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A critical interpretation of China in American educational films, 1936-1963: a historical and statistical analysis

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A critical interpretation of China in American educational films, 1936-1963: a historical and statistical analysis

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Content A CRITICAL INTERPRETATION OF CHINA IN AMERICAN EDUCATIONAL FILMS, 1936-1963: A; HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL ANALYSIS by Roy Paul Madsen A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Communication) September 1966 UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N CALIFO RNIA THE GRADUATE SCH O O L UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CA LIFO RNIA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y HOY PAUL MADSEN under the direction of h.^zf....Dissertation Com- Dean D ate ? - 3-66 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE 'hairman Copyright by i Roy Paul Madsen 1967 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.................................. V Chapter I. THE PROBLEM.................................... 1 Background Historical Background to the Study The Problem The Scope of the Study Definitions of Terms Organization of the Remainder of the Study II. REVIEW OF LITERATURE........................... 21 Chinese Institutions American Values Survey of Film Evaluation Forms Concept of Content Analysis Qualitative Analysis Quantitative Analysis Qualitative versus Quantitative Analysis Contingency Analysis III. PLANNING AND CONDUCTING THE STUDY..............48 Instrumentation Content Criteria The Family Cinema Techniques Statistical Techniques and Hypotheses Film Evaluation Form Reliabilities Judges and Their Characteristics ii Chapter Page Methodology Summary of the Chapter IV. DESCRIPTIVE CONTENT ANALYSIS OF FILMS .... 81 Nationalist Mainland China Communist Mainland China Taiwan China Treaty Port China V. FINDINGS ...............................213 Status of the Family Unit Individual Freedom Sound Effects Universal Suffrage Security from Intrusion Pictorial Interpretation Freedom of Speech Property Rights Trial by Due Process of Law Music Religious Freedom Taiwan China Treaty Port China VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS........................354 Review of the problem Summary of Findings Conclusions Recommendations Areas Needing Further Investigation Limitations of the Study APPENDICES................................................ 406 Appendix A: Film Sources Appendix B: Film Judges Appendix C: Films and Film Evaluation Committees Appendix D: Frequency Distributions and Mean Ratings iii Chapter Page Appendix E: jz and _t Scores and Chi- Square Ratings Appendix F: Film Evaluation Form BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................. 478 iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Good Earth................................428 2. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Contrasts in China........................... 429 3. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Mv Name Is H a n ................................430 4. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Land of Genghis Khan.........................431 5. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film People of Western C h i n a .................... 432 6. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Children of C h i n a ........................... 433 7. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Marco Polo's Travels...................... 434 8. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Here Is C h i n a ................................435 v Figure Page 9. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Inside Tibet..................................436 10. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Voice of China................................437 11. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film C h i n a .........................................438 12. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film China Crisis..................................439 13. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Pekincr— Marco Polo's W o n d e r ................440 14. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Peiping Family................................441 15. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Understanding the Chinese.................. 442 16. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Bridge to Yinshi............................. 443 17. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film An Oriental City: Canton. China ......... 444 18. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Farming in South China: The Si River V a l l e y ............................................. 445 19. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Sampan F a m i l y ................................446 vi Figure Page 20. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film What is China?............................... 447 21. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Chinese Peasant Goes to Market..............448 22. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Journey to Kunming...........................449 23. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film China; The Land and the People..............450 24. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Brainwashing of John Hayes..............451 25. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Face of Red C h i n a ...................... 452 26. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film War in China........... 453 27. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Fall of C h i n a ...........................454 28. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film China Under Communism .................... 455 29. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Red C h i n a ....................................456 30. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Mao Tse Tung ........................ 457 vii 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Communist China .......................... Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Formosa— Island of Promise ............... Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Formosa ................................... Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China . . . Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Taiwan: Face of Free China ............... Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Family of Free China...................... Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Singapore: Study of a World Port ......... Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Water People of Hong Kong ........... Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Hong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient . . . Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Achievement in Hong Kong .................. viii CHAPTER I THE PROBLEM Background Motion pictures have been used since the production of Nanook of the North, in 1922, to present the ways of life of people in other lands to students in American schools. The content of these films has been most often a presentation of the social structure, political fabric, cultural mores, occupations, and living habits characteris tic of the nation depicted. The most frequently used procedure for film selec tion is a group evaluation of a given film according to a set of generalized criteria which relate to the curricular needs of the school. This group most often comprises the following specialists: (a) instructional area supervisors, (b) audio-visual supervisors (c) a committee composed of teachers, instructional 1 2 area supervisors and audio-visual specialists.^" Within the span of time that motion pictures have been used to interpret foriegn nations in American class rooms, several nations have had social, political, and economic systems which were inimical or hostile to American values. Some of them, Germany and Italy, for example, en gaged in open war against the United States, were defeated, and subsequently adopted social, political, and economic systems which were consonant with American values. Others, like the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, have func tioned under systems which were openly hostile to the Ameri can way of life and have remained so to the present time. One foreign nation made a tentative attempt at parliamen tary democracy and tried to Westernize its social and eco nomic system, but failed in its attempts and adopted the antithetical system of Communism instead; this nation was China. During the period of time covered by the purview of this dissertation, 1930-1963, the Chinese mainland govern- ^"Mendel Sherman, “The Feasibility of Using Tele vision for Evaluating Instructional Motion Pictures" (Un published Ph.D. dissertation. Department of Audio Visual Education, University of Southern California, 1955), p. 1. ment changed from one having the closest bonds of amity and interests with the United States, to one whose interests were in such contraposition that the two governments no longer maintain diplomatic relations. The change was ab rupt, and took place nearly midway through the time period covered by this dissertation. During every year of this entire period educational films interpreting China were be ing produced and distributed to American schools. It seems appropriate at this point to describe briefly the conditions prevailing in China during the time span encom passed by this study as a background for, and a preface to, the statement of the problem and the purpose of this study. Historical Background to the Study Between 1936 and 1963, China was embroiled in a war with Japan, a civil war between the Nationalist regime and the Communist insurgc . .3, a war in Korea in which United States armed forces :re its adversaries and underwent a massive internal social, political, and economic revolu tion. China's wartime tribulations began in 1931 when Japan seized Manchuria, established a puppet regime which the Japanese used as a base for further operations, and 2 then began to push over the Great Wall into North China. At the same time that the Nationalist regime was trying to cope with Japan, the central government was harassed by internal dissidents and by the newly established Communist government in Kiangsi, against whom they launched six suc cessive campaigns and finally succeeded, in 1935, in forc ing them into abandoning their "liberated area" and making 3 the Long March to Yennan. But the Communists could not be completely expunged. Following this effort, Chinese and Japanese troops clashed outside Peking on July 7, 1937, and full scale war ensued. Despite initial local Chinese suc cesses, the Japanese soon occupied the coastal regions and 4 seized 95 percent of China's industry. The general out break of World War II brought the United States into the war and made her an ally of China. American participation proved decisive in the defeat of the common enemy, Japan. Victory liberated China from Japanese domination, but left China a shambles, as this statement indicates: 2 Chang-Tu Hu, China (New Haven: HRAF Press, 1960), p. 30. 3Ibid. 4Ibid. 5 Nationalist China emerged from the war nominally a great power, but actually a nation economically pros trate and politically divided. The Nationalist govern ment was unable to cope with the problems of recon struction and of rehabilitating the formerly Japanese occupied areas. The economy, sapped by military de mands, sabotaged by the Communists, undermined by speculations and hoarding, deteriorated despite assist ance from the United States. Famine came and millions were rendered homeless by floods. The value of the Chinese dollar dropped out of sight and officials were driven to graft.^ The Nationalist regime's position was vitiated still further by the Yalta agreement, concluded without China's cognizance, which brought Russian troops into Man churia against Japan. The Nationalists had attached great importance to regaining Manchuria in the hope of utilizing its resources and industries to rebuild their shattered economy. Instead, they found it converted into a base of operations for the Communists, who became so powerful that they could openly challenge the Nationalists on the field and treat contumaciously all American attempts at media tion.^ The attempts of the Hurley and Marshall missions to resolve the Kuo Min Tang-Communist civil war reflected the anxiety of the American people and government, whose con cern was compounded by the emotionalism of the cold war and 5 Ibid., p. 33 ^Ibid., p. 34. clouded by lack of objective knowledge of what actually was taking place.7 American efforts were frustrated; China was by 1948 crumbling from within in almost every aspect of its social, political, and economic life and the Communists simply g moved into the vacuum. In the fall of 1948 the Communists began their drive southward and by the summer of 1949 they had marched into Shanghai. "By the end of the year all mainland China was under Communist domination and the 9 Nationalist government had withdrawn to Taiwan." To the American people the Communist victory was almost unbelievable. "For a decade the American public had idealized Free China; increasingly the combination of the atomic age and the cold war had intensified their fear of Communist. To have Free China become Communist seemed a national disaster.Cries of "who lost China?" were 7 John Fairbank, The United States and China (New York: The Viking Press, 1963), p. viii. g A. Doak Barnett, China On the Eve of Communist Takeover (New York: Frederick Praeger, 1963), p. v. 9 — Hu, op. cit., p. 34. 10 Fairbank, op. cit.. p. 272. 7 heard in Congress and echoed in the press. Dean Acheson, however, issued a statement which disclaimed any American responsibility for the debacle: The unfortunate but inescapable fact is that the ominous result of the civil war in China was beyond the control of the government of the United States. Nothing that this country did or could have done within the reasonable limits of its capabilities could have changed that result; nothing that was left undone by this country has contributed to it. it was the product of internal Chinese forces, forces which this country tried to influence but could not. A decision was ar- 11 rived at within China, if only a decision by default. American resentment at what seemed a betrayal ex pressed itself in a refusal by the United States government to recognize the new mainland regime and in attempts to prevent others from so doing. In the autumn of 1949, after 22 years of bitter and protracted struggle, Mao Tse-tung and his Red ar mies finally established Communist rule over mainland China. The initial American reaction was division and confusion. It has remained so to this day. We still are certain only of what we will not do about China. We will not give formal recognition to the government in Peking. We will not agree to Chinese Communist membership in the United Nations.^ Dean Acheson, "Letter of Transmittal," United States Relations with China, Department of State Publica tion, August, 1949. 12 Chester Bowles, "The 'China Problem' Reconsid ered, " Foreign Affairs. XXXVIII, No. 3 (April, 1960). 8 After the dust settled, negotiations began which might have led to the more or less peaceful surrender of Taiwan— but these talks were interrupted by the Korean War. After that, President Truman established a temporary pro tectorate over Taiwan, blocked mainland China from repre sentation in the United Nations, imposed an economic boy cott, illegalized American citizens' contacts with Commu nist China and patrolled the Taiwan Straits with warships 13 and planes of the Seventh Fleet. In addition, the United States was committed to a defensive alliance with the Na tionalist regime on Taiwan.^ The clash in Korea hardened attitudes on both sides. So hostile was the conduct of the Chinese Communists and so intense the antipathy to Red China among the American people that when Eisenhower took office he never made any move to change the policy of non-recognition during his tenure as President.^ This intransigence has continued to 13 Edgar Snow, "Is Peace Still Possible," New Repub lic, May 22, 1964. 14 Mutual Defense Treaty Between The United States of America and the Republic of China, December 2, 10, 1954. 15 Robert J. Donovan, Eisenhower: The Inside Story (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956), p. 132. 9 the present time: . . . As for China itself, so long as the Communist Chinese preach violence, there can be and will be no easing of relationships. There are some who prophesy that these policies will change. But America must base her acts on present realities and not on future hopes. . . . It is not we who must reexamine our view of China, it is the Chinese Communists who must reexamine 16 their view of the world. American hostility toward Communist China was fur ther increased by the character of the internal social, political, and economic revolution taking place within that country. Reports transpired of families being forcibly broken up, of children denouncing their parents as "enemies of the people," of land and property being seized and their owners liquidated, of the severest kinds of thought con trols being imposed upon the Chinese people and of forcible uprooting of villages and their collectivization into large communes. Donald McKay wrote in regard to American feelings about the China question, "Characteristically, the very lack of basic knowledge about China— not to speak of the dissemination in schools and elsewhere of such knowledge as 16 Text of Johnson's "Address to AP on Nuclear Cuts and U. S. Foreign Policy," New York Times (April 21, 1964). 10 we possessed— has provoked emotional extremism and internal certitude to the point where calm and rational views of this question have been rare, difficult, and at times hazardous. 1,17 The Problem Statement of the Problem The purpose of this study is to determine whether the interpretation of China in American educational films produced during the years including 1936-1949 differed in their favorability of interpretation from those produced during the years including 1950-1963. In addition, an attempt will be made to compare the portrayal of China in the films to the social, political, and economic conditions actually prevailing in China at the time of their release. It was attempted in this study to find an answer to the following questions: 1. Was the change from friendliness to antipahty towards mainland China in American public opinion reflected in the educational films produced during each time span including 1936-1949 and 1950-1963? Fairbank, op. cit., p. viii. 11 2. Were the films factual in what they presented and truthful in their context? 3. Did the films present the substantively impor tant aspects of Chinese life and institutions? 4. Were the basic changes in Chinese institutions occasioned by the Communist take-over accurately portrayed in the films? Some assumptions were made in carrying out this study. These include the following: 1. It was assumed that educational films can be rated effectively for content and interpretation, given an appropriate set of criteria as a basis for analysis. 2. It was assumed that the Bill of Rights of the United States Constitution is a statement consonant with approved American values. 3. It was assumed that film criteria derived from the Bill of Rights would constitute a basis for determining the existence of elements which were dissonant or consonant with American values in educational films about China. 4. It was assumed that a committee of film judges comprising specialists on China, educators, cinema tech nicians, and audiovisual specialists are qualified to evaluate educational films. 12 5. It was assumed that instructional area super visors, audiovisual specialists, and teachers are answer- able to the local authorities of the communities in which they are employed for the consonance of the content of the educational films they show in the local public schools. 6. It was assumed that the content of the educa tional films accepted for presentation in the classroom were generally consonant with the known views and values of American people at the time of their release. Importance of the Study China is far away geographically and even farther culturally. Its languages, spoken and written, bear little if any resemblance to Indo-European languages. Its reli gions are derived from different concepts of faith, differ ent forms of worship, and different rationales for the pur pose of life. Its institutions— the family, the school, and the government— have historically rested on a different basis of authority. With the rapid development of the sound motion picture as a means of education, school systems throughout the nation inaugurated film libraries to make use of this effective teaching tool. These libraries have bought and 13 distributed to the school system many films about China, each print of which Sherman estimated is projected from 750 to 1,500 times and is seen by 20,000 to 40,000 or more 18 pupils before it is discarded. With the rise of China as a major influence on the world scene it becomes a matter of vital importance that the educational films distributed to American schools present an objective and accurate image of that nation's institutions and way of life, an image undis torted by the vagaries of domestic public opinion. Because of motion pictures hold an extremely important place in the curriculum of school systems throughout the nation, it would be of importance to determine if this objective and accu rate picture of China has been presented in American educa tional films during the years including 1936 to 1963. The Scope of the Study Several decisions had to be made regarding the scope of the study. As this study is national in scope, the films to be studied were originally to be limited to those produced by companies having nationwide distribution facilities. It transpired, however, that of the films Sherman, op. cit.. p. 6. 14 utilized by the educational film libraries, less than half were produced or distributed by companies organized on a nationwide basis. Analysis of only those films produced by the major companies would yield invalid or distorted results concerning the character of the films acceptable for presentation. It was decided to expand the number of films about China to include those films produced from all sources that were stocked in twelve of the larger educa tional film libraries in the United States, and were still extant and available (see Appendix). A maximum number of forty films was arbitrarily selected as an adequate sample size for the purposes of this study. Because of the large number of criteria relating to content elements that were included in the film evaluation form, it was impractical to include as criteria the many variables that occur in instructional films. Sherman ten tatively identified the following variables: (1) The relative importance of picture and narration. (2) The amount of commentary in relation to the length of the film. (3) The presence of attention-gaining devices such as extreme close-up, pointing fingers, stop-motion, spot-lighting, and such commentary as 'now hear this.' (4) The showing of potential errors in contrast with 15 the positive approach. (5) The use of the cartoon form in contrast with live photographic treatment. (6) The inclusion of summaries in the film. (7) Dramatic treatment in contrast with that of using commentary. (8) The use of background music. (9) The amount of motion in a film. (10) The presence or absence of color. (11) The length of the film.^ The above variables, either singly or in combina tions, may affect audience reaction to the interpretation of China in a given film, but the problem of determining their effect in each film is difficult and impracticable, and in many cases, peripheral or unrelated to the purpose of this study. It was therefore decided to limit the pur views of the cinematic criteria to the elements of picture, music, and sound effects. The Concept of China The concept of "films about China" has more ramifi cations than this subject heading would imply. Although Sherman, op. cit., p. 8. 16 all of the films included in this survey were found in film library catalogues grouped under the subject heading of "China," there is really more than one China— and to have evaluated them together as a single group would in all probability have yielded misleading and invalid results. There are three Chinas, grouped as follows: Mainland China.— The mainland of the nation of China, comprising the original 18 provinces, was ruled by the Nationalist regime from 1927 until 1949, and then ruled by the Communist regime from October of 1949 until the present time. Mainland China is represented in this study by a sample of 31 films produced between 1936 and 1963. Taiwan China.— This island off the China mainland was ceded by Japan to China at the end of World War II and reincorporated as a province of China. In spite of the withdrawal of the Nationalist regime to Taiwan in 1949, it continues to be recognized by the United States government as the legitimate government of mainland China. Taiwan China is represented in this study by a sample of five films produced between 1949 and 1963. No films about Taiwan were released in the United States prior to 1949. 17 Treaty Port China.— During the nineteenth century China was required to yield control of the port enclaves of Hong Kong and the New Territories, Macao and Singapore (now independent) to European powers. These territories are inhabited by a predominantly Chinese population. Although they are, or were, under European administration and laws, the original treaties recognized ultimate Chinese sovereign ty and acknowledged that the ports would revert to China upon expiration of the treaties. Treaty Port China is represented in this study by a sample of four films pro duced between 1949 and 1963. Although all the films about Communist Mainland China and Taiwan China were produced since 1949, they can not be combined into one time span group because they rep resent different and mutually hostile political, social, and economic systems. If the two groups were combined, for statistical analysis one interpretation would counterbalance and neutralize the other and would in all probability have yielded misleading results. Taiwan China must therefore be considered separately. Nor can the films about Treaty Port China be con sidered in combination with either of the other two groups. These port enclaves are under European, not Chinese, admin- 18 istration and law, and the institutions and way of life found there are not necessarily intrinsically Chinese. Films about Treaty Port China must therefore be considered separately. Definitions of Terms Nationalist Mainland China.— This refers to mainland China and its regime and people during the years, 1936- 1949. Communist Mainland China.— This refers to mainland China and its regime and people during the years, 1950- 1963. Taiwan China.— This refers to the la ge island in the South China Sea, to which Chiang Kai Shek and the Nationalist regime retired in 1949, and its regime and people during the years, 1950-1963. Treaty Port China.— This refers to the territorial concessions of Hong Kong and the New Territories, Macao and Singapore, and their regimes and people during the years including 1936-1963. Film evaluation committees.— This refers to film 19 judges who meet as a group to evaluate the films about China after viewing them by direct motion picture projec tion. Such committees are usually composed of specialists on China, educators, cinema technicians, and audiovisual specialists. Film evaluation forms.— This is a rating scale used by the film judge for evaluating the films. Film profile.— This is a graphic presentation of the mean ratings and their frequency distribution given by the film judges to the criteria on the film evaluation form. It is similar in form to the familiar profiles used to represent test data. Educational films.— The films used in this study were all 16 mm. motion pictures, both documentary and dramatic, of the type commonly used in classrooms. Halo effect.— This involves irrelevant criteria with which judgments are contaminated. Logical error.— This is similar to halo effect— judges give similar ratings for traits that seem logically related in the minds of the raters. 20 Proximity error.— This refers to adjacent traits on a rating form tend to interrelate higher than remote ones. Organization of the Remainder of the Study This study is divided into six chapters. The introduction of which this is a section is Chapter I. Chapter II reviews the literature pertinent to this study. Chapter III describes the construction of the film evaluation form, the statistical techniques and hypotheses employed and the procedures of film evaluation. Chapter IV presents a descriptive content analysis of each film included in this study. Chapter V presents the statistical findings, his torical findings relating to Chinese institutions, and descriptive findings of the films as they relate to specif ic criteria. Chapter VI includes the summary and conclusions. The Appendices and Bibliography conclude the paper. CHAPTER II REVIEW OF LITERATURE This study is basically one of evaluating educa tional motion pictures about China as they relate to the valid and accurate presentation of Chinese institutions and to American values. This chapter is concerned with literature presenting the Chinese expression of those Amer ican values embodied in the Bill of Rights, and with that material which relates to the content analysis of motion pictures. Chinese Institutions For an overview of Chinese civilizations and Sino- American relations the writer used Goodrich's A Short His tory of the Chinese People, Fairbank's The United States and China, Creel's Chinese Thought; From Confucious to Mao Tse Tung. Barnett's China on the Eve of Communist Takeover and the American Assembly's The United States and the Far East. For a study of traditional Chinese institutions that 21 22 to this study, and to the changes in those institutions en gendered by Communist reforms, the writer used Chang-Tu Hu's China, Ping-Ti Ho1s The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, Bodde's China's Cultural Traditions, Feuerwerker's Modern China, Yang's Chinese Communist Society: The Family and the Village, Barnett's Communist China in Perspective, The Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China and Freemantle's Mao Tse-Tung; An Anthology of His Writings. American Values For a study of American values the writer referred to the Bill of Rights of the United States Constitution, as cited in Saye's Principles of American Government. Survey of Film Evaluation Forms In searching for established criteria to formulate a content analysis form, the writer found that everywhere the criteria used by others were too vague and generalized to suit the specific purposes of this study. An important organization doing work in the field of educational film analysis of the Department of Audio- Visual Instruction of the National Education Association. Its film analysis form comprises the following criteria questions: 23 1. Does it contribute to a recognized educational or learning goal of the groups for which it is in tended? 2. Is it authentic and accurate? 3. Is it a suitable length? 4. Is it appropriate to the experience background of the intended users? 5. Is it likely to motivate desirable attitudes and activities? 6. Is the photography and sound of sufficiently good quality?^- The above form is so general that it can serve as all things to all people. Nor is the evaluation form of the Educational Film Library Association more precise. 1. The possible audiences and the purposes for which the film could be used. 2. The recommended age level. 3. The quality of sound. 4. The quality of photography. 5. The general impression including authenticity, bias or general attitude.2 Department of Audio-Visual Instruction, The School Administrator and His Audio-Visual Program (Washington, D.C.: National Education Association, 1954), p. 67. 2 Edgar Dale, Audio-Visual Methods in Teaching (rev. ed.t New York: The Dryden Press, 1954), p. 82. 24 As this study is specifically concerned with the cinematic interpretation of another nation, an attempt was made to discover content analysis forms which dealt specifi cally with content and interpretive factors. Guss surveyed the evaluation forms of twelve universities and compiled the following list of criteria: I. Psychological Factors 1. Is the film conducive to audience identifica tion and ego-involvement? 2. Does the film provide a set which will give direction to behavior and provide incentives which individuals will strive to attain? 3. Is the main idea in the film developed in a constellation of ideas which are mutually inter- behaving and interacting? 4. Does the film provide for audience participa tion covert as well as overt? 5. Does the film stimulate interest? II. Technical Factors 1. Is the photographic quality sufficiently satis factory to enable the audience to see the photographic symbols without undue concentra tion on the process of seeing? 2. Is the sound easily intelligible? 3. Are adequate orientational devices used? 4. Is the type of pictorial representation approp riate for the presentation of the main ideas in 25 the film?^ At first reading, the above criteria seem fraught with significance. But under closer examination for mean ingful criteria, they are less so. These criteria ask only for "yes" or "no," with no indication of what the answers represent. Edgar Dale comments that of the many elaborate evaluation forms available, the most valuable are those which are narrowed to the following essentials: 1. Does the film relate to your specific teaching purposes? 2. Does it contribute more effectively than would some other material? 3. Is its content truthful and unbiased? 4. Is it properly suited to the needs, age, and abil ities of your students? 4 5. Is its mechanical quality satisfactory? This entire study is devoted to dimensions of item three in the above list of five items. This one question, "Is its content truthful and unbiased?" would hardly pro vide an adequate criterion for determining the favorable- 3 Carolyn Guss, "How Universities Evaluate and Se lect Films," Educational Screen, XXXII, No. 6 (Spring, 1953), 246. 4 Dale, op. cit., p. 237. 26 unfavorable interpretation of a Communist nation. The question is ambiguous in what it asks for, and in the re sponse it will probably receive. Mendel Sherman surveyed eighteen film evaluation forms structured by as many specialists in the field, and came to the following conclusion about film evaluation forms: Notably absent in all the evaluation forms during the past three decades is provision for measurement of film excellence except that of subjective judgment and opinion. Although several rating scales have included provision for indicating a numerical value for each criterion, the ratings were purely subjective and not based on any objective measurement.^ Sherman went on to construct a new film evaluation form to serve the specific purposes of his study. The writer's survey of the film evaluation forms currently in use leads to the conclusion that the form need ed for the purposes of this study is non-existent at the present time. The criteria for the evaluation of the inter pretation given a Communist nation in an American educa tional film must be more specific than any categories stated in any known evaluation form. It seems appropriate to turn to the basic studies made in the field of content analysis, 5Sherman, op. cit., p. 28. 27 per se, to evaluate them for their application to motion pictures, and to derive from them a set of film evaluation criteria which will be adequate to implement the purposes of this study. Concepts of Content Analysis Content is the motive for communication, and almost all communication has for its intent some form of per suasion. To determine whether content has been trans ferred with all the intended richness of meaning and human experience is the purpose of content analysis.^ In Lasswell's classic description of the process of communication— "who says what to whom through what channels with what effects," content is the first "what." Berelson abstracted a list of content analysis characteristics from other research studies which are worth evaluating in terms of their relevance to motion pictures. (1) It applies only to social science generalization: Leites & Pool. (2) It applies only, or primarily, to the determination of the effects of communication: Waples & Berelson. (3) It applies only to the syntactic and semantic dimen^ sions of language: Leites & Pool. (4) It must be objective: Waples & Berelson, Leites & Pool, Janis & Kaplan. Bernard Berelson, Content Analysis in Communica tion Research (Glencoe, 111.: Free Press, 1952), p. 1. 28 (5) It must be "systematic": Leites & Pool, Kaplan & Goldsen, Kaplan. (6) It must be quantitative: Waples & Berelson, Leites & Pool, Kaplan & Goldsen, Janis, Kaplan.^ The first characteristic which referred to social science generalizations is acceptable at face value; the other definitions should be qualified to meet the unique dimensions of motion pictures. The weakness of the second characteristic, as stat ed, is its emphasis upon "the effects of communication," to the exclusion of the intent of the communicator. These are two different areas of study. The "content" of a message is the information contained in the medium for the purpose of transmitting a concept; the purpose of content analysis is to determine what this concept is. The "effects of communication," stipulated by Waples and Berelson as a required characteristic of content analy sis, actually refers to the reaction of a given audience to the presentation of a given body of communication con tent, and not to the communication content per se. Meas urement of the effects of communication relates at least as much to the characteristics of the audience as it does to ^Ibid.. p. 18. 29 the characteristics of the content and this stipulation is therefore only partly true. The intrinsic function of con tent analysis is the determination of content, per se, as evidenced by the presence of substantive elements in the communication itself, which is not necessarily related to the effects of the content upon an audience. The third requirement limiting content analysis to the "syntactic and semantic dimensions of language" reveals the parochial scope of much of the literature in this area. Most of the authors on the subject dwell on the written or spoken word and simply ignore motion pictures and televis ion. If the term "communication" is substituted for "lan guage, " this stipulation is acceptable. In Berelson*s discussion of "the requirement of objectivity," he revealed the real objective of most com munication experts today: The requirement of objectivity stipulates that the categories of analysis should be defined so precisely that different analysts can apply them to the same body of content and secure the same results. . . . This requirement, of course, is necessary in order to give some scientific standing to content analysis.® The cited paragraph is not concerned with defining g Ibid., p. 16. 30 objective criteria that will obtain valid results from the content analysis of a communication. It is concerned pri marily with categories for testing tools that will have enough inter-analyst reliability "to give some scientific standing to content analysis," regardless of whether the results represent the de facto content and meaning of the communication. This is an erroneous concept for the follow ing reason— criteria can be established in content analysis which will offer excellent inter-analyst reliability on almost any given topic— and still be unrelated to the con tent of the communication. This is not to deny the need for reliability, but to put the means and the end in their proper perspective. If the stipulation of "objectivity" is defined as representing criteria that will objectively ascertain the factual and meaningful content of a communication, it is acceptable for the purposes of this study. Berelson's 'tequirement of system" again stipulated "that analysis must be designed to secure data relevant to a scientific problem or hypothesis." The stipulation "scientific" should be deleted for the following reasons. The essence of motion picture content is fluidity of con tent, with shifting relationships of ascribed meaning. The 31 essence of subject matter suitable for scientific methods is content having consistent relationships of structural significance. Because of its unique characteristic of con tent in motion, it has not yet been proved that the analysis of motion picture content belongs within the purview of scientific methods. With the word "scientific" deleted, the characteristics of requirement of system and relevance to hypotheses are valid. The requirement of quantification is valid if de fined in terms of counting units of measure which lend themselves to the testing of hypotheses. To summarize then, Berelson's list of content analysis characteristics has been modified, for the pur poses of this study, into the following list of criteria: 1. It relates to social science generalizations. 2. It applies primarily to the determination of the content embodied in a film, as a means of estab lishing the intended meaning of the communicator. 3. It applies to the syntactic and semantic dimensions of communication, as transmitted through the medium of motion pictures. 4. It must be objective in determining the factual and meaningful content of a film. 5. It must be systematic. 6. It must be quantitative. 32 Content analysis techniques have been applied to communication for four kinds of analyses, two of which are germane to this study and will be fulfilled in this study: (1) Trend Comparisons: In all such cases, the descrip tion of content along a time aontinuum provides the basis for the conclusions. (2) Intra-Content Comparisons: This contains those studies whose major conclusions rest upon relationships between two or more characteristics or parts of the same body of content. (3) Comparison of Different Bodies of Content: This is the related application in which conclusions rest upon comparison between or among different bodies of content. (4) Comparison of Content With a Standard: In this application the relationship between the content and the standard which it is supposed to meet, serves as the basis for the conclusions. The standard may be implicit and established.^ The first kind of analysis, "Trend Comparisons," represents one of the essential reasons for this study. A description must be made of the motion picture content of each selected film in order to obtain the basic data for deriving conclusions about changes of interpretation of China in American educational films. For the purposes of this study, the time continuum would cover the years in cluding 1936 through 1963. 9Ibid., p. 1. 33 The second indicated purpose, "Intra-Content Com parisons# " is not germane to this study. Content analysis will be made of each film primarily to determine the essen tial content presented and the interpretations made within each film as a whole. No attempt will be made to compare one sequence to another within each film as this would be irrelevant to the testing of the hypotheses of this* study. The third kind of analysis, "Comparison of Differ ent Bodies of Content," relates to the reason for the exi stence of this study. Once the essential content and in terpretation of each selected film has been established, comparisons will be made among the different bodies of film content to determine whether or not changes of interpreta tion have taken place since China became a Communist nation. The fourth stipulation, "Comparison of Content with a Standard," does not relate to this study in the form in which it is stated. As the writer interprets this passage, the purpose refers to the evaluation of an educational film to find out whether it meets a curricular need, serves a specific didactic purpose and is of sufficient quality to justify its use in the classroom. There are two basic approaches to content analysis 34 — qualitative and quantitative. Qualitative Analysis The qualitative method involves reception of the communication to discover internal relationships and inter pret them. It is a flexible, impressionistic procedure for making coding judgments about dichotomous attributes which can be predicted only as belonging or not belonging to the communication. It is only as valid as the capability of the person making the analysis and will be affected by his values and bias. Most of the film analyses done in the past have been done by the qualitative approach and have been subjec tive. The inconsistency of results from the purely quali tative approach has engendered a trend toward the use of specific criteria representing clearly defined concepts and categories created to test hypotheses. The general categories of a content analysis must be stated in analyzable form appropriate to the par ticular content under investigation. There is some thing of a progression in the design of a content anal ysis study. The hypotheses derive from the nature of the problem and in a sense help to refine it. The gen eral categories for analysis are contained in the hypotheses and they in turn are translated into con crete specific indicators for purposes of the actual analysis. The actual results are then generalized and applied to the level of the categories and thus con stitute a test of the hypotheses under investigation. 35 It is thus extremely important that the translations necessary at every stage of the design be adequately made: The hypotheses should adequately express the problem, the categories express the hypotheses, and the indicator express the categories.1® May and Lumsdaine recognized this quality in quali tative analysis technique when they recommended a purely qualitative approach for the content determination of an unknown motion picture, and a categorically qualified ap proach for a film whose content is to serve a specific function: For some types of films this analysis may be a sequence-by-sequence description, but for others it may be divided into categories on (a) facts presented, (b) explanations, (c) vocabulary and concepts, etc.11 Quantitative Analysis Quantitative analysis is a systematic procedure for obtaining precise, objective and reliable attributes which permit measurement or rank ordering, and is concerned with the frequency of occurrence of a given content character istic : Quantitative content analysis as we here define it is concerned with the frequency of occurrence of given 10 Ibid.. p. 164. ^Mark May and Arthur A. Lumsdaine, Learning From Films {New Haven: Yale University Press, 1958), p. 27. content characteristic: that is, the investigator works gency analysis. Frequency analysis involves a simple count ing up of the number of times an item appears in a given communication. Contingency analysis involves noting the number of times a given item appears in conjunction with certain other items in order to establish relationships. analysis in their applicability to motion pictures, it would be appropriate to summarize their comparative characteris tics : with the character of occurrence of certain content This method takes two forms— frequency and contin- Before comparing quantitative and qualitative Qualitative versus Quanti ta tive 1. A preliminary projection 1. Systematic content of the film for purposes analysis for purposes of hypothesis formation of testing hypotheses and the discovery of in content categories relationships. determined by the analyst 12 Ithiel de Sola Pool (ed.). Trends in Content Analysis (Urbana, 111.: University of Illinois Press, 1959), p. 9. 37 Qualitative versus Quantitative An impressionistic pro cedure for making observa tions about content characteristics. Dichotomous attributes which can be predicated only as belonging or not belonging to given con tent. A flexible procedure for making content de scription observation, or "coding judgments." 2. A systematic procedure for obtaining precise, objective and reliable data. 3. Attributes which permit exact measurement or rank ordering. 4. A rigid procedure for doing the same. Qualitative versus Quantitative Analysis The choice of which system to use, qualitative or quantitative analysis, depends upon the characteristics of the communication medium and the purpose of the content analysis. The content of motion pictures is innately fluid and progressive in nature, with each part deriving from an earlier portion, yet unique in itself as it introduced new 38 material. The medium is composed, as its name suggests, of the elements of "motion" and "pictures," with the elements sound and color often added. While the latter could con ceivably lend itself to quantification in terms of single frames, it would thereby lose the quality of motion. If it were considered in terms of motion, it would lose the po tential for quantification. Motion pictures exist as a medium only while the pictures are in motion, interacting upon each other, and communicating through motion a content that no single frame could transmit when considered alone. The dimension of motion suggests that the qualita tive technique may be at least partially appropriate. Whenever there are dimensions of valence or content which are not measurable as quantitative content, as if often the case with motion pictures, but are nontheless there to a qualified analyst, the requirement of validity demands some use of the qualitative approach. The inherent subjectivity of the qualitative method leads to the question of bias: The question arises of whether this aspect of the non-frequency approach necessarily entails the danger of analytical bias, or "circularity." That is, by not distinguishing more sharply— as in quantitative content analysis— between the descriptive and inferential as pects of research, does not the investigator risk the possibility that a hypothesis formulated early in the 39 course of his content description will determine what he subsequently "sees" and regards as significant in the communication? Since a degree of subjectivity is inherent in the qualitative approach, the analyst can guard against circu larity in four ways: First, the analyst can establish clearly defined categories which will apply to the subject matter being treated by the film, and to the hypothesis being tested by the analyst. When the motion picture in question is an educational film made to serve specific didactic purposes, these can be determined by curricular specialists and subject matter experts. If the analysis is being made to determine the content of the film for purposes other than schoolroom use, then criteria and categories must be estab lished according to the end purposes of the analysis. Second, the degree of emphasis given each aspect of the content should be indicated. One way, within the quali tative technique, would be to establish a differential scale for each criterion whose extremes reflect a polarity of emphases, with degrees of intensity or interpretation in between from among which the analyst can select one as being 13 . Ibid., p. 29. 40 most representative. Although the differential scale con cept is numbered by degrees, it remains within the quali tative concept because the scale reflects degrees of em phasis and does not contain any form of frequency count. Third, each film should be evaluated for its end purpose by several people, each qualified to judge some dimension of the film according to the predetermined cri teria. This jury should comprise subject matter experts, film technicians and artists, and specialists in the areas of application, with each given an opportunity to add an item to the predetermined criteria if an unexpected quali fying factor should be present in the film. The quantitative approach, on the other hand, offers concrete facts to work with. An unweighted list of the appearance of the items in a motion picture would indi cate that the subjects were undeniably there. If the items counted related significantly to the analyst's hypo thesis, it could lead to logical and possibly valid con clusions about the content of the film. Such a frequency or contingency count might have a high level of inter analyst reliability, because what appears on the screen for one analyst will usually appear on the screen for another. The quantitative method, however, raises the prob- 41 lem of coding irrelevant content. The straight application of a frequency or a contingency count to most motion pic tures about China would probably result in the "sky" being the most omnipresent content, and therefore the most sig nificant content. This would be absurd in terms of validi ty, in spite of a high level of statistical reliability. Pool made three points about the problem of coding irrelevant content which were not made in reference to film, but are pertinent and revealing: (1) Not all the individual items tabulated under any given category in such a "fishing expedition" may be relevant to the specific inference which the analyst would like to make about the speaker's state of mind. (2) If too large a body of communications is coded, even under relevant categories, the danger arises that more data will be obtained than is pertinent to the specific inferential problem. (3) The lack of good hypotheses about relationships be tween content variable and communicator variable makes it difficult for the propaganda analyst to circumscribe the terms and categories for specific investigation.^ Pool's first point underscores the greatest single weakness of the quantitative system— it yields items and results which may not be relevant to the state of mind of the communicator. Pool's statement was made in reference 14 Ibid., p. 14. 42 to written communication, in which every presented item was expressly stated by the communicator. It becomes obvious, therefore, that this weakness is compounded many times in the medium of motion pictures because the camera will re cord far more items than are intrinsically significant to the intent of the communicator. Pool's second point refers to the enormous quanti ties of data derived from a frequency count, and their questionable relationship to the valid determination of inferential meaning in a communication. In motion pic tures, the quantity of data presented in a single camera pan across a city scene would be staggering— and insignifi cant as individual items. Its true "content" in motion picture terms would be the combined identity of all the items together. All the items within the scene would be therefor counting, but counting them would yield more data "than is pertinent to the specific inferential problem." Pool's third point refers to the lack of data re garding meaningful relations between the communicator and the content variables of his communication. These data will always be lacking because they refer to ascribed meaning. Ascribed meaning shifts with the available knowledge about the communicator, the cultural background 43 of the analyst ascribing the meaning, with the time period during which the analysis is made and with the personal values of the analyst. One of the greatest handicaps to the quantitative analysis of communication is the instabil ity of meaningful content. As long as the ascribed rela tion between a communicator and his communication content varies with the knowledge of the communicator— from culture to culture, from year to year and from individual to individual— quantitative analysis will be inadequate "to circumscribe the terms and categories for specific investi gations." Contingency Analysis Contingency analysis is a ramification of the quan titative system, but because of the qualitative nature of its interpretation is really a hybrid of the two. Contin gency analysis has potential application to motion pictures because the average person can sometimes be persuaded to transfer his valence toward a given topic to a previously neuter associated topic. Pool suggested three ways of charting a contingency analysis: (1) Table of significant contingencies. The simplest summary picture is a table which simply lists, for each category, the other categories with which it has sig nificant association or dissociation. 44 (2) Cluster analysis. From the total contingency ma trix, one may by inspection select sets of categories which form clusters by virtue of all having either significant plus relations with each other or at least include no significant minus relations. All such sets may be represented in an ordinary two-dimensional sur face as over-lapping regions. (3) Models derived from the generalized distance for mula. Where the plusses and minuses in the raw data matrix represent frequencies above and below the median frequencies for each column.^ Pool's first suggestion for charting a contingency analysis involves listing categories of items which have connotative relations to other lists of items. But this compilation of items would have to be organized after the analyst already saw the film— a qualitative approach. Then, if the quantitative method is to be carried to its logical conclusion, it would have to be proved that these purported relations between the items do indeed exist. Pool's second and third suggestions involving or ganizing clusters of items related by significant positive and negative association, and represented by models derived from the generalized distance formula. This would have to be done after it had proved statistically that these sig nificant relations in fact exist. Then the validity of the 45 clusters relationships would have to be established statis tically, and the validity of the models proved statistical ly. This may prove an interesting theoretical and statis tical exercise for an endowed group working on a single film, but it does not relate to the purposes of this study. For the purposes of this study, the qualitative approach is preferable. The purpose of this study is to determine whether a change in interpretation has taken place in American educational films since that nation adopted a Communist form of government. A content analysis for this purpose could be analyzed quantitatively only to the degree of indicating whether or not given content was present. As the presence of qualitative criteria serves this function, it would be inappropriate for the purposes of this study to apply a frequency or contingency count to the content of films about China. Before going on to the formulation of criteria for a qualitative analysis, it would be germane to quote Spottiswoode on the efficiency of quantitative analysis of motion pictures: If there is no practical possibility of even sub jective agreement, an objective standard or a mathe matical formula is bound to fail. A result of the in creasingly scientific habits of thought today has been a failure to realize the limitations of scientific 46 method. In fact, there is no reason to suppose that the choice of a camera angle is not perfectly free, just as the choice of a word or phrase of music is free. Two writers, asked to convey the same mood, will employ widely different means; some readers will prefer one, some the other; and if the writers are men of ability, it may be impossible to establish an agreed order of precedence between them.-^ Most of the films treated in this study are docu mentary films in which the constituent footage was photo graphed by transient cameramen who turned their cameras on whatever seemed of intrinsic interest at the time. Their "choice of a camera angle" was perfectly free and not pre scribed in any controlled manner that might result in foot age lending itself to scientific analysis. Given the random selection of scenes that were photographed and the vast quantities of irrelevant data that were thereby photo graphed, it seems inappropriate to apply a strictly quan titative form of content analysis to determine the conso nance or dissonance of the interpretation of films about China. This chapter has reviewed the literature about China that gives an historical background for the study. Raymond Spottiswoode, A Grammar of the Film (London: Faber and Faber, 1935), p. 136. The film evaluation forms now being used by many institu tions were examined for their appropriateness to analysis of the films about China, and it transpired that none was suitable. A review of the literature dealing with the characteristics of content analysis revealed that many of its concepts required transmutation to be applicable to a content analysis of motion pictures, and that a strictly quantitative approach is inappropriate. Instead, a set of criteria should be establish only those aspects of the con tent and cinematic presentations that are germane to this study, and that will yield inferential data suitable to determine the consonance or dissonance of each film about China. CHAPTER III PLANNING AND CONDUCTING THE STUDY The validity of results from a content analysis depends to a great extent on the appropriateness of the criteria used as the basis for evaluation. These criteria should embody what the analyst wants to know, and should serve as an effective tool in determining what the communi cator had to say or wanted to say. The purpose of this study is to determine whether the interpretation of China changed in American educational films produced between the years including 1936-1949 and 1950-1963. Whether the filmic interpretation of China is considered favorable or unfavorable will depend on whether the content of the film presents Chinese institutions as being consonant or dissonant with American values. For the purpose of this study, the criteria for analyzing these films are being derived from American political, social, and economic values, and from the cinema 48 49 techniques used to present the Chinese counterparts of these values. A definitive statement of traditional indi vidual American rights is embodied in the first seven arti cles of the Bill of Rights, and in the Thirteenth, Four teenth, Fifteenth, and Nineteenth Amendments to the Consti tution. The scope of the criteria in the film evaluation form comprises the following elements: A criterion for judging the political, social, and economic institutions of China is derived from each perti nent article of the American Bill of Rights and from each selected amendment to the Constitution. The number of articles selected for use as film criteria must be limited because, in all probability, as many criteria could be formulated as there are Supreme Court deed, sions interpret ing themy this would have the effect of expanding the film evaluation form and procedures to unmanageable proportions and exceed the scope of this dissertation. Those articles and provisions selected for transmutation into film cri teria are those which seem to lend themselves to presenta tion on film and are appropriate for the purposes of this study. In addition to the criteria relating to film evalu- 50 ation on the basis of content, it seems logical to include criteria relating to those elements of film technique that can be used to influence the interpretation of a subject. Those selected for inclusion as criteria are the basic elements of picture, sound effects, and music. There are various other elements of film technique that could be in cluded, and a case could be made for their inclusion, but it was desired to keep the list of criteria short and some arbitrary selection has to be made. It was assumed, how ever, that evaluation of the films on the basis of criteria derived from the elements of picture, sound effects and music provide adequate data for the purposes of this study. An endeavor was made to construct an instrument which had a degree of validity, reliability, and practical ity. The validity of a scale of this nature deals essen tially with its relevancy. That is, do the criteria tap the substantive content elements as well as their cinematic interpretations. Validity is determined here by the con currence of the judges in indicating on their forms the existence of the pertinent items. Reliability is determined here as interjudge concordance. Instrumentation A graphic-numerical scale has been adopted, and adapted, from the film evaluation scale used by Mendel Sherman. It was noticed, however, that his film evaluation form contained certain characteristics that required modifi cation to make it suitable for the purposes of this study. The first of these was the use of the 0-10 polar scale which did not clearly provide for a neutral designation. The second of these was the contiguous position of closely related criteria. The writer's first revision consisted of changing the 0-10 polar numerical scale to a 1-9 polar numerical scale, providing a neutral numerical designation of "5." Reducing it to a nine-point scale instead of increasing it to an eleven-point scale, or larger, was an arbitrary choice, since authorities are not in agreement about the number of steps that should constitute a rating scale. Guilford concluded, "We are left therefore, without being able to set up any hard and fast rules concerning the number of scale divisions to use. The optimal number is a matter for empirical determination in any situation. . . . The ^J. P. Guilford, Psychometric Methods (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1954), p. 291. 52 writer's second modification of Sherman's film evaluation form was to disperse related criteria throughout the form, * alternating content and cinematic criteria wherever possible to minimize the halo effect,and logical and proximity errors. CRITERION DESIGNATION 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 neutral dissonant or not consonant presented This graphic numerical scale was the final form used for each criterion. Sherman's precedent of using a word or a phrase of description beneath the polar extremes and the neutral position, for clarification of concepts, is employed in the writer's film evaluation form. The rating scale was then used to represent the content and cinematic criteria. Content Criteria Bill of Rights and Amendments to the Constitution I. Congress shall make no law respecting AN ESTAB LISHMENT OF RELIGION, OR PROHIBING THE FREE EXER CISE THEREOF: or ABRIDGING THE FREEDOM OF SPEECH 53 OR OF THE PRESS; or THE RIGHT OF THE PEOPLE PEACABLY TO ASSEMBLE, AND TO PETITION THE GOVERNMENT FOR A RE DRESS OF GRIEVANCE.2 Bill of Rights. United States Constitution The degree of religious activity presented in films about China reflects an important aspect of the interpreta tion of that country. If complete religious freedom is shown, it will present a phase of China's culture that has favorable connotations to most Americans. If the presen tation reveals state enforced atheism or hostility to religious practices, it will connote an unfavorable con dition. This criterion is embodied as follows: RELIGIOUS FREEDOM 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 enforced atheism no reference to freedom of religion worship The First Amendment specifically prohibits any abridgement of the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of the people to peaceably assemble. 2 Albert B. Saye, Merritt B. Pound, and John F. Al- lums. Principles of American Government {Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1954), p. 42. 54 These are all dimensions of the individual and col lective right to speak openly to one's interests and to ex press one's opinions as long as in so doing others are not deprived of the same rights, or it does not incite to riot or rebellion. This criterion is embodied as follows: FREEDOM OF SPEECH 5 6 7 8 9 repression of no reference to complete freedom disapproved opinion freedom of speech of speech The Second Amendment.— II. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed.^ China has been embroiled in armed conflict for the greater part of the time span encompassed by this study. The writer submits that the appearance of Chinese bearing arms in the films would not imply a significant connotation for the purposes of this study. This amendment will there fore not be embodied in a criterion. The Third Amendment.— III. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered ^Ibid. 55 in any house without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law.4 As was true in the previously discussed amendment, the more or less constant state of war in China during the period of time covered by this dissertation suggests that the presence of troops quartered in homes would not be sig nificant in terms of this study. Furthermore, it is un likely that any film would indicate whether any troops so quartered were there "in a manner to be prescribed by law." This amendment will therefore not be embodied in a criter ion. The Fourth Amendment.— IV. The right of the people to be secure in their per sons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreas onable searches and seizures, shall not be viol ated, and no warrants shall issue but upon probab le cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.^ Security of person and personal effects is a jeal ously guarded constitutional right. This criterion is em bodied as follows: 4 Ibid. 5Ibid. 56 SECURITY FROM INTRUSION 1 2 3 5 6 7 8 9 unprotected by law from intrusion no reference made protected by law to security from from intrusion The Fifth Amendment.— V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, . . . Nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb,* nor shall he be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without the Fifth Amendment. The first of these is an individual's right of personal freedom unless he is formally arraigned and charged with an offense. The second protects an indi vidual from being tried twice for the same offense, once an adjudication has been reached. The third protects an individual from being tortured or coerced or otherwise forced to incriminate himself in a crime. The fourth is an individual's right to freedom and protection in all the foregoing matters unless he is legally deprived of it, for just compensation.6 A number of closely related rights are embodied in ^Ibid. 57 a criminal offense, in a trial by due process of law. These legal concepts are difficult to embody in a film criterion. For the purposes of this study is is stated simply as the right to a trial by due process of law for any criminal offense: TRIAL BY DUE PROCESS OF LAW J I I I 1 I I I 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 trial without due no reference made trial with due process of law to legal processes process of law There is one dimension of the Fifth Amendment, not included in the above criterion, which represents a major basis of contention in the philosophical clash between America and the Communist world— "Nor shall any person be . . . deprived of . . . property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation." Respect for property and property rights have tra ditionally ranked high among American values. Confiscations of private property for public use, even with compensation, have often been accompanied by ugly litigation and bad pub licity. The seizure of private property without compensa tion even in the name of "the people," is regarded by many 58 as heinous. This value should be embodied in a separate criterion: PROPERTY RIGHTS confiscation with out compensation no reference to property rights 7 8 9 laissez faire, or confiscation by due process of law with compensation The Sixth Amendment.— VI. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall en joy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which dis trict shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the wit ness against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.? Any presentation of a trial in which the accused is judged by his enemies, is denounced rather than prosecuted, is tried behind closed doors, is without a sincerely de fending counsel— or the hope of acquittal, would be regard ed as a travesty of justice. In essential content, the Sixth Amendment is already embodied in the criterion en titled "due process of law." ^Ibid. 59 The Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments,— The Thirteenth Amendment. Neither slavery nor in voluntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. The Fourteenth Amendment. All persons born or na turalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privi leges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liber ty, or property, without due process of law: nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protec tion of the laws.8 The emotional depth of America's attachment to the concept of individual freedom is not exceeded by that of any other non-material value. Any attempt by the govern ment to infringe the right of an individual to live his life in his own way and pursue his interests as he sees fit, within the law, is regarded as objectionable by most Amer icans. A screen presentation of a way of life in which a law abiding citizen is normally compelled by authorities in power to live and work in involuntary servitude would rep resent an unfavorable interpretation of the nation so presented. 8Jbid., p. 423. 60 INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM J L 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 personal no reference to complete individual regimentation individual free- freedom dom The Fifteenth and Nineteenth Amendments.— XV. Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. XIX. Section 1. The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied to abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.10 The right to vote is an expression of the concept that rulers may govern only with the consent of the governed. In the American context, this means that each citizen of a state has the right to select who shall rule from a pre sented slate of potential leaders, each of whom represents some shade of political thought found among the electorate. The right to vote means that no shade of political thought is to be suppressed unless it espouses a forcible overthrow of the American government. Neither is the presentation of a slate of candi- ^Ibid., p. 424. ^Ibid., p. 425. 61 dates Who represent only one point of view considered a democratic choice. "Selection" from among a spectrum of political thought is vital to the validity of the franchise concept. Nor is anything like a public vote regarded as valid; a public vote might expose an individual to duress or coercion. Anything less than a secret choice of politi cal candidates who represent a range of political ideas is contrary to American values. Abridgement of the right of an individual to ex press his political preference through the secret ballot, for reasons of race, color, sex, or previous condition of servitude would be abhorrent. A cinematic presentation of any kind of an abridgement of franchise would probably evoke a negative response from an American audience. UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE 5 6 7 8 9 restricted or non- no reference to unrestricted adult selective franchise, franchise citizen's franchise, or public vote with secret ballot The Family "Throughout the world . . . the family has always 62 been basic to society. . . . The writer submits that the value of the family is recognized and protected by law, and that any film presentation showing hostility toward the family as an institution would probably be dissonant with American values. STATUS OF THE FAMILY UNIT I I I 5 6 7 8 9 hostility toward neutral or no reverence toward the family unit presentation of the family unit family life Cinema Techniques The pictorial interpretation of a subject is one of the most subjective aspects of motion pictures to evaluate. Moving the key light from one position to another can change the emotional impact of the same scene from pleasant to unpleasant, or vice versa, with little possibility of complete agreement between any two people as to the degree of change, or even as to whether any change has taken place at all. Moreover, for those without training in the evalu ation of motion pictures, and this includes many subject "^Derk Bodde, China's Cultural Tradition (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1965), p. 43. 63 matter experts, evaluation of the photographic quality of a film would be of dubious or tenuous validity. There is some possibility of agreement on the char acter of the subjects selected for inclusion in the film. If the subjects presented are clean and pleasant and pic turesque, they will tend to create a favorable impression. If the subjects presented are of filth and disease and squalor, they will tend to create an unfavorable impres sion. This criterion is embodied as follows: PICTORIAL INTERPRETATION J I I I I I I I I 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 ugly, unpleasant no undue emphasis pleasing, har- scenes monious scenes The degree to which the music used as a background, and the rendition given it, modifies the interpretation of the content of motion pictures has not been determined by any known studies. It seems logical to assume that dis cordant music will create a dissonant reaction, as will stridency in its rendition. At the other end of the spec trum, harmonic music pleasantly rendered will probably engender a consonant reaction. 64 MUSIC J I I I I 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 dissonant, martial simple-unaffected harmonic, pastoral, disturbing soothing Sound effects could also play their part in affect ing the interpretation of a country, although to a lesser degree than does music. The nature of the sound effects is determined to a large degree by the visuals on the screen, and is therefore more stringently limited. What can be done, however, is to make the sound effects strident and grating in tone for an unfavorable interpretation, or gen tle and soothing for a favorable interpretation. The normal background noises expected of a given set of vis uals, presented in a straight-forward manner, would be con sidered as essentially neutral. SOUND EFFECTS J I I I I 1 1 _ _ _ 1. . 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 harsh— grating normal background gentle— soothing noises It seems appropriate to have a criterion upon which the judges can evaluate the accuracy of the information presented in the films. This criterion is embodied as 65 follows: ACCURACY OF THE INFORMATION J I I I I I I I I 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 inaccurate, untrue fairly accurate authentic and or misconstrued (acceptable) undistorted One cannot anticipate by preestablished criteria every kind of content that could be presented in a motion picture to create a dissonant or consonant effect. There may be unexpected surprises in a film which could affect strongly the interpretation of the nation presented in that film. Or, sometimes the overall impression of a film seems different from the sum of its parts. The writer submits that an open criterion should be included in the film eval uation for the purposes of this study in which the film judge can indicate for himself what the unexpected factor is and to what degree it affects the dissonance or conso nance of the interpretation of China in the film. A space is left beneath this criterion for the judge to explain the unexpected qualifying factor. Oi?EN CRITERION J 1 | [ 1 1 l 2 : A 1 5 6 ' 1 8 9 favorable unfavorable 66 Indicate unexpected qualifying factor below: The following film evaluation form comprises all the constituent criteria used to analyze the films about China. As the writer indicated earlier, related criteria have been separated and dispersed throughout the form to reduce the possibility of a halo effect, and other possible errors. The final format of the evaluation form appears on pages 67-69. Statistical Techniques and Hypotheses Guilford indicates that the entire rationale behind using judges and their ratings is that their measures will be sufficiently refined to afford the opportunity to use more refined statistical techniques in interpreting the meaningfulness of the ratings. Guilford avers: The use of ratings rests on the assumption that the human observer is a good instrument of quantitative ob servation that he is capable of some degree of preci sion and some degree of objectivity. His ratings are taken to mean something accurate about certain aspects of the object rated.^ It was felt, therefore, that a t-test would be 12 J. P. Guilford, op. cit., p. 278. 67 FILM EVALUATION FORM Evaluator1s Name Film Title _____ Have you seen this film before? yes _____ No _____ Directions; The number "5" represents a neutral position. Each step to the left of 5 is increasingly dis sonant; each step to the right of 5 is increasingly conso nant. Circle a number in each criterion that best indi cates your rating. PLEASE READ EACH CRITERION BEFORE VIEW ING THE FILM. Specialty __ Release Date STATUS OF THE FAMILY UNIT I I 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 hostility toward neutral or no reverence toward the family unit presentation of the family unit family life INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 personal no reference to complete individual regimentation individual freedom freedom SOUND EFFECTS J I I 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 harsh— grating normal background gentle— soothing noises UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 restricted or non- no reference to unrestricted adult selective franchise, franchise citizen's franchise, or public vote with secret ballot 68 SECURITY FROM INTRUSION 6 unprotected by law no reference made from intrusion to security from intrusion 7 8 9 protected by law from intrusion PICTORIAL INTERPRETATION ugly, unpleasant scenes 4 5 6 no undue emphasis 1 8 9 pleasing, har monious scenes FREEDOM OF SPEECH repression or dis approved opinion no reference to freedom of speech 8 9 complete freedom of speech ACCURACY OF THE INFORMATION J_ _ I inaccurate, untrue or misconstrued fairly accurate (acceptable) ’ 8 < authentic and undistorted PROPERTY RIGHTS confiscation with out compensation no reference to property rights 7 8 9 laissez faire, or confiscation by due process of law with compensation 69 TRIAL BY DUE PROCESS OF LAW 1 2 3 trial without due process of law MUSIC no reference made to legal processes 7 8 9 trial with due process of law dissonant, martial disturbing RELIGIOUS FREEDOM 4 5 6 simple-unaffected 7 8 9 harmonic, pastoral soothing 1 2 3 enforced atheism OPEN CRITERION no reference to religion 7 8 9 freedom of worship unfavorable 8 9 favorable Indicate unexpected qualifying factor below: 70 appropriate to determine the degree of consonant or disso nant interpretations which would appear. The statistic is appropriate only for small samples, and therefore was used only with Taiwan China and Treaty Port China. With large samples, it became necessary to use the normal variant z. According to Hayes: . . . , when the sample size is quite large, tests of hypotheses about a single mean are carried out in the same way as when O of the population is known, except that the standard error of the mean is estimated from 13 the sample. est - ■ 1 m V N - 1 _ M - Z (M) z — m est o n Specifically, this was used with Nationalist Mainland China and Communist Mainland China. Calculating formulas for the Statistics t and z are as follows: 13 William L. Hayes, Statistics for Psychologists (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1963), p. 302. 71 t = M - g (M) est m S/v'N - 1 M = sample mean p. = population mean S = sample standard deviation N = sample number est ^m V N - 1 S m The following are the specific statistical hypo theses pertaining to mean values for the various concepts of China: 1. Nationalist Mainland China The interpretation of China in American educational films, as indicated by the judges' ratings, did not change after China adopted a Communist form of government. Stat istically, the null hypothesis is: The interpretation was neither consonant nor dis sonant in relation to American values, but possessed the neutral mean value of 60. The alternative hypothesis is: The interpretation is consonant, and the mean value is greater than a mean of 60. 72 2. Communist Mainland China The interpretation of China in American educational films, as indicated by the judges' ratings, did not change after China adopted a Communist form of government. Stat istically, the null hypothesis is: The interpretation was neither consonant nor dis sonant in relation to American values, but possessed the neutral mean value of 60. The alternative hypothesis is: The interpretation was dissonant in relation to American values, and the mean value was less than a mean of 60. 3. Taiwan China The interpretation of China in American educational films, as indicated by the judges' ratings, did not change after China adopted a Communist form of government. Stat istically, the null hypothesis is: The interpretation was neither consonant nor dis sonant in relation to American values, but possessed the neutral mean value of 60. The alternative hypothesis is: The interpretation was consonant in relation to American values, and the mean value was greater than a mean of 60. 4. Treaty Port China The interpretation of China in American educational 73 films, as indicated by the judges' ratings, did not change after China adopted a Communist form of government. Stat istically, the null hypothesis is: The interpretation was neither consonant nor dis sonant in relation to American values, but possessed the neutral mean value of 60. The alternative hypothesis is: The interpretation was consonant in relation to American values, and the mean value was greater than a mean of 60. To examine the nature of the interpretations given to the various films as they are related to their release dates and to the criteria found in the film rating scale the chi square statistic was used. Since Taiwan and the Treaty Ports were considered to be independent entities, the analysis took the form of a 1 x 3 table of frequencies of dissonant, neutral, and consonant ratings. The degrees of dissonance represented on the rating scale were values 1, 2, 3, and 4; the neutral value was represented by the number 5? the consonant numbers were represented by values 6, 7, 8, and 9. The distribution of the three rating cate gories was obtained for pre-Mainland China and for post- Mainland China. These distributions were compared by using chi square test of association; its form was that of a 2 x 3 table with the entities being the two time spans of 74 release date and the three categories, dissonant-neutral- consonant. 14 The formula used to calculate chi square was: ;;a « . - y * x " f e f = observed frequency f = expected frequency f ■K Expected frequency f^ (r-k) = — —— r = row k = column f = frequency in row f = frequency in column N = total number Inspection indicates that the chi square tables are the two forms, 1 x 3 and 2x3. Originally, the study was to employ only 2 x 3 analysis. However, it became neces sary because of the various concepts of China to separate mainland China from Taiwan and the Treaty Ports. The rea son was that they represent three separate and distinct 14 J. P. Guilford, Fundamental Statistics in Psych ology and Education (4th ed.; New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1965), p. 231. 75 entities, as discussed earlier, and the effects of the revolution did not change the status quo in these two areas. The following are the specific statistical hypo theses pertaining to the chi square ratings for the various concepts of China: Nationalist Mainland China— Communist Mainland China Statistically, the null hypothesis is: There are no significant differences in the propor tion of ratings by the judges for each category of dis sonance, neutrality, and consonance (-,0,+) in relation to American values for the films about Nationalist Mainland China or Communist Mainland China, and any observed differences are merely chance variations to be expected in a random sample from the rectangular popu lation where f^ = The alternative hypothesis is: The cell frequencies f = = f are not all equal, which implies that the population values are not rectangular. Taiwan China Statistically, the null hypothesis is: There are no significant differences in the propor tion of ratings by the judges for each category of dis sonance, neutrality, and consonance (-,0,+) in relation to American values for the films about Taiwan China, and any observed differences are merely chance varia tions to be expected in a random sample from the rec tangular population where f^ - f^ = f^. 76 The alternative hypothesis is: The cell frequencies = f are not all equal, which implies that the population values are not rec tangular. Treaty Port China Statistically, the null hypothesis is: There are no significant differences in the propor tion of ratings by the judges for each category of dis sonance, neutrality, and consonance (-,0,+) in relation to American values for the films about Treaty Port China, and observed differences are merely chance vari ations to be expected in a random sample from the rec tangular population where f = f = f^ (1x3 table). The alternative hypothesis is: The cell frequencies f^ = f =» f are not all equal, which implies that the population values are not rec tangular. Film Evaluation Form Reliabilities Film reliability was established by means of the analysis of variance technique which deals with inter-judge concordance. This then affords the opportunity for inter preting the reliability in terms of how this group of judges would compare with another group of judges seeing this film and using this rating scale. Particular film reliabilities are presented with the graphical interpreta tions of each film in the Appendix. If the film viewing experiment were to be repeated 77 with another group of judges the correlation between the mean ratings obtained from the two sets of data would be approximately that number which is found in the graphical results sections. Judges and Their Characteristics Forty-one films about China were interpreted, with a total of 301 criteria evaluation forms completed. On each committee for the evaluation of any given film, there was at least one authority on China, one specialist in film production and one educator— all at the doctorate level— with a minimum of four judges at the doctorate level on every film. The total number of judges on each film ranged from 5 to 19, with a modal number being 8. Of the twenty-four judges at the doctorate level who participated, there were five from Bakersfield College, six from California State College, five from Cornell Uni versity, one from International Christian University, and seven from Syracuse University. Of the eight judges qualified by professional ex perience, one was from Bakersfield and seven were from Syracuse University or from schools in the Syracuse area. Of the nine graduate students who participated, one was 78 from Syracuse University and eight were from Cornell Uni versity. Graduate students participated in the interpreta tion of only five of the forty-one films. Methodology Because of the difficulty of obtaining films when it was convenient for the judges to interpret them, the evenings devoted to film evaluation were not spaced at specific time intervals but were arranged when feasible. From two to four films about China were interpreted in an evening— the number depending upon the length of the films. The films were selected at random on the basis of avail ability. Although certain films were screened several evenings in order to obtain a sufficient number of evalua tions, each judge saw a given film only once. Most of the judges were familiar with the graphic- numerical scale being used to rate the content and cine matic components of the film. To the uninitiated it was explained as being a bipolar scale: the number "1" repre senting an unfavorable extreme, the number "9" representing a favorable extreme, with the numbers in between represent ing degrees of interpretation between the two bipolar pointE and the number "5" representing a neutral position. 79 Before a film was presented, each judge was asked to fill in the evaluation form with his name, qualifica tions, the title of the film and an indication of whether he had seen the film before. Each was asked to peruse the criteria carefully to be sure he understood what content and cinematic elements to look for in the film, and each was free to ask questions about them. There was some discussion and explanation of the cinematic criteria— Pictorial Interpretation, Music, and Sound Effects— for those judges who were unfamiliar with motion picture terms and techniques. The judges were informed that after seeing the film they were to circle in each criterion scale the number which best indicated the degree of favorable or unfavorable interpretation presented by the film. Each film was evalu ated by the judges immediately after it was projected, with no discussion taking place until the forms were completed. Summary of the Chapter This chapter was concerned with the development of a film evaluation form, and with the planning and method ology of implementing the study. The film evaluation form was composed of rating scales representing content and cinematic criteria. The content criteria were derived from the first seven articles of the Bill of Rights, and the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Nineteenth Amend ments to the Constitution; to these a criterion was added to represent the status of the family unit. The cinematic criteria were based upon the elements of pictures, sound effects and music. An "open criterion" was placed at the end of the evaluation form to enable the judges to indi cate content not covered by other criteria. One evalua tion form was used by each judge immediately after viewing a film, and all the completed forms were subsequently examined by an appropriate statistic. CHAPTER IV DESCRIPTIVE CONTENT ANALYSIS OF FILMS This chapter presents a sequence-by-sequence de scriptive analysis of every film included in the study. The films are grouped in categories appropriate to the three major concepts of China— Mainland China, Taiwan China, and Treaty Port China— and presented in chronologi cal order of release date. Open Criterion comments by judges, if any, are placed at the end of each descriptive analysis. Nationalist Mainland China The Good Earth. 1937 The Good Earth is a dramatized film, an excerpt from the Metro-Goldwyn-Meyer feature film based on the novel by Pearl S. Buck. The Good Earth fades in on Wang Lung’s wedding day. 81 82 The young peasant arises, prepares tea for his father and wonders what his bride will look like. A friend drops in for a moment to leave a gift of wine and is invited to the wedding feast to be given that evening. Dressed in his best and grinning widely, Wang Lung goes to the house of the wealthy woman who owns his bride- to-be, Olan. She awaits him with the abjection of a woman raised in slavery. Wang Lung is disappointed that Olan's feet had not been bound in the traditional manner but takes her with him, assisting her with a load and buying peaches to please her. Olan's cooking of the wedding dinner pleas es Wang Lung, his father, and their friends. That night Wang Lung finds Olan planting a peach stone in the earth and he assures her that this land, the land of his ances tors, belongs to them both. A montage shows them working together in the back breaking labor of planting, plowing, milling, turning irri gation wheels, beating clothes, and hoeing. Olan is preg nant, she pauses in the middle of hoeing a field and indi cates that her time of parturition has come. Wang Lung and his father are delighted that a son will be born to carry on the family. In the following scene Wang Lung and Olan are giv- 83 ing thanks to the gods for their prosperity and for the three fine children they have, although "one of them is only a female." They are interrupted by an antlike string of refugees fleeing a famine in the north. When Wang Lung boasts of his prosperity, his father pleads to heaven for mercy because his son is young and stupid. Wang Lung's fields go dry; nothing is left of his crops but dessicated stalks and a handful of beans. Usurers try to persuade Want Lung to sell his land, but Olan will not permit it. Then Wang Lung and his family join a procession of refugees fleeing to the South and their journey ends in a teeming city. Wang Lung cannot find work, and Olan teaches their children and his father to beg. One night Wang Lung returns to find them eating meat; he is angered to discover that his son stole it from an old woman; he throws the meat in the corner and beats the boy. But Olan puts the meat back in the pot. "Meat is meat," she mutters. Wang Lung hears weeping from the next hut and dis covers that a woman's husband was killed in a timber haul ing accident. Wang Lung rushes over and gets the dead man's job in a coolie hauling gang. A revolution sweeps the city; a montage portrays an orgy of violence and loot ing as agitators cry out that "China is freeI China is a 84 Republic." Wang Lung asks, "what is a Republic?" Wang Lung saves the life of a wealthy mandarin and receives a rich reward. They return north; the children run to their religious idols and bow and announce their return. The concluding scene is many years later; Olan is dying, but their eldest son is marrying and everyone is gay. Wang Lung protests that he would sell the land to save her, but Olan answers that she would die sometime— but the land would be there always for their children. Open Criterion Comments.— Dramatic rather than factual treatment creates a dif ferent interpretation and empathy. This is bound to affect one's feeling toward the Chinese people. Donald P. Ely (No rating indicated) An entertaining picture of the life of peasants in China in pre-Revolutionary China as seen by the eminent writer and novelist, Pearl Buck. Roy B. Tozier (7) Political freedom. Cut version of the film hinted that political freedom was the basis for individual free dom. John Tyo (7) 85 Contrasts in China Contrasts in China opens on scenes of Buddhist pagodas and the Summer Palace in Peking as the narrator comments: "China reached the pinnacle of civilization cen turies ago." The picture suddenly changes to scenes of canal workers and sampan families living in abject poverty and he avers that riches rub elbows with unbelievable squalor. Scene after scene of canal life is presented as the narrator explains that poverty, oppression, and land taxes forced these people off the land, and they "moved onto the water with the fatalistic resignation which char acterizes the Chinese race." . . . "River men pick their mates from river girls and many live out their lives with out ever going ashore. . . . Some are buried in the water." The middle portion of the film is devoted to sampan life in Shanghai at the mouth of the Yangtse river. Rafts carry rice-straw, junks lie at anchor under flapping sails of bamboo strips, and sampan boatmen race for the docking of Western freighters to vie for the opportunity of unload ing and carrying freight. The daily needs of the sampan people are met by the services of other sampan people. There are sampan theaters, funeral homes, grocery stores, and midwife boats. "Their fare is tea and rice, rice and 86 tea— except for garbage thrown overboard by seamen." The narrator continues at length about their unsanitary living conditions and then returns, with relief, to scenes of pagodas at Peking. Open Criterion Comments.— The implication is that most Chinese live on boats— less than 1 percent live on the water. Many rivermen— most of them, work ashore. Music not appropriate and description too garish. Gordon T. Bowles (3) Narration is steeped in stereotypes. Highly biased— replete with value judgements. Very fast strident narration. Richard Videbeck (4) My Name is Han. 1938 My Name is Han is a dramatized film containing some documentary footage; the film fades in on a scene of a Chinese family working happily together in the yard of their home. The older man pauses and speaks directly to the viewer: "My name is Han— my story is the story of thousands of Chinese like me." Han's story then begins with scenes of war's holocaust: Bombs fall on burning cities, refugees carrying everything they own glut the roads and Han and his family is shown among them, trying to 87 return to their village. As they rest beside the road and eat a meager meal, Han comments amiably on his wife's harm less foolishness in praying; he asserts, "I will put my faith in the strength of my arms." Han and his family are shown arriving at their vil lage, only to find their peach orchard vanished, their house near collapse, their yard a shambles, their land eroded and many old friends gone forever. But Han's wife is overjoyed to find the church still standing and sets about her tasks cheerfully. As they prepare to eat a bowl of thin cornmeal she and the children offer a prayer of thanks, which infuriates Han. His angry tirade is inter rupted by the appearance of the pastor, grinning benignly. A sequence depicts the first attempts of Han and his family to get reestablished: Han pauses in the local teahouse and friends congratulate him on having a strong son; when they ask if he will appear in church, Han departs in disgust. As Han and his son carry small baskets of topsoil to their denuded fields, a friend comes and in forms them that the missionary has offered to provide top- soil and advice on modern agricultural methods. The next scene shows the missionary advising Han as they examine big, healthy stands of kaoliang. Han does not understand 88 why the pastor gives of himself without asking something in return, nor does he understand the missionary's offer to accept Han’s daughter in school, education being a waste of time for a girl. But his daugher is eager to learn that Han reluctantly accedes, and the bright, eager face of his child running off to study in the missionary school is re ward enough. The hopelessness of struggling alone is shown: Han and his son carry topsoil for weeks under the withering sun and cover only a small portion of their fields. Exhausted, Han pauses for tea in his yard. His daugher brings a sample of her first attempts at writing, and he feels bet ter. On Sunday his family goes off happily to church, but Han stays behind to work, his "heart strangely empty." Their hardships culminate in a tragedy; Han's son is clean ing rubble from the yard when he unwittingly strikes and detonates an unexploded artillery shell that was imbedded in the ground. Severely injured, the boy is carried to the missionary hospital for treatment, where Han is impressed by the cleanliness of the rooms and reassured by the many children recuperating there. He then returns sadly to work in his fields, only to find all his friends there, carrying, dumping, and spreading topsoil. The missionary 89 steps forward and greets him, saying that they are putting the principles of faith into action. At last Han under stands the pastor's words that "no man need be alone," and he goes to church. The film ends on a scene of the family sitting down to the evening meal; Han bows his head in prayer. Open Criterion Comments.— Not sufficiently possible to avoid stigma of naivete— scenes are too staged, too non-Chinese to be accept able. Gordon T. Bowles (3) Lovely and sugary. Jane Bowles (no numerical rating) Land of Genghis Khan, 1939 Land of Genghis Khan begins with a sequence pre senting Buddhist temples, Mongol shrines and fine archi tectural details of many buildings built during the great days of the Yuan dynasty. The context changes to present the humbler level of contemporary Mongolian life; dusty white villages, scattered over the plains, are inhabited by a small population which apparently include many soldiers. Horses are shown to play as important a role in the lives of the nomands today as they did in the time of Genghis Khan? many scenes show the fine equestrian skills of the Mongolian wranglers as they maneuver their mounts around and through herds of milling horses, and dismounted horsemen are shown hauling up buc kets of water manually from shallow wells in order to fill the troughs of their animals. A sequence depicts the religious life of the nomads A family emerges from a velvet tent and joins others, step ping down from yurts, to form a procession going to the Temple of Buddha. A scene presents the Dalai Lama being carried out of the temple in a palanquin and followed by women bedecked in their religious finery. The corruption of Buddhism by devil worship is then displayed by shaman dancers who prowl and pirouette in their diabolical masks and symbolically cast out demons as a symbol of the devil's defeat. In conclusion, the films shows a camel caravan being loaded to cross the Gobi desert, a caravan in the desert and a caravan in a sandstorm as the narrator de scribes its destination as being distant exotic cities, and warns in urgent tones of the coming Japanese invasion and diplomatic disputes over this center of world conflict. 91 People of Western China, 1940 People of Western China fades in with a sweeping view of a pleasant valley in Szechuan. This is followed by scenes of Buddhist temples, mausoleums of brick and stone, and ornate city walls and gates; the narrator avers that "before recorded history men were working and building here," and asks, "when did they first build a temple to their gods?" He speculates at length about the possible antiquity of Chinese civilizations. The locale changes to the countryside where a se quence presents Chinese agricultural life: Pleasants plow their flooded paddies, plant and transplant rice by hand, turn irrigation wheels with hand cranks and foot paddles to raise "crops that have never failed." This is followed by scenes of grain being sifted by hand, ground by a water powered millstone and offered for sale in a village market beside great mounds of vegetables being sold by other farm ers. A view of peasants cutting and splitting bamboo in a grove provides a transition to the artisan industries of the valley; bamboo is shown being shaped by craftsmen into furniture, baskets, hampers, ladles, chopsticks, palan quins, river bridges and pipes for gentry scholars. Other 92 vally industries are also shown: a potter shapes a bowl on a water powered potter's wheel, silversmiths render finely filigreed cups and bowls, and silk weavers work at their shuttles and looms to make cloth to be sold in the valley stores. That progress is being made is demonstrated by power lines, a hydroelectric generator, families eating dinner under electric lights, businessmen answering the telephone and a motion picture projector being used to teach a class of well dressed students in a new schoolroom. Improvements in transportation are shown by views of an airport and by a bus traversing a winding mountain road. The contrast be tween new and old methods of medical treatment is shown by comparing a Taoist herbologist preparing a prescription with an X-ray technician examining a patient. The film concludes as it began, with a sweeping view of Szechuan. Open Criterion Comments.-- The narrator's voice and his text were quite disturbing. Jane Bowles (no numerical indication) A simple presentation. Alice M. Tozier (8) 93 A very simple presentation of Chinese life in the great central valley of China west of the coastal areas. It is the type of a film that is designed for showing to children in elementary school and junior high schools. Roy Tozier (7) Narration. Infantile commentary. John Tyo (3) Chinese were made to seem child-like and somehow an inferior people. Richard Videbeck (3) Children of China, 1940 Children of China presents a day in the lives of the people of Haun Chin, an ancient village located in a fer tile valley in central China. The opening sequence de picts the morning trek of local farmers to the marketplace, bearing their loads of produce or caged ducks suspended from sagging shoulder poles, leading herds of goats or pushing wheelbarrows full of grain. Shopkeepers in the village unboard their windows in preparation for the day's business, and local artisans begin their work at lumber cutting and other trades. The subject of the film is the family and farm of "Grandfather Lee," whose sons, daughters-in-law and grand children live together in the adjacent rooms of a house 94 within a four-walled yard. One of the wives prepares a large cauldron of rice for breakfast, while a grandson brushes his teeth and wahes his hands and a grandaughter tends the baby. The family gathers for breakfast, beau tifully groomed and dressed, and sits around a table to partake of heaping bowls of vegetables and rice, and to drink, with gusto and smiles, many cups of tea. After breakfast a young man leads the family water buffalo from his stall as the sons go out for the day's work in the rice fields; they pay brief obeisance to a shrine of the local god of the fields. The children of the family go to school dressed in official Boy Scout and Girl Scout uniforms; on their way to class they meet other children who are dressed in simi lar garb. At school, a girl named Mei Ling Lee takes out a book teaching the importance of loyalty to one's parents. All of the children who read from their books do so fluent ly, indicating that they have been schooled in Chinese script from an early age. As each child rises to read there is a cutaway to scenes showing his or her father working at his trade: One father is shown to be a silk merchant of the village, keep ing his accounts on an abacus. Another is revealed to be a 95 village miller, grinding his grain. A third is shown to be a maker of musical instruments, carving the wooden parts of lutes and violins with great skill. The final scenes show a farmer working in a rice paddy and the narrator indicates that the fathers of most of the children are farmers. In the afternoon. Grandfather Lee employs a scribe to write for him? he is illiterate, and the narrator ex plains that the present generation is far more fortunate in having educational opportunities of all kinds. The scene returns to the schoolroom and shows how the children are taught Chinese calligraphy, and then depicts the physical education program. At the day's end the boys of the family discuss whether to play checkers or go swimming, and checkers it is. Grandfather Lee returns after a pleasant day, leading a water buffalo laden with huge sacks of grain while a son leads in another bullock from the fields. Grandfather Lee goes out to buy some salt as a daughter-in-law cooks the evening meal, and then three generations of the Lee family settle down for their evening meal. Open Criterion Comments.— Dwelled on middle class family rather than life of vast 96 majority of Chinese people. Delwyn G. Schubert (7) A simple presentation of life in a typical Chinese vil lage in the pre-revolutionary period. It leaves one with a rather favorable reaction to Chinese family life. Roy B. Tozier (8) Marco Polo’s Travels, 1941 Marco Polo's Travels is a fully dramatized film which does not contain any documentary footage. It begins with a scene showing Marco Polo incarcerated in a Genoese dungeon in the year 1298. He dictates to a scribe the story of his journey to the Kingdom of the Khan at Xanadu, a journey from which he returned after 24 years. As he tells the story an animated map traces the course he fol lowed by land and sea to China. In a flashback dissolve Marco Polo arrives at the sybaritic court of the Great Khan. The Khan is angry at first when he discovers that the Pope has failed to send a hundred Christian priests as promised*but he is mollified when Polo presents him with scrolls containing the story of his trip written in Tartar, the Khan's own language. Be cause the Khan distrusts the conquered Chinese, he fills the ranks of his court with Jews, Uighurs and Nestorian 97 Christians and he invites Marco Polo to join his administra tion. Then the film presents views of life in Yuan China: There are scenes of Buddhist temples and the interior of a silk market as Polo describes "the handsomest buildings in the world" and explains that "even the poor wear silk." He describes the development of paper money, and over scenes of Mongol soldiers paying for goods in script, and points out that those who refuse to accept it are decapitated. With baskets of rice he explains out that in times of flood and famine the Khan dispenses food to the needy. After serving as the governor of Yung Chou for many years, Marco Polo becomes homesick and desires to return to Italy. The scene is laid in Polo's luxurious chamber with a Chinese maiden strumming a zither and singing in the back ground. She is dismissed when a courier comes, carrying the Khan's latest refusal to let him leave. But eventually the Khan decides to send a Chinese princess as a bride to the king of Persia and he selects a man he can trust, Marco Polo, to accompany her. An animated map shows how they sailed from Chang Chou and journeyed by sea for two years before reaching their destination. The film concludes as it began— with Marco Polo in his dungeon in Genoa. The 98 narrator explains that the book describing his travels in China introduced the great world of the Orient to Europe. Open Criterion Comments.— Saccharine sweet. Gordon Bowles (3) Entertainment. Fictionalized treatment— slow moving, stilted. John Tyo (7) Stilted and very forced acting. Jane Bowles (no numerical rating) Here is China. 1943 (dated by narrative reference) Here is China begins with a pictorial and narrative description of how hard it is to make a living in China: Different livelihoods are presented in scenes of cormorant fishing in a river, rice planting in flooded paddies and primitive irrigation devices being turned by foot paddles. Over scenes of arduous hand labor the narrator explains that eighty percent of all the people in China raise cereal crops on thousands of little farms, and that few farmers raise livestock because fertile land is too previous to be planted to pasturage; he predicts a postwar rise of mech- 99 anized agricultural techniques, but concedes that for now young and old alike must work at grinding labor. The center portion presents unrelated scenes of general interest: A large wall-enclosed house is described as "a typical family from a farm home in the north." Mon golian horsemen are shown as they herd their ponies, fol lowed by a sequence depicting the wind-mill structures used to water-mine salt from underground wells, and then by scenes showing people fishing through holes in the ice of a river while children ice skate and spin their tops on the frozen surface. Typical forms of transportation are presented: Camel caravans are followed by mule caravans and then by coolie gangs as the narrator comments, "The government is planning roads and railroads to be built after the war." Cargo carrying junks are sailed and sampans are sculled through rivers and canals. The scene changes to the Yang- tse river and shows boatmen struggling to control their craft in the torrent. Over footage of coolies bent double as they strain to pull a boat upstream the narrator com ments, "Scenes like these have no counterpart anywhere in the Western world." Then the film presents a bullfight between two 100 dehorned water buffalos, struggling knee-deep in mud for the entertainment of the villagers, followed by a dragon boat race and festival in honor of a poet-statesman who, according to legend, drowned himself in protest against government corruption. The concluding sequence shows a series of flood scenes; the narrator explains that although millions have lost their lives to the rivers in the past, China is planning modern engineering methods to control the rivers which it will implement when the war is over. Open Criterion Comments.— Good documentary but rather disconnected. Gordon Bowles (7) Future potential of the country. Donald Ely (9) My general feeling about the film— except for some ob vious propaganda, the film was pleasant. Richard Videbeck (7) Beautiful photography, especially composition, and smooth editing. (Feature standards.) Commentary superfluous. Timothy Wilson (8) Inside Tibet, 1943 An introductory text explains that the film footage 101 from which Inside Tibet was made was photographed by Cap tain Brooke Dolan, an OSS agent, when he journeyed to Lhasa in 1942-43 to exchange letters between the President of the United States and the Dalai Lama of Tibet. Inside Tibet opens on an animated map which traces the route of the OSS expedition through India and over the Himalayas and into Tibet. The live action sequences begin with views of forbidding mountains as the narrator describes the difficulty of surviving in this bleak land. Brief scenes show the struggle of the Americans to reach the summit of the last pass before Lhasa, at which time a Tibetan guide ties a written prayer of thanks to Buddha for safe passage to an archway which is covered with such prayers. Barges ferry them over the Brama Putra river. On the other side their Tibetan guides make a tea of barley, salt and water, of which they drink 30-50 cups a day to gain resistance to the cold. Before they reach Lhasa the Americans are greeted by the personal regimental guard of the Dalai Lama; a monk who serves as emmissary presents them with scarves of greeting, the first of hundreds they would eventually exchange. Lhasa is introduced with a sweeping view of the 102 seventeenth century palace of the Dalai Lama, followed by many scenes of Buddhist pagodas. Life in Lhasa centers about the practices of the Buddhist religion and the devil which has crept in. The faithful spin prayer wheels which transmit their message to Buddha: "Hail Buddha, jewel in the Lotus," with every turn of the wheel. Pilgrims from the hinterland who have come to Lhasa for devotional ser vices travel the last seven miles by prostrating themselves repeatedly— moving forward each time by no more than the length of their bodies. Many Tibetan shamans stand about beating drums and shaking bells to drive away the devil. In a dance to Bor Shan, god of wealth, devil dances at first dance and per form their rites without opposition. The faithful then symbolically tear out the guts of the devil and throw them into a cauldron of boiling oil, which is overturned and spilled, steaming and smoking on the ground as a gesture of his defeat. Some non-religious aspects of Tibetan life are shown. All planting and harvesting of crops is done by hand. Some children are seen playing "chivvy," a game re quiring that the player keep a feathered ball aloft by kicking it with the inner ankle only. There is a cavalry 103 show in which the Lama's troops display their martial prow ess by dashing at full gallop past two suspended targets, hitting the first with a rifle bullet and the second with an arrow. Tibet's one and only theatrical troupe travels about the countryside, dancing and twirling in acrobatic circles for whatever pittances the onlookers will offer. The film concludes by returning to scenes of Tibetan pil grims twirling their prayer wheels, an act of devotion to the Gatanna Buddha who dominates their lives. Open Criterion Comments.— Brahmaputra should have been referred to as the Tsang- po. Not enough descriptive dialogue was given to many of the scenes. Gordon T. Bowles (4) The Voice of China, 1944 The Voice of China is different from the other films evaluated in that it was produced by the Chinese Ministry of Information. Although undated, references to Japanese invaders and to American aid indicate that it was produced during World War II. The narration is often un related to the picture and many concepts are couched in Chinese metaphors. The Voice of China opens on scenes of farmer Hung 104 Yung working on a rice paddle in Szechuan: He plows with his water buffalo, works together with a neighbor to lift water in a basket from one field level to another and then to fill a sledge with mud; together they drag the sledge over to a dam they are building. The narrator comments that Hung Yung and his friend raise food "to lift the rock from the land" as their sons fight far away "to lift the rock from the land." Hung Yung's wife then lends a hand to gather the harvest as the narrator describes a future in which much will be done by machines through techniques learned by young people in schools. Hung Yung, a "soldier of the soil," looks up and wonders "will there ever be a world of serenity?" A sequence shows unrelated scenes of men carrying unexplained baskets of dirt, walking with picks on their shoulders, struggling to move a cart stuck in a rut, strain ing to pull a roller over what appears to be an airfield and loading a camel caravan. "People always pulled their own loads in China, but did not always ask why." Then, "A scholar came and said there was a war and we must fight for freedom. . . . Camel caravans are for freedom now." This is followed by scenes relating to river life, generally showing junks, sampans, refugees huddled on a 105 bank, children being fed and closeups of babies, young men, patriarchs smoking pipes and smiling soldiers and airmen. Over the foregoing, the narrator describes how the river men had heard of bombs being dropped and had seen children who were snatched from their homes; he concludes: "Listen to the voice of the river . . . he is wise without words . . . When the rock is lifted from the land— then there will be a new world." Open Criterion Comments.-- Relationship between visuals and sound track. John Tyo (1) Transparency. What was the point? Richard Videbeck (2) China, 1945 China begins, to the resounding clash of oriental cymbals, with views of Buddhist pagodas, the Summer Palace in Peking, the Great Wall, a stone Buddha and a bronze Manchu lion in the Forbidden City. A group of devout men prostrate themselves before a shrine and proceed through a ritual as the narrator comments, "Deeply pious, millions of Chinese direct their lives according to the teachings of Gautama Buddha." He refers to the teachings of Confucious, 106 Mencius and Lao Tse and asserts that Chinese civilization was born with the dawn of human history. Village life is presented in scenes of farmers plowing their rice paddies with water buffalos, coolies turning irrigation paddles, men milling grain with foot- stones and oxen turning grinding wheels. The narrator avers that "over eighty percent of the Chinese people earn their living from the land as farmers." He points out that the self-contained existence of each village has given rise to so many dialects that persons from different regions of China often are unable to converse with one another. A scene presents a meeting of the village gentry; "each vil lage is a community, ruled over by elders. Over pictures of river sampans the narrator explains that modern progress was held back in China because the interior has been ac cessible only through its rivers— the Huang Ho, Yangtse and Si Chiang, but, over scenes of churches and priests and nuns, he asserts that "already the old ways were changing through education as Christian missionaries brought to them the ideas of the West." The influence of Western education and technology is described over visuals showing Dr. Sun Yat Sen, meetings of the Kuomintang policy committees, troops with modern 107 equipment marching in parades, Chiang Kai Shek speaking to the people and workers laboring with modern pile drivers, machine drills and steel girders to construct a new, cos mopolitan city. The narrator describes how Western ideas and techniques were leading to the reunification of China and a new life for her millions on the eve of the Japanese invasion. An animated map shows the direction and progress of the Japanese army as it "pillages China's land even more unscrupulously than it once pillaged China's culture." This dissolves to a live action montage depicting the holo caust of war; Japanese bombers devastate the cities of the "all but defenseless Chinese" as the invaders march in the wake of refugees fleeing inland. The Kuomintang moves the capitol of Chungkind and the Chinese people, "determined to preserve their freedom," bring with them on railroads and rickshaws their disassembled factories and industries to be reconstructed in the new capitol. An animated map shows the location of the vital Burma road, then dissolves to a live action scene showing coolies repairing the damage done to the road by Japanese bombs. The road is eventually cut by the Japanese invaders, and the picture cuts to the Cairo Conference where Churchill 108 and Roosevelt assure Chiang Kai Shek that all territories wrested from China will be returned at war's end. China's weaknesses are presented with scenes of barefoot and badly equipped Chinese soldiers who neverthe less fight bravely with what they have? the narrator ex plains that the national government is plagued by lack of equipment, graft, internal dissension and the Communist regime in the north. A montage shows Communist political speakers, marching armies and printing presses as the com mentator describes their limited effectiveness in fighting against the Japanese, their institution of an iron rule over eighty million people in the north, their printing of a separate currency and their severe repression of freedom of speech. China's strengths are shown in scenes of silk fac tories turning out parachutes, cotton mills reassembled at Chung King and attended by women workers, technicians as sembling sensitive electronic parts under the guidance of American educated engineers and, finally, the many coolies who are committed to constructing American air bases in China. The film presents the future of a China using the modern educational methods of the West, showing young 109 people working with scientific equipment, children dancing and saluting and university medical students listening to a lecture. The young men of the Youth Corps, from whose ranks the future leaders of China will come, not only drill in military formation but work in the fields at harvest time to gain a greater understanding of the peasant's prob lems. China1s new constitutional government is based upon a representational political institution called the "Shen." Over scenes showing discussions, political lectures and voting procedures, the narrator explains that under this system the head of each household votes for a village rep resentative who gathers in congress with other representa tives to form the Shen. The narrator proclaims that "in two years Chiang1s government developed the Shen system in eighty percent of rural China," but admits there is still much corruption in the tax system. The film concludes with a sequence depicting modern communications facilities and factories and the bright young faces of children, and the narrator avows that "China is determined that its people shall live with the dignity which befits their great history." 110 Open Criterion Comments.— This World War II film is not only terribly out of date but it is full of misstatements and biases. Knight Biggerstaff (no numerical rating) Many scenes were "clips" from the 1948 film What is China?, previously reviewed. Rita M. Hanson (no numerical rating) Review of films in succession has its value in that clips used in one film appear in the second with a dif ferent emphasis and offers opportunity to note inter pretation change. Narrator presents a tempo. The con trast in films is noticeable. M. Wagstaff (7) Suffers from the "World War II" tone— a well-made but too obvious, very unsophisticated, approach. M. W. Young (6) China Crisis, 1946 China Crisis opens with a montage of modern, cos mopolitan China: views of modern harbors, cities, factor ies, schools, hospitals, and scientific laboratories stream by as the narrator comments, "This is China, but it is no longer Chinese." He then adds, "This too is China," and scenes depict the unchanging rural hinterland: Farmers work their water buffalo through the rice paddies, coolies turn irrigation wheels by hand or foot, people sicken and Ill die of malaria, dysentery and cholera, and swarming millions live miserable lives in unmitigated poverty and squalor. The American Air Force is there to help these people fight off the Japanese invaders. The central portion of the film describes the logistical problems of getting supplies to the Flying Tigers from India. The means of transportation presented included carrying by porter and corvee labor, floating mate rial on barges, lifting heavy equipment by hand from one set of railway cars to another when the gauges differ and flying the "hump,” the Himalayas, under constant harrass- ment from down drafts and Japanese fighter planes. An historical description is given of the origins of the Flying Tigers and its reorganization as the U. S. 14th Air Force. The airfields of the U. S. 14th Air Force are con structed of stones carried and laid by the hands of thou sands of people— from 8 year old children to 80 year old patriarchs. "You are seeing a miracle, in less than three months they built a field that could handle the biggest American airplane." With these words, the narrator began un ungrudging laudatory speech to the stamina and courage of the Chinese people. A long sequence showed them pushing huge rocks in wheelbarrows, breaking big stones into little 112 stones, mixing slurry, carrying and dumping gravel in place and pulling, like oxen, huge half tone rollers to pack down the runways. Other scenes showed the Chinese building huts for the Americans, cooking and serving as airplane spot ters. "No American stood guard, cooked or carried. They built our quarters and did our housework." The remainder of the film dealt with the attempts of the Japanese to destroy the 14th Air Force by seizing the airfields and by cutting the Lido supply road. Here were many scenes of pitiful refugees fleeing the invader, being waylaid by bandits or exploited by those who sold food. The conclusion of the film depicted the final de feat of the Japanese and the frustration of their goals. Open Criterion Comments.— Excellent filming— objective propaganda, if such is possible. Anne Bowles (8) From the standpoint of significant portrayal of the whole experience of the war, the photography is ex ceptionally well selected and presented. Jane T. Bowles (9) Excellent and authentic presentation. Alice M. Tozier (9) An excellent film showing the American war effort in 113 China during the late war with Japan in the Pacific. It gave a thorough picture of the fortitude of the Chinese people in their dogged resistance to Japanese aggression. The purpose of this film, it seemed to me, was to create sympathy for the Chinese people and arouse patriotic sentiment for greater American war effort. Roy B. Tozier (8) Tenacity of the Chinese people. In spite of the fact that the film was intended as a history of the 14th Air Force, it presented a moving portrayal of the sturdy character of the Chinese and their capacity to endure hardship and danger. One of the best displays of native Chinese crafts. Richard Videbeck (8) Peking: Marco Polo's Wonder, 1947 Peking; Marco Polo's Wonder presents a series of views of the great monuments of the Ming and Manchy dynas ties, beginning with a presentation of the Marco Polo Bridge built in A. D. 1275. The Chinese people are present in the film only as tourists visiting these relics of their past, and the Chinese narrator's references to them are limited to comments on their "serenity and grace" and "ma ture culture" and "great achievements." The views presented include the courtyard, sweeping stairways and architectural details of the Forbidden Palace, home of the Imperial families, bronze and ceramic works of art in the courtyard, the broad thoroughfares and great 114 archways and sculptured gates surrounding the Forbidden Palace, the Nine DragonWall of blue and vermillion tiles, a Buddhist Pagoda, the Temple of Heaven of blue tiles, the three lakes of Peking now preserved as parks and the Summer Palace built by the last Empress Dowager. Open Criterion Comments.— Color a bit garish. Gordon Bowles (No numerical rating) Turgid prose. John Tyo (2) Peiping Family, 1948 Peiping Family begins with an aerial view of the Great Wall, "built in defense against ancient invading ar mies, " then dissolves to an animated map which reveals the size of China and then dissolves again to the city of Peip ing. A sequence shows walls around Peiping and walls with in Peiping; the narrator makes the analogy that in the past walls around the minds of the Chinese people had served to isolate them from the world, mental walls that are coming down because "Western ways are coming in and coming in to stay." The narrators explain, over scenes of city traffic 115 directed by a policeman clothed in a British style uniform, that the Chinese are changing their lives by means of mod ern education. This portion concludes with views of street peddlers, trolley cars and the walled alleys where people live. The rest of the film is devoted to presenting the daily life of the Peiping family of Dr. Wu. Within the walls surrounding the family hone, seven children play in a lovely garden until they are called in by their mother for their day's instruction; the narrator explains that Mrs. Wu is teaching them at home instead of sending them to school, an economy measure forced upon them by inflation. A daughter, Wu Mei, computers with the abacus while the others practice Chinese calligraphy. One of the boys hears the sound of a gong heralding the arrival of the "monkey man" (so called) and class is dismissed. Several scenes show all the neighborhood children gathered around the monkey, watching him perform his tricks. The Chinese family relationship is shown as Wu Mei is sent by her mother to call her father to lunch; on the way she passes through the courtyard where her grandparents are resting and she bows to them briefly before completing her errand. The family sits down to a meal of turnips and 116 rice; the one egg being served is given to the youngest boy, and Mrs. Wu serves her aged parents-in-law in the tradi tional manner. The narrator comments that although the meal appears adequate it is dangerously low in caloric con tent, and adds, "Meat used to be used for flavor before the war— now there is no meat at all." A brief sequence presents views of the Imperial Summer Palace, the Empress Dowager's Palace and vistas of the lakes around Peiping. Goldfish are kept in urns and the narrator avers that some of them are over a hundred years old. Back at the Wu household. Dr. WU and his wife are wondering how they can afford to send Wu Mei to an advanced school. He decides to sell the Phi Beta Kappa key he earned at an American university and she offers to sell her jewel ry. "To the Chinese, no sacrifice is too great for educa tion. " The decision is made; the film shows the family pre paring to celebrate Grandfather Wu's birthday. The cook prepares unusually long noodles for the occasion, long noodles representing long life, and firecrackers are ex ploded. The children are bathed and dressed and groomed by their anna; and the occasion culminates in a formal pre sentation in which all members of the family bow deeply and 117 repeatedly to the seated grandparents. The grandfather then takes his grandchildren to the Temple of Heaven and other Buddhist shrines. An aerial view of the Great Wall con cludes the film as the narrator comments, "Education is needed by all the Chinese, for only with education will the Great Walls of the mind come down and China take her right ful place among the nations." Open Criterion Comment.— An interesting picture and narrative, but it appears to be an over-simplified and highly generalized picture of pre-Revolutionary Chinese family life. Its obvious in tent is to create a favorable impression of Chinese culture of the pre-Revolutionary period. Roy B. Tozier (7) Understanding the Chinese, circa 1948 Understanding the Chinese begins with a city scene of people thronging through the streets as it is explained that the Chinese constitute a quarter of the world's popu lation. By animation, an outline map of the United States is superimposed over that of China; this is followed by figures comparing America's population of 150 million to that of China's 500 million, and the narrator comments that China will someday be important in world affairs because of its immense population. 118 A map of China labeled "Chung Kuo," the Middle Kingdom, introduces Chinese national pride and the cultural heritage which is the basis of that pride. There are views of bronze dragons, jade sculpture, religious temples, wood carvings, fine silks and block printing. An explanation is made of their form of writing, which is ideographic rather than homophonic, with the Chinese word for "nation" depict ed in its calligraphic form. The narrator refers to three religious philosophies that have influenced Chinese history which are Confucianism, Buddhism, and Christianity, with Confucianism being the more important of the three and the influence primarily responsible for China's lack of prog ress. With regard to this lack of progress, an animated map shows that only ten percent of the land in China is arable and, the narrator adds, a great social problem ex ists because many farmers work for absentee landlords. (The reference to "absentee landlords" dates the film as pre-Communist.) An animated map presents the crops grown in the different regions, followed by scenes of agricultural ac tivity in each area. In North China the staple crops are wheat and Kaoliang and the people are shown eating bread. 119 In South China the staple crop is rice, with cotton and bam boo also being raised, the farmers are shown plowing, plant ing rice and turning irrigation wheels with foot paddles; even though farming is the main occupation, China still needs to import rice for its people. The narrator adds that machinery is almost unknown in China. A sequence presents the problems endemic to China: Over an aerial view of denuded hills and devastating floods, the narrator explains that from earliest times the people have cut down trees for firewood and as a consequence the rivers are almost uncontrollable. The lack of machinery is restated in scenes of peasants moving huge rocks in wheel barrows? "labor is so cheap that men have become beasts of burden." Men saw wood by hand because it is cheaper than using machinery. Even food products like noodles are spread, cut, drawn, and hung to dry entirely by hand. Typical forms of transporation are presented: Junks and sampans are used in the South; oxcarts are used in the North. A venerable locomotive is presented as the narrator explains that there are few railroads, fewer paved roads and even fewer airplanes. Only the great coastal cities have any modern transportation facilities. An animated map dramatizes the traditional insta- 120 bility of China's governments: the names of China's great dynasties rise and fall and the sequence culminates in the rise of the 1912 Republic. Abruptly, the scene presents a poverty stricken village. "The Chinese were not ready for a democracy, which requires a well-informed people," the narrator pronounces. And he goes on to describe how chil dren had been forced to do arduous labor and how too few people were given the opportunity for an education and in despair, he reasons, the people of China turned to Commu nism. Open Criterion Comments.— Pronunciation of Chinese words atrocious. Selection of subject matter far too limited. Interpretation inade quate and inaccurate. Gordon Bowles (3) This was a short but clear picture of pre-revolutionary China. Roy Tozier (7) Coherence of presentation. A rather hurried presenta tion— I got the feeling that the sound track was more important than the pictorial presentation. Lacked focus on any issue. Richard Videbeck (2) Sound track packed with narration— too many facts and concepts presented. John Tyo {3) 121 Too much information was attempted in too short a time. Alexina Tyo (2) Bridge to Yinshi. 1948 Bridge to Yinshi opens on a placid river scene in Yinshi, China, as the narrator explains that war has brought political upheaval and economic disaster. Over scenes of a farmer and his water buffalo, the narrator points out that the Chinese are industrious, intelligent, and sincere and need only a little assistance to reestablish a viable national economy. The location changes to the United States. A mon tage of newspaper clippings contain headline accusations that America is meddling in China's internal affairs, while the narrator insists that the civil war is a series of minor local conflicts only . . . Over a clipping whose banner line reads "China Situation Hopeless," the narrator comments, "If we admit this— we give up all hope of world peace." A sequence of individual Americans think out loud in voice-over narration as they read newspapers, wondering if we should give financial and technical assistance to the Chinese unless they are willing to help themselves and to 122 cooperate with us. The sequence is concluded by a Chinese student in the United States who speaks out, "But we do want to help ourselves. I am in your country, looking to your way to find out how." A long sequence depicts various aspects of life in Junction City, U=S=A; two-thirds of the residents of this area are farmers and what has been done here, the film im plies, can be done in Yinshi. Scenes show tradesmen, farm ers, power lines, telephones, libraries, and well-stocked stores. The town's prosperity is reflected in pretty white homes, 17 churches, and a 66-bed hospital. The narrator reminisces that things were not always so good in Junction City. The area was once swept by epidemics, deluged by floods and dessicated by droughts, but these problems were resolved by educating the people in the techniques of cop ing with them, a process which in turn resulted in the building of new industries and shaped the democratic proc ess. But the problems which once plagued Junction City still plague Yinshi. Yinshi is shown as not only cut off from the world by lack of communication facilities, but cut off in educational contacts that would enable the people to solve their problems. Scenes show people drinking from the 123 same river in which they wash their clothes and dump their refuse, a river which overflows with death-dealing bacteria. A sequence shows people working at their trades: Boat builders, farmers, fishermen do their work in the same way their fathers did— the hard way. Over scenes of dragon dances the narrator reiter ates that education can bring new methods to solve their problems and bring freedom from fear of mythological crea tures. Gentry scholars of traditional China want to mesh the old culture with the new technology "because the old was not all bad." By way of clarification the narrator added that while freedom of worship had been practiced for centuries, ignorance and fear have been undefeated for centuries. In conclusion the film stresses those steps China is taking in its own behalf. "Building on their elder system" and "developing social responsibility," they regis ter under the Kuomintang flag for some unknown civic pur pose. As streams of Chinese children run footraces and respond eagerly to teachers in their classrooms, the narra tor points out that China's future lies with these children, and that by aiding them with books and teachers we can do much to continue the fine work done by American missionar 124 ies and educators in aiding the Chinese educational system, and thereby help to construct a new and better China. Open Criterion Comments.— Some of the film not about China. Anne Bowles (3) Much emphasis on Junction City. Gordon T. Bowles (4) Openness to change. Donald P. Ely (6) Education. Stresses need for education and help to rebuild China. John H. Tyo (8) This film was more concerned with generating support for a relief organization than depicting a coherent story about China itself. Richard Videbeck (7) An Oriental City; Canton. China, circa 1949 An Oriental City: Canton, China begins with an animated map showing the territorial extent of China and the location of Canton as the narrator explains that its population has reached 500 million. A dissolve introduces a sequence presenting life on Canton harbor, where sampan families live, eat, sleep, work, spend their leisure hours 125 and die on their boats. Over scenes of women cooking rice and families eating it the narrator explains that "more rice is eaten than any other food because it is more nour ishing than any other food that can be grown in Southeast China." A sequence presents the new and old sections of the city of Canton: The commercial district contains modern stores and skyscrapers, but very few automobiles because they are too costly; "most of the people walk or take pedi- cabs." Then old Canton is presented in scenes of crowded streets festooned with dangling Chinese signs. The narra tor explains that this is where most of the shops and indus tries are located, with some streets given over to areas of specialized artisanry. Various Cantonese craft industries are introduced; silversmiths, ivory carvers, cloth weavers, and porcelain makers work at their crafts and the film pre sents the industrial shop of Mr. Low, employer of a dozen men, whose bookkeeper is shown computing with an abacus. The narrator comments over a statue of Buddha, "In our homes are statues of Buddha and everywhere there are statues to ancestors." The sequence ends with a view of people praying. The progress of education in Canton is depicted 126 with scenes of children in school, chanting and reciting for their teacher; they appear well dressed and groomed, and at recess they "play the same kinds of games as do the children in other parts of the world." The narrator con tinues, "we have adopted many of the practices of the West ern world," and the following scenes show Chinese univer sity students working in modern laboratories and agricul ture students doing field work dressed in business suits. Life in the rural area around Canton is introduced by a rustic view■of a farmer trading a footpath between two flooded rice paddies. Over canal scenes the narrator ex plains that mot of the commerce is carried in sampans, and over scenes of barbering, bamboo weaving, violin making, flower arranging, and haggling between merchants and house wives, he describes the activities of the village market place. In the concluding sequence Mr. Low is transported by pedicab from his place of business to his home in a suburb of Canton. He drinks tea and reads the newspaper in his garden as the cook prepares the evening meal; at dinner the family sits down with many smiles to a table covered with heaping bowls of rice and vegetables. The film ends with a montage of Cantonese night life— including 127 a Chinese opera, fortune tellers, public scribes, and night scenes on the river. Open Criterion Comments.— Some more background music and/or natural Chinese sounds of city life, loading ships, etc. was definitely lacking in most of the film. Beautiful photography. Jane Bowles (3) Soft, gentle slightly oriental voice of narrator. John Tyo (7) Obviously a public relations film for Nationalist China. Frank Wattson (7) Farming in South China; The Si River Valley, 1949 Farming in South China: The Si River Valley begins with an animated map of China; a zoom-in singles out the region of South China being treated in the film and a dis solve to a sweeping view of the Si River Valley begins the live action portion. Village life is shown in scenes of women hanging out their wash to dry in the tropical sun, children carry ing small shoulder-pole baskets, men trundling heavy loads along the narrow paths which divide the rice paddies and a farmer cutting rake, kneeling and smiling, and the narrator 128 explains that with so great a population and so little land, each fanner can have only a few acres. He comments, "he uses the same tools that farmers have used for thousands of years," and adds, "from early morning to late at night his family works in the fields." During a lunch break each member of the family quickly devours his bowl of rice and immediately returns to work, putting on the flat hats of woven bamboo necessary to ward off the hot rays of the tropical sun. The film con tinues with more scenes and descriptions of village life— a farmer plows with his water buffalo, pumps water by hand into an irrigation ditch, plants rice and fertilizes it with budkets of night soil, followed by scenes of a grandmother feeding mulberry leaves to silkworms, a water buffalo being washed, more farmers working hard in the fields and a gaggle of ducks being fed scraps. A sequence presents family life after the day's work. The boy of this family, Kim, rehearses a dragon dance for the coming festival as the other boys beat drums. His sister feeds dry straw into the oven to cook dinner and the family sits in a circle around the table to enjoy a meal of rice, meat, and vegetables. After dinner their water buf falo is fed, a game of dominoes is started, a neighbor 129 visits them, and brings his stringed instrument to play, grandmother lights incense to honor her ancestors and Kim practices learning how to write. The next sequence depicts the following day's prep arations for marketing the farmers' produce: Many scenes show the farmers of Yip village carrying their loads to the marketplace of the town of Cha Pui, where their produce is sold and manufactured products bought. Traders from Canton arrive in their sampans to buy and to sell and to tell the latest news from the outside world. The film con cludes by following a sampan family and its load of produce down the Pearl river to Canton harbor, which is crowded with similar sampans and junks. The film ends with an animated map reestablishing the location of the region in South China. Open Criterion Comments.— Narration— a Chinese— was an asset to the film. He gave it character— saying "we." Rita M. Hanson (9) The use of Chinese narrator added much to the authen ticity of the film. Delwyn G. Schubert (9) The narrator, obviously Chinese, added much to the authenticity of the picture— which gave a sympathetic 130 treatment of the pre-revolutionary Chinese farm family. Roy B. Tozier (8) Sampan Family. 1949 Sampan Family opens with several succeeding scenes depicting a modern cosmopolitan city and then dissolves to a waterfront scene swarming with junks and sampans; this is the city of Shanghai. The narrator asserts that Chinese harbors are the busiest in the world and then poses the question, "Why?" An animated map reveals that the Himalaya Mountains are the source of China's many rivers; the narra tor explains that because there are few roads and fewer railroads than rivers are the vital arteries of communica tion and transportation of the nation. In a province like Fukien, seat of Shanghai, the sampans maintain communication between the people of the interior and the outside world by bringing upland crops and lumber to the city and returning with manufactured goods. This sequence concludes with scenes of sampans being pulled upstream against a turbulent current by coolie gangs and daring boatmen. The next sequence is set in Shanghai harbor where the different jobs done by sampans is demonstrated; there are pig boats, hay boats, cattle boats, ferry boats, rescue 131 boats, bridal boats, burial boats, and sampan green-grocers. Many families live out their lives on sampans; a sequence depicts men mending their fishing nets, boys brooding or feeding basket-caged ducks, women cooking, cutting cloth, or raising plants in an unused corner of a sampan. A mother washes her child’s face as the narrator comments on the cleanliness of the Chinese, and adds, "Many Chinese are Christians— this woman is a Catholic." The rest of the film is devoted to a day in the life of one sampan family. It begins with a scene showing Ling Fong Ta, father of the family, as he mends his fishnets; the narrator explains that catches barely enough fish for the family to eat with a few left over to sell. The money thus earned is used to buy rice and cloth; Mrs. Ling, clothmaker to the family, squats under the bamboo roof and cuts cloth. In the next sequence, the whole family participates in rowing the sampan to sea for the day's fishing. The father, mother, son, and even a child of five each take an oar or lend a hand. "A sampan family works together all the time. Not just sometimes, but 24 hours a day." The father spreads his nets and catches only a few salable fish because, the narrator explains, the fishing 132 banks are nearly exhausted. Father Ling is luckier than usual today in catching a few larger ones to sell, and he puts them into a below-decks water tank to keep them alive. Mother Ling cooks a meager lunch of greens, fish and rice over a tiny stove and the family sits down to lunch. Sev eral scenes show the children stuffing themselves with gusto and the narrator comments that the monotony of their diet apparently does not affect their appetites. At noon the day's fishing is done and the father drapes his nets to dry suspended from long poles. The family begins to row home— "home" being their anchorage upriver. On the way they pause to watch a cormorant fish erman prod his birds into diving for fish. A sequence ex plains how the birds are taught to fish for their masters. For the Ling children it is a great treat to watch the cor morants dive to fish. At anchor, the family sleeps huddled together under a roof of bamboo mats; the narrator comments that like many sampan families they will never know what it is to live on land or to own it, for they will live on their sampan until the day they die. In the morning they arise and remove the bamboo roof mats and begin the day's journey to the fish ing grounds. The film concludes by dissolve to a scene of 133 Foochow harbors where the sampans are already at the daily work of unloading ocean liners, etc. Over scenes of sam pan activity the narrator comments that without the sturdy sampan people China could not long survive. Open Criterion Comments.— This film presents an interesting picture of the simple life of a family aboard the family sampan. This must have been the life of a Chinese sampan family in the pre-revolutionary period. Roy B. Tozier (7) Coherent film, and well done if accuracy can be as sumed; also if featured family can be thought of as representative of sampan families. Richard Videbeck (7) What is China?, circa 1949 What is China? begins with a map of China in which that nation is compared with the United States in territor ial size; by animation, China then is subdivied into China proper, Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, Outer Mongolia, Sinkiang and Tibet. The animation dissolves to live action sequences touching upon each of these regions in turn. Inner Mongol ia is revealed to be a land of shifting sands and barren rocks. Outer Mongolia is arid too, but is a steppe where horses can thrive and they are shown to be as important to 134 the Mongols of today as they were in the time of Genghis Khan; many scenes show Mongolian wranglers wheeling and galloping their mounts around milling herds of horses. Sinkiang is pictured to be the bleakest of deserts whose only evident form of life is a passing camel caravan. Tibet is depicted as being a high and cold place of snow covered mountains and wind swept passes; a desolate land. An animated map shows the locations of the great arterial rivers of China— the Huang Ho in the North, the Yangtse Kiang in the center, and the Si Kiang in the South, followed by a dissolve to live action sequences at the different locales: The Huang Ho is shown to be navigable only in its lower reaches; for most of its length it can be traveled only by rafts; this river is turbulent and many scenes of flood disaster show the role this river has played in China's history. The Yangtse Kiang is shown to be fully navigable and junks and sampans are propelled over it by standing oarsmen and by coolies thrusting foot paddles. The Si Kiang, too, is shown to be fully navigable, and, being in a tropical area with a great amount of rainfall, it is interlaced with many canals both for transportation and irrigation purposes. The narrator adds that the crews of the junks and sampans that ply these waterways are com- 135 posed of a single family to each craft. A long sequence reveals the inventions made by the Chinese, including gunpowder, the compass, the gyroscope, the seismograph and the craft of making porcelain. An aerial view of the Tian Shan Mountains presents the Great Wall, built long ago to keep out barbarian invaders, fol lowed by scenes of the Temple of Heaven in Peking, Buddhist pagodas and fine pieces of sculpture. A series of unrelated scenes present some Chinese people jumping for unexplained delectation, other people playing games and still others attending a Chinese opera, showing that the "Chinese like fun and games." But they also work very hard, as can be seen in view of coolies breaking stones, mixing slurry and dragging rollers over newly constructed air strips. The narrator points out over these scenes that there are more than three times as many persons in China as there are in the United States, and that one of every four persons in the world is Chinese. A montage shows the smiling faces of babies and children and adults and patriarchs; the narrator says that they are "people with hope in the future. People with joy in living." With this introduction a long sequence pres ents the daily lives of the common people, eighty percent 136 of whom live by agriculture. There are scenes of a farmer plowing with his water buffalo, a terraced rice paddy, two men grinding grain with a foot mill, an old woman cooking rice, another taking water from a canal and views of plas tered earthen huts huddled together. The narrator comments that most Chinese families live in villages without clean water or sanitation facilities. A sequence presents life in a city and its harbor. A sweeping view of the harbor's sampan city yields to scenes of men rowing their boats, stripping bamboo to make mats, loading coal and bundles of firewood and repairing their fishnets; meanwhile, the old women cook, wash, and feed the babies and the older children play. On shore, artisans carve fine teakwood Hong Kong chests to sell to travelers. Police direct busy automobile and jin-rickshaw traffic, and there are many scenes of shops, restaurants, and sidewalk cafes. A modern shopping center is shown, followed by scenes of shoppers, revolving glass doors, and a window cleaner polishing a picture window. "These people believe in education and are doing something about it." Over scenes of classrooms in elemen tary, secondary, and university level schools, the narrator says that the latter are open to rich and poor alike if 137 they can qualify by examination; there are also classes for adult education. "Science and education are changing the Chinese way of life." A montage shows modern industrial progress in China, including drop forges, pile drivers, strip mines, textile factories, smelting furnaces and machine shops; the narrator asks— "Does this look like the China you have read about, talked about?" The film concludes with scenes of skyscrapers being constructed, a new outdoor swimming pool and city streets at night aglow with neon lights. The narrator urges— "Watch China . . . The will of her people is strong. The will of her people is good." Open Criterion Comments.— Attitude toward subject— extreme bias toward Chinese people. John Tyo (9) Overall reaction— I liked the people, enjoyed the ex periences with them. M. Wagstaff (8) Chinese Peasant Goes to Market, 1949 Chinese Peasant Goes to Market opens on scenes of Chinese peasants working hard at rice farming to earn a bare subsistence living. Every aspect of the farmer's 138 livelihood is shown as being implemented with primitive tools and muscle power. Rice is planted by hand, fertilized by shoulder carried buckets, irrigated by water wheels turned by arm and leg power and threshed manually by beat ing shocks of grain across the edge of boxes. The film stresses the peasants' poverty again and again by showing their patched and ragged clothing and their poor and ram shackle homes. The peasants must first work from sun to sun as farmers and then work in the evenings as part-time artisans. From time to time they go to market to sell their wares and a sequence shows many peasants going to the village to sell their produce and products. They sell peanuts and rice and sweet potatoes and fruits. They sell woven hats and bas kets and extra pieces of cloth, and try to sell odds and ends that might conceivably be of some value to somebody. They carry small bundles of sticks on their backs which they hope to sell as "lumber." Mothers go to market with their babies strapped to their backs in carrying packs. Regardless of how poor a family may be, any male child is pampered and dressed in clothing and footware which is covered with fancy embroid ery. Scenes show many views of artisans and peddlers, 139 women gossiping, children playing and peasants trundling by with their wares or spreading them out for sale. A hint of rampant inflation was indicated by the large wads of paper currency needed to consummate even the smallest transaction. The film concluded with the observation that even in the midst of their poverty the Chinese peasant manages to find many satisfactions in going to market. Journey to Kunming, 1949 Journey to Kunming is set in Yunnan province in the South of China; the film begins with a narrative description of how hard it is for the peasants to make a living in this interior region of limited resources. The importance of the river in an otherwise dry area is shown: Fishing is done with drop nets and many scenes show how they must be re peatedly hand lifted and lowered to catch only a few fish. "Too many people, not enough fish," the narrator avers. "Just as there are too many people, not enough arable land." And scenes reveal the myriad uses of straw in an area long ago stripped of timber; straw is woven into hats, mats and other products and is used for fuel. The river sequence concludes with scenes of sampan boatmen rowing their craft. Some of the rural means of livelihood are presented: 140 Coal mining is done entirely by hand and workers lift and carry huge chunks and baskets of coal. Both wet and dry rice farming techniques are shown? the former is seven times more productive; the latter is more widely done be cause of the high altitude and the hilly terrain. Again and again the film stresses the hard work and many hands needed to earn a family's livelihood; children under twelve stagger under basket loads of stones and a younger mother carrying a child on her back lifts a load of coal onto her shoulder. Life in the city of Kunming is shown as the main body of the film: The banks of the canal are crowded with sampans; the narrator explains that such congested living conditions lead to many people dying before they reach the age of thirty. The people of Kunming wash their feet and food alike in the canal and must carry enormous containers of water up to their hovels. Over scenes presenting Liai, Miao, and other tribesmen, with rich men and beggars rub bing shoulders, the narrator calls Kunming a "cosmopolitan city of striking contrasts." The market places are presented as the heart of life in Kunming: Inflation is shown when peasants pay for small purchases of food with large wads of currency. Poor 141 though they are, the peasants are indulgent with their children; toy makers find parents to be steady customers and the peep-show man does good business as he raises and lowers his still pictures for children. Other market place scenes show women gossiping, medical charlatans ped dling nostrums, soldiers practicing marksmenship at a side walk rifle range and customers eating bowls of rice in sidewalk cafes. Many scenes reveal the tolerance of the people toward different religious faiths; Moslems; Budd hists, Christians, and Confucianists alike are accepted; in a burial service for a recently deceased person, the mourn ers are shown wearing white garments— the color of bereave ment in China. The concluding sequence covers some of the artisan industries of Kunming; beds are woven of bamboo; shoes are fashioned by sewing layers of rags together and mattresses are finished by pushing heavy, round discs in sweeping circles until every lump is removed; the film ends by re turning to the barges of the canal and the hard heavy work of the sampan rivermen. Open Criterion Comments.— The narrator’s voice was quite pleasant and subdued in tone— the matching of scene and description more care 142 fully paced than most of films we have seen to date. Jane Bowles (no numerical rating) Narrator. Not as bad as others for condescension, but what a harrowing bore. The need that seems to be felt to anecdotalize in middle class American vein or even worse to "sympathize" is obnoxious to say the least I Margaret Gibbons (3) Narrator's tone, plus innocuous scenes, was irritating to me. Harold Herber (no numerical rating) Narration. Unhurried, informative, pleasant narration. John Tyo (7) Physical social welfare of the population. I was struck by both pictorial display and narrative comments re garding sanitary conditions, housing and poverty of the people. I fail to see for what (purpose) the film was intended. It lacked a coherent theme. Richard Videbeck (1) Communist Mainland China China; The Land and the People, 1955 China; The Land and the People opens on scenes re vealing swarms of workers who move loads of dirt with prim itive tools and the power of their backs. The narrator explains that China is the most populous nation on earth and it is one of the largest in territorial area. An 143 animated map first reveals that China occupies one quarter of the Asian land mass; a map of the United States is then superimposed over that of China to show their comparative sizes and to indicate the latitudes and relative locations of the major cities in each nation. Scenes of city life in Shanghai and Foochow are followed by closeups of typical Chinese people— a school girl, a businessman, a teacher, a doctor, and a farm boy. The animated map of China now shows the relation ship between population density and land fertility and re veals that the cool and dry North is separated from the hot and humid South by the Min Shan Mountains. The film then dwells on the economic life of South China: Rice is the staple crop, grown in flooded paddies which are irrigated by water wheels turned by the leg power of coolie feet. Peanuts and sweet potatoes are secondary crops, grown on land too poor or too hilly for rice culti vation. Land is too precious to grow grass for the raising of cattle, but water buffalo are often kept as draft ani mals and fed on rice straw. Some farmers raise pigs and feed them refuse. Rivers are common in the tropical south and these provide the chief routes of transportation. Rafts of pine 144 logs and bamboo trunks are floated down from the uplands to be sold in the port cities. In the cities there are so many people that the population spills over into house boats, where many families spend their entire lives. The large vessels are called "junks"; these are cargo ships which carry tea and rice in the coastal trade, and their high flung sterns are covered with colorful paintings. The animated map then transports the viewer to North China and dissolves to scenes depicting the economic life of that area: Cattle are shown grazing on flat land, followed by scenes depicting fields of millet, corn, sor ghum, kaoliang and wheat. Wheat is the most important crop and is the basis for the noodle production industry. Roads are the main avenues of transportation in the North and wooden carts are commonly seen on them pulled by horses, mules, or oxen. The cities of the North are filled with monuments and pagodas, and the grandeur of Peking reminds the viewer of the greatness of the China1s ancient dynas ties . The film returns to the scene on which it opened. Workers sweat and struggle to build by hand the dikes and dams they hope will contain their immemorial scourage, the Yellow River. The narrator dwells on the power problem: 145 "Men are still the most important source of power in China, as they have been for centuries." Over scenes of modern trains, trucks, and cranes he adds, "But changes are taking place . . . Machinery is now being used. In the future the Chinese people will try to continue industrialization." A montage sequence then contrasts the new factories and steel mills of the cities with the age old methods of the hinter land and the narrator concludes on a note of ambivalence. He expresses hope for the future of commerce and industry, but apprehension for the lot of the rural peasants "who labor very hard to make a living." The Brainwashing of John Hayes. 1955 The Brainwashing of John Hayes is a television dramatization which purportedly recreates the true story of the forcible seizure, brainwashing and trial of an American missionary in China— John Hayes. As the film opens on a village scene in China the narrator says, "In the summer of 1951, the Chinese Commu nist government of Peking decided to take action against a group they had long hated and feared— American Protestant missionaries." John Hayes' bedroom is then forcibly en tered in the middle of the night by Communist soldiers who 146 smash down the door with rifle butts and arrest him at bay onet point. Hayes is dragged ignominiously through the streets. The officer in charge taunts him and flaunts his loss of "face" before the villagers; a peasant who turns away from Hayes' humiliation is slapped. The trial is planned in the prison office by the Chinese officer and a Russian commisar, who is obviously the master of the situation. The Russian assigns the task of extorting a confession from Hayes to the Chinese officer, who bows obsequiously and thanks him repeatedly for the privilege. Subsequent scenes show the harrassment of Hayes. When he tries to sleep he is poked with a stick. He is fed garbage and is almost too weak to eat it. The narrator com ments, "For three months he was confined to a cell that was torture itself . . . He was fed the minimum necessary to sustain life." And he adds, "There is no mystery about brainwashing. . . Once the body is reduced to the lowest physical ebb,/‘the mind is subjected to propaganda." The Chinese officer shrieks at Hayes to sign a confession that he is "a tool of the Wall street warmongers" and, that he wishes to atone for "crimes against the Chinese people." Hayes refuses and collapses from exhaustion. 147 The Russian commissar then comes to insinuate him self into Hayes confidence by offering a high office in the new China if he confesses; when Hayes again refuses he threatens torture and death, but the missionary is un shaken. At the trial, the judges denounce him before pro ceedings begin as an "insolent Yankee." The judges accuse him of being a spy for the F.B.I. because he belongs to the American Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, as does J. Edgar Hoover. Hayes answers with taunts about Russia's conquest of Manchuria, Mongolia, and Tibet and alleged domination of China itself: "Who strides across China as lord and master?" Hayes then confounds his judges by an nouncing that he could not be called an imperialist because he is not a Russian. Hayes challenges the democratic forms of the Com munist regime: "What is a democracy? Name officials of the Chinese government who have been elected by the people. It is being secure in one's person and one's home. Are you secure in your person, your home? Or do you wonder when the knock on your door will come in the dark of the night?" A judge then mutters that "Hayes is a dangerous man," and he is convicted and sentenced to be expelled from China. 148 When the Russian commissar denounces the chief judge for failing to sentence John Hayes to death, the Chinese judge announces that the missionary had not be trayed China--but that he had himself betrayed China by be coming a Communist judge. The Russian ordered that he be taken away and disposed of. The concluding scene shows John Hayes sadly carry ing his belongings through the village as he leaves China. A Chinese woman stops to wish him well and her son raises his thumb in salute and pipes, "America is tops." Open Criterion Comments.-- Too extremely in almost every way. Gordon T. Bowles (1) Credibility. Richard Videbeck (1) The Face of Red China, 1959 Before the documentary portion begins, a news com mentator explains that since 1949 the face of China has been shut off from American eyes— "except through gunsights which have brought us to the brink of war. The face of a new antagonist, challenging the West." The Face of Red China begins with a sequence show- 149 ing a great swarm of Chinese workers carrying earth and tamping it down on a new commune dam: A narrator asserts that while Russia is backing from Communism, China is be coming a truly Communist society with a commune system where all aspects of life are organized. Over a scene of dirt tamping crews he adds, "The tools are those of old China, but the regimentation is new. Not only physical regimentation, but the regimentation of the mind. When they are not pounding the earth, their minds are being pounded with propaganda." A long sequence depicts activities around a commune center: The people of the communes are tightly organized and they march to their tasks in military formation. This is followed by scenes showing smaller commune children play ing games together, followed by a scene of older boys play ing basketball. The narrator describes commune attempts to develop light industry over scenes of men sawing lumber, women doing manual labor, girls pouring metal into molds to make medals for distinguished achievement in labor, and a small brick furnace for smelting pig iron to produce com mune tools. The narrator avers: "In Russia they let the peasants keep something, but in China there is no such thing as a privately owned wheelbarrow." The sequence on 150 the commune center concludes with scenes of children behind bars in a nursery where "the child is surrendered to the state for massive indoctrination." The narrator compares the situation on a commune to that found in George Orwell's book, 1984: "... children are separated from their moth ers as eggs are taken from a hen," so that the mothers may be released for labor. A sequence presents the field work and military exercises of the commune militia; Men and women march to the fields in precise military formation. Once a week the Young Pioneers participate, and at harvest time they are joined by university students. As part of their lunch break there is one hour of military drill and bayonet prac tice and several scenes showing grim militiamen aiming rifles, swinging rifle butts and jabbing bayonets directly at the audience. The narrator quotes Mao Tse Tung in say ing that the family is "an obsolete economic unit" and re peatedly refers to the use of regimentation to replace the family; one Chinese girl comments, "the family does not count any more." The techniques of political control and indoctrina tion are presented; Children shoulder wooden rifles and march in propaganda parades as they sing songs in praise 151 of Socialism. There is a neighborhood spy system by which everyone is kept under surveillance and his activities and conversations reported to Communist officials. A "Hate America" campaign continues relentlessly, with posters hung everywhere which depict the United States as a black spider or as a wizened old man trying to prevent Taiwan from being seized by a muscular young man representing the New China. There are great rallies at which the people are exhorted to support the programs of the regime. The narra tor comments, "they don't chop off heads anymore--they re shape them," and adds that often a large group of Commu nists "concentrate on brainwashing a single person." A sequence presents the inside of a prison for political prisoners and the narrator avers that when the prisoners were asked about their crimes they answered, "I was a reac tionary," or, "I have seen the error of my ways." The nar rator concludes that what impressed him most was the Com munists' success in reshaping minds, and adds that "the troublesome school teachers and writers of the Hundred Flowers period had been sent to such labor camps" for re education. An old woman, her feet crippled by binding is shown tottering down the street; she exemplifies Old China. This 152 is followed by views of relics which reflect the glory of the Imperial past--the Buddhist pagodas of Peking, the Summer Palace and the Forbidden City— now open to the public. Over scenes of the Marble Boat built by the last Empress Dowager, the narrator explains that at first the Imperial past was reviled by the Communists, but now it is glorified in order to stimulate a spirit of chauvinism and to instill hatred of all foreign "barbarians." A scene presents an ancient echo wall, so constructed that a person standing at one end can hear a whisper spoken at the other; the Chinese use it to prove that their forefathers understood sound waves long before it was understood in the West, and the narrator comments that a visitor is continually reminded of such Chinese inventions as gunpowder, paper, and printing. A sequence presents new developments in the cities: There are scenes of factories constructed in less than two months and the human conveyor belts who completed them, new housing developments and the Red Army soldiers who built them, and old slums that are now much cleaner because of the children who work at sweeping them. This portion con cludes with views of Shanghai, now clean and modern looking. The Chinese Communists' techniques of political con trol and indoctrination are presented: Children shoulder 153 wooden rifles and march in parades as they sing songs of praise of Socialism. A neighborhood spy system keeps everyone under surveillance, and unacceptable activities and conversations are reported to Communist officials. A "Hate America" campaign continues unrelentingly, with posters hung everywhere picturing the United States as a black spider, or as a wizened old man trying to prevent Taiwan from being seized by a muscular young man represent ing the New China. Today's China is an amalgam of new and old prac tices: A sequence shows a school teacher writing a Roman ized form of the Chinese language for her pupils, hospital ized patients being treated with the ancient Taoist tech nique of acro-puncture, and an old man doing classical Buddhist exercises and two young students doing a sword dance. A brief sequence shows a man and woman making out marriage forms and the narrator comments sardonically that they do not marry for physical compatibility, but for ideo logical compatibility. The concluding sequence summarizes the vast appli cation of human effort by which the Communists are seeking to "transform China into a vast industrial combine," and depicts the results being achieved. Scenes of men and 154 women acting as draft animals are followed by scenes of new bridges, new factories, new assembly lines and the An Shan steel complex. "Ten years ago," the narrator asserts, "China didn't produce an aspirin. Now it has a cyclotron and plans for atomic powered ships . . . But the higher the economic rise, the greater the decline in human rights." In conclusion the narrator emphasizes the chauvinism used to motivate the Chinese people, their uncompromising atti tude and their belief that "time is on our side." Open Criterion Comments.-- Unfavorable on social justice. Lindsey Raber (3) This film presents a picture of life in Red China under a government based upon the principles of social con trol enunciated by Karl Marx. It stressed the all out effort of the dictators to dominate the minds and lives of Chinese people through indoctrination, repression, and coercion. Throughout this indoctrination is the implanting of hate in the people for the U.S. as an imperialistic and aggressor nation. Roy B. Tozier (2) Commentator's tone of voice makes a value judgement to show Communist achievement in an unfavorable light. This film is American propaganda. Vicki Weinstein (3) Awful commentary. M. W. Young (3) 155 War in China, 1932-1945, 1959 War in China, 1932-1945 is introduced by scenes of Japanese naval guns bombarding the city of Shanghai in 1937; land assault follows with artillery barrages, infan try attacks and machine gun fire culminating in the fall of the city. The flag of Nationalist China is hauled down and flung to the ground, to which swarms of Chinese people are shown reacting heroically, stoically. A sequence presents Japan's reasons for invading China: Over the scenes of city streets in Tokyo, streetcars, girls in kimonos, Japanese military officers and cadets and naval vessels, the narrator explains that although the Japanese seem quiet and are traditionally polite, the is lands are overpopulated. To meet the need for resources and living space, the militarists and the Zaibatsu join forces to implement the Tanaka plan of conquest "by blood and iron." A map of China presents the location of Manchuria and the site of the 1931 Japanese invasion, followed by live action scenes of Chinese men reduced to slave labor gangs working in mines and on railroads. The narrator de scribes how the Japanese sought to degrade and divide by selling opium, etc. Over scenes of the Yennan caves and 156 Mao Tse Tung, he explains that China was already divided— the Communist and Natinalists had been at war since 1927. An animated map shows the location of Shanghei and dissolves to scenes of life in that cosmopolitan city; Scotch, French and Japanese troops are shown guarding the treaty port, and sophisticated Chinese women frequent nightclubs with European officers in what the narrator de scribes as a "no holds barred" atmosphere. A sequence shows Japanese naval vessels sailing up the Wang Po river in 1937 to point their guns at the international settle ment and send their marines ashore to manhandle Chinese citizens. When the Japanese bomb the city and launch their land attack, the Chinese army defend Shanghai successfully for over three months until cut off by a flanking attack. After the fall of Shanghai the Japanese push on to Nanking and a sequence depicts the infamous "rape of Nan king." Japanese soldiers loot, wreck property indiscrimi- nantly, drag girls to implied rape and bury a Chinese family— alive. Scenes show Japanese officers sitting about, grinning, as they await Chiang Kai Shek1s petition for peace, but it does not come. A stirring sequence symbolically shows the Chinese people answering a call to arms: A man strikes a great 157 Buddhist gong, and farmers come running from their work in the fields, peasants take up arms, demagogues shout and young people listen eagerly. "Not since Chiang Kai Shek led the people against the old Manchu dynasty have the people been so completely behind him." Over scenes of Chu Teh speaking and the Red Army doing Taoist calisthenics, the narrator recounts Mao's of fer to join forces with Chiang in a common front against the Japanese and describes how Red partisans were sent deep into the heart of enemy controlled territory to cut Japan ese communication. A sequence shows armed Chinese gueril las wading through swamps, emerging from tunnels and blow ing up Japanese armored trains. When Hankow falls in 1938, and is utterly destroyed, Chiang Kai Shek and his politburo decide to withdraw to Chungking in the interior and bring their factories with them. Scene after scene shows the epic trek: Trains carry enormous loads of equipment that are topped by clinging people, floods of refugees clog the roads, horses or families pull heavily loaded carts, old women are helped by their children, a crying woman crawls over some rubble and coolie gangs strain to pull supplies up the Yangtse river to Chungking. 158 Chiang Kai Shek is shown arriving grimly in Chung king, a city famous for its sweeping balustraded stairway, but having little clean water or electricity, A sequence shows the Japanese bombing Chungking relentlessly, refugees fleeing to nearby caves, the Soong sisters attending to victims, Chiang Kai Shek poring over a map and factory workers looking up defiantly at their attackers. When the Japanese army bisects China and cuts off Chiang forces from outside and, an army of coolies labor for two years to build the Burma road. The film shows Clair Chennault and his Flying Tigers defending the road against Japanese bombers in many scenes of savage aerial combat, and the truckloads of supplies continue to roll in. The narrator says, "They won their war," and the film con cludes with scenes of rivermen straining to row a junk up river as he warns that the Communist government now seeks to weld these people into a fighting machine: "A new force, a new imperial nation in Asia, . . . China poses a formidable threat to the whole free world." Open criterion Comments.— National Unity. All factors considered under duress of war . Donald P. Ely (9) 159 A short but vivid picture of China's fight to maintain national integrity in the face of Japanese aggression. Roy B. Tozier (no numerical rating) Heroic effort. The principal impact of this on me is almost in and of the Chinese people for their durabil ity and stoicism. It answers the question: What should a people do when faced with a savage enemy, inert al lies and few resources? Richard videbeck (8) True picture of war— well done. Alice M. Tozier (no numerical rating) The Fall of China, 1961 The Fall of China is introduced by a commentator who stands beside a map of China and speaks of the contro versy surrounding the reasons for the communist victory. He is followed by persons who were there at the time and who are interaviewed and express their views on the deba cle: General Barr opines that chiang*s military high com mand was incompetent, politically influenced and burdened with an unsound strategy; he adds that only a major Ameri can war effort might have saved the Nationalists, an action he had to advise against. General Wedemeyer maintains that a Communist victory could have been averted had the United States made a major commitment of armed forces and 160 economic aid# a move he had strongly recommended. Pearl Buck pronounces that china fell primarily because Chiang Kai Shek was personally inadequate to the times. Madame Chiang Kai Shek gave no reason for the defeat but asserted defiantly that the Nationalists would fight on for the cause of freedom. A sequence presents the war devastated condition of China in 1945; ragged refugees wander aimlessly through wreckage and ruins, picking at garbage or lying down to sprawl in exhaustion. A map of China reveals the areas then controlled by the two adversaries, and the region of Manchuria occupied by Russia. This dissolves to a sequence in which Chiang Kai Shek appears and makes a speech before thousands of his cheering countrymen. The narrator explains that Chiang's job is to reunite China all over again and he opines, "Chiang Kai Shek is still the symbol of freedom to most of his people." The locale shifts to the rural hills of Yennan province where Mao Tse Tung is shown emerging from the cave which serves as his headquarters. The Nationalists and Communists talk peace, the narrator avers, but civil war erupts again as both sides begin a race for territory formerly occupied by the Japanese. A montage of battle 161 scenes tells the story of the fighting, with soldiers fir ing rifles, throwing grenades, laying down artillery bar rages and mounting mass assaults. General Marshall flies to China where he meets with Chiang Kai Shek and offers American aid when and if long promised reforms are imple mented. Marshall is then shown greeting Chou En Lai, fol lowed by a sequence in which the Kuomintang and Communist Party officials are pictured as signing an accord that will supposedly end the civil war. But in Communist held territory the mass indoctri nation of the people continues in open air political lec tures. other scenes show men with ropes and stakes imple menting a land reform program as the narrator comments, "Chiang has promised land reform for a decade, but the Communists put it into practice— crudely and violently." A sequence reveals the lot of the former landlords; at "speak bitterness" meetings they sit or kneel with their heads bowed as the surrounding peasants curse and denounce and bully them. The peasants cheer and applaud as the vic tims are dragged before an earthen wall and executed by firing squads. A scene of superbly equipped Nationalist troops doing calisthenics begins the story of the final catas- 162 trophe: A battle montage of bombs exploding and bayonet attacks depicts the initial successes achieved by Chiang*s armies. By 1946 victory seems within reach, the narrator explains, but the Nationalists find themselves in the strategic situation of the former Japanese invaders— they occupy the cities and the key coastal areas but are unable to secure the countryside. Acting against American advice Chiang*s forces launch an all out attack against Manchuria, an anabasis which is thwarted by a Communist flanking man euver in which they sever the Nationalist army's lines of communication and railroad logistical support and capture the entire Nationlist army. More battle scenes depict the turning of the tide. Regiments of Communist infantry and cavalry pursue their routed enemy, now surrendering with all their American equipment in company, regimental and division strength. In the cities of the South the final loss of the Manchurian industrial complex and the deteriorating mili tary situation leads to rampant inflation. A sequence shows people carrying bundles and armfuls of money on bicycles and in pedicabs to exchange for very small pur chases; the narrator avers that the rate of exchange plum mets to six million yuan to one American dollar. Rising 163 anti-Americanism is revealed by scenes of students demon strating against American military aid, waving vilifying posters and banners and denouncing the United States in rabble rousing diatribes. General Wedemeyer meets with Chiang Kai Shek during a fact finding mission and tells him that needed reforms must be effected immediately. Only performance, not promises, will turn the tide. V7edemeyer then sends a report to Washington urging a major American commitment to the aid of Chiang's forces— a report that is allegedly suppressed. Mao is shown with his high command as they plan the Communist strike for total victory. This is followed by battle scenes of attacking infantry, tanks and artil lery. Political propagandists are shown shouting through megaphones as they urge nationalist troops to surrender, which they do in droves. The Communists sweep into the Yangtse valley and cross over the river on an armada of junks and sampans. The Kuomintang forces resist by firing artillery salvoes from the farther shore at the approaching ships but the Communists wade ashore and rout them. The retreating Nationalists are followed by thousands of refugees who pull or carry everything they own and rest by sleeping in exhausted heaps beside the roads. 164 The people of Shanghai and the Kuomintang govern ment panic at the approach of the Communists. Suspected Communists are shown being dragged into the streets by policemen and publicly executed with pistols. A surging, screaming mob is beaten back by officers wielding bamboo whips. Foreigners jam the ticket offices of shipping lines to book passage on the first departing vessel and then clamber up the gangplanks to flee China as quickly as pos sible. Over these scenes the narrator comments, "Some businessmen stay, thinking the Communists cannot be worse to do business with than the Kuomintang. But they learn otherwise. They will suffer confiscation of their busi nesses, imprisonment or worse." A Communist forces drive into Shanghai almost unresisted to complete the crushing of the Nationalist regime on the mainland. The documen tary portion concludes with scenes of Mao Tse Tung, Chou En Lai, and Madame Chiang Kai Shek reviewing the victorious Red Army, and then shows Chiang Kai Shek walking forlornly on Formosa. The narrator asks, "How did it happen? How was it caused?" The Fall of China concludes as it began, with the same four people pronouncing their opinions on the reasons for the collapse of the Nationlist cause. General Barr 165 reiterated his view that chiang's officers were incompetent and added that they seemed inherently unable to destroy any thing of value as they retreated; he also implied that the Communist soldiers seemed to believe in their cause where the Nationalist troops apparently did not. General Wede- meyer ascribed the Kuomintang defeat to America's hands off policy when all out economic and military aid should have been sent, and to a collusion at Yalta whereby China's vital interests were sold out. PearL Buck asserted that Chiang was a military rather than a political leader and opined that he failed because he lacked the personal magne tism to attract the loyalty of the people. Madame Chiang swore that Russia would never own China, extolled her hus band as the great defender of freedom in Asia and vowed that they would fight on to liberate the mainland. The narrator ends the film with the statement that the fall of China was a major defeat for the Free World. Open Criterion Comments.— Violence. War scenes seem to show more mass destruc tion of property and people than Nationalists— seem indept or personally violent— as is seen in shooting of one person in Shanghai. Ann Bowles (2) Authoritative comments on the fall of China. Not a 166 didactic film, but a political essay. Donald P. Ely (4) Non-objective opinions: The four "authorities" whose interpretations were given— Pearl Buck, Madame chiang, etc.— were not objective, non-involved participants. Descriptive terminology: Unpleasant or derogatory terms applied to Communists. T. E. Swann (2) Commentators— T.V. handling of introduction and final comments poorly handled (i.e., suspicion that they might not all have written what they read). Also several cuts of U. S. delegates putting the blame on others weakens the scholarly impact and makes it low politics. Barbara Swann (4) China Under Communism, 1962 China Under Communism, begins with a sequence pre senting monuments that exemplify China's greatness over three millenia, including the Great Wall, Buddhist Pago das, the Summer Palace in Peking, a bronze Manchu lion and the tomb of Dr. Sun Yat Sen. The scene shifts dramatically to one whose life has remained unchanged by past glories or Sun Yat Sen's revolution— a Chinese peasant, plodding through a rice paddy behind his water buffalo. An animated map shows the basic geography of China and its effect upon population growth. The north of China is dry and the west is both dry and mountainous; this tends 167 to limit the regions of arable land to the east— and it is within this area that a population explosion is taking place. Life on a modern commune in Communist China is in troduced by a scene showing local militia assembling beside rows of stacked rifles. As a montage shows former land lords being denounced publicly and executed, the narrator describes how the present tenants of the commune seized control of the land under Communist leadership. Under communal ownership, the peasants are shown as willing to pull their ovn plows through the commune fields. A mon tage shows cotton fields, rice fields, irrigation struc tures, men spreading chemical fertilizer, old people carry ing armfuls of grain, women planting rice seedlings and children in a nursery singing songs about the Great Leap Forward. China's hope for the future is expressed in public exhibitions of new windmills, turbines, combines, motor tractors, steam locomotives and steel mills. These first small fruits of China's industrialization programs are con trasted dramatically with the massive application of muscle power needed to achieve it. Swarms of workers construct a steel plant at Hankow by carrying dirt in shoulder baskets, 168 dumping it in place and then tamping it down manually. Villagers try to supplement steel production by hammering chunks of iron ore into small pieces and feeding them into the small backyard smelting furnaces they have constructed. Human and animal muscles strength shows as the motive power for many forms of local transportation— bicycles, pedicabs, oxcarts, and horsecarts. Parades are used to whip up public spirit and to encourage participation in the regime's programs. There are parades encouraging the extermination of mosquitoes, rates and sparrows, complete with floats, effigies, plac ards and posters denouncing the offenders. There are par ades expressing hostility toward foreign imperialists, with satirical effigies and placards carried aloft. "Hate America" posters plastered on walls and everywhere signs demand the liberation of Formosa. Interspersed among the sequences depicting mass indoctrination there are indica tions of substantive progress— like a children's hospital, a tuberculosis sanitarium, a university, a new bridge over the Yangtse river and soldiers working on a construction site. The film concludes with a montage of the key scenes which review the "relentless mobilization of human strength 167 and coercion" under Communist leadership. The narrator ex plains that the Great Leap Forward is now known to have failed badly and the people are suffering as a consequence; "but," he points out, "the fact that one out of every four persons on earth is a Chinese holds vast significance for the rest of the world." The Chinese are making solid mate rial gains that should not be underestimated. Open Criterion Comments.— Personal reaction toward pattern of life depicted. Rita M. Hanson (2) Unfavorable reaction toward the way of life depicted. Leslie Nelson (2) Don't like what is shown. Can't countenance Communism in its presented form. Delwyn G. Schubert (1) A picture of Red China as presented by a newspaper for eign correspondent by the name of Strohm. It did pre sent the positive as well as the negative aspects of life in Red China, but one must conclude that there have been real losses in the values and ideas of the past that made ancient China unique and great civiliza tion. Roy B. Tozier (3) Credibility of Film (objectivity). Aside from "accura cy" which I cannot attest to, I think (felt) that what I saw was accurate. I felt that what was said and shown was "objective." Richard Videbeck (7) 168 ■ - Red China, 1962 Red China opens with views of coolie gangs strain ing to pull sampans upriver against a strong current; the narrator comments that this ancient image of the Asian subcontinent has always held a fascination for Western eyes. Abruptly, the picture changes to scenes of marching Chinese communist soldiers and the narrator explains that this is all that Western eyes are now permitted to see, and he alleges that there are rumors of famine, breakdown, and revolt within Red China. An animated map reveals the route of the journey through China taken by Fernand Gigoux, the Swiss newsman whose film footage constitutes the main body of the film, followed by live action scenes of Hong Kong and Lowu sta tion and a train traveling through the countryside of China. Gigoux comments that in all the time he traveled on the train no Chinese traveler dared to converse with him; he comments that this is in marked contrast to his last trip to China in 1951. A scene of the Yennan caves begins a chronicle of the rise of the Communist regime, including battle scenes from the civil war, hordes of starving refugees, execution of unidentified persons by Nationalist officers during the 169 last days before the fall of Shanghai, the devastation wrought by war on homes and factories, and mobs storming banks to demand the return of savings they had lost— all in significant contrast to scenes of smart fashionable women buying luxurious silks and satins. Upon the triumph of Communist power, the people are shown snake-dancing with joy through the streets of the cities. The narrator com ments that for the first time in centuries China has a government capable of controlling the whole country again, and he quotes Mao Tse Tung as saying, "China will be a great power again." Mao is shown in Moscow signing a treaty of amity and mutual aid with Stalin, Mikoyan and Kruschev. On his train trip home to Peking there are subjective camera views through the windows at the patient, enduring peasants who will pay the price of whatever it costs to fulfill Mao's promise to make China a great power again. The nar rator comments, "The campaign for their minds begins— to convert them by persuasion, intimation or force." A se quence shows Communist propaganda techniques of parades, demonstrations, hate-America posters and campaigns against spies, imperialists and counter-revolutionaries. Land is confiscated and landlords are shown kneeling abjectly as 170 they are denounced by their former tenants in speak bitter ness meetings. "Landlords are killed, commit suicide or go to prison." The land is given to the peasants and they raise a bumper crop in 1952. Industrial production is up twenty-five percent; a long sequence shows frenzied industrial activity as workers, teachers, and intellectuals all participate in labor bat talions constructing dams, bridges, and backyard blast fur naces. And after a day's work they are required to listen attentively to political lectures. From the Soviet Union come factories, machines and technical advisors who are shown instructing their Chinese counterparts in the use of the new machines. Friction arises, the narrator adds, when the Chinese abuse their machines and wear them out, and then discover that they were not gifts but must be paid for. Nevertheless, coal, steel and iron production rise sharply. Over scenes of peasants working their land, the narrator describe? the new agricultural policy of the Com munist regime: In 195 5, orders come from Peking to con fiscate the land given to the peasants only three years before and to collectivize them into communes. The first commune harvests are bumper crops which are celebrated 171 with great parades. But for three years thereafter as revealed by scenes of floods in the south and drought in the north, the crops were disastrous failures. Birth con trol is tried and abandoned. The leaders of Red China decide to recoup their setbacks by trying to make a Great Leap Forward, "gambling with the only reserves they have— the Chinese people." The Great Leap Forward is introduced by scenes of Chou En Lai and chu Teh carrying hampers of dirt for a dam, to the applause of the peasants, followed by views of labor battalions building dams, making tools, constructing skids, carrying machines, swinging picks and laying railroad ties at a backbreaking pace. The narrator comments, "The coun tryside is in convulsion. This is the emotional fervor of a nation at war." Forty million people are formed into militia units. They are shown marching to the fields with shouldered arms and singing militant songs as they go. Over scenes of peasants working near their stacks of rifles the narrator explains what these Chinese people are being taught by the Communist regime. They are told that the family is an out moded economic unit, that they owe their primarily loyalty to the state and that all property should be shared commun 172 ally— with the individual owning nothing. Promises of a prosperous Communist future are shown in trade fairs displaying tractors and other agri cultural machinery, and in "model communies" in which meals are shown being served by mechanized waiters. In response, blast furnaces glow in the night everywhere, cotton mills hum and steel mills disgorge ever increasing quantities of product. Peking celebrates its initial success with a great parade of flag carrying soldiers, workers, athletes, and intellectuals, with displays of military power. But behind the scenes, the narrator alleges, production has been beneath projected goals and Communist cadres have falsified their records; people are hungry and many peasants are collapsing from overwork. He comments, "The veterans of the Yennan caves know that their gamble has failed— the Great Leap Forward hangs in midair." The Communists are shown buying Canadian wheat. The remainder of the film is devoted to views of daily life in China, with a few words of comment spoken over each scene. The heaviest loads of pig iron and other products are transported on carts pushed and pulled by men. Children stand around a bookstand reading comic books which extoll the heroism of the Communist revolution. 173 Sampan families now work in teams and are paid by the state, with children attending schools on barges. The narrator explains that children attend school from the age of six, studying a Latinized alphabet, and he asserts that ninety million persons are now studying in schools. Youngsters join the Young Pioneers and learn early in summer camps the art of communal living. Some women are shown doing the heaviest kind of manual labor, such as lifting barrels, while others wheel children in bamboo strollers. In a model kindergarten, children of the elite are shown doing daily exercises. The concluding portion of the film was a pot pour- ri of scenes: Chinese adults practice rhythmic exercises from the classic drama. A crowd is organized to greet the leader of Ghana. Vegetable gardens are grown instead of grass in Peking. On communes, peasants show up dressed in their best clothes to be photographed by Gigoux; they were not really working or sweating, the narrator explains, but were there as actors. Bullocks turn the traditional mill stones and irrigation wheels and peasants use the same plow of 2,000 years ago. A campaign to kill the birds has led to a need for campaigns to kill the insects. The film ends on scenes of workers laboring arduously as the narrator 174 avers that China's main problem is food. Gigoux saw chil dren with distended bellies and observed that people seemed exhausted. in spite of systematic indoctrination the people are grumbling against the regime. Open Criterion Comments.— This film presents a rather vivid picture of Red China as seen by one Swiss newspaper reporter along with the accounts given Chinese refugees pouring into Hong Kong. The picture does not make for a favorable impression in spite of the claims of the rulers of Red China that great successes have been achieved for the nation and its people. Roy B. Tozier (2) High level of editorial comment, often unsupported by visuals. John H. Tyo (3) Communist China, 1963 Communist China fades in on a scene of a train through the rural terrain of a nation "leaving behind 4,000 years of history . . . Through the years, China has resisted change. Now the Chinese Communists are trying to end the Confucian concept of loyalty to family and replace it with loyalty to the state." There is a brief resume of the problems endemic to China which contributed to the Communist takeover: First 175 of these is the population problem; over scenes of marching armies and athletes the narrator explains that the popula tion of China is so great that the "number of Chinese under 13 equals the population of the United States." old Chi nese attitudes which emphasized conservatism is exemplified in a statue of Buddha, and the narrator says that the "Buddhist philosophy of looking inward is rejected a long time ago." The tomb of Sun Yat Sen represents the beginning of a revolution against the old order, a revolution which at that time was still incomplete." An animated map of China is used to explain why there have been so many famines through the ages. In the north of the Min Shan Mountains the climate is arid and the rains fail frequently. South of the mountains the climate is tropical, rainfall is heavy and floods are frequent. The west is mountainous and unsuitable for intensive agri culture. Traditional methods of farming by muscle power are barely adequate to meet the needs of the population in good times; they fail usefully in the face of drought or flood and the result is famine. The Communist revolution is a total revolution and impinges upon almost every person in China. Scenes show propaganda posters everywhere exhorting the people to work 176 harder. Columns of ''shock troops" composed of intellec tuals, students, and other non-agricultural persons are shown marching out to the fields at harvest time to help the peasants gather the crops. To gain the support of the peasants the Communists liquidated the landlords and at first gave their land to the peasants. Then they inveigled the land plots away from them by persuading the peasants that combining their acre age into large communes would result in greater agricultur al efficiency and yield greater prosperity for all. The commune organizations cultivate not only crops, but minds as well. Scene after scene showed children being taught to chant Communist dogmas and depicted commune militia carrying their rifles out to their fields as they sang militant Communist songs. Past commune failures are at tested by the abandoned backyards of pig iron furnaces built during the "Great Leap Forward." The first great domestic goal of the Communists is control of the rambunctious Huang Ho and Yangtse rivers. A long sequence depicted the disastrous consequences of past floods and presented the massive efforts of thousands of Chinese workers in building dams to contain these rivers. The first great effort was the Min Tung Dam on the Huang Ho 177 river, and scenes showed Mao Tse Tung, Chou En Lai and Chu Teh carrying baskets of dirt to the plaudits of the peasants who followed them. The second great goal of the Communists is the in dustrialization of the economy. The Manchurian complex built by the Japanese serve as the basis for a start: Many scenes depicted modern mass production lines, truck fac tories, assembly plants, ball bearing machines, and other industrial plants, followed by sequences stressing the new industrial skills being learned by the people; the Commu nists make a point of the great numbers of women who are participating. Industrial fairs are held frequently in order to dangle a vision of the future before the Chinese people: New developments in industry, plans for nuclear energy and a prototype television station are promised in the Commu nist future. The social revolution is presented in a long se quence: Student labor projects and educational instituions are used to engender national unity by bringing together students from differing social backgrounds and from the far corners of the country. Women, held in abjection under the old order, are shown at work as equals in universities and 178 vocational institutions. Attempts to modernize include the construction of swimming pools and basketball courts to encourage sports— but side by side with the Communists revived classic dances dating back to the Han dynasty. There are mass housing projects for industrial workers— "a step forward for peasants whose parents may have lived in mud huts." In conclusion the film presents a montage of all ages and classes of Chinese individuals working at differ ent crafts and industries. The narrator points out that "the Chinese have long proved themselves shrewd and canny. . . . Disliking foreigners and foreign ways." A great issue is made of their ability to learn new techniques as shown in their impressive gains against diseases. The Chinese are "determined to build a powerful new state one billion strong, by 1980," and the film ends with the ques tion: "Can China come to terms with modern life?" Mao Tse Tung. 1963 Mao Tse Tung is introduced with scenes of great military parades of marching troops and beating drums and rolling tanks. The narrator warns that Mao Tse Tung has said "Nothing can save capitalism from complete annihila- 179 tion— the atomic bomb is a paper tiger." The narrator then appears and describes how Mao Tse Tung set out a course in the early 1920's to gain control of the Communist Party, crush all opposition to himself and build an army that would convert China by force to Communist. When Mao es tablishes The People's Republic of China in 1949, the nar rator quotes him as saying, "Now let the world tremble," and adds, "a wild and dangerous faith had been born." The main body of the film is devoted to Mao's car eer from his peasant boyhood to the present. Born of a relatively well-to-do peasant, he is described, over scenes of peasants tilling the soil and coolies straining to pull junks up river, as angered by the object state of the people and the domination of the warlords. Deciding that life in the hinterland provinces is not for him, Mao goes to Peking and enrolls in the university where his favorite subject is history and his greatest hero is Wash ington. Over scenes of riots and demonstrations and speech es by Sun Yat Sen, the narrator describes the civil up heaval to which Mao contributed by writing revolutionary tracts, turmoil that culminated in the 1912 overthrow of the Manchu dynasty. A sequence presents the chaos of the new Republic. 180 Battle scenes show campaigns against the warlords in which Mao participates for one year and then quits to resume his studies at Peking university, where he is shown in his position as an assistant librarian. He discovers the writings of Lenin, announces that he has become a Socialist and leads student riots protesting the right of foreigners to occupy Chinese cities. A still photograph shows him present at the founding of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921. In 1924 Sun Yat Sen invites the Communists to join the Kuomintang. In 1925, when Sun dies, a power struggle begins between the Communists and a tough young general named chiang Kai Shek, a struggle embodied in the rest of the film. Over scenes of Chiang mounting stairs and speak ing from a platform, the narrator describes his stunning victories over the warlords. Over scenes of men kneeling and being executed by pistol, the narrator describes the expulsion of the Communists from the Kuomintang and the execution of all known Communists. But Mao Tse Tung escapes the purge and broods over the failure of this urban Communist Party; he decides that Lenin is wrong— the future of Communist lies not with the workers in the cities, but with the peasant in the country. 181 A montage shows demagogues haranging the listening peasants with the cry of "land at freedom for all"; men rally to the call and fall into line to drill and practice with rifles. Alarmed, Chiang is shown launching an all out military cam paign to crush the Communists; battle scenes reveal chiang1s initial success; Mao leads a bedraggled retreat that covers 6,000 miles, costs 80,000 men and ends in Yeman in what the Communists call the Long March. Many scenes show them dig ging out caves in which to live. The Japanese invasion bursts upon China, giving the Communists a new lease on life. Scenes portray Japan ese flags, artillery, infantry, massed troops, cavalry tanks, assaults and bombing raids. Mao offers to form a common front and Chiang reluctantly agrees, but, says Mao, "the war against capitalism will go on long after the enemy has been driven from the homeland." Mao is shown using the war to indoctrinate and arm 100,000 peasants; in one se quence he emerges unassumingly from his cave headquarters to be interviewed by reporters, who describe him as "a philosopher, a poet and a patriot." But adds the narra tor, "few realize that beneath this mild manner facade is a ruthless man with an unquenchable desire for power." A sequence shows how every area wrested from the Japanese by 182 the Red Army is communized and the people of the region indoctrinated by political cadres in open air lectures; their success is depicted in scene after scene of the people saluting with clenched fists upraised. War's end comes after eight long years; as the Japanese surrender their sammar swords in Shanghai, Mao vows that there will be no peace until "the Communist party asserts the dictator ship of the proletariat." A montage reveals wake of the war's devastation, with scenes of cities and factories reduced to rubble, swarms of people destitute and starving children wandering forlornly through ruins. Chiang and the Kuomintang vow to rule China alone and Russia's support of chiang stuns Mao. Several scenes show Patrick Hurley and George Marshall try ing to bring the two sides together; Wedemeyer espouses an American commitment to Chiang's side. Even as the Commu nists and the Nationlists sign an accord, the narrator avers, Mao plans the final attack. In 1946, Mao launches his counter offensive and a montage of battle scenes depict the defeat and surrender of the Nationlist armies. In the last days before the fall of Shanghai, the Nationlists are shown rounding up and public ly executing all known Communists. Shanghai falls in 1949 183 and the final triumph of the Red Army is celebrated by dancing in the streets, massed parades, and review of mili tary power. Stalin welcomes Mao and they sign a treaty of mutual aid, but scenes showing them together reflect a cer tain coolness; the narrator indicates that his is because of Stalin's earlier support of Chiang, but both of them regard the treaty "as an historic step toward the domina tion of the world." Bach in China, Mao is shown betraying his promises to the peasants. Over scenes of people work ing at grueling labor the narrator attests that Mao "will uproot villages and send them to communes . . . breaking up families and separating children from their parents," and he announces "a great leap forward," which will be bought at a terrible price. The film concludes over scenes of Mao and Kruschev as the narrator discusses their growing dif ferences, and he comments, "Many speculate that china, not Russia poses the greatest threat to the free nations of the world." Open Criterion Comments.— This film is so biased and intentionally misleading that no one who knows anything about China can miss it. But persons who know nothing about China are being as dishonestly misinformed and misguided as are the people 184 of Communist China. Biggerstaff (no numerical rating) All this is favorable to the Communists. The scenes showing violence, etc., all show the Nationalists at fault. It is only the commentary and corny music that presents Mao as a sinister figure, and the places where historical tryth is respected indicated the popu lar nature of the Cbmmunist victory. David Fineman (6) This film presents an American view of the development of Communist China under the leadership of Mao Tse Tung. It pictures him as a ruthless dictator who will go to any ends to achieve his purpose of Communistic dictator ship. This film makes Mao Tse Tung appear to be a more undesirable person in the eyes of Americans than Stalin, the Russian dictator. Roy B. Tozier (2) A first unfavorable toward Communism, but uses unfair derogatory adjectives against Mao— not a true image— Nationlist propaganda. Should have more emphasis on cruel social acts of Nationlists. Vicki Weinstein (7) Taiwan China Formosa: Island of Promise, 1951 Formosa: Island of Promise fades in on views of mainland China, then shifts locale to Formosa where chiang Kai Shek is seen reviewing a military parade; the narrator pronounces Chiang's government in exile the true government 185 of China. The commitment of the United states government to this policy of recognition is demonstrated in scenes of the Seventh Fleet cruising protectively between the main land and the island. A sequence shows the state of military preparedness of the Formosan armed forces and the role played by Ameri can officers in training them. Most of their military equipment is obsolete, as can be seen in views of World War II fighter aircraft. But their morale is high, the narrator says, because they are now being fed and paid regularly; the soldiers smile happily as their paychecks are handed to them. Contributing to this high morale is the presence of the American military mission under General Chase; subsequent scenes show American non-commissioned officers advising their Chinese counterparts during combat field maneuvers. A scene introduces the commander in chief of the Formosan armed forces. General Sun Lee Gen, who, the narrator comments, was trained at the Virginia Military Academy. The counter-intelligence work being carried on against Communist infiltrators is explained over a se quence showing a Formosan intelligence officer examining fingerprints and interogating a suspected Communist agent. 186 The narrator alleges that mere suspicion is sufficient cause for arrest— and an accusation can be fatal. The leaders of Formosa, Chiang Kai Shelc, Madame Chiang and Chiang's son, Chiang Chin Kuo, are presented individually in turn, with the latter referred to as the most mysterious figure on the island, a man who maintains control over the army through his secret agents. Voters are shown depositing ballots as the narrator claims that Chiang*s government has brought the island people their first taste of democracy in the election of magistrates. A scene introduces the provincial governor of Formosa, C. K. Kuo, who was educated at Princeton. With the implementation of a Land Reform law and a major contribution of American aid, the standard of living of the Formosan peasant has risen greatly. Farmer Lu, a typical peasant, is shown having electricity in his home, a luxury he can afford because of a contract with his land lord which enables him to earn enough to support his family and even make a profit. The narrator explains that pre viously farmers paid as much as 75 percent of their crop as rent to landlords, who by law can now charge no more than 3 7.5 percent. A scene shows farmer Lu exchanging his sur plus rice for sachs of fertilizer, followed by another 187 showing Mrs. Lu bringing her child to a doctor for free medical treatment, an additional benefit made possible by reforms and American aid. Legal recourse is now available to peasants who need protection from landlords. In a dramatized courtroom sequence, a judge is shown upholding Farmer Lu's contract "regardless of any argument the landlord may advance." Chinese and American agricultural advisors are shown in specting rural areas to see how the peasants are benefiting from American aid; a montage shows Chinese technicians looking through microscopes, introducing American live stock to upgrade the local breeds of swine and fowl, and conducting an island-wide campaign to innoculate pigs against cholera. A scene presents a meeting of an agric ultural cooperative association, an organization often used as a means of disseminating new agricultural information. A concluding montage shows the new facilities and factories being built with American aid, including hydro electric systems, power stations, sugar refineries, rail road lines, shipping facilities, and fertilizer factories. A series of unrelated scenes present the broadcasting facilities of the Voice of Free China, classes of adminis trators being trained for the time of their return to the 188 mainland, and a Nationalist agent who has returned from the mainland to describe anti-Communist guerrilla activities and areas of discontent. The film ends with scenes of am phibious maneuvers being executed by Formosan armed forces, and, the narrator stresses, with its tactical emphasis upon attack rather than defense. Open Criterion Comments.— Too much emphasis on degree of U.S. influence in Taiwan. Gordon T. Bowles (6) Formosa, 1952 Formosa begins with scenes of American destroyers and patrol aircraft conducting maneuvers in the straits between the island and Communist China. The narrator ex plains that the united States Seventh Fleet is there to protect the island from invasion while the Formosan economy and armed forces are built up. A sequence presents the state of combat readiness of the Formosan armed forces. Scenes show tanks and infan try and paratroops and fighter aircraft implementing de fense tactics; the narrator comments that although their equipment is obsolete and spare parts are scarce, the mor ale of the Chinese soldiers is high. American officers are 189 shown in almost every scene, advising their Chinese counter parts. A sequence presents Nationalist troops digging ditches, raising truck gardens, doing construction work, eating rice and getting paid; the narrator says that the sudden influx of soldiers from the mainland has created problems for the indigenous islanders, but alleges that the soldiers are doing all they can to meet their own needs and thereby reduce friction. The island's leaders are presented in a series of short scenes: Chiang Kai Shek is the chief executive, his son, Chiang Chin Kuo, maintains political control over the army, Madame Chiang heads the Women's Anti-Aggression League and General Sun Lee Gen is in command of the armed forces. Several civilian leaders also are presented, each of whom is in charge of some aspect of reconstruction and most of whom were educated in the United States. A sequence shows how the internal security of Formosa is being maintained. A suspected Communist agent is brought in and interrogated by the head of the counter intelligence service, who compares the suspect's finger prints with those of known agents; the narrator comments that captured Communists are quickly liquidated. In another scene, a group of Chinese Nationalist officers and 190 one of their agents, recently returned from the mainland, pore over a map of the mainland, pointing out pockets of resistance to the Communists and areas of guerrilla activ ity. The political reforms being implemented are shown in scenes portraying the election of magistrates; the nar rator avers, however, that all candidates are screened carefully to assure their loyalty to the government. The provincial government is under the administration of Princeton educated C. K. Kuo, who is introduced briefly. In a short sequence, student administrators are shown entering a modern school building where they listen to a lecture in preparation for the day when they will return to the mainland and administrate the provinces. A series of scenes shows how agricultural reforms are being implemented, with American aid, to improve the lot of a typical Formosan farmer. Farmers are shown re ceiving aid in the form of seeds, fertilizer, chickens, swine, and agricultural advice. The new Land Reform Law has reduced the maximum rental charge for land to 37.5 per cent, and in a dramatized courtroom sequence. Farmer Lu's right to plant the more profitable crop is portrayed as being upheld by adjudication. 191 The renovation of the island's economy, with Ameri can aid, is shown in scenes of new shipping docks, rail roads, sugar refineries, fertilizer factories, power plants and hydroelectric systems. Because of this assist ance, the narrator avers, inflation is being brought under control and the economy stabilized. The film concludes with a scene of Farmer Lu working in his field; as an American patrol bomber passes over he smiles and waves to it. Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China, 1954 Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China opens with scenes depicting the role of the United States Seventh Fleet as its warships and patrol aircraft prowl the straits between the mainland and Formosa to protect the island from invasion. A sequence shows the precautions taken by Formosan authorities to apprehend infiltrators from the mainland: The Chief of the Kuomintang intelligence service examines a file of fingerprints and then interrogates an accused Communist agent; the narrator comments that if confucted the agent will almost certainly be executed. The following sequence presents the Formosan armed 192 forces and the role of American officers in training them: Chiang Kai Shek's son is in charge of all resistance to the Communists, with Sun Lee Gen, trained at the Virginia Mili tary Academy, in command of the armed forces. There are scenes of assault and battle maneuvers, paratroops boarding transport planes and bailing out in coordination with ground troops, naval maneuvers and tactical air missions carried out by P-51 aircraft. American officers are shown training the paratroops, advising the naval officers, coaching the non-commissioned officers and teaching fighter aircraft tactics. The narrator comments on the high morale of the Nationlist troops, over scenes of their being paid, and indicates that the soldiers raise as much of their own food as possible in order to reduce the burden on the na tive Formosans. Kuomintang intelligence officers keep in touch with resistance on the mainland by interviewing refugees and young administrators attend classes in prepa ration for ruling the mainland when the Nationalist regime returns to power. Governor Thomas E. Dewey is interviewed and asked to assess the situation in Formosa on the basis of his recent trip. He comments that although the Nationalists have real problems they have made impressive progress; 193 over a picture of Chiang Kai Shek he adds, "Chiang, at 66, is still the spiritual as well as military leader . . . Still the symbol of freedom to millions of Chinese," and he points out the importance of maintaining a focus of loyalty for the ten million overseas Chinese. American ideological influences are pictured in an election campaign, complete with a brass band, bass drums, election music, and the blare of men shouting through mega phones from trucks. Women now are granted the right to vote and almost every eligible citizen comes to cast his ballot because "Formosans take a healthy interest in elec tions ." Chinese and Americans are shown acting jointly in the economic reconstruction of Formosa in scenes of new power plants and generators, renovation of the island's antiquated railroads, construction of new soybean process ing factories and fertilizer plants and visits by American agricultural advisors to the rural areas. In each instance America's contribution is clearly identified by the clasped hands symbol of the aid program. Governor Dewey appears again on the screen and asseverates, "On the whole I can say that Formosan farmers were better off than they were five years ago." A sequence 194 then shows how they are better off# beginning with a scene of Farmer Nu and his family sitting down to eat dinner at a table laden with food. The narrator explains that they are more prosperous because of the new rent control program whereby landlords# who could heretofore demand 75 percent of the crop as rent, can now ask no more than 37.5 percent. The next scene shows Farmer Nu exchanging his surplus bags of rice for sacks of fertilizer in order to increase his production still further. Then Mrs. Nu is shown bringing her child to a doctor for free medical treatment, followed by a dramatized courtroom sequence in which Farmer Nu1s decision to plant a more profitable crop than was customary, against the will of the landlord, is upheld by the court. Governor Dewey returns to the screen to say, "We need friends wherever we can get them— and I want friends for the survival of America." The film concludes with Farmer Nu working in his rice field, pausing to look up at a pass ing American patrol bomber. Open Criterion Comments.— Introduction of a prestige personality (Thomas E. Dewey) tends to lend authenticity to the film. Donald P. Ely (8) An interesting film creating a favorable reaction to 195 Formosa (Taiwan) and its people. The purpose, obvious ly, is to show a contrast between Formosa and Communist China. Roy B. Tozier (8) Propaganda: Intended to persuade. This film was ob viously designed to create a favorable image of "Free China" and to offer hope that it will overcome the Communist regime. Richard Videbeck (3) Family of Free China, 1961 Family of Free China fades in on a scene of a farm er plowing his field with a tractor. A boy's voice with a Chinese accent annovnces that he is a farmer of Free China, and the flag of Nationalist China is shown briefly. An animated map reveals that Taiwan lies on the Tropic of Capricorn off the coast of China, that it is smaller in geographical area than the state of Indiana, that its eastern area is mountainous and its western and southern areas are lowlands, and that the village of Ping Tung lies in the agricultural region of the south. This is followed by many scenes of viridian moun tains and mellow valleys, interspersed with views of pros perous looking homes. In many of these homes several gen erations of a family often live together so they can help each other with their work. The narrator explains that his 196 family fled from persecution in Communist China. Over a view of a multi-generation home, the narra tor says that his family owns its home and land, intro ducing a sequence depicting the daily activities of a Tai wan farm family. The narrator's father waters and ferti lizes his plants by hand, his sister cuts grass for their animals, the whole family joins together in transplanting rice, and when the grain is ripe, the mother and sister tie the stalks together for threshing. Some farmers are shown drying their grain by spreading their rice on the highway, but more typically the women spread and turn the rice on a grass mat before their homes. When dry, the rice is poured into sacks for export or for sale in the local marketplace. For the evening meal the mother cooks rice in a clean kit chen and carries it into the dining room, where the family is seated around a table laden with fish and vegetables. A sequence presents the educational system of Tai wan, beginning with a view of a typical school. The stu dents and faculty and school band gather before it to wit ness and salute the raising of the Nationlist flag. Nearby is a large portrait and the narrator comments: "The man in the picture is Sun Yat Sen, the founder of my country." This ceremony is followed by scenes of an outdoor gym 197 class where boys perforin calisthenics, jump over long horses and turn somersaults. In a classroom the students listen carefully as the teacher lectures on the geographi cal features of mainland China. The girls and boys have separate classrooms, with the former learning about cooking and housekeeping and the latter about the functioning of machinery. In an outdoor agricultural class students learn to weed and hoe in fields of lettuce and romaine. After the day's study, the boys return home and feed the chickens before dinner. He takes a train trip to Taipeh, the capital of Taiwan, and from the window of the railroad car the boy sees farmlands with stands of sugar cane, a sugar refinery, the railroad yards and depot at Taipeh. A sequence pre sents typical views of the city, including a funeral, com plete with brass bands and banners and paid mourners, a shipyard, where artisans shape and hew sampans by hand, a brick factory, where women cut bricks from clay and bake them in kilns, and unrelated scenes of an ornate Confucian temple, a government building, the wares of a pottery factory and a woman computing on an abacus. The boy returns to Ping Tung on an airplane and from the window he sees views of green mountains, curving 198 rivers, and planted fields. Upon his arrival home the boy's mother unwraps his purchases of cakes and prayer papers. The entire family gathers on the front stoop to hear him tell about his trip to Taipeh. The film concludes with a montage of rice fields, farmers working in the fields and uniformed students standing at attention to salute the flag of Nationalist China. Open Criterion Comments.— Blatant propaganda! Gordon T. Bowles (no numerical rating) Point of view: Absurd narrative by peasant boy. T . E. Swann (3) Feebly clouded favorable propaganda. Barbara Swann (no numerical rating) Heavy emphasis on importance of agricultural education. John Tyo (7) Routine treatment, nothing outstanding. Burton Weekes (5) Taiwan: Face of Free China, 1961 Taiwan: Face of Free China begins with a view of a rural highway in Taiwan over which farmers are transporting 199 loads of rice straw and produce on shoulder poles, oxcarts and pedicarts. children are shown walking through a rice paddy, followed by scenes of a fishermens1 wharf and then by a sequence revealing the lush green hills and tropical valleys of Taiwan. The narrator recounts how Chinese sail ors drifted away from the mainland over 1500 years ago and discovered the island. They named it Taiwan, meaning "fairest bay": Later the Portuguese came and called it Formosa, meaning "beautiful"; both names have been used interchangeably ever since. A map reveals the location of the island as the narrator relates a chronicle of its repeated conquests by the Chinese, Portuguese, Dutch, and Japanese. Over scenes of ornate Manchu architecture, typically Chinese farms and well dressed Chinese students, the narrator claims that throughout the centuries Taiwan has remained intrinsically Chinese. The agricultural basis of the island's economy is shown in views of farmers plowing their fields, herding their ducks and piling rice straw in great mounds before their homes. The narrator claims that the new Land Reform Law has brought many benefits to the average peasant farm er of Taiwan, and he adds, "For the first time in his life 200 he owns the soil on which he earns." Rice is described as the most important crop and export figures are cited in considerable detail. The sugar industry is introduced by a view of a refinery# followed by scenes of young and old alike har vesting stands of sugar cane. The average family cannot afford machinery and must rely on the strong backs and hands of all its members working as a team to gather the harvest. An account is rendered of sugar production figures, and a glowing description is given of American aid to the Taiwanese sugar industry. A view of steel ingots stored on racks introduces the story of Taiwan's industrial growth. A sequence shows cranes and wagons conveying scrap metal to crushers# Bes semer open hearth smelters reducing the scrap to molten form# hoppers pouring the metal into ingot molds, extruders and rollers shaping rods and sheets# and men bending cold iron rods by the application of muscle power. The narrator renders an account of production and profit figures in the steel industry. This is followed by a montage of petroleum refineries, storage tanks# cracking units and pipelines# accompanied by a description of the products produced by the petroleum industry. 201 Brickmaking factories are found all over the island and, the narrator explaisn, that these are often owned and operated by a single family. A sequence shows raw materi als being delivered by oxcart, then being mixed, shaped and cut into bricks by hand and finally being dried in the sun and fired in kilns. The finished bricks are delivered by oxcart to local contractors. There is a corn starch industry in which trays of starch are dried in the wind and sun, tended by women who are covered and wrapped to protect their skin from the ele ments; it is explained that the starch is made into confec tions by local candy factories. Subsequent scenes present a similar activity, the noodle production industry, in which trays and racks of noodles are dried outdoors, tended by women, and sold in the marketplace to housewives and sidewalk noodle restaurants. A modern school building is presented to introduce a treatment of Taiwan's educational system. Students pedal bicycles back and forth before the building as the narrator goes on at length about the availability of higher educa tion for all and the need for three shifts of classes daily to meet the demand for education. A scene presents a statue of Buddha and a descrip 202 tion is given of the rituals and sacrifices which are part of daily family life. A Christian church and its minister and parish are presented and the narrator comments, "Here on Taiwan, the right of people to worship in the church of their choice is one of the basic freedoms." A reference is made to the government of the is land; over scenes presenting a portrait of Chiang Kai Shek and the provincial parliament building, it is explained that Taiwan's government is based upon Sun Yat Sen's Prin ciples of Democracy, with an election of magistrates and provincial officials being held every two years. A sequence presents views of the city of Taipeh, including an overview of the city, ancient Manchu gates, broad traffic thoroughfares, bomb shelters, motion picture theaters, a hotel, shops selling silk embroideries, water chestnut venders, peddlers' wagons displaying a wide vari ety of wares, candy makers and a Chinese funeral— complete with a band, flowers, jugglers, banners and scrolls, and professional mourners dressed in white. It continues with modern buses, traffic scenes, railroad trains and bridges and recreation parks with beautiful pagodas. An animated map shows the route of the East-West road that was cut through the mountains, followed by docu- 203 mentary footage of mountains, gorges, bridges and a monu ment to the men who were killed in accidents while con structing the road. The film concludes with the narrated assertion that the people of Taiwan will not rest until they have restored China to its rightful place among the free nations of the world. Open Criterion Comments.— Reference to geographic features. Donald P. Ely (8) A film which pictured Formosa in a most favorable light. Roy B. Tozier (8) This film presents a highly selective over-view of life on Taiwan. There was much repetitiveness without ap parent reason. It failed to show seamier side of Tai wan. In spite of defects, it was a pleasant and accept able statement. Richard Videbeck (7) Treaty Port China Singapore; Study of a World Port, circa 1936 Singapore: Study of A World Port begins with views of Singapore harbor and dockside scenes of passengers de barking from an ocean liner. The commercial importance of the port is stressed as the film presents shops, small 204 businesses, large commercial buildings and the statue of Sir Stanford Raffles, who founded Singapore in order to expand British trade. An animated map reveals that the port is located at a vital juncture of sea routes linking Suez and Gibralter with Hong Kong and with other parts of the British Empire. Details of the map indicate the geo graphical locations of the original swamps, mountains and estuary at the founding of Singapore. A live action sequence presents the economic fea tures of the area, including such waterfront facilities as loading cranes, drydocks and warehouses, such industrial concerns as machine shops, shoe factories and tin smelting works and such agricultural enterprises as rubber planta tions, coconut orchards and pineapple farms. The narrator describes the population as being predominantly Chinese, and adds, "some Chinese are given the chance to learn a skilled trade." The heavy rainfall and tropical climate require malaria control techniques, such as draining off excess surface water and spraying stagnant pools with oil. Scenes of heavy rainfall end with a view of the main reser voir of Singapore. An animated map shows the locations of the reser voirs, business districts, docks and warehouses, and the 205 residential areas of the city where the European and Asia tic businessmen live. Over scenes of great mansions sur rounded by vast grounds, stocked with peacocks and staffed with servants, the narrator asserts that their homes are "simple, but impressive." The film returns to the commercial area and pres ents, by way of contrast, trishaws and rickshaws beside modern automobiles, junks and sampans beside deep sea ves sels, temples and mosques beside oil storage tanks, and peddlers and push carts beside massive office buildings. A passenger who had debarked from a ship at the start of the film returns to the same vessel and sails away on it concluding the film. Open Criterion Comments.— Life in port before war— true picture. Alice M. Tozier (9) The film depicts Singapore and its significance as a free port, populated for the most part by Chinese people. Film was informative. Roy B. Tozier (7) This film was study in the ecology of Singapore. Most of the film was simple description without a clear, central theme. Richard Videbeck (5) 206 The Water People of Hong Kong, 1957 The Water People of Hong Koncr interprets the lives of the 200,000 people who live on sampans in the harbor of that city. At daybreak, a family arises and its members remove the reed mats covering their sampan. The baby is tied by the waist to the gunwhale to prevent him from fall ing into the water. The mother prepares a meal of rice and vegetables, their daily fare, and the family sit and eat breakfast together— the mother feeding her baby with chopsticks. Afterward, she stores her utensils beneath the floorboards of the deck and cleans the boat. The films reveals that education is provided for sampan children by a white missionary who runs a floating school on a barge. An older Chinese student rings a bell and mothers from all over the harbor bring their children in sampans to attend classes. The women then do their day's shopping among other sampans selling rice, fish and bamboo sprouts, and each sale is consummated only after much bargaining. A sequence presents the marriage ritual of an eldest son, an event for which no expense is spared. A sampan is shown bringing the bride to marry a man she has never seen; they bow to each other, bow to his parents, 207 and a ritual takes place in which the girl prepares rice and tea for his parents. When they accept her offerings, the marriage is considered consummated, and they give their blessing in the form of money or title of a new sampan. As the newly married couple departs, they leave incense burn ing to drive away the evil spirits. Open Criterion Comment.— This was a limited picture of Hong Kong people who are residents in sampans. It is of minor value because it leaves too many questions unanswered. How do these people earn their livelihoood? How could a sampan dweller become a well-to-do person? What of the re ligious life of the people? How was communication made effective? Roy B. Tozier (7) Achievement in Hong Kong, circa 1960 Achievement in Hong Kong was produced in color with footage taken in Hong Kong? the film opens on scenes of Hong Kong harbor, where junks and sampans are paddled among deep sea vessels. As the narrator comments on the fusion of Eastern and Western culture in this British crown colo ny, a series of scenes presents views of British and Chinese statuary, attractive women and children, exploding firecrackers, crowded streets and marketplaces festooned with signs written in Chinese calligraphy and views of the pagodas at the Tiger Balm Gardens. Aberdeen harbor is the center of the fishing indus try and the heart of the community of sampan families. Picturesque junks, sampans and tourist laden ferries weave their way among the anchored frieghters in a way of life which "has not changed for thousands of years." Over scenes of the modern commercial district the narrator describes how Hong Kong grew from a pirate infest ed inlet to a great commercial port, and explains that "from the beginning British justice and administration made it a model of good order." The New Territories, which were later accessions to Hong Kong, are shown to be areas intensively cultivated in rice by industrious Chinese farmers; but, perhaps more importantly, the New Territories serve as the funnel for refugees fleeing from Communist China through the train depot at Lowu. Half a million of these refugees erected squatters huts on the hillsides around Hong Kong and created a swathe of squalid slums which extended as far as the eye could see. water was carried in tin cans, sewage ran off in open street latrines and the hovels the refugees called home were firetraps. But the refugees resisted resettlement 209 because they could live rent-free on crown land. One night in 1953 a fire ravaged the hillside slums and left their inhabitants homeless. The British administration stepped in quickly and allocated sections of sidewalk on which the refugee families could erect temporary shelters while the government built new dwellings for them. The concluding portion of the film dwells on the beautiful new apartment buildings constructed to house the refugees, which contain schools for the children, business space for family enterprises and medical care for all. The film ends with a view of Hong Kong harbor as the narrator refers again to the great progress being made in the Brit ish crown colony of Hong Kong. Open Criterion Comments.— This seems a fair and honest film even though intended to make clear the efforts of the H-K [Hong Kong] gov ernment to solve the refugee problem— that is, it is not just informational, it is also intended to convince. Knight Biggerstaff (7) Humaneness. N. C. Bodman (8) Kong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient, 1962 Hong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient opens on a 210 sweeping view of Hong Kong harbor, and then proceeds to show the junks, sampans and ocean liners that "give it oriental charm but make it a thriving Western port." The narrator recounts that Hong Kong became a crown colony in 1841 and thereafter flourished, "thanks to tremendous British administration ability and equal justice under law." Over scenes of rickshaws, quaint and crowded side streets and an old Chinese woman weighing vegetables with a stick scale, he comments on "the quiet dignity about their business transactions," and explains that most of the food for Hong Kong comes from Communist China and South east Asia. A sequence presents the hardships endured by refu gees who have fled from Communist China. They have built hovels, none of which have any light or running water or any facilities other than open ditches on the sides of hills, on sidewalks and rooftops. "Life was hardly bear able," the narrator comments. "But here they were at least free." The film then presents the efforts of the British government to improve the lot of the refugees by building huge new housing projects, with inside facilities, rooftop playgrounds and schools. In a classroom for elementary grade children, students are "given a good foundation in 211 the traditions of freedom and democracy," so they will be come "the hope of a free and independent China." Life on the harbor is shown in a view of a float ing sampan city, followed by scenes of sampans serving as public transportation and grocery stores. A junk sets sail for the fishing banks and the following scenes show the women of a family cooking and washing, the men standing watch and playing Mah Jong and the children using the deck as a playground. A view of the Tiger Balm Buddha provides the trans ition to Hong Kong and a description of the transportation system. Cable cars provide conveyance up and down the hills, trains go to the border at Lowu station and ferries carry commuters from Kowloon to Victoria Island and back. Many of the refugees have taken up rice farming in the New Territories in order to survive; a sequence shows men hauling water up from shallow wells, women stooping to plant and transplant rice and a water buffalo pulling a plow through a paddy. In celebration of a good harvest they stage a Dragon festival complete with fireworks. In conclusion, a British military parade is staged to the rhythm of "Rule Britannia," followed by a scene of the border station at Lowu where Chinese visitors from Hong 212 Kong queue up to bring gifts to relatives in Communist China. The narrator concludes# "the British have provided a sanctuary for nearly three million people to find freedom and prosperity greater than that of their homeland." Open Criterion Comments.— Too favorable to British Colonial interests. Gordon T. Bowles (3) The representation is of Hong Kong vis-a-vis Red China with implied negative contrast always but not explicit ly made. Ann Bowles (8) Attractions of the area, Donald P. Ely (7) Some portions of the picture seemed to have been planned to portray too pleasant a picture for belief. Alice M. Tozier (8) A very favorable picture of Hong Kong along with rec ognition of problems of crowded population. It compliments the British Management of the colony. It infers a freedom that does not obtain in Communist China. It should stimulate in the observer of this film a desire to visit this city— the great crossroads of the Orient. Roy B. Tozier (8) Superficiality of treatment. Travelogue type of film— varied material without depth. Richard Videbeck (3) CHAPTER V FINDINGS This chapter presents the historical, cinematic and statistical findings of the study, stated on a criter ion by criterion basis and grouped according to the major concepts of China. Each criterion unit contains an histor ical description of the Chinese expression of those Ameri can values embodied in each criterion, as they existed during the years including 193 6-1963, followed by a brief description of the cinematic presentation of those values in each of the films treated by this study. The complete presentation of all the criteria historical-cinematic findings for each major concept of China is followed by a presentation of statistical findings and concluded with a statement of the results of testing the null hypothesis. The information is presented in three groupings: Nationalist Mainland China and Communist Mainland China are 213 214 considered together, with the historical-cinematic findings of each criterion placed contiguously and sequentially so that before and after comparisons can be conveniently made. The findings relating to Taiwan China and Treaty Port China are each presented separately. Status of the Family Unit Nationalist Mainland China The ideals of the traditional Chinese family were based upon the Confucius philosophy that all things, in cluding men, are by nature unequal, and that society is therefore hierarchical. It was an organic view of a place for every person and every person in his place, with each individual fulfilling the obligations of his status and obeying the orders of his superior. This ideal was codi fied into a Confucian structural ideal called the "Five Cardinal Relations" and "Eight Virtues" which could be 1 cited by any peasant as late as 1948. This list of relationships and values was memorized XC. K. Yang, "A Chinese Family in Early Communist Transition," The Chinese Communist Society: The Family and the Village, Vol. II (Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1965), p. 197. 215 by every Chinese from earliest childhood# but it constitut ed only a small portion of the familial relationships and obligations into which each individual was born and was required to understand. In the Erh Ya# a dictionary writ ten before the Christian era# there are more than one hundred terms to define various family relationships, most 2 of which have no equivalent in the English language. "It was the effective operation of this complicated system of kinship terms that enabled each individual in the kinship group to identify his own status# to assert his authority or to offer his obedience# to exercise his privilege or to fulfill his obligations with regard to the distribution of 3 material and non-material benefits." A unique and basic feature of the traditional Chi nese family was its sacred character. In multivarious forms# ancestor worship and reverence for the greater family were elaborately and inseparably woven into the fab ric of family life. The clan maintained family temples in each village in which the geneology of a thousand or two 2 Fung Yu-lan#"A History of Chinese China," quoted in Bodde# Cultural Patterns of China# p. 43. 3 Yang# op. cit.# p. 87. 216 thousand years would be recorded on ancient tablets. The performance of the rites of ancestor worship, called li, would take place in the presence of the young Chinese al most from birth to instill in him a sense of awe at the immense extended family of which he was a part. But ancestor worship was patrilineal and a woman had an unenviable lot in the traditional Chinese family. She existed to perpetuate her husband’s family line. Edu cation was not wasted on a daughter owing to her eventual departure from the family. Customarily she was sold in marriage to a stranger at a price agreed upon by the fam ilies of the bride and groom, or placed in the home of her husband-to-be shortly after her birth so she could grow up with him. "She was a stranger in a new family, under relent less intimate surveillance and discipline from the parents- in-law, unprotected by the supposedly intimate husband, 4 and left to fate by custom and law." In the traditional concept of marriage based on the perpetuation of the ancestral lineage, the ancestors religiously symbolized the collective existence of the family, a psychological process which explains why many an unjustly treated mother in the traditional family who contemplated leaving her husband's home stopped short of action at the sight of her son playing in front 4 Ibid., p. 107. 217 5 of the ancestral altar. The traditional Chinese family existed at two levels— the nuclear household of husband, wife and children and the extended family kinship group, or clan, comprising all known patrilineal relatives. The immediately family might contain at most three generations living under one roof, if it was a well-to-do family. But the patrilineal kinship group was an extensive, elaborate corporate struc ture which served such functions as providing a basic edu cation for its brightest offspring, funds for advanced education, medical care for the sick, social security for the elderly, legal defense for individuals involved in dis putes with members of other clans, and systems of internal jurisprudence for juding the conduct or misconduct of its members. So great was clan power that it would decree the 7 death of a younger member on grounds of disobedience. The family was the most important economic unit in China. Not only was agriculture almost exclusively a ^Ibid., pp. 183-184. 6 C. K. Yang, "The Chinese Family in the Communist Revolution," The Chinese Communist Society; The Family and the village. Vol. I (Cambridge, Mass.: The M.I.T. Press, 1965), p. 5. 7Ibid., p. 93. 218 family undertaking, but also in commerce and industry the family kinship group was the dominant and most numerous organizational unit. There was hardly an aspect of tra ditional life that was not touched by the power and influ ence of the clan. The sacredness of the family and the economic power it wielded were almost overwhelming forces 0 of conformity to the individuals living within it. While the strength of ancestor worship waned among Chinese urban intellectuals during the two or three dec ades before the Communists' assumption of power, and to a degree among those whose lives were uprooted by war, it nevertheless remained important to the rural peasants who constitute the greatest part of China's population: . . . The importance of the family in China goes back to a time before our knowledge of Chinese history be gins. Three thousand years ago the principle was al ready established that a child's first loyalty was due its parents; this principle persisted to our own day. In traditional China it was unthinkable that a child should give evidence against his or her parents; to do so was in fact a legal offense.^ 0 Ibid., p. 5. 9 Herlee G. Creel, Chinese Thought; From Confucius to Mao Tse Tung (New York: The New American Library, 1960), p. 204. 219 Cinematic presentation.— In The Good Earth, a dram- a tized film, the family and the earth were symbolically related and the theme implied that the family itself was as eternal as the earth. Wang Lung served his father willing ly and paid obeisance to him; his father, in turn, bought the best bride for his son that he could afford, and was overjoyed when she bore him a grandson to carry on the family name. When drought withered the fields, and they faced starvation, they would not sell out and thereby deny land to their descendants, but instead fled to a city in the south until the rains came again in the north. In the city they were reduced to begging and stealing and working as draft animals, but they remained a cohesive and mutually loyal family unit. And in the conclusion of the film, the imminent death of Olan was implicitly secondary to the preservation of the land for their posterity. Contrasts in China presents the family life of those living aboard sampans anchored in the canals, rivers and harbors of China. The sampan people are shown to earn their livelihoods by working as family teams in moving freight with their boats and by serving the needs of other sampan families as floating grocery stores, midwife boats, and other functions. The narrator asserts the river men 220 picked their mates from among the river girls and alleges that many of the sampan families live out their lives on their boats without ever going ashore. My Name is Han presents a picture of family cohe sion and cooperation as they struggle to reconstruct their lives in the aftermath of war. They work together to re pair their home, to replace the topsoil of their land and to replant their orchards. Han's wife is presented as a cheerful and pious woman, his children as hard working and eager to learn. At the close of the film, when Han is converted to Christianity, they pray together in even closer unity. There is no reference or cohesion to family life in Land of Genghis Khan. In People of Western China, the family as an insti tution is stressed, but is taken for granted as the normal way of life, with families shown eating dinner together and children attending school. The Lee family presented in Children of China rep resents the Chinese ideal of several generations living under a single roof. Their family lives consist of the mothers preparing meals, the children washing their hands and brushing their teeth and attending school, and the 221 fathers and grandfathers working in the fields or tending to business in the village. In schools, the narrator as serts, the children are taught to revere and respect their parents and ancestors. There is no reference or allusion to family life in Marco Polo*s Travels. Little mention is made of the family in Here is China. Over one scene of a family working in a rice paddy the narrator comments on how hard they must work on ex tremely small farms to make a living. Another scene re veals a large home surrounded by a high wall which the nar rator describes as "typical." There is no reference or allusion to family life in the film Inside Tibet. The status of the family unit in The Voice of China is presented in a favorable light; although the lot of the family is a hard one, as presented in the many scenes of men and women alike doing arduous labor, they appeared to work together with a good will and without complaint. Even in the scenes showing families of refugees from the bombing of cities huddled together on a river bank, they seemed to be cheerful and cooperative. In China, there are many scenes of families working 222 together at their daily tasks of plowing the fields, re planting rice and grinding the grain with foot stone mills, but there are no scenes specifically showing a mother- father- children relationship. China Crisis is a reportage film depicting the role of the United States 14th Air Force in China. The status of the Chinese family is shown as pitiable as a result of the Japanese invasion; the farmers and their families are uprooted from their land, sick with malaria, dysentery and cholera and living lives of wretched poverty, brought on by the war, from which they are being rescued by the 14th Air Force. There is no reference or allusion to the status of the family unit in Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder, although what appeared to be family groups were wandering around as tourists in the palaces and monuments of the Manchy dynas ty. In no film examined in this study is the family unit more exalted than in Peiping Family. The seven chil dren of the Wu family are completely obedient to their parents' wishes and carry out all assigned errands with alacrity. In turn. Dr. Wu and his wife are willing to sacrifice their most precious material possessions to 223 provide a daughter with an education; his Phi Beta Kappa key and her personal jewelry are to be sold to provide their daughter with an education; and at mealtime, the only eggs on the table are given to the boy. This family rever ence extends to the grandparents; no child passes these aged persons without making a bow of homage, and on the birthday of the grandfather, Dr. Wu and his wife and all the children dress in formal attire in order to present themselves and bow again and again to show their respect. Farming in South China stresses the intimate rela tionship and close harmony of the Chinese family, with each member aiding every other member of the family wherever possible. The boy assists his grandmother in feeding mul berry leaves to the silkworms, his father in washing and feeding the water buffalo and in helping to carry their produce to market. The mother brings the mid-day meal to those members of the family who are working in the rice paddies. Friendliness, warmth and intimate family harmony are stressed. In What Is China?, families are shown working and eating together and generally presented in a most favorable light. While family scenes are being presented, the narra tor frequently makes such analogies as, "Chinese and Americans are alike in many ways." In An Oriental City; Canton, China, family life was presented as good and wholesome at two socioeconomic levels — that of the prosperous businessman, Mr. Low, and that of the sampan families who allegedly live out their lives on their little vessels. Mr. Low returns home after a day's work in Canton to be greeted by a smiling wife and happy children and a good cook; as his family sits down to eat their dinner all are apparently happy and contented. In the harbor sampans family life is harmonious too, so far as it was presented. Women cook their meals and the fami lies eat them; apparently all are happy and contented. The greater part of Sampan Family is devoted to family life as it is lived on the boats anchored in the rivers, canals and harbors of China. The film treats a typical day in the life of a sampan family; the narrator comments, "A sampan family works together all the time. Not just sometimes, but 24 hours a day." The film reveals how all the members of the Ling family row the boat togeth er, how the father and son fish while the mother makes clothing, and how they eat and sleep together as a tightly integrated and harmonious unit. The status of the family unit in Understanding the 225 Chinese portrays all members of the family working hard and working together for the good of the family. The father plowed and turned irrigation wheels with a foot paddle; the mother cooked and transplanted rice and the children car ried burdens and did errands; all worked and worked hard, and worked together. No individual Chinese families are presented in Bridge to Yinshi, but there are several sequences present ing families working in their fields and participating in dragon festivals, women washing the family clothes and draw ing water from the river, and children attending school and taking part in foot races as their parents watch. Over such scenes the narrator attests that the Chinese people are industrious, intelligent, and sincere. The family is revealed as the basic social unit in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. Although the typical peas ants are shown to be wretchedly poor, they often spend extravagantly on their baby sons, buying them silk embroid ered shoes, and candy. The family is shown to be the basic economic unit in Journey to Kunming, with every able-bodied member of the family having to work hard to earn a living. They work to gether as farmers, as sampan crews, as miners and as steve- 226 dores, with mothers who carried children on their hacks loading coal onto sampans and children under twelve strain ing to carry basket loads of stones. Although the Chinese are very poor# the toy makers, candy makers and peep show hawkers do an excellent business catering to the wishes of the children. Communist Mainland China Upon seizing power the Communists legally abolished the Five Cardinal Relations and Eight Virtues and relegated almost every Confucian hierarchical principle to the past?- * " 1 In May of 1950 the new regime passed a Marriage Law whose provisions represented the most serious attempt in history to modify the traditional form of the Chinese family. Some of its provisions reveal a dramatic break with the past: Article 3 states "Marriage shall be based upon the complete willingness of the two parties. Neither party shall use compulsion and no third party shall be allowed to interfere." Marriage is to be a free contract between a man and a woman and the family vanishes as a party to the marriage; indeed, families are legally proscribed from 10Hu, op. cit., p. 174 227 arranging marriages for their children. Article 1 stipu lates that husband and wife shall have equal rights and status in marriage. Article 2 specifically prohibits the exaction of a bride price or dowry in any form. Article 8 refers to the family relationship and states, "Husband and wife are duty bound to love, respect, assist, and look after each other, to live in harmony, . . . to care for the children, and to strive jointly for the family. ..." And Article 13 concludes, "Parents have the duty to rear and educate their children, the children have the duty to look after and assist their parents. Neither the parents nor the children shall maltreat or desert one another. Talcott Parons says that these provisions are tend ing toward those conditions of family life now accepted in the west: It cannot but strike the American reader that, on the background of the old system, the direction of change sponsored by the Communists, but only very par tially brought about by them, has been precisely to make Chinese family conditions far more like our own than they were in the old system. What American now contests the right of young people to marry the persons of their own choice, or of married women to hold prop erty in their own right?^ Central People's Government, The Marriage Law of the People's Republic of China, May 1, 1950. 12 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . Vol. 1, p. vi. 228 An equal rights provision had been a feature of the 1931 civil code but was not implemented because the social1 and economic status of women was so low that few dared take advantage of it; furthermore, the overwhelming majority of 13 women had never heard of it. Upon passage of the new Marriage Law, the Communists mounted a massive propaganda campaign to publicize the law and instructed its cadres to implement it. The whole campaign backfired. Soaring divorce rates were at first interpreted as proof that women forced into marriage were asserting their freedom, but divorce rates soon reached such proportions that the regime became alarmed. Furthermore, between seventy and eighty thousand people were murdered or committed suicide in a single year over marriage problems, mostly women trying to take advan- 14 tage of the new law. It transpired that many violators of the new laws were the cadres themselves who still re tained "feudal ideas" about marriage and the status of women. When wives tried to obtain divorces in the rural areas, the cadres often refused to implement the law and 13 Hu* QP. cit., pp. 174-175. ^ Ibid., p. 176. 229 the women were murdered or drive to suicide by the hus bands' families. In the face of such opposition the regime relented and the tide of marriage reform is receding. Arranged marriages are reapparing; "in two rural counties more than 90 percent of the marriages being consummated in this tra ditional manner."^ Immediately upon taking power the Communists took effective steps to undermine the clan. First, the clans were forcibly disarmed, depriving them of any capacity to resist subsequent reforms.^ Second, temples of ancestor worship were converted into schools, cultural centers, or storage depots, thereby depriving them of a place to con- 17 gregate. Third, all jointly owned lands and businesses were nationalized, depriving the clans of income with which to carry on their rites and festivals and breaking the 18 economic hold over the lives of the young people. Fourth, 15Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . ., Vol. 1, op. cit.. p. 211. 16 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . ., Vol. 2# op. cit.. p. 168. 17 Hu, op. cit., p. 130. 18 Yang, The Communist Society . . . , Vol. 2, op. cit., pp. 140-145. 230 by propaganda and fiat a youth-oriented culture was estab lished, a shift in the focus of prestige which upset many 19 patterns of deference behavior. And fifth, they have pitted poor peasants against their richer relatives and young people against their elders in public trials: The "class struggle," especially during the land reform, seriously weakened the solidarity of the clan by introducing a non-kinship criterion of group inter est. The peasants' struggle against the landlords, the disclosing of hidden ownership of land to the Com munist cadres, the tenant's accusation of cruelty and exploitation against rent collectors, the victim's charges of injustice and oppression by "local bullies," the activitsts' effort to ferret out counter-revolu tionaries— all these turned many close kin against each other. The process of struggle had difficulty in get ting started, especially when the case involved the young bringing charges against the old, but after the inhibition of kinship was broken down, the struggle became bitter.^® Indirectly, but importantly, change has been brought about by industrialization. Wages are now paid directly to the worker and not to the head of the family, giving younger members of the family an economic indepen dence which makes them less inclined to defer to the author ity of their elders. 19 Hu, op. cit., p. 178. 20 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . Vol. II, op. cit., p. 179. 231 The final blow has been, however, the organization of people's communes. The commune, by providing food for members and paying regular wages directly to each working individual, makes complete economic indepen dence from the family head possible for any adult in the household. The rural women too can work full time in the commune, having been freed from household duties by the establishment of commune messfalls, child care centers, and kindergartens. The significance of the family as an economic unit has been reduced to a mini mum along with the authority of the parents over adult children and of the husband over his wife.^ Cinematic presentation.— Only the briefest reference is made to the family in China; The Land and the People, and this in regard to families who live and work on sampans. There are many scenes of peasant men, women and children working together in the field but no reference to any familial relationship. Little is said about the family in the dramatized film. The Brainwashing of John Hayes. A Chinese mother who speaks up in defense of the missionary teacher is slapped by a Communist officer for so doing, but that is all. Scenes of commune life in The Face of Red China stress the deliberate destruction by the regime of husband- wife-children family unit. The narrator quotes Mao Tse Tung as saying, "the family is an obsolete economic unit." 21 Hu, op. cit., p. 178. 232 Children are shown behind bars in commune nurseries and their sutations compared to George Orwell's 1984, "where children are separated from their mothers as eggs are taken from a hen." A young Chinese girl of marriageable age asserts, "The family does not count any more." During a sequence in which a man and woman fill out marriage regis tration forms the narrator comments, "They do not marry for physical compatibility, but for ideological compati bility." War in China recounts the chronicle of the Sino- Japanese struggle from 1932 until 1945, and makes no inter pretation of the Chinese family per se. In sequences pre senting refugees fleeing the war, however, there were a number of scenes in which what appeared to be members of families were shown aiding one another to climb over rub ble and wreckage. The Fall of China is a war film in which the family life of the Chinese people is scarcely touched upon. The only appearance of the Chinese family is in the form of clusters of men, women and children within streams of refugees fleeing the Japanese invasion and a succeeding civil war which destroyed their homes and livelihoods. In China Under Communism, the family is presented 233 on a before and after basis, over pre-revolutionary scenes of families working together the narrator comments, "With poverty the driving chief driving force, the family, from grandfather down through countless uncles, aunts and cous ins, was a closely knit group." With the changeover to Communism and life on communes, the families were split up, with children placed in nurseries and the parents working in the fields or in local factories. In Red China the narrator stated unequivocally that Mao had referred to the family as an outmoded eccnomic unit, a comment that passed unnoticed by the judges who accorded the film a unanimous "5" on this criterion. The only reference to family life in Mao Tse Tung is a description of Mao's boyhood as the son of a well-to- do peasant in a rural province. In Communist China the narrator asserts at the be ginning of the film that the revolutionary regime is trying to terminate the Confucian tradition of loyalty to the family and replace it with loyalty to the state. Individual Freedom Nationalist Mainland China "Throughout Chinese history, the individual has 234 22 been subordinated to the group." The primary group to which the Chinese individual was traditionally subordinated was the family kinship group, the clan. In addition, most Chinese men also belonged to guilds, secret societies and religious as well as regional organizations, each of which demanded behavioral conformity within its sphere of activ- 23 ity. "Instead of a philosophy of individual initiative and enterprise, or the limitless possibilities of invention and personal acquisitiveness, these oriental societies sub scribed to a philosophy of hierarchic status with an em- 24 phasis upon individual conformity." "Individuation" rather than individualism was idealized; that is, not unbridled self expression or self aggrandizement, but the fullest development of those crea tive abilities that would best enable an individual to make a contribution to the group and thereby fulfill his social 25 responsibilities. According to this organic view of A. Doak Barnett, Communist China in Perspective (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1962), p. 48. 23 Ibid., p. 34. 24 Fairbank, op. cit., p. 50. 25 Bodde, op. cit., p. 66. 235 things, every man has his own particular place in society whose role can only be fulfilled by conformity with the 2 6 Tao, or "way" associated with his position. Individual freedom was regarded as synonymous with uncontrolled self 27 seeking, license and utter indifference to public welfare. Nor was the right of individual freedom of action in any sphere of personal, political, or economic activity pro- 28 tected by law or civil rights. A modified form of slavery persisted until 1949; a poor peasant family would sometimes be forced to sell its children into prostitution or domestic service or coolie gangs, from which they could be repeived only by the pay ment of a bride price or repayment of their value as a slave. Young women were customarily sold into marriage without any voice in the selection of a husband or the 29 terms of the union. Except for the "emancipated" women of the cities, Chinese women were utterly subordinated to the will of the men in their families, before and after marriage, and had no sanctioned freedom of individual ^ Ibid., p. 67. ^ Ibid. 2 8 Fairbank, op. cit., p. 12. 29 Bodde, op. cit., p. 48. 236 action. Cinematic presentation.— Individual freedom is a relative thing in The Good Earth. Everyone is shown as free to come and go as he pleases. Olan had been a "kitchen slave in the house of a wealthy person, but this point is not stressed and it apparently passed unnoticed by the judges. At no time is there evidence of any external power, other than poverty, affecting the lives of Wang Lung and his family, but the explosion of a revolution ending the tyranny of the Manchu dynasty brought "freedom,” which in the film led to looting and pillaging. Individual freedom is not directly referred to in Contrasts in China, but the context of complete personal liberty and the absence of external authority imply that this is taken for granted. There are no direct references to individual free dom in My Name is Han, but Han and his family are shown as being at liberty to do whatever they wish. There are no direct references to individual free dom in Land of Genghis Khan, but everything occurring in this film suggests complete freedom, an impression en hanced in particular by the many scenes of free and wild 237 Mongolian horsemen. Individual freedom is implicit in People of Western China. Everyone shown in the film is evidently free to go where he wishes and to follow the occupation of his choice. Individual freedom is suggested in Children of China by the portrayed liberty of everyone in the film to do as he pleases without restraint. Men work at a wide range of occupations, usually their own businesses, and are evidently free to go where necessary to conduct their af fairs . There is no reference to individual freedom in Marco Polos1 Travels. Although Polo is portrayed as being free to come and go within China, he is unable to leave without the Khan's permission. There is no mention of individual freedom in Here Is china. The film is a pot pourri of scenes and sequences in which unrelated subjects are laid end to end without a unifying theme or any allusion to China's social structure. Individual freedom is not referred to in Inside Tibet; the impression is given that every aspect of life in Tibet is dominated by religious practices and rituals, and that the individual is entirely subordinated to the Budd hist clergy. 238 Individual freedom seems like a rather strange phenomenon to the Chinese narrator of The Voice of China. Over scenes showing people straining to pull huge carts and rollers the narrator said, "People have always pulled their own loads in China, not always did they ask why." Then, "A scholar came and said . . . we must fight for freedom. Camel caravans are for freedom now." In China several references to freedom made by the narrator who asserts that the Chinese are "determined to preserve their freedom and that dignity of man which is man's birthright." There are only allusions to individual freedom in China Crisis. The narrator refers to "Free China" in a generic sense, but it is evident in this war film that the people are free only to flee for their lives. No direct reference is made to individual freedom in Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder, but freedom is suggested by the liberty of the people shown to do as they pleased with out the presence of any restraining influences. Individual freedom implied in Peiping Family, but not stressed; there are so many walls and walled buildings that the impression of defensiveness and closeness is con veyed, a feeling that although one is free to come and go 239 the need for walls everywhere connotes some risk. In Farming in South China, the lives of the farmers are portrayed as being without external restraints of any kind, a bucolic idyl of free and happy people. In What Is China, no direct reference is made to individual freedom, but the film conveyed an image of an exhuberantly free people filled with the joy of living and growing and producing. Free men are shown coming and going as they please, working, relaxing, laughing with their fam ilies . Individual freedom is suggested in An Oriental City; Canton, China, by the scenes of people working at their jobs, shopping, talking, relaxing at Chinese operas and having their fortunes told, with no evidence of res traint . Individual freedom is not directly referred to in Sampan Family. But it is clear from this story of a day in the life of a sampan family that they are free to come and go as they choose. Individuals within the family are lim ited in their personal freedom only by their commitments to the family. There is no allusion to individual freedom as a legal concept. In the matter of individual freedom there was a 240 dichotomous treatment in Understanding the Chinese. In the early portion of the film, the main body of the film, life in China was presented as it was in other pre-revolutionary films, implying a good deal of freedom in the way people could come and go. But at the end was an addendum and a terse announcement that "the Chinese were not ready for a democracy.1 1 In Bridge to Yinshi, the only allusion to individ ual freedom is in reference to the hope that education would free the Chinese from bondage to their fears, their ignorance and their belief in mythological creatures, and that education would lead to a growth of democratic proc esses in China. Although freedom is not directly referred to in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market, it is connoted by the evi dent freedom of individuals to come and go without res traint. Peasants are shown working as farmers and artisans and going wherever necessary to conduct their affairs. Individual freedom is shown rather than stated in Journey to Kunming. Everyone is free from external res traint, free to go where he chooses and to do what he must to earn a hardscrabble living. 241 Communist Mainland China Under the Communist regime, individual freedom is again frowned upon and conformity is an ideal— but with certain differences. The "Five Cardinal Relations" and "Eight Virtues" are abolished and the focus of individual 30 obedience is shifted from the family to the state. Vol untary membership in guilds, secret societies, religious and regional associations of the pre-Communist period are now replaced by required participation in such groups as the People's Militia, the Peasants Association, the Women's 31 Association and the New Democratic Youth League. The presence of informants in all these organizations assures 32 the conformity of its participating members. The funda mental change in the status of individual freedom, then, is that the controls of conformity have changed in character from passive to manipulative. Where formerly a Chinese individual was held in check by what he stood to lose in group protection and benefits, he is now coerced into obed ience by general propaganda, group pressure, psychological 30 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit.. pp. 197-198. 31Ibid., pp. 173-174. 242 33 suggestion, individual indoctrination and direct duress. Yang said in reference to the power of the regime over the lives of the peasant in the village of Nanching: It now decided the social and economic status of each individual, the orientation of his thought, his happiness or misery, even his life or death. It de creed the way in which marriage should take place and directed the manner in which children should be raised by organizing nurseries, by taking over the village school and by organizing the young for guided groups activities and political discipline .^It had, indeed, penetrated the peasant's whole life. tured service, concubinage and prostitution are abolished. Bride prices are prohibited and marriages can be consummat ed only by mutual consent. Women are legally accorded equal status with men on all levels and in every aspect of away in the wake of collectiviation into communes, where great masses of people were committed to construction and agricultural projects regardless of their individual 3 6 abilities or desires to participate. Under the new regime, individual slavery, inden- social and economic life 35 Individuation has been swept To as great an extent as possible the Communist 33 Ibid. 34 Ibid., p. 175. 35 Marriage Law . . op. cit 9 36 Sherman, Modern China, op. cit., p. 100 243 government of China attempts to absorb the time, attention and energy of its people for the construction of Socialism, and to leave as little opportunity as it can for individual freedom and possible dissention. But since the debacle of The Great Step Forward, however, the regime has permitted peasants to leave the communes and has conceded the right of individuals to travel to other parts of China. Cinematic presentation.— No reference is made to individual freedom in China: The Land and the People? no social situations are presented from which one could draw any inferences. Individual freedom is dramatized as being non existent in China in The Brainwashing of John Hayes; he is accorded no rights whatever to act or to speak in his own behalf, nor is anyone permitted to aid him or to speak well of him or to help him. With the exception of Hayes every one in the film who is not a member of the Communist ap paratus cringes and cowers in fear in the presence of Com munist power. Individual freedom is presented as virtually abol ished in The Face of Red China; everyone is regimented. Men, women and children march to their daily tasks in mili- 244 tary fashion. When a bugle blows, they cease their work and to formal exercises or practice with bayonets or listen to political lectures. They march in parades and sing the praises of the new regime, or they are herded into rallies to hear the praises of the new regime. Many persons are shown doubled over in grinding labor, often doing the work of draft animals as the narrator describes their visita tion: "The regimentation is new. Not only physical regi mentation, but the regimentation of the mind. When they are not pounding the earth, their minds are being pounded with propaganda." War in China is a topical film in which no mention is made of individual freedom. Individual freedom is not treated in The Fall of China. The narrator comments that General Marshall admon ished Chiang Kai Shek to implement long promised "civil rights" reforms. Individual freedom is shown as severly limited in China Under Communism, with all life regimented along mili tary lines. Scene after scene reveals iron discipline and relentless mobilisation under the new regime, reinforced by exhortation, group pressure and coercion. Individual freedom in Red China was shown as being 245 entirely non-existent in that country, an interpretation which was reflected in the judges' scoring of a nearly unanimous "1." Near the beginning of the film scenes of work worn peasants are shown as the narrator describes how they would pay the price at whatever cost for restoring China to greatness, beginning with their conversion to Communism by "persuasion, intimation, or force." Workers and intellectuals alike are shown at backbreaking labor in a context of total regimentation. And when members of an economic class are murdered, kill themselves or are sent to prison by virtue of being members of that class, indi vidual freedom by implication does not exist. Mao Tse Tung is a biographical film and deals with war essentially. The only allusions to individual freedom are made when Mao vows to impose a dictatorship of the proletariat on China, and uses the cry of "land and free- f dom" to rally peasants to his cause. The antithesis of individual freedom is stressed in Communist China. When the commune system is presented the narrator asserts that the Communists cultivate not only crops but minds; several scenes present propagands demon strations and political harangues, with workers, intellec tuals, and children alike being thoroughly regimented. 246 Sound Effects Nationlist Mainland China Cinematic presentation.— The sound effects in The Good Earth were created especially for this dramatic film. All the pleasant sounds associated with rural life are used in the film to create a favorable pastoral impression of China. There are few sound effects in My Name is Han, except for at such dramatic high points as explosions and bombing attacks. Only when Han introduces himself in the opening scene is dialogue used; the rest of the story is told in voice-over narration. There are no sound effects in The Land of Genghis Khan; the only sounds used are the narrator's voice and some background music. The sound effects used in People of Western China reproduce the pulse of a water powered potter's wheel, the hum of hydroelectric generators, the slithering-click of a weaver's loom, the grinding of corn under mill stones and the ring of a businessman's telephone. The only sounds used in Children of China are the narrator's voice and music over the beginning and end 247 titles. The sound effects in Marco Polo's Travels are those of purely dramatized sound. Synchronous dialogue as well as voice over narration are used, with such effects as foot-steps and doors closing dubbed in where dramatically effective. The only sound used in Here Is China is the voice of the narrator. The only sound used in Inside Tibet is the voice of the narrator. Sound effects are minimal in A Voice of China, and limited largely to recorded sounds of coolie gangs as they chant a wailing, haunting keen in unison while pulling rollers over American airfields. The sound effects used in China are in the March of Time tradition with much beating of drums and staccatto dramatic sounds of war. The sounds in China Crisis are the sounds of war— explosions, machine guns and cannons. The only sound used in Peking— Marco Polo1s Wonder is the voice of the narrator. There are occasional sound effects used in Peiping Family, such as the tinkle of a bell when a candy vendor 248 comes around. The only other sounds are the narrator's voice and some music. The sounds used in Farming in South China are lim ited to the narrator's voice. The sounds in What Is China are limited to the narrator's voice and music. The sounds used in An Oriental City. Canton. China are the narrator's voice and music. The sounds used in Sampan Family are limited to the narrator’s voice and music. The sound used in Understanding the Chinese brought forth uniformly adverse reactions from the judges. Al though the film is only eleven minutes long, the sound track is an uninterrupted cacaphony of effects and narra tion and many of the judges felt compelled, in addition to giving the sound criterion a low rating, to scribble derog atory comments about the film beside this criterion. The sounds used in Bridge to Yinshi are limited to the narrator's voice and music. The only sound used in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market is the narrator's voice. The sounds used in Journey to Kunming are limited to the narrator's voice and music. 249 Communist Mainland China Cinematic presentation .— The only sounds used in China: The Land and the People are the narrator1s voice and music. The sound effects used in The Brainwashing of John Hayes are staged and dubbed in wherever dramatically suit able. Such effects as the splintering of wood when Hayes' bedroom door was battered down with rifle butts, the metal- ic clatter of chains as the missionary moved his manacled hands and the creak and clang of closing cell doors are all used to sharpen the emotional quality of Hayes' incarcera tion. Dialogue is used at such dramatic high points as when the Chinese officer screamed at the exhausted Hayes, "Confess that you are a tool of the Wall Street war mong ers." Voice over narration is used to smooth over gaps in the dramatic story and as transitions over lapses of time. Some on-location sound effects were used in The Face of Red China, such as when the drill master gave, in Chinese, orders for bayonet practice, but most of the sound is given over to narration. The sounds used in War In China, other than the narrator's voice are the sounds of war— grandes, explosions, 250 bombs whistling, rifle and machine gun fire. The sounds used in The Fall of China, other than the narrator's voice, are the sounds of warfare. The only sounds used in China Under Communism are the narrator's voice and music. The sound effects in Red China are a clatter and roar in keeping with the spirit of the Great Leap Forward. The sound effects in Mao Tse Tung are strident. Much of the film treats such subjects as the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty, the purge of the Communists by the Kuomintang in 1927, the invasion of China by the Japanese, World War II and the civil war, and most of the sounds, other than the narrator's voice, were given over to the roar of mobs and the explosive reports of warfare. The sounds used in Communist China are limited to the narrator's voice and music. Universal Suffrage Nationalist Mainland China As originally organized, the governmental apparatus of the Kuomintang Party was patterned after the Russian 251 37 Communist Party. This concept of government by a one party elite conformed to China's traditional Confucian concepts of government: Confucian theory . . . has been democratic in the sense that it has consistently emphasized the ideal of government for the people, has tried to counter absolu tism by the weight of a morally-educated non-hereditary bureaucracy, and has sanctioned occasional political change as an escape from tyranny. It has been undemo cratic, however, in the sense that it has never recog nized the need of government b^. the people as a whole, has always regarded such government as the particular preserve of a small ruling elite, and has sanctioned political change only in terms of shifting personali ties, j^gt of basic changes in the social and political order. True universal suffrage in the sense of "one man— one vote" has never existed in China: Nor was there any trend toward representative gov ernment in the first half of the twentieth century. In Chinese tradition there had never been any notion that the wisest decision could be reached by counting heads, even in a select group. Statesmanship had been the art of selecting, training, and indoctrinating a small corps of able men who could then be trusted to run 37 Ch'ien Tuan-sheng, "The Kuomintang: Its Doctrine, Organization, and Leadership," in Albert Feuerwerker (ed.), Modern China (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964), p. 71. 3 8 Derk Bodde, "Authority and Law in Ancient China," China's Cultural Tradition, What and Whither? cited from his article' "Authority and Law in the Ancient Orient," in Supplement No. 17 (1954), Journal of the American Oriental Society, pp. 54-55. 252 every aspect of the public life of a vast empire. To secure popular assent to official decision was essen tial; to ask the people what the decision should be never remotely occurred to anyone. . . . After 1912, the few attempts at a facade of parliamentary govern ment were fiascos, and most Chinese of all persuasions saw the main problem as the creation of a competent new political elite to fill the gap left by the col lapse of the imperial system. . . . It was as basic to Nationlist as to Communist political thought. During the first half of the century, neither party relin quished its control to popular elections. In 1950, the promise of ultimate full democracy offered by either seemed remote. ^ If universal suffrage did not exist at the national level, there were two loosely defined approximations of it, for men only, at the local level. In 1932 the Nationlist government revivied the ancient system of collective responsibility called the "pao chia" system. The household was the basic unit and a man, usually the eldest, assumed the responsibility for the proper conduct of all the members of his family. Ten families formed a pao, and ten pao formed a chia. Several chia formed an administrative village called a hsiang, which was in turn subordinated to the subdistrict office of the 39 Mary C. Wright, "Modern China in Transition, 1900- 1950," in Albert Feuerwerker (ed.), Modern China (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964), pp. 14-15. 253 municipal government. Each family sent a representative to elect the head of a pao, and the heads of the chia and hsiang were each elected by the respective constituting representa tives. The headship of these units of collective re sponsibility was thus set up by indirect election which became official only after the government had added its formal appointment. Under the pao chia the lines of authority were from the top down only; the pao chia evolved into an extension of the bureaucratic system, assisting the government in the execution of policies and doing little to develop the demo cratic process of self government— the avowed purpose of 42 reviving the pao chia system. Towards the end of the Kuomintang regime, all pao chia elections were suspended and its officials appointed from above in order to more 43 efficiently mobilize the people against the Communists. The second form of local elections took place with in the family kinship group. The clan was directed by its council of elders and the business manager. The latter was elected by the men of the clan every three years and an 40 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 103. 41 42 Ibid., p. 104. Ibid. 43 Barnett, China on the Eve of the Communist Take over, op. cit., p. 118. 254 assistant was elected to serve with him. The election was divided into two stages, the se lection of candidates and the official result. In the first, prospective candidates for the office would make their contacts with the elders and with socially active clansmen. Usually, only two or three candidates would be active in the field, and the contest was not too complicated an affair. As a rule, the issue of who should take office was all settled in pre-election con sultations, and the election itself was only an offi cial recognition of the result.^ Only one attempt was made during the regime to hold election of representatives for a national parliament. In 1947, with public confidence in the government waning rapid ly, Chiang made a last ditch attempt to muster public sup port and secure a mandate by holding a national election. More than 3,000 representatives were elected to the Chinese National Assembly, probably one of the largest such bodies ever to meet in any country, but it failed to enlist much support or interest or confidence outside its one and only convocation in 1948. The Assembly was overwhelmingly Kuomintang in its composition, and minority groups were admitted on suf ferance as a matter of Kuomintang policy— perhaps on the basis of a sincere desire to broaden the base of the government, perhaps to impress Chinese and foreign Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 95. 45Ibid., p. 94. 255 observers, or perhaps as a result of mixed motives. The inevitable one-party character of the Assembly was no more than could be expected.46 Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in The Good Earth. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Contrasts In China. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in My Name Is Han. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Land of Genghis Khan. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in People of Western China. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Marco Polo's Travels. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Here Is China. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Inside Tibet. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in The Voice of China. Barnett, op. cit., p. 63. 256 In China, the question of suffrage is treated in scenes showing political lectures, discussions and a ballot box. The narrator explains that China's form of democracy is based upon what is called the "Shen" system, which con sists of each household head voting for a village represen tative who gathers in Congress with other representatives to form the Shen. There is no description of the functions of the Shen, but the context of the scenes suggests that it serves the function of a Congress or Parliament. The nar rator says, "in two years chiang's government developed the Shen system in eighty percent of China." There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in China Crisis. There is no reference or allusion to civil rights in Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder. There is no reference or allusion to civil rights in Peiping Family. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Farming in South China. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in What Is China? There is no reference to suffrage in An Oriental City: Canton, China. 257 There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Sampan Family. In Understanding the Chinese, there is a terse statement at the end of the film, "China is not ready for democracy," which implies that suffrage has been tried and the people were unable to cope with its responsibilities. There are allusions to universal suffrage in Bridge to Yinshi. A queue of Chinese men and women are lined up before a Kuomintang flag, registering for some unknown purpose, as the narrator comments, "The Chinese are developing social responsibility." There is no reference or allusion to universal suffrage in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. There is no reference or allusion to universal suffrage in Journey to Kunming. Communist Mainland china Like the Kuomintang Party, the Chinese Communist Party was organized on the model of the Russian Communist Party. Although the Communists have formally abolished the Confucian "Five Cardinal Relations" and "Eight Virtues," and have rejected the hierarchical concept of government, the Confucian tradition did contribute to preparing the 258 Chinese people for the Communist takeover: Certain traditional attitudes have been in the Com munists' favor. George E. Taylor goes so far as to say that the Chinese Communists "stem from the tradi tional Chinese bureaucratic ruling class," and that the Chinese Communist party represents "the bureaucracy, with all its tradition of political, social and econom ic monopoly." This is perhaps to put it too strongly. But there is no doubt that the long tradition by a Con fucian elite makes it easier for the people to accept, as reasonable, the continued dominance of the Communist elite Immediately upon seizing power, the Communists abolished the pao chia system and removed the pao and chia 48 heads from their respective duties. With the collapse of the family kinship structure, the election of clan business managers and assistants no longer take place. The new cen ter of power at the local level is the Peasants Associa tion, whose core committee of seven members is selected from the activists by the Communist cadres and formally approved in a nominal election by the membership, an elec toral procedure not substantially different from the tra ditional election of clan officers, and a practice still 49 continued on the communes. All of the organizations like 47 Greel, op. cit., p. 205. 48 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 167. 49 Ibid., p. 173. 259 the Peasants Association which function at the grass roots level, however, exist primarily to execute the policies of the Communist Party, which constitutes perhaps 5 percent 50 of the population. The primary form of public assent or dissent to government policies existing in Communist China today is the power of the peasant to drag his feet when he disapproves of what is being done, a power most effectively 51 exercised towards the end of The Great Leap Forward. Feeling the need of a popular mandate for publicity purposes, the Communists held a general election: As a whole, the general election held in 1953-54 was nothing more than a staged performance wherein the people of china were manipulated, as in the other major campaigns conducted by the regime, into giving popular endorsement of Communist policies and political behav ior. It was obvious that the election was far from a free expression of popular will. At the lowest level, the only place where the election can be called popu lar, the people were presented with a single panel of names for which they required to vote in entirety. Through rehearsals and experimental elections, through forums and discussion, through propaganda and the ex hortation of the party cadres in charge of the elec tions, they were told how to vote and for whom. In the voting procedures, the people were assembled and they voted by the raising of hands under the watchful eyes of the cadres.^ ^Barnett, Communist China in Perspective, op. cit., p. 33. ^H. F. Schurmann, "Peking's Recognition of Cri sis," in Albert Feuerwerker (ed.). Modern China (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964), p. 97. 260 Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to universal suffrage, or to a government of any kind in China; The Land and the People. The reverse of universal suffrage in China under the Communist regime is dramatically portrayed during the trial sequence of The Brainwashing of John Hayes? at one point the missionary leaned forward and taunted, "Name officials of the Chinese government who have been elected by the people." Because none had been elected they could only squirm in uncomfortable silence. The antithesis of universal suffrage is presented in The Face of Red China. The people are shown as utterly regimented, with assent to the regime's policies being se cured by propaganda, coercion, imprisonment, group pressure and brain washing. War in China is a topical film which makes no ref erence to universal suffrage. In The Fall of China, which presents the overthrow of the Kuomintang regime by the most savage force and viol ence, suffrage is not touched upon. By narrative allusions to the lack of civil rights, the film suggests that during their regime the Nationlists themselves had offered nothing like the right to vote. 261 In China Under Communism, there is no indication that the government has sought the assent of the people to its policies, but has sought instead to coerce the people into submission, as is made clear in the repeated scenes of regimentation and propaganda parades. In Red China, the regime is portrayed as a revolu tionary government that has achieved power by force of arms and maintained itself by persuasion, intimation and force— the antithesis of a government elected by universal suff rage . There is no reference to universal suffrage in Mao Tse Tung. An allusion to the contrary is implied in Mao's assertion that he will impose a dictatorship of the prole tariat on the Chinese people. The reverse of universal suffrage is expressed in Communist China. The policies handed down by the Communist regime— collectivization into communes and industrializa tion— are imposed forcibly; the assent of the people is achieved by relentless propaganda, group pressure and coer cive regimentation. The reverse of universal suffrage is expressed in Communist China. The will of the regime and the purposes of its policies are shown as imposed on the people and 262 assent achieved by unremitting propaganda and psychological pressure. Security From Intrusion Na t ion a1i st Mainland China "Nowhere was the individual, in politics or in in dustry and commerce, protected by a system of law and civil 53 rights." In the Chinese concept of the individual's place in society, there is little room for the Western view that the person and property of any individual has any sanc tity whatever when weighted against the greater need of the group: Neither of the two major political movements— the Nationalist and the Communist— showed any real inter est in civil liberties, or even comprehension of what they were. As in traditional China, whatever purported to be the interests of the group remained paramount. . . . In the 1930's and 1940's, internal crises and foreign aggression seemed to require unfettered action by a powerful government if there was to be a viable future for anyone Chinese. In such circumstances, it is not surprising that a demand for civil liberties came to seem a demand for a right to willful self- indulgence. There was no thought that individual Chi nese ought to be guaranteed some small but irreducible minimum of privacy and originality, an area that the state could never touch, however great the public inter est. 54 53 Fairbanks, op. cit., p. 12. 54 Wright, op. cit., p. 14. 263 Although Chinese individuals were without legal security from intrusion, they were not without protection. The establishment of law and order and the protection of individuals found effective enforcement through clan authority without formal government. The clans often possessed firearms and many individuals owned their own guns; all of its members would normally answer a call of the clan for protection of a kinsman against an outside invader, whether bandits, attackers from another clan or 55 village, or foreign invaders. Since policemen or sol diers were usually called out only in major disturbances in rural areas, the clans often provided an individual's only security from intrusion.^ Collective protection of crops 57 was offered by the multi-clan Crop Protection Association. The closest approximation to security from intru sion under the law that a Chinese individual could get lay in a union of landowning with official prerogatives— gov- 5 8 ernment officials could offer some protection to kinsmen. 55 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . Vol. II, op. cit., p. 98. 56 57 Ibid.. p. 99. Ibid., p. 110. 58 Fairbank, op. cit., p. 46. 264 Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in The Good Earth. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in contrasts in China. In My Name is Han, the only allusion to security from intrusion was suggested by the shambles of their home in the wake of a w~.r. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in The Land of Genghis Khan. There is no reference to security from intrusion in People of Western China, but the overall impression is one of a serene and secure way of life. There is no direct reference to security from in trusion made in Children of China, but an image of a se cure and happy village life is presented. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Marco Polo's Travels. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Here Is China, and no thread of logic or con text of subject matter from which it could be inferred. There is no reference to security from intrusion in Inside Tibet, but the scenes of monasteries perched high upon almost inaccessible peaks conveyed the impression of 265 impregnable security. In The Voice of China, it is evident from the scenes of uprooted refugees that there is certainly no security from the intrusion of war. There is no direct reference to security from in trusion in China, but the presentation of village life and the narrative references to the "dignity of man" implied a secure and ordered life which was broken only by the Japanese invaders. There is no narrative reference to security from intrusion in China Crisis, but in the holocaust presented it is evident that there is no security for anyone. What is not destroyed by the Japanese or Americans in the at tacks and counter-attacks, is destroyed by the Chinese themselves in a scorched earth policy. The Chinese people are shown as teeming hordes of refugees who are uprooted by the war and who flee with all they have. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Peking— Marco Polo 1s Wonder. In Peiping Family, most of the life depicted takes place within high walled courtyards and a home, and the film somehow conveys the impression of security within them. 266 There is no reference to security from intrusion in Farming in South China, but the impression is created of a secure little world in the Si Valley. While no reference is made to security from intru sion in What Is China?, the film strongly conveys the image of a safe and secure world within which all is well. No sense of danger of any "kind was hinted to, and the people seen in the film seemed calm and secure in their persons. Although there is no direct reference to security from intrusion in An Oriental City: Canton, China, an im pression was conveyed that this happy world in which men and their families lead secure prosperous lives. There is no reference to security from intrusion in Sampan Family, but the life portrayed suggests that their little world of the sampan is a sanctuary within which the family is safe and secure. There is no direct reference to security from intrusion in Understanding the Chinese. The narrator im plies, however, that there is economic uncertainty and insecurity in their lives. There are many narrative references in Bridge to Yinshi to the Nationalist-Communist civil war then taking place, but the picture of the village presented is one of 267 pastoral calm and serenity. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Journey to Kunming. Communist Mainland China "The crucial step in the destruction of the old political order was the removal of elements of local power and authority, initiated by the disarming of all groups and 59 individuals possessing firearms." Every person was in terrogated, many premises were ransacked and some individ uals were tortured in order to squeeze out the last hidden 60 gun. With the dissolution and disarming of the clans, the Crop Protection Association and other comparable organ izations, the security of individuals from forcible intru sion is a thing of the past. There are many instances of persons being dragged out by the Communists and executed for unexplained reasons and left lying in public view, apparently to intimidate the spectators and those who 59 . . Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 168. 268 heard about it.^^ People naturally began to wonder whether they them selves might not someday be regarded as enemies and be come objects of violence. The several arrests and im prisonments of persons in the village, the bloody bodies on the drilling field, the frightening stories of imprisonment and death on a variety of political charges unfamiliar to the villagers--all these made fear an integral part of the new political reality under which they now lived. . . . With the three phase collectivization of land and villages into communes, and the development of a system of informants within each Communist sponsored organization, security from intrusion has become virtually non-existent. Although the failure of the Great Leap Forward has forced the regime to relent in some of its extremes of regimenta tion, by permitting some individuals to travel and allowing a degree of constructive criticism within the Communist ethic, there is little if any legally based security from intrusion in Communist Mainland china. Cinematic presentation.— Whether security from in trusion exists in China cannot be inferred from China: The Land and the People, because no social or political struc ture of any kind is alluded to. £ . I Ibid., p. 169. 62Ibid., p. 170. 269 The Brainwashing of John Hayes begins with a se quence in which his bedroom door is smashed down in the middle of the night and he is dragged from his bed and arrested, without a warrant, at the point of bayonets. The Chinese officers in charge then jeer, "Now you die, John Hayes." There is no security from intrusion shown in The Face of Red China, because there is evidently no security into which to intrude. All aspects of life are lived com munally, all property is shared and all conversations are reported by government spies to Communist cadres. Dissi dents are disciplined, killed or subjected to brainwash ing, without any legal recourse. War In China is a topical film which makes no ref erence to security from intrusion, but the scenes of war make it clear that there is no security for anyone. Security from intrusion is something that few people had during the debacle presented in The Fall of China. The Chinese are portrayed as pitiable refugees wandering through the ruins of homes, in a context of acrimonious civil war in which they existed only as impediments to con tending armies. Nationalist violation of this value is shown in scenes of suspected Communists being dragged out 270 and shot, and Communist violation of this value is demon strated in their arbitrary seizure and execution of land lords . The only allusion made to security from intrusion in China Under Communism is a scene in which the narrator describes the speak bitterness meetings where the peasants were encouraged to denounce and kill their landlords. In Red China, the narrator refers to the communist regime as "gambling with the only resources they had— the Chinese people," a clear implication that individuals were insecure in their persons and could be committed as expend ible units in the daring gamble of the Great Leap Forward. The narrator asserts that the members of the landlord class were killed, committed suicide or were sent to prison. Mao Tse Tung is primarily a war film, and as such alludes only inferentially to the lack of security in the wake o f war. The context of the presentation in Communist China suggests that there is little security into which to in trude; many scenes portray the enforced collecitivation of individuals into communes and their regimentation into phalanxes of marching masses. 271 Pictorial Interpretation Nationalist Mainland China Cinematic presentation.— In The Good Earth, a dramatic film, every scene is beautifully composed and carefully lighted, and each action is planned to convey the image of dignity, humility, and courage. The pictorial interpretation presented the Chinese people in a most favorable light. The pictorial interpretation of China in Contrasts In China is mixed, as might be inferred from the title. The film alternately contrasts the splendor of China's ancient palaces and pagodas with the poverty of the sampan families, and compares modern trolley cards with gin- rickshaws. Although the story in My Name is Han is that of a family attempting to repair its home and farm after a ruinous war, the pictorial interpretation presented hand somely composed scenes portraying the people in an heroic and picturesque light. All the members of Han's family are scrubbed and groomed in well tailored rags, and they live in an immaculate hovel. The pictorial interpretation in Land of Genghis 272 Khan presents a picture postcard kind of picturesqueness; there are camel caravans silhouetted against the skyline and fine details of religious costumes and dazzling horse manship by Mongolian wranglers. In People of Western China/ almost every scene pre sents a picturesque view of artisans working at ancient crafts, farmers plodding behind their water buffalos or groomed young engineers and technicians working in modern industrial facilities. The film presents a clean, whole some way of life unmarred by war or squalor. The pictorial interpretation of Chinese village life in children of China is idyllically pastoral. The homes, shops and fields of the people are beautifully maintained and the individuals presented as typically Chinese are impeccably clean and immaculately groomed, with much attention given to children washing their hands and brushing their teeth. Every scene is composed and photo graphed to show Chinese village life in a favorable light. The pictorial interpretation of China in Marco Polo1s Travels is as luxurious handsome as constructed sets and silken costumes could make it. There are many magnifi cent scenes of what Polo described as "the handsomest buildings in the world" in which "even the poor wear silk." 273 The pictorial interpretation in Here Is China is mixed, comprising such unrelated and unexplained scenes as mule caravans, salt mining rigs, children spinning tops and Mongolian horsemen, photographed from picturesque ang les and spliced together at random. Inside Tibet is composed entirely of beautifully photographed footage of mountains, monasteries and Buddhist rites. The poverty of the people is observable, but is scarcely noticed beside the grandeur of their surroundings. The footage for The Voice of China was photographed by cameramen of the public information agency of the Chi nese Nationalist government. The Chinese people are gen erally presented in a handsome light, but there are scenes of peasants doing such hard and dirty work as filling sledges with mud and pulling rollers over American air fields. In China, the people are portrayed as clean in their personal habits, devout in their religious practices and immaculate in their maintenance of fields and villages. With the exception of some war sequences, the film is pri marily devoted to scenes of a growing China— modern factor ies, cities, schools, and laboratories. Except for a montage at the beginning of China 274 Crisis in which views of modern cities, schools, stores, and hospitals are shown, the pictorial interpretation of China in China Crisis reflects the chaos, anarchy and ruin of war. The pictorial interpretation of China in Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder strained at being picturesquely beau tiful. Each view of every monument, thoroughfare and work of art is composed to set off its most attractive aspects. In Peiping Family every scene is artfully composed and members of the family are photographed in becoming poses. The home is spotless, the kitchen is immaculate and all furniture is carefully arranged and beautifully lighted. In the sequence showing a monkey performing an tics for the neighborhood children, there is not a dirty urchin among them; all are combed and groomed and dressed attractively. The scenes of Chinese village life in Farming In South China are idyllic. Although references are made to how hard the Chinese must work to earn a living, the pic torial interpretation reveals a healthy people who are prosperous, clean and well fed. In What Is China? scenes show people literally jumping for joy; there are montages of happy, smiling faces 275 and sequences revealing the growth of modern cities be decked with neon lights. The narrator concedes that these scenes are only examples of what is to come, and that China is still primitive in many ways, but the aforementioned scenes reflect the essential character of the pictorial interpretation. In An Oriental City: Canton, China, modern commer cial buildings are presented side by side with quaint handi craft shops where artisans carve ivory, shape silver, and carry on business activities in a context revealing a rich, prosperous city. One can attend a Chinese opera, have one's fortune told, have a letter written by a public scribe or enjoy a leisurely walk along a lovely river. One judge commented, "beautiful photography." The pictorial interpretation of the life of the Ling family in Sampan Family is very pleasing. The boat is immaculate, the parents and their children are clean and groomed though poor, and the compositions and photographic techniques used show their lives and personal characteris tics to good effect. There is a dichotomous pictorial interpretation in Understanding the Chinese. The first first four fifths of the film the Chinese are presented as cheerful, clean and 276 hard working people who manage to be happy in spite of an arduous life. Near the end there is an abrupt change to depressing scenes of children doing heavy manual labor. The pictorial interpretation of China in Bridge to Yinshi is pleasantly pastoral. Although the narrator de scribes at length the problems of disease and ignorance, the picture presents an image of clean and wholesome men, women and children working at their livelihoods, getting an education and enjoying sports and festivals. The pictorial interpretation of China in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market reveals that the people live a poverty stricken existence. The peasants are shabbily dressed and anything but well groomed; their homes are shown to be hovels. The pictorial interpretation is grim in Journey to Kunming. The people are shown to live arduous lives under conditions of threadbare poverty. Over scenes of a squalid canal, the narrator describes how the peasants bathe their feet, wash their food, and draw their water from the same fetid source. And men, women and children alike are shown doing backbreaking work as miners, stevedores, rivermen or farmers. 277 Communist Mainland China Cinematic presentation.--China; The Land and the People is devoted primarily to a factual treatment of the climate, soils, terrain, and crops of China as they have affected the ecology of the Chinese peasants, and to a brief treatment of life in the cities and on sampans. The Chinese are presented as clean and wholesome people without involvement by the film in the specifics of their lives. The pictorial interpretation of the Chinese in The Brainwashing of John Hayes is bleak and gloomy. Hayes is shown being thrown into a filthy cell. The prison and the courtroom are coldly austere. The village streets and buildings appear shoddy and unkempt. The pictorial interpretation presented in The Face of Red China is the face of menace and brutal regimenta tion. Militiamen are shown aiming rifles, swinging rifle butts and jabbing bayonets directing towards the camera that photographed them. Hate American posters are hung everywhere. Swarms of sweating dirty people are shown being committed to construction projects and forced to work at a feverish pace. War In China presents scenes of clashing armies, 278 fighting soldiers, fleeing refugees and ruined homes and factories. The Fall of China told the story of the Nationlist- Communist struggle in scenes of ruin and devastation. The Chinese people are shown in rags as they wander through ruins and pick at garbage. China is portrayed as reduced to a shambles by the concommitant visitations of a Japan ese invasion and the civil war. The pictorial interpretation in China Under Commu nism, as in the other films using footage taken with the approval of the Communist regime, tended to present a posi tive image with this footage. There were many scenes show ing their attempts to introduce scientific methods in agriculture, their construction of factories and industries, in addition to the scenes of regimented commune life which the Communists regard as ideal. The pictorial interpretation in Red China is rend ered by footage that the Communist regime permitted the Swiss newsman Gigoux to take. Gigoux explained that much of the footage made the Communist program look better than it was, as evidenced in the instance when so-called peas ants showed up in their Sunday best for the specific pur pose of being photographed. The image conveyed is that of 279 herculean effort and frenzied activity and an all out com mitment to create a new China. Gigoux refers to children with distended bellies who were suffering from malnutrition and to persons living under miserably poor conditions— but he was not permitted to photograph these and the total pictorial interpretation is on the whole favorable. Mao Tse Tung tells a story of war and revolution in scenes of carnage and fighting and misery. In Communist China, a large part of the footage was taken with the permission of the mainland regime and pre sented scenes of new factories, sports, educational insti tutions, agricultural exhibits and clean communes. Freedom of Speech Nationalist Mainland China There were no defenses of law to the right of free speech and the even concept of freedom under law was inade quately developed. "There was no real acknowledgement by those in power of the civil liberties and basic freedoms of speech and person . . . to which Westerners are all too 63 unconsciously accustomed." Many Chinese reformers hoped 63 Fairbanks, op. cit., p. 198. 280 to bring these civil rights to China, but the growth of democratic ideas required an amount of time which history did not grant: In the years between the revolution of 1912 and the success of the Nationlist Party in 1927, civil war and disunity were more or less constant. Even after that there was fighting with the Communists and others, and the so-called "Manchurian Incident" of 1931 brought new troubles. After 1937 China was continuously involved in war with Japan until the end of the second World War. Under such conditions it would have been diffi cult for full democracy to be developed in any coun try .64 Victory over Japan brought no surcease from strug gle and progress towards civil rights. Students and pro fessors spoke out against the regime and many were arrested or disappeared. As fortunes of the Nationlist regime sank their measures against outspoken critics became increas ingly repressive: "Chinese education was turned into a battleground where indoctrination, secret police surveil lance, starvation, terror, and the stirrings of revolution 65 all but wiped out the nascent literal traditions." Towards the end frank criticism in any form resulted in 66 beatings, abductions and assassinations. 64 Creel, op. cit.. p. 197. 65 Fairbanks, op. cit., p. 209. 281 Some specialists on China maintain, however, that the Kuomintang suppression of free speech was not so black as it has been painted. Barnett traveled throughout China during 1947-49 and had an unusual opportunity to observe developments. He reports on what he saw of freedom of speech at Peiping University in 1948; . . . The students are the most vocal opposition group within Nationalist China today. A kind of equilibrium now exists between the government— with its political authority and instruments of rule and coiercion— and the students— with their sensitivity to all government control, their aggressive idealism, and their willing ness to speak up in no uncertain terms when they feel the occasion demands it. There is no doubt that stu dents are subjected to illegal and arbitrary arrests, oppressive regulations and restrictions, and occasional mistreatment. There is also no doubt, however, that students are allowed more privileges and freedom than other groups in China. In fact, inflammatory state ments and agitational activities of the kind now char acteristic of Chinese students might well provoke harsher and more stringent suppression in other coun tries engaged in civil war.^ Cinematic presentation.— Freedom of speech in The Good Earth is implicit throughout the film. Whatever the screenwriter elected to have the characters to say, they said. Wang Lung is shown having no qualms about denouncing the wealthy usurers who took advantage of the dire straits 67 Barnett, China On the Eve of Communist Takeover. op. cit., p. 42. 282 of his family to extort a low sales price for Wang's land. This suggests that whatever else wealth connoted in this context, it did not represent the power of suppressing free speech. There is no reference or allusion to freedom of speech in Contrasts In China. There is no reference to freedom of speech in My Name Is Han but it is evident in this dramatized film that the subjects are free to say what they please. There is no reference or allusion to freedom of speech in Land of Genghis Khan. There is no reference to freedom of speech in People of Western China, but it is clear from the context of the subjects that it is taken for granted. There is no reference to freedom of speech in Children of China, but the relaxed and friendly context of the subjects presented implies that this is assumed. In Marco Polo's Travels, a dramatized film, it is implied that there is only as much freedom of speech as the Khan will permit. If the Khan does not wish to hear some thing discussed, everyone must be silent on the subject. There is no reference or allusion to freedom of speech in Here Is China. 283 There is no reference or allusion to freedom of speech in Inside Tibet. The subordination of the Tibetans to their priests and their religion somehow gives a disso nant connotation in this regard. In Voice of China, there are narrative allusions to China's fight for "freedom," but nothing specific from which to draw inferences. During the descriptions of the "Shen" system in China, there are many scenes showing Chinese freely dis cussing what are by implication political issues. But when the narrator drew comparisons between these democratic procedures in the south and the Communist area in the north, he said that free speech in the latter area is suppressed "even more than in Chung King." There is no reference to freedom of speech in China Crisis, only allusions to a fight for the cause of freedom and Free China. There are no references or allusions to freedom of speech in Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder. There is no reference to freedom of speech in Peiping Family but the context of family life suggests that this is taken for granted. There is a dichotomous interpretation in Under- 284 standing The Chinese. In the first portion of the film the Chinese are presented in a context which implies that they enjoy freedom of speech and other civil rights, in the final portion, an addendum, the narrator explains that they lacked education and other opportunities, including civil rights. By implication, there is freedom of speech in China as depicted in Bridge to Yinshi. A meeting of village eld ers portrays a scene in which some issue is evidently being discussed and there are many sequences revealing people engaged in casual conversation. The narrator's repeated references to the growth of democratic processes, over scenes like these, imply that freedom of speech is an assured civil right in China. There is no reference or allusion to freedom of speech in An Oriental City; Canton, China. There is no reference to freedom of speech in Farm ing in South China, but the context of the subjects present ed and the absence of any repressive authority suggests that this is taken for granted. There is no reference to freedom of speech in Sampan Family, a film which deals solely with one family. It is evident from the relaxed and confident manner of their 285 interrelationship that all members of the family feel free to say what they wish to each other. No contact is shown between members of the family and society at large and so no further inference can be drawn. What Is China? presents many facets of Chinese life, and in each of them it is evident that the people are free to do as they please and say what they please. There is no reference to freedom of speech in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. The images of women gos- sipping and men bargaining and everyone conversing, with no evidence of an external repressive authority, connotes freedom in this regard. There is no reference to freedom of speech in Journey to Kunming. As is true of the previous film, made by the same producers, the context is one of complete free dom of speech. Communist Mainland China According to Mao Tse Tung, freedom of speech is an inviolate right of the Chinese people: "Our Constitution lays it down that citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, of the press, of assembly, of association, of procession, of religious belief, and so 286 on." This statement is not corroborated by historical evidence. Upon taking power the Communists forcibly abol ished the old political and social structures and replaced them with new organizations containing informants who re- 69 ported the conversations of all who criticized the regime. The latter were subsequently punished or reeducated. Freedom of speech is so reduced that parents often fear to speak up in the presence of their children: . . . Every progressive young person has been increas ingly under group pressure to disregard kinship ties. . . . and at times, even for elimination. Since parents and uncles and elder brothers have been openly accused or secretly reported by junior members in the age hier archy for offenses leading to police surveillance, fines, labor correction, imprisonment, or even death, the progressive young person is as much feared at home as in public. It is common to find older people sud denly stop talking about public matters, particularly political affairs, as soon as a progressive young fam ily member comes home . . . ^0 Those intellectuals who had frankly criticized the Communist regime during the brief interlude of the "Hundred 68 Anne Fremantle (ed.), Mao Tse-Tung; An Anthology of His Writings (New York: The New American Library, 1962), p. 267. 69 . Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 174. 70 . . Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. I, op. cit., p. 101. 287 Flowers" policy were subjected to hard line thought reform 71 once they had exposed themselves. Suicides became common among students who had spoken up and many jumped from school buildings or drowned themselves in wells. Neverthe less, since the failure of the Great Leap Forward, the gov ernment is making a fresh attempt to pacify the intellec tuals by organizing shenksienfui, "meetings of immortals," in an effort to encourage them to speak up on a variety of 72 issues. Cinematic presentation.— Whether freedom of speech exists in Communist China could not be determined from China; The Land and the People. No live dialogue is in cluded, nor any social situation presented from which one can draw inferences. In The Brainwashing of John Hayes freedom of speech is shown as being repressed under the Communist regime. A Chinese woman who called out, "John Hayes is no enemy of the Chinese people" was slapped for her offense. And dur ing this trial a good portion of the judges' invective is 71 Schurmann, op. cit., p. 102. 288 a reaction to Hayes' determination to speak out frankly about the Chinese Communist regime. Freedom of speech is shown as non-existent in The Face of Red China. The narrator comments, "They don't chop off heads anymore— they reshape them." An ubiquitous spy system operates in all the communes by which everyone is kept under surveillance and any untoward or subversive conversation is reported immediately. Several scenes show prisons where those school teachers and intellectuals who had spoken up during the Hundred Flowers and Hundred Schools period were sent to develop a "correct attitude." When questioned by the commentator they answered, 111 was a reactionary," or "I have seen the errors of my ways." The narrator asserts, "Often a whole group of Communists will concentrate on brainwashing a single individual." The film concludes with the narrator's admission that what impressed him most was the Communists' success in reshaping attitudes to conform to the regime's point of view. War in China makes no reference to freedom of speech. Freedom of speech may have been alluded to in the narrator's comments that both General Marshall and General Wedemeyer insisted upon "civil rights" reforms in The Fall 289 of Red China. No other allusion to freedom of speech is made in the film. Freedom of speech is not directly referred to in China Under Communism, but the extreme degree of regimen tation presented in the film and the lengths to which prop aganda and coercion are used does not connote a favorable climate for freedom of speech. Freedom of speech among the Chinese people is pre sented as virtually non-existent in Red China. It is the people's role to listen and learn from the Communists and, as is clearly implied, to carry out orders without comment or criticism. The narrator did mention at the conclusion of the film that some people were grumbling openly. Freedom of speech is not mentioned in Mao Tse Tung. "Freedom" is used in the film as a battle cry of the Com munists but this is its only allusion. No direct reference to freedom of speech is made in Communist China, but the degree to which adults and children alike portray as being subjected to propaganda and thought orthodoxy does not imply that dissent or even discussion is permissible. 2 90 Accuracy of the Information The findings in this criterion relate primarily to omissions of information rather than to misinformation. This is discussed at length in the Summary and Conclusions as they relate to each criterion purview. The writer finds, however, that specialists on China consistently accord a lower rating to this criterion than do judges from other competencies. Property Rights Nationalist Mainland China The story of property rights in traditional China is primarily the story of land, for 85 percent of the people are farmers. The right to own private property was secure so long as one's taxes were paid, and the highest aspiration of most Chinese peasants was to become a land 73 owner. The land, tools, house, and liquid capital were regarded as collectively owned by the family, but their disposal was generally decided upon by the male head of the family; in the case of a widow's family with minor children, the female head of the house would make the decisions. Deeds to the land and house generally bore 73 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. I, op. cit., p. 55. 291 the "hall name" of the family, not the name of indi- 74 viduals. Land was often owned collectively by clans and re ligious denominations who used the income derived from its cultivation for education, social services, religious rites 75 and festivals and for further investment. Private owner ship by families, however, accounted for over 90 percent of 7 6 the cultivated land. In the absence of primogenitive, the land was divided into small plots which were often widely scattered. The inadequacy of the land transportation system in China has dictated a domestic trade pattern in which the 77 bulk of the country's commerce is local. Village business es took three forms— the privately owned shop, the itin erant peddler and the village free market; locally produced products and produce as well as imports from the city were 74 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 91. 75 . . Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. I, op. cit., p. 43. 7 6 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 43. 77 Hu, op. cit., p. 369. 2 92 sold through these outlets. "A great number of the shops are family enterprises under the effective control of the 79 head of the family." Indeed, property and family were virtually one: Farms were without exception family enterprises. The grocery store, the masonry shop, and the carpen try shop in the village were all family enterprises. Consequently, an individual's livelihood depended almost solely upon his membership in the family, par ticularly for minors and women. Even emigration of a mature son to the city would not entirely free him from economic control by the family as a unit of production, unless he severed all his family ties or became so successful in his urban adventure that he established another family unit of production in the city. The majority of emigrants eventually returned to the family fold in the village and resumed their place in the family.80 Businesses in the cities were privately owned and 81 grew out of foreign trade. Stock companies were formed, sometimes superceding family enterprises, and in the port cities a new class of merchants emerged whose wealth and prestige were a direct result of capitalistic dealings with foreign business interests. China has had a tradition of government presence in and stimulation of industry since 78 7Q Ibid., p. 371. ibid. 79 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 91. 80 Hu, op. cit., p. 37 2. 293 the nineteenth century policy of kuan-tu shang-pan (offi- 82 cial supervision and merchant management). This persist ed and grew during the Kuomintang regime and many govern ment officials, through a variety of screen maneuvers, gradually assumed control over many of China's strategic 83 industries— banking, mining, power and communication. "The economic literature of the Nanking period, much of it written by the government elite, is replete with justifica- 84 tion of t'ung-chih chinq-chi, the controlled economy." Cinematic presentation.— In The Good Earth, the right to own property is as inalienable as the earth and the ownership of land the most precious treasure that a Chinese peasant could pass on to his posterity. Wang Lung and his family are portrayed as willing to beg, starve, steal and stoop to degrading labor as draft animals rather than sell their land. There is no hint of possible confis- 82 Albert Feuerwerker, "Economic Conditions in the Late Ch'ing Period," Modern China (Englewood cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964), p. 3. 83 Douglas S. Paauw, "The Kuomintang and Economic Stagnation, 1928-1937," Modern China, ed. Albert Feuer werker (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964), p. 130. 84Ibid. 294 cation. There is no direct reference to property rights in Contrasts in China, but it is evident that the sampan people own their boats and personal belongings. No other allusions to property rights are made. The question of property rights in My Name is Han is never an issue— the right of private ownership is self- evident in scene after scene. Even though Han and his family had fled from their home before the holocaust of war, there was no question of ownership when they returned. Their home and their lands were theirs to reoccupy without contest. There is no reference to property rights in Land of Genghis Khan. The right to own property is implicit in People of Western China. No factories are shown and there are only glimpses into private homes, but the many artisans shown working in what are apparently their own shops and farmers tilling what are apparently their own fields, and the free dom of each to sell the fruits of his labor on the open village market, suggest that the right to private property and free enterprise are assumed. Property rights are given a most favorable inter- 295 pretation in children of China, with every kind of enter prise being privately owned. Typical examples of depicted private ownership are village shops, lumberyards, grain mills, silk stores, musical instrument shops and family owned farms. The only allusion to property rights in Marco Polo's Travels is to the various shops around the city in which one could evidently buy every form of luxury. Property rights are alluded to in Here Is china by a narrative reference to the smallness of the farms owned by the peasants and by a scene presenting a typical peas ant 's home. There is no reference or allusion to property rights in Inside Tibet. In Voice of China, several sequences showed farm ers tilling what the narrator referred to as "their land." In the film China, several references are made to the ownership by individual peasants of a small patch of ground, a path that embodied their hope for the future. There is no reference or allusion to property rights in China Crisis. There is no reference or allusion to property rights in Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder. 296 The right to own property is suggested in Peiping Family by Dr. Wu1s ownership of his home and the implica tion that he and his family are safe and secure within this home. But otherwise there is no presentation of commercial or industrial activity other than the narrator's comments that Dr. Wu sold slides to the university in order to sup plement his income. In the first portion of Understanding the Chinese, the narrator refers to the problem of a high level of ab sentee ownership of land, but in most of the sequences sug gests that the farmers own their land. There is no direct reference to property rights in China in Bridge to Yinshi. But the substance of the film is a comparison between Yinshi and Junction City, and be cause Junction City is shown to exemplify free enterprise in action it is implied that if Yinshi will do likewise, it too will have pretty homes and churches and a 66-bed hospital. The commercial and capitalistic nature of the city's economy is presented again and again through An Oriental City; Canton, China. Artisans and industries of all kinds are shown as are the business activities of Mr. Low. over views of ocean liners in the harbor and skyscrapers in the 297 background, the narrator repeatedly discusses different aspects of free enterprise in action with direct references and allusions to the ownership of property. Business ac tivities are presented in a context which make the right to own property explicitly clear. In Farming in South China, the implication is made that the farmers own the land on which they work. Property rights are alluded to in Sampan Family in the sense that the sampan itself, and all the personal effects aboard it, are the property of the family of Ling Fong Ta. There is no reference or allusion to property rights in What Is China? Free enterprise and private ownership of property are clearly important in Chinese life in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. The peasants are portrayed as owning their own homes and fields, working in the evenings as artisans and going to the village market places to sell their pro duce and products in a free market economy. Property rights and free enterprise are seen in action throughout Journey to Kunming. The farmers evi dently own their homes and land and the sampan people own their boats; in Kunming, free enterprise industries of bed 298 weaving, shoe making and mattress pressing are carried on, and candy makers, toy venders and peep show hawkers throng the streets. Communist Mainland China The practice of confiscating land for the purpose of redistributing it to needy peasants is an ancient tra dition in China which dates back to the reforms of Wang An Shih during the T'ang dynasty. And when the Communists promised to seize land and redistribute it to the peas- i ants, and set an example of so doing in the North, the debt ridden tenant farmers rallied to the Red cause. Upon seizing power the Communists confiscated all lands owned by clans, religious organizations and wealthy peasants and implemented their promises of redistribution, thereby se curing power by appealing to a felt need. Once they were securely entrenched, however, and had disarmed everyone, the Communists gradually began to restructure the Chinese 85 economy on the model of the Soviet system. They began by executing several million wealthy landlords and then insti tuting a three phase land collectivization program to 85 Barnett, op. cit., p. 31. 299 retake the land they had distributed to the peasants: 1. Communist cadres were sent out to persuade the peasants to form mutual aid associations for the purpose of aiding one another at planting and har vest times. 2. The following year the cadres again went out to the peasants, this time to persuade them that for more efficient farming they should combine their acre ages, share their tools and pool their labor, with each contributor receiving a share of the harvest according to the amount of land he owned. 3. On the third year the cadres were sent out to per suade the peasants to surrender their land and tools and labor to a common pool, with each being paid according to the labor he performed.®^ Stubborn peasants were roughly handled and some recalcitrants were executed as "enemies of the people," but as a whole the transfer of title was implemented without massive violent resistance. The culmination of the agri cultural collectivization program was the formation of the communes in 1950, with all property and facilities sur rendered to the commune administrations. A similar program was implemented in non-agricul- tural areas. All handcraft industries and village business- 86 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . Vol. II, op. cit., pp. 131-152. 87 , Schurmann, op. cit., p. 90. 300 es were collectivized and nationalized. 88 All supply and marketing services were abosrbed into cooperatives dealing with all aspects of domestic trade— "urban and rural. socialization of private enterprise was commonly preceded by a three phase program of "state capitalism." 1. Individual merchants were designated as agents of the state for the sale of commodities on a commis sion basis. 2. The merchants were then required to purchase con trolled commodities from state stocks for resale at retail prices fixed by the state, and to pay their employees salaries stipulated by the state. 3. Upon facing bankruptcy, the merchants invited the state to contribute capital and form a state- capitalist corporation.^® The end was of course full confiscation, with the former owner often invited to stay on as manager for the state. There were a number of exceptions to this three stage process. Many enterprises were taken over directly by the state and, as in the case of hostile landlords, disagreeable capitalists were subjected to thought correc- wholesale and retail, supply and marketing." 89 Full Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . Vol. II, op. cit., pp. 234-235. 89 Hu, op. cit., p. 374. 90 Ibid.. pp. 378-379. $ 301 tion procedures or liquidated. Although personal effects are still privately owned, virtually every form of production is fully social ized: State ownership of the means of production has re placed private enterprise in every important sector of the economy. National planning has been instituted and applied to every aspect of national development, and, while far from being perfected, it has already resulted in an unprecedented degree of state mobilization, allo cation, and direction of China's material and human re sources. Property and income have been drastically redistributed, and, o^<=s might add, wealth has been dramatically leveled. Cinematic presentation.— Although a good part of China: The Land and the People is devoted to the relation of the farmer to the land in an agricultural sense, no reference or even allusion is made to a legal relationship. Property rights are not touched upon in The Brain washing of John Hayes. In The Face of Red China the narrator asserts, "in Russia they let the peasants keep something, but in China there is no such thing as a privately owned wheelbarrow." The film continues in this vein by showing how enterprises like lumber cutting and tool making are now the property 91 Barnett, op. cit., p. 31. 302 and purview of the commune. There is no reference or allusion to property rights in War In China. Property rights are presented as an issue in The Fall of China. The Communists are shown confiscating land in the north and executing the former land owners. What is done with the confiscated land is presented vaguely; men are shown staking off plots and the narrator comments, "Chiang has promised land reform for a decade, but the Communists put it into practice— crudely and violently." Property rights are shown as totally liquidated in China Under Communism. The film reveals that upon achiev ing power the Communists confiscated large land holdings for redistribution to the peasants, but then took it back again and collectivized it into large communes. It is explicit in Red China that property rights under the new regime are non-existent; the narrator asserts that the government's policy is that all property should be shared communally— with the individual owning nothing. According to the film, ownership of land during the Nation alist era was made an ex post facto crime. Upon the Com munist takeover, landlords had their property confiscated, and were summarily executed or sent to prison. 303 Property rights are not mentioned in Mao Tse Tung, but some of the judges gave it a rating as low as "1." Over scenes of "speak bitterness" meetings, the narrator in Communist China describes the liquidation of the property rights of landlords and mentions the transfer of the land to the peasants. But then the land is por trayed as being retaken by the government and collectivized into communes implying a total loss of property rights by all individuals. All of the new industrial projects are presented as being government owned and operated. Trial by Due Process of Law Nationalist Mainland China In the west the law is regarded as an egalitarian imperative which imposes itself upon the strong and the weak alike, but extends to all individuals affected by it certain minimum guarantees of equal protection and the right of the accused to trial by due process of law. This tradition is not historically part of China's jurispru dence : The State and its delegate the judge have always seen their power restricted in face of the omnipotence of the heads of clans and guilds, the fathers of fami lies, and the general administrators, who laid down the duties of each individual in his respective domain, and 304 settled all conflicts according to equity, usage, and local custom.^ This flexible approach to the law had some uniquely Chinese aspects: It was legal offense for a child to give 93 evidence against his or her parents. But conversely a child could be punished severely or killed merely on the 94 charge of disobedience brought by the father. Except for crimes of high treason or murder, which were adjudicated in subdistrict courts, lesser criminal offenses by indi viduals were settled between representatives of the clans of the victims and the accused before a judge who was present only to arbitrate and to assure a degree of fair play; the collective responsibility of the clan for the be havior of each individual within it tended to make the clan hold each individual to strict accountability for his be havior . As Chinese society was shattered by the concomi tant impacts of foreign invasion and civil wars and as the 92 Jean Escarra, Le droit chinois (Peiping: Henri Vetch, 1936), p. 3, as quoted in Bodde's China's Cultural Tradition, op. cit., p. 57. 93 Creel, op. cit., p. 204. 94 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. I, op. cit., p. 93. 305 fortunes of the Nationlist regime declined, humanistic scruples in the adjudication of individual cases were jet- 95 tisoned. An accusation was often a conviction unless an individual could be protected by the guns of his kinsmen 96 or influence in the government. Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to due process of law in The Good Earth, Contrasts in China, My Name is Han, Land of Genghis Khan, People of Western China, Children of China, Marco Polo’s Travels, Here Is China, Inside Tibet, Voice of China, China, China Crisis, Peking— Marco Polo’s Wonder, Peiping Family, Under standing the Chinese, The Bridge to Yinshi, An Oriental City; Canton, China, Farming in South China; The Si River Valley, Sampan Family, What Is China?, Chinese Peasant Goes to Market, or Journey to Kunming. Communist Mainland China In July, 1950 People's Tribunals were established for the specific purpose of carrying out agrarian reform; 95 Fairbank, op. cit., p. 203. 96 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . Vol. II, op. cit., p. 168. 306 "they performed an important function in this program and were retained for the punishment of counterrevolutionar- „ 97 res." The People's Tribunals were presided over by a committee of judges having the right of pass the sentences 98 of imprisonment or death. Absentee landlords, those who owned much land and those who resisted land reform were dragged before the People's Tribunals for meetings of t'u k'u, "spitting out bitterness," in which the poor peas ants of a village poured out their souls and hatred for the 99 rich and the powerful. In order to undermine the clan and the family, poorer kinsmen were pitted against their richer relatives, and children against their parents: An important technique of Chinese Communist propa ganda is the "mass trial," a public spectacle in which one or more persons charged with being "enemies of the people" are denounced by a succession of accusers. in some of these trials the high point of the drama has been reached, it is reported, when a child of the accused demonstrates loyalty to Communism by denouncing his or her parent.^-00 97 Hu, op. cit., p. 232. 98 Ibid.. p. 233. 99 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society Vol. II, op. cit.. p. 136. 100 Creel, op. cit., p. 204. 307 These public mass trials were among the most drama tic and violent mob scenes of the period of land reform and they were often staged for the purpose of terrorizing the hostile elements of the population. Those who would not cooperate with the Tribunals were often tortured or killed 102 out of hand. in September, 1954, its work completed, 103 the People's Tribunals were abolished. In September 1951 the government adopted the "Pro visional Regulations Governing the Organization of People's Courts." These regulations provide for the establishment of a three-level— basic, middle, and high— people's court system. The functions of the people's courts are to try criminal cases, to punish criminals endangering the state, and to settle civil law suits, including disputes between government organs, business enterprises, punish organizations and indi viduals.^4 In addition to the regular people's courts, there are three additional types of courts set up to deal with recalcitrants opposing the Communist program of reform: (1) The circuit courts deal with cases arising from land reform, the suppression of counterrevolutionaries, and the Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit.. p. 138. 102 Ibid., pp. 138-145. 103 Hu, op. cit., p. 234. 104.,.-., Ibid., p. 232. 308 Five-Anti campaign against businessmen; (2) The people's reception office settles cases of minor importance dealing with the socialist transformation of agriculture; (3) In the cities, comrades adjudication committees dispose of labor discipline cases, and carry out propaganda and edu- 105 cation programs. At none of these levels is there a trial by jury procedure. Trial procedure is highly flexible: Without published codes of law upon which to base their decisions, except such legislation as the Mar riage Law and the Regulations for the Punishment of Counterrevolutionaries, the judges have to rely on their own common sense as well as on those numerous decrees and orders of the government which apparently have the force of law. Where no provisions have been made, the policy of the Central People's Government is adhered to.^®^ Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to trial by due process of law in China: The Land and the People. In The Brainwashing of John Hayes the following violations of Hayes' right to trial by due process of law are dramatized in the film: 1. His home is broken into. 105_. . _ „_ 106_, . Ibid., p. 233. Ibid.. p. 235. 309 2. He is forcibly arrested without a warrant. 3. He is told he would die at the time of arrest. 4. He is dragged through the village streets, publicly humiliated and denounced as an enemy of the people by the officer in charge before being arraigned or indicted. 5. He is subjected to starvation, degradation and mental torture by the Chinese Communists in order to extort a confession to crimes of which he pro tests innocence. 6. He is refused legal counsel and is forced to de fend himself. 7. He is denounced by the judges before any evidence is presented or the trial even begins. 8. The courtroom procedure consists of a prolonged altercation between Hayes and the judges. Trial by due process of law is shown to be non existent in The Face of Red China. Anyone committing a political offense or the crime of owning property is por trayed as guilty without a trial by due process of law. There is no reference or allusion to trial by due process of law in War In China. In The Fall of China, the Nationalist and Communists 310 alike are portrayed as equally culpable in their disregard of the right to trial by due process of law— the National ists are shown executing anyone suspected of being a Com munist and the Communists are shown executing former land lords . The concept of trial by due process of law is touched upon in China Under Communism; the peasants are encouraged to kill their landlords so their land could be redistributed among the landless. In Red China, trial by due process of law is re vealed as a right observed by neither the Nationlists nor the Communists. During the panic that preceded the fall of Shanghai to the Red Armies, Nationalist officers were shown dragging unidentified persons out into the streets for pub lic execution. Presumably they were suspected Communists, which for a government facing discomfiture was a crime, but they were not accorded anything resembling a trial. After the new Communist regime assumes power its first act, as indicated by the film, is to confiscate property and seize its owners, who are then denounced at speak bitterness meetings and executed or sent to prison. Nothing resembl ing a trial by due process of law is suggested as being practiced before or after the Communist takeover. 311 Trial by due process of law is not mentioned in Mao Tse Tung, but some of the judges gave it a rating as low as II il In Communist China, the only scenes referring to a trial of accused persons are those depicting the denuncia tion of landlords at speak bitterness meetings- No rights of defense are indicated; the guilt and execution of the accused is indicated as being a foregone conclusion. Music Nationalist Mainland China Cinematic presentation.— The music for The Good Earth is composed and orchestrated for this dramatic film. Its tenor is generally heroic to complement the theme of the film, although it changes from scene to scene to en hance whatever emotional mood is being created. The music used in Contrasts In China is pseudo- Chinese, rendered in a strident manner to dramatize the "contrasts." Music is almost non-existent in My Name is Han; there are only a few bars of transitional music. What little music is used in Land of Genghis Khan 312 consists of strident chords to heighten the picturesque ness of the scene. There is little more than a few bars of background music in People of Western China. The music in Children of China consisted of simple background music over beginning and end titles. The music used in Marco Polo's Travels is primarily pseudo-Chinese in character. There is one scene in which a girl plays a stringed instrument and sings what resembles a Chinese song. The only music used in Here Is China accompanies the beginning and end titles. There is no music used in Inside Tibet. In The Voice of China, there is on location music of coolies singing a keening rune in rhythm to their steps as they strain to pull huge rollers over an airfield. In China, a March of Time production, Chinese gongs and cymbals and pseudo-Chinese music are used frequently in a stentorian and portentous manner to a highly dramatic effect. What little music is used in China Crisis is em ployed to heighten the emotional tenor of combat and the heroism of the 14th Air Force; there is occidental music 313 only. The music in Peking— Marco Polo1s Wonder appears to be authentically Chinese, as one might expect from a film producer named Wang Weng. It is rather unrhythmic in character, with heavy, pounding rhythms rendered by instru ments which seem to be oriental. There is music having an authentic Chinese charac ter in Peiping Family, but used only briefly as accompani ment at the beginning and end. There is some pseudo-Chinese music in Understanding the Chinese, used at the beginning and end of the film. Occidental music is used in Bridge to Yinshi at the beginning and the end of the film. In An Oriental City; Canton, China, there were a few bars of music, with a Chinese lilt and flavor, over scenes of crowded streets and interesting shops, but it was used only as background fill music. A little occidental music accompanies the beginning and end title of Farming in South China. Authentic Chinese music, apparently recorded in China with a Chinese orchestra and Chinese singers, was used throughout Sampan Family, adding much to the feeling of authenticity. Moreover, the selections were soothing and 314 in keeping with whatever actions were presented on the screen. The music in What Is China? has an exultant uplift ing quality. The film begins with a chorus singing a patri otic Chinese song in a tenor that continues throughout the film. Music is used wherever needed for dramatic emphasis. The only music in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market is background music under the beginning and end titles. There is music only at the beginning and end of Journey to Kunming. Communist Mainland China Cinematic presentation.— The music used in China: The Land and the People is simple Westernized background music. What music was used in The Trial of John Hayes is not Chinese, but is mood music composed for dramatic effect to heighten the emotional flavor of Hayes' tribulation at the hand of the Chinese Communist officials. Little music is presented in The Face of Red China beyond what accompanies the beginning and end titles. The music in War In China is martial and dramatic and is used to heighten the emotional tenor of the conflict. 315 The music in The Fall of China is portenously drama tic for the purpose of enhancing the violence of the civil war. There are no melodies or songs used as background music, but dramatically orchestrated chords are introduced at high points of the conflict between the Communists and Nationalists. Little music is used in China Under Communism beyond the portentous chords used with opening and concluding titles. The music used in Red China is negligible; dramatic chords are introduced at dramatic highpoints such as the Great Leap Forward. The music in Mao Tse Tung is heavily orchestrated, and highly dramatic music is used throughout the film to provide a background to war and revolution. Religious Freedom Nationalist Mainland China The traditional Chinese attitude toward religious expression is tolerant and eclectic. Confucianism, Budd hism, and Taoism have in turn held sway over large propor tions of the population and over the centuries these creeds 316 107 have been mutually influenced and interpenetrated. But these faiths were not religious in the Judao-Christian sense because they did not originally include the concepts of God or personal salvation: "Hell, heaven, and personal immortality were not conceived of, nor was a personal 108 deity." These were not so much religious faiths as they 109 were systems of moral teaching called chiao. Because the Chinese have historically made no distinction between theistic and non-theistic moral teachings, they have felt that all faiths are roads to the same destination and have regarded Christianity and Islam and other religions as forms of chiao. According to Chan, the religious life of the Chi nese people functioned at two levels: The enlightened . . . honor only Heaven, ancestors, and sometimes also Confucius, Buddha, Lao Tzu, and a few historical beings, but not other spirits .... The masses worship thousands of idols and natural 107 Wmg-tsit Chan, Religious Trends in Modern China (New York: Columbia university Press, 1953), p. 181. 108 Fairbank, op. cit., p. 63. 109 Hu Shih, The Chinese Renaissance (Chicago: Uni versity of Chicago Press, 1934), p. 79. ^^Chan, op. cit., pp. 141-142. 317 objects of ancient, Buddhist, Taoist, and other ori gins, making special offerings to whatever deity is believed to have the power to influence their lives at that time. But from earliest times, ancestor worship has been more widely practiced among the Chinese masses than all other forms of religious expression, a predominance rein forced by the participation of children in rituals performed in ancestral temples: The primary factor in lending a sacred character to the traditional family was the cult of ancestor wor ship, vividly demonstrated in traditional residential homes in South China. There the ancestral altar in the main hall, the general dimness of the place, and the row of golden ancestor tablets, darkened by incense smoke and reflecting the eerie light from the flicker ing sacrificial lamp, created a sacred atmosphere in the family dwelling, inspiring awe in the children. The constant reminder of the relationship between the living and the dead, between the existing family and the spir its of its creators, constituted a major function of ancestor worship which imposed a sense of sacredness on the family as an institution. The principles, inspired sentiments, symbols, and rituals of ancestor worship ^ assured a religious veneration for the departed ones. Although the above practices continued until the eve of Communist victory, the strength of ancestor worship waned among the intellectuals during the last two or three 110 Chan, op. cit.. pp. 141-142. X11Yang, The, Chinese Communist Society Vol. I, op. cit., p. 184. 318 112 decades of the Kuommtang regime. The concomitant im pacts of the Japanese invasion and the civil war had a shattering effect on all forms of organized religion as practiced by the populace. When Chan visited China in 1948-1949, he found thousands of statues and images smashed, priests driven from their temples, and shrines and temples 113 converted to non-religious uses or destroyed or abandoned. Cinematic presentation.— Although a great point is not made of religion in The Good Earth, it is nevertheless an integral and important part of their lives. Good for tune and prosperity brought thanks to the gods in burnt offerings of fine paper, an (unexplained) act of ancestor worship. Upon the return of the family to their land after the drought, the first act of the children was to run to their shrine, pay obeisance, and announce their return. There is no reference to religious freedom in Contrasts in China, but religion is alluded to in scenes of Buddhist pagodas and Confucian temples. In My Name is Han, the lives of the populace in a 112 Ibid., p. 185. 113 Chan, op. cit., p. 145. 319 Chinese village centers about the Christian missionary church. Every activity presented in the film, without exception, relates to the propagation of the Christian faith. There is no allusion to Confucianism, Taoism, or Buddhism, nor is there any visual evidence of the pagodas and shrines of these faiths which characteristically dot the Chinese countryside. Land of Genghis Khan presents the Dalai Lama and many rites of Buddhist worship; it also presents the shama nism, devil worship and devil dancing which have purported ly corrupted Buddhism. Quite often the narrator pokes fun at the antics of the worshippers with such comments as "Watch out: You might dump a capful of demons on someone." The religious expression of the Chinese is referred to in People of Western China. Buddhist temples and Con fucian shrines are presented in scenes accompanied by such wondering expressions as, "When did they first build these temples to their gods?" The narrator does not identify the religious architecture. One brief allusion to religion is presented in Children of China. A young man of the Lee family makes a brief obeisance to a shrine dedicated to the local god of the fields. 320 Great stress is laid on the religious freedom found in China in Marco Polo's Travels, with Christian missionar ies being urged by the Khan to come and evangelize the Chinese people. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Here Is China. The greater part of the footage used in Inside Tibet deals with the religious practices of that country; the film reveals that almost every aspect of the Tibetans' lives is dominated by their worship of Gautama Buddha or their fear of devils. The entry of the expedition through the high pass into Tibet is marked by an archway to which the Tibetan guide ties a scarf covered with prayers of thanks. The main body of the film is devoted to sequence after sequence depicting the pilgrims who come to the holy city of Lhassa spinning prayer wheels, prostrating them selves and dancing to placate the devil god— Bor Shan. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Voice of China. The opening scenes of China present Buddhist pago das, a stone Buddha, prostrate worshippers and Buddhist gongs and rituals. "Deeply pious," the narrator announces "millions of Chinese direct their lives according to the 321 teaching of Gautama Buddha." There is no reference or allusion to religion in China Crisis. Although no narrative references are made to reli gious freedom in Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder, the many Budd hist pagodas and Taoist shrines presented in the film led most of the judges to give the film a favorable rating of "6" or "7." Near the end of Peiping Family, the grandfather of the subject family took his children to the Temples of Heaven and other great religious edifices. Religious freedom is explicitly referred to in Understanding the Chinese; a long sequence cited Confucian ism, Buddhism, and Christianity as influences, and presented many scenes of shrines, temples and churches. In Bridge to Yinshi, the narrator said, "while free dom of worship has been practiced for centuries, ignorance and fear have been undefeated for centuries." He further related Chinese religious practices to ignorance by dis cussing the need for emancipating them from their fears of mythological creatures. Religious freedom is implied in An Oriental City; Canton, China, in scenes showing a statue of Buddha and 322 people at worship, and in the narrator's comments that "Chinese art has always drawn inspiration from our religious ceremonies," and, "In our homes are statues of Buddha and everywhere there are statues to ancestors." The only allusion to religious expression in Farm ing in South China is made when an old grandmother burns incense in memory of her family. Only one reference to religion is made in Sampan Family. As a mother washes her child's face, a camera close up reveals that she wears a religious medallion and the narrator avers, "Many Chinese are Christians— this woman is a Catholic." No reference is made to religion in What Is China, but temples and shrines were seen from time to time. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. Religious freedom in China is emphasized in Journey to Kunming. Many scenes reveal Moslem, Buddhist, Christian and Confucian places of worship, and the narrator states emphatically that the Chinese people accept all faiths as equally good. 323 Communist Mainland China Although the initial Communist path of advance was marked by smashed temples and some antireligious violence, the policy of the new regime was to suppress only those organized religious activities which were a suspected threat to them, and to permit religious freedom so long as 104 it did not interfere with the Communist political program. The general attitude of the Communist regime toward reli gious expression is not so much repressive as contemptuous: "What good will it do the dead ancestors to have incense burning continued, and what does it matter to them if in cense burning is discontinued? This is a kind of nonsensi cal, superstitious thought, and it is incorrect. Religious freedom is permitted to most faiths and in the case of Islan, which actively supports the policies of the Communist regime, the Moslem faith is given state funds for its educational practices and is used as a 114 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 194. 115 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. I, op. cit.. as quoted from Hun-yin fa hsuan-ch'uan shou-ts'e (Propaganda Handbook of the Marriage Law (Peking, 1951), p. 25. 324 propaganda showpiece. The chief exception to the general policy of per mitting freedom of religious expression is Christianity. Although this faith was present in China as early as the Seventh Century, it had never gained many converts. But in the Nineteenth Century China was forced to accept large numbers of Christian missionaries as part of the treaties imposed upon China by the European powers. This massive injection of a foreign faith by brute force left a reser voir of resentment among the Chinese and a belief that Christianity was the tool of Western Imperialism— a bias that all the good will and good works of the missionaries could not undo. When the Communists took power they struck 117 back the foreign faith: Most summarily affected by . . . Communist policy was Christianity, which was regarded as closely allied with Western political influence, and a series of purges were aimed at divorcing the Christian church from any foreign connections. . . . Suppressive action against Western Missionaries and many Chinese Christian leaders elsewhere in the vicinity began vigorously with the Korean War in 1950 and lasted until 1954.H® 116 _ Hu, op. cit.. p. 134. 117 . . . Fairbank, op. cit. 118 Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . . , Vol. II, op. cit.. p. 195. 325 Although much propaganda is made of its purported tolerance towards general religious freedom, the regime has quietly taken steps to undermine the influence of organized religion. By confiscating the land from which the various religious denominations derived the income necessary to carry on their rites, rituals and festivals, the Communists 119 have deprived them of their means to exist. By convert ing temples into schools, the regime has deprived the faithful of a place to meet. And by drilling the concepts of Marxist-scientific-atheism into the minds of the young, the regime hopes that when the older generation dies off there will remain a posterity free of religious faith. Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to religion in China; The Land and the People. In The Brainwashing of John Hayes, the narrator announces at the outset, "The Chinese Communists decided to take action against a group they had long hated and feared— American Protestant Missionaries." Later in the film the missionary is indicted for the crime of speaking at the last rites during the burial of a former friend who 119 Ibid.. p. 196. 326 had opposed the Communist regime. There is no reference or allusion to religion in The Face of Red China. There is no reference or allusion to religion in War In China. There is no reference or allusion to religion in The Fall of China. There is no reference or allusion to religion in China Under Communism. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Red China. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Mao Tse Tung. At the beginning of Communist China, the narrator comments that the Chinese have rejected Confucianism and the Buddhist philosophy of looking inward. No other allu sions are made. Statistical Findings Nationalist Mainland China Statistically, the for this group was 15.97 and significant at less than the .001 level; therefore, the null hypothesis was rejected (see Appendix E). This then 327 means that a definite consonance was present and the alter native hypothesis was accepted: The interpretation is consonant in relation to American values, and the mean value is greater than 60. Communist Mainland China Statistically, the for this group was -14.92 and significant at less than the .001 level; therefore, the null hypothesis was rejected (see Appendix E). This then means that a definite dissonance was present, and the alter native hypothesis was accepted: The interpretation is dissonant in relation to American values, and the mean value is less than 60. Chi Square Values All but one of the chi square values were signifi cant at less than the .001 level; criterion #8, Accuracy of the Information, was significant at the .01 level (see Appendix E). The null hypothesis is rejected, and the alternative hypothesis accepted: There are significant differences in the proportion of ratings by the judges for each category of dissonance, neutrality, and consonance {-, 0, +) in relation to Ameri can values for the films about Nationlist Mainland China 328 and Communist Mainland China. Taiwan China Japan exercised suzerainty over the Chinese pro vince of Taiwan from 1895 until 1945, at which time it was 120 returned to the sovereignty of Nationalist Mainland China. Four years later Taiwan became the last bastion of the defeated armies of Chiang Kai Shek after the Communist victory on the mainland. Except for certain eceonomic and political reforms instituted since 1949, the social, politi cal and economic values of Taiwan China remain essentially those of Nationalist Mainland China before 1949. (Writer's note: Much of the same film footage was revised in the first chree films presented, hence thei'r similarity.) Status of the Family Unit Cinematic presentation.— The typical Chinese family in Formosa— Island of Promise is shown to be one of the intended beneficiaries of the Land Reform Law and the American aid program. The family is alluded to as the basic unit of society whose interests are to be served by legal 120 Hu, op. cit., p. 26. 329 protection from avaricious landlords and by such social services as medical care for mothers and children. There is the inevitable scene of the family gathered about the dinner table eating happily from bowls overflowing with good things, a table made more attractive by the new elec tric light now suspended from the ceiling. There are brief depictions of family life in Formosa. Farmer Lu and his family are shown seated about a dinner table and other families are shown working together in the fields; all are presented in a warm, wholesome light. In Formosa: Blueprint For a Free China, Farmer Lu and his wife and children and parents are presented in a happy circle around the dinner table in a scene of family harmony. The family is shown to be the basic social unit in Taiwan: Face of Free China and the intended beneficiary of land reform laws. Families are shown working together in rice fields, sugar cane fields, brick making factories, silk shops, noodle making industries and other family owned enterprises. The ideal Chinese family itself is the primary subject of Family of Free China. This ideal, as revealed 330 in the film, consists of three or four generations living under one roof so they can help each other with their work. They are shown cooperating in every aspect of farming activity— watering, fertilizing, transplanting rice shoots, threshing and drying. Individual Freedom Cinematic presentation.— Individual freedom is strongly implied in Formosa— Island of Promise; individuals are portrayed as free to pursue their interests wherever it might lead them. There are no direct references to individual free- dom in Formosa; the word "freedom" is used in a collective sense with regard to the island's independence and the implication is made that the people are progressing toward individual freedom. In Formosa; Blueprint for a Free China, no refer ence is made to any restriction of individual freedom. The right of free action was further implied by Farmer Nu's courtroom challenge to his landlord. Complete individual freedom is implied throughout Taiwan: The Face of Free China, a freedom implicitly assured by the presence of democratic institutions and free 331 elections and the free pursuance of a wide range of social and economic activities by the persons portrayed in the film. Several allusions to individual freedom are made in Family of Free China, beginning with a reference to Taiwan as "Free China." The narrator claims that his family fled from persecution on the mainland to be free on Taiwan. Throughout the film individual freedom is implied by the liberty of everyone to travel about as he pleases, and by the many educational and occupational opportunities made available to those with initiative. Sound Effects Cinematic presentation.— The sound used in Formosa — Island of Promise tends to glorify the power and promise of the Nationlist regime on Taiwan. Its rising military strength is dramatized by the clank of tank treads, the rattle of machine gun fire and the roar of aircraft; the scenes of rural reconstruction are accompanied, where suit able, by the squeals of pigs and the cackle of chickens. The other sounds consist of the narrator's voice and music. The sound used in Formosa is similar to that used in Formosa— Island of Promise. The sound used in Formosa; Blueprint for a Free China is similar to that used in Formosa and Formosa— Island of Promise. The only sounds used in Taiwan; Face of Free China are limited to the narrator's voice and music. The sounds used in Family of Free China are limited to the voice of the narrator and music. Universal Suffrage Cinematic presentation.— Suffrage is presented in Formosa— Island of Promise in scenes depicting the election of magistrates, an election which the narrator refers to as the first taste of democracy the islanders have ever had. No direct reference is made to voter qualifications, but the narrator admits that everyone is carefully screened to assure his loyalty to the government. There is a sequence depicting the election of magis' trates in Formosa. The narrator explains that all candi dates are carefully screened to assure their loyalty to the government; there is no reference to voter qualifica tions . A long sequence in Formosa: Blueprint for a Free 333 China presents an election campaign on Taiwan, complete with brass bands and bass drums and pretty girls in tight sweaters and touring trucks with men shouting campaign oratory through a megaphone. The narrator emphasizes the right of women to vote, a privilege which hitherto they had not enjoyed. The right to vote based upon a belief in democratic principles is explictly stated in Taiwan: Face of Free China. The narrator avers that the island's government is based upon the Principles of Democracy enunciated by Dr. Sun Yat Sen, principles that are implemented every two years by the free election of magistrates and provincial offi cials. No reference is made to voter qualifications, but the implication is made that suffrage is universal. There is no direct reference to suffrage in Family of Free China, but there are narrative allusions to "Free China," and implications that a form of democracy exists. Security from Intrusion Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Formosa— Island of Promise. There is no reference or allusion to security from 334 intrusion in Formosa. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China. There is no direct reference to security from intrusion in Taiwan: Face of Free China, hut the many scenes of secure homes and the narrative references to the Land Reform laws designed to protect the peasant families, with not the slightest hint to the contrary, clearly im plies that Taiwan contains a society of people who are se cure in their persons and protected by law. There is no direct reference to security from intru sion in Family of Free China. Pictorial Interpretation Cinematic presentation.— The pictorial interpreta tion of Formosa in Formosa— Island of Promise was composed primarily of footages photographed with the clear intent of glorifying the Taiwan China by placing every aspect of it pictorially in as attractive a light as possible. Every where there were scenes of clean, modern new industries run by scrubbed and groomed personnel. Even Farmer Lu and Mrs. Lu are far more handsomely groomed and dressed than one might expect of a peasant. Certain sequences are staged 335 and composed for purely dramatic effect to give as favorable an image as possible. In Formosa, much of the footage came from Formosa— Island of Promise, and gives a similar interpretation. In Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China, much of the footage came from Formosa and Formosa— Island of Promise and conveys a similar impression. The pictorial interpretation of the Chinese people in Taiwan: Face of Free China is lyrically beautiful. The island is evidently a lush tropical paradise peopled with a race of honest, hard working people trying to improve their country under a benevolent, democratic government. Their homes are clean and swept, their people clean and groomed, their cities are clean and modern, their parks are clipped and landscaped and their industries bright and new and painted. Family of Free China comprises scenes of lush idyl lic loveliness. The people of Taiwan are portrayed in a most handsome light— well groomed, clean, hardworking and cheerful. The city of Taipeh is a modern metropolis with beautiful parks and boulevards. 336 Freedom of Speech Cinematic presentation.— In Formosa: Island of Promise freedom of speech is indicated more by example than by reference- The strong narrative statement with regard to free elections, the settlement of controversy by liti gation, the free discussions in classrooms, the broad casts of the Voice of Free China, the frank and friendly exchanges between Chinese and American army officers and agricultural officers— all attest to complete freedom in this regard. There is no direct reference to freedom of speech in Formosa. The frequent use of the word "freedom," the courtroom scenes with Farmer Lu and his landlord and the open context of the scenes presenting conversations between different persons implies that freedom of speech exists in Formosa. In Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China, the speech es of the election campaign, the right of Farmer Nu to assert himself in court and the open discussions between the Chinese, and the Chinese and Americans, exemplify freedom of speech. Freedom of speech is alluded to in Taiwan: Face of 337 Free China. The many narrative references to human dig nity, basic freedoms, free people and freedom of worship all imply that freedom of speech is permitted, with nothing to the contrary suggested or hinted. There is no direct reference to freedom of speech in Family of Free China, but the frequent narrative use of the words "free" and "freedom" and the context of the story suggest that this right is enjoyed. Property Rights Cinematic presentation.— Property rights receives a strongly favorable interpretation in Formosa— Island of Promise. All legal considerations relating to property are determined by contrasts settled by the free will of the parties involved, as exemplified by the dramatized court case between Farmer Lu and his landlord. Although much time and footage is devoted to the new industries being con structed in Formosa, no reference is made to their owner ship. Property rights are referred to in Formosa in terms of the new land law limiting the rent a landlord can charge. The courtroom dramatization of the dispute between Farmer Lu and his landlord make it evident that property rights 338 have a legally defensible basis in Formosa. Many new in dustrial and commercial developments are presented, but it is not indicated whether these are public or private property. In Formosa; Blueprint for a Free China, property rights are depicted in the same light, and by many of the same scenes, as in the two previously mentioned films. In Taiwan; Face of Free China, ownership of farms by the peasants is explicitly stated and family ownership of brick factories is used to exemplify an ideal of free enterprise. Taiwan's industrial growth is depicted in sequences showing the sugar refining industry, the steel industry and the petroleum industries, but no allusion was made to their ownership. The right to own property is presented as funda mental in Family of Free China. The narrator, a Chinese boy, states at the start of the film that his family owns the farm on which it works, as do the other rural families of Taiwan. And in the city of Taipeh many persons are shown working at their trades of boat building, pottery shaping and brick making, all of which are referred to as family owned enterprises. The subject family of Family of Free China owns its 339 own home and lands, and by implication so do the other families living on the surrrounding farms. Trial by Due Process of Law Cinematic presentation.— Trial by due process of law is presented in Formosa— Island of Promise in a drama tized sequence depicting a lawsuit between Farmer Lu and his landlord. Over scenes in which a suspected Communist agent was being interrogated, the narrator comments that mere suspicion of being a Communist is sufficient cause for arrest— and an accusation can be fatal. The right to trial by due process of law is re ferred to and alluded to in Formosa with the same scenes used in Formosa— Island of Promise. The right to trial by due process of law is re ferred to and alluded to in Formosa; Blueprint for a Free China with scenes excerpted from the two previously men tioned films. There is no reference to trial by due process of law in Taiwan; Face of Free China, and no allusion to legal processes beyond a description of the protective provisions of the Land Reform Law. There is no reference or allusion to trial by due 340 process of law in Family of Free China. Music Cinematic presentation.— There is little or no music in Formosa— Island of Promise beyond a few chords here and there which are evidently added for dramatic emphasis. The music in Formosa is limited to portentous, militant music at the beginning and end, and to a few bars of similar music in between at points of dramatic signifi cance . The music in Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China is pretentious and portentous and intended to impress. The reactions of the judges ranged from #3 to #7, depending on whether the judges reacted to the music or evaluated it. There are three basic types of music used in Taiwan: Face of Free China: The first is authentic Chinese music played by Chinese orchestras, apparently recorded on loca tion in Taiwan, and used in conjunction with scenes of Confucian temples and to accompany a Chinese funeral. The second type is the pseudo-Chinese, "Chinatown" kind of music used as background to views of city marketplaces. The third type is purely occidental music used for dramatic 341 effect in the mountain scenes. All three forms tended to convey a favorable impression of the Taiwanese. The music used in Family of Free China is not authentic, but is a pseudo-Chinese form. Religious Freedom Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to religious life in Formosa— Island of Promise. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Formosa. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Formosa; Blueprint for a Free China. Religious freedom is explicitly stated in Taiwan; Face of Free China; "Here on Taiwan, the right of people to worship in the church of their choice is one of the basic freedoms." The narrator amplified by saying, "Most Chinese are followers of Buddha, the greatest and gentlest of Chinese religions," but he adds, "Christianity is known and respected throughout the island." Religious freedom is at least implied in Family of Free China, when the family joined in lighting incense for the performance of hi, the Confucian rite of ancestor wor ship. During a later trip to Taipeh a Chinese boy visited 342 a Confucian temple. Statistical Findings Taiwan China Statistically, the _t for this group was 17.08 and significant at less than the .001 level; therefore, the null hypothesis was rejected (see Appendix E). This then means that a definite consonance was present and the alter native hypothesis was accepted: The interpretation was consonant in relation to American values, and the mean value was greater than 60. Chi Square Value All of the chi square values were significant at less than the .001 level, with the exception of criterion #3, Sound Effects, which was significant at the .05 level, and criterion #8, Accuracy of the Information, which was non-significant (see Appendix E). For all of the criteria except Accuracy of the Information, the null hypothesis is rejected, and the alternative hypothesis accepted: The cell frequencies f^ = f^ = f3 are not all equal, which implies that the population values are not rectangular. 343 Treaty Port China In 1839 when the Chinese government took forcible measures to prevent the import of opium and confiscated the narcotics brought in by British merchants, the British gov ernment retaliated with a punitive expedition. The Chinese were defeated and forced to cede the island of Hong Kong to 121 the British and to legalize the opium trade. Later the New Territories were leased and Singapore transferred to British control. These are the only areas treated in films about Treaty Port China. Hong Kong and the New Territories are still under British suzerainty, administration and law; Singapore is independent but continues to maintain the British legal system. Status of the Family Unit Cinematic presentation.— No family relationships are suggested in Singapore; Study of a World Port. Men work at various kinds of jobs, women labor in shoe factories and children are occasionally glimpsed in city streets, but no family groups are presented. The family is the primary subject of The Water 121 Hu, op. cit.. p. 24. 344 People of Hong Kong. The film begins with a scene of a sampan family sitting down to breakfast. After feeding rice to her baby, the mother hears the ringing of the school bell on a white missionary's barge and she hurries to bring her child to school on their sampan. The latter third of the film is devoted to the marriage ceremony of a young couple, which is carried out with many obeisances and ceremonial gestures of reverence by the young couple, to each other and to his parents, all of which is sancti fied by incense burning. In Hong Kong; Crossroads of the World, the family is presented as an integral and wholesome part of Chinese life in Hong Kong. Families work together as a team on their sampans and junks and are presented in activities akin to those found in American families— men work at their jobs of farming or fishing, women cook and wash and children play and go to school. There is no direct presentation of family life in Achievement in Hong Kong. Refugees are shown living in slum shacks before the great fire and in new buildings afterwards, but little is implied concerning familial relationships. 345 Individual Freedom Cinematic presentation.— In Singapore: Study of a World Port, an individual freedom is implicit in scenes of men pursuing their tasks freely and without restrains, but nothing is explicitly stated. Individual freedom is implied in The Water People of Hong Kong. Everyone in the film appears free to lead his own life in his own way in the crowded chaos of the sampan community. There is no sign of any restraining authorities; the only evidence of a non-sampan influence is the school maintained by a white missionary. Individual freedom is emphasized in Hong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient: The narrator repeatedly refers to the lot of the refugees from Communist China as bearable because "they were at least free." During a schoolroom sequence the narrator stresses that "the traditional of freedom and democracy" are emphasized in order that they would provide "the hope of a free and independent China." Full credit is given to the "tremendous British administra tive ability and equal justice under law" which has "pro vided a sanctuary for nearly three million people to find freedom and prosperity greater than that of their home- 346 land." Much of the narrative content in Achievement in Hong Kong elaborates upon the freedom enjoyed by the people of Hong Kong and describes the extent of the hardships en dured by the refugees from Red China in order to gain their freedom. Sound Effects Cinematic presentation.— The only sound used in Singapore Study of a World Port is the narrator's voice. The sounds used in Water People of Hong Kong are limited to the narrator's voice and music. The sounds used in Hong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient are limited to the narrator's voice and music. In Achievement in Hong Kong, there are dubbed in effects to simulate the crackling of fire as the slums burn; the other sounds are the narrator's voice and music. Universal Suffrage Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in Singapore: Study of a World Port. There is no reference or allusion to suffrage in The Water People of Hong Kong. 347 There is no direct reference to suffrage in Hong Kong; Crossroads of the Orient, but the many narrative com ments to British "justice under law" alluded to such civil rights. There is no reference to suffrage in Achievement in Hong Kong, but there are many narrative allusions to refu gees immigrating to Hong Kong to be free, and to British justice under democratic institutions. Security from Intrusion Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in Singapore; Study of a World Port, but the context of the presentation implies that all is safe and secure under British law and justice. There is no reference or allusion to security from intrusion in The Water People of Hong Kong, but the image conveyed is one of a safe and secure world of sampans. Security from intrusion is not referred to directly in Hong Kong; Crossroads of the Orient, but the narrative stress laid upon the sanctuary afforded by the British in Hong Kong to the refugees from Communist China, the descrip tions of justice under law and the portrayal of British military arms somehow conveyed the impression that those who 348 made it to Hong Kong would find a security from intrusion under aegis of the benevolent British. In Achievement in Hong Kong, the narrator conveys the impression that Britain is providing a safe and secure haven for those fleeing Communism, and provides security from intrusion under law, supported by the courts and implemented by law enforcement agencies. Pictorial Interpretation Cinematic presentation.— In Singapore: Study of a World Port the pictorial subject matter is devoted almost entirely to the commercial and industrial facilities of the port of Singapore. Although people are shown working at various jobs, they are peripheral to the explanation of the enclave's economy. The lives of the Chinese in The Water People of Hong Kong is presented in terms of quaint customs and cos tumes and no squalor is evident; the subjects selected are composed and photographed from angles that emphasize the charm and attractivness of the people. The pictorial interpretation could scarcely have been lovelier in Hong Kong; Crossroads of the Orient. Every view depicted charming and picturesque views of an 349 exotic blend of East and West. The people were clean and hard working, and even when they lived in slums it was only until the British could build new housing. Achievement in Hong Kong gives that port two pictor ial interpretations. The first shows that miserable squalor in which the refugees from Communism lived until they were made homeless by a conflagration. Then the British govern ment provided them with new housing, new schools and new opportunities for improving their economic lot. The Chi nese themselves are presented as eager to learn and enter prising . Freedom of Speech Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to freedom of speech in Singapore: Study of a World Port, a film which deals almost entirely with the commercial life of the port. There is no reference or allusion of speech in Water People of Hong Kong. Freedom of speech is implied in Hong Kong; Cross roads of the Orient; the narrator places great emphasis upon the civil rights enjoyed by those living under the British administration. 350 In Achievement in Hong Kong there are many narra tive references to freedoms of every kind and to the flight of refugees from Red China for the purpose of enjoying these freedoms. Implicitly, this includes freedom of speech. Property Rights Cinematic presentation.— The importance of commer cial and property rights is explicitly stated in almost every scene shown in Singapore; Study of a World Port. Banks, shops, businesses, factories, shipping industries— all are indicated as belonging to European and Asiatic businessmen. The narrator states that Singapore was founded by Sir Stanford Raffles for the purpose of expanding British trade. Property rights are portrayed as secure in Water People of Hong Kong at least where title to a sampan is concerned. During a marriage ceremony, the union was legal ly consummated when the parents of the groom gave the young couple title to a new sampan. In Hong Kong; Crossroads of the Orient the same effect is created as was true of the previously mentioned film. 351 Achievement in Hong Kong deals to a great extent with the commercial and industrial activity taking place in that port, enterprises which are portrayed as privately owned and protected under British law. Trial by Due Process of Law Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to trial by due process of law in Singapore: Study of a World Port. There is no reference or allusion to trial by due process of law in Water People of Hong Kong. There is no reference or allusion to trial by due process of law in Hong Kong; Crossroads of the Orient. There is no reference or allusion to trial by due process of law in Achievement in Hong Kong. Music Cinematic presentation.— There is no music in Singapore: Study of a World Port. In The Water People of Hong Kong, pseudo-Chinese music is used to accompany the beginning and end titles. And when the bride is brought to marry a man she has never seen before, a woman's dulcet voice sings a plaintive and 352 melifluous Chinese melody, apparently a love song, which emphasizes the quaintness of their marriage. Hong Kong; Crossroads of the World is introduced with the melody, "It's a Great, Bit, Wonderful World When You Are in Love," and continues with other songs in the same vein. Stock motion picture background music is used in Achievement in Hong Kong. Religious Freedom Cinematic presentation.— There is no reference or allusion to religion in Singapore: Study of a World Port. There is a brief allusion to religion in ^he Water People of Hong Kong. After the marriage of a young couple incense is burned. Except for a single scene presenting the fat, grin ning Tiger Balm Buddha, there is no reference or allusion to religion in Hong Kong: Crossroads of the World. There is no reference or allusion to religion in Achievement in Hong Kong. 353 Statistical Findings Treaty Port China Statistically, the .t for this group was 8.09 and significant at less than the .001 level; therefore, the null hypothesis was rejected (see Appendix E). This then means that a definite consonance was present and the alter native hypothesis was accepted: The interpretation was consonant in relation to American values, and the mean value was greater than 60. Chi Square Value All of the chi square values were significant at less than the .001 level, with the exceptions of criterion #8, Accuracy of the Information, and criterion #11, Music, which were significant at the .01 level (see Appendix E). The null hypothesis is rejected, and the alternative hypo thesis accepted: The cell frequencies f^ = f^ = f^ are not all equal, which implies that the population values are not rectangu lar. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Review of the Problem The purpose of this study was to determine whether the interpretation of China in American educational films produced during the years including 1936-1949 differed in their favorability of interpretation from those produced during the years including 1950-1963. In addition, an attempt was made to compare the portrayal of China in the films to the social, political, and economic conditions actually prevailing in China at the time of their release, as described by specialists on China and cited in the his torical findings. Four major questions were listed regarding the purpose of this study: (1) Was the change from friendli ness to antipathy toward mainland China in American public opinion reflected in the educational films "produced during each time span including 1936-1949 and 1950-1963? (2) Were 354 355 the films factual in what they presented and truthful in their content? (3) Did the films present the substantively important aspects of Chinese life and institutions? (4) Were the basic changes in Chinese institutions occa sioned by the Communist takeover accurately portrayed in the films? Summary of Findings The statistical findings of this study indicate that the interpretation of mainland China in American edu cational films produced during the Communist period, 1950- 1963, changed significantly from those produced during the Nationlist period, 1936-1949, and that the change was from consonant to dissonant with relation to American values. The films portraying Taiwan China and Treaty port China were consonant throughout, with the only non-significant findings being the criterion Accuracy of the Information of Treaty port China. For the purposes of summarizing, generalizing, making cross references and drawing conclusions, each criterion summary encompasses the cinematic presentations given that criterion concept in all the major concepts of China. Related criteria are grouped together in the fol- 356 lowing sequence: status of the family unit, civil rights criteria in the order cited in Chapter III, and cinematic criteria. Status of the Family Unit Most of the films about Nationlist Mainland China present the traditional Chinese family in terms of the mun dane daily activities of an urban, peasant or sampan family. It is interpreted as being akin to its American counter part, a one household unit, with the common ingredients being the father, mother, children, and occasionally the grandparents. The older son is invariably following the footsteps of his father in whatever livelihood the latter pursues; the mother is shown cooking rice, making clothes or keeping the baby amused. The family as a whole is por trayed as being clean, well groomed, industrious and tightly integrated, with frequent references made to how hard all the members must work to earn a meager living. What is left out of the films is perhaps more sig nificant than what is included. Although the Confucian ethnic dominated the traditional Chinese family for thou sands of years, and is still interwoven in the fabric of Chinese life, there is no mention of it in any of these 3 57 films.^ Nor is there any hint that brides were customarily bought as chattel by the family of the groom or that neither 2 of the young people had any rights in the matter. Nor is there any mention of childhood adoption marriages by fami lies to avoid payment of the bride price— a practice which had enmeshed more than 40 percent of the unmarried women in China by 1949. All twenty-two films presented the traditional Chinese family in terms of its American counterpart, the single household family, despite the fact that by the end of the Nationlist period the clan system had become a huge interlocking socioeconomic structure which in certain fam ilies encompassed thousands of living persons and entangled its members in a complex mesh of loyalties and obligations. As was indicated in the historical findings, the clan was traditionally responsible for such functions as the rites of birth, marriage, and death, performing _li, and maintain ing the ancestral temples, providing a basic education for its younger generation and funds for advanced education, ^Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit.. p. 197. 2 Ibid., p. 107. 358 medical care for the sick and social security for the aged, legal defense for individuals involved in disputes with other clans, armed forces for mutual protection and economic 3 opportunity for the young. So omnipotent was the clan system that few members of a family dared oppose its will for fear of ostracism and loss of all kinship privileges. Mono-clan villages were common and mono-clan businesses the rule. And yet no one single film even hinted at the existence of the Chinese extended kinship relationship. The interpretation of the family unit changes drama tically in the films about Communist Mainland China. Some of the films make explicit a deliberate attack upon the family as an institution by the Communist regime. Possibly the most harshly critical view is presented in The Face of Red China, in which children are shown behind nursery bars in a situation described by the narrator as being analogous to that found in Orwell's 1984. He continues in this vein by quoting a young girl of marriageable age as saying, "the family does not count any more," and by alleging that men and women now marry for ideological compatibility instead 3 Yang, The Chxnese Communist Society . . . , Vol. I, op. cit.. p. 5. 359 of physical compatibility. Several films quoted Mao Tse Tung's comment that the family is an outmoded economic unit as a thematic basis for their allegations. In none of the films about Commu nist Mainland China is there a hint that the real focus of the regime's hostility is the clan, not the nuclear family. There is no reference to the legal abolition of bride bar tering and the discontinuance of adoption marriages or to Communist hostility to the Confucian concept of the family. None of the films allude to the destruction of clan power by the confiscation of its land, by the pitting of kinsmen against kinsmen and children against parents, by education and propaganda, by the creation of new social and political institutions and by the secularization of the clan. The nuclear family is presented, in general, as being rent asunder for the sake of industrial and agricultural effi ciency. The only families treated to any degree in the films about Treaty Port China are those living on sampans in the harbors. It is stressed in every film that these people virtually live out their lives on these little boats — eating, sleeping, fishing,carrying freight or pursuing whatever other livelihood can be gained from their water 360 world. Family life is portrayed as being like that of Chinese life ashore; men work for a living, women cook and wash and the children help their parents or play or attend school. One film. The Water People of Hong Kong, presented a marriage ceremony in which a great deal of respect and reverence was shown by the young couple to all the members of the family who were present. The portrayal of the typical Chinese family in the Taiwan China group of films is similar to the image pre sented in the films about Nationalist Mainland China, but with two differences. First, the family unit is heavily emphasized and dramatized and sentimentalized, as if an unspoken comparison is being made with the status of the family on the mainland. Again and again a happy family is shown gathering around a great dinner table overflowing with good things to eat, and all are smiling and happy. Second, great stress is laid upon family ownership of such enter prises as farms, brick making factories, and noodle making industries. Every film about Taiwan makes some reference to the reforms being initiated for the benefit of the aver age family. 361 Religious Freedom The religious life of the Chinese people is briefly- touched upon in all but a few of the films treating Nation alist Mainland China. Quite often there are narrative comments on China's historic tolerance of all religious faiths, with Buddhists, Moslems, and Christians alike being encouraged to propagate their faiths among the people. The filmic presentation most often takes the form of a subject bowing to a god of the fields, or burning in cense and paper robes before an unexplained shrine, or performing a Buddhist ritual. The latter is the most com monly presented religious faith, possibly because Buddhist shrines and pagodas dot the Chinese countryside. In such films as China and Inside Tibet Buddhist rites are presented in terms of self-prostration by worshippers, the sounding of gongs and chimes and the spinning of prayer wheels. Devil worship and shamanism are shown in several films to have corrupted Buddhism. Christians are presented briefly in Sampan Family and People of Western China and alluded to by the narrators in several other films. One of the films, Mv Name is Han, portrays life in what is evidently an all-Christian village. The most widespread and consistently prevailing 362 form of Chinese religious expression, however, is not specifically mentioned in any of the twenty-two films. Ancestor worship dominated and permeated virtually all aspects of Chinese life for over 3,000 years and is still 4 important in the rural areas of Communist China. In The Good Earth and People of Western China there are rites of performed which are in fact concerned with _li, the rites of ancestor worship, but these are unexplained and consist of incense burning and bowing before an unnamed shrine. Be cause the Chinese have traditionally paid obeisance to everything deserving respect and burned incense on most festive occasions these scenes are not necessarily signifi cant in terms of this criterion. Religion is mentioned in only two of the films about Communist Mainland China. In The Brainwashing of John Haves the film begins with the narrator's pronouncement, "The Chinese Communists decided to take action against a group they had long hated and feared— American Protestant Missionaries." Later in the film Hayes is denounced by his judges for the alleged crime of saying the last rites over the burial of a friend who had opposed the Chinese Communist 4 Ibid., p. 184. 363 regime. The only other allusion to religion in this group of films occurs in Communist China: At the outset of the film the narrator states that the Chinese have rejected Confucianism and the Buddhist philosophy of looking inward. Religious freedom is explicitly stated in Taiwan: Face of Free China; "The right of the people to worship in the church of their choice is one of the basic freedoms." This film presents several scenes portraying Buddhist stat ues and Christian churches. Religious expression is alluded to in Family of Free China when a Chinese boy and his father light incense before an unexplained shrine. There is no allusion to religious expression in the other three films about Taiwan China. The only allusions to religion in the films about Treaty Port China consist of a scene of the Tiger Balm Buddha in Hong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient and the light ing of incense in Water People of Hong Kong. Freedom of Speech Freedom of speech is implied by the context of the films treating Nationalist Mainland China and it is pre sented as a right taken for granted. There are a few gen eralized allusions to free speech in Bridge to Yinshi. The 364 narrator describes the growth of democratic processes while a sequence presents a village meeting of elders who are implicitly discussing some local issue. Only one of the twenty-two hints at the suppress ion of free speech. During the sequence presenting the Shen system in China the narrator comments on the suppres sion of free speech in the Communist held areas, and adds— "even more than in Chung King." Frank criticism of the Nationlist regime by students and teachers and Communists and non-Coramunists alike resulted in arbitrary repressions, but not a hint of this appears in the other twenty-one films.5 Freedom of speech is shown to be non-existent in the films presenting Communist Mainland China. As the nar rator of The Face of Red China said, "They don't chop off heads anymore— they reshape them." An all pervading spy system is shown as the apparatus for surveillance of the population; any conversational comments which might be construed as criticism are reported to Communist cadres, who in turn incarcerate the dissidents. Those teachers and writers and intellectuals who ^Barnett, op. cit.. p. 42. 365 permitted themselves to blossom vocally during the brief period of the Hundred Flowers and Hundred Schools are por trayed as broken by brainwashing. When questioned in their prisons they answer, "I was a reactionary." Or, "I have seen the error of my ways." The context of collectiviza tion and communization and regimentation tend to reinforce, in an all pervading way, the specific statements regarding suppression of free speech. The right to freedom of speech is connoted by the context of the subjects portrayed in films about Taiwan- China. The dramatization of courtroom litigation, the narrative references to freedom, the pictorial presentation of election campaigns, the scenes of free discussions among the Chinese, and between the Chinese and Americans— all imply a right to freedom of speech. In the earlier films about Treaty Port China, Singapore: Study of a World Port and Water People of Hong Kong, there is no mention of freedom of speech or of any other civil right, although the contexts of the subjects imply that these rights exist. In the later two films, Hong Kong: Crossroads of the World and Achievement in Hong Kong, the narration emphasizes the freedoms and civil rights enjoyed by the people under British law and administration. 366 rights which by implication include freedom of speech. Security from Intrusion There is neither an allusion to security from in trusion in a legal sense nor a presentation of the protec tion afforded individuals by the clans or local constabu lary. Nineteen of the twenty-two films about Nationlist Mainland China portrayed a people as serenly secure from intrusion in both an individual and a collective sense as any in the world. The overall impression of the Chinese living lives of pastoral serenity and individual and collective security during the time span 1936-1949 is not in accord with his torical fact. While there probably were isolated areas where the people were not being engulfed by war and strife and banditry, China as a whole was crumbling politically, socially, and economically, and those in contact with the events taking place had very little personal or collective security.^ China and Mv Name is Han touched upon the de struction of the war. Only in China Crisis, a topical film intended to be a wartime report to Congress and only sub Barnett, Communist China in perspective, op. cit.. p. v. 367 sequently used as an educational film, is there an indica tion of the ruin and insecurity and upheaval of life in China.7 The first of the films relating to Communist Main land China is China; The Land and the People. It failed to present a single social or civic situation from which any thing regarding security from intrusion could be inferred. But thereafter, the lack of security from intrusion in Communist China is dramatically portrayed. The Brainwash ing of John Haves begins with a sequence in which the mis sionary's bedroom door is battered down with rifle butts and he is arrested at the point of bayonets with the taunt; "Now you die, John Hayes." The Chinese people are interpreted in most of the films about Communist China as being either fleeing home less refugees, during the episodes dealing with the inva sion and civil war, or as herded together on communes with no privacy or security into which to intrude. All private lives are portrayed as public domain. Former landlords are shown being dragged out and summarily executed. Those teachers and intellectuals whose views are at variance with 7Hu, o p. cit., p. 33. 368 the policy of the Communist regime are presented as being arbitrarily seized and sent to forced labor camps for "brainwashing." The total lack of individual security from intrusion is evident in most of the films about Communist Mainland China. Only in the films produced since 1950 are soldiers of the Nationlist regime shown dragging suspected Commu nists and opponents of the regime into the streets for pub lic execution. Only since then do we see scenes of stu dent riots and anti-American demonstration and desperate acts of violence. Not a hint of this appears in any film produced between 1936 and 1949. Both the Communists and the Nationalists are shown commiting similar acts of arbi trary seizure and execution. With regard to the films about Taiwan China, the impression is given by the many narrative references to protective laws and civil rights that the Chinese living there are secure in their persons and property. The Treaty Ports are under British law, and great stress is laid upon the haven of safety and security offered to the refugees from Communist China. There are frequent narrative asser tions that security from intrusion is assured by law and enforced by the police. 369 Trial by Due Process of Law There is no reference or allusion to trial by due process of law, or to any form of jurisprudence or legal processes, in any of the twenty-two films about Nationlist Mainland China. The issue of trial by due process of law is treated in six of the nine films about Communist Mainland China. In The Brainwashing of John Hayes, a dramatized film, the mis sionary is subjected to a wide spectrum of outrages, rang ing from arbitrary arrest and torture to a denunciation by his judges before any evidence is presented or the trial even begins. The film contains as many violations of civil rights as seems possible to include within the given length of the film. In the documentary films about Communist Mainland China, the arbitrary arrest, denunciation and execution of former land owners appears frequently, often in the form of the same footage that appeared in earlier films. Political opinions deemed incorrect by the Communist regime are shown to be a crime and many intellectuals are sent to prison for thought correction without benefit of legal processes of any kind. There is no reference to the "people's Tribunals" or to the court system set up since the discontinuance of 370 q the tribunals, as reported by IIu. In two of the films, Red China and The Fall of China, several scenes show Nationalist police and army officers as they publicly execute suspected Communists. It may be worth mentioning here that although such atroci ties were common under both regimes, they went unmentioned in the twenty-two films about Nationlist Mainland China— but were presented in six of the nine films about Communist 9 Mainland China. Three of the films about Taiwan China contain a courtroom sequence depicting the adjudication of a lawsuit. In Formosa— Island of Promise, Formosa, and Formosa; Blue print for a Free China, the same scenes and sequences of litigation between Farmer Lu and his landlord are used to present the issue of due process of law. Although this criterion received high ratings from the judges in all three films, in two of these the narrator commented that mere suspicion of being a Communist is cause of arrest and an accusation could be fatal. There are no allusions to due process of law in the other two films about Taiwan China. Nor are there any g Hu, op. cit.. p. 232. 9 Ibid.. p. 234. 371 references or allusions to due process of law in the films about Treaty port China. Property Rights The legal concept of property rights is never clar ified or made an issue in the films produced during the tenure of Nationalist Mainland China, but is presented in a general context as a right assumed and occasionally senti mentalized. The Good Earth makes the strongest statement in this regard, presenting as its theme how precious is the land to a traditional Chinese peasant family. And the security of title to the land is revealed in both The Good Earth and My Name is Han. In each film a farm family was forced to flee from its land, from famine in one instance and from war in the other, but there was no question of ownership upon their return. Each family simply moved in and reassumed control of its property. In one film. Understanding the Chinese, the narrator indicated that a serious problem of absentee ownership existed but he did not elaborate. Village stores, grain mills, and artisan shops are all presented as privately owned and everyone engaged in trade or industry is shown selling his products and produce 372 on the open market. The businesses presented are portrayed as household enterprises. War in China, Mao Tse Tung and The Brainwashing of John Haves are topical films and do not touch upon property rights; China; The Land and the People presents only an ecological relation between the land and the people without any contextual implication regarding property rights. But in the other films about Communist Mainland China the forc ible confiscation of property is presented frequently, with former landlords being shot by firing squads or sent to prison. Ownership of land during the Nationalist period is portrayed as an ex post facto crime with the Communist seizure of power. There are narrative references to the Communists' reconfiscation of land given initially to the peasants to assure their political support, but there is no mention of the three phase program by which the peasants were persuaded to give it up again.^ As reported in the films, it was a forcible and arbitrary reconfiscation. The most sensational treatment is accorded to the matter of property on communes. Sequences portraying this Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit.. pp. 131-152. 373 aspect of Chinese Communist society are accompanied by such generalizations as, "In China there is no such thing as a privately owned wheelbarrow." Or, "Chiang has promised land reform for a decade, but the Communists put it into effect — crudely and violently." There is no allusion to the right of individuals and families to own and inherit such per sonal property as furniture. In terms of property rights, Communist Mainland China tends to be portrayed as a vast communa1 poo1. Communes are presented as the center of many forms of light industry, hitherto family owned and operated, and it is made clear that these are government owned and direct ed. But almost nothing is revealed about the procedures used to nationalize businesses and industries; there is no suggestion of the violent seizures that did take place or to the three phase state-capitalist confiscations that were the rule.^ Property rights are portrayed as being virtual ly liquidated under Communist rule, with everything shared communally and almost nothing owned individually. A strong avowal of the right to own property is made in each of the films about Taiwan China. Farmers are ^Hu, op. cit. , pp. 378-379. 374 portrayed either as owners of the land they till or as pro tected by law from exorbitant rental fees. The narrators frequently state explicitly that such small industries as brick factories and boat building yards are family-owned enterprises. Although the larger steel and petroleum in dustries are described in some detail it is not made clear whether these are under private or public management. All of these films made a strong statement with regard to the right to own property. Centered as they are in the commercial world trade ports of Singapore and Hong Kong, the right to own property is implicit in all the films about Treaty Port China. Every aspect of business life, from the lowest sampan vendor to the largest shipping industry is clearly a function of free enterprise and capitalism. Individual Freedom No specific references are made to individual free dom in most of the films about Nationalist Mainland China. The screen portrayals of the Chinese people show them as being at liberty to do as they please, without restraints; freedom is implied by the context of the scenes and is presented as a thing taken for granted. Two films from 375 this period make specific references to freedom: In China, a March of Time film, the narrator claims, "The Chinese are determined to preserve their freedom and that dignity of man which is man's birthright." This is a most articulate statement of the American point of view. But in Voice of China, a film produced by the Chinese Nationalist government for distribution in the United States during World War II, the Chinese narrator expresses a similar sentiment in a context that suggests that he might not clearly understand the concept of freedom: "A scholar came and said we must fight for freedom. Camel caravans are for freedom now." In none of the films is there any allusion to the historic subordination of the Chinese individual to the group, nor any mention of the groups to which he was tra- 12 ditionally subordinated. The general impression conveyed by the films is that the Chinese individual at that time enjoyed a degree of freedom not significantly different in degree or in kind from that found in the United States. There is no mention of bartered brides or adoption marriages or modified slavery. Individual freedom to act Barnett, Communist China in Perspective, op. cit.. p. 40. 376 in any political sense was severely circumscribed as a con sequence of the Japanese invasion, the Nationalist- Communist struggle and the repressive measures taken by the Nationalist regime against internal dissidents. But there is no indication of this in any of the films produced for as long as the Nationalist regime held control of the China mainland. The issue of individual freedom suddenly becomes important in the films about Communist Mainland China. An image of severe regimentation is presented, with men, women and children marching to work in military formation and often reduced to the level of working as draft animals, a regimentation which is reinforced by unremitting propaganda, group pressure and brute force. Regimentation is repeatedly presented as a salient characteristic of the new regime, an 13 impression which is essentxally true. Only one of the films, Communist China, referred in a general way to the * emancipation of women and their acquisition of equal status with men; none of them alluded to legal abolition of bride prices, adoption, marriages and indentured slavery. The films treating Taiwan China present individual 13 Shurman, op. cit., p. 100. 377 freedom on that island in much the same manner as the films about Nationalist Mainland China. Individuals are portrayed as being free to live their lives and pursue their goals without restraints. The narrators, however, make frequent use of the word "freedom." The same is true of the films dealing with Treaty Port China. In the two films produced since the Communist conquest of the mainland, great empha sis is laid upon the number of refugees who have fled from Communist China to the sanctuary of freedom offered by Hong Kong. Universal Suffrage There are references to suffrage in three of the films about Nationalist Mainland China. In one of the films, China, there is a lengthy sequence in which demo cratic political practices and voting procedures are por- trayed. The narrator describes a system of voting by households for village representatives who will gather in congress; this is evidently the pao chia system, which he 14 calls the "shen" system. The narrator cites the Nation alist government in asserting that this democratically Yang, The Chinese Communist Society . . . , Vol. II, op. cit., p. 104. 378 elected, representative form of government at that time extended over 80 percent of China. This is not in accord with historical evidence: While the pao chia system still continued to function nominally, it had been emasculated long before the release of this film. By 1945 China was politically prostrate and the pao chia election of represen tatives had been suspended in favor of government appoint- 15 ment of agents who would implement the will of the regime. There are allusions to voting in Bridge to Yinshi and Understanding the Chinese, released in 1948 and 1949. The first of these films shows people standing in line under a Nationalist flag and filling out some unexplained forms as the narrator comments, "The Chinese are developing social responsibility." In the second film the narrator comments grimly in an addendum, "The Chinese were not ready for democracy." Although, as stated by Ch'ien Twan-sheng, the rul ing Kuomintang party, like the Communist Party of China, is organized on the structural model of the Russian Communist Barnett, China on the Eve of the Communist Take over, op. cit., p. 118. 379 Party, it is not mentioned in these films. And in one film only was there any mention of the existence of the pao chia system. The films made no illusion to the clan struc ture and its internal election policies, and made no com ment on the last ditch National election held by Chiang Kai 17 Shek in 1948 to muster public support. The issue of suffrage is important in films about Communist Mainland China. In one of the trial sequences of The Brainwashing of John Hayes, the American missionary con founds his judges by challenging them to name the Chinese Communist official who has been freely elected by the people; the judges are portrayed as highly embarrassed. In most of the other films it is emphasized that the Communists seized their power by force and violence, and have secured the assent of the masses to its policies by force, propa ganda, and psychological pressure. There is no mention of the national, one-slate token election held in 1956-57 to 18 secure a superficial mandate from the people, and there is X 6 Ch'ien Twan-sheng, op. cit.. p. 71. 17 Barnett, China on the Eve of Communist Takeover. op. cit., p. 63. 18 Hu, op. cit.. p. 204. 380 no reference to the indirectly elected party Congresses which function at the local, provincial, and national i i 19 levels. In four of the five films about Taiwan China there is discussed at length about suffrage on the island, al though in two of them, Formosa— Island of Promise and Formosa, the narrator concedes that voters and candidates are screened to assure their loyalty to the government. In one of the films, Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China, there is a visual presentation of a Taiwanese election which may be an attempt to mirror its American counterpart. Touring trucks drove from village to village bearing campaign slogans, a brass band, pretty girls and men shouting cam paign speeches to the crowd gathered around the truck. Several references are made in films about Taiwan China to its democratic basis on the Three Principles of Democracy enunciated by Dr. Sun Yat Sen. A good deal of information is given about election procedures on Taiwan, suggesting that the film producers took some pains to find out about the democratic procedures there and to include them in the films. ^^Ibid., p. 209. 381 There are virtually no references to suffrage in films about Treaty Port China. There are references to British justice and British law which may be inferred as alluding to civil rights in this regard, but there is nothing explicit. Pictorial Interpretation The pictorial interpretation of the Chinese people during the Nationalist Mainland China period is generally idealized and remarkably similar from film to film. The primary subject is a typical Chinese family, whose members are clean, well dressed and groomed and behave with con spicuous respect toward their elders. If the locale is in the country, the scenes are most often devoted to well maintained fields, a farmer and his water buffalo, peasants cranking irrigation devices, women transplanting rice or cooking. Village life is presented in terms of quaint shops and handcraft industries in which artisans carve ivory statuettes or shape bamboo artifacts or spin potters wheels. Urban life is presented either in terms of a typical Chinese family, or in a kaleidoscope of scenes presenting modern commercial buildings, new industries, neon lights and deep sea vessels in contrast with Chinese operas, street scribes. 382 fortune tellers, sampans and junks. Four of the twenty-two films gave an unsentimen talized pictorial interpretation. Contrasts in China pre sented scenes of squalor as part of its contrasts. China Crisis presented grisly scenes of the Chinese people being uprooted and shattered by war. Chinese Peasant Goes to Market and Journey to Kunming, while not referring to Nationalist-Communist civil war then raging, present an unflinching look at the poverty which in good part motivat ed the civil war. Understanding the Chinese also made a brief pictorial statement in this regard. With the exception of China: The Land and the People which presents a factual pictorial statement of China's climate, crops and resources, the pictorial interpretation of Communist Mainland China in films produced during 1949- 1963 dramatizes the convulsions of Chinese society in terms of its human consequences in suffering and effort. In The Brainwashing of John Hayes, much of the drama takes place in a filthy cell or in a cold and austere courtroom. In certain of the documentary films there are scenes of militiamen brandishing rifle butts and bayonets directly at the viewer. Several films show scenes from the "speak bitterness" meetings in which former land owners are shown 383 being cursed and abused and ultimately executed. The regimentation of the Great Leap Forward is por trayed repeated with prodigious numbers of men pulling, hauling, and lifting to the limit of their strength, or bent double as they perform the work of draft animals. Several films showed scenes revealing Communist China's progress in technology, industrialization, scien tific research, public health facilities, schools and agri cultural innovations. Those films that depicted the Japanese invasion, World War II and the Nationalist-Communist civil war, pre sented an image of wartime carnage which is in itself re pugnant to many people. The scenes of fleeing refugees and ruined homes and destroyed factories were seen in two of the twenty-two films about Nationalist Mainland China, the exceptions being China Crisis and My Name is Han. Of the films produced about Communist Mainland China, Communist China and China Under Communism showed footage taken with the permission of the Communist government. In Taiwan: Face of Free China and Family of Free China, the pictorial interpretation of Taiwan China is that of a lush island paradise of thriving farms and burgeoning modern industries. The lowliest peasants are immaculately 384 groomed, their farms are neatly maintained and their homes are clean and swept. The other three films present all this too, but in addition present the military hardware and tactics used to defend the island against a possible inva sion from Communist Mainland China. Films presenting Treaty Port China tend to be travelogues. The pictorial emphasis is upon exotic and bizarre— the Tiger Balm Buddha, dragon dances and festivals, incense burning, the sampan city which floats in the harbor, the picturesque junks with their upswept painted sterns, the commercial buildings and deep sea vessels, the smartly drilled British garrison passing in review and a teasing peak through the bamboo curtain at a Red flag and a glower ing Communist guard. Music Music is used sparingly in the films produced dur ing the Nationalist period, and most often merely to accom pany the beginning and end titles. Short passages of authentic Chinese music, sing or played on a stringed oriental instrument are heard in Sampan Family and Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder. What is China? included a choral group singing the national anthem of China. For the most 385 part, however, what little music is used is of a pseudo- Chinese variety which is employed to fill the sound track during pauses in the narration. With the exception of China Crisis, the music is plaintive and pleasant wherever used. The music used in films about Communist Mainland China has a decidedly martial character. Heavily orches trated chords are used in crescendos at such dramatic high points as the collapse of the Nationalist regime and the prodigious efforts of the people in the Great Leap Forward. There is no authentic Chinese music or even pseudo-Chinese music used anywhere. The music used in the first three films about Tai wan China consists of strident, dramatic chords at the be ginning of each film, with a few bars used in between at points of dramatic significance. In Taiwan: Face of Free China, a wide spectrum of music is used, including authen tic Chinese music rendered by a Chinese orchestra, pseudo- Chinese music used to fill in pauses in narration and stock dramatic music employed to heighten the emotional tenor of the mountain scenes. Family of Free China contained only pseudo-Chinese music. The militancy of the chords used in the first three films may reflect the wartime tensions of 386 the years following the Nationalist debacle on the mainland and the Korean crisis. The only authentic Chinese music used in the films about Treaty Port China is heard in The Water People of Hong Kong? a Chinese woman sings a plaihtive love song as an accompaniment to the marriage of a sampan couple. Achievement in Hong Kong presents "Rule, Britannica" and other stock music, and Hong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient is introduced by "It's a Great, Big, Wonderful World When You Are in Love," which needs no comment. Sound Effects Sound effects are little used for emotional impact in the films about Nationalist China. Occasionally in scenes of village life there are sounds of potter's wheels and turning millstones, pleasant rural sounds, or when machinery is shown there are appropriate hums and clicks, but the use of sound effects to heighten the emotional tone or to deliberately create an impression is limited to China Crisis, The Good Earth, and Marco Polo's Travels. The first of these is a topical war film containing all the sounds of carnage that would heighten a war spirit and create excitement. The sounds of The Good Earth were the 387 sounds of the good pastoral earth— cows lowing, rainfall pattering, crickets chittering— as well as dubbed in sounds of footsteps. Similar effects were dubbed in where approp riate in Marco Polo's Travels, another dramatic film. For the most part, however, the use of sound effects in the films produced during the Nationalist period is negligible. The sound effects most used in the films produced after 1950 are the strident sounds of war— bombs, exploding, tanks clattering and the stacatto chatter of rifle and machine gun fire. In the one dramatic film of this period. The Brainwashing of John Hayes, such effects as the rattle of chains and the creak of cell doors and the splintering wood of a smashed door are dubbed in wherever it heightens the emotional flavor of the scene. Little on-location sound is used in most of the documentary films of the Com munist Mainland China period. Sound effects are sparsely used in the films about Taiwan China. In the three related films— Formosa— island of Promise. Formosa, and Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China. there is a twofold use of sound effects. The roar of aircraft and the clatter of military hardware tend to heighten the films1 intended impression of martial pre paredness. The squeal of pigs and the cluck of chickens 388 are used in scenes of agricultural reconstruction to pre sumably reflect the upgrading of the island's livestock. Virtually no sound effects are used in films about Treaty Port China. Accuracy of the Information Errors and omissions of content information have been discussed under the pertinent criteria, but it may be appropriate to add that the judges who were specialists on China consistently accorded a lower rating to this criter ion than did judges from other competencies. To cite an example, a professor of Chinese history gave the film Mao Tse Tung a rating of "2" on Accuracy of the Information, while a professor of linguistics accorded the same criterion a rating of "8." In varying degrees this tendency held true throughout most of the films. Open Criterion No statistical findings were stated for this cri terion because few judges made use of it, and those who did so made such arbitrary and contradictory interpretations that such findings would not be statistically significant. Instead, the judges' comments and numerical ratings were stated at the end of the descriptive content analysis of 389 each film. Observed Tendencies in the Ratings Upon examining the data the writer observed a tend ency on the part of some judges to be consistently conso nant or consistently dissonant when rating a given film, rather than to rate it in terms of both dissonance and con sonance from criterion to criterion. This was particularly true of films about Communist Mainland China, whose ratings often ranged from 1 to 5 in all criteria. This tendency toward consistent dissonance or consistent consonance in responses may be a function of a judge's reaction to the general impression created by a given film as a whole. Festinger wrote in this regard: It has frequently been implied, and sometimes even point out, that the individual strives toward consist ency within himself. His opinions and attitudes, for example, tend to exist in clusters that are internally consistent. Another and perhaps related factor to consider may be that of the judge's bias or his projection of knowledge to the content of a film. In certain of the films about 20 Leon Festinger, A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance (New York: Harper and Row, 1957) . 390 Communist Mainland China there were often dissonant ratings given to such criteria as Property Rights and Universal Suffrage when, so far as the writer could determine when making the descriptive content analysis, there were no direct references to these content areas. The factor of internal consistency by a judge when rating a film whose content contains elements of dissonance suggests a poten tial area for future study. It was found that the validity of the content analy ses varied with the criterion being evaluated and the qualifications of the judge. For example, it was noted that specialists on China as well as those from other com petencies unrelated to motion pictures tended to be erratic in their rating of film criteria. This sometimes lowered the reliability level of a given film. Conclusions 1. The interpretation of China in American educa tional films produced during the years including 1936-1949 differed in their favorability of interpretation from those produced during the years including 1950-1963. The change was from consonant in the films about Nationalist Mainland China to dissonant in the films about Communist Mainland 391 China. The consonance of the films about Nationalist Main land China was achieved by presenting those aspects of Chinese life for inclusion in the film that are highly re garded by Americans, such as emphasis upon family life, religious activity, personal freedom, industriousness, cleanliness, and free enterprise. The dissonance of the films about Communist Mainland China was achieved by presenting those aspects of Chinese life and new institutions that are repugnant to most Americans, such as the purported attack upon the family as an institution, the forcible confiscation of private prop erty, the arbitrary seizure and execution of former land owners without due process of law, the invasions of pri vacy and herding together of great numbers of people on communes, the regimentation, the propaganda parades and rallies, the sight of prodigious numbers of people committed to vast labor projects, the brainwashing, the suppression of free speech and loss of individual freedom, the Hate America posters— all contributed to the dissonance of these films. There were consonant elements presented, such as progress in education and industrialization, but these were 392 often accompanied by derogatory narrative comments in many of the films. The writer concludes that in the films about both Nationalist Mainland China and Communist Mainland China there was a selection of content for inclusion in the films which was consonant with the then current state of American public opinion toward the ruling mainland regime. This may have been a function of what Festinger calls the "denial of reality": It sometimes happens that a large group of people is able to maintain an opinion or belief even in the face of continual definite evidence to the contrary. Such instances may range all the way from rather incon sequential occurrences of short duration to phenomena which may almost be termed mass d elusions.21 If a person is involuntarily exposed to informa tion that will increase dissonance, then in addition to the usual procedures whereby he may reduce this disso nance, there are also set up quick defensive processes which prevent the new cognition from even becoming firmly established.^ The writer infers that the omission of information dissonant with American public opinion was probably a func tion of the denial of reality. Film producers are them selves involved in the current state of public opinion and therefore can be affected by a general denial of reality. 21 Ibid., p. 198. ^ Ibid. , p. 137. 393 2. Although the many scenes of farmers did by im plication present the agricultural basis of the economy, the films about Nationalist Mainland China did not as a whole reveal the substantively important aspects of Chinese social and political life. There was no reference to the Confucian ethic which dominated Chinese society until the Communist takeover and is probably still ingrained in the values of the Chinese people. There was no reference to the most significant and all pervading form of religious expression in Chinese history— ancestor worship. There was also no mention of the existence of the kinship group, the clan, whose powers impinged upon every member of an extend ed family. There is only one short presentation of the pao chia system, which provided the Chinese form of democratic elections, referred to as the shen system. There was no allusion to bartered brides and adoption marriages. There are at least two possible reasons for the omission of references to important Chinese institutions at that time. The first of these is the possibility that the producers may have been unaware of their existence. The second possible reason for the omission of substantive aspects of Chinese society is that perhaps it was felt they were so foreign as to preclude any under- 394 standing or identification by an American viewer. Likert referred to the importance of identification in education: . . . any audio-visual material, if it is to have edu cational effect, must deal with matters which fall within the central life-space of the individual and deal with it in words or symbols which the individual understands and recognizes as being related to him per sonally . 23 Whether through inadvertance or by design, an image of Nationalist Mainland China was conveyed which was conso nant with American values and to some degree reflected American social concepts, but did not present a complete and balanced picture of Chinese institutions at that time. The films about Communist Mainland China did pre sent many of the substantive changes in Chinese political, social and economic life, although it did so with emphasis upon the price paid for these changes in human effort and suffering and in violation of civil rights. The collecti vization of land, the communes, the propaganda rallies and parades, the regimentation, the suppression of free speech, the thought orthodoxy and brainwashing, the spies, the group pressures, the arbitrary arrests and executions, the 23 Rensis Likert, "A Neglected Factor m Communica tion, " Audio-Visual Communication Review, II, No. 3 (Summer, 1954), 165. 395 separation of mothers from children to increase industrial efficiency— all are part of the new order of Communist China, as cited in the findings, and all are dissonant with American values. After 1950 some of the reasons for the collapse of Nationalist China are presented in the films. After 1950 there are cinematic references to the political, social, and economic ruin of Nationalist Mainland China during the years including 1936-1949, explanations given in order to explain the Communist victory. Although a generalized picture is given of the discomfitted regime and the changes instituted by the Communists, none of the films presented the specific changes in basic Chinese institutions wrought by the Commu nist takeover. 3. The films about Taiwan China were peripheral to this study, but did serve as a useful point of comparison with the films being produced at the same time about Commu nist Mainland China. It transpired that the films about Taiwan China were continuing in the tradition of films about Nationalist Mainland China, but with these differ ences: The sanctity of the family unit was stressed and sentimentalized to an even greater degree than before, the right to own property was repeatedly avowed by the 396 narrators, the right to vote, to trial by due process of law and to other civil rights were dramatically emphasized. The writer concludes that this was done to provide an un spoken but consonant comparison with the events taking place on the mainland at the same time. 4. The films about Treaty Port China did not re late significantly to the purposes of this study. Comments The writer has made certain observations concerning the films about China that seem appropriate to mention in conclusion. The first of these relates to the sweetness and light that pervades most of the films about Nationalist Mainland China— films that are still in wide circulation. After viewing several of these sentimental films in an even ing, one specialist on China commented sarcastically, "I wonder why they had a revolution in China." With few exceptions, the tenor of these films is in flat contradiction to the historical events characteristic of that time. During the years 1936-1949, China was dis integrating in almost every aspect of its social, political and economic life. Farmers were impoverished, overwhelmed by debts brought on by their inability to sow a crop and 397 reap it in peace; and if they managed to raise their rice, what was not taken by usurers or landlords or tax collec tors was often seized by foraging armies. Prostitutes and panderers swarmed through villages and cities all over China— more than 8 percent of the total population of China then derived some part of its income from prostitution. Slavery in the form of indentured service in coolie gangs and brothels was found everywhere. Women were reduced to a state of abjection that almost defies comparison. Graft and corruption were rampant, and inflation ruined millions of persons. Fighting and savage atrocities were widespread and frequent. Yet one could not guess this from viewing most of the films produced during that period; they present a picture of peace and serenity. The cameramen who photographed those happy Chinese families sitting down to eat heaping bowls of rice could hardly have missed seeing what else was going on. The fact that they had photographed the more unsavory aspects of Chinese life at that time is borne out by the appearance of footage in films made since 1949. That such footage should have been included in films after the discomfiture of the Nationalist regime on the mainland suggests that it was left out of earlier films because it was not in accord 398 with public opinion at that time. Given the current state of relations between the United States and Communist China, one can only speculate whether the films now being pro duced about Communist China and Taiwan China are presenting only those aspects of the truth about those countries that are presently acceptable to American public opinion. If the film producers are willing to present an unpalatable truth only when it is safe and popular and profitable to do so, they are undermining the essential reason for the existence of educational films. Most of the films were not even skin deep. The nature of much of the film footage suggests that the pic torial interpretation of China was shaped primarily by the comfort and convenience of the cameramen. Despite the fact that sampan families constitute less than 1 percent of the Chinese population, more than half of the films includ ed in this study dwelt at great length upon the lives of these river people, thereby giving the impression that a large percentage of the Chinese people live on sampans. From this the writer infers that many of the cameramen photographed primarily what they could reach while riding comfortably on the deck of a boat, and presenting the re sulting footage as an accurate portrayal of China. What- 399 ever could be seen casually and photographed easily was later edited into an "educational film." The films were replete with glaring omissions, dis tortions and half-truths. Not one of the forty films men tioned that the Nationalist Mainland government, now on Taiwan, was originally organized on the model of the Rus sian Communist Party under the direction of a Comintern agent, named Michael Borodin, sent to China for this pur pose by Joseph Stalin— at the invitation of the Chinese government under Dr. Sun Yat Sen. Not one of the forty films described the Confucian ethic which dominated Chi nese thought and society for thousands of years and still permeates Chinese Communist values in many ways. Not one film mentioned the clan, bride buying, adoption marriages, mono-clan villages, or got to the heart of the basic changes that have taken place in the institutions of China, much less described why they took place. There should be more to educational films about another country than sensa tional and exotic footage. There should be substantive knowledge about the institutions of those people; other wise, why use them in the classroom? Many of the film producers seem to feel responsible only for the technical quality of their films and not for 400 their content. As long as the camera is in focus, the composition is attractive, the footage well edited, the sound pleasant, and the title catch and legible, they seem to believe that they bear no further responsibility for the veracity of their films. While it is true that the average film producer cannot be;expected to be an authority on every subject he undertakes to film, it is equally true that an educational film should make a significant state ment about its subject if it is to be educational. Consid ering that the average print of an educational film is projected from 750 to 1,500 times, and is seen by approxi mately 20,000 to 40,000 students, the distribution of mis information about other countries on a scale discovered in this study could be pernicious in the long run. It would not have been asking too much to expect these film produc ers to do a little content research on Chinese institutions; cinema techniques are the means of communicating ideas in educational films, not an end in themselves. One of the more interesting (and amusing) aspects of screening these films was the reactions of those judges who were experts on China. Almost every projection of a film on China was punctuated by groans of disbelief, head shaking and brow slapping. One specialist on China, the 401 head of a university department specializing in Chinese studies, was so indignant after viewing a film about Com munist China that he wrote, This film is so biased and intentionally misleading that no one who knows anything about China can miss it. But persons who know nothing about China are being as dishonestly misinformed and misguided as are the people of China. These are blunt words, and they suggest that the film producers who cheerfully slanted their films to suit pro-China sentiment before 1949 just as cheerfully slanted them to please anti-China public opinion since 1949. This raises the question of whether so important an aspect of education can be left to commercial film producers who have shown themselves to be less concerned with presenting the objective truth rather than with the salability of their products. Addendum The writer would like to draw attention to the prac tice of "updating" obsolete films about mainland China. Those films produced before 1949 present a way of life that essentially no longer exists; yet, they constitute the majority of the films about China still being circulated. Certain producers and distributors have renewed their 402 copyrights on films produced before 1949 and are conspic uously displaying their new copyright dates under the titles. This tends to give the impression that the film is of recent issue. Many American teachers are not familiar enough with Chinese institutions to correct this miconcep- tion, upon seeing the films, may be ordering obsolete films for classroom use in the mistaken belief that the recent copyright date so prominently displayed is the release date of the film. Recommendations 1. It is recommended that a film evaluation form be developed whose criteria will serve to evaluate all edu cational films that purportedly interpret the social, polit ical, and economic institutions of other countries. 2. It is recommended that this film evaluation form consist of two sets of criteria, content and cinematic, and that each film be evaluated separately by specialists from each group before being distributed. 3. It is recommended that some professional organi zation such as the Department of Audiovisual Instruction or the Educational Film Library Association undertake on the basis of these criteria to evaluate all films now in circu 403 lation and forthcoming which purport to interpret other countries, and that this organization make available to such subject matter groups as the Asian Society, the Amer ican Political Science Association, the American Associa tion of Geographers, and to all other interested parties, the results of its findings on every film. 4. It is suggested that school systems and educa tional film libraries confirm the content value and accu racy of films about other nations, with the assistance of content experts, before recommending such films for use in the classroom. 5. It is recommended that all films be periodically reviewed for obsolescence. Areas Needing Further Investigation 1. There is need for the development of criteria that will effectively serve to evaluate the social, politi cal, and economic institutions of other nations to meet the needs of American education. 2. Refinement is needed in testing tools. There is need for a more objective form of measurement than the subjective judgment that was used in rating the criteria on the film evaluation form. 404 3. Continued investigation is needed to identify the elements of film technique that influence the favorable or unfavorable interpretation of another nation. 4. The factor of internal consistency by a judge when rating a film whose content contains elements of dis sonance should be investigated as it relates to bias, pro jection of knowledge, and the effects of persistently dis paraging commentary. Limitations of the Study 1. The films used did not include all of the films relating to China. The films included were those most com monly stocked by twelve of the larger film distributors at the time of the study, and the number of films selected for a sampling was arbitrarily limited to forty. Other films distributed by other libraries, or made solely for broad casting over television, may present interpretations of China differing from those of the films used in this study. 2. Some of the content criteria of the film evalu ation form did not apply to the content presented in many of the films, hence the historical, descriptive, and statis tical findings may not depict all the variables relating to the interpretation of China in American educational films. 405 3. Cinematic variables other than those selected for criterion use in the film evaluation form may have been an influence in the interpretation of China in the films, and because of the lack of evaluation criteria have gone unrecorded. 4. All the evaluations were subjective. Some of the ratings on criteria such as Pictorial Interpretation, Sound Effects, and Music, therefore, may not be accurate. 5. There may have been omissions and inaccuracies in the presentation of Chinese institutions that the writer was unqualified to detect. a p p e n d i c e s 406 APPENDIX A FILM SOURCES 407 APPENDIX A FILM SOURCES The list of films about China produced between 1936 and 1964 was collated from the following sources: 1. The complete release files of McGraw Hill- Young America Films, Encyclopedia Britannica Films, Coronet Films, and United World Films. 2. The catalogues and resource files of the main educational film libraries at New York, Chica go, and Los Angeles. 3. The catalogues of the following university educational film libraries: a. Boston University b. Florida State University c. University of Illinois d. Indiana University e. Los Angeles County Library f. University of Michigan g. University of Minnesota 408 Mountain-Plains Regional Film Association Pennsylvania State University Southern Illinois University Syracuse University University of Texas University of Wisconsin APPENDIX B FILM JUDGES 410 APPENDIX B FILM JUDGES The Doctorate Level V. E. Adams, Ph.D. Knight Biggerstaff, Ph.D. Nicolas C. Bodman, Ph.D. Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. W. H. Boyd, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Robert Frodsham, Ph.D. Rita M. Hansen, Ed.D. Douglas Haring, Ph.D. Harold Herber, Ph.D. H. P. Kilburn, Ed.D. Ruth E. Maguire, Ph.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D. Eugene Oxhandler, Ed.D. Harold Shadick, Ph.D. Dean, Emeritus of the Univer sity of Nevada China Asian Linguistics Chinese Anthropology History Audio-Visual Education China Curriculum Anthropology Education Psychology Sociology Audio-Visual Education Audio-Visual Education China 411 412 Gerald Shepard, Ed.D. D. G. Schubert, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Marion Wagstaff, Ed.D. Frank Watson, Ph.D. M. W. Young, Ph.D. Secondary Education Speech Education Educational Filins Sociology Secondary Education Speech Chinese Art Ann Bowles Jane Bowles Janice Herber Barbara Swann T. E Swann Alice Tozier Alexina Tyo Burton Weekes Timothy Wilson Professional Specialists China China Teacher, Elementary Education Teacher, Japanese Teacher, Japanese Teacher, Secondary Education Teacher, Elementary Education Director, Educational Film Library Film Producer Sean Brady David Fineman Graduate Students China History Margaret Gibbons Prank Holober G. E. Johnson William Parish Lindsey Raber K. Sinclair Vicki Weinstein Anthropology China Sociology Sociology China China China APPENDIX C FILMS AND FILM EVALUATION COMMITTEES 414 APPENDIX C FILMS AND FILM EVALUATION COMMITTEES Achievement in Honcr Kong, 1960. International Film Bureau, 15 minutes, color. Knight Biggerstaff, Ph.D. Nicolas C. Bodman, Ph.D Robert Frodsham, Ph.D. Harold Shadick, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D Martie W. Young, Ph.D. The Brainwashing of John Haves, 1955. Post Films, 27 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ph.D. Timothy Wilson Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Bridge to Yinshi, 1947. United Service to China, Inc., 14 minutes, color. Anne Bowles Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D John Tyo, Ph.D. Timothy Wilson 416 Children of China, 1940. Encyclopedia Britannica Films, 11 minutes, black and white. Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. Rita M. Hanson, Ed.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D. Delwyn G. Schubert, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ph.D. China Crisis, 1946. Office of War Information, 38 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. China, 1946. (March of Time), McGraw-Hill, 18 minutes, black and white. Knight Biggerstaff, Ph.D. Robert Frodsham, Ph.D. Rita M. Hanson, Ed.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D Harold Shadick, Ph.D. Gerald Shepard, Ed.D. M. Wagstaff, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D M. W. Young, Ph.D. China; The Land and the People. 1955. Instructional Films, 13 minutes, black and white. Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. China; The Land and the People (continued) Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. China Under Communism (revised), 1962. Encyclopedia Brit annica Films, 22 minutes, color. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Rita M. Hanson, Ed.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D. Delwyn Schubert, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. 1949. Gateway Productions, Inc., 11 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Margaret Gibbons Harold Herbert, Ph.D. Janice Herbert Barbara Swann T . E. Swann John Tyo, Ed.D. Communist China, 1963. McGraw-Hill, 24 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Harold Herber, ph.D Barbara Swann T. E. Swann Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. 418 Contrasts in China, circa 1936-1937. Modern Talking Pic tures Association, 10 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John H. Tyo, Ed.D. Timothy Wilson Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. The Fall of China, 1961. McGraw-Hill, 30 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Harold Herber, Ph.D Janice Herber Barbara Swann T. E. Swann Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Barbara Wagstaff, Ed.D. Family of Free China, 1961. Bailey Film Service, 22 min utes, color. Gordon T. Bowles, ph.D Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Eugene Oxhandler, Ed.D. Barbara Swann T. E Swann John Tyo, Ed.D. Burton Weekes Farming in South China; The Si River Valley, 1949. United World Films, 20 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D Rita M. Hanson, Ed.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D. 419 Farming in South China; The Si River Valiev (continued) Delwyn G. Schubert, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Formoa, 1952. United States Department of the Army, 14 minutes, black and white. J. E. Adams, Ph.D. W. Harland Boyd, Ph.D. H. Parley Kilburn, Ed.D. Ruth E. Maguire, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Formosa; Blueprint for a Free China. 1954. McGraw-Hill, 25 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Formosa; Island of Promise, 1951. Museum of Modern Art, 18 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Timothy Wilson Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. The Good Earth. 1937. Teaching Films Custodians, 39 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D 420 The Good Earth (continued) Douglas Haring, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Here Is China, circa 1943, (dated by narrative reference to Japanese invaders and World War II), Office of War Information, 25 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D Timothy Wilson Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Hong Kong: Crossroads of the Orient. 1962. Carl Dudley Picture, 17 minute^ color. Anne Bowie s Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Inside Tibet, circa 1942-1943. Bailey Film Service, 20 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Timothy Wilson 421 Journey to Kunming. 1949. Gateway Productions, 30 minutes, black and white. Gordon Bowles, Ph.D Jane Bowles Margaret w. Gibbons Harold Herber, Ph.D. Janice Herber Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Land of Genghis Khan. 1939. Teaching Film Custodians, 15 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Harold Herber, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Timothy Wilson Mao Tse Tuner, 1963. McGraw-Hill, 26 minutes, black and white. Knight Biggerstaff, Ph.D. Nicolas C. Bodman, Ph.D. Sean Brady David Fineman Robert Frodsham, Ph.D. Frank Holober Harold Shadick, Ph.D. K. Sinclair Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Vicki Weinstein M. W. Young, Ph.D. 422 Marco Polo's Travels, 1941. Encyclopedia Britannica Films, 19 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Timothy Wilson Mv Name is Han. Broadcasting and Film Commission, 27 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Timothy Wilson Face of Red China, 1959. McGraw-Hill, 54 minutes, black and white. Knight Biggerstaff, Ph.D. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. W. Harland Boyd, Ph.D. Sean Brady Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. David Fineman Robert Frodsham, Ph.D. Frank Holober G. E Johnson H. Parley Kilburn, Ed.D. William Parish Lindsey Raber Harold Shadick, Ph.D. K. Sinclair Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D . Frank Watson, Ph.D. Face of Red China (continued) Vicki Weinstein M. W. Young, Ph.D. The Fall of China, 1961. McGraw-Hill, 26 minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Harold Herber, Ph.D. Janice Herber Barbara Swann T. E. Swann Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Marian Wagstaff, Ed.D. An Oriental City: Canton. China, 1949. United World Films, 20 minutes, black and white. J. E. Adams, Ph.D. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles W. Harland Boyd, Ph.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Frank Watson, Ph.D. Peiping Family, 1949. McGraw-Hill, 21 minutes, black and white. J. E. Adams, Ph.D. W. Harland Boyd, Ph.D. H. Parley Kilburn, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Frank Watson, Ph.D. 424 Peking— Marco Polo's Wonder, 1947. Athena Films, color. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Timothy Wilson People of Western China. 1940. Encyclopedia Britannica Films, 11 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Margaret Gibbons Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Red China, 1962. McGraw-Hill, 54 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Douglas Haring, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Timothy Wilson Sampan Family, 1949. McGraw-Hill, 16 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Singapore: Study of a World Port. 1936. United World Films, 11 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Taiwan: Face of Free China, 1961. 26 minutes, color. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Understanding the Chinese, circa 1949. World Affairs Center, 10 minutes, color. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Rita M. Hanson, Ed.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D. Delwyn G. Schubert, Ph.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Voice of China, 1944. Chinese Ministry of Education, minutes, black and white. Anne Bowles Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. Timothy Wilson 426 The Water People of Hong Kong. 1957. United World Films, 10 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Jane Bowles Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. War In China; 1932-1945. CBS Films, 26 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Donald P. Ely, Ed.D. Alice Tozier Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D. Richard Videbeck, Ph.D. What Is China?, 1949. Teaching Film Custodians, 23 minutes, black and white. Gordon T. Bowles, Ph.D. Rita M. Hanson, Ed.D. Leslie Nelson, Ph.D. Gerald Q. Shepard, Ed.D. Roy B. Tozier, Ph.D. Alexina Tyo John Tyo, Ed.D . Marian Wagstaff, Ed.D. Frank Watson, Ph.D. APPENDIX D FREQUENCY DISTRIBUTIONS AND MEAN RATINGS 427 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 4 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5* Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 8 9 7T 1 X 8 Fig. 1. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Good Earth. R = .97 The numbers placed on the criteria graph linesrepresent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 428 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 1 A 1 1 1 4 3 1 4 A 2 1 1 5 A 3 A 8 £ 1 7 5 A 1 1 6 1 2 A 2 1 2 5 A 3 <J 00 1 4 A 3 A 8 8 Fig- 2. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Contrasts in China. R = . 73 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A - Mean for each criterion. 429 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 II A 3 4 3 L 2 2 ........... 1 2 A 1 3 A 7 A 3 4 1 A 2 2 1 1 4 A 2 1 A 5 1 1 1 A 1 2 3 A 7 2 1 A 2 1 1 A 1 1 5 8 Fig. 3. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Name is Han. R = . 94 The numbers placed on the criteria graph linesrepresent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 430 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 5 A 1 l l l J 2 6 1 A 1 4 1 1 A 7 A 1 6 1 3 A 1 1 1 A 7 2 2 A1 1 1 1 A6 A 7 2 £ 1 1 2 13 1 8 Fig. 4. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Land of Genghis Khan. R = . 74 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 ] 1 1 A 1 1 5 2 1 A 2 4 2 2 A 3 2 1 A 9 A 8 A 4 2 2 A 8 1 1 3 A 1 1 1 4 A 3 1 A 8 7 1 1 A 5 1 1 8 Fig. 5. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film People of Western China. R = .93 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 432 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 6 8 A' 6 5 1 s---- 1 1 4 8 Fig. 6. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Children of China. R = . 87 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 433 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 ! ! I 1 2 1 1 1 1 4 2 1 A .4 2 1 3 A 2 1 2 A 8 A 8 2 A 3 1 2 5 7 \ 3 1 2 1 3 1 £ 1 7 A 8 1 A 3 3 1 3 A ....................... 2 2 1 8 Fig. 7. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Marco Polo1 s Travels. R = . 78 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 434 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 ] 5 A 1 1 1 1 A 2 1 7 3 3 1 I \ 1 A 7 1 A 3 2 1 L 1 2 1 ^ 2 2 6 * 1 A 7 2 A 2 3 A 7 8 Fig. 8. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Here is China. R = . 95 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 435 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 ! 1 5 1 1 1 1 A 2 5 A 2 i 4 2 A 7 i 6 1 1 A 2 4 6 1 3 2 2 $ A 7 i 4 & i i i A 2 2 2 8 Fig. 9* Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Inside Tibet. R = .72 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 436 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group 1 1 1 1 1 I 3 A ( 3 ! 1 2. Individual freedom 1 2 A 2 i . 3. Sound effects 3 A 1 i 1 4. Universal suffrage 5 A 1 5. Security from intrusion 4 A 1 i 6. Pictorial interpretation 1 A 3 i 1 7. Freedom of speech 5 A 1 8. Accuracy of the information 1 1 A 1 3 9. Property rights 1 2 A 2 i 10. Trial by due process of law 5 A . L__ 11. Music 1 2 A 2 i 12. Religious freedom 5 A 1 i 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 Fig. 10. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Voice of China. R = .73 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A - Mean for each criterion. 437 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 1 lA 1 1 2 5 3 . A 2 8 1 A 5 4 A 4 6 . . . A 3 7 A 2 6 2 A 2 7 1 1 1 1 1A 2 4 1 A 1 5 3 2 A 5 2 1 1 1 A 2 4 2 A 1 3 6 8 Fig. 11. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film China. r = , 43 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 438 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 2 w >“ u > - 6 A 1 1 A 1 3 2 2 A 8 £ 1 7 A 2 2 2 ? , A fi 1 A . 1 1 3 2 £ 1 5 1 1 A 1 1 fi A 2 1 2 2 1 A 8 8 Fig. 12. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film china Crisis. R - .92 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 439 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom I 8 £--- 2 2 7T 1 8 Fig. 13. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Peking— Marco Polo1 s Wonder. R = . 82 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 440 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 8 1 A 3 1 8 Fig. 14. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film peipina Family. R = .95 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 441 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group I 1 1 1 1 1 1 5 1 1 A 3 2. Individual freedom 1 7 3. Sound effects 3 A 4 l 4. Universal suffrage i A . . . 5 5. Security from intrusion 3 A 5 6. Pictorial interpretation A 3 5 7. Freedom of speech 1 A" 5 3 8. Accuracy of the information 1 1 A 1 5 9. Property rights 1 A 7 10. Trial by due process of law 4 A 4 11. Music 2 A 6 12. Religious freedom 1 1 A 4 2 I i 1 2 3 4 1 5 6 1 7 1 1 8 9 \ Fig. 15. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Understanding the Chinese. r = .91 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 442 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 I 1 1 £ » -- D> — A 4 3 1 i A 2 4 1 7 A 1 A 8 A 4 3 1 7 * i i 3 A 2 2 7 A r 1 A 8 i 1 A 2 3 1 A 4 3 1 6 8 Fig. 16. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Bridge to Yinshi. R = .92 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 443 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 1 lA ! 1 1 4 3 A 2 3 2 1 3 A 3 1 1 A 8 6 1 1 A 1 7 4 A 2 1 1 3 A 1 4 2 A 2 4 7 A 1 2 A 3 2 1 A " ' 2 5 1 6 8 Fig. 17. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Oriental City; Canton, China. R = . 85 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 444 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 [ [ 1 1 1 1 1 1 A 3 2 A 4 1 A 2 3 A 5 A 5 A 2 3 A 5 1 A 1 3 A 4 1 A 5 4 A 1 A _ 1 4 8 Fig- 18. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Farming in south China: The si River Valley. R = . 96 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 445 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group ! 1 1 1 ' 1 1 1 1 2 ! A 3 2. Individual freedom 2 A 3 3. Sound effects 1 1 A 3 4. Universal suffrage A 5 5. Security from intrusion 4 A 1 6. Pictorial interpretation 2 A 2 1 7. Freedom of speech A 5 8. Accuracy of the information 2 A 1 2 9. Property rights 4 A 1 10. Trial by due process of law A 5 11. Music 1 1 A 1 2 12. Religious freedom 1 A 3 1 1 i 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 Fig. 19. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Sampan Family. R = . 91 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 446 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group 1 1 ' 1 1 1 1 A 4 1 4 1 1 2. Individual freedom 1 A 5 3 3. Sound effects 2 2 A 2 3 4. Universal suffrage 6 A 3 5. Security from intrusion 5 A 4 6. Pictorial interpretation 1 A 2 6 7. Freedom of speech 1 3 A 4 1 8. Accuracy of the information 1 3 1 A 4 9. Property rights 2 1 A 5 1 10. Trial by due process of law 1 A 7 1 11. Music 1 1 1 A 5 1 12. Religious freedom 3 2 A 1 3 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 5 1 6 I 7 1 8 1 9 Fig. 20. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film What is China? _ R = 83 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A - Mean for each criterion. 447 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 2 J i l l 7 1 A 7 1 A 1 8 A 9 A 9 2 A 6 1 3 A 5 1 2 2 A3 2 2 A 5 2 A 9 A ? A 9 8 Fig. 21. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Chinese Peasant Goes to Market. R - .83 The numbers placed on the criteria graph linesrepresent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 448 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 I 1 l A l 1 1 A 2 4 1 1 A 6 1 1 1 A 5 1 A 8 A 8 1 3 A 2 2 3 A 3 1 1 1 4 A 1 2 5 A 2 1 A 8 7 1 1 A 1 1 2 3 8 Fig. 22. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Journey to Kunming. R = . 84 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 449 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 8 8 Fig. 23. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film China; The Land and the People. R = . 96 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 450 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 I I I 1 A 2 A 5 3 A 1 3 3 1 A 5 2 1 A 7 1 A 2 3 2 1 6 A 2 A 1 2 2 2 1 " A 2 6 A 7 1 & 11 1 3 3 2 4 1 1 8 Fig. 24. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Brainwashing of John Haves. R - .95. The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group I 7 [> i —■ o -- 1 2 1 ' 1 1 1 1 1 2. Individual freedom 10 A 8 1 3. Sound effects 3 A 9 5 2 4. Universal suffrage 3 A 10 4 1 1 5. Security from intrusion 4 5 A 4 6 6. Pictorial interpretation 3 A 11 5 7. r Freedom of speech 9 A 8 2 8. Accuracy of the information 1 1 5 A 10 1 1 9. Property rights 6 A 8 5 10. Trial by due process of law 2 5 A 9 3 11. Music 1 5 A 9 4 12. Religious freedom 3 A 5 7 4 1 1 1 2 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 I 8 1 9 Fig. 25. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Face of Red China. R = . 96 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 452 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 I 6 A 1 1 1 1 1 A 1 1 5 A 1 3 2 1 A 1 6 i A 6 A 1 2 2 2 A 7 1 2 A 1 1 1 1 A 1 fi A 1 fi A 3 3 1 A 7 8 Fig. 26. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film War in China. R = . 87 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 453 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group 1 1 1 1 ' 1 L I 9 1 1 1 1 2. Individual freedom 2 5 A 1 ? 3. Sound effects 7 . A . . . . 4 i 4. Universal suffrage 2 A fi 5. Security from intrusion 2 3 A 5 6. Pictorial interpretation 2 A 6 2 7. Freedom of speech 1 4 A 5 8. Accuracy of the information 3 3 A 4 9. Property rights 5 A 3 2 10. Trial by due process of law 3 A 6 1 11. Music 2 . . ^ 5 3 12. Religious freedom 1 L 9 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 i 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 Fig- 27. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Fall of China. R = . 91 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 454 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 J 1 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 a 1 4 1 , , - 2 1 3 O CM 2 1 A 3 1 1 A 1 3 A 3 1 2 1 2 A 3 A 3 3 A 2 2 1 1 <1 A 1 5 8 Fig. 28. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film China Under Communism. R = .94. The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 455 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 J 6 1 1 1 1 A 5 1 A 5 1 A 4 2 A 4 2 A /3 3 A 1 5 1 1 A 3 1 A 1 5 A "" 6 A 3 3 A 1 5 8 Fig. 29. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Red China. R = . 98 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 456 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 l A 1 3 4 1 5 1 1 1 1 > 1 A 3 4 6 1 A 1 5 4 3 1 1 1 10 2 A 4 2 3 5 a 3 6 2 2 1 A 3 4 3 2 2 A 2 3 2 2 3 1 1 A 2 3 1 8 A 8 1 5 A 2 2 6 4 b 1 13 8 Fig. 30. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Mao Tse Tung. R = . 85 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 457 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 , 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 1 A 3 2 2 1 A 1 3 4 A 8 A 8 2 A 3 3 --- ■ 1 7 A 3 1 1 2 1 A 3 2 3 001 > A 1 1 4 2 A 2 6 8 Fig. 31. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film communist China. R = .90 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 458 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom A 4 8 2 3 T 8 Fig. 32. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Formosa— Island of Promise. R = .85 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 459 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 8 8 Fig. 33. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Formosa. R = . 48 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 460 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group 1 I 1 1 1 2 . 1 5 1 1 2. Individual freedom A 3__ 4 3. Sound effects 1 3 A 3 4. Universal suffrage A 3 4 5. Security from intrusion 4 A 2 1 6. Pictorial interpretation 1 A 3 3 A 7. Freedom of speech 1 A 4 2 8. Accuracy of the information 2 2 A 2 1 9. Property rights 1 A 3 3 10. Trial by due process of law 3 A 1 2 I 11. Music 1 3 A 2 1 12. Religious freedom A 7 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 i 8 1 9 Fig. 34. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Formosa: Blueprint for a Free China. R = .93. The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A - Mean for each criterion. 461 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage i 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 8 2 A 3 A 2 8 Fig. 35. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Taiwan: Face of Free China. R = .84 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 462 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. i Status of the family group 1 1 1 ' 1 1 1 3 1 A 2 1 2 2. Individual freedom 1 A 5 1 3. Sound effects 1 3 A 1 1 1 4. Universal suffrage 6 t s . 1 5. Security from intrusion 1 4 A 1 1 6. Pictorial interpretation 1 1 A 2 2 1 7. Freedom of speech 6 A 1 8. Accuracy of the information 2 1 A 3 1 9. Property rights 2 1 A 3 1 10. Trial by due process of law A 7 11. Music 1 1 A 4 1 12. Relicrious freedom 1 2 A 2 2 i 1 1 2 1 3 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 Fig. 36. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Family of Free China. R = .80 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 463 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 1 1 1 1 i 8 1 i I ! fi A ? 1 A S 1 A 9 A 8 4 A 4 A 8 3 A 3 1 1 7* 1 001 > £ 1 6 1 6 A 2 8 Fig. 37. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Singapore: Study of a World Port. R = . 63 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A - Mean for each criterion. 464 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Status of the family group 1 1 1 i I 1 1 1 A 1 5 A 2 2. Individual freedom 1 1 A 2 3 3. Sound effects 2 2 A 1 2 4. Universal suffrage A 7 5. Security from intrusion 5 A 2 6. Pictorial interpretation 3 A 2 2 7. Freedom of speech A 7 8. Accuracy of the information i 3 A 2 1 9. Property rights 3 A 3 1 10. Trial by due process of law A 7 11. Music 2 A 3 2 12. Religious freedom 4 A 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 5 1 6 1 7 1 1 8 9 Fig- 38. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film The Water People of Hong Kong. R = . 92 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 465 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. 1 Status of the family grcup 1 1 1 T 1 2 i 5 1 1 1 2. Individual freedom 2 A 5 1 3. Sound effects 1 2 A 2 3 4. Universal suffrage 7 1 5. Security from intrusion 3 2A 1 2 6. Pictorial interpretation 3 A 5 7. Freedom of speech 4 1 1 8. Accuracy of the information 1 3 A 2 1 1 9. Property rights 3 A 1 2 2 10. Trial by due process of law 7 A 1 11. Music 1 1 A 1 1 3 1 12. Religious freedom 5 A 2 1 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1 8 1 9 Fig. 39. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Hong Kong; Crossroads of the Orient. R = .95 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 466 Criteria Frequency Distribution and Mean Rating 1. Status of the family group 2. Individual freedom 3. Sound effects 4. Universal suffrage 5. Security from intrusion 6. Pictorial interpretation 7. Freedom of speech 8. Accuracy of the information 9. Property rights 10. Trial by due process of law 11. Music 12. Religious freedom 8 A 2____ 4_ A 2_____ 3 $ 8 Fig. 40. Profile of the frequency distribution and mean ratings given by film evaluation judges to the film Achievement in Hong Kong. R = . 95 The numbers placed on the criteria graph lines represent the number of judges who have indicated a given numerical rating. A = Mean for each criterion. 467 APPENDIX E Z AND t SCORE CHI-SQUARE RATINGS 468 469 APPENDIX E z AND t SCORE CHI-SQUARE RATINGS Nationalist Mainland China M-E{M) 70.38-60.00 10.38 , „ Zm " „ 8.17 " 765 — 765~ = es <7 H757 m Communist Mainland China 41.50-60.00 -18.50 „ . Z = 11 ."23/9. 06 = T 2 4 ----- 14'92 Taiwan China t = M-E (M) s /i/STT 79.13-60.00 19.13 6.1 2 / V5o 6.12/5.48 t = 19.13 1.12 = 17.08 P < .001 470 Treaty Port China t _ M-E (M) _ M-jg = 70.76-60.00 e s t cr s ' V S H 7 • 06/ l ^ ? m 10.76 7.06/5.29 10.76 1.33 = 8.09 P -4 .002 471 CHI-SQUARE RATINGS Nationalist Mainland China and Communist Mainland China Criteria - 0 + x2 p Status of the family unit Pre Post 8 35 29 43 121 5 114.20 P £ .001 2. Individual freedom Pre Post 1 71 43 12 114 0 19 5.14 P ^ .001 3. Sound effects Pre Post 24 67 47 14 87 2 106.32 P < .001 4. Universal suffrage Pre Post 8 42 135 39 15 2 69.40 P <. .001 Security from intrusion Pre Post 9 54 108 29 41 0 105.56 P < .001 Pictorial Pre 10 25 123 119.52 n < .001 interpretation Post 61 7 15 r 7. Freedom of speech Pre Post 5 57 93 26 60 0 130.66 p < .001 Accuracy of the information Pre Post 35 34 40 24 83 25 13.08 p < .001 9. Property rights Pre Post 12 64 68 17 78 2 127.38 p £ .001 Trial by due process of law Pre Post 3 58 134 20 21 5 133.39 p < .OOi 11. Music Pre Post 20 62 45 14 93 7 97.90 p ^ .001 12. Religious freedom Pre Post 1 33 52 45 105 5 108.72 p < .001 Significant values of x2 for 2 df 2 X .001 .01 .05 13.82 9.21 5.99 Taiwan Criteria - 0 + X2 P Status of the family unit 0 1 30 56.21 P < .001 2. Individual freedom 0 0 31 62.02 P < .001 3. Sound effects 3 13 15 8.00 P < -05 4. Universal suffrage 0 6 25 32.98 P < .001 5. Security from intrusion 1 15 15 12.65 P < .01 6. Pictorial interpretation 0 5 26 36.85 P < .001 7. Freedom of speech 0 7 24 29.49 P < .001 Accuracy of the information 6 8 17 5.83 non. sig 9. Property rights 0 2 29 50.79 P < .001 Trial by due process of law 0 9 22 23.68 P < .001 11. Music 2 11 18 12.44 P ^ .01 12. Religious freedom 0 18 13 16.71 P < .001 2 Significant values of X for 2 df 473 Treaty Port China Criteria - 0 + x2 P Status of the family unit 0 8 21 23.23 P ^ .001 2. Individual freedom 0 7 22 26.13 P ^ .001 3. Sound effects 1 12 16 27.63 P ^ .001 4. Universal suffrage 0 28 1 52.18 P ^ .001 5. Security from intrusion 0 22 7 26.13 P < .001 6. Pictorial interpretation 0 4 25 37.29 P < -001 7. Freedom of speech 0 21 8 23.23 P < .001 Accuracy of the information 2 10 17 11.65 P < .01 9. Property rights 0 13 16 14.96 P < -001 Trial by due process of law 1 28 0 52.18 P < .001 11. Music 2 10 17 11.65 P < .01 12. Religious freedom 0 21 8 23.23 P £ .001 Significant values of X2 for 2 df x! P.001 13.82 P.0l 9.21 P. 05 5.99 APPENDIX F FILM EVALUATION FORM 474 475 FILM EVALUATION FORM Evaluator's Name ____________________ Specialty ______________ Film Title __________________________ Release Date ___________ Have you seen this film before? Yes _____ No _____ Directions; The number "5" represents a neutral position. Each step to the left of 5 is increasingly dis sonant; each step to the right of 5 is increasingly conso nant. Circle a number in each criterion that best indi cates your rating. PLEASE READ EACH CRITERION BEFORE VIEW ING THE FILM. STATUS OF THE FAMILY UNIT 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 hostility toward neutral or no reverence toward the family unit presentation of the family unit family life INDIVIDUAL FREEDOM 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 personal no reference to complete individual regimentation individual freedom freedom SOUND EFFECTS J I I I I I I I l_ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 harsh— grating normal background gentle— soothing noises UNIVERSAL SUFFRAGE 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 restricted or non- no reference to unrestricted adult selective franchise, franchise citizen's franchise^ or public vote with secret ballot 476 SECURITY FROM INTRUSION unprotected by law no reference made from intrusion to security from intrusion 7 8 9 protected by law from intrusion PICTORIAL INTERPRETATION ugly, unpleasant scenes 4 5 6 no undue emphasis 7 8 9 pleasing, har monious scenes FREEDOM OF SPEECH repression or dis approved opinion no reference to freedom of speech 7 8 9 complete freedom of speech ACCURACY OF THE INFORMATION inaccurate, untrue or misconstrued fairly accurate (acceptable) 8 9 authentic and undistorted PROPERTY RIGHTS J L confiscation with out compensation no reference to property rights 7 8 9 laissez faire, or confiscation by due process of law with compensation 477 TRIAL BY DUE PROCESS OF LAW trial without due process of law MUSIC no reference made to legal processes 7 8 9 trial with due process of law dissonant, martial simple-unaffected disturbing RELIGIOUS FREEDOM 7 8 9 harmonic, pastoral soothing J I L 1 2 3 enforced atheism OPEN CRITERION no reference to religion 7 8 9 freedom of worship unfavorable 8 9 favorable Indicate unexpected qualifying factor below: B I B L I O G R A P H Y 478 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Allen, W. H. "Audio-Visual Communication," Encyclopedia of Educational Research. 3d ed. New York: Macmillan Co., 1960. Pp. 115-137. The American Assembly. The United States and the Far East. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1962. Barnett, A. Doak. China on the Eve of Communist Takeover. New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963. _________. Communist China and Asia. New York: Random House, 1960. _________. Communist China in Perspective. New York: Frederick A. praeger, 1962. Barr, David. "The Military Picture, 1945-1949," United States Relations with China. Washington: Department of State, released August, 1949. Berelson, Bernard. Content Analysis in Communication Re search . Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1952. _________. Reader in Public Opinion and Communication. Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1953. Berelson, B., and Lazarsfeld, P. F. The Analysis of Com munication Content. New York: Bureau of Applied Re search, Columbia University, 1962. Berio, D. K. The Process of Communication. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc., 1960. 479 480 Bodde, Derk. China's Cultural Tradition. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc., 1965. Bryson, Lyman. Communication of Ideas. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1948. Campbell, Angus. Measuring Public Attitudes. Ann Arbor: Survey Research Center, University of Michigan, 1951. Carpenter, C. R., et al. Instructional Film Reports, Vol. I. Port Washington, N.Y.: U. S. Naval Training Devices Center, January, 1954. Technical Report SDC 269-7-36 (NAVEXOS P-1220). Available from Department of Commerce, Office of Technical Services, Washington. _________. Instructional Film Research Reports, Vol. II. Port Washington, N.Y.: U. S. Naval Training Devices Center, June, 1956. Technical Report NTDC Report 269- 7-61 (NAVEXOS P-1543). Available from Department of Commerce, Office of Technical Services, Washington. Central People's Government. Marriage Law of the People1s Republic of China. Peking: The Government, May 1, 1960. Chan, Wing-tsit. Religious Trends in Modern China. New York: Columbia University press, 1953. Creel, Herlee G. Chinese Thought: From Confucius to Mao Tse Tung. New York: The New American Library, 1960. Dale, Edgar. Audio-Visual Methods in Teaching. New York: Dryden Press, 1954. _________. The Content Analysis of Motion Pictures. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1935. _________, and Williams, H. A "Mass Media," Encyclopedia of Educational Research. New York: The Macmillan Co., 1960. Pp. 791-796. Donovan, Robert J. Eisenhower: the Inside Story. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956. 481 Educational Policies Commission. Mass Communication and Education. Washington: National Education Association and the American Association of School Administrators, 1958. Fairbank, John King. The United States and China. New York: The Viking Press, Inc., 1962. Festinger, Leon. A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. New York: Harper and Row, 1957. _, and Katz, D. Research Methods in Behavioral Sciences. New York: Dryden Press, 1953. Feuerwerker, Albert. Modern China. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1964. Fremantle, Anne (ed.). Mao Tse-tung: An Anthology of His Writings. New York: The New American Library, 1962. Gibson, James J., et al. Motion Picture Testing and Re search. Aviation Psychological Report, No. 7. Wash ington: Psychological Testing Unit USAF, 1947. Goodrich, L. Carrington. A Short History of the Chinese People. New York: Harper and Row, 1963. Greene, Felix. China. New York: Ballatine Books, 1963. Guilford, J. P. Fundamental Statistics in Psychology and Education. 4th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965. _. Psychometric Methods. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1954. Handel, Leo A. Hollywood Looks At Its Audience. Urbana: University of Illinois press, 1950. Hayes, William L. Statistics for Psychologists. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1963. Henry, Nelson B. (ed.). Mass Media and Education. Fifty- third Yearbook of the National Society for the Study of Education, Part II. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1954. 482 Ho, Ping-Ti. The Ladder of Success in Imperial China. New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1964. Ho ban, Charles F., Jr. Some Aspects of Learning from Films. Incidental Report No. 2, Instructional Film Research Program. University Park: Pennsylvania State College, 1949. __________, and Van Ormer, E. B. Instructional Film Research, 1918-1950. Technical Report SDC 269-7-19. Port Wash ington, N.Y.: Special Devices Center, Office of Naval Research, 1950. Hovland, Carl Iver, and Hovland, Janis. Personality and persuasibility, II. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959. Hovland, C. I., et al. Communication and Persuasion— Psychological Studies of Opinion Change. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953. __________. Experiments on Mass Communication. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1949. __________. The Order of Presentation in Persuasion. New Haven: Institute of Human Relations, Yale University Press, 1957. Hu, Chang-tu. China. New Haven: HRAF Press, 1960. Innis, Harold Adams. The Bias of Communication. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1951. Jaspen, Nathan. Effects o£ Training on Experimental Film Variables. Study I. Verbalization, Rate of Develop ment, Nomenclature, Errors, "How-It-Works," Repeti tion. Technical Report SDC 269-7-17, Instructional Film Research Program. University Park: Pennsylvania State College, 1950. 483 Jaspen, Nathan. Effects on Training of Experimental Film Variables, Study II. Verbalization, "How-It-Works," Nomenclature, Audience Participation, and Succinct Treatment. Technical Report SDC 269-7-11, Instruc tional Film Research Program. University Park: Pennsy lvania State College, 1950. Kracauer, Siegfried. Theory of Film. New York: Oxford University press, 1960. Kumata, Hideya. An Inventory of Instructional Television Research. Ann Arbor, Michigan: Educational Television and Radio Center, 1956. (Out of print.) Updated ver sion to be published shortly as a special supplement to the Audio-Visual Communication Review. May, Mark, and Lumsdaine, Arthur A. Learning From Films. New Haven: Yale University press, 1958. Michael, Donald N. Some Factors Influencing the Effects of Audience Participation on Learning from a Factual Film. HRRL Memo Report No. 13A. Revised. Washington: USAF Human Resources Research Laboratories, 1951. Pool, Ithiel de Sola (ed.). Trends in Content Analysis. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1959. Reischauer, Edwin 0., and Fairbank, John K. East Asia: The Great Tradition. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co. Saye, Albert B., Pound, Merritt B., and Allums, John F. Principles of American Government. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1954. The School Administrator and His Audio-Visual program. Department of Audio-Visual Instruction. Washington: National Education Association, 1954. Schramm, Wilbur (ed.). Mass Communications. 2d ed. Ur bana: University of Illinois Press, 1960. ________ . The Process and Effects of Mass Communication. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1954. 484 Shih, Hu. The Chinese Renaissance. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934. Snow, Edgar. The Other Side of the River. New York* Random House, 1961. Spottiswoode, Raymond. A Grammar of the Film. London: Faber & Faber, Ltd., 1935. Vincent, W. S., Ash, P., and Greenhill, L. P. Relationship of Length and Fact Frequency to Effectiveness of In structional Motion Pictures. Technical Report SDC 269-7-7, Instructional Film Research Program. Univer sity park: Pennsylvania State College, 1949. Wilson, H. W. Educational Film Guide. New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1953. Winer, B. J. Statistical Principles in Experimental Design. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1962. Yang, C. K. The Chinese Communist Society: The Family and the Village, Vol. I. Cambridge: The Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 1965. _________. "The Chinese Family in the Communist Revolu tion, " The Chinese Communist Society: The Family and the Village, Vol. II. Cambridge: Massachusetts Insti tute of Technology Press, 1965. Periodicals Acheson, Dean. "Crisis in Asia— An Examination of U. S. Policy," Department of State Bulletin, XXII, No. 551 (January 23, 1950), Publication 3729. _________. "Letter of Transmittal," United States Relations with China, Department of State Publication, released August, 1949. Bowles, Chester. "The 'China Problem' Reconsidered," Foreign Affairs. XXXVIII, No. 3 (April, 1960). 485 Chapin, Emerson. "Rusk Says China is a Key to Peace," (Tokyo, January 28), New York Times, January 29, 1964. "The China Problem," Intercom, Foreign Policy Association, VII, No. 1 (january-February, 1965). Clough, Ralph N. "United States-China Policy," The Annals. CCCXXI (January, 1959). Clubb, 0. Edmund. "Sino-American Relations and the Future of Formosa," Political Science Quarterly, LXXX, No. 1 (March, 1965). _________. "The International Position of Communist China," The Hammarskjold Forums, Working Paper, CXXV, No. 2 (December 2, 1963). _________. "The Second World Revolution," The progressive (June, 1965). Dean, Arthur. "United States Foreign Policy and Formosa," Foreign Affairs. XXXIII, No. 3 (April, 1955). Dulles, John Foster. "Policy for the Far East," address, San Francisco, California, December 4, 1958, Depart" ment of State Bulletin. XXXIX, No. 101'' (December 22, 1958), 989-992. Finn, James D. "The Testing of PR A-V Materials," Quarter ly Review of Public Relations, Vol. I, No. 5 (October, 1956). Fiske, Marjorie and Handel, Leo. "Content and Audience Analysis," Journal of Marketing (October, 1946). Guss, Carolyn. "How Universities Evaluate and Select Films," Educational Screen, XXXII, No. 6 (Spring, 1953), 246. Johnson, L. B. "Address to AP on Nuclear Cuts and U. S. Foreign Policy," New York Times, April 21, 1964. Jones, Dorothy B. "Quantitative Analysis of Motion Picture Content," Public Opinion Quarterly. VI (1942), 411-428. 486 Kennan, George F. "Dealing with Communist China," Current (January, 1965). Levonian, Edward. "Development of an Audience Tailored Film," Audio-Visual Communication Review, VIII, No. 1 (1960). Likert, Rensis. "A Neglected Factor in Communications," Audio-Visual Communication Review. II, No. 3. Middleton, Drew. "Two Chinas Policy Rejected by France," New York Times, January 30, 1964. Minter, Philip c., Albert, Fritz, A., and Powers, Richard D. "Does Presentation Method Influence Film Learning?" Audio-Visual Communication Review. IX (1961), 145-200. Osgood, G. E., et al. "The Principle of Congruity and the Prediction of Attitude Change," Psychological Review, LXII (1955), 42-45. Piao, Lin. "Long Live the Victory of People’s War!" Peking Review, September, 1965. Rusk, Dean. "Chinese-American Friendship," Address, New York, May 18, 1951, Bulletin, Department of State, XXIV, No. 621 (May 28, 1951), 846-848. _________. "Policy Toward Reds," New York Times, February 26, 1964. Snow, Edgar. "Is Peace Still Possible?" New Republic (May 22, 1965). Wright, Quincy. "The Chinese Recognition Problem," American Journal of International Law. XLIX (1955). Yen, C. K. "Two-Chinas Fantasy Firmly Refuted," as told to U. S. Correspondent, Seymour Topping, New York Times. January 22, 1964. 487 Unpublished Material Sherman, Mendel. "The Feasibility of Using Television for Evaluating Instructional Motion Pictures." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Telecommunication, University of Southern California, 1955. Other Sources Mutual Defense Treaty Between the United States of America and the Republic of China, December 2, 10, 1954. This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 6 7 — 5 2 9 3 M ADSEN, Roy P a u l, 1 9 2 8 - A C R ITIC A L IN T E R PR E T A T IO N O F CHINA IN AM ERICAN ED U C A TIO N A L FILM S, 1936-1963: A H ISTORICAL AND ST A T IST IC A L ANALYSIS. U n iv e r sity of Southern C a lifo r n ia , P h .D ., 1966 E d u cation , h is to r y University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan

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Asset Metadata

Creator Madsen, Roy Paul, 1928- (author)

Core Title A critical interpretation of China in American educational films, 1936-1963: a historical and statistical analysis

School Graduate School

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Communication

Degree Conferral Date 1966-09

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag education, history of,OAI-PMH Harvest

Format dissertations (aat)

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Kantor, Bernard R. (committee chair), Belle, Rene F. (committee member), Finn, James D. (committee member), Swearingen, Rodger (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-116143

Unique identifier UC11360286

Identifier 6705299.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-116143 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6705299.pdf

Dmrecord 116143

Document Type Dissertation

Format dissertations (aat)

Rights Madsen, Roy Paul

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA