University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

The Relationship Between Community Political Systems And Defense Contracting

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The Relationship Between Community Political Systems And Defense Contracting

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Content This dissertation has been
microfilmed exactly as received 6 7— 421
PRESENT, Phillip Edward, 1938-
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COMMUNITY
POLITICAL SYSTEMS AND DEFENSE CONTRACTING.
University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1966
Political Science, general
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
PHILLIP EDWARD PRESENT 1967
All Rights Reserved
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COMMUNITY POLITICAL
SYSTEMS AND DEFENSE CONTRACTING
by
Phillip Edward Present
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Political Science)
August 1966
UNIVERSITY O F SO U TH ERN CALIFORNIA
TH E GRADUATE SCH O O L
UNIVERSITY PARK
LO S A N G ELES, CA LIFO RN IA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, written by
Piiillip Edward Present
under the direction of hXs....Dissertation Com
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by the Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
D O C T O R OF P H I L O S O P H Y
Dean
Date August. 1966.
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
'Chairman
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN COMMUNITY
POLITICAL SYSTEMS AND
DEEENSE CONTRACTING
PREFACE ■
The interest in this research grew from two semi
nars in two apparently unrelated areas. The first was a
seminar in Public Administration in the Spring of 1963.
One section of the reading in this seminar dealt with the
general area of the relationship between science and gov
ernment with particular reference to the political and
social consequences of government contracting.
The second seminar was in Political Behavior in
the Spring of 1965* Part of this seminar was devoted to
an examination of community power studies and community
politics with particular attention to research methodol
ogy. The interest stimulated by these two seminars led
the author to decide to do a dissertation in this area.
The question remained as to what aspect of community poli
tics warranted study and would generate fruitful results.
Discussions were held with members of the Depart
ment and one suggestion was to investigate the relation
ship between economics and politics in the community con
iii
iv
text. This idea provided the opening to attempt to incor
porate the earlier interest in government contracting with
the current desire to investigate community politics.
In many ways the interdisciplinary background for
this topic is significant as the research touches upon
areas other than political science. Materials have been
drawn and discussions have been held in such disciplines
as business administration, economics, public administra
tion and sociology. This dissertation has shown the
writer the importance of being aware of developments in
other disciplines, and the advantage of being able to use
these fields for data and tools with which to investigate
problems considered to be more in the area of political
science. In a general sense, therefore, this dissertation
represents such an approach to a particular community
problem.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
PREFACE ............................. ... . .. . . iii
LIST OF FIGURES..................................... vii
Chapter
I. THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM AND THE STUDY . . 1
The Statement of the Problem....... 1
The Significance of the Study ...... 4
The Theoretical Framework for the
Study ................. 12
Definitions of Terms Used in the
Study............................... 22
Hypotheses Used in the S t u d y ....... 25
The Methodology of the Study ...... 27
II. A SURVEY OF THE LITERATURE..... 36
General Community Studies ............... 38
Literature on Methodology ......... 42
Studies Relating Politics and
Economics........................... 48
Studies in Community Change . . .. .. . ' 51
Issues and Community Studies ...... 53
Summary ........................ 54-
III. THE HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL SETTING OF THE
STUDY.................................. 56
Belhaven Valley ............... 57
Centerville ..... .... 75
Elmwood.......... ................... .. 80
Summary ............. 87
IV. ELMWOOD AND CENTERVILLE: THEIR ECONOMIC
AND POLITICAL REACTION TO DEFENSE
CONTRACTING........................... 95
The Entrance of the United States into
the Korean Conflict................ 96
The Shift from Bombers to Missiles . . . 100
v
Vi
Chapter Page
A Contract Cancellation in 1962 ........... 108
Recent United States Involvement in
Vietnam............................... 110
Summary and Conclusions ................. Ill
V. LEADERSHIP STRUCTURES AND THE DEFENSE
CONTRACTING ENVIRONMENT .................. 117
Identification of tne Leaders ...... 118
Characteristics of the Leadership
Structures ..... .................. 126
The Community Leadership Structures over
T i m e .................................130
The Defense Environment and Leadership
Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138
Summary of the Findings................14-1
VI. INTEREST GROUP POLITICS AND DEFENSE
CONTRACTING.............................14*5
The BVDA: Its Organization and Leaders . 146
The BVDA: Its Strategies and Tactics
in the Political Process........... • 164
The BVDA: An Evaluation............. 174
Summary and Conclusions ................... 177
VII. THE DISTRIBUTION OF LEADERS IN BELHAVEN
VALLEY ...............................180
VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS..................194
APPENDIX..........................................214
BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................ 222
LIST OB' FI GUILES
Figure Page
1. Analytical Political Model . ............. , . 14
2. Population Growth, of Belhaven Valley
Communities Compared to Larger
Political Units, 1950-1965 ........... . . . 62
5. Employment "by Industries...................... 70
4. New Residential Dwelling Units as
Authorized by Building Permits,
Centerville, Elmwood, and Belhaven
Valley, 1950-1963 98
5. Employment: Air Force Facility........... • 101
6. Employment: DeLong Air Force Base............. 103
7. Number of Years in Residence for Com
munity Leaders ............................ 129
8. BVDA Board of Directors Geographical
Distribution 150
9. BVDA Board of Directors Occupational
Background .................................151
10. Extent of Leadership Participation in
Community and Valley Projects ............. 188
11. Leaders and Their Memberships..................189
CHAPTER I
THE NATURE OP THE PROBLEM AND THE STUDY
A. The Statement of the Problem
For the past two decades, there has been an ever-
increasing emphasis on military and space production.
Host Americans have tended to relate this only to national
or international issues. For example, there is concern by
many that continued and unrestrained spending for military
and space programs may delay or impair the solutions of
domestic problems. These people would prefer to have a
share of the money appropriated for this production di
verted to projects designed to alleviate social and eco
nomic conditions within the United States. Other indi
viduals believe these military and space expenditures may
have an adverse effect upon the arms race or upon our
balance of payments.
There is still a third group of people who regard
the military and space policies with misgivings. Their
concern is the impact that military and space contracting
activities have on local communities in the United States.
They recognize that the manner in which defense contract
ing is implemented may alter the lives of individuals
living in certain communities* Indeed, the communities
themselves may undergo considerable change as a result of
government contracting activities* (These changes are
often sudden and jarring and the communities which have
experienced this phenomenon have now become aware that
government contracting is of great significance to them*
(The purpose of this dissertation, therefore, is
to examine the relationship between two community politi
cal systems1 and government defense contracting* Cali
fornia, especially the Southern part of the State, pro
vides many opportunities to study communities which are
involved with defense contracting* Two such neighboring
communities have been selected for this dissertation.
These are Elmwood and Centerville, located within the
2
Southern California area known as Belhaven Valley*
Both communities are economically dependent either
directly or indirectly upon companies and industries doing
defense contract work for the national government in the
military and aerospace fields. The magnitude of this
"Community political systems” and "community" are
used interchangeably, although the former conveys a more
precise description, while the latter is more general in
meaning and boundaries. For a fuller definition of these
and other terms, see Section D of this Chapter*
2
The names used for the communities and Valley are
fictitious, although their general location is accurate*
This has been done to provide maximum anonymity to the
individuals mentioned in the study*
3
dependence varies from 40 per cent to 80 per cent* Of
the two communities, Elmwood is more dependent upon
defense contracting than is Centerville* In addition,
there are other significant differences between the two
/
communities which will be elaborated in subsequent Chap
ters* Both communities, however, face one common issue:
extensive reliance upon defense contracting activity for
employment and income.
The manner in which Elmwood and Centerville have
reacted and related to defense contracting since 1950 is
the principal focus of the investigation. The specific
differences and similarities between the two communities
provide sufficient data for meaningful comparisons of the
relationship between two community political systems and
defense contracting*
Emphasis in this dissertation will be placed upon
the following three major areas of investigation:
1* The political and economic reaction of the
two communities to defense contracting.
2* The nature of the leadership structures of
these two communities, particularly as the structures per
tain to the defense contracting situation.
5* The political dynamics of the community lead
ership structure as that structure relates to defense con
tracting issues* Specifically, what are the modes of
operation and the strategies employed by the community
leaders as they attempt to achieve certain defined goals?
While a large portion of the presentation will be
concerned with recent events and developments, actual
examination of the subject begins before 1950 when no
defense contracting existed in Belhaven Valley. As a
result of the Korean conflict which began in June, 1950,
military contracting activity was hurriedly begun near
Elmwood and Centerville, This eventually led to the
economic, political and social conditions considered in
this study.
Section E of this Chapter presents further elab
oration of the above three areas of investigation. It
contains the hypotheses around which the research for
this study was organized. Some general justification of
this dissertation, however, should be made before dis
cussing these specific points.
B. The Significance of the Study
This study has both theoretical and practical
values.
1. Theoretical Values
a) There is a theoretical value in the attempt
to relate the concept of community to the single variable,
government defense contracting. This study is believed to
be the first endeavor to relate politics and economics by
this variable on the community level. Certain basic
questions arise which need to be investigated: what is
the relationship between economics and politics in a
defense contract-oriented community? In what ways do
local government policies influence the growth, change or
decline of contracting activities? Conversely, how do
these local defense contracting activities influence the
growth, change or decline of the community political sys
tem itself?
Any defense contract will involve the national
government at some point. Because the quantity of con
tracting has reached such proportions, there is now a
closer interrelationship between local communities and
the national government than ever before. Whether this
has been desired by one, both, or none of the levels of
government, the fact remains that federal-state-local
government relationships no longer exist as they once did
because of changing economic, social and technological
conditions. Similarly, the relationships between politics
and economics, and politics and business are becoming more
fused and interrelated within the governmental process*
b) The second theoretical value is similar to
the first. It is the attempt to relate the concept of
community leadership structure to defense contracting. In
comparison to other community power structure studies of
the past decade, this dissertation appears again to he
first to consider the relationship and interaction of
these two phenomena. Other studies, of course, have dis
cussed community leaders in relation to specific issues
such as schools, taxes and urban renewal* Defense con
tracting, however, is sufficiently important and complex
that it should not be grouped with these more common com
munity problems. As the hypotheses suggest in Section F,
contracting activity may create the necessity for the for
mation of a separate and formal group of individuals in
the community to handle this and related issues. Because
of the many levels of government concerned with defense
contracting, and the prevalent assumption of the politi
cally sensitive nature of these awards, it may be neces
sary for community leaders to treat this issue with more
tact and caution than is required for other community
problems. For these reasons, it is important to study
the community leaders who deal with defense contracting.
c) The third theoretically significant problem
raised in this dissertation concerns disarmament and the
peace-war issue as they relate to communities. These in
effect link foreign policy and the international political
system directly to community political systems. The
amount of military spending is a direct reflection of the
state of our foreign relations. When there is a major
shift in American foreign policy or military strategy,
there probably will be corresponding changes in defense
spending and contractual obligations with private indus
try. Similarly, to the extent there is a shift in defense
contracting, this will result in consequences for those
communities most dependent upon that type of economic
activity. Political scientists have paid little attention
to crisis analysis in this area. Important questions to
be answered include: what are the economic, political and
social consequences for communities when a change in
defense spending occurs? What would happen to community
political leaders if peace suddenly occurred and defense
contracting became unnecessary?^ In short, what community
reactions can be expected?
Because of the international situation today, it
is unlikely that any major movement toward full or even
partial disarmament will occur. Yet, there are various
communities which have gone through or are going through
what could be the equivalent of a disarmament policy.
Production facilities have been reduced or closed as our
military needs change or methods of manufacturing become
obsolete. While newspapers and magazines report some of
the economic and social disequilibrium which has subse-
^Yasumasa Kuroda, "Correlates of the Attitudes
Toward Peace," Background* VIII, No. 3 (November, 1964),
8
quently resulted in communities, there has been little
systematic study of the impact of defense contracting
upon the political structures of communities*
d) The final theoretical value stems from the
use of two theoretical frameworks in which the data can he
ordered and various relationships observed. A systems
analysis and a developmental model have been selected
because it is felt they represent best the types of activ
ities and processes under investigation* Section C of
this Chapter will elaborate in greater detail the purposes
and advantages of these models. At this point it should
be noted that the developmental model has been associated
more with studies of under-developed areas than with
American community research*
2. Practical Values
This dissertation also has certain practical
values, but before discussing these, some mention should
be made about the background of defense contracting in the
United States* Prior to World War II, the national gov
ernment produced practically all Army ordnance items and
many of those for the Navy through the government's own
arsenals* Aircraft were the most important items not
specifically manufactured by the government's facilities*
By 1958, however, government-owned production plants
p* 214*
accounted for less than 10 per cent of all such facilities
in the United States devoted to manufacturing weapon-sys-
lL
terns* In short, the bulk of military construction had
shifted from government to private hands through the
technique of contracting*
The government decided it was more economical and
politically astute to "contract out" to large firms whose
facilities were already tooled for highly technical re
quirements* A greater flexibility and variety were pos
sible tinder this system than if the government remained
the sole manufacturer* As a result, the government became
dependent upon private business for defense needs, and
business became even more dependent upon the government
for continued sales and employment* For instance, Bepub-
lic Aviation Corporation, McDonnell Aircraft, and Grumman
Aircraft sell less than 10 per cent of their production to
customers other than the government and its prime contrac-
tors* The extent to which the contracting relationship
between business and government is successful, therefore,
determines in great measure the condition and nature of
^Merton Peck and Fred Scherer, The Weapons Accui-
sition Process, (Bostons Harvard University Press, 1962),
.ppT$W&.
■'Sumner Marcus, "Studies of the Defense Contract
ing Process," Law & Contemporary Problems* XXIX, JTo. 1
(Winter 1964), p. l£* *
our economy*
a) The first practical implication of this
study is that defense contracting has "both national and
local consequences* Communities across the nation have
received benefits and setbacks as a result of having
defense contractors within their area* The recent deci
sion to close military installations in selected areas,
and the subsequent Congressional protests, suggest the
extent to which communities have become economically
6
accustomed if not dependent upon defense activities*
Even though some of the communities are suffering economic
hardships while adjustments are being made in replacing
these installations, still the quest for defense contracts
continues by other communities* The unfortunate lesson
of the past— that all good contracts can come to an end—
may perhaps temper some communities, but from the evidence
it appears communities are willing to undergo political,
economic and social changes as a result of obtaining or in
order to obtain defense contracts*
b) A second practical value of the study
relates directly to the two communities under investiga
tion* Statements of a general nature have been made about
communities and their dependence on defense contracting*
^Los Angeles Times* November 13* 1965, p« 4,
11
Of greater interest, however, are the specific reactions
of Elmwood and Centerville to the problems posed by this
relationship between defense contracting and the commun
ity. A few statistics will show the importance of defense
contracting to these two communities. About 40 per cent
of all employed residents of the Los Angeles County por
tion of Belhaven Valley are on defense payrolls, while an
additional 40 per cent are in non-basic activities sup
ported by defense activities. Aircraft assembly alone
accounts for close to 30 per cent of the employment in
this area. Even more important is the fact that this
employment has been cyclical with high rates of both
employment and unemployment. The attempt, therefore, by
these two communities to maintain economic stability is
of practical significance.
c) The third practical value is to indicate
something about the manner in which various community
groups concerned with defense contracting operate within
the political process. Data will be presented which will
indicate how these groups affect and sure affected by their
economic and technical environment. The role that such
formal and informal organizations play in relation to
defense contracting appears to be unanswered in the lit
erature.
This dissertation, therefore, has a practical
12
value from two standpoints* First, it can be used to
indicate what has happened in two defense-oriented com
munities. Secondly, an awareness of what Elmwood and
Centerville have done to meet specific contracting prob
lems may also suggest solutions to other communities fac
ing, or about to face, similar situations.
C. The Theoretical Framework for the Study
Two theoretical models were used in this study:
a systems analysis and a developmental model. While
neither necessarily conveys a static political situation,
the former model tends to represent more the idea of a
place in time while the latter model more easily denotes
a progression of events or development along a chronolog
ical continuum. Within a " system” there may be a great
deal of motion and political activity, yet the observer,
when employing this conceptual framework, is less likely
to be aware of the movement of the entire system toward
someplace than he is of the action of the interdependent
parts. On the other hand, the developmental model enables
the researcher to observe the growth and direction of
movement of a political unit— a community in this case—
because less attention needs to be devoted to the unit's
component parts.^
7
fHypothesis Four of this study specifically illus
trates the utility of the developmental model in analyzing
community political systems.
13
Q
The systems model suggests to the researcher that
the phenomenon under study is delimited by boundaries, and
that within these limits the component elements of the
system are organized, interacting, interdependent and
integrated with each other* The basic assumption of the
systems model is that there will always be a tendency
toward equilibrium and stability within any system, and
instability is an abnormal condition which must be cor
rected* Also assumed in this closed network of relation
ships— the system— are "actors" who are the participants
in whatever processes are going on, as well as political,
economic and social structures and functions* These
latter Include maintenance functions, resources consumed,
defenses, transactions, inputs and outputs* All of these
are essential in enabling the system to remain stable*
Every one of these characteristics is theoreti
cally present in Figure 1 which shows the network of rela
tionships among the five major compenent parts in the ana
lytical model*^
These five major elements are the communities; the
Q
The term "system" used here has a very broad
meaning* It implies a social system in which are found
various sub-systems including the political and economic*
See Section D for a more precise definition of "political
system*"
q
■'This model has been adapted from theoretical sug
gestions made by David Easton in The Political System: An
Inquiry into the State of Political Science* (New fork:
Alfred A* Knopf, 1953) and other of his writings•
FIGURE 1
ANALYTICAL POLITICAL MODEL
Socio-Technical Environment (15 Variables)
IMPUTS
Elmwood
Congressional
Representatives
Demands Public
Policy BVDA
Centerville
Contractors
H
15
Belhaven Valley Development Association referred to here
after as the BVDA; the national government (including mil
itary and civilian agencief); the industrial defense con
tractors; and legislative representatives on three levels
of government. Each of these component elements is in
effect a system by itself and could be studied separately.
Each has goals, networks of relationships and conflict
resolution procedures. These parts placed together, how
ever, form a larger and more complex network which is the
total conceptual system under observation.
Surrounding the entire system is the socio-techni-
cal environment which is composed of fifteen environmental
variables. (The assumption behind these environmental fac
tors is that they have a direct impact upon the communi
ties and their political structures. Four variables in
particular were used in this study to analyze and compare
Elmwood and Centerville: size of the population; the age
of the community; the type of economic base; and the ex
tent the community is dependent upon defense contracts.^
10The remaining eleven environmental variables in
clude: 5) size of labor force; 6) proportion of labor
force employed; ?) growth-pattem of the community; 8) in
come of citizens; 9) type of local government structure;
10) political orientation of community; 11) the number of
voluntary groups active in community issues; 12) the num
ber of local groups with representation in Vashington, D.
C.: 13) the role of political parties in the communities;
14) the role of labor unions in the communities; 15) the
degree of political and governmental subordination to
economic institutions in the communities.
16
The figure shows more relationships and processes
than actually will he covered in this dissertation* It
is helpful, however, to he aware of the total system, for
this makes the study of the smaller parts more meaningful,
and it also suggests lines along which further research
might he made.
Perhaps hrief note should he taken of the three
principal components of the system: the communities, the
national government and the defense contractors. Their
functions suggest the complexity and interrelatedness of
the two communities to the other parts of the analytical
model.
The community, as a hasic political unit, has
certain functions to fulfill, the most important of which
are supplying hasic needs and providing a livable environ
ment in which men may raise their families. As society
becomes more complex and interdependent, the demands upon
community leaders increase, and subsequently, leadership
functions are required to change as well.11
Some of these variables have been drawn from other
sources: Eugene 0. Erickson (Washington State Univer
sity), Duane W. Hill (Colorado State University), Robert
G. Holloway (University of Chicago), and Yasumasa Kuroda
(University of Southern California), "The Relation of a
Defense Environment to the Social and Political Structures
of Communities," an unpublished research design, 1963*
See also, William Porm and Delbert Miller, Industry. Labor
and Community. (New York: Harper and Bros., i960), p. $04.
11
This change in leadership functions was identified
in the two communities studied and appears to be charac-
1 -7
The national government (primarily the Executive
branch) as the second part of the system has at least
two distinct and sometimes irreconcilable clienteles with
which it must deal on defense contracting issues. First,
the government must fulfill the requirements set forth by
Congress or Executive agencies for the letting of defense
contracts. On the other hand, the government must also
try to meet local community demands relating to contract
ing.
The third partner— the defense contractors— also
has mixed loyalties. The companies must show a profit
and satisfy their stock-holders. Of equal importance,
however, is their obligation to the government to meet
contract requirements. Finally, there is also a direct
communication link between contractors and the communities
on matters of manpower training, zoning, taxes and other
essential factors. Just as the community often needs the
industry, so the industry also needs the community.
It is helpful in analyzing the above relationships
to think of the system as having inputs and outputs. The
inputs are the demands and expectations made upon each of
the component elements. The degree to which these inputs
are met will be one indicator of the amount of stability
teristic in defense-oriented communities.
18
present in the system, The outputs will be the results
from each part, either in terms of public policy or mate
rial production. In cyclical fashion, the outputs influ
ence new inputs which then produce further outputs.
The second theoretical framework— the develop
mental model— was used to order data concerning the
growth, change or decline of the two communities over a
period of time. As noted earlier, this conceptual tool
has been associated more often with research on non-
Western nations with little application so far to American
12
political community studies, A more detailed discussion
therefore, will be given of this developmental model.
One suggestion for employing developmental models
for research outside under-developed areas was made by
1=5
Robert Chin, ^ He discusses the advantages of adopting a
developmental model and the ways in which it might be
used.
First, what precisely is a developmental model?
12
A notable political study of communities over a
period of time is found in the book by Robert Agger,
Daniel Goldrich and Bert Swanson, The Rulers and the
Ruled. Political Power and Impotence in American CommiiTi-.
ities. (Hew York: John Wiley & Sons. 19(54V. See also
5oEert Dahl, Who Governs? Democracy and Power in an
American City (Hew #aven; Yale University Press. 1961).
■^Robert Chin, "The Utility of System Models and
Development Models for Practitioners," in The Planning of
Change, eds., Warren G.Bennis, Kenneth D. Berne and
ttoberb Chin, (Hew York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962),
pp. 201-214.
19
As Chin states:
By developmental models, we mean those bodies
of thought that center around growth and direc
tional change* Developmental models assume
change; they assume that there are noticeable
differences between states of a system at differ
ent times; that the succession of these states
implies the system is heading somewhere; arid
that there are orderly processes which explain
how the system gets fppm its present state to
wherever it is going*
He further adds:
The direction may be defined by (a) some
goal or end state (developed, mature); (b) the
process of becoming (developing, maturing); or
(c) the degree of achievement toward some goal
or end state fincreased development, increase
in maturity) *15
16
As a political unit develops, different stages
can be identified and differentiated over a period of
time* Various labels may be used to describe these dif
ferences, such as levels, states, phases or periods *^
Chin continues in his essay to elaborate on four
forms of progression which the developmental model
18
assumes* These are also useful in studying the develop-
^Ibid. * p. 208.
1^Ibid.. p, 209.
^^For specific application of the discussion to
this study, the term "community" should be substituted
for "unit."
^Chin, loc. cit.
18Ibid.. p. 210.
20
ment of communities* The first form assumes that once a
j stage is attained, the (political) unit will show a con
tinued progression and normally will never turn hack* If
the unit does regress, this is considered abnormal*
The second form assumes that change, growth and
development occur in a spiral pattern* For example, a
community might return to a previous problem, but in doing
so the situation is now handled on a higher level where
"irrational components are less dominant" than before.^9
The third assumption is that stages are actually
phases which occur and then recur* While a political unit
may not return or regress as suggested in the first form,
nevertheless each stage is composed of repeating phases
such as decision-making processes* These occur on any
level of development*
The final form of progression assumes "a branching
out into differentiated forms and processes, each part
increasing in its specialization, and at the same time
20
acquiring its own autonomy and significance*" This idea
is similar to the term "epigenesis" used by Amitai Etzioni
and which will be discussed in the next Chapter*
Forces, such as the environmental variables, are
19Ibid.
2QIbid.
21
recognized by researchers using this model as influencing
the growth, change or decline of a political unit. This
|type of a cause and effect relationship is also similar
: to the inputs and outputs of the systems analysis. Both
models, therefore, have a common assumption: all systems
strive for internal equilibrium, but outside influences
have a direct impact on those internal mechanisms which
create stability and balance.
In summary, what are the advantages of using the
developmental model? It enables the researcher to have a
set of expectations about the future of the political unit
he is studying, in this case a community. There is
greater probability of a "directional focus" for his frame
of reference because certain research questions will arise
and these can be anticipated. Some of these include:
what forms of progression are evident? What forces are
causing the development of the unit? What is the next
stage that can be anticipated? While few outcomes in the
social sciences can be predicted with 100 per cent assur
ance, this type of analysis enables more intelligent spec
ulation about future developments, especially when com
parisons are made between similar phenomena using com
parable categories and data. The utility of this model
for studying communities over a period of time should
prove helpful as more research along these lines is com-
pleted*
The foregoing Section has outlined two theoretical
models which were used for ordering and classifying the
data collected for this study* These models assisted in
answering the three questions posed at the beginning of
the Chapter* More specific guidelines, however, in the
form of hypotheses were also employed and these will be
covered in Section E.
D. Definitions of Terms Used in the Study
Community: "A group living in some locality or region
under the same culture and having some common geographical
focus for their major activities. The distinctive charac
teristic of the community is that a constellation of
institutional organizations has grown up around a particu-
21
lar center of specialized function*" In this study,
"community” refers specifically to a sub-county group of
residents within legal or commonly agreed upon boundaries.
Community Political System: Generally synonymous with the
broader term "community#" Community political system con
veys the idea of patterned and structured relationships
within prescribed boundaries, known as the community*
These relationships are specifically concerned with the
21
Form and Miller, oj). cit.. p. 681*
23
governmental decision-making processes for the entire com
munity. (See Political System, below).
Contract: In this dissertation "contract" unless other
wise designated refers to a government defense contract.
A contract is a procurement method whereby the government
is able to obtain a desired product. Defense contracting
is related to military and space projects concerned with
protecting national security. There are various kinds of
contracts such as fixed price, cost-plus-fixed fee, and
incentive contracts. The specific forms, however, are not;
particularly relevant to this study.
Community Issue; Any question or problem involving com
munity political action.
Economic Base? "The way in which the community makes its
living."22
Government: "A problem-solving group for members of a
political system through which a monopoly of physical vio
lence is maintained over individuals and groups within a
society and through which effective policies are selected
and effective decisions made for a society."2^
22
Edward E. Smith, A Guide to Economic Base Stud
ies for Local Qomnrii.ties. (Boston: Bureau of Business and
Economic Research, Northeastern Univ., 1955), p« 4-.
23
■'Duane Hill and Tasumasa Kuroda, "Political Vocab
ulary," an unpublished manuscript, University of Southern
24-
Influence : "One person has influence over another within
a given scope to the extern; that tne first, without
resorting to either a tacit or an overt threat of severe
deprivations, causes the second to change his course of
action,
Political Leaders: Those persons "exercising the most
25
power within a political system," ^
Political Power: "The direct participation by a person
or group in the selection of policies that determine the
26
scope of government,"
Political System: In the broadest sense it is a particu
lar set of relationships and patterns of behavior con
nected with those actions related to problem-solving and
authoritative decisions for a community, state or other
social organization. The function of a political system
is "to transform the inputs into effective decisions or
27
actions on the output side," ' The political system
California, 1963.
^Peter Bachrach and Morton Baratz, "Decisions
and Nondecisions: An Analytical Framework," American Po-
litical Science Review, LVII, No. 3 (September, 1963)",
T r w r . -------------------
^Hill and Kuroda, loc. cit.
2foIbid.
2<^William C. Mitchell, The American Polity, A
Social and Cultural Interpretation, (New York: The Free
Press, 1962), po7«
25
includes generally more relationships than are found in
just a "government," The political system is only one
'system of at least three others of the whole social sys
tem, According to this scheme, the economic system is
concerned primarily with adapting the social system to the
environment through the use, production, and distribution
OQ
of resources,
E. Hypotheses Used in this Study
The following nine hypotheses were the basis of
the research in this dissertation:
1, The greater the dependence of a community on
government defense contracting, the greater the probabil
ity that a specific group for the community will be formed
to cope with this dependency.
2, The greater the dependence of a geographic area
on defense contracting, the greater the probability that a
specific group for the area will be formed to cope with
this dependency.
5, The greater the dependence of an area on defense
contracting, the greater the probability that an inter-
28Ibid.. p. 5*
2%ome of these have been slightly modified from
previous suggestions by other writers, especially Form and
Hiller, qe. Si£»» PP* 535-536, where a number of hypothe
ses are listed.
26
community group will replace local community groups in im
portance for issues concerning defense contracting.
4. The greater the number of economic changes an
area experiences, the greater the probability there will
be corresponding political changes as a result of those
economic changes.^
5. The more rapid the impact of defense contracting
upon the community, the more rapid a change in the overall
leadership structure of the community.
6. The greater the dependence of a community on
defense contracting, the greater the probability the com
munity and its leaders will be in agreement on community
policies relating to defense contracting.
7. The greater the dependence of a community on
defense contracting, the more cohesive the community's
leadership will be.
8. The greater the dependence of a community on
defense contracting, the greater the probability the com
munity's leaders for contracting issues will decide these
issues through informal charm els in addition to formal
community meetings.
^Hypotheses Four and Five are drawn with varia
tion from Ernest A.T. Barth, "Community Influence Systems:
Structure and Change," Social Forces. XL, No. 1 (October,
1961), pp. 58-63.
^Erickson et al., op,, cit., p. 12.
27
9. The greater the dependence of a community on
defense contracting, the greater the probability the com
munity's leaders for contracting issues will confer with
administrative and executive agencies instead of legis
lative representatives,
F* The Methodology of the Study
Depending on the type of information desired, cer
tain specific methodological tools can be employed* In
many ways the selection of the research procedures can
influence the quantity and analysis of the empirical find
ings. The researcher, therefore, must know either specif
ically what he wants to investigate, or else he must be
aware of the type of data certain methodological proce
dures tend to produce. If these built-in biases are not
anticipated and recognized, the investigator can easily
draw the wrong conclusions about his findingsEven
though the methodology of data collection may be the
single most important contribution in the entire research
project, this usually will not be evident until the analy
sis of that data has been completed* Methodological pro
cedures are important, therefore, only to the extent that
they are useful in obtaining desired information or pro-
^John Walton, "Substance and Artifact: The Cur
rent Status of Research on Community Power Structure,"
American Journal of Sociology, LXXI, No* 4- (January, 1966),
ppo 430-4^8. Further elaboration about advantages and dis
advantages of various methodologies will be made in the
28
Tiding insights into the subject of study.
The community study method is a universal re
search tool for certain purposes which provides comparable
categories for study from the most primitive human group
ing to the most advanced. Practically all communities
perform the same basic functions and contain the same in
stitutional arrangements. The degree of complexity and
the formal names of these structures will differ, but
there are universal characteristics observable in all
communities. These provide the bases for comparison at
all levels of societal organization.
Various academic disciplines approach the study of
communities from differing perspectives. For example, the
economist may view the community "as a center of produc
tion, trade and distribution whose basic units are eco
nomic organizations." The community might be perceived
further as a "super firm, based upon relations between
importers and exporters, contractors and subcontrac
tors."^
Political scientists, on the other hand, tend to
approach the community as an autonomous governmental unit
next Chapter.
^Scott Greer, The Emerging City. Myth and Reality
(Glencoe: The Free Press, 1962), p. Greer is refer-
ring specifically to cities in this quotation. The inter
changeability of community and city, however, is appro
priate in this context.
29
legally empowered with specific duties and functions*
The community possesses a ’ ’legal personality" and acts as
an arbiter among competing interests within the commun-
., 34
Both of the views are accurate, but only as far
as they go in their description* The community fulfills
other functions besides the political and economic* These
two approaches are pointed out because the research of
this dissertation was concerned with the relationship of
politics to economics in a defense-oriented community* To
begin to synthesize the findings and observations of
people working and studying in politics and economics, it
is essential to have an idea of their orientation and per
spective of the community and its component parts*
With these introductory comments on the role and
appropriateness of methodology and community studies,
attention can now be directed specifically to the proce
dures used in this dissertation*
Over a period of five months, interviews and other
field research were conducted in Elmwood, Centerville, and
other parts of Belhaven Valley* This investigation was to
answer four principal questions by doing the following:
(1) provide historical and contemporary data on the two
communities and the Valley; (2) identify community and
^Ibid. * p. 6
30
Valley leaders in general, and those leaders connected
with defense contracting issues in particular; (3) iden
tify important community issues and their leaders other
than tnose in the defense contracting area; and ( - 4 - ) iden
tify the modes of operation in tne political process by
tnese defense leaders.
The primary data sources for the study were pub
lished materials and interviews with thirty Valley resi
dents. The two local newspapers provided historical facts
and information as well as current news of the community
issues and leaders. Except for short excerpts from two
M.A.- theses, there were no other published historical
accounts of either the communities or the Valley. This
type of data was collected from newspapers or interviews
with residents in the Valley. The two Chambers of Com
merce also had recent economic statistics. The local of
fice of the Department of Employment and the public in
formation office of nearby DeLong Air Force Base were
equally.helpful in supplying information and answering
questions about economic and defense contracting activi
ties.
Obtaining information by interviews, however, was
a more challenging assignment. Discussions with community
residents were held to determine first, who the leaders
were, and second, to find out more about these leaders and
what they did. With some modifications, three methods of
31
leader-identification were used. The reputational and
positional approaches were employed to determine initially
who might he the leaders* Then, the decision-making
approach in specific issues acted as a verification of
these earlier findings*
The lack of time and money made it impossible to
carry out an extensive survey. However, identification
of leaders was accomplished in the following manner*
Eight community informants were selected and questioned
for new information and a substantiation of findings
already acquired* The informants were chosen from those
individuals who had resided in the area during the time
under study, and who would have been in a position to
observe and to know the inner-workings of the contracting
process* As it turned out, only one of the informants
was actually designated later a community leader who was
directly participating in defense activities*^
The eight informants included: (1) the Executive
Director of the BVDA; (2) the Oity Manager of Elmwood;
(3) the Business Manager of the Centerville Chamber of
Commerce; (4) the Business Manager of the Elmwood Chamber
of Commerce; (5) A social science professor from the local
35
-'■'It is not considered methodologically advisable
to have informants who are also leaders, but in this case
it was unavoidable*
32
college; (6) A former Superintendent of the Valley school
district now retired; (7) A hank manager from Elmwood; and
(3) the newspaper editor from Elmwood.
By crosschecking names with these informants,
plus using information obtained from other interviewees,
it was possible to construct lists of leaders for the two
communities and Valley in general and for leaders in con
tracting issues in particular. As mentioned previously
these names were then verified by examing specific defense
issues within the communities and also by studying commun
ity issues not related to contracting.
Once the leaders were identified, personal contact
was made with them for interviews Of the twenty-five
members of the Board of Directors for the BVDA, twelve
were available for interviews.
The number of individuals considered community or
defense contracting leaders was less than fifteen, and
some of these were also Directors of the BVDA. Generally,
the conversations ranged in length from thirty to seventy-
five minutes.
There were some methodological difficulties en
countered in this study. These should be mentioned for
they provide additional information about the communities,
J See the Appendix for the interview schedules.
35
the leaders and the general findings. The first overall
difficulty concerned the identification of the leaders.
Even though it.was not possible to canvass the community
as thoroughly as desired, it was concluded that a system
atic identification of the leaders was accomplished in
the selected issue-areas. What was lacking, however, was
a great deal of quantitative socio-economic-status (S-E-£j)
data about the leaders.
Originally these data were to have been collected
from the questionnaire left with the respondents after
the oral interview. In order to save time, it was
believed that the interviewees could more easily check
the charts and questions about their social background
and then mail the questionnaire to the researcher. Of
the first sixteen schedules left, only eight were re
turned even though additional notes were sent asking that
the respondents fill in the questionnaire. Because the
data were not coming in, it was decided to ask the S-E-S
questions directly to the remaining leaders. Unfortu
nately, most of the leaders had already been contacted,
so there remained only three or four who could be in
terviewed by this method. In brief, the unwillingness
of the leaders to answer this particular questionnaire
left gaps in the profiles of the leadership.
A second difficulty encountered relates to this
first one* Generally persons most active in community
affairs, except the informants, were reluctant to name or
discuss individuals when ashed about community influen—
tials* This was also true about some issues as well*
Even though the respondents were assured of anonymity,
they were not necessarily eager to discuss personalities*
Two reasons for this characteristic can be advanced*
First, the communities have a small population with a
homogeneous social composition* The leadership structures
are also small with close personal relationships among the
members* Practically all of the leaders have formal and
informal contact with one another* Under these condi
tions, it would be natural for an individual to weigh
carefully any comments made about other people*
A second reason for the general reluctance to dis
cuss some issues and people stems from the sensitivity
surrounding defense contracting activity* Some leaders
mentioned that it would be better not to discuss a ques
tion until an expected event had occurred, or that it
would be better for another individual to answer* The
leaders were cautious not to be critical of any person or
group that might be helping, or that could help, the
Valley.
Despite these difficulties, the overall attitude
35
of the respondents was very cooperative Some individ
uals in particular expended a great deal of time and
effort to provide materials and information that were
needed* Aside from a personal attitude of friendliness
among the respondents, there was also an apparent feeling
by them that a very favorable picture of Belhaven should
be shown in order to correct impressions held by most
"outsiders" of the Valley. Therefore, time was taken by
these interviewees to explain why events have occurred
and what has been done to improve conditions. This will
ingness of the residents to cooperate was helpful, but it
was necessary for the researcher to be alert to avoid
getting a one-sided story. Only by cross-checking and
interviewing as many different people as possible, could
valid and reliable conclusions be developed.
xn
•"The author wishes to thank the respondents and
the other residents in Belhaven who so generously con
tributed their time and information in the preparation of
this dissertation.
CHAPTER II
A SURVEY OP THE LITERATURE
The community has been the focus of political
interest since the earliest days of political writing. In
the works of Plato and Aristotle, the concept of community
is discussed at length.1 Even though these theorists held
different ideas about communities, they both considered
communities in a functional sense; that is, a necessary
prerequisite for the achievement of a worthwhile and pro
ductive life •
. Using Plato and Aristotle as a basis, many other
writers have offered descriptive and prescriptive contri
butions about community. Por purposes of this survey,
however, the primary emphasis is on the literature dating
from 1953 when Floyd Hunter*s Community Power Structure;
2
A Study of Decision Makers was published. Before that
time, political science inquiry into communities was not
^Politics of Aristotle, trans. Ernest Barker,
(Oxford; The Clarendon Press, 1948), VII, pp. 4-6; Repub
lic of Plato, trans. Francis Cornford, (New York; Oxford
University Press, 1945)* pp. 41-66.
2
Floyd Hunter, Community Power Structure: A Study
of Decision Makers. (Chapel Hill; University of North
Carolina Press, 1^53).
36
37
appreciably different from that of the other social
sciences, nor was there a great distinction between the
academic and non-academic analysis of the question, Who
governs? in a community* Hunter's book was an attempt to
go beneath the surface and behind the facades of a commun
ity in order to determine the real decision makers. His
methodological technique was systematic and many of the
findings stemming from its use challenged existing ideas
about community leadership.
There are a number of comprehensive surveys of the
literature dealing with community studies;^ therefore,
this Chapter will not attempt to duplicate these efforts.
Rather, a review will be made only of those works most
pertinent to this particular dissertation topic and from
which useful suggestions were found for the study of
Elmwood and Centerville as they related to defense con
tracting, The value of any research publication is that
it either synthesizes previous contributions or that it
suggests new directions for investigation. The survey of
the literature in this Chapter, therefore, is based upon
these two assumptions. For purposes of organization, the
^Charles Press, Main Street Politics, Policy-Mak
ing at the Local Level (East Lansing: Institute for Com
munity development, 1962); and John Walton, "Substance and
Artifact: The Current Status of Research on Community
Power Structure," American Journal of Sociology. LXXI, Ho,
4 (January, 1966), pp. 4^6-436,
38
literature has been grouped into five categories.
A, General Community Studies
In addition to Hunter's booh, another general com
munity study should be mentioned. Robert Dahl's Who Gov-
erns? was a survey of New Haven, Connecticut0 This study
was helpful in two ways. First, its methodological
approach was adopted to some extent in the research of
the communities in Belhaven Valley. Second, the general
format of the book and its orientation to community ques
tions were utilized in this investigation. Often it was
beneficial to re-read portions of Who Governs? to see how
a particular research or community problem was handled.
In short, Dahl's contribution provided general guidelines
for this dissertation.
Two community case studies, dating before Hunter's
Community Power Structure, illustrated in-depth study over
a period of time and the impact that industry can have on
a community* Steeltown. An Industrial Case History of the
Conflict Between Progress and Security^ by Charles Walker
related the story of Ellwood City, Pennsylvania, which was
faced with the transfer of its major industry. Walker
A
Robert Dahl, Who Governs? Democracy and Power in
an American City. (New Havens fale University Press,
1961;.
^Charles Walker, Steeltown. An Industrial Case
History of the Conflict Between Progress and Security.
(New York: Harper & Bros., T^o)•
39
discussed the maimer in which different segments of the
community reacted to the changing industrial situation*
The hook's limitation as it pertained to this disserta
tion was that it did not discuss in any detail the inter- :
nal changes, if any, that occurred within the decision
making groups of Ellwood City.
The second case history was Robert Havighurst's
6
The Social History of a tfar-Boom Community. This traced
the events in Seneca, Illinois, during the World War II
period. At that time, Seneca was hurriedly converted from;
a quiet village environment to a major ship-building town..
This community survey also detailed the reactions of the
social and economic segments of Seneca, but failed to give
much attention to the relationship that the changing econ
omy had to the political decision-making process.
One book which was helpful in relating the
defense-contracting environment to the political and
social structures of the communities was Organ!zational
Change— The Effect of Successful Leadership by Robert
Guest.'7 This was a study of change over a period of time
in complex; organizations. The significant application of
^Robert Havighurst and H. Gerthon Morgan, The
Social History of A War-Boom Community. (New York:
Longmans, Green & Co., 19^1).
^Robert Guest, Organizational Change— The Effect
of Successful Leadership. (Homewood.Illinois; The Dorsey
Press, 1962;.
40
the hook to this dissertation rested with its concept of
the "socio-technical" system* This term was originally-
used by G-uest in his discussion of organizations, but was
adopted in this dissertation because its basic assumption
was considered valid in the community context* For exam
ple, Guest writes:
On his part, the social scientist often makes the
error of concentrating on human motivation and
group behavior without fully accounting for the
technical environment which circumscribes, even
determines, the roles which the actors play*
Motivation, group structure, interaction proces
ses, authority— none of these abstractions of «
behavior takes place in a technological vacuum*
Later on, he adds:
The degree of success or lack of success [in
leadership] depends on management's skills in
anticipating the reciprocal effect of technology
and organization.9
By substituting "community1 1 for "organization,"
one focuses on a key research area in this dissertation:
the interrelationship between technology and community
leadership*
Another variable which affects communities is
economic production based upon geographic location*
Douglass North in an article "re-examines location theory
and the theory of regional economic growth in the light
8Ibid.. p. 4.
9Ibid., p. 135.
41
of the historical development of regions in America. • •
One part of this discussion was relevant to the study of
Elmwood and Centerville. North suggested that the "suc
cess of the export hase has been the determining factor
in the rate of growth in regions." In addition,
the export base influences the level of income,
the character of subsidiary industry, the dis
tribution of population and pattern of urbani
zation, the character of the labor force, the
social political attitudes of the region, and
its sensitivity to fluctuations of income and
employment•"H
These statments suggested two ideas. First, for
the communities of Elmwood and Centerville, the results of
defense contracting could be viewed as "export" products
in the same way other communities regard agriculture or
automobiles. Second, this article tended to support the
assumption of this study that there is a correlation
between political and economic structures in a community,
and that defense contracting affects and is affected by
these structures.
A final book which dealt in part with communities
was helpful in the formulation of this dissertation.
■^Douglass C. North, "Location Theory and Regional
Economic Growth," Journal of Political Economy. LXIII,
No. 3 (June, 1955)7"p' ^ " #3.
1XIbid.. p. 254.
42
12
American Business and Public Policy contained a section
of eight case studies illustrating the manner in which
communities interacted within the political process*
Specifically, the eight communities were concerned with
reciprocal trade legislation from 1953-1962. Through
these case studies, the reader saw the direct influence
that government policy had on the communities, and in
turn, how communities attempted to influence national
policy* The analysis of this relationship was handled
through a communications model, and the data presented
provided some guidelines for looking at the network of
inter-relationships between Elmwood and Centerville and
their legislative representatives.
The next important area in which a review of the
literature was valuable was methodology. Because this
dissertation was involved with the identification of com
munity leaders, it was important to select a means that
would produce such findings with a degree of validity*
Some of the published works most useful in this task are
discussed in the following section.
B. Literature on Methodology
An extensive dialogue has been carried on within
12
Raymond Bauer, Ithiel De Sola Pool and Lewis
Dexter, American Business and Public Policy: The Politics
of Foreign Trade {New fork; Atherton Press. 1963 ^.
43
the scholarly publications concerning methodology and its
application to community studies* These comments have
been mostly in the form of a defense or criticism of the
recognized approaches: positional, reputational and deci
sion-making* To fully discuss the particular publica
tions would go beyond the scope of this Chapter. Instead,
attention will be drawn to those works which provided
clues or warnings about the advantages and disadvantages
of various methodological techniques. By being aware of
these, the investigator was able to interpret his data
more accurately in this dissertation.
The three common leadership identification ap
proaches can be briefly summarized as follows. The posi
tional approach was the method used most widely in deter
mining the governing leadership of communities before 1955
and the publication of Hunter's Community Power Struc-
ture.*^ The basic assumption of this approach is that
those persons holding key positions of authority— the
important offices— actually make the key decisions. Its
advantage is the ease in identifying community leaders.
There usually is little research difficulty in determining
the important office-holders; therefore, this method
^Charles M. Bonjean, and David M. Olson, "Commun
ity Leadership: Directions of Research," Administrative
Science Quarterly. IX, Ho. 3 (December, 1964), p. 279*
44
quickly produces the desired data* A major limitation of
this method is that there may not always be a correlation .
between the office-holders and those wielding the most
influence* This approach does not account for covert
power relationships because its focus of attention is on
!those people located in prominent offices or positions*
Even though these individuals are a useful reference point
for investigation, Hunter in his book showed that a more
precise survey was necessary to fully understand community
leadership structures*
The reputational approach employed by Hunter seri
ously challenged the assumptions of the positional method*
In this method the researcher asks community informants to
name individuals considered influential even though they
may not occupy official positions or public offices* from
these nominations, a list of names is compiled and other
community residents are asked to rank these in their order
of importance* The reputational approach has utility
because it goes beyond office-holders of the community and
seeks to identify the influentials even though they have
no official positions.
The reputational approach also has its limita
tions* First, it does not measure leadership per se, but
14
only reputation for leadership* Secondly, it does not
14Ibid* * p. 284
45
measure power acts, but rather opinions on who has power
or who is perceived to have power as opposed to those in
dividuals who actually possess power*^
A third criticism is that the reputational method
16
assumes a static distribution of power* "Changes in the
nature and distribution of the sources of power are as
sumed to occur very slowly, so that the only strategy for
a group engaged in political action is to persuade the
real elite to go along with it*"'*'7 Other studies using
different methodological techniques have shown that a
shifting distribution of power is not uncommon, and that
some groups create "new" power by effectively manipulating
political resources*
A final criticism of the reputational approach is
that it "enables the researcher to find a monolithic power
18
structure when in fact one doesn't exist*" This
■^William D'Antonio and Eugene C. Erickson, "The
Reputational Technique As A Measure of Community Power:
An Evaluation Based on Comparative and Longitudinal Stud
ies." American Sociological Review. XXVII. No. 3 (June.
196$), pp. 3 < 5 2 - J ? S . --------
16
Raymond E* Wolfinger, "Reputation and Reality in
the Study of Community Power," American Sociological
Review. XXV, No. 5 (October, I960), p. &W*
17Ibid*. p. 644*
18
Charles M. Bonjean, "Community Leadership: A
Case Study and Conceptual Refinement." American Journal of
Sociology. LXVIII, No. 6 (May, 1963), p7'5?2.
46
approach, therefore, determines by opinion and reputation
I those leaders thought to be the most influential, although
this may not be an adequate description of the leadership
structureo
The third technique in leader identification is
the decision-making or issue-event analysis approach.
This traces the actions of leaders or key officials in
regard to a specific event with the intent of analyzing
the decision-making procedures* Conversely, an event can
be examined in order to identify those leaders most active
and influential with it* By confining the investigation
to specific issues rather than to general community con
cerns, this method can "penetrate the veil of official
position and overt participation in order to determine, as
far as possible, who really influences decisions*"1^
20
The issue-event approach also has limitations*
In the first place, the investigator may not know whether
the decision reached was done so formally at a particular
meeting or. informally by a small group of men prior to the
meeting. For the researcher to establish rapport with the
group that he is investigating, he must often spend a
great deal of time at meetings* This may not always be
^Dahl, op* cit., p* 332*
20
Bon^ean and Olson, op* cit.* p* 287.
47
possible* Furthermore, the selection of a particular
issue can color the conclusions of the research by limit
ing the area from which to identify leaders. Finally, the
most important issues within a community may be hidden
from public sight by the real power leaders, in which case
the investigator is covering only a superficial community
issue.
One might conclude that since all the above
approaches have limitations it is not feasible to employ
any of them. It is not necessary to draw this extreme
conclusion but simply to realize the limitations of the
three* In general, one can say that different methods of
identifying leaders will locate different types of lead-
21
ers, and different methods of locating leaders may also
produce different types of community leadership struc
tures. A decisional approach might indicate a polymorphic
structure while the positional approach might suggest a
single elite clique.
A combination of methods appears to be a satisfac-
22
tory answer to the dilemma. By combining the best of
21
Linton C* Freeman, Thomas Fararo, Warner
Bloomberg Jr., and Morris H. Sunshine, "Locating Leaders
in Local Communities: A Comparison of Some Alternative
Approaches,” American Sociological Review. XXVIII, No. 5
(October, 1963), p. 798.
22
Robert Presthus, Men at the Top: A Study in
Community Power. (New York: Oxford University Press,
1964).
48
each, the investigator attains not only more accuracy in
identification, but also a built-in check on the findings.I
For this reason, this dissertation did not rely exclusive
ly upon one technique, but attempted to incorporate all
three.
C. Studies Relating Politics and Economics
There were five specific studies that dealt with
the relationships between politics and economics which
were useful in this dissertation. Politics. Economics,
and Welfare2^ by Robert Dahl and Charles Lindblom explored
the prerequisites of rational social action in the polit
ical-economic area. The authors attempted an integration
of politics and economics in a general sense and specifi
cally as these two fields apply to the decision-making
24
process.
Dahl and Lindblom discussed social techniques
which are used for rational social action and made the
following observations
In economic life the possibilities for rational
social action, for planning, for reform*— in short,
for solving problems— depend not upon our choice
among mythical grand alternatives but largely
^Robert Dahl and Charles Lindblom, Politics.
Economic and Welfare. Planning and Politico-kconomic Sys
tems Resolved into Basic Social Process. (Hew Yorks
Harper and Bros*, 1953)•
24Ibid.. p. 18.
49
upon choice among particular social techniques
One new social technique was then pointed out, the
government contract. As a result of contracting, the
major contractors have begun to operate "under a different
structure of cues and incentives" from those companies not
26
doing contract work for the government. The previous
sets of decision-making procedures for these contractors
no longer are applicable because the companies are dealing
in different relationships. These ideas presented by
Dahl and Lindblom were useful, for they indicated possible;
leadership and political transformations that communities,
like contractors, probably undergo as a result of changing
economic relationships.
William Form and Delbert Miller's Industry. Labor
27
and Community 1 discussed the relationship between indus
try and community, especially the manner in which industry
affects a community. The authors employed variables in
their conceptual framework— mentioned in Chapter I— which
accounted for the relationships between industries and
communities.
2gIbid.. p. 6.
26Ibid.. p. 7.
27
rWilliam Form and Delbert Miller, Industry. Labor
and Community. (New York: Harper and Bros., T 96C).
50
In addition to these variables, Form and Miller
presented five kinds of community power systems through,
which to view communities comparatively. These provided
general guidelines to this study by suggesting models of
community leadership structures: (1) Pyramidical struc
ture centering in one person; that is, an autocratic form
found in some company or one-industry towns* (2) Pyra
midical structure centering in an aristocracy where power
is usually hereditary, (5) Stratified pyramidical struc
ture centering in a top group of policy-makers. (4) Ring
or cone structure in which heterogeneity of interests
within the community is characterized and these interests
participate actively, (5) Segmented power pyramids in
which various sectors are separated from each other, yet
28
each has its own pyramid.
Two articles dealing with economic leaders in
communities suggested the relationship of economics to
political decision-making. The first article was by
Robert Schulze.2^ In his study of Cibola, Schulze found
that economic dominants tended to withdraw from community
leadership positions as the community grew and changed.
28Ibid., pp. 538-543.
2^Robert Schulze, The Role of Economic Dominants
in Community Power Structure,1 1 American Sociological
Review, XXIII, No. 1 (February, i9£8,), pp. 3-9•
51
Similarly, Donald Clelland and William Form in their
article discovered that as local "business became inte
grated with national markets, the economic dominants also
tended to play less of a role in community politics.^®
Both of these articles provided data from which compari
sons were made with the experiences of Elmwood and
Centerville as these two communities changed over a period
of time.
D. Studies in Community Change
One area of investigation considered in this dis
sertation was the ability of Elmwood and Centerville to
adjust to their economic conditions as these changed over
a period of time. An important book covered this type of
inquiry. The Rulers and the Ruled^ has as its central
focus the problem of stability and change as functions of
two conflicting tendencies in the political process* The
authors made the following comment:
Types of power structures are inferred from polit
ical decisions that may change over periods of
time; therefore, the types of power structures
also may change over periods of time within
^Donald Clelland and William Form, "Economic Dom
inants and Community Power," American Journal of Sociol
ogy. LXIX, Ho. 5 (March, 1964), pp. 5ll-521.
^Robert E. Agger, Daniel Goldrich and Bert E.
Swanson, The Rulers and the Ruled. Political Power and
Impotence in American Communities (rtew fork: John Wiley &
Sons, 1964).
52
32
communities•
Agger et al. explained conditions which, could cause
change and also circumstances under which a static power
structure might continue to exist, The significance of
The Rulers and the Ruled went beyond the scope of this
dissertation, but the book's material on change was espe
cially useful,
A theoretical model for a functional analysis of
social change was provided by Amitai Etzioni in "The
Epigenesis of Political Communities at the International
Level. Even though the article referred to a different
level of government, many of Etzioni*s assumptions appear
to be valid for local communities. Epigenesis deals with
the changes in units as they acquire functions not pre
viously performed by the unit. On the international
scene, super-national organizations illustrate this proc
ess, These "umbrella" structures may be loosely organized
with only vague goals; yet, as time goes on, and require
ments and demands change, they will shift emphasis and
begin to fill more specific needs.
It can be assumed that local communities and
organizations experience transformations similar to inter-
g2Ibid.. p. 80.
^Amitai Etzioni, "The Epigenesis of Political
Communities at the International Level," American Journal
of Sociology. LXVIII, No. 4 (January, 1965), pp« 407-421*
national organizations. Because of increasing social and
economic demands, local governments must assume new re
sponsibilities* This is especially true in communities
which have been changed by the introduction of new indus
tries created by defense contracting demands* The model
of epigenesis aids in studying community change because it
accounts for the influence of these environmental factors*
It
includes statements about the sector (unit organiza
tion) in which the process starts; the functional
sequence in which other sectors are added; and the
relationships between growth in.oerformance, power
and communication capabilities*34
This model was helpful in analyzing the two com
munities and the Belhaven Valley Development Association
because all three have changed in the past 10 years*
E. Issues and Community Studies
The final category of the review of pertinent
literature covers the importance of community issues to
community studies, Ernest Barth indicated the impact com
munity growth has on issues which then influence community
leadership systems and the distribution of power:
A rapid rate of urban growth is associated with a
rapid increase in the number of issues facing com
munity leaders and also with the complexity of
these issues* At the same time, the expansion
^Ibid*. p. 407
54
produces new positions of influence and new
sources of power. These processes are associ
ated with the development of power cliques and
with a reduction of the integration of the
influence system.35
The relationships observed by Barth were very
similar to the ones studied in Elmwood and Centerville.
This article was perhaps the closest study to the overall
purpose of this dissertation. Other points from the
article will be referred to in subsequent Chapters.
Another article pertained to the study of issues
in a community. Robert Agger’s ’ ’ Power Attributions in the
Local Community; Theoretical and Research Considera
tions,"^® discussed the concepts of "polymorphic" and
"monomorphic" which refer to the number of areas in which
a leader is influential. This dissertation determined the
extent of overlapping membership by the leaders in Bel-
haven in various issue-areas. Some of the questions used
by Agger were adopted in the questionnaire for this study.
In general, this article and its references were the basis
of Chapter VII.
P. Summary
Some of the most important books and articles
^Ernest A. T. Barth, "Community Influence Sys
tems: Structure and Change" Social Forces. XL, No, 1
(October, 1961), p. 63.
^®Robert E. Agger, "Power Attributions in the
Local Community; Theoretical and Research Considerations,"
Social Forces. XXXIV, No. 4 (Hay, 1956), pp. 322-331.
relating to this dissertation, have been citedo In order
to keep the number of works to a manageable size, not all
that had some bearing on the topic were covered in this
Chapter. Others will be discussed in the text. From the
presentation, it is possible to see the type of research
that has been done which relates generally to the subject.
In some ways, this study is exploring new areas, while at
the same time, it is drawing from previous studies or
suggested research pursuits. All the works mentioned
have influenced either the formulation, investigation or
the analysis of the problems studied. By using these
scholarly efforts as a basis and foundation for this
study, a degree of research continuity is maintained,
while at the same time fresh avenues of investigation may
be suggested. It is hoped that this dissertation will
also produce a new contribution which will assist future
political research.
CHAPTER III
THE HISTORICAL AND SOCIAL SETTING
OP THE STUDY
In the course of the past ninety years, Belhaven
Valley and its two principal communities have experienced
noticeable political, economic and social changes* The
Valley has moved from an isolated and predominately agri
cultural economic base to one that is becoming increas
ingly industrial and integrated with the Los Angeles area*
This transformation has been neither smooth nor gradual*
Belhaven Valley, Elmwood and Centerville have been forced
to make political, economic and social adjustments under
adverse conditions* An assumption of this study (Hypoth
esis Pour) is that there should be a corresponding rela
tionship between political and economic changes* This
Chapter will begin to investigate this proposition by
focusing on the general development of the Valley and the
two communities* It will also compare Elmwood and
Centerville through the use of identical descriptive cat
egories. These include the history, setting, economic
basis and issues of the communities.
56
57
A* Belhaven Valley
I
1) History: The history of Belhaven really does
not begin until 1876 when the Southern Pacific Railroad
completed its rail line from San Francisco to Los Angeles
through Belhaven Valley* Prior to that date, there had
been no significant attempts at settlement in the Valley.
The only inhabitants before 1876 were a few groups of
Indians, various survey and exploration parties and a
limited number of ranchers.
The initial migration to Belhaven Valley was
prompted by a land boom in the Los Angeles area from
1885-1888* The completion of the Santa Fe Railroad line
into Los Angeles in 1885 was a contributing factor even
though its tracks did not pass through Belhaven as did
Southern Pacific's. There were now two railroads servic
ing Los Angeles, and, as a result, a passenger rate war
followed which enabled large numbers of people to get into
the Los Angeles area inexpensively. Before long, some of
these new residents were establishing little colonies in
Belhaven Valley or joining ones already there.
A townsite for the community of Centerville was
recorded in 1884. One of the founders placed advertise
ments in newspapers across the country to promote the
area. Elmwood was founded in 1886 in much the same way,
and so were other settlements, some of which are still in
existence today,
The economies of these communities were based on
agriculture. Their products consisted of stock raising,
grains, and fruit orchards, particularly almonds. Water
was a major problem, but the California Legislature en
couraged land settlement at this time by passing the
Wright Act of 1887* This bill "sought to confer on farm
ing communities powers of municipalities in the purchase
or construction and, the operation of irrigation works,"1
The act was particularly beneficial for this area because
it enabled six irrigation districts to be organized.
These districts, however, were unable to provide
sufficient water to offset the severe drought years of
1893-1904-. For eight of these eleven years the annual
rainfall was considerably below the average. As a con
sequence, the early population influx was reversed be
cause many of the farmers were forced to give up their
homesteads and to leave the Valley.
There appear to be no specific population figures
for the Valley before the 1900 Census, so it is difficult
to estimate how many people were there and then left. It
is believed that no more than 3»000 ever lived in the
^Some of the data for this Chapter have come from
the Regional Planning Commission of Los Angeles County.
Precise references are not cited, however, in order to
conceal the identity of the communities.
59
Valley before 1900. In that year, the first official
Census for the Valley showed 84-2 inhabitants. By 1910
the population was 1,979*
A more precise indication of the impact the
drought years had on the area can be shown by a comparison
of the number of acres under cultivation. In 1893 there
were from 12,000 to 15*000 acres bought and developed into
orchards. By 1910, this figure was down to less than
5*000 acres under irrigation in the entire Valley.
From 1885 Vo 1900 Belhaven experienced on a much
smaller scale what was to happen again in 1950. The
Valley saw an influx of people with hopes for quick prof
its and easy money, land speculation was widespread and
prices soared. The settlers were generally unaware, how
ever, of the local conditions, especially the water
supply. This same lack of knowledge and caution by new
investors would be evident fifty years later.
The drought years revealed that Belhaven was a
rugged area for settlement and that water was needed for
the development and growth of the Valley. Artisian wells
were first drilled around 1885, but it was not until 1898
that a sizable number were begun. The main problem was
that borings to a depth of at least 100 feet were needed
to reach the water table. Depths of 200 to 500 feet were
not uncommon. It became evident, therefore, that these
60
wells alone were not going to be sufficient to support
large-scale development in the Valley.
The city of Los Angeles was also looking for
additional water and part of its solution would prove to
be of benefit to Belhaven, Los Angeles’s answer was to
bring in water from the High Sierras by an aqueduct.
The famous Owens River Aqueduct, under the direction of
William Mulholland, was begun in 1908. The main pipe
lines cut across Belhaven Valley and this new source of
water enabled the irrigation districts to purchase the
water as it flowed into Los Angeles.
The water problems for the Valley have by no
means been entirely solved by this Aqueduct. A solution
is not anticipated until 1972 and the completion of the
Feather River water project. The Owens Aqueduct, however,
served two useful purposes for the Valley in 1912 when it
was finally completed. First, it made possible the irri
gation and cultivation of formerly dry lands and this in
turn increased the agricultural production of the Valley.
Second, the construction brought several thousand men
into the area. Some of them stayed for additional con
struction projects such as dams, irrigation tunnels, and
even housing for the workers themselves. A great deal
of activity for Belhaven was generated, therefore, as a
result of the original Aqueduct project.
61
Another important technological advance for the
Valley was the introduction of electricity into the area
in 1915* Farmers and ranchers were able to farm more
productively and extensively since, for the first time,
they could operate various motors including electric water
pumping stations •
All these developments were reflected to some
extent in the increase in irrigated land* In 1910 there
were 5*000 acres under irrigation* By 1919* the total
had risen to 11,900* The population also showed a marked
increase as it rose from 1,979 in 1910 to 5*036 in 1920*
The period from 1900 to 194-0 was one of steady,
but not spectacular growth* In 1930, the total population
of the Valley was 5*960. In the next ten years it in
creased to 8,155* Figure 2 shows the population growth
since 1950 of Belhaven Valley communities in comparison to
larger political units.
The substantial increase in population from 194-0
to 1950 was primarily the result of World War II, during
which a nearby Air Force Base was widely used for the
first time* This Base— DeLong Air Force Base— was to play
a secondary economic role to another Air Force installa
tion in Elmwood during most of the 1950*s, but from 1938
on the Base would be a major economic influence on the
Valley*
FIGURE 2
POPULATION GROWTH OF BELHAVEN VALLEY COMMUNITIES
COMPARED TO LARGER POLITICAL UNITS, 1950-1965
Belhavena County of State of
Year Elmwood Centerville Valley Los Angeles California
1950 2,000
3,594
16,364
4,151,687 10,586,223
1958
16,964 25,000 61,172 5,614,212 14,317,000
I960 20,861,
29,019
82,000
6,038,771
15,717,204
1965
10,000° 33,000 118,000 6,878,200 18,756,000
PER CENT OF INCREASE, 1950-1965
1950-1958 701 600 274 38
35
1958-1960
23
16 34
7
10
1960-1965 c 16 44 14
17
a. Estimates by the Los Angeles County Regional Planning Commission and the BVDA.
b. Incorporated area only.
c. 1962 incorporation changed geographic boundaries, so no accurate comparison can
be made.
Source: Los Angeles County Regional Planning Commission, the BVDA, and the
California Statistical Abstract. 1965.
r o
63
The history of the Valley to 1950 does not reveal
janything that would forecast or account for the area's
importance after that date* Belhaven was too far from
metropolitan Los Angeles to fully participate in that
community's expansion* Further, the Valley lacked water
or natural resources in sufficient quantity to attract
people in any great number* Perhaps the only hint of what
was to occur in Belhaven was the establishment of DeLong
Air Force Base in 1933* primarily as a bombing practice
range* The selection of this location was based on the
fortunate coincidence that the Valley had wide open flat
spaces and almost year-round flying weather. These two
factors eventually would change Belhaven drastically from
a sparsely populated Valley into a booming defense con-
tract-oriented area* Ironically, this new vitality
brought with it one great weakness— the far-reaching
dependence of the Valley upon the future of aircraft and
defense contracting*
The one event which stimulated this growth was
the Korean conflict in June of 1950* With the entrance of
the United States into the fighting, there was an immedi
ate demand for aircraft* Los Angeles had already become
one of the nation's leading areas for the production of
aircraft, and naturally new contracts flowed to the con
tractors located there* A common problem was faced by
these manufacturers. Los Angeles had become so large and
i expansive, it was difficult, and unsafe, to flight test
i airplanes over the basin. The answer was to find another
location in which final assembly and testing could be
conducted* Within a few months a place was agreed upon
by the manufacturers and the Air Force, a County airport
located within the unincorporated area of Elmwood.
As early as 1949, a prime contractor had begun
investigating the possibility of using the airport for
its own needs* When the Korean conflict arose, it was
decided that all contractors could share the same facil
ities, and so the Air Force began negotiations to purchase
the field. This was accomplished early in 1951 and soon
the contractors set up their installations which would
eventually transform Elmwood and the entire Valley.
Within two years there was a tremendous influx
of skilled and unskilled labor with their families into
Elmwood and the surrounding communities. People were
needed not only for the aircraft assembly work, but for
the construction of runways, buildings, housing and other
related activity. Even though the fighting in Korea
ceased in August of 1953* the demand for aircraft contin
ued. There was some shifting to the development of com
mercial planes, but military contracts remained predomin
ate. This additional activity increased the importance
65
of the Air Force Facility at Elmwood. The contractors
leased facility space from the Air Force and were free,
therefore, to bid for either military or commercial con
tracts.
The area around Elmwood boomed and land investors
prospered from 1950 to about 1957* Then almost as quickly
as it had started, the pace slowed and almost stopped. In
the closing months of 1957 the United States began to
shift its military emphasis from manned bombers to mis
siles. Part of this change was a result of the Soviet
Union*s orbiting the first artificial satellite in October
of 1957* This dramatized the fact that the Soviet Union
had developed and could use large boosters capable of
carrying destructive warheads over vast distances. The
United States had begun to alter its strategy before
Sputnik, but the Soviet feat accelerated the American
missile effort.
In late 1957 and early 1958 government contracts
calling for construction of airplanes were either can
celled or drastically reduced. Some of the airplane man
ufacturers moved their Elmwood operations to other sites
where rocket and missile developments were being estab
lished. Employment at the Air Force Facility in Elmwood
was cut in half within the first six months of 1958 and
additional layoffs soon followed. Some of these workers
66
were able to relocate at DeLong Air Force Base in the
Valley where some missile testing was beginning* For the
majority of employees, however, there was no work in
Belhaven for many months.
The economic situation remained critical for the
Valley until 1961 when another major defense contract
project was well underway. Since 1961 the economic reviv
al has been steady although there have been some minor
setbacks along the way. For the most part, all economic
indexes of today have surpassed those of the boom years
in the early 1950's.
This brief discussion has brought the history of
the Valley up to the present time. An examination will
be made now of the significant factors and issues which
characterize Belhaven Valley today.
2) Description
a) Setting: Belhaven Valley includes portions of
two other Southern California counties besides Los Angeles.
Precise locations and boundaries are not given in this
study as they have no particular significance to the over
all findings, and anonymity of the communities and leaders
is desired. Belhaven Valley covers approximately 3,400
square miles and the population of this area is estimated
to be 118,000. Within just the Los Angeles County portion
67
of Belhaven the population is 96,000 which, means that the
Los Angeles section contains the majority of the inhabi
tants. DeLong Air Force Base is composed of seventy-two
square miles, while the Air Force Facility in Elmwood
encompasses almost eight square miles.
The nature of the population has changed since
1950* Based upon a comparison of the 1950 and I960 Cen
sus, the Valley population was younger, better educated
and had an average income more comparable to the remainder
of Los Angeles County in I960 than it did in 1950. Ac
cording to the I960 Census, the mean age of a resident
was 26.9 years. The median age was 24.2 years as opposed
to 51*5 years in 1950. For the state of California in
the I960 Census, the median age was 29.0 years.
The median number of school years completed by
residents was 11*9 years in the I960 Census as against
10.2 years ten years before. The general rise of the
level of education can be attributed to the arrival of
the new inhabitants with scientific, engineering and
technical backgrounds as a result of defense contracting
Jobs. Since 1950, 75 per cent of the new arrivals into
the Valley had come because of Job or business opportun
ities.
In I960 the median family income was $6,942 which
showed an increase over the 1950 Census. Again the reason
68
can be traced to a larger number of skilled and profes
sional people in tbe Valley. The I960 data show a racial
homogeneity in the Valley as well. There were 3 per cent
Negro and .8 per cent Spanish surname, while the remainder
were designated as Caucasian.
A survey was taken in 1957— perhaps not a typical
year because of the economic instability— to determine the
attitudes of the residents of the area. One significant
difference was evident when compared to similar surveys
for other portions of Los Angeles County. About 12 per
cent of the population said they were uncertain of their
future plans. This compared to figures of 5 to 6 per cent
elsewhere which possibly suggests the rather unsettling
influence that defense employment can have on an area.
b) Economic Basis: There are two important facts
about Belhaven's economy that should be remembered.
First, it has been geared almost exclusively to defense
contract work either directly or indirectly. Second,
until the last four years, the Valley was relatively iso
lated from Los Angeles, and as a result it developed pri
marily as a self-contained economic unit. Both of these
conditions are changing today, but they have been a major
influence upon the development and character of the
Valley.
69
About 40 per cent of all employed residents in
Belhaven are on payrolls dependent upon defense employ
ment, Using a 1:1 ratio, another 40 per cent of the labor
force can be assumed to be employed in non-basic activi-
p
ties indirectly supported by the basic industry, This
means that some 80 per cent of the labor force and their
families in Belhaven are dependent in varying degrees
upon the work at the Air Force Facility in Elmwood or at
DeLong Air Force Base, The following Figure presents a
breakdown of the labor force in Belhaven,
The labor market consists of approximately 32,000
employed residents including military as well as civilian.
Of these no more than 6 per cent work outside the immed
iate area. The places of employment for these workers
suggest the basic nature of the economy: DeLong Air Force
Base: 26 per cent; Air Force Facility: 14 per cent;
Elmwood area: 14 per cent; Centerville area: 33 per
cent; rural Valley: 7 per cent; outside Valley 6 per
cent. Unemployment has been in the 6,5 per cent range,
which is higher than in most other Caucasian areas in Los
Angeles. This rate, however, has been on the decline
2
For a discussion of basic to non-basic employment
ratios, see Arthur M. Veimer and Homer Hoyt, Principles
of Real Estate. (Hew York: The Ronald Press Co., 1^54),
p. ; Homer Hoyt "Development of Economic Base Concept,"
Land Economics XXX, No, 2 (May, 1954), p. 185*
70
FIGURE 3
EMPLOYMENT BY INDUSTRIES
Industry Per cent
Aircraft.................................. 29
Local Government.......................... 11
Federal Government 11
Trade, Wholesale, Retail................... 20
Finance •••••• ......... • •••••• 2
Construction............. • ............... 3*5
Agriculture, Mining..................... 5
Transportation, Communications, Utilities • • 4
Service • *•••••••. ........... • • 8*3
Private Manufacturing • • • .............. 4
Total • • . . ...........• • 100
Note:
These figures represent Jobs by Belhaven (Los
Angeles County portion) residents only, and these
ijobs are both in and outside the Valley.
Source:
Belhaven Valley Development Association, 1965*
for many months.
Even though DeLong Air Force Base has many more
employees than the Air Force Facility, the significant
difference is the greater dependence of Elmwood on the
Facility. DeLong Air Force Base generates a larger pay
roll, but its effect is spread throughout most of the
Valley. On the other hand, any increase or decrease of
contracting at the Facility has a direct impact on the
community of Elmwood.
DeLong Air Force Base employs a total of over
12,000 people (military and civilian) including employees
of the Air Force contractors. Of this total, 75 per cent
live off the Base. In effect, each ^ob supports six per
sons: the worker holding the basic defense ;job, a worker
in a non-basic activity, and their two families of two
dependents each. This means that roughly 72,000 people
in Belhaven are tied to the work at DeLong. The Base
estimates its payroll to be about 13 million dollars a
year. An additional 3 million dollars are spent directly
in Belhaven for materials, supplies and equipment, while
another 20 million dollars are released to the remainder
of the County, some of which finds its way back into
Belhaven for goods and services. It is evident, there
fore, that the activities of the Base have a direct bear
ing on the economy of the Valley.
72
The Air Force Facility at Elmwood employs ahout
2,500. Its contribution to the economy is 20 million dol
lars a year. As mentioned previously, its greatest impact
is on Elmwood rather than being more diffused over the
Valley.
It has been estimated that by 1990 the Valley
labor force will increase from its present number of
32,000 to over 173,000, out of a total population of over
500,000. To support this, over 50,000 basic jobs will be
required, but the basic to non-basic employment ratio
would be modified to about 1:2. This would mean each
basic job will support two non-basic jobs and a total of
nine people instead of six. This also assumes a diversi
fication of the economy and a widening of the economic
base of the area. As will be pointed out later, this is
the goal of many of the leaders of the area today.
Even though there is a high degree of unionization
within the labor force, the unions do not play an influ
ential role outside labor-management questions. They are
not active in the leadership circles concerned with gov
ernment defense contracting. High union membership is
found in the building trades, trucking and culinary jobs.
The aircraft industry has been operating on an open shop
basis and in these plants union membership is not exten
sive.
75
In addition to tne defense-oriented nature of the
economy, the agricultural output of the Valley continues
to act as a stabilizing factor, although its relative
importance to manufacturing has declined. Approximately
30 million dollars are put into the economy from agricul
tural production, in which only 5 per cent of the labor
force are engaged. In 19^5 about 13 million dollars
of the 30 million came from crop-bearing land. Another
16 million dollars stemmed from poultry production.
Water is no longer the problem it was fifty years
ago. It is now supplied by a County agency, irrigation
districts, private water companies, and mutual water com
panies in the Belhaven Valley. When the Feather River
project is completed in 1971* it will provide additional
sources for the Valley. Until, that time, estimates indi
cate there should be sufficient water to meet the demands
of the anticipated residential and industrial growth. At
present, agriculture accounts for 97 per cent of the water
consumed, with the remaining 3 per cent divided between
residential and industrial uses..
c) Issues: The nature of tne issues in Belhaven
reflects the economic conditions described. In one form
or another the issues revolve around the problem of eco
nomic dependence upon defense contracting. An obvious
74-
solution, but one which is not easily implemented, is
diversification of the economy. While practically every
one in Belhaven is agreed upon this general policy, there
is less accord on the specific means to accomplish it.
Part of the disagreement concerns the nature of the com
munity environment that residents want for the entire
Valley,
Most of the people apparently would welcome the
type of Valley that is foreseen in terms of population
growth and economic development. Yet, there is a small
group which does not wish, to see Belhaven become another
maze of small, overcrowded communities with no real sep
arate identity as has happened elsewhere in the Los
Angeles area. These people are not eager for the intro
duction of a great number of new industries, although
they would accept limited diversification.
Some leaders have expressed the major issue facing
their Valley in the form of a rhetorical question: Where
do we go from here? There seem to be two roads open. The
first would link Belhaven more closely with Los Angeles by
actively expanding the Valley's economy. Belhaven would
be developed into a new major metropolitan area with a
population of 600,000 by the year 2,000, The other road
would not encourage rapid changes in Belhaven but would
simply try to maintain a stable economy with the present
75
resources* Some diversification would be sought, but
while the Valley would be expected to grow, no large-scale
development would be planned*
These decisions will have to be made before the
future of Belhaven can be determined* Depending on which
goals are sought, Valley leaders will work from different
premises when planning their strategies and tactics* To
be more precise, different leaders may be active if one
direction is taken, while another group may step forward
should the alternative course be pursued.
Subsequent Chapters will elaborate upon these
issues* Before doing so, however, a closer examination
should be made of the two communities, for their develop
ment, issues and leaders also influence the entire Valley*
B* Centerville
1) History: Centerville has been the hub community,
the trading center for the entire Valley since the earli
est days, and its significance in relation to the Belhaven
Valley is the same today as when the community was founded
in 1882. The point at which the County road in the Valley
crossed the Southern Pacific tracks running between San
Francisco and Los Angeles was within the boundaries of the
original townsite* Because of this geographic location,
and because there was water in the immediate vicinity,
76
Centerville had two advantages not enjoyed by most of the
other settlements in Belhaven.
As mentioned previously, early land promotions
attracted people to Centerville and the Valley. While
Centerville was becoming the most important community
within the Valley, its total population was not extraord
inary. The earliest recorded statistic placed the popula
tion at 150 in 1889* There are no official Census figures
for Centerville until 1930 at which time the population
was 1,660. Before 1930, there was no significant statis
tical breakdown within the Valley and the area was treated
primarily as one Census tract. The 194-0 Census set the
population as 2,550; the 1950 Census at 5,594 and the I960
Census showed a population of 29,019. __
The population of Centerville today, as estimated
by the Chamber of Commerce, is over 38,000. Although the
community has grown these past five years, this figure may
be high, for the Chamber has considered a larger area than
the Census Bureau when defining Centerville, Until incor
poration is established, this discrepancy will exist; how
ever, the population total is close enough to suggest the
relative importance of Centerville to Elmwood and the
entire Belhaven Valley.
The spectacular increase can be attributed to the
vast influx of people into the Valley as a consequence of
defense contracting demands. It must be remembered that
while Centerville was participating in this rapid expan
sion, the community was not directly dependent for its
existence upon either the Air Force Facility or the Air
Force Base. The community already enjoyed an established
position in the Valley. Regardless of the rate of employ
ment or unemployment in the Valley, Centerville was able
to continue to build its traditional trading center eco
nomic base. In addition, new residents in other Valley
communities preferred to shop in Centerville whenever
possible, and so Centerville was assured of further eco
nomic activity* These facts are significant for they
highlight the distinct difference between Centerville and
Elmwood.
2) Description
a) Setting: Centerville is the most populated
community in the Belhaven Valley, yet it remains unincor-
porated at this time. As such, its local government is
the five-man Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors.
The County is divided into five Supervisorial Districts,
with Centerville a part of one of these Districts. Be
sides the election of the Supervisor, electors in Center
ville also select representatives for school boards and
other special districts. The Chamber of Commerce has been
78
acting as the city council and spokesman for the commun
ity, In this capacity, the Chamber works directly with
the Supervisor and his Administrative Assistant for this
portion of the District.
b) Economy of Centerville: Centerville is the
primary retail and commercial center for the entire Bel
haven Valley. The largest stores, some of which are part
of national chains, are found in Centerville. In con
trast, other communities in the Valley are composed pri
marily of local merchants. Most of the automobile deal
ers, for instance, are in Centerville and not in Elmwood.
This means that Centerville profits from additional sales
tax revenue.
The amount of payroll dollars generated within the
community of Centerville, as defined by its Chamber of
Commerce, was 83*274 million dollars for the year 1965*
This was up from 78*840 million dollars in 1964. Also,
according to the Centerville Chamber, the average family
wage was estimated to be $6,030, with per capita income
at $3,290 for 1985* (These figures, however, do not in
clude farm payroll or income from sources other than wages
and salaries).
Unfortunately there is not as much demographic
data available for Centerville as for Elmwood because of
79
the former's unincorporated status* The basic economic
difference between the two communities has been estab
lished however, and from this, a brief look at the issues
in Centerville is appropriate*
c) Issues of Centerville: As might be expected,
most of the issues revolve around the economic situation
in the Valley* Centerville, however, because it is less
dependent on contracts and more established, does have
other types of questions for community discussion* Today,
the principal issue is incorporation* A movement is
underway now, and the election is expected to be held in
September,1966 at which time citizens either will approve
or reject incorporation*
The proponents for incorporation say it is time
for Centerville to have direct control in areas of zoning,
building, taxing and planning* At the present time,
approval must come from the Board of Supervisors in Los
Angeles* Supporters of incorporation state that, in addi
tion to the above advantages, tax revenues will be re
turned to Centerville which now are collected but go into
the general fund of the County*
Another issue in Centerville is the desire by some
of its citizens to create a cultural climate for the com
munity by promoting the construction of an auditorium for
concerts and plays* Similar activities in the arts are
80
"being encouraged "by various groups* A conclusion can be
drawn at this time, therefore, that Centerville has pro
gressed beyond minimum survival and existence to a stage
where some people think it is time to consider additional
community goals other than industrial and economic* In
short, there is a wide variety of issues in Centerville
which is one measurement of a community* s maturity*
C* Elmwood
1) History: Since 1950, Elmwood has depended for
its existence and development on its proximity to the Air
Force Facility. Without this relationship, it is safe to
say that Elmwood probably would not be distinguished from
the other communities in Belhaven*
In terms of population, Elmwood has had much the
same rate of increase as has Centerville* .The first Cen
sus in 1930 recorded 1,007* lu 194-0, the population was
1,4-19, and in 1950, it was 2,000. From 1950 to 1958 there
was a 700 per cent increase* Today, the population of the
incorporated city is about 10,000* The community has not
actually suffered a decline in residents, but again, the
difference between the unincorporated and the incorporated
areas accounts for the two figures*
Until 1950, Elmwood experienced the same phases
of development as did most of the other communities in
81
Belhaven except Centerville, By itself, Elmwood did not
have much to offer except a settlement for people who
wanted to live in the Valley, Since 1950, there have "been
two important events in Elmwood which have influenced the
community's development and shaped it3 reaction to the
turbulent conditions of that decade.
The first of these had to do with community devel
opment. Around 1950, a conflict arose over the ownership
and management of the Elmwood Irrigation District. A
split occurred in the community and Elmwood became divided
against itself. The specifics of the dispute are not
essential, but basically the argument was over the future
development of Elmwood. The conservative element desired
that Elmwood remain small and rural. For this, no new
irrigation tunnels or expenses were necessary. The more
progressive group thought in terms of growth and industry.
They suggested the advisability of building better sewers,
streets and other facilities in the event more people
migrated to the Valley, Initially, the conservatives won,
and as a result, Elmwood in comparison to Centerville,
did not prepare itself for the changes in the 1950’s.
This major community struggle created instability and
affected the business climate which may have contributed
to Elmwood's later economic problems.
The second event occurred in 1957 during a severe
82
economic decline in the Valley and in Elmwood. Again,
among the leadership there was a split as to the course
of action to be followed. Some leaders sought to have
Elmwood declared a disaster area and thus he eligible to
receive economic benefits from the federal government.
The other group pointed out the lasting damage this des
ignation would have and suggested more positive means to
alleviate the conditions. This group prevailed and has
remained in control ever since
The only other community split since the 1957
economic decline has been over the incorporation movement.
This was finally approved in 1962. Even though there was
vocal opposition at the time, incorporation is no longer
an issue today. The subsequent elections have not been
bitterly fought either, which suggests that few divisive
positions have been taken by the candidates. For the
first time since 1950, community stability is being devel
oped within Elmwood, and its leaders are working together.
2) Description
a) Setting; Elmwood is the second largest commun
ity in Belhaven. Its government is a city council-manager
form. There are five members on the city council elected
at large by direct vote every even-numbered year. From
x
-'Further details on this event will be found in
Chapter IV.
83
these five, the Council elects a Mayor and Vice-Mayor*
The City Administrator is hired by the Council and is
retained at its discretion*
Elmwood is generally a more transient type of com
munity than is Centerville because of the high mobility of
aircraft workers and administrators* In a survey taken in
1963, it was found that over 50 per cent of the residents
had lived in Elmwood for less than five years, while only
40 per cent had been there more than five years.
b) Economy of Elmwood; Despite Elmwood’s growth,
the community has never achieved the same degree of eco
nomic balance as Centerville* Practically all economic
and commercial activity has been geared to the Air Force
Facility* For various reasons, residents of Elmwood have
preferred to shop in Centerville, so Elmwood during the
1950's was never able to establish many large and diversi
fied retail stores. This same situation remains today*
Elmwood has been described two ways which further suggest
its relation and standing to Centerville. The first de
scription is as a "satellite" of Centerville; the second
is as an "incomplete" city because of its lack of many
diversified stores and agricultural base.
About 60 per cent of the resident principal wage
earners of Elmwood work in the community, including the
84-
Air Force Facility, The remaining 40 per cent are em
ployed as follows: 15 per cent, DeLong Air Force Base:
13 per cent, Centerville; 12 per cent, "Other" including
"both Belhaven Valley and Los Angeles.
Approximately two-thirds of the labor market is
skilled or professional. That is, 38 per cent of Elm
wood's labor force can be classified as craftsmen, foremen
and kindred workers, while professional and technical
workers account for another 28 per cent. If an additional
7 per cent is added for managers, officials and proprie
tors, except farm, this brings the total to almost 75 per
cent.
In 1963 the mean income for the community of
Elmwood was $6,614. For the same year, 15 per cent had
incomes of less than $3*000 which is the figure designated
as a level of "poverty" by the Office of Economic Oppor
tunity in Washington D.C. At the other end of the scale,
1.7 per cent had incomes of more than $15,000 but less
than $20,000. Only .5 per cent reported incomes of more
than $25,000. Over 60 per cent had incomes of $5,000 -
$10,000 with the largest single category, 16 per cent,
showing incomes of $5,000 - $5,999*
c) Issues: At this time practically all community
leadership efforts are concerned in some way with govern
85
ment defense contracting. On one hand, attempts are made
to ensure that Elmwood and the Air Force Facility obtain
all the defense contracts they can. Yet, at the same
time, every effort is being made to diversify the economy
and to move Elmwood away from a one-industry relationship.
Some hope was raised for this in 1965 when the
Air Force announced it would consider proposals for
greater commercial use of the Facility. This did not mean
the Air Force would abandon Elmwood but simply that vacant
buildings and areas of the Facility could be turned over
to companies having no connection with Air Force contract
ing.
A long-time dream of leaders concerned with the
problem of the Facility has been to develop another inter
national airport for the Los Angeles area in Elmwood.
This would not be just an alternate field during bad
weather, but rather a major terminal by itself. Until
recently, a major drawback for this project had been the
driving distance from Elmwood to Los Angeles. A freeway
is now nearing completion, but this alone is not expected
to make the site any more acceptable for a new airport.
A second commercial use of the Facility might be
as an engine overhaul and aircraft maintenance depot for
the airlines. To some extent, the field is used now as a
86
training site for commercial pilots. Community leaders
have discussed with airline officials the feasibility of
using the Facility more extensively for this purpose, but
so far no interstate airline has transferred its opera
tions to Elmwood.
In the Fall of 1965 the city of Elmwood annexed
the area containing the Air Force Facility amid some
opposition. This annexation had little immediate advan
tage, but it was done with the expectation— possibly the
hope— that if any taxable economic activity developed
there, Elmwood would benefit. By annexation, Elmwood did
gain control over the zoning regulations which could be
used to protect the type and height of the structures sur
rounding the Facility. Through zoning regulations, there
fore, Elmwood could insure its principal "natural re
source •"
Within recent months, the City Council has spent
more of its time on issues concerned with improving city
conditions, such as streets and lighting. As mentioned
previously, Centerville is considered to have better
facilities and this is a source of irritation to the
smaller community. Elmwood also has begun to draw up a
Master Plan. This will be formulated by the County
Regional Planning Commission and will be paid in part by
federal funds.
D. Summary
This Chapter has "been concerned with two major
points. The first of these deals with the historical
development of the Valley and the two communities in terms
of the developmental model and can be summarized at this
time. The second concerns the relationship between the
political and economic changes experienced by the Valley
and requires additional comment in this section.
Viewed broadly, Belhaven Valley during the past
ninety years has developed from a purely functional type
of community arrangement to clusters of more structured
governmental systems. That is, the Valley initially con
tained only the most basic economic activities because it
was sparsely populated with individual farmers* There was
little in the form of communities. Recently, Belhaven has
developed additional formal governmental arrangements in
cluding an incorporated city.
The stages of growth for the Valley and Elmwood
and Centerville can be grouped into the following categor
ies. (1) 1885-1920. This was the initial settlement pe
riod in which preliminary community relationships were
established. During this time, there was little need for
formal governing processes as there was little sense of
"community" among the inhabitants of the Valley, (2)
1920-1933• This stage was marked by two characteristics.
88
First, there were recognizable and functional communities
within the Valley with established patterns of political
activity. Second, the Valley was marked by isolation, and
as a result, there was little contact with the rapidly
expanding communities in the Los Angeles area. (3) 1933-
1958. This third period consisted of the impact of tech
nological and industrial forces upon the Valley. Ini
tially there was the establishment of the Air Force Base
in 1933• Then, the Korean conflict created the need for
the Air Force Facility in Elmwood, which brought even
greater changes in the Valley. The entire way of life for
the communities was altered, especially Elmwood's and many
traditional leaders were replaced.^ (4) 1958-1962. This
was another period of relative isolation from the rest of
the Los Angeles area. During this time, the communities
were working their way out of the economic problems which
had beset them in 1957* For this period, the Valley
became again more of a self-contained economic unit. ($)
1963-1966. This final period indicated that closer eco
nomic and social ties were being established with the Los
Angeles area. The biggest contributing factor has been
the construction of the freeway between Belhaven and the
metropolitan area. Valley residents now speak of a new
lL
This change in leaders over time is discussed in
Chapter V.
89
era. One community newspaper stated in a recent editorial
that Belhaven was entering the "Industrial Age."
The theoretical developmental model suggests that
four forms of progression may he observed. The first form
assumes that once a stage is attained, the community will
not turn back to previous phases. Since 1950, Elmwood and
Centerville have had groups of individuals which did
desire to see their communities return to previous condi
tions? that is, more rural and less industrial. In both
cases, however, the progressive elements prevailed.
The second and third forms of progression can be
grouped together. The second assumes that growth and
development occur in a spiral form and even though a com
munity might return to a previous problem* it will be
handled on a higher level of decision-making and on a more
rational basis. The third form of progression assumes
that the stages are actually composed of recurring phases
or problems.
Throughout the 1950,s, the same type of problem
faced the two communities. Prosperity would result from
the first defense contracts, and withdrawal of these would
create a depressed economic condition. Then new contracts
would come in to fill the vacuum, followed by a slight
dip. In each case, though, the degree of setback was les
sened. Part of this can be attributed to the more sophis
90
ticated handling of the problem by the leadership of the
communities* The leaders became more knowledgeable and
skilled, as suggested by the second form, in each succeed
ing situation*
The final form assumes "a branching out into dif
ferentiated forms and processes," a degree of specializa
tion on the part of the community. If the number and
diversity of community issues can be an indicator of spe
cialization, then Centerville appears to have reached this
stage ahead of Elmwood. Elmwood is still faced with the
solution of one major problem* As a consequence, its
leaders cannot afford at this time to be involved with
other projects such as the ones in Centerville*
The above discussion of the two communities indi
cates that the developmental model is applicable to com
munity studies. The model's utility lies in its ability
to provide a framework for the comparative analysis of
events within the two communities over a period of time.
The role of issues brings the discussion to the
second major point in the Chapter, the relationship
between political and economic changes in a community.
The correlation of these variables can be stated as fol
lows: As the economic base or conditions in a community
change, so do the issues within that community. As a
result, certain political adjustments are required to
91
solve the new issues* These political changes can take
the form of new leaders or new institutions or arrange
ments* One author has noted: "the dynamics of population
growth and expansion and the structure of the economic
"base of the community are two ma^or determinants of the
shape of the influence system*"' The incorporation of
Elmwood and the move in that direction by Centerville are
two examples of economic conditions affecting political
arrangements. It is contended that the act of formally
establishing political structural arrangements— incorpor
ation— has been brought about to a considerable degree by
the changing economic conditions in these communities*
The economic environment has affected the politi
cal arrangements in the defense-orientated communities in
two ways* First, the community leaders wanted to be le
gally and formally recognized in negotiations with other
governmental units, and so it became necessary to repre
sent incorporated areas. One leader recounted an incident
which illustrates the point* He was President of one of
the Chambers of Commerce and was in Sacramento as a wit
ness before a hearing on a bill of considerable concern to
his community. The Chairman of the hearing asked him how
^Ernest A. Barth, "Community Influence Systems:
Structure and Change," Social Forces. XL, BTo. 1 (October,
1961), p. 63.
92
many people he represented and the President replied
proudly, "Over 20,000*" The Chairman, not impressed,
noted for the official record that the community was unin
corporated and that the witness, as the President of the
Chamber, represented only the Chamber* This type of
treatment has occurred on other occasions*
Second, the economic environment has other effects
as well on the political arrangements. The communities in
this study have experienced a substantial influx of pro
fessional people from large metropolitan areas because of
defense contracting employment. These new residents
expect— as do their employers— that there will be living
conditions reasonably comparable to those found in large
cities. Demands are being made for increased educational,
recreational and cultural facilities. The people want
these activities and facilities in Belhaven, not in Los
Angeles. Because these demands are local in nature, it
becomes necessary for the communities to establish prob
lem-solving mechanisms, generally in the form of local
government •
The interviews with the people most active in the
incorporation drives for both communities tend to support
this conclusion. Defense contracting is seldom given as
a reason for incorporation, but this does not mean there
is not a direct link between incorporation and the defense
93
environment. Behind most of the other reasons for incor
poration which have been more prominently stated is the
ever-present factor of defense contracting and its rela
tionship to the communities.
The movement toward incorporation by Centerville
for generally the same reasons as Elmwood lends support
to the notion that common forces may cause common reac
tions, Even though the two communities are different in
their histories and economic bases, they have a mutual
environmental variable: defense contracting. This envi
ronment tends to produce similar problems and both commun
ities have felt that incorporation was a necessary step in
meeting the demands which have been created by defense
contracting.
It can be concluded, therefore, that a correlation
exists between economic and political changes in defense-
oriented communities as suggested by Hypothesis Pour.
The variable of defense contracting apparently has had an
effect upon the political structures of Elmwood and
Centerville. Unique demands have been made upon the gov
ernmental authorities as the communities developed a con
tracting orientation. The general nature of the communi
ties' population changed as skilled and professional em
ployees were brought into the defense installations. The
increase in population might have acted as an intervening
variable upon the political structures, but growth alone
did not account for all the new demands for better cul
tural facilities. The precise influence of defense con
tracting, however, remains to be measured.
CHAPTER IV
ELMWOOD AND CENTERVILLE: THEIR ECONOMIC AND
POLITICAL REACTION TO DEFENSE CONTRACTING
The volume of defense contracting work in Belhaven
Valley has varied considerably over the past fifteen
years. This irregularity has had enormous economic and
political effects on Elmwood and Centerville, Since 1950,
four events have occurred to cause major contracting
shifts and these have resulted in subsequent community re
adjustments, This Chapter will examine briefly these eco
nomic and political reactions of Elmwood and Centerville
to the changing contracting activities.
The four events which prompted a change in defense
requirements were (1) the entrance of the United States
into the Korean conflict in June of 1950; (2) the shift in
emphasis by the United States from manned bombers to mis
siles in 1957-1958; (3) the cancellation of the production
of a supersonic aircraft in 1982; and (4) the increasing
military effort by this country in Vietnam since 1965*
All four policies have resulted in changes in the type and
number of defense contracts for the two communities.
Because of these policies, certain economic and political
95
96
reactions have taken place within Elmwood and Centerville
which suggest the interrelationship between economics and
politics.
One of the purposes of this study was to examine
the consequences of defense contracting in a community*
The previous Chapter outlined some of the social changes
which occurred as a result of the boom in defense con
tracting and the rapid influx of employees into the
Valley. How did the communities first react to the addi
tional residents? What economic changes came about?
What types of new problems did the increased numbers of
residents create? Which people from the communities took
active roles in handling these problems? What form did
their action take?
This Chapter will endeavor to answer these ques
tions. For purposes of organization, the discussion will
revolve around the four major events from 1950 to 1965
mentioned above,
A. The Entrance of the United States into the
Korean Conflict
The first time Elmwood and Centerville became
involved with defense contracts was at the beginning of
the Korean conflict* The Air Force purchased the Elmwood
Airport in February of 1951» and within a year there were
four defense contractors using the Facility* By the time
97
the Facility was fully converted to military use in 1953*
the Korean conflict was over. Even though this type of
manufacturing was less in demand, "both the Air Force and
the aircraft manufacturers realized the advantages of the
installation and decided to remain* By doing so, they
drastically changed Belhaven Valley.
The immediate community economic reaction to the
development of the Facility was particularly jarring.
For example, employment at the Air Force Facility rose to
over 2,000 within two years after it was opened* For the
most part, these new jobs necessitated bringing in new
residents because many of the skills which were needed
were not available in Belhaven. In addition to the tech
nical employment opportunities at the Facility, there were
demands for construction workers to build hangers, runways
and houses.
The most pressing problem facing Elmwood and
Centerville in the early 1950 period was the demand for
additional community services by the increased number of
residents. The local leaders were required to assume new
responsibilities* For every new dwelling that was con
structed, there had to be additional sewage, gas, electric
and other utility services. Figure A indicates the number
of residential building permits approved during the growth
years.
FIGURE 4
NEW RESIDENTIAL DWELLING UNITS AS AUTHORIZED
BY BUILDING PERMITS, CENTERVILLE, ELMWOOD,
AND BELHAVEN VALLEY, 1950-196$
Year
Centerville
Number
Valuation
(#000)
Number
Elmwood
Valuation
(#000)
Belhaven Valley
Valuation
Number (#000)
1950 350 2,610 190 1,676 540 4,286
1951
684
5,54-9 389 3,514 1,073
9,064
1952 884 7,781
454 4,088 1,338 11,869
1953 1,103
10,084 560
5,051 1,663 15,135
1954 2,21?
22,920 1,320 11,532
3,537
34,452
1955
1,521 18,481 730 8,714- 2,251 27,196
1956 1,616
19,939
1,132
13,345
2,748 33,284
1957 1,991 25,355
1,361 15,880 3,352 41,235
1958 348 9,776 352
4,559
700 14,336
1959 187 5,981
197
3,64$ 384
9,623
I960 27 5,349 75
1,970 103 7,319
1961 584 3,512 65 740 649 4,251
1962 80
2,855
61 2,042 141
4-, 897
1963 341
8,829 7 459 445 9,288
Source: County of Los Angeles, Department of County Engineer, Building and Safety
Division, Report of Building Permits and New Dwelling Units* 1950-1963•
vD
CD
99
The task of providing these services was compli
cated because neither Elmwood nor Centerville was incor
porated at that time* As a consequence, practically all
permits, plans and approvals had to come from Los Angeles*
Elmwood particularly had difficulties because there had
been insufficient planning by its leaders* As early as
1949, a few of Elmwood's residents had foreseen the poten
tial of the Valley and their community and had urged that
steps be taken to prepare for possible future growth.
This particular group, however, did not assume any posi
tions of leadership until after the mass migrations had
taken place in the late 1950's, and by that time it was
much more difficult to cope with the problems*
There was one major attempt in 1952 to bring to
gether those individuals most able to affect the growth
and development of the Valley* Fewer than ten residents—
mostly real estate developers and home-builders— formed a
group to handle some of the common issues facing the
Valley* Prophetically, these leaders stated that it was
risky for the Valley to base its entire economy upon
defense contracting, and that the first order of business
should be a discussion of the ways to diversify the econ
omy* Unfortunately, many people were either too busy
selling land or earning high wages to be concerned about
the future. As a result, this group was unable to develop
100
into an effective organization.
B. The Shift from Bombers to Missiles
By early 1957 the Valley was experiencing its
greatest period of prosperity. Employment at the Air
Force Facility was 6,4-65. Residential building permits
reached a total of 5,352 compared to 54-0 in 1950. Sales
and personal incomes also reached their highest levels.
Yet, rapid as was the rise in the economy, its decline
in August, 1957, was even more spectacular.
The United States in 1957 began to step up its
missile production and to phase out its bomber and fighter
program in direct response to the Soviet Union's first
launching of Sputnik. This change in military policy had
devastating effects on the economy of Belhaven, for there
was little in the way of missile development in the
Valley. Practically overnight, therefore, the aircraft
contractors were forced either to transfer their employees
and operations to other sites or to layoff these people.
The first major reduction of employees was
announced in the fall of 1957: 1,4-00 workers were to be
transferred from the Facility by March of 1958. This was
completed on schedule and other contractors similarly
reduced their work force. By the end of 1958, total
employment at the Facility was down to 3,599* Figure 5
shows the employment trend at the Facility from 1953 to
101
FIGURE 5
EMPLOYMENT:
AIR FORCE FACILITY
Total
Year Civilian and Military
1953 .................................. 365
1954-..................................2,385
1955 ......................... 2,748
1956 ........................... 4,722
1957 ................................. 6,465
1958 ................................. 3,599
1959 ................................. 2,578
1960 ................................. 2,259
1961 .................. .............. 3,390
1962 5,021
1963 ....................... 5,239
1964 .............................. . 3,417
1965 ................................. 2,163
1966a 2,500b
a. First three months
h. Estimate
Source: Public Information Office, Air Force Facility
102
1966* Hardest hit by this decline was Elmwood, for its
entire existence at this time was dependent upon the
Facility, Centerville, because of its trading center
function, was less effected and was able to maintain
approximately the same level of retail sales.
It has been estimated that 7*000 people— including
families— left Belhaven Valley during the 1957-1960 cri
sis. Surprisingly, unemployment was never a severe prob
lem in the Valley. Because most of the workers were
skilled, they were not unemployed for long. Of those who
remained in the Valley, many were transferred to the Air
Force Base by their companies, while others began to com
mute into Los Angeles to other plants which could absorb
their skills. Figure 6 indicates that there was a sub
stantial increase in civilian employment at the Air Force
Base in 1958, mainly from the Facility.
A detrimental repercussion to the economy was the
sudden decrease in the demand for housing. The multitude
of tract homes which had been built were left vacant.
The vacancy factor was 6.7 per cent in early 1958* but it
Jumped to 16 per cent by I960. Many of these homes had
been purchased with no money down, so people did not hes
itate to desert them. The existence of empty tracts
added to the impression that Elmwood and Centerville were
ghost towns. It would take another five years before this
103
FIGURE 6
EMPLOYMENT:
DELONG AIR FORCE BASE
Year Military Civilian Total
1950 2,066 1,190 3,256
1951
2,240 2,301 4,541
1952
2,927
2,866
5,793
1953
3,322
3,279
6,601
1934 4,023 3,813
7,836
1955
3,642 5,556 9,198
1956
2,566
6,719 9,285
1957
2,802
6,531 9,333
1958 3,118
8,537 11,655
1959
3,024 8,942 11,966
I960 3,336
4,330
7,666
1961
3,323 5,155
8,478
1962 3,598 4,718
8,316
1963
3,611 5,066
8,677
1964 a a
—
1965
2,500 9,500b 12,000b
a. Not available
b. Estimate
Source! Public Information Office,
DeLong Air Force Base.
image could "be erased*
One of the most significant consequences of this
period of economic decline was the establishment of the
Belhaven Valley Development Association or the BVDA as it
is known* This Valley-wide organization of businessmen
was formed in October, 1957» for the purpose of promoting
and developing the Valley. It was evident to most of the
founders that without any formal local government in the
Valley, there was a need for a Valley interest group to
coordinate the efforts toward economic stabilization.
With these motives, thirteen men established a non-profit
corporation under the laws of California.
The founders were those individuals who already
had an economic stake in the Valley* They were mainly
real estate and construction people. For example, the
first President of the BVDA was the developer of a major
residential area in the Valley. Others who joined were
equally anxious to protect their investments.
The first task of the BVDA was to establish itself
in the Valley. Once the governing board was constituted,
the public was invited to meetings at which time the pur
poses of the organization were explained, and a few other
people were invited to join. The BVDA was never intended
as a ”massn organization; it was to be limited to busi
nessmen who could develop the Valley. Yet, in 1958 the
105
BVDA needed the support of the residents, and for this
reason, public meetings were held* These also served as
a forum to encourage community effort.
The BVDA began with an attack on two major prob
lems. First, the internal condition of the Valley was
chaotic. At that time there was little identity of
Belhaven Valley as a unit. The residents thought only in
terms of separate communities* Further, the communities
were often divided over the course of action to be taken.
This was true in Elmwood particularly. The BVDA saw as
its immediate goal the unification of the Valley into one
cooperative unit which then could proceed to handle its
problems. Even though each community had different
issues, the entire economic situation was due to the with
drawal of contracts and overreliance upon defense work.
The second problem was external; that is, the
Valley's relations with other areas* To handle this, var
ious committees were formed. There were two objectives:
to publicise favorably Belhaven Valley, and to attract
industry and payrolls to the Valley. To accomplish these,
the BVDA hired an industrial consultant and also printed
and distributed over 25,000 pieces of promotional litera
ture. It advertised in financial papers the business
opportunities open in the Valley. One of the biggest
obstacles was the image that the communities were ghost
towns.
The leaders in the BVDA realized that advertising
alone was not the answer. The basic problem still ex
isted: there was no other substantial economic activity
in the Valley besides defense contracting. When the BVDA
began to attack this condition, it actively entered the
political process.
The first step taken by the BVDA was to send a
representative to Washington, D.O. early in 1958 for the
purpose of contacting various legislative and executive
officials and outlining the plight of the Valley. The
delegate was the former Manager of the Elmwood Chamber of
Commerce. He had been in the military and had developed
contacts in Washington. His mission was to point out that
the Valley, especially the Air Force Facility, still had
the capabilities for government defense work, and that
these should be utilized. In addition, the representative
wanted to reassure the Pentagon and others that there were
sufficient manpower skills in Belhaven despite stories to
the contrary.
This Washington trip was the first of many, and
since that time there has developed a yearly junket to the
capital with about seven members from the BVDA. Within a
few months after this meeting in 1958* a aew military con
tract was channeled back to the Air Force Facility. There
107
is evidence to suggest that this contract was the result
of the meetings in Washington.
In taking stock of the assets and liabilities of
the Valley, the BVDA noted that transportation routes
within the Valley were poor. This was especially true of
the ten miles from Elmwood to Centerville. There was only
a narrow two-lane road which impeded the movement of large
trucks and their cargoes. The BVDA, therefore, contacted
the proper State and County officials to have the highway
widened into four lanes. After trips to Sacramento and
Los Angeles, the BVDA acquired the necessary funds, and in
1959 the highway was completed.
Fresh from the success of this accomplishment, the
BVDA then pushed for the development of a freeway from Los
Angeles. This was considered absolutely necessary if the
Valley was to become economically integrated with Los
Angeles. To elaborate on all that the BVDA did in this
period would go beyond the scope of this Chapter. Further
details will be given later on. There is every reason to
believe, however, that the BVDA in 1958 was the vehicle
which moved the Valley out of stagnation. Because of the
activity of the organization, the Valley was better able
to withstand the next important adjustment in its continu
ing relationship with defense contracting.
C. A Contract Cancellation in 1962
An important psychological boost to the Valley
came in December of 1958 when it was announced that a new
supersonic plane would be flight tested at the Air Force
Facility# Although this would not mean any increased
activity for at least eighteen months, the fact that the
Valley, especially Elmwood, could look forward to further
economic recovery was encouraging. The effect of the new
contract made it possible for the Valley and the BVDA to
plan ahead for a few years, and for the BVDA to point out
to other large companies that industrial activity was
about to resume#
As Figure 5 on the employment at the Air Force
Facility indicated, there was a sharp employment upturn
in 1961. This reflected the production and testing of the
new plane. For a two year period, activity increased and
people returned to the Valley because of this major con
tract. During this time, however, the BVDA was extremely
busy trying to attract other types of businesses to Bel
haven to avoid an overreliance upon a single industry and
contract•
Suddenly in 1963, the supersonic plane program was
cancelled amidst a furor in the Pentagon and Congress#
Originally sixty planes had been planned, but this number
was reduced to three experimental models. The work at
109
Elmwood was to be completed in 1965 and then some of the
testing would be transferred to DeLong Air Force Base.
Once again, the number of employees at the Facility was
cut in half; yet this time, there was a significant dif-
.r1
ference in the reaction of the communities and Valley.
There was no economic decline as in 1957 < >
Three reasons account for the less severe re
action. First, the community leaders, particularly the
BVDA, had been in constant communication with Pentagon
officials since early I960. As a result, the BVDA was
informed as to the progress of the supersonic program.
The Valley leaders were aware that there probably would be
a cancellation, and they did not pin their economic recov
ery plans upon the program. Unlike the 1955 period, the
leaders in 1963 realized that defense contracts do not
last forever. When the cancellation notice came, there
was no panic and the area took the news in stride.
Second, because of the increasing importance of
DeLong Air Force Base in the field of rocketry and exper
imental flights, much of the final testing of the three
prototypes was shifted to the Base. The workers were
partially absorbed again as they were in 1958. This can
be attributed somewhat to the efforts of the BVDA. While
Elmwood suffered most heavily because of the closing of
the program, the entire Valley did not lose economically
110
to the same extent it had previously.
The third reason for a less severe economic Jolt
was the fact that other industries had been brought into
the Valley since 1957 and the economy was more diversified
than before* This change in circumstance was the result
of the activity of the BVDA.
With the reduction of personnel at the Facility to
about 2,100 by 1965* the community leaders were content to
stabilize the number at this level. They actually did not
seek or encourage any defense contract which would build
up employment quickly, and then, in time, necessitate a
readjustment. The goal was for steady contract work,
rather than spectacular projects which might create dis
equilibrium.
This type of projected use of the Facility was
never implemented. With the greater involvement by the
United States in Vietnam, the Air Force once again turned
to the Facility to meet the country's war needs.
D. Becent United States Involvement in Vietnam
The demand for jet fighters in Vietnam made it
necessary for the Air Force to contract for engine over
haul operations. To accomplish this, the contractors had
to increase personnel at Elmwood. At the end of 19&5 a
contract was let which required an additional 400 people
to be transferred to Elmwood. As long as the welt contin-
Ill
ues, it is expected that at least this number of people
will be used specifically for this type of work*
The addition of 400 workers at the Facility means
that from 1,000-1,500 people are really moving into the
Valley since most will bring their families. This addi
tional spurt in employment and the subsequent economic
activity have been greeted warmly, yet by now the commun
ities of Elmwood and Centerville approach build-ups much
more cautiously. As an example, for the first time since
1950 the Valley is on the verge of a housing shortage;
however, the BVDA is attempting to prevent over-building
and expansion as occurred in 1951* There have been meet
ings to plan and project needed requirements, but specu
lation and quick-profit schemes are discouraged as much as
possible, No individual at this time knows precisely how
much new activity will be generated in the Valley as a
result of Vietnam. The assumption is that little beyond
what has occurred will be needed. The primary economic
target is still diversification and any added benefits
derived from defense contracts will be considered helpful,
but no longer will the Valley gear itself exclusively to
this type of work.
E. Summary and Conclusions
The first important community reaction to the
economic instability caused by defense contracting was the
112
formation of a group in 1957 specifically to cope with the
problems. There actually were two such attempts, but the
first one in 1952 was unable to gain much support. The
important fact about the second group was that it was
Valley-oriented and drew its members from all communities
rather than from oust one or two. These points tend to
support Hypothesis Two which stated: "the greater the
dependence of a geographic area on defense contracting,
the greater the probability that a specific group for the
area will be formed to cope with this dependency,"
It is important to note that at the same time the
BVDA was being organized, Elmwood and Centerville, as
individual communities, were not forming committees to
deal specifically with the economic situation. In fact,
there was no significant difference in the way either
Elmwood or Centerville reacted politically to the situa
tion, Hypothesis One suggested that the more dependent a
community was on defense contracting, the more likely the
community would form a group to handle this problem. This
was not the case; therefore, Hypothesis One is rejected.
The residents in Elmwood were no more informed as to what
action should be taken than were the people in Centerville.
In addition, there were fewer resources in Elmwood which
could be used to alleviate the economic conditions.
While it is true that after the events in 1957,
113
both communities, through their Chambers of Commerce, did
establish committees to deal with problems related to con
tracting, none of these committees has become very effec
tive or important. Even though Elmwood is more dependent
on contracts, it did not do anything appreciably different
from CenterVille,
A second major finding of the Chapter was the fact
that existing groups or governmental institutions in
either community were ineffective by themselves and unable
to handle the crisis in 1957* When a community and Valley
problem arose it was necessary to form an intercommunity
group outside the formal governmental institutions. As
one author has stated: "Organized groups begin in re
sponse to changes in the relationships between individuals
when existing institutions are inadequate to provide a
means for the re-establishment of stability,"'1 ' This
appeared to be the case in Belhaven,
There seem to be two reasons for this, Eirst,
there was no sense of local government in the communities
because of unincorporation. Second, during the crisis, it
was much easier to recruit people for nongovernmental
groups which could initiate immediate action than to wait
■^Harmon Zeigler, Interest Groups in American
Society, (Englewood Cliffs, Efew Jersey: Prentice-Hall,
Inc., 1964), p, 73,
114
for the slower governmental processes to respond. The
BVDA could not act entirely on its own, but it was able
quickly to gather financial and community support in its
attempt to alleviate the conditions.
The BVDA passed through three different stages of
organization during the crisis period. The first was
initiation where the goals and objectives were estab
lished, Next, the BVDA sought legitimation and approval
from the residents in the Valley for its activities.
Finally, the BVDA began to execute its program by actively
p
participating in the political process. Whether or not
the BVDA leaders were aware of their efforts in each
stage, it is interesting to note this patterned behavior.
Another indication of the political reaction of
the communities to their economic condition was in the
Congressional elections. It might be expected that dis
approval or frustration from the economic situation would
be manifested in a vote against the incumbent. Yet, from
1952-1962 the incumbent remained in office and was quite
popular. Interestingly enough, he was a conservative
Republican who had spoken often against the "central gov-
2
Christopher Sower and Walter Freeman, "Community
Involvement in Community Development Programs," Rural
Sociology. XXIII, No. 1 (March, 1958), pp. 25-35. The
above scheme was drawn from a discussion on community
development, rather than organizational patterns. Yet,
the similarity is considered appropriate.
115
ernment,” but tie was active in Washington trying to get
contracts and other federal assistance for his district.
Even though the Party registration of Elmwood and Center
ville favors the Democrats, a more important electoral
factor is what the people feel their Congressman is doing
for them in Washington. Also, it might be speculated that
the advantages of a Congressman* s seniority would be rec
ognized as a benefit to the District.
This mild political reaction to difficult events
probably can be traced to a degree of civic optimism held
by the residents. There has been a feeling that if a
person is willing to make sacrifices in order to develop
the Valley, then the rewards will be worth the struggle.
It is difficult to measure this, yet when one talks to
practically any of the residents who have lived in Bel
haven for more than five years, this thinking is evident.
It is assumed that this attitude has had a positive effect
on the resolution of community conflicts and problems.
Economically, Centerville has benefited more and
suffered less from defense activity than Elmwood. This is
because Centerville never became economically dependent
upon contracting, but was able to expand its traditional
commercial center. Even when employment was reduced,
Centerville remained the prominent community in the Valley
In addition, the transfer of workers to the Air Force Base
116
hurt Elmwood, but had no particular impact upon Center
ville because most of those people continued to shop in
the community*
One final comparison between the two communities
indicates the difference in reaction* The greater depend
ence of Elmwood upon defense contracting is reflected in
the amount of related news coverage in the local paper.
Invariably Elmwood's newspaper will carry on the first
page of every edition news about the Air Force Facility,
employment projections, possible contracts or military
equipment requirements. The same story, by contrast, may
not appear even on a back page of the first section of
the Centerville paper unless it pertains directly to that
community* Until Elmwood is able to sever its close eco
nomic dependence upon defense contracting, it is expected
that this issue will be the prevalent community topic of
interest and concern.
CHAPTER V
LEADERSHIP STRUCTURES AND THE DEFENSE
CONTRACTING ENVIRONMENT
One of the principal areas of investigation in
this dissertation was the examination of the nature of
the leadership structures of the two communities and the
Belhaven Valley. Of particular interest was the influence
of the defense contracting environment upon the leadership
structures. An initial assumption of the research was
that there might possibly be four completely different
groups of leaders: one group for each of the two commun
ities; one set of leaders for the Valley; and a fourth
specific group for defense contract issues. To some
extent, it was possible to differentiate these four lead
ership structures. In addition, an attempt was made to
identify the characteristics of the leaders and the lead
ership structures. For example, what were the social
backgrounds of the leaders? How did the leaders interact
within the leadership structure? How formal was the net
work of relationships which linked the leaders together?
What channels of communication were used by the leaders?
Many of the above questions are normally asked in
117
118
any leadership structure study„ The research concerning
the leaders of Belhaven Valley and two of its communities
was unique "because the presence of defense contracting has
had an impact on the development and characteristics of
the community leadership structures0
A. Identification of the Leaders
Based upon the methodology discussed in Chapter I,
the following leaders were identified. For the community
of Elmwood, there was a significant agreement among the
respondents that at least two persons were considered the
top influentials. With few exceptions, these two names
were mentioned in every discussion about the leadership of
Elmwood. These were the Mayor and the local newspaper
publisher.
There was less accord on the identification of
sub-leaders. Generally this group consisted of the City
Administrator, the President of the Chamber of Commerce,
and the four members of the City Council. Other individ
uals were named but not as regularly. The significant
point seems to be that a gap exists between the degree of
influence wielded by the Mayor and the publisher and that
exerted by the sub-leaders. Even though the latter group
can be identified, their total influence, as perceived,
remains secondary in relation to the other two individu
als.
119
In comparison to Elmwood, Centerville was found
to have a more diffuse leadership structure. The deter
mination of Centerville's influentials was less precise,
although agreement was possible on five individuals. The
persons most often identified as community leaders in
cluded: (1) the radio station owner; (2) the publisher
of the local newspaper; (3) the President of the Chamber
of Commerce; (4) the resident manager of one of the public
utilities; and (5) the manager of one of the banks.
The greater diffusion of the leadership structure
in this community, and the greater methodological diffi
culty can be attributed to three factors, First, Center
ville is three times larger than Elmwood in population.
This may make it more difficult for an individual to be
come well-known. Second, Centerville, unlike Elmwood,
has no local government of its own* There is less oppor
tunity, therefore, for a visible leadership structure to
exist and to be recognized. In general, the Chamber of
Commerce is looked upon as the local government, with var
ious committee chairmen as influential, but only in lim
ited areas. Finally, Centerville is concerned with more
community issues than Elmwood which means more leadership
opportunities. This suggests that in a community faced
with only one issue, leaders will naturally gravitate
toward that problem. In a community such as Centerville,
120
with many issues, more leaders may exist; yet they may not
he as concentrated in one issue-area nor as easily iden
tifiable with the community as a whole.
Hot all of the community leaders are the ones most
apparent to the public. This is especially true of the
Centerville radio station owner. Some respondents said he
was the most influential person in the Valley. He has
lived in Belhaven since 1924-, and his parents lived there
before that time. He prefers to work quietly on community
projects from behind the scenes. This person has wide
spread financial connections in the Valley, and through
these he can, if he desires, influence the decisions on
many issues.
Two other individuals also have this type of posi
tion from which to exert influence. These are the two
publishers of the newspapers in Elmwood and Centerville.
Both settled in the Valley as recently as 1954-, but since
that time they have been very active in community and
Valley projects. These two individuals are well-known in
the Valley, but they tend to work outside the public's
view. Their greatest sources of potential or real influ
ence of course are their newspapers. Residents of the
Valley rely heavily upon these for information about the
area. It is assumed, therefore, that the news content and
editorials of these publications have some impact upon the
attitudes of their readers.
The third group of leaders identified was primar
ily connected with Belhaven Valley rather than with par
ticular communities. There was some ambiguity in this
leadership structure as well. The respondents and other
residents interviewed most often would mention individuals
who were members of the BVDA as being leaders, or the
interviewees would simply state that the BVDA was the most
influential force in the Valley without mentioning any
specific names. A smaller number of respondents, however,
qualified their answers. They either said that the BVDA
was considered to be influential, but that the organiza
tion actually was not, or that there were no Valley lead
ers or spokesmen. The investigation into Valley leaders
tended to elicit stronger opinions and reactions than sim
ilar research into the other groups. For the Valley,
interviewees either were willing to concede that there
were Valley-wide leaders, or they were somewhat indignant
at the suggestion that there might be such a group.
Those individuals most often cited as Valley
leaders were also identified as active in defense contrac
ting issues. This correlation between Valley leaders and
contracting issues suggests the overwhelming importance
of defense contracting to the residents of the Valley and
the easy identification of Valley leaders with this prob-
122
lem.
There was one noteworthy exception to the BVDA
members who were considered Valley leaders* The Command
ing General of DeLong Air Force Base was recognized as
being influential in Valley affairs. Even though he was
limited by military policy to certain kinds of activities,
the General did participate in many Valley functions. For
example, he was chairman for the Valley of a national fund
raising drive. During this campaign, all previous con
tribution records were broken and the Valley set a new
record. Many of the residents felt the response by the
Valley was a personal tribute to the General, for he had
worked closely with the Valley in helping to solve its
defense contracting problems.
A final leadership structure pertained to con
tracting issues as they related to the entire Valley. As
mentioned above, the most prominent individuals consisted
of BVDA members. Particular people most often mentioned
included the Executive Director of the BVDA; the two local
newspaper publishers from Elmwood and Centerville; the
public utility manager from Centerville; and the manager
of a retail store for a national chain.
Only a few individuals were recognized as working
on the contracting issue solely for either Elmwood or
Centerville. There seemed to be a reluctance by the com
123
munities to emphasize the fact they were faced with such
an issue, and they preferred to identify this problem as
Valley-wide. The person most often named for Elmwood was
the Mayor. (The newspaper publisher was considered to be
Valley-oriented.) Centerville, on the other hand, had a
greater number of individuals identified, although most of
these were really more active in the BVDA.
It was discovered that there are nine different
groups concerned in some manner with defense contracting.
This suggests that there should be a wide distribution of
influence on this one issue. This, however, is not the
case. Most of the important and effective work is con
ducted by a small number of men within a few groups. The
next Chapter will discuss the activity of some of these
specific individuals and groups in greater detail.
Of the nine groups, six are actually committees of
the BVDA. Perhaps the most important one has been the
Governmental Eelations Committee headed by the Centerville
radio station owner. The other five BVDA committees con
cerned with contracting problems include Aviation, Indus
trial Development, Pour-County Development, Preeway, and
Area Data Bank.
The seventh group in the Valley owes its existence
to the BVDA although it is not officially part of the
organization. This is the Belhaven Valley Industrial
■ f
124
Foundation. It was formed by seven members of the BVDA
for the purpose of loaning money to companies moving into
the Valley, Under California laws, the BVDA cannot per
form this function, so another organization was set up to
provide this needed service.
The final two groups are Chambers of Commerce com
mittees, Bor Elmwood, the Airport Committee tries to
obtain full utilization of the Air Force Facility, either
militarily or commercially, Centerville has its Indus
trial Committee which provides information to businesses
looking for new locations.
The above findings on the number of groups do not
confirm what might have been expected, Elmwood, with its
greater dependence upon contracting has had no more groups
concerned with this problem than has Centerville, nor has
the former's committee been any more influential compared
to the other groups. This finding relates to Hypothesis
One which was rejected in the previous Chapter. Elmwood,
with its greater dependence upon contracting in 1958, did
not form a committee in a shorter period of time, or in a
manner significantly different from Centerville in order
to handle the crisis. Even today, Elmwood does not rely
primarily upon its own committee for assistance on this
issue. The next section will suggest reasons for this.
With so few of the nine groups really effective,
why are there so many in existence with apparent duplica
tions of purposes and functions? Perhaps the simplest
answer is found in the fact that there is a tendency to
create personal empires which continue to expand. When
such an organization becomes so large that individuals
begin to get lost, a new group is formed with a slightly
different goal, There remains a great amount of over
lapping membership in these groups, but each does attract
a different type of individual. This is especially true
between those working on BVDA committees and those on
Chamber groups. The latter types express a higher degree
of community loyalty and prefer to work exclusively for
their community rather than for a Valley-wide organiza
tion. On the other hand, influential BVDA members are
active in the Chambers.
This last point can be explained by the overwhelm
ing importance of the BVDA in the area of defense con
tracting issues. As a result of its position, the Asso
ciation has attracted into its committee system those
people most interested in this issue. Some of these mem
bers will work on local committees, but usually this is
only to follow-up the initial efforts made by the Associa
tion. Most of the important work has already been accom
plished by the BVDA.
In summary, it can be stated that Belhaven commun-
126
ity groups and their particular leaders are not very-
active on issues relating to defense contracting* This
is true regardless of how dependent upon contracting a
community might "be. Defense contracting is a Valley-wide
issue, and a Valley organization has assumed the task of
handling this question* The next Chapter will discuss
how effective the BVDA has "been with this problem.
B. Characteristics of the Leadership Structures
Three general reasons for the greater diffuseness
of the leadership structures in Centerville than in Elm
wood were previously noted in this Chapter. Centerville
is three times larger than Elmwood; Centerville is unin
corporated; and there are more community issues in Center
ville. There is an additional factor stemming directly
from the contracting environment which also causes a dif
ference in the structures of the two communities. Indi
viduals employed by companies doing contract work find it
difficult to establish themselves in a community because
they are constantly subject to transfers to other areas.
As a result, the potential pool of residents who might
normally be leaders is significantly reduced. This is
particularly true in Elmwood which also has a smaller num
ber of permanent residents to draw from than Centerville.
Size alone, however, does not account for the fewer number
127
of leaders in Elmwood. Instead, the existence of a highly
transient and mobile population severely limits those res
idents from participating in community affairs who might
normally do so*
The findings indicated that very few employees
from the defense contractors or government agencies par
ticipated in important community affairs. These people
were either prevented by company or agency policy or by
the nature of their work* Based upon their educational,
social and economic characteristics, one would expect
these individuals to be more active than they have been.
The corporations are concerned about their public
image, so they do permit employee participation in non-
controversial projects, such as charity drives. On sensi
tive issues relating to politics or contracting, however,
most of the companies have rules against their personnel
becoming involved.
While the contractors and government agencies have
not provided many community leaders, nondefense companies
have done so in greater measure. For example, the public
utilities, particularly through their resident managers,
have supplied community and Valley leaders. Furthermore,
managers of companies recently located in Belhaven are
frequently found in leadership circles. These people can
expect to remain in Belhaven for longer periods than
128
employees in defense work. In both, instances, the utili
ties and the new companies sire eager for the Valley to
progress and develop industrially. They are anxious to
take part in directing the growth of the Valley and the
communities; therefore they encourage their employees to
be active.
The fact that defense contracting personnel tend
not to participate in community activities, and that pub
lic utility and chain store personnel do accept a more
active role has a significant implication for Elmwood.
This means that the community has fewer potential leaders
to draw from than Centerville simply because the utility
companies and large retail stores are not located in Elm
wood. Elmwood must recruit its leaders from the more per
manent residents who are not hindered in community partic
ipation by company policy. With a population of only
10,000 compared to 30,000, this does not provide as many
people from which to select.
Recruitment into the leadership structures in the
Valley is an open and continuing procedure. It is not
difficult to enter the leadership circles of the communi
ties or Valley. Generally the recruitment of new members
into groups is by personal invitation or other informal
practices. Because of the homogeneous nature of the resi
dents in the Valley, and the frequent contact in business
129
and social life, it is easy for an individual to inform
others of his desire to join a committee or association.
Most of the leaders are in business and not in
the professions. An exception is the President of the
BVDA who is also President of the Junior College. The
types of businesses range from small independent retail
shops to incorporated family enterprises. Some of the
wealthier businessmen have financial interests outside the
Valley, although this is not common.
While the length of residence in the Valley or
community may have some bearing on a person's movement
into prominent leadership positions, there is no pre
scribed waiting period as is often found in some situa
tions. Most of the leaders have resided in the Valley for
over five years, although there are some exceptions. Of
the twenty-four individuals interviewed and classified as
being influential in a community or the Valley, fifteen
have lived in the area longer than ten years. The follow
ing Figure presents a breakdown:
FIGURE 7
NUMBER OF YEARS IN RESIDENCE
FOR COMMUNITY LEADERS
0-5
years
5-10
years
11-20
years
More than
20 years Total
Number of
People
3
6
7
8 24
130
Mention should he made of the training ground for
some of the current leaders in the Valley. People who
have lived in Belhaven for over fifteen years were often
initiated into community activity through their member
ships in Valley service clubs. Some of the clubs were
formed as early as 1926. At first these groups simply
served to bring people together in the Valley. Eventu
ally, however, the scope of their functions broadened and
the members gained experience in administering organiza
tions and working on community projects.
The local Chambers which developed from these ini
tial groups focused more on business problems. Most of
the same individuals continued to belong to both the serv
ice clubs and the Chambers, and a network of informal
relationships was established which still exists today.
These groups in time, therefore, provided excellent train
ing for their members who were to become leaders for the
communities and the Valley. Other important changes in
the leaders and the leadership structures over a period
of time will be discussed in the following section.
C. The Community Leadership Structures over Time
Defense contracting in the 1950's had a profound
impact upon the leadership structures of Elmwood and
Centerville. Both communities experienced changes in
their leadership structures which could be traced to the
151
influence of defense contracting* This section will dis
cuss the relationship between the defense environment and
changes in leadership structures as suggested by Hypoth
esis Five which stated: "The more rapid the impact of
defense contracting upon the community, the more rapid a
change in the overall leadership structure of the commun
ity. »
Elmwood underwent a more rapid turnover in its
leadership than did Centerville during the years from 1950
to 1959* The initial force which brought about new lead
ers in both communities was the changing economic situa
tion. As Elmwood and Centerville became more related to
contracting and industrial activity, certain new demands
were made upon the existing leaders. Generally, one of
two reactions occurred: either the leaders were unable or
unwilling to handle the new types of problems and they
were replaced, or the community issues multiplied so
rapidly that it became necessary to increase the size of
the leadership structures. The net result was about the
same: a change in the composition of the structures.
Of the two communities, Elmwood replaced more of
its leaders than did Centerville during the years of eco
nomic decline. From 1950 until after the slump in 1957*
Elmwood was governed informally through its Chamber of
Commerce by a small group of individuals described earlier
132
in Chapter III. These people, mostly small retail mer
chants, tended to resist community change and not to make
any plans for future growth.
As Elmwood grew in population and as the new res
idents required and demanded additional services, it be
came painfully evident that revenues would have to be
raised to pay for these services. Either the County or
special districts would have to assume the responsibility.
First, however, it would be necessary for the community
leaders to propose steps to raise revenue. The tradition
al leaders of Elmwood refused to move in the direction of
higher taxes or additional services. Not until after the
economic problems had become acute in Elmwood did the
other citizens demand changes. This action resulted in
their gaining control of the Chamber and other organiza
tions. Individuals with economic interests in the commun
ity desired to see Elmwood develop. Men, such as the cur
rent Mayor of Elmwood, began to assume positions of re
sponsibility in the community. Eventually community ap
proval was gained by these new leaders to begin to allev
iate some of the conditions existing in Elmwood.
Centerville also saw the emergence of new leaders
during this period of rapid community growth. Yet, there
were significant reasons for the differences and degree of
turnover in the leadership structures. An examination of
133
these differences will indicate some important character
istics about each of the leadership structures.
The first reason can be traced to the difference
in size of the structures for the two communities. The
number of leaders for Elmwood before 1955 was less than
ten, while Centerville's structure included over fifteen.
Even in the 1950's the leadership in Centerville was more
diffused than Elmwood's. As a consequence, it was more
difficult to replace leaders as quickly or as thoroughly
in Centerville because there were more people involved.
A second reason for the difference in the degree
of leadership turnover in the two communities derived from
the nature of Centerville's leaders. Because of the com
munity's historical importance in the Valley as the trad
ing center, Centerville had attracted most of the founding
families of Belhaven as residents. Long-established fam
ilies were more prevalent in Centerville than in Elmwood.
In contrast to the traditional leaders in Elmwood, those
in Centerville were firmly rooted in community positions
by virtue of their length of residence and economic con
trol.
Another difference between the two communities
should be noted. During the 1950's and especially during
the economic crisis in 1958 there was no major attempt to
replace Centerville's traditional leaders. This was not
134
necessary for two reasons* First, the potential power
centers of the community expanded as rapidly as did the
community population* The leadership structure, there
fore, was ahle to absorb new leaders without having to
remove traditional ones* Second, the traditional Center
ville leaders were flexible and more willing to accept or
initiate changes than were their counterparts in Elmwood*
The pioneer families were well protected during
this period of growth and disruption, even if they did
lose direct control over community affairs* Most of their
investments were secure whether Centerville grew or not*
If the community expanded as it did until 1957* their
landholdings would produce huge profits from the land
speculation* On the other hand, if Centerville remained
a small community, but still the hub of the Valley, the
first families reasoned they would be in no worse posi
tion. Therefore, they were willing to let the community
follow the normal turn of events*
As a result, over a period of time and economic
change, there was a turnover of varying degrees in the
traditional leaders of both Elmwood and Centerville* The
economic dominants of both communities lost their relative
influence during the 1950* s as the communities grew and as
the economic base changed. These findings can be compared
to other studies which will assist in the explanation of
the data.
Robert Schulze found that the economic dominants
of a community of 20,000 population tended to withdraw
from public offices and voluntary associations over a
period of time*'*' In the community of Cibola during the
1950's the economic dominants were principally resident
managers of companies* Gradually, however, they removed
themselves from public view, and leadership positions were
filled by other individuals*
Two explanations were advanced by Schulze* First,
he discovered that the large corporations were not inter-
i
ested in becoming directly involved in community affairs,
so they cautioned their employees about such activity.
Second, he noted that there was a change in the relation
ship between the community and the larger society around
p
it* Cibola became integrated with its surrounding geo
graphic and commercial area, and as a result, many of the
traditional networks of personal relationships among the
local economic dominants were dissolved. Absentee-owner-
ship became more common, and the managerial class of the
community became more transient. As Schulze pointed out,
■^Robert Schulze, "The Role of Economic Dominants
in Community Power." American Sociological Review. XXIII,
No. 1 (February, 1958), pp. 5-9«»
2
Ibid., p. 6*
136
the direction of the political and civic life of Cibola
passed into the hands of middle-class business and profes
sional men who actually occupied no positions of economic
dominance in the community.
A similar finding was made by Clelland and Form.^
In the communities which they investigated, the economic
dominants of the satellite communities withdrew from
elective office as business became integrated with nation
al markets. These two studies suggest that economic rela
tionships among communities have some effect upon leader
ship structures. Further research along these lines might
prove useful.
The above findings can be used as a basis for com
parisons in this study. In Elmwood and Centerville, gen
erally only the contracting firms discouraged their em
ployees from participating in community affairs. These
were for the same reasons found in Cibola, but there non
defense companies were involved. In contrast to Cibola,
however, the resident managers of public utilities and
national companies in Belhaven were encouraged to be
active and to assume positions of leadership.
The difference in the findings appears to be a
^Donald Clelland and William Form, "Economic Dom
inants and Community Power," American Journal of Sociol
ogy. LXIX, No. 5 (March,1964), pp. 511-521.
157
result of the relative geographic isolation of Belhaven
compared to Cibola, Up to now, the Valley has not become
fully integrated with Los Angeles, and most of the resi
dents still regard Belhaven as a distinct community. The
same type of close personal relationships which were de
stroyed in Cibola have continued to exist in Belhaven. In
addition, the leaders and residents in the Valley have
experienced a common economic hardship which has acted as
a bond holding the people together. Until the Valley is
no longer so isolated, and economic development is not the
principal problem, it can be expected that the resident
managers will be influential and that the leadership will
remain cohesive.
This section can be concluded by partially con
firming Hypothesis Five. To substantiate this hypothesis
entirely, additional variables would have to be isolated
in order to determine the precise influence that defense
contracting has on the leadership structure. Yet, tenta
tive conclusions can be drawn. The data do indicate that
there is a relationship between defense contracting and
changes in leadership structures. As the economic bases
of the communities changed, so did the leaders. This was
shown both in Belhaven and Cibola. The new economic con
ditions in Belhaven brought about new inputs into the
political system which then affected the leaders because
138
they were expected to handle these new demands.
As the community problems caused by defense con
tracting activities became more complex, it was increas
ingly necessary to widen the leadership circles in order
to obtain new individuals and ideas to effect solutions.
This finding also tends to confirm the statement made by
another writer. Barth noted that the expansion of commun
ity issues and problems "produces new positions of influ-
4
ence and new sources of power." Without the stimulus of
increased demands for streets, houses, schools and other
facilities, it seems unlikely that the leadership struc
tures of Elmwood and Centerville would have changed as
rapidly as they did.
D. The Defense Environment and Leadership Procedures
How does the defense contracting environment in
fluence the internal workings of the leadership struc
tures? Is there also an internal response or reaction to
the defense environment?
The leaders of Elmwood appear to be more in agree
ment on matters relating to contracting than are the lead
ers in Centerville. Thus, Hypothesis Six is confirmed.
The reason stems from the limited number of issues present
4
Ernest A. Barth, "Community Influence Systems:
Structure and Change," Social Eorces. XL, No. 1 (October,
1961), p. 63.
139
in the former community. Centerville has several issues,
while Elmwood is still faced with the one overwhelming
problem of dependency upon defense contracting. As a
result, Elmwood’s leaders have few alternative policies to
pursue regarding this issue. They must direct their
attention to the diversification of the economy.
In contrast, Centerville has a broader scope with
in which the leaders may work for the development of their
community. Eor example, some leaders are encouraging as
much association with contracting activities as possible,
short of permitting the community to become totally
dependent upon defense contracting. Other leaders wish to
see the community develop without any major industry and
emphasize its role as a residential area for the Valley.
If real disagreement over these two policies should ever
create a community split, then serious problems could
arise. Up to this point, however, no such conflict has
occurred. Instead, Centerville can enjoy the luxury of
discussing the merits of a defense contracting economy
versus a residential community. This opportunity is not
open to the leaders of Elmwood since it is not so diversi-
fied. It can be concluded, therefore, that the amount of
agreement among community leaders concerning contracting
problems is correlated to the degree of community depend
ency upon defense contracting.
140
With some caution, it can also be stated that the
Elmwood leadership structure is more cohesive as a result
of the contracting environment* Hypothesis Seven is thus
substantiated. This conclusion is based upon previous
findings which have indicated that Centerville's leader
ship structure is more diffuse than Elmwood's, In addi
tion to the difference in size of the populations of the
two communities, Elmwood presents a picture of a more
cohesive structure because of the single problem around
which the leaders must work. Additional supporting evi
dence can be drawn from the interviews as well. As one
respondent said, "The leadership is pretty solid on all
issues."
The leadership of Elmwood, when compared to
Centerville's, is higher in agreement on contracting pol
icy and more cohesive in its structure. Hypothesis Eight
suggested that Elmwood's leaders might also operate
through more informal procedures. The findings indicate
that this is not the case. At this time only an indirect
relationship can be shown between the defense environment
and the methods by which a community's leaders conduct
their business. Additional research is needed.
The data provide limited information about the
nature of the decision-making process for both communi
ties. Some inferences can be drawn which are only tenta-
141
tive at this time. Before the impact of defense contract
ing on the Valley, the communities were less formal in
their governing procedures. The interviewees spoke of the
slower pace of life in Belhaven and the less complicated
nature of the issues. In addition, there was an estab
lished network of informal personal relationships among
the community leaders which constituted much of the lead
ership structures.
Since the introduction of contracting into the
area, Elmwood has become incorporated and Centerville is
expected to follow. In effect, the decision-making proc
esses are becoming more formal and are being influenced by
the defense contracting environment. This tends to link
defense contracting and the modes of operation by the com
munity leaders.
The political relationships in Elmwood are more
stable and formal since incorporation. The Mayor pointed
out that the City Council has now replaced the Chamber of
Commerce in importance because the electorate knows that
the Council,as an elected body, is more responsive. Evi
dence such as this tends to support the contention that
the defense contracting environment can affect the commun
ity decision-making procedures,
E. Summary of the Findings
■ - . \
In terms of the models suggested by Eorm and
142
Miller which were discussed, in Chapter II, the leadership
structures of Elmwood and Centerville are characterized by
a "stratified pyramidical structure centering in a top
group of policy-makers*" The other models are not as
appropriate, for the communities lack many heterogeneous
interests or segmented power pyramids. Based upon the
methodological techniques used in this study, the leader
ship structures of Elmwood and Centerville were found to
be composed of two to five top influentials with a layer
of subleaders exerting lesser control*
There were significant differences, however,
between the two community structures. Elmwood's was
smaller in number, more cohesive, more in agreement about
contracting issues, and more formal in its decision-making
procedures. These characteristics can be attributed to
such factors as the difference in the size of the commun
ities, the role of first-families in the Valley, and the
presence of incorporation.
The defense contracting environment caused changes
in the composition and the rate of turnover in the two
community leadership structures. The measurement of the
influence of contracting upon the structures is rather
imprecise at this time; nevertheless, it is believed that
the data do confirm a correlation. Besides the replace
ment or increase in individuals within the leadership
143
structures, there also has been an improvement in the cal
iber of the leaders. Many of the respondents in this
study noted that the present leaders are more familiar
with economic, social and political problems than the
previous leaders of ten years ago. There is a tendency
today toward specialization by the leaders, particularly
those who also are active in the BVDA. The new demands
made by the residents for better community facilities have
required that the communities recruit individuals who are
knowledgeable in these special areas and who can deal with
other leaders connected with these issues.
The people coming into the Valley because of
defense employment have tended to bring with them a more
cosmopolitan view of life than has existed in Belhaven
before. These new residents are often upper managerial
and ranking military officers who do not wish to be sud
denly isolated in Belhaven away from the type of living
they have known in other communities. For the Valley to
attract and to keep these people, it must satisfy as many
of their demands as it can. Therefore, leaders who are
willing and who have ideas on how to develop the communi
ties and Valley are sought.
To attain these new community goals, the leaders
have been required to work more actively within the polit
ical process. They must be effective on all levels of
144
government. Further, their knowledge of issues and tech
niques has had to expand during the past ten years in
order to be competitive with other communities seeking the
same funds or contracts. One Congressional Administrative
Assistant observed a growing “maturity" the past few years
in the actions of the leaders in the Valley. They are
also more politically alert and organized than they were
before 1958. All of these changes, therefore, can be
traced to the initial and continuing impact of defense
contracting activities.
This Chapter has shown that community leadership
structures can function as an adjustment mechanism for a
community. This mechanism must reflect and adapt to its
changing environment if it is to remain vital and dynamic.
To a large extent, the leaders in Belhaven Valley have
adjusted accordingly to their surroundings over a period
of time. In the next Chapter, the focus shall be specif
ically on the workings in the political process of one
group which has been beneficial to the Valley.
CHAPTER VI
INTEREST GROUP POLITICS AND
DEFENSE CONTRACTING
Since 1957* organized interest activity on "behalf :
of Belhaven Valley has "been conducted primarily "by the
Belhaven Valley Development Association. Its efforts have
"been to stabilize defense contracting activity and to en
courage other types of businesses to locate in the Valley.
While the goals of the BVDA have been economic in nature,
the organization often has employed political techniques
to achieve the desired results. It has gone beyond the
customary Chamber of Commerce activities and has become in
effect an interest group'*' engaged in legislative and
administrative lobbying.
Political science has not been overly concerned
with the examination of interest groups functioning in a
defense contracting environment. The BVDA is such a
group. It was created as a result of a contracting cri
sis , and it continues to operate today in a tenuous and
■*"For an excellent reference on interest groups,
see David Truman, The Governmental Process. Political Inter
ests and Public Opinion. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
145
146
unstable economic climate. The relationship between the
BVDA and its environment is an important point which
needs to be examined. For example, what impact does the
contracting environment have upon the internal character
istics of the BVDA? How are the strategies and tactics
of the organization affected by the fact that it is oper
ating in a highly sensitive political arena? What is the
role of an interest group trying to influence contracting
policies? These are some of the questions which this
Chapter will attempt to answer.
A. The BVDA: Its Organization and Leaders
1) General Description
The BVDA is a private California non-profit cor
poration established for the economic development and gen
eral promotion of Belhaven Valley. Its membership is over
220 units (meaning both individuals and businesses). Dues
are one hundred dollars a year and these are the sole
financial support for the organization. As its name sug
gests, the Association is Valley-wide in orientation, and
it discourages internecine rivalry among Valley communi
ties. The BVDA publicizes "Valley" development and pro
motion on the premise that it makes little difference
where a new business locates as long as it does so in
Belhaven. In the long run, the Association believes that
147
every community benefits from this policy, although in
the short run some may prosper more than others.
The BVDA is governed by a self-perpetuating
twenty-five-man Board of Directors. An individual may
serve on the Board as long as he desires. The four offi
cers of the Board— President, Vice President, Secretary
and Treasurer— are elected for one year terms. Generally
these persons are not re-elected consecutively, although
many members have held office for more than one term.
There is also one full-time paid employee known as the
Executive Director.
Of the 220 paid memberships, about one third are
from people or firms in Los Angeles that have local inter-
2
ests in Belhaven. Only Valley residents serve on the
Board of Directors. Various individuals who were inter
viewed did state that the one hundred dollars yearly dues
tend to discourage those not seriously interested in the
aims of the Association. Eecruitment of new members is
primarily through invitation by active members, although
general membership drives are held occasionally. Pros
pective members are invited to a couple of meetings where
recruitment procedures common to many other organizations
are followed.
2
The total membership list was not available for
extensive analysis.
148
Some idea of the varied activities of the BVDA is
indicated by its twenty-one permanent committees: Area
Data Bank:; Auditorium; Aviation; Belhaven Valley Trade
Show; Belhaven Expansion Plan; Belhaven Publicity; Cultur
al Development; Executive; Financial; Four-County Develop
ment; Four-Tear College; Freeway; Goodwill Tours; Govern
mental Relations; Industrial Development; Meetings and
Program; Membership Relations; Reception Greeters; Special
Projects; Tourist Promotion; and Water.
Most of the work for the Association has been con
ducted by the committee chairmen and their five to ten
committee members. The committee chairmen are selected
primarily for their special interests or backgrounds. In
much the same way that Congressional committee chairmen
develop an acknowledged expertise in a particular subject-
matter, so do some of the Association chairmen. This is
especially true of those members on the Aviation, Freeway,
Governmental Relations, Industrial Development and Water
committees. These committees are the most important to
the issue of defense contracting.
2) The Leaders
In most organizations, the major share of the work
often falls upon a small group. The BVDA is no exception
as the twenty-five Directors are generally the most active
members. They determine the overall policies of the
14-9
organization, subject to the approval of the membership.
This concurrence is usually automatic. The Directors also
serve as committee chairmen. Only six Directors are not
chairmen, but three of these Directors are vice-chairmen.
Certain other characteristics about the Board
should be noted. There is a pattern of continuity on the
Board. At least ten of the present twenty-five Directors
were instrumental in founding the BVDA. The interviewees
said that no Board member has ever been compelled by other
members to resign, nor has any Director quit in protest
over the organization's policies.
A second characteristic concerns the geographical
distribution of the Board. Even though representation
from the entire Valley is desired, almost half of the
Board members are residents from Centerville. This sug
gests the importance of that community in relation to the
Valley and also its ability to provide leaders. Figure 8
lists the places of residence of the Directors.
Members are more apt to be selected because of
their occupations than their places of residence. The
third characteristic of the Board is the nature of these
t
occupations. Of the twenty-five Directors, twenty-two
are in business rather than in a profession. Yet, there
is a variety of the type and size of the businesses repre
sented. Figure 9 indicates the occupational backgrounds
150
FIGURE 8
BVDA BOARD OF DIRECTORS
GEOGRAPHICAL
DISTRIBUTION
Place of Residence
Humber of
Board Members
Centerville . ............ . . .
Elmwood ......................
Desert City..................
Valley View ... .............
Running Springs « .............
Vista Verde • • • ........... .
Clearwater......... .........
Total
25
aOctobert 1965
151
FIGURE 9
BVDA BOARD OF DIRECTORSa
OCCUPATIONAL
BACKGROUND
Number of
Occupation Directors
Banking, Investments ................. 6
Resident Manager of
Branch. Plant, Store......... 5
Builder, Contractor,
Real Estate 4 '
Owner Local Retail Store ....»»•• 2
Newspaper Publisher ............. • * 2
Education......... 2
Civil Engineer....................... 1
Accountant........................ 1
Advertising......... 1
Franchise Auto Dealer ............... 1
Total 25
aOctober, 1965
of the Board members,
: An attempt has been made in the past three or
four years to select new Board members on the basis of
their special aptitudes* For example, when the current
President of the Belhaven Junior College moved into the
area three years ago, he was immediately invited to become
a Board member. The next year he was elected Vice-Presi
dent, and today, after only three years in the Valley, he
is President of the BVDA. In view of past recruitment
practices, this individual became President very quickly.
The Board of Directors believed that by elevating him to
the Presidency, he could best serve the aims of the Asso
ciation. He brought with him experience with community
economic committees and a professional background in edu
cation.
Previous Chapters have suggested the increasing
importance to Belhaven of educational and cultural facil
ities as a means of attracting new industries. The Board
reasoned, therefore, that having a professional educator
as their President and official spokesman would emphasize
the intention of the BVDA to develop the Valley in areas
other than economic.
What are the backgrounds of some of the other
important individuals in the BVDA? The Governmental Rela
tions Committee, the single most important group specifi-
153
cally concerned with defense issues in the Valley, is
iheaded "by the radio station owner of Centerville, He was
I
I previously described as perhaps the most influential per-
i son in the Valley today. Other members of the committee
include the publisher of the Elmwood newspaper (Vice-
Chairman) , the Centerville publisher, and the Chairman of
the Industrial Development Committee.
The purpose of the Governmental Relations Commit
tee is to provide a liaison between national, state and
county officials and the Valley on issues regarding
defense and other economic programs. It is the group
which works most directly with the officials in Washing
ton. Actually, it is the individual members who make this
committee so important to the BVDA and the Valley.
The chairman of this committee is a member of a
pioneer family in Belhaven. In addition to the radio
station in Centerville, he owns the local bus company, a
retail store, land and other investments in the Valley.
Even though he was one of the founders of the BVDA in
1957* he has never been a Board member. This is by his
choice, because he prefers to work behind the scenes. He
devotes much of his time to a wide range of Valley activ
ities in addition to his own business interests. His
influence also extends beyond the Valley, and for this
reason his help to the BVDA is immeasurable. He has
154
direct access to the State capitol and to the Governor's
office, having heen appointed by the Governor to one of
the State Boards. In addition to this duty, he also
serves as a member of other State and local committees.
Through the radio station owner’s many activities,
he maintains contact with all the important issues in the
Valley. Despite his desire to avoid prominence, this
individual was mentioned by every respondent as being
extremely influential. It is not a coincidence, there
fore, that such a person is Chairman of the most important
defense contracting group0
The Vice-Chairman of the Governmental Relations
Committee, the Elmwood publisher, was identified as one
of the top two leaders in that community. His real exper
tise is in the area of freeway development, but because
that project is tied so closely with the development of
the Valley, one would expect to find this person on the
Committee.
The third member of the Governmental Relations
Committee is the Chairman of the Industrial Development
Committee. This group has the task of contacting indus
trial prospects and then providing them with general and
technical data on plant sites or other favorable informa
tion about the Valley. The Chairman is currently associ
ated with a major real estate development in the Valley
where lie has lived since 1935*
A fourth member of the Governmental Relations
Committee is the Centerville publisher. Currently, he
is serving as Chairman of the Aviation Committee which
will be discussed later. Before doing this, however, a
concluding comment about the Governmental Relations Com
mittee should be made.
This committee has brought together four of the
most influential people in the Valley. The reason seems
to be that the vital issues attract the most powerful
individuals. Those already possessing influence are best
able to place themselves, or to be placed, on the commit
tee of their choice. In this case, it is the Governmental
Relations Committee. Because of the issue involved and
the contact it offers with governmental officials, it is
considered the most glamorous and important committee.
Another BVDA committee on which prominent individ
uals serve is the Aviation Committee. The purpose of this
group is to promote greater use of the Air Force Facility
and the Air Force Base. The Chairman is the Centerville
publisher who has lived in the Valley since 1954- when he
bought the paper. Before moving to Centerville, he was
graduated from the Naval Academy in 1939 and- then served
with the Navy until 1933* During his service, this indi
vidual came into contact with various people connected
156
with government contracting. It was this previous exper
ience which moved him into the Chairmanship of the Avia
tion Committee when it was formed in 1959*
The Vice-Chairman of the Aviation Committee is the
branch manager of a large national retail store in Center
ville. He has lived in Belhaven since 1962 and was Presi
dent of the BVDA in 1964. In contrast to the Chairman,
the Vice-Chairman has been in merchandising with practi
cally no prior contact with government defense officials.
One final BVDA leader should be mentioned. He is
the Executive Director, the only full-time paid official
of the organization. As such, he is the central figure in
the BVDA as well as one of the most influential. His pri
mary function is to coordinate the various activities of
the BVDA and to act as liaison between the Directors and
other groups. He has lived in Belhaven since 1951» coming
from the Los Angeles area where he had served in a similar
administrative capacity with a local Chamber of Commerce.
In Elmwood, where he originally settled, he was the Mana
ger of the Chamber until 1957* That year he helped to
found the BVDA and became the Executive Director.
Soon after this, he was sent by that group to
Washington, D.C. to negotiate for a return of defense con
tracts. This was an appropriate assignment because dur
ing World War II he had served in Washington and had
developed various Pentagon contacts.
When the Industrial Foundation was established in
1964, this individual also became the Executive Secretary
.for that group. Although the job is not full-time, it is
paid and is quite similar to his position with the BVDA.
Because the same members are in both associations, this
person holds both jobs with no conflict. His dual role
highlights his unique position in the Valley. He is the
only full-time individual actively working on the issue
of economic stabilization. In this capacity he has
attended many meetings in Washington and elsewhere for the
two groups.
All of the BVDA members interviewed mentioned they
had some contact with the Executive Director in their work
for the Association. He schedules meetings, agendas and
other BVDA activities. Because he is in touch with all
other members and is aware of BVDA and Valley happenings,
this individual is regarded by others as valuable and
essential to the BVDA.
Internally, the BVDA operates informally. An
observation of the communication patterns, especially
among the Directors, suggests that much of the business of
the organization is conducted outside the weekly formal
meetings. This manner of decision-making can be traced to
four characteristics: a relatively small number in the
158
leadership group (twenty-five); their homogeneous social
backgrounds; their long-time acquaintance; and their gen
eral agreement on what policies need to be followed*
5) The BVDA Over a Period of Time
The BVDA was originally established during an
economic crisis when local governmental action was unable
to meet community problems# As conditions improved, the
BVDA altered its scope and purposes to coincide with the
overall development of the Valley.^ Even though the BVDA
is still the most active organization in the Valley on
contract matters, it has undergone changes in its organi
zational structure and goals# In terms of organizational
analysis, such changes are very important for the effec
tiveness and success of any group# Essential to any
organization, is its ability to adapt to changing environ
mental conditions and to keep its goals flexible and in
relation to realistic accomplishments*
Three additional writers have noted the above
phenomenon of organizational change, and their comments
may provide a better understanding of the BVDA# Amitai
Etzioni employs the terms "epigenesis" to describe the
^These points are discussed in greater detail by
Harmon Zeigler, Interest Groups in American Society.
(Englewood Cliffs,' 'Ufew Jersey: Prentice-&ali Inc.; 1964),
p# 73; and Truman, op. cit., pp. 101-108.
159
4
transformations of political units* Epigenesis deals
with changes in units as they acquire functions not pre
viously performed by the units. New demands from the sur
rounding environment are incorporated into the organiza
tional structure. In effect, organizational changes stem
from social changes.
This model helps to explain why the scope of
activity for the BVDA today is no longer limited to the
issue of economic recovery. First, the economic decline
has been halted and previous high economic levels have
been regained or surpassed. Today this is not the key
problem; instead, attention is directed to further eco
nomic development and stability in the Valley. Second,
the environmental inputs have changed since 1958, and as a
result, the BVDA has had to adapt to these. For example,
now the Valley must provide cultural and recreational
facilities in order to attract new businesses. Even
though these are directly related to the economic well
being of the Valley, they were not considered when the
BVDA was first organized. Indeed, at that time, they were
relatively unimportant.
The installation address by the President of the
4
Amitai Etzioni, "The Epigenesis of Political Com
munities at the International Level," American Journal of
Sociology, IXVIII, No. 4 (January, 196^}, pp. 407-421.
160
BVDA in 1965 further illustrates the widening scope of the
group's activities* The President outlined a seven-point
program for the coming year: (1) provision of more spir
itual, educational and cultural institutions; (2) encour
agement of population movements into the Valley; (3) con
tinuation of the freeway development; (4) improvement of
the water resources; (5) construction of a large civic
auditorium; (6) stabilization of federal contracts; and
(7) reduction of land costs to attract new industry.
This greater diversity of activity within the BVDA
can be explained by the tendency of organizations to
expand into new areas once the initial reason for forma
tion no longer exists. Samuel Huntington notes the neces
sity of organizations to have "functional adaptability"
rather than "functional specificity."^ When a particular
function is no longer required— such as economic recov
ery— an organization faces a major crisis. It must either
adapt to the new conditions in which it exists, or it must
disband. The pattern for most groups is to continue and
for members to seek new ways or justifications for perpet
uating the organization.
In the early 1960's when Belhaven Valley had
c
-^Samuel P. Huntington, "Political Development and
Political Decay," World Politics. SVII, Ho. 3 (April,
1965), p. 396.
161
reached previous economic levels, a group with the single
purpose of recovery was no longer necessary. As a conse
quence, the BVDA broadened its scope and spoke more in
terms of stability rather than recovery. In short, the
organization adopted a new set of goals. Even though
these are related to the BVDA1s initial objective, one
question which arises is whether or not these additional
activities are essential, or whether they are pursued sim
ply to perpetuate the organization. In the final section
of this Chapter, an answer will be presented.
Another writer observed a significant transforma
tion of a group over a period of time which is similar to
the experience of the BVDA. Edward Cook in his study of a
Pennsylvania interest group— the Pennsylvania Economy
League— discovered it began as a research agency.^ Gradu
ally the League became more active, and eventually it no
longer confined its function to research but began to
wield a great deal of influence in public policy formula
tion. In much the same way, the BVDA has moved from a
Chamber of Commerce type organization involved with promo
tion to a Valley-wide interest group actively engaged with
political decision-makers at all levels of government.
These comments indicate that an effective interest
^Edward E. Cook, "Research: An Instrument of Polit
ical Power," Political Science Quarterly, LXXVI, Eo. 1
(March, 1961), pp. 69»87.
162
group must adapt itself to the surrounding environment*
To the extent this is true, defense contracting should
have a direct influence upon that group.
4) Conclusions
The following conclusions can be drawn about the
general organizational nature of the BVDA and its leaders.
The Association has made every attempt to be Valley-ori
ented and to avoid any impression it is a special-interest
group of Belhaven businessmen. The recruitment process of
the BVDA, therefore, has tried to select people from vari
ous communities and occupations whenever this was feasi
ble.
All these efforts by the BVDA may be regarded as
legitimizing the organization. By appearing to represent
all interests and areas, the Directors are striving for a
sense of legitimacy and acceptance by the general popula
tion.
Another quality of the BVDA leaders has been their
desire to appear professional and business-like in their
contact with government officials. This attitude of seri
ousness and resolve by the Directors conveys a favorable
impression to the rest of the members and the Valley. The
leaders do not wish to be considered just another busi
nessmen's club or a Valley Chamber of Commerce. They want
to be known as an organization that is politically and
163
economically well-informed and one that is respected by
[business and public officials.
This emphasis on technique by the Directors is
: similar to the idea advanced by Edgar Litt.'7 He suggests
that the civic-booster, Chamber of Commerce type of com
munity leader, is being replaced by men of the managerial
class. These persons are generally more technically qual
ified than the earlier leaders and are more attuned to the
complex problems with which they must deal in community
politics.
The leaders and members of the BVDA have a great
deal of civic pride about their communities and Valley;
yet most are quite practical and realistic in their assess
ments and outlook. Perhaps some exhibit too much optimism
about the future, but this kind of thinking undoubtedly
has been a stimulus to recovery and development. Enthusi
asm alone, of course, is not enough to attract industry.
For this reason, leaders of the BVDA have sought those
individuals possessing the skills needed to effect stabil
ity in the Valley.
Persons active in the BVDA are quite likely to be
members of local Chambers and other groups. About one-
third of the Directors have served as Presidents of Cham-
7
fEdgar Litt, The Political Cultures of Massachus
etts, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The M.I.T. Press, 1965)*
164
bers. Even though the BVDA is perceived as the most
:effective organization in the Valley, there is no attitude
of superiority by the Board members in relation to local
I leaders. The high rate of overlapping membership in both
the Chambers and the BVDA accounts for this. While the
Directors believe that the BVDA and its activities are
more important than those of the communities, and that the
organization is more influential, they also freely ac
knowledge the essential functions served by the local
Chambers.
During the interviews those individuals active in
both the BVDA and Chambers did not express any feelings of
mixed loyalties or a "conflict of interest." These mem
bers explained their ability to work in the two types of
organizations because each was committed to a different
phase of the same problem, the improvement of the Valley.
Such issues had to be handled on both the community and
Valley level.
B. The BVDA; Its Strategies and Tactics in
the Political Process
This section is concerned with the manner in which
the BVDA seeks to improve Belhaven which has been its goal
since 1957* Essentially it has followed the basic princi
ples of gaining access and persuading the decision-makers.
The BVDA has become the most influential group in
165
Belhaven on issues relating to defense contracting* The
Association has replaced the local Chambers of Commerce in
importance when discussions are required with governmental
officials, defense contractors or businessmen. Thus,
Hypothesis Three of this study is confirmed: "the greater
the dependence of an area on defense contracting, the
greater the probability that an intercommunity group will
replace local community groups in importance for issues
concerning defense contracting."
A principal reason for the increased importance of
the BVDA stems from the much smaller role local groups are
able to play within the Valley. Chambers of Commerce and
local groups, for instance, are limited in their ability
to perform the same functions as the BVDA, and they must
concern themselves almost exclusively with more narrow
issues. The separate communities by themselves have
little to attract new companies. Bor this reason, there
has arisen the need for a group to promote the entire
Belhaven Valley. Furthermore, when the Valley is consid
ered as a unit, more desirable features appear evident.
This explanation of why the BVDA has assumed its superior
position also suggests the nature of its strategy.
1) The BVDA: Its Strategy
The strategy of the BVDA is simply "to get its
story across" to those officials who make the decisions
166
regarding defense contracts. Various means are used, but
ithe most important one appears to be personal meetings
with. Department of Defense officials. The Association
.considers itself the single spokesman for the Valley, and ;
acts as if it represents the entire area. In reality, the
BVDA represents only its membership. Over the past nine
years, however, the Association has conveyed the idea to
others that it alone is composed of all the important
Valley leaders and, therefore, should be recognized as
speaking for the Valley.
"Getting its story across" also means emphasizing
the advantages of Belhaven to the national government.
This includes the fact that the government already has
invested hundreds of millions of dollars at both the Air
Force Facility and the Air Force Base. To try to dupli
cate or transfer these facilities elsewhere would be
wasteful. The BVDA points out the type of contract work
best suited for the Valley and adds that there exists a
ready pool of manpower skills which can be tapped. Final
ly, the Association calls attention to the Valley's favor
able flying weather, ample industrial land, and increasing
suitability for transportation facilities.
In addition to dealing with government officials,
the BVDA must also interact with the defense contractors.®
O
The reader's attention is directed to the analyt
ical model in Chapter I, p. 14 which diagramed the commun-
167
Basically, the same approach is taken; that is, indicating
to the contractors the advantages of fully using the
Facility or Air Force Base whenever possible. Often the
relationships between the contractors and the BVDA are
quite cordial. The aerospace firms maintain memberships
in the Association and have representatives at the weekly
meetings. Plant managers frequently are guests and speak
ers at luncheons.
There are times when the BVDA must compete with
these companies. The defense contractors also lobby in
Washington. Their purpose is to gain contracts, and they
have little concern with legislation unless it pertains
specifically to a project or a contract. Most of these
corporations now have their own lobbyists instead of rely-
q
ing upon law firms to represent them. One can imagine
therefore the financial resources available to these com
panies as compared to the BVDA. The competitive struggle
between the Association and a defense contractor may occur
when a firm agrees to fulfill a contract at a particular
site, while the BVDA is arguing that the Belhaven facili
ties should be the recipient of the work. More often,
however, the BVDA is apt to be working with, rather than
ications network.
%or a discussion of defense corporation lobbying
in Washington, see Zeigler, 0£. cit., pp. 123-126.
competing against, the defense contractors.’
2) The BVDA; Its Tactics
The single most important means employed by the
BVDA to communicate with Washington officials is an annual
trip to the capital each Spring. The purpose of the con
ference is to meet directly with the men who make deci
sions effecting Belhaven. Access to the Pentagon and
other government agencies is arranged through the assist
ance of their Congressman.
The practice of sending a delegation started in
1957 when the current Executive Director was the sole rep
resentative. Now, approximately seven members attend this
week of intensive discussions with administrative and leg
islative personnel. There may be different individuals
attending each time, but many have gone more than once.
Part of the trip is financed by the BVDA, while some dele
gates pay their own expenses. The cost of the week is
about one thousand dollars per person.
A program is printed prior to departure for Wash
ington which lists the agencies and people to be con
tacted. On the cover, a note clearly states that 80 per
cent of the Valley economy is geared to defense contract
ing, and that Belhaven possesses such installations as the
Facility and Air Porce Base.
An examination of the week's agenda reveals the
169
types of problems the Valley leaders must deal with, and
the people with whom they must confer. It is apparent
that a wide range of issues is discussed, and that the
delegation is trying to impress upon the Washington offi- ;
cials the complexity of the economic situation. The BVDA
does not go back to plead for the passage of one bill or
one project. Rather, it tries to resolve an economic con
dition which can be alleviated only with the cooperation
of many agencies and levels of government. In 1965> seven
members attended the conference: (1) the Centerville
radio station owner; (2) the Mayor of Elmwood; (5) the
publisher from Elmwood; (4) the President of the Indus
trial Foundation; (5) the Executive Director of the BVDA;
(6) a municipal judge for the Valley, who before his
appointment had been even more active in economic pro
jects; and (7) the Administrative Assistant for the County
Supervisor.
The agenda for that year may be useful as an il
lustration of the interaction between the BVDA leaders and
Washington officials. Initially, the BVDA delegation met
with the two California Senators and the Congressmen from
similar communities in the State whose districts also were
faced with contracting problems. The purpose was to
reassure these representatives that Belhaven was not
attempting to take contracts away from the other areas,
170
but that it was actually in a position to help the State
as a whole. The BVDA emphasized that the unusual instal
lations in Belhaven would help California continue to
receive its fair portion of defense contracts. To accom
plish this, the BVDA asked for the cooperation of all
California representatives.
The first agency meeting was with officials from
the Department of Defense. The perennial question posed
by the Belhaven delegation to DOD concerns the future
plans for the Air Force Facility. Because there has never
been a "Master Flan" for this installation by either the
Air Force or Department of Defense, the story changes from
year to year depending on world, economic and technologi
cal conditions. Some years DOD prefers not to commit it
self, while at other times, it will suggest that either
the Department or a civilian company will be establishing
new uses for the Facility.
Another important meeting was held at the Pentagon
with officials from the Office of Economic Adjustment.
Their function is to aid communities in readjusting to
defense cutbacks. The BVDA delegates informed the Office
of the economic situation as they saw it. The Office, in
turn, presented to the Valley leaders a local area survey
which it had previously prepared, and it also tried to
give assistance and ideas about the manner in which the
171
Valley might diversify or transform the economic base of
the area.
Specific issues also were discussed with individ
uals from the Department of the Air Force. (There, an
attempt was made, to determine what Air Force contracting
requirements were anticipated in the coming year. The
delegation also wished to emphasize to the Air Force what
effects the loss of contracts has upon housing, schools
and retail trade. Because the Air Force controls both the:
Facility and Base, the talks with this Department were
important. Many of the overall policy statements, how
ever, were covered in the DOD conference.
One of the major users of the Air Force Base is
the National Aeronautical and Space Administration. Meet
ings with this agency were held to ascertain their pro
jected use of the Base and Rocket Propulsion Laboratories
located there. NASA is one of the largest employers in
the Valley, so their future plans can have an impact on
the economy.
Conferences were held with the Labor Department to
discuss the requirements and availability of skilled man
power. The Small Business Administration was contacted
about present and future SBA industrial loan policies to
the Valley. The BVDA leaders wanted to learn of any pos
sible changes in the law which might affect the amount of
172
money that can he borrowed for projects such as the ones
initiated by the Industrial Foundation. A similar meeting
took place with the Federal Housing Administration to
obtain their reaction to the opening of a 5 million dollar
private housing project in the Valley for senior citizens.
Three other agencies were contacted during the
1965 trip. The Federal Aviation Agency discussed with the
delegates what impact the supersonic transport programs
might have on the Valley. The BVDA hopes that some of
the research and development for the SST can be carried
out at the Elmwood Facility. The Civil Aeronautics Board
was questioned about commercial service into the Valley
and the possibility of extending flights from the local
airport to other cities. Finally, a water reclamation
project for Centerville was discussed by the delegation
with representatives from Health, Education and Welfare.
In addition to the annual trips to Washington, the
BVDA leaders meet with federal officials in Belhaven. The
Pentagon sends survey teams to all parts of the United
States to confer with local leaders about mutual problems.
These Washington people have been making regular stops in
Belhaven the past three years, often as a follow-up to the
Spring Washington conferences.
The frequent contacts between Washington and
Belhaven have enabled the BVDA to establish permanent
175
lines of communication and even personal friendships with
some of the decision-makers, These relationships may not
prevent the Valley from losing a contract, hut through
these sources the Valley leaders often are able to learn
in advance any news about impending changes. This gives
the area more time to plan for whatever adjustments may be
necessary.
On the other levels of government, the BVDA works
closely with their County Supervisor and his Administra
tive Assistant, The County is limited, compared to the
national government, in what it can do to alleviate local
economic conditions. Yet, because the Supervisors are the
local government for those portions of the Valley still
unincorporated, there is frequent contact between the
Board of Supervisors and Belhaven residents.
The key individual at this level of government is
the Administrative Assistant, IPor over twenty-five years
he was in business in the Valley before becoming the AA
for this area. The BVDA leaders feel they have a direct
contact with the Supervisor because of their personal
friendship with his Assistant,
On the State level, the BVDA focuses its attention
more on the commissions and administrative agencies than
on their Assemblyman or Senator, For example, the Highway
Commission has been the key target for the freeway proj
174-
ect. The legislative representatives have heen helpful in
I arranging appointments and in supporting budget items, but:
j t
;the decisions affecting Belhaven are often made by admin
istrative agencies.
The fact that a greater amount of time is spent by
the BVDA with administrative people than with legislators
at all levels of government tends to support Hypothesis
Nine. Although this Hypothesis referred to communities,
instead of organizations, the finding is still relevant.
The significance is that for defense contracting most of
the key decisions are made by public officials other than
legislators. As a consequence, interest group activities
must concentrate on the executive branch. Another effect,
particularly upon the BVDA, is the lack of a highly parti
san feeling among its leaders regarding the decision-mak
ers. The BVDA leaders are able to work with administra
tions and representatives of both parties. While some of
the leaders are active in political parties, they are also
aware of the necessity of establishing cooperative rela
tions with all those people who could help the Valley.
The opinions expressed by the BVDA leaders about their
Congressman and other officials were based upon what they
have done for the Valley, rather than upon their philoso
phy of government.
C. The BVDA: An Evaluation
175
1) Acc omul i shment s
The following major projects, all initiated by
the Association, have produced tangible results in the
economic development of Belhaven: (1) an engine modifica
tion contract in early 1958 after most other aircraft con
tracts were cancelled in Belhaven; (2) initiation of con
struction of the freeway by obtaining 22 million dollars
in State highway funds; (3) location in the Valley of the
Federal Aviation Agency Genter which employs over 300
people; (4) negotiation of a 5 million dollar plant which
uses some mineral resources of the Valley in its product;
(5) formation of the Industrial Foundation; (6) publica
tion of industrial and statistical reports for distribu
tion to interested businesses; and (7) sponsorship of an
annual Valley trade show.
In addition to these, the BVDA also has worked to
create a favorable business climate in Belhaven, This has
been done through the Washington trips, advertisements,
statistical publications and innumerable discussions and
conferences. Probably the best way to evaluate these
efforts is to examine the economic condition of the Valley
today and compare it to 1957* It must be remembered that
some of the work by the Association may not be fully eval
uated for sometime to come because the freeway and other
similar long-range projects were not intended to produce
immediate results.
Much of the Valley's recovery can be attributed to:
the BVDA. A recent editorial in the Elmwood paper may
reflect the feelings of most of the residents. The arti
cle noted that the Association cannot take full credit for
everything that has led to recovery and development in the
Valley. Yet, there is every reason to believe that had
there been no such Valley group in existence, the condi
tions today in Belhaven would be considerably less desir
able than they are.
Certainly, some of the early successes in obtain
ing contracts and in attracting new businesses stem from
the Association's work. More recently, in 1964-, when
there was a reduction in employment at the Facility almost
equal in number to the 1957 cutback, there was no Valley
recession comparable to the earlier period. While condi
tions, generally, were different, there were sufficient
similar circumstances which could have triggered another
economic decline. Most observers felt that the efforts of
the BVDA accounted for the less severe reaction to the
cancellation of the contract.
Not everyone in Belhaven is favorably inclined
toward the Association. The group is criticized at times
because it is continually creating new projects, even
before old ones have been completed. The BVDA's answer
177
is that each of these programs is essential to their over
all goals. This apparently is a valid justification, for
without convincing evidence that the Valley is building
and expanding, new industries would he even more reluctant!
to settle in Belhaven, Any slight reduction in economic
growth might have far-reaching consequences that could
require another five year period for recovery.
2) Summary and Conclusions
This Chapter has suggested that the BVDA, as an
interest group, has been affected by its defense con
tracting environment. Since the organization's founding
in 1957? it has reflected the changing economic, social
and political conditions in the Valley. Its initial goal
was economic recovery; today, it seeks the general devel
opment and improvement of Belhaven. The Association's
expanding role in Valley activities is illustrated by the
increase in size of its Board of Directors. Until three
years ago, thirteen men constituted the governing body.
Then another twelve were added to correspond to the great
er number of community projects requiring attention.
Since 1957» the BVDA has replaced the Chambers of
Commerce and other local groups in importance, especially
on matters related to defense contracting. Host of the
residents realize that the economic problems of Belhaven
can best be solved on a Valley-wide basis, and the only
178
organization established for this purpose is the BVDA.
IXet, the local groups do play a vital role, and the Asso-
ciation has encouraged them to he more aggressive in their
;efforts to attract new industries. Another function which
the BVDA has performed effectively on behalf of Belhaven
has been to keep the elected and public officials alert
and responsive to the conditions in the Valley. The group
has been the principal link between the relatively iso
lated Valley and the decision-makers in Los Angeles,
Sacramento and Washington D.C.
Leaders outside Belhaven have come to regard the
BVDA as the spokesman for the Valley. This was evident
during the interviews with public officials and represen
tatives from the defense contracting firms. Most of the
respondents and interviewees stated that on matters of
Valley-wide interest, such as industrial development, the
BVDA was the most articulate and respected organization in
the Valley.
Two questions can assist in drawing general con
clusions about the findings in this Chapter. How much can
an interest group do to stabilize its community's economic
condition which is based primarily on defense contracts?
Can a local interest group exert much influence on deci
sion-makers outside the community who are concerned with
defense contracting? It is contended that a group such as
179
the BVDA can be very effective in stabilizing its commun
ity's economy, and that to a lesser degree it can be in
fluential in the larger political arena where contracting
decisions are being made.
Actually, there are two types of decisions asso
ciated with defense contracting: the overall policy of
the weapon or space program, and the determination of the
specific location and agents to implement these policies.
In the first area, local groups are not actively involved.
Within the second, however, there is an opportunity for
them to present their case and to indicate to the deci
sion-makers the advantages of the particular facilities
in their communities* It is in this capacity that the
BVDA has been the most effective. The final Chapter will
elaborate upon this point.
CHAPTER VII
THE DISTRIBUTION OF LEADERS IN
BELHAVEN VALLEY
An important characteristic about individual
leaders is the extent to which each is active in more than
one issue-area. A knowledge of the distribution of influ
ence in a community aids in the description of the leader
ship structures. If an individual is influential in sev
eral issue-areas, he can be described as "polymorphic,"
in contrast to "monomorphic" should his influence be lim
ited to a single area.'*' Political scientists have studied
these types of leaders for communities in general. So
far, however, little research appears to have been done
regarding the distribution of leaders in defense-oriented
communities. This Chapter will present a brief descrip
tion of the important issue-areas and their prominent
leaders in Belhaven Valley.
Various writers have noted a relationship between
^Robert Merton, "Patterns of Influence: A Study
of Interpersonal Influence and of Communications Behavior ;
in a Local Community." Communications Research 194-8-194-9.
ed. P. F. Lazarsfeld and F. Stanton, (New York: Harper & :
Bros., 1949)j pp. 180-219*
180
181
community issues and leaders. Barth feels that certain
specific issues may produce different community influen
tial. He further states:
the failure to consider the impact of issue content
on the selection of influentials has led to prob
lems in building models adequate to describe struc
tures of community influence
Polsby suggests the researcher select issue-areas
as his focus of study of community power. The issues may
give a better indication of the distribution of community
power because there may be different sets of leaders for
various issues. A general picture of the power structure
may fail to distinguish small, but significant, clusters
of leaders.
The research in Belhaven, therefore, proceeded on
the basis that there might be different leaders for dif
ferent issues. Three means were employed to verify this
assumption. First, community activities and memberships
of ten identified leaders were examinedSecond, select
community issues were noted to determine which people were
2
Ernest A. Barth and Stuart D. Johnson, "Community
Power and a Typology of Social Issues," Social Forces.
XXXVIII, Ho. 1 (October, 1959), p. 29.
3
-'Nelson W. Polsby, "How to Study Community Power:
The Pluralist Alternative;" Journal of Politics. XXII,
Ho. 3 (August, I960), pp. 474-4-647
4
The ten leaders were identified in Chapter V.
They are listed in Figures 10 and 11 in this Chapter.
182
■the most active and possibly the most influential, Final
ly, a study was made of the memberships of the committees ;
reputed to be the most important in community and Valley
issues. On the basis of these methods of investigation,
there was a crosscheck of names on the membership lists in
various organizations or community activities.
The delineation of the issues was also necessary.
Elmwood and Centerville provided more specific issues than
did Belhaven Valley. Three major community issues in
Elmwood since I960 have been diversification of the econ
omy, incorporation of the city, and annexation of the Air
Force Facility into the city limits. As indicated in
Chapter V, Elmwood has had few residents participating in
community activities. The incorporation issue in 1961-
1962 had the greatest number of people, yet there were
less than ten individuals who could be identified as lead
ers of either side of the issue. The group most actively
supporting incorporation included the present Mayor, three
members of the current City Council, and the local pub
lisher. The opponents included a few small merchants,
most of whom had opposed the plans of the progressive
leaders in the 1958 economic crisis.
On the other two issues facing Elmwood, there have
been even fewer leaders. For example, only the Mayor and
publisher were recognized as active in efforts either to
183
diversify the economy or to annex the Facility.^ In all
; three of these issues, therefore, the same two individuals
are recognized as the most influential* This finding re-
confirms the previous observation made about the small
leadership structure in Elmwood.
In a study of New Haven, Robert Dahl suggested
three issue-areas which could produce influential leaders.
These were urban development, education, and political
g
nominations. Elmwood has neither urban development nor
a significant political nominating process. Even the
issue of local education does not provide any marked lead
ership group. Although there is an elected Board of Edu
cation, no one member exerts a great deal of influence in
relation to the others. Of more significance, however, is
the fact that education in Elmwood is not a particularly
stirring community issue, and it has not created suffi
cient attention to attract forceful leaders. The news
paper acts as a major forum for whatever problems about
education have to be discussed, and the residents appar
ently look to the paper for guidance on these matters.
No other community issue-areas, therefore, aside
5
■'The City Administrator was active, of course,
but in a professional capacity.
^Robert Dahl, Who Governs? Democracy and Rower in
an American City. (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1961;, p. 1750
184
from the three already discussed provide influential
leaders. There are other Elmwood residents who are active*
and prominent, but they are in Valley projects working
primarily through the BVDA. Of the six Elmwood residents j
who are on the BVDA Board of Directors, all are signifi
cantly less active in their own community, with the
notable exception of the publisher. Most of the potential
or actual community leaders apparently have decided that
Elmwood's future development can best be handled through
the BVDA instead of local groups. This would explain why
five of the six BVDA Directors from Elmwood are more
active in the larger group than in the local Chamber of
Commerce. Given the choice between devoting time for
Elmwood or for the Valley, these leaders apparently feel
greater dividends will be realized by the development of
Belhaven.
Since I960, the three major issues in Centerville
have been incorporation, economic and industrial develop
ment, and civic improvement. As expected, these issues
attract more participating individuals than did those in
Elmwood.
The incorporation move is currently underway, and
its leaders hope to have the proposition on the ballot for
approval by September, 1966. Of the five individuals
officially leading the drive, the most prominent is the
185
newspaper publisher. The other four leaders are active in
;Chamber work and local businesses. None, however, has
ibeen identified before in this study as being influential ,
■ in any other area. There is no major organized opposition
to the incorporation; therefore, no opposing leaders have
been identified.
The other two issue-areas for Centerville are
handled primarily through the community * s Chamber of
Commerce, At the present time, there are no major devel
opment projects, but there are a number of smaller ones.
Civic improvement is a general category which includes
cultural, recreational and community services. Within
this group, various Centerville residents have been iden
tified previously. For example, the President of the BVDA
is on the Education Committee for the Chamber of Commerce.
The County Supervisor1 s Administrative Assistant is on two
committees: Parks and Recreation, and Planning and Zon
ing. The Pire Committee is headed by the son of the radio
station owner.
The Chamber committees which are more concerned
with economic and industrial issues are staffed by many of
these same people. An annual event sponsored by Center
ville is the Belhaven Valley Pair which attracts thousands’
of people and highlights the industrial and agricultural
products of the area. The committee which plans this
186
event is an important one. Among its members are the
‘radio station owner, his son, and the Administrative
|Assistant for the Supervisor. The radio station owner is j
also on the Economic and Business Service Committee which :
assists companies in obtaining information about Center
ville. The Tax Committee is composed of the Supervisor’s
Administrative Assistant, the radio station owner's son,
and the bank branch manager among others. The Trades Com
mittee which coordinates shopping-area problems has the
branch manager for a national retail store as a member.
Finally, the resident manager for a public utility company
serves on the Industrial Committee,
The scope of Valley projects is illustrated by the
names of the BVDA committees. These suggest the types of
programs which currently are being undertaken. In order
to determine further the distribution of leaders in the
Valley besides those in the BVDA, it was necessary to
identify the leaders in two other groups which have a
Valley orientation. These are the Industrial Foundation
and the only independent bank in Belhaven.
The Foundation has eight officers and one paid
Executive Vice-President who is also the Executive Direc
tor for the BVDA. All are members of the BVDA. Two of
these officers have been mentioned before, the municipal
judge for the area and the radio station owner* s son.
187
Others include the branch manager for the independent
hank, an active Centerville rancher, a businessman from
Los Angeles, and three other businessmen from Belhaven,
The second Valley organization is the independent
bank. It has nine men on the Board of Directors. Three
are very active in civic and Valley projects. The Bank
manager is on the BVDA Board of Directors and the Board
for the Industrial Foundation. A second member is also
on the BVDA Board and the third Director is a City Coun
cilman for Elmwood. The remaining six bank Directors are
ranchers in the Valley.
These descriptions illustrate the activities and
the overlapping memberships of the ten leaders in the
Valley, Figure 10 ranks the extent of participation in
civic and Valley projects. Figure 11 traces, as fully as
possible, the memberships of these ten persons.
The following conclusions can be drawn about the
nature of issues and the distribution of leaders in Bel
haven. Practically all community or Valley issues are
related in some way to defense contracting. This under
scores the influence of the defense contracting environ
ment upon the communities and the leaders. Even the non-
industrial projects are pursued with the hope that upon
their completion new companies will find Belhaven a more
desirable place in which to locate*
All of the individuals discussed in this Chapter
FIGURE 10
EXTENT OF LEADERSHIP PARTICIPATION IN COMMUNITY AND VALLEY PROJECTS
Community Issues Valley Issues
Leader
Incorpora
tion Moves
Contract
ing
Industrial
Diversifi
cation
Civic Im
provement
i
-p
o
c t i bO
d d
cTH
o
o Industrial
Diversifi
cation
Valley Im
provement
Total
Projects
Publisher, Elmwood X X X X X X X
7
Publisher, Centerville X X X X X X X
7
Radio Station Owner X X X X X X X
7
Mayor, Elmwood X X X X X X 6
Bank Manager, Centerville X X X X X
5
Public Utility Manager,
Centerville X X X X X
5
President, BVDA X X X X 4
Supervisor1s Administra
tive Assistant X X X X 4
Retail Store Manager,
Centerville X X X X 4
Executive Director,
BVDA
X X X X 4
188
FIGURE 11
LEADERS AND THEIR MEMBERSHIPS
Publisher, Elmwood:
Publisher, Centerville:
Radio Station Owner:
Mayor, Elmwood:
Bank Manager, Centerville:
President, BVDA:
Public Utility Manager,
Centerville:
Executive Director, BVDA:
Supervisor* s Administrative
Assistant:
Retail Store Manager,
Centerville:
BVDA: Board of Directors, Chairman Freeway Committee,
Governmental Relations Committee; Elmwood Chamber of
Commerce, Elmwood Airport Committee.
BVDA: Board of Directors, Aviation Committee; Incor
poration drive, Centerville.
BVDA: Chairman Governmental Relations Committee;
Centerville Chamber of Commerce committees: Belhaven
Fair, Economics and Research; Elks, and numerous other
Belhaven Valley clubs.
Chamber of Commerce: Kiwanis; Moose; Veterans of
Foreign Wars; Democratic State Central Committee.
BVDA: Board of Directors, Area Data Bank, Financial,
Auditorium Committees; Centerville Chamber of Commerce:
Tax Committee.
BVDA Symphony Association; Centerville Chamber of
Commerce: Education Committee.
BVDA: Board of Directors, Meetings Committee Chairman.
Executive Secretary, Industrial Foundation.
Centerville Chamber of Commerce committees: Planning
and Zoning, Belhaven Valley Fair, Tax; BVDA.
BVDA: Board of Directors, Aviation Committee.
H
00
have participated in defense contracting projects in some
:way. This is a common bond for all of the leaders. Fur-
:ther, there would appear to be some correlation between
those who are leaders and those who are active in con
tracting issues. All those who are active in projects
relating to contracting cannot be called influential, yet
all influentials in Belhaven have participated extensively
in contracting projects.
Defense contracting also affects community issues
as well. The issue of incorporation for Centerville is
indirectly tied to the problem of defense contracting.
Once incorporated, Centerville will be able to negotiate
directly and legally with other government and private
officials. The community will be able to direct its
growth more carefully and no longer be dependent upon the
County. Another benefit from incorporation which relates
to the defense contracting environment is an expected
change in attitude by many of the residents. For the
first time residents may feel they belong to a well-
defined community. This has been a problem especially to
the defense employees who have settled in the area but who
have not regarded Centerville as a separate and distinct
community.
Another characteristic of the leadership in Bel
haven is the length of time many individuals have worked
191
with each other on the same projects. Continuity of lead
ership was noted for the BVDA and this is true for other
groups as well. The Freeway Committee for Belhaven was
founded by the Elmwood publisher in 1958 and he remains
the Chairman. Of the original eighteen members, ten are
still active today in the Valley, some with this same
committee. This pattern can be noted on other committees,
and this tenure often results in a high degree of compe
tency about the committees' projects.
The overlapping memberships and the long-time
acquaintance of the leaders account for the informal com
munication channels which were noted earlier. Even
though a particular committee may meet officially only
once a month, there is every reason to expect that its
members will come into contact with each other through
another activity before the scheduled meeting.
This informality and overlapping membership is
significant to the Valley. As one respondent stated, "It
tends to break down suspicions" among the people in Bel
haven. Chapter III mentioned there was some rivalry among
the communities, particularly between Elmwood and Center
ville. Conflict and competition apparently are15lessened
by having leaders from both communities work together on
common projects. Without the entire Valley's cooperation,
certain programs like the freeway would never have been
192
possible# The Chairman for the Freeway Committee remarked
, that only when Belhaven presented a united front to the
State was any action taken. Common crises and cooperative
; efforts have given the residents of Belhaven a group feel-;
ing and identity. This certainly has been sustained by
overlapping memberships.
Thus, it can be concluded that the pervasiveness
of defense contracting is a major influence in the dis
tribution of leaders in Belhaven Valley. It is the issue
to which all leaders must direct their attention and con
sider in the solution of other problems. It would be dif
ficult to isolate any major projects from this one over
riding concern. The leader who rises to a position of
influence in one capacity, therefore, will find himself of
necessity involved with many facets of this problem and
this must lead to a multi-committee membership. This
finding contrasts with Dahl and others who have found a
greater degree of specialization by community leaders.''7
The difference in the sizes of New Haven and the communi
ties in Belhaven may account in part for these findings,
but this variable alone probably does not produce the
types of leadership distributions found in various commun
ities.
7
'Ibid.. p. 169- See also, Robert Agger, "Power
Attributions in the Local Community: Theoretical and Re
search Considerations," Social Forces, XXXIV, No. 4 ("May.
1956), pp. 322-351.
193
Within the general area of economic development
;there has been some move toward specialization by the
leaders. This is especially evident in the BYDA. Tet,
this activity still revolves around one basic issue. As
long as there remains this single crucial concern in Bel
haven, it may be expected that as potential leaders come
forward, they will gravitate toward the defense contract
ing problem. It can be stated, therefore, that the lead
ers in Belhaven have been influenced by environmental
factors in their choice of leadership activities and
roles.
CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY AMD COMCLUSIOMS
The relationship between two community political
systems and defense contracting has been examined in this
dissertation. The development of the leadership struc
tures and the modes of operation by the community leaders
have been analyzed as they relate to the defense contract
ing environment. Of particular importance was the reac
tion of the communities to their changing environment and
the emergence of an intercommunity interest group whose
purpose was the establishment of economic stability within
the area.
The basis of the investigation into the compara
tive reactions of the two communities was nine hypotheses.
Of the nine, seven were confirmed, or partially confirmed,
and two were not accepted. The findings of these hypoth
eses can be briefly summarized as follows:
1. The greater the dependence of a community on
government defense contracting, the greater the probabil
ity that a specific group for the community will be formed
to cope with this dependency. This hypothesis was not
accepted. Both Elmwood and Centerville formed committees
194
195
to handle defense contracting about the same time, even
though Elmwood was more dependent upon contracting.
One intervening variable noted was the difference
in the availability of leaders in the two communities.
Centerville had a greater number of eligible residents
from which to recruit leaders. Elmwood had greater need
for a group to handle the defense contracting situation,
but it could not react in this regard any differently from
Centerville. It can be concluded, therefore, that factors
in addition to the degree of dependency, such as the size
of the leadership structure, will determine whether a com
munity will form a special group for their defense con
tracting problems. In future studies these other factors
should be isolated to determine their influence.
2. The greater the dependence of a geographic area
on defense contracting, the greater the probability that
a specific group for the area will be formed to cope with
this dependency. This hypothesis was confirmed. The BVDA
was formed specifically in response to an economic decline
in the Valley resulting from cuts in defense contracting.
By comparison, areas adjacent to Belhaven did not create
similar organizations because the element of defense con
tracting was not present in their communities.
Two basic circumstances present in Belhaven Valley
prompted the leaders to favor an area-wide organization
over the establishment of separate community groups,
iFirst, the leaders in the various Belhaven communities
irealized that their common economic problems were Valley-
iwide and should be solved on this basis. The entire
Valley had to be organized, for no single community pos
sessed the financial or political resources to cope with
the economic conditions. Second, the geographic isolation
of Belhaven necessitated the formation of a single Valley
group. The only identifiable local government within the
Valley was the Los Angeles County Board of Supervisors
which seemed too remote for the type of action needed.
Acting separately, the communities were helpless in the
Valley. In a group, and united, the residents of Belhaven
presented a more formidable political unit.
3. The greater the dependence of an area on defense
contracting, the greater the probability that an inter
community group will replace local community groups in
importance for issues concerning defense contracting.
This hypothesis was confirmed. The BVDA has assumed an
overwhelming importance on matters relating to defense
contracting in comparison to the local groups. Even
though Elmwood and Centerville, through their Chambers of
Commerce, have established groups for the solution of con
tracting problems, the most effective work has been con
ducted by the BVDA. The reasons for the prominent posi
197
tion of the BVDA can he traced to those suggested in Hy
pothesis Two. Contracting is a Valley problem, and be
cause of their isolation the communities have realized
the need for united action. The satisfactory accomplish
ments by the BVDA in defense contracting problems have
assured its growth and perpetuation in Belhaven. Resi
dents who have desired to seek leadership positions have
gravitated toward the BVDA because it deals with the most
important issue and it offers the greatest number of
opportunities in all facets of Valley activity. The abil
ity to attract new leaders from the entire area adds to
the stature and prestige of the Association and strength
ens its importance in the Valley, while the once-dominant
Chambers are now primarily concerned with local matters.
4. The greater the number of economic changes an
area experiences, the greater the probability there will
be corresponding political changes as a result of those
economic changes. This hypothesis was tentatively con
firmed. A correlation was indicated between economic and
political changes in Belhaven. These changes resulted in
part from defense contracting activity within the Valley.
Further research is needed to clearly determine the pre
cise influence contracting has on political structures of
a community. This study suggested, however, that many of
the new community services stemming from increased eco-
198
nomic activity resulted in greater political activity.
The demands by the residents for improved civic and indus
trial facilities compelled Elmwood and Centerville to
alter their traditional political relationships and to
create more effective ones to meet the new requirements,
Eor example, committees were formed specifically to handle
economic problems through political channels. The recent
incorporation of Elmwood and the similar action antici
pated by Centerville have some relationship to the changed
economic bases of the communities. A greater need exists
today for these communities to have legal status. This
will enable them more effectively and directly to solve
their economic and social problems resulting from defense
contracting,
5. The more rapid the impact of defense contracting
upon the community, the more rapid a change in the overall
leadership structure of the community. This was partially
confirmed. Elmwood experienced a greater impact upon its
way of life and underwent a more rapid change in its lead
ers, especially during the economic crisis in 1958. New
community services were desperately needed in Elmwood as
early as 1952, yet the leaders at that time were unwill
ing to take the necessary steps to provide better roads,
houses and schools. Not until 1958 were these tradi
tional leaders finally replaced by a group that was
199
willing to establish taxing districts and seek other means
to raise money.
Centerville also experienced a change in some of
its leaders, although not as quickly or thoroughly as
Elmwood. In both communities leadership structures were
changed for the same basic causes, but there were signif
icant differences in the two structures which affected
the rate of change. Centerville's traditional leadership
structure was larger and more firmly established, thereby :
making rapid transformations much more difficult. This
difference between the original leadership structures
makes it difficult to compare the impact of defense con
tracting upon the two structures. Nevertheless, it can
be tentatively concluded that the introduction of defense
contracting did influence to some extent the nature of
community leadership structures. In addition to the re
placement or increase in the number of individuals within
leadership structures, there also has been an improvement
in the caliber of the leaders for both communities* The
present leaders, when compared to their predecessors, are
perceived to be more knowledgeable about economic, social
and political problems. This is due in part to the
demands by the residents for better community facilities.
To achieve these, the most able individuals are sought and
recruited into the leadership structures.
200
6. The greater the dependence of a community on
:defense contracting, the greater the probability the com- ;
i I
munity and its leaders will be in agreement on community
policies relating to defense contracting. This hypothesis;
was confirmed. Because Elmwood has greater dependency
upon defense contracting, it has fewer alternative courses
open. The leaders are faced with implementing basically
one policy, the diversification of the economic base of
the community. As a result, there is less opportunity
for disagreement among the leaders.
By contrast, Centerville is not dependent entirely
upon defense contracting. The leaders are able to discuss
secondary community issues, although defense contracting
is the primary question. They may even argue the merits
of a contract-oriented community versus a residential or
industrially diversified community. It is expected that
Elmwood eventually will develop a more diversified econ
omy, and then its leaders will be in a position also to
debate the advantages and disadvantages of various con
tracting policies.
7c The greater the dependence of a community on
defense contracting, the more cohesive the community's
leadership will be. This was partially confirmed by the
findings for the previous hypothesis. Cohesiveness appar
ently is related to agreement on policies. A variable
201
other than defense contracting may account for Elmwood's
leadership structure being more cohesive than Center
ville 's. This is the former community's smaller leader
ship structure. Until it is determined what effect size
has on cohesiveness, the hypothesis can be only partially
confirmed. Regardless of this variable, it appears that
defense contracting creates a cohesive structure because
Elmwood has to provide a favorable business climate in
order to attract industries. To do this, it is essential
to avoid community splits which can disrupt normal busi
ness activities. The leadership also must be united when
it confronts other governmental officials in discussions
on contracting issues. For these reasons, the defense
contracting environment has a direct influence on the
cohesiveness of community leadership structures,
8q The greater the dependence of a community on
defense contracting, the greater the probability the com
munity's leaders for contracting issues will decide these
issues through informal channels in addition to formal
community meetings. This hypothesis was partially ac
cepted. Elmwood's leaders operate through formal politi
cal channels primarily because the city is incorporated.
Xet because defense contracting is so pervasive in the
community, the leaders discuss this condition frequently
at informal gatherings. A significant change in leader
ship procedures has come about since the incorporation of
Elmwood in 1962. The decision-making processes have
become more formal because of the legal role played by the
City Council. Incorporation has greatly altered the
political procedures in Elmwood. To the extent incorpora
tion was a result of defense contracting activities, then
that environmental variable has also affected the deci
sion-making processes in that community.
9. The greater the dependence of a community on
defense contracting, the greater the probability the com
munity’s leaders for contracting issues will confer with
administrative and executive agencies instead of legisla
tive representatives. This hypothesis was not accepted
because there was insufficient data to compare Elmwood to
Centerville. The findings indicated that the community
and Valley leaders devote most of their time to communica
tions with administrative rather than legislative offi
cials. Decisions regarding defense contracts usually are
made by personnel in the executive branch; therefore they
are the targets for lobbying. The hypothesis assumed that
the more dependent community would seek members in this
branch of government. It was impossible to test this
hypothesis because of the lack of effective leaders work
ing specifically for either Elmwood or Centerville. Based
upon the data concerning the BVDA, it can be concluded
203
that the group directed most of its efforts at executive
and administrative officials* This was true at all levels
of government* At the State and County levels the admin
istrative branches could also be of more assistance to
Belhaven* For example, the original freeway plan was
approved primarily by administrative personnel, although
the State Legislature appropriated the funds*
From the conclusions of the nine hypotheses, one
might expect to find the following conditions and charac
teristics present in a defense-oriented community. The
community has undergone significant economic and political
changes since the introduction of defense contracting
activities in its area. The leaders of that community
have either been replaced or the number has increased.
The modes of operation by those leaders have also been
altered, and the leaders have developed an expertise on
specific subjects. The leadership structure is cohesive
in nature and in agreement on what policies to pursue
relative to contracting issues. The leaders frequently
discuss defense contracting problems informally among
themselves and more often discuss contracting questions
with administrative rather than legislative officials*
There will also be a special group to handle the issues
of defense contracting. It will be an area-wide organiza
tion if defense contracting affects more than one commun
204
ity. If not, tlie community will have its own interest
group. This defense contracting group will assume greater
importance in relation to similar local groups because the
:community leaders will eventually realize the necessity
of presenting a unified viewpoint to Washington officials.
The description suggests various implications
about the political process. The fact that there are
specific groups and individuals acting on behalf of a com
munity in matters of defense-contracting raises a question
about the role of the average citizen. It is commonly
recognized today that many problems of public policy are
so complex and technical that they are outside the realm
of competence or comprehension of the general electorate
or even the average legislator. As a consequence, greater
reliance is placed upon the scientific and technical ex-
pert who officially may act only in an advisory role, but
whose influence in fact may go beyond that function. To
some extent these experts can alter the traditional
notions of representation.
Such an implication may face local community
political systems as well. The leaders in Belhaven have
had to absorb quickly a great deal of knowledge about mil
itary and technological developments in order to converse
intelligently with appropriate personnel in Washington.
Frequently, these local leaders have not had access to
205
sufficient information or material to thoroughly under-
:stand the problems under consideration# Instead, they
have had to rely upon government officials for interpre-
:tation of technical data. Some of the Belhaven leaders
have considered the advisability of hiring a retired mil
itary officer or a technical expert to represent them
specifically on problems requiring this specialized com
petence.
The difficulties encountered by community leaders
in handling defense contracting issues suggest the pecul
iar nature of the issue. Defense contracting is uniquely
different from the more common community problems. First,
contracting can create rapid political, economic, and
social changes in a community. Second, defense contract
ing can produce changes in the basic composition of the
population of a community when new residents crowd into
the area. Third, because of its relation to national
security, defense contracting is not a subject readily
open to debate among leaders or the general citizenry. As
a result, there may be limited information from which the
community can make a decision. Even though some govern
ment agencies try to keep community leaders informed about
future defense needs, this is not always possible. It
becomes necessary, therefore, for community leaders to
remain flexible and to be prepared to readily assist their
communities in adjusting to an unexpected increase or
|decrease of defense contracting. This means also that the
|community electorate must rely upon a small group of its
Headers, who in turn are subject to limited information
from yet a smaller group of decision-makers. So-called
community issues thus become questions not really dis
cussed or decided to any extent within the community, but
determined in Washington by officials not directly respon
sible to the local community.
Such groups as the BVDA help the local communities
to retain some measure of control and to establish a
direct line to the national decision-makers. Without this
type of organization, the general populus is relatively
helpless in making known its demands. There is some skep
ticism however, about the effectiveness of local interest
groups. Bauer et al. concluded from their study on trade
legislation that, "There is reason to doubt the efficacy
of community organizations on national policy issues."^
This is certainly true about the formation of defense con
tracting policies. Yet, the BVDA has had some notable
success with decisions regarding the implementation of
contracting policy. It has been able to gain access to
1
Raymond Bauer, Ithiel De Sola Pool and Lewis
Dexter, American Business and Public Policy; The Politics
of Foreign Trade. (New York: Atherton Press, 19&3), P»
JWo
207
those individuals who make the decisions about contractors
and sites for defense contracts. Having made these impor
tant contacts, the BVDA leaders are then in a position to
indicate the advantages of Belhaven with regard to the
technical requirements of the contracts. This form of
persuasion is supported by legislative representatives
from Belhaven and California, At what point political
considerations begin to outweigh technological capabili
ties can not be stated. To the extent there is this in
tervening variable, it can be suggested that the BVDA has
been the group which has injected political factors into
the contracting process relating to Belhaven. The Associ
ation has crystalized political support at times and this
is assumed to have had some influence upon the defense
decision-makers.
As an interest group the BVDA has used government
at all levels to re-establish community equilibrium. This
p
finding tends to support the analysis made by Truman. In
the future, it may be anticipated that other communities
faced with defense contracting problems will be forced to
form organizations similar to the BVDA to counteract the
claims made against the government by the Belhaven group.
As Truman pointed out, interest group activity also re-
2
David Truman, The Governmental Process. Political
Interest and Public Opinion, (New York: Alfred A. Knopf,
1^62), pp. 101-102; 1W-10S.
208
quires a certain degree of equilibrium and one group will
*
emerge to counterbalance another. The conclusion can be
drawn, therefore, that the efforts of the BVDA may have
effects upon and implications for other communities and
groups.
The credit for the success that has been effected
in Belhaven goes specifically to the leaders of the
Valley. Even if it is true that defense contracting
issues and decisions are removed from the control of local
leaders, nevertheless the experiences of Elmwood and Cen- j
terville have indicated the necessity of foresight and
planning by community leaders. They could not prevent the
cancellation of a supersonic plane in 1962, yet through
their previous planning and work, the leaders were able to
forestall another major economic decline such as occurred
in 1957.
The accomplishments by the Valley leaders can be
attributed in part to a similar ability possessed by some
effective business leaders. Robert Guest makes an appro
priate observation which relates leaders to their socio-
technical environment. He states: "the degree of success
or lack of success [of business leaders] depends upon
management's skills in anticipating the reciprocal effect |
^Ibid., p. 106.
209
iL
of technology and organization." This has been the
experience of the BVDA leaders. To the extent they have
iassessed correctly the changing environment in which they
live, they have been able to determine what community and
organizational goals or changes were needed, and what was
the most feasible way of achieving them. This would seem
to be an important and practical manner in which local
leaders in defense-oriented communities can fulfill their
responsibility for handling the needs of their citizens.
The leaders in such communities are concerned with
both immediate and long-range goals. Short-range objec
tives concern economic stability of the communities.
Long-range problems relate to the issue of war and peace
and the consequences of reduced or discontinued defense
contracting. The leaders must plan and prepare for such
eventualities in order to prevent a major crisis within
their communities. Diversification of the economy becomes
the goal since this type of economic base allows conver
sion to non-military production most easily.
Should defense contracting ever be completely
eliminated in Belhaven a change in the leadership struc
ture could be expected once again. Those leaders who
n
fiobert Guest, Organizational Change — The Effect
of Successful Leadership. (HomewoodV Illinois: The Dorsey
Press, 1962J, p. 135*
might be replaced would be those who owe their present
;positions to their military and industrial contacts or
backgrounds* One such individual could be the Executive
Director of the BVDA. Other community and Valley leaders,
however, may be expected to remain in prominent positions.
Eor example, the President of the BVDA with his educa
tional background might not be affected if "peace suddenly
breaks out." In the normal course of events, one can
expect that there will be only a gradual reduction in dis
armament and defense contracting and this will bring about
a related transformation in the leadership structures.
The important point to consider is that a change in lead
ers can come as a result of either an increase or decrease
in contracting activities within a community.
It is necessary to know more about leaders in con
tract-oriented communities. Are certain types of leaders
required with specific kinds of social backgrounds? Why
are some leaders more effective on issues pertaining to
defense contracting than they are on other community prob-l
lems? The data from this study suggested that there were
few essential differences in the competency of the commun
ity leaders which could be traced to their previous busi
ness or governmental experiences. This does not mean,
however, that more effective leaders could not be re
cruited if additional knowledge about this question were
available.
i Farther research is also needed into the types of ;
political institutions best suited for a defense contract-
: oriented community. Vhat kinds of institutions are most
effective in a defense environment? This dissertation
indicated that in at least one case an area-wide interest i
group has been able to resolve community contracting prob
lems. It was further suggested that local government must
be flexible in relation to its social, economic and tech
nological environment. This observation, however, did not
indicate specifically the types of structural arrangements
which can meet this requirement.
Additional studies should continue to investigate
the relationship between economics and politics, especial
ly within a defense environment. One important step would
be to isolate each of the fifteen situational variables
listed in Chapter I to determine their relationship to
community leadership structures and the defense contract- :
ing process. The assumption is that these variables,
either singly, or in clusters, affect the composition of
the leadership structures and their manner of procedure in
the political process.
This connection between economics and politics has
been noted before by many writers. In most cases, econom
ics has been considered the independent variable, while
212
politics has been the dependent variable. The works of
jKarl Marx, Charles Beard and more recently Seymour Lipset^
treat the economic-political relationship in this manner.
In contrast, political science in its literature has re-
garded politics as the independent variable which affects
economics.
A major conclusion in this study is that politics
is both an independent and dependent variable. Political
action and leadership affects and is affected by the eco
nomic activity within a community political system. As a
result of political activity, such as that conducted by
the BVDA, certain economic consequences are manifested.
Specifically, in defense-oriented communities, these may
be in the form of new defense contracts or new businesses.
Similarly, the defense contracting environment influences
the nature of political procedures which are developed to
control the environment as much as possible. As the find
ings in Hypothesis Nine indicated, political access is
sought where defense contracting decisions are formulated.
The structural arrangements on the national level which
affect these economic decisions eventually influence the
local communities and their political activity. For these
reasons, therefore, the defense contracting process sug-
^Seymour M. Lipset, Political Man, (Garden City,
New York: Doubleday and Co., I960), p. 24.
213
gests a two-way flow between local and national govern
ments and between economic and political variables.
This examination of the relationship between com
munity political systems and defense contracting has sug
gested the interrelationship between economics and poli
tics within a community context. This study can be used
as a guideline for future investigation. Because some of
the conclusions to these hypotheses are still tentative,
additional research is needed to verify them before gen
eralizations can be made beyond the two communities of
Belhaven Valley.
APPENDIX
APPENDIX I
A. GENERAL QUESTIONNAIRE
1# Informant;
Name:
Title:
Occupation:
Community where employed:
Place of residence:
Length of residence in community:
2. What would you say are your major interests in rela
tion to the community of ( )? (Examples,
industrial development, schools, freeways etc).
Would you say you think more in terms of (community)
or the Belhaven Valley? Why?
4. What do you see as the major problems, projects or
issues facing either your (community) or the
Belhaven Valley?
5. Whom do you feel you could go to, including your per-'
sonal acquaintances, for advice as to what should
be done in regard to these problems?
6. Whom do you regard as the most influential persons as
far as having a say or determining what decisions
shall be made in regard to the community of ( )?
7. Whom do you regard as the most influential persons as
far as having a say or determining what decisions
215
216
shall be made in regard to the Valley? (See if
respondent distinguishes between these two areas).
8. Whom do you regard as the most influential persons
as far as having a say or determining what deci
sions shall be made in regard to community or
area problems and issues concerning government
contracting^, or related economic and political
activities?
9. How do you account for the fact there is (or is not)
a difference in the membership of these groups?
10. From your recollection, has there been a noticeable
change in membership composition of these groups
over the past five years, such as in the back
grounds and experiences of these members?
11. Have most of these members been residents of this
area for more than 5 years? Ho ; Yes ;
DK How easy is it for a new resident to
become a member of these groups?
12. What effect has the need for maintaining government
contracts had on the membership of these groups?
13* Do you recall the main reasons for the Air Force
Facility being established?
14. Which persons from this area were particularly in
fluential in bringing this about? Are they still
here?
13® What is the local government doing about economic
and contracting issues and problems? Do you agree
with these policies?
Questions 6,7, and 8 are drawn from Robert E.
Agger, "Power Attributions in the Local Community: Theo
retical and Research Considerations," Social Forces,
XXXIV, Ho. 4 (May, 1956), p. 324*
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
217
Are there any particular government officials
(either local, state or national) to whom you
try to get your desires known concerning com
munity problems? Why this person over any
other?
What role does your Congressman play in the
economic situation relating to your community?
What role do your two Senators play?
What effect on your lines and established patterns
of communication to Washington was there when a
new Congressman was elected?
Who do you think the Washington government officials
view as community leaders? The local government
officials or the BVDA? Why?
Are these leaders considered to be representing a
unified viewpoint or various community views?
Who do you think the military officials in Washington
at the Facility, and the Base view as the commun
ity leaders?
Who do you think the government contractors view as
community leaders?
Is there any other information which would be helpful
in this project?
B. BVDA Questionnaire
How did you become a member of BVDA? When?
On what basis were other members selected?
Has there been a noticeable change in the member
ship in the past 5 years? Yes ; Fo____ ;
DK • Is there a constant circulation of new
members?
Have the backgrounds and work experiences of the
members changed much in the past few years?
What are the goals of the BVDA?
What is the BVDA's relation to Elmwood and Center
ville, especially to their community leaders?
What experiences have you had personally with gov
ernment or military officials?
How is the internal work of the BVDA carried on?
By committee?
How are the final policy decisions reached?
Is there any conflict between the BVDA's policies
and those of the local communities?
Do you have any particular sources of demands and
pressures from the community?
Is there any one person with whom you usually work
or from whom you seek advice in the BVDA?
219
0. Mail Questionnaire
! These are additional questions which perhaps can be j
more quickly answered in writing. Please fill out as many!
of these as you can and return in the addressed envelope.
1 • Name:
Age:
Education: (Check highest category):
High School graduate_____
College Major_____
College graduate_____
Graduate school Major
Advanced Degree_____
2. Community positions held and the year:
3. Community organization memberships and year:
4-o Political organization memberships or activities
and year:
5- Do you recall the initial reaction of the community
to the establishment of the Air Porce Facility?
If so, please answer the following questions:
a) Was there much adjustment for the citizens
of the community? If so, what kind of
adjustments?
b) How were the local leaders affected by the
establishment of the Facility? For example,
were new demands for services etc. placed
on them?
c) Were the local leaders required to assume
new responsibilities or did their jobs
remain about the same?
220
6. Besides the BVDA, what other groups, associations
or organizations are currently involved in the
economic issues in the community or axea?
7* Have any of these groups assumed a predominant
position or assumed influence once held hy other
groups? If so, why has this come about?
80 Are there any groups or community leaders re
sisting economic change or growth? Yes ;
No • Are there any who do not care to see
this community change any more or get any bigger?
Yes ; No . Could you identify these groups
and indicate why they take the position that they
do?
D. Questionnaire for Public Officials
What particular problems have you encountered from
the Elmwood and Centerville area?
Is there anyone in particular* to whom you could
go for advice in solving these problems? -Any
one in government? In the community?
Do you view the BVDA as speaking unitedly for the
area or as an interest group with special inter
ests?
Do you find much division of opinion between the
communities and their leaders over economic
questions?
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Creator Present, Phillip Edward (author)

Core Title The Relationship Between Community Political Systems And Defense Contracting

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Political Science

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,political science, general

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Kuroda, Yasumasa (committee chair), Graves, Richard W. (committee member), Rigby, Gerald (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-114910

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