other women. She faces loss of support from her own peer group. Thus, in the high aggression cost condition, she gives more points. Women High in Both Orientations The dual orientation group resembled the high intel lectual group more than they did the high traditional group. They were sensitive to aggression costs and used the zap option less against men than against women. They also gave fewer points than the other groups. Berger et al (1973) found that the women in their study who were high in both orientations did not demonstrate the internal conflict of the high intellectuals. They were equally comfortable with both the career and the intellectual roles. It follows that the conflict for this group would relate to behavioral choice rather than to value dissonance. The tendency for this group in the present study to give fewer points overall seems to be related to and consistent with their identifica tion with the high intellectual orientation. Their poten tially greater conflict over appropriate behavior might result in some intensification of feelings of frustration, and thus their refraining from giving (self-sacrifice) could 95 be active withholding in that they are refusing to give points. This is accompanied by a zap rate similar to that of the intellectual group which is lower than that of the traditional group. Limitations and Implications This study confirmed that several of the aspects of woman's role were accepted by this group of women, regard less of role orientation. All were self-sacrificing to some extent and all cooperated more than a purely self-serving game would call for. However, other studies have found that men, as well, are both cooperative and self-sacrific ing, so that this in itself does not separate women's behavior from men's nor some women from other women. The distinctions between women with differing role orientations are revealed when their behavior is examined as related to their differing responses during the game. The traditional woman does seem to conform most closely to the cultural stereotype, in terms of self-sacrifice and cooperation. However, most avenues of aggression are not appropriate to that role stereotype, so high levels of ag gressive behavior are deviant. In the game situation, where aggression is an approved aspect of interaction, the 96 traditional woman aggressed at high levels. It is apparent ly these women that psychologists (Deutsch, 19 44), physi cians (see Gray, 1967), and politicians are talking about when women are described as labile; subject to periods of depression and bursts of anger; essentially helpless vic tims of fluctuations in hormonal levels and, therefore, questionable as appropriate leaders, academically, economi cally or politically. It is apparently these women who are the ones caught in the bind described by Broverman et al. (1970). They have pointed out that the characteristics assumed by the culture to be appropriate for a normal adult woman are regarded as neurotic in mature adults. While the high intellectual sub ject was more reality oriented than the other two groups, in her use of the aggressive option she responded in the traditional manner to confrontation (defection) by a male Other by yielding and giving points (self-sacrifice). Of the three groups, the one with both high tradi tional and high career orientation seemed to be the women who played the game least affected by issues of whether or when to cooperate or defect, face-saving retaliation, self- sacrifice and aggression. Both this group and the high intellectual group responded in the prescribed direction by 97 aggressing against men less than against women. The dual group in this study, therefore, seemed better prepared to cope with the multiple problems of self-definition and be havior than either of the other groups. This conclusion is consistent with the findings of Horner (1969) and Berger et al. (1973), that some women are less affected than others in their performance in possible role-inappropriate situa tions . The setting for this study was a Catholic university with most of the students, therefore, from a background of traditional role orientation. Although there is strong support for women desiring a religious career, this sort of choice has many intrinsic traditional tenets. This may have affected the responses of even those subjects who have the career orientation. A valuable follow-up for this study would involve a comparison of women students in a variety of kinds of university and college settings. Are, for example, the students in community colleges from the same population as the Loyola University students? The Berger and Tedeschi (1969) study found ethnic differences in mode of play. A comparison across colleges could be one also across ethnic groups involving male as well as female students and male and female role expectations. Horner (1972) found women 98 from junior high school to the working world who had the motivation to avoid success. A series of studies using the PDG and Horner's instrument might tap some of the components of the motive as revealed in play. Studies at age levels from preschool through graduate school should reveal the ages or periods at which the antisuccess motive begins and at which age characteristic modes of play and thus charac teristic patterns of behavior develop. For example, Rapo- port and Chammah (1965) reported that female college stu dents are less cooperative in game play that males. How ever, Tedeschi, Hiester, & Gahagan (1968) found that pre adolescent girls were more cooperative than males. This study was more representative of the upper three classes in the Hollingshead and Redlich (Myers & Bean, 1967) classification index than of the lower two. Gahagan and Tedeschi (1968) found that working class subjects in general were more cooperative than middle class subjects. A valuable addition to knowledge of "woman's" nature could be made by studies which include more women of the lower two classes. Women who have been brought up in cultures different from the dominant one in the United States have differing life styles. Are these differences reflected in differences in the behaviors tapped by the Prisoner's 99 Dilemma Game? One of the difficulties in extrapolating data from the PDG to real-life situations lies in the game's essen tially competitive nature. The pull of the payoff matrix is toward defection so that/ if the game is played as it is structured, that is, to maximize points, the "optimal" strategy is to defect. Real-life situations are not always clearly either cooperatively or competitively set, and opti mal strategy might be cooperation or a combination of the two strategies. Thus, one unexplored possibility is that what is being researched is behavior that occurs not just in an artificial situation, but rather behavior in a situation of strong temptation to defect from another. A second factor which may influence the intensity and involvement of the players is the payoff in points rather than in candy {for example, Berger & Tedeschi, 1969) or money (Rapoport & Chammah, 1965). Alexander and Weil (1969) pointed out that the goal of play is one of the important situational variables influencing play, and that the introduction of money in varying amounts changes the perception of good and poor game strategies. The ultimate simplicity of the PDG leads eventually to a choice of strategy which persists. The game's 100 blandness, once the opening plays have established the con sequences of each choice, may lead to plays not character istic of the player's stance in life. For example, in the present study several of the players in the post-game sur vey commented that they had shifted strategy for no reason other than to give the game variety. While options contrib ute to the variety of the game and lend a clarifying dimen sion to the matrix-related choices, some players will add to the statistical variance with odd choices. Variations of the PDG have included supplying sub jects with the opportunity to send verbal messages. In this study, the interaction between subject and Other was rigidly controlled. This degree of noninteraction probably has little generalization to the real world where Other can employ varying strategies, can be responsive to Subject, has some or all of Subject's aggressive and self-sacrifice op tions, and can employ verbal and physical responses. Although these descriptive aspects of the PDG as used in this and other studies are not hidden, it is easy to ignore them in interpreting and generalizing the results. The parameters mentioned above must be actively manipulated and their effects empirically determined, not theoretically deduced from game theory, personality theory, or cultural stereotypes. The issue of how women view games and the PDG in particular was introduced to this study via the post-game questionnaire. The question was handled differently by the different experimenters, so, therefore, was not available for analysis. The issue here becomes that of how the situ ation was viewed— whether, for example, the subjects took the game situation seriously, whether their goals were the goals set forth by the experimenters, what intentions the subjects professed in their use of the options. As Carlson and Carlson (1960) pointed out, most earlier studies of psychological phenomena have not paid attention to sex dif ferences. Some studies have used mixed samples without examining sex differences. Others have used only male sub jects and extrapolated from males to people in general. The literature on the Achievement Motive disregarded the infor mation concerning women's responses because they did not fit until Horner (1969) found that women's motives were often different from those of most male subjects. Vinacke and his colleagues (Vinacke, 1959; Bond & Vinacke, 1961; Uesugi & Vinacke, 1963) attempted to produce a game with feminine interests in mind. They found that the character istics of play women displayed in the "male" games were intensified in the "female" game. Alexander and Weil (1969) pointed out that situa tional variables influence play in the case of the PDG, leading to competitive or cooperative play, depending upon the influence of the set upon the subjects' perception of the goals. They could be either good players of the game or good persons. It appears that differences in style of play in the present study could be related to a difference in perception of the task. 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Asset Metadata
Creator
Baefsky, Pauline Marshall
(author)
Core Title
Self-Sacrifice, Cooperation, And Aggression In Women Of Varying Sex-Role Orientations
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Psychology
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
OAI-PMH Harvest,Psychology, clinical
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Berger, Stephen E. (
committee chair
), Frankel, Andrew Steven (
committee member
), Myerhoff, Barbara G. (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-835872
Unique identifier
UC11356532
Identifier
7421453.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-835872 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
7421453.pdf
Dmrecord
835872
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Baefsky, Pauline Marshall
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA