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Some Characteristics Of A Selected Sample Of Free Methodist Pastoral Dropouts

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Some Characteristics Of A Selected Sample Of Free Methodist Pastoral Dropouts

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Content This dissertation has bean
microfilmed exactly as received 6 8 -1 0 ,2 2 4
COCHRANE, Gordon E lv is, 1928-
SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF A SELECTED SAMPLE
OF FREE METHODIST PASTORAL DROPOUTS.
U niversity of Southern C alifornia, P h.D ., 1968
Sociology, general
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
Copyright (c) by
GORDON ELVIS COCHRANE
1968
SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF A SELECTED SAMPLE OF
FREE METHODIST PASTORAL DROPOUTS
by
Gordon Elvis Cochrane
A Dissertation presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Sociology)
January 1968
UNIVERSITY O F SO U TH ERN CALIFORNIA
THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, written by
under the direction of his..... Dissertation Com
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by the Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
.Goj.dQn..£l.YAs..C.QGhx&ne.
D O C T O R OF P H IL O S O P H Y
Dean
Date January; . . . 1. 968.
DISSERTATipN: COMMITTEE
/f\ /a ft Chairman
/ \| '> 1 LJL^ {Zv-uts-
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES
Page
iv
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION 1
The problem
procedure
Definitions of Terms
Organization of the Study
II. REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE AND
Population and Sample
The Measuring instruments
The Dogmatism Scale
The Scale of Religious Beliefs
The Vocational Decision Index
Pilot study
Statistical methods
Studies Ancillary to the Hypotheses
THEORETICAL FRAME 18
Related Literature
Theoretical Frame
Summary and implications
III. PROCEDURE 45
Chapter
IV. FINDINGS
Page
65
Introduction
General Observations
Hypothesis I
Hypothesis II
Hypothesis III
Summary
V. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION....................... 94
Implications for Future Research
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................... 105
APPENDIXES
Appendix A. Questionnaire ...................... 112
Appendix B. Historical Background of the
Selected Denomination ............. 134
Appendix C. A Replication of the
Duncan Study ................. 144
iii
LIST OP TABLES
Table Page
1. Church Membership as a Percentage of
the population of the united states,
by Selected Years ........................... 2
2. Relation between Open and closed Mindedness,
and pastors and pastoral Dropouts ......... 76
3. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
Pastor-Pastoral Dropouts, by Social
Position..................................... 78
4. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
Pastor-Pastoral Dropouts, by Education
of S p o u s e................................... 80
5. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
Pastor-Pastoral Dropouts, by Education
of F a t h e r ................................... 81
6. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
pastor-pastoral Dropouts, by Education
of M o t h e r ................................... 82
7. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
Pastor-Pastoral Dropouts, by Health
of Respondent.............................. 84
8. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
pastor-pastoral Dropouts, by Health
of S p o u s e ................................... 86
iv
Table Page
9. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
pastor-pastoral Dropouts, by
__ Generational Mobility...................... 88
10. Relation between Open-Closed Mindedness and
Pastor-Pastoral Dropouts, by
Geographical A r e a .......................... 89
11. Reaction toward Entering the Ministry:
Percent Rank order Relation of Ex-Ministers,
by Pastoral Dropouts and pastors ............ 148
12. Reaction toward Leaving the Ministry:
Percent Rank Order Relation of Ex-Ministers,
by Pastoral Dropouts and pastors.............152
v
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Statistical findings indicate that the total church
membership as a percentage of the total population in the
United States is increasing (see Table 1).
Among several implications of this increase in
church membership is the effect upon the leadership dimen
sion of the religious bodies. There appears to be an
increasing concern by denominational leaders and seminary
officials regarding the recruitment and training of
ministers to fill not only many presently vacant pulpits,
but also, the proposed pulpits of a rapidly expanding
church community.1 One unidentified clergyman along with
presenting his particular disillusionment with the ministry,
stated that "Protestant Clergymen are resigning in unprece
dented numbers," and he further added that there is a
V Seward Salisbury, Religion in American Culture
(Homewood, 111.: The Dorsey press, 1964), p. 206.
1
2
TABLE 1
CHURCH MEMBERSHIP AS A PERCENTAGE OP THE
POPULATION OP THE UNITED STATES,
BY SELECTED YEARS
1850 - 16% 1920 - 43%
1860 - 23 1930 - 47
1870 - 18 1940 - 49
1880 - 20 1950 - 57
1890 - 22 1955 - 61
1900 - 36 1960 - 63.6
1910 - 43 1963 - 64
SOURCE: Yearbook of American churches, 33d issue, Annual
(New York: National council of Churches of
Christ, U.S.A., 1965), p. 280.
critical shortage of ministerial recruits. Both of these
allegations were challenged by Protestant leaders. However,
"Protestant leaders . . . admitted that over a ten-year
period they had not kept up with the increase in the total
3
population."
One basic aspect of the above-stated concern regard
ing the recruitment and training of ministers which has
received slight attention in the literature is the question
of the Protestant minister who leaves the pastorate, in
this category are men who have experienced what they have
regarded as the ministerial "call." They have spent a con
siderable number of years in preparation and training
through extensive education and in many cases an internship.
They have actually engaged in a pastoral ministry. However,
for a variety of reasons they have terminated their rela
tionship with a pastorate. It is this group, the pastoral
dropouts, upon which this exploratory research proposes to
focus. (The term "pastoral dropout" seems more fitting than
"ministerial dropout" due to the fact that many of these
Anonymous Clergyman as reported in "Why I Quit the
Ministry," Saturday Evening Post, CCXXXV (November 17,
1962), 32.
3
Salisbury, op. cit.t p. 210.
have not only retained an official ministerial relationship
with the church, but also preach in varying degrees of
regularity.)
The problem
Statement of the problem.— Much of the research
dealing with the clergy has been carried out on the
seminary student, that is, the pre-clergy candidate. (A
review of this body of literature was considered irrelevant
to the present study.) Roe, in her Psychology of Occupa
tions , stated that "available studies in this field (clergy-
4
men) are confined to students and novices." Dittes report
ed that between fifteen and twenty per cent of persons who
enroll in Protestant Theological Seminaries do not graduate;
that perhaps fifteen to twenty per cent of those who do
graduate do not pursue the active ministry as their voca
tion; he also conjectures that figures of about this same
5
order are true among Catholics and Jews. This seems to
4
Anne Roe, psychology of Occupations (New York;
John Wiley and Sons, 1956), p. 232.
5
James E. Dittes, "Research on Clergymen: Factors
Influencing Decisions for Religious Service and Effective
ness in the vocation," Religious Education. LVII (Research
Supplement, 1962), S148.
indicate that our knowledge of ministers, those who have
actually persevered through the stresses of training, been
appointed to a pastorate, and survived the initial profes
sional adjustment, is slight, and comparatively recent.
Purpose of the study.— The present dissertation
is focused upon the pastoral dropout in an attempt to
isolate certain variables which may have led him to change
vocations after having spent a considerable amount of time
and effort in preparation and performance of his ministerial
tasks, very simply stated the question is: Why do pastors
drop out of the pastoral ministry? Sociologically, and in
the light of the following theoretical scheme, the question
is: Why do social systems lose the commitment of their
leaders?
Having selected a highly structured protestant
denomination with an episcopal form of church polity (see
Appendix B, "Historical Background of the Selected
Denomination") it was the purpose of this exploratory
study to:
1. compare a sample of Protestant pastoral drop
outs and protestant pastors with respect to
dogmatism (closed or open belief systems),
religious beliefs, and vocational Index
("call”).
2. Discover whether measures of social position
(Hollingshead's Two-Factor index), amount of
education of spouse, father and mother,
health of self and spouse, and perceptions
of generational mobility distinguish between
pastors and pastoral dropouts.
3. Compare pastors and pastoral dropouts
with respect to reasons for entering the
ministry, and compare pastors' statements of
circumstances under which they might have
considered leaving the ministry with pastoral
dropouts' stated reasons for having left the
ministry.
Theoretical statement.— The theoretical position
basic to this research has been that the clergy primarily
functions within a formal organizational structure. This
formal system sets certain goals, and positions its person
nel in various ways in order to accomplish these purposes.
The organization is constantly in the process of coordinat
ing and controlling its participants through the continual
manipulation and institutionalization of relationships quite
apart from individual considerations. This can be referred
to as a closed organizational system.
However, the formal organization remains dependent
upon individuals who perform the allocated functions and
responsibilities, and who also operate as a source of dis
turbance within the system. Conversely, these individuals
may function as a source of potential frustration to them
selves by reason of their reactions to the system.
It is theorized that a certain type of individual
may find within the confines of the highly structured
formal organization a position of discontent that will lead
him to exchange his leadership role for which he has a con
siderable investment in time, effort, and emotional involve
ment into other professions.
Assumption and postulates.— There are four major
categories into which the many variables pertaining to
pastoral dropouts may fall. These groupings are: aspects
of the self, or intrapersonal relations5 aspects of the
church as a formal organization; aspects of the Gospel or
the Ideal Church; and aspects of interpersonal relations.
This study has proposed to limit itself to selected
8
intrapersonal factors within the context of a highly struc
tured protestant denomination.
In regard to clerical research Dittes stated:
There is no reason to suppose a priori that
all the more common social categories, such as
denomination or social class, do necessarily
differ among clergymen. It is only as such a
category co-varies with some important psychologi
cal variable, i.e., the opportunity which the
clerical role actually offers for succourant
behavior, only then does the broader category
have importance.®
The basic assumption of the present research has
been that the pastors who leave the confines of the orga
nizational structure tend to manifest a less dogmatic per
sonality than those who remain in the pastorate (dogmatism
as measured by Rokeach's Dogmatic Scale, Form E). The
notion contained herein is that one's belief system is an
integral part of his personality and will be manifest
as either closed (dogmatic) or open, that one will generally
behave within the confines of externally imposed structure,
or be more able to behave independently, according to the
unique requirements of the situation.
Based on this assumption this investigation has
attempted to test the relationship between pastors and
6
Ibid., p. S144.
pastoral dropouts as to their stated religious beliefs. It
would seem that pastors who remain relatively content within
an organization would maintain a greater similarity of
stated religious beliefs due to the continual process of
indoctrination and orientation than those who choose to
leave the structure, it is postulated that pastors who
leave the structure of^ the pastorate would tend to have a
significantly greater variance in their religious beliefs
than pastors who remain.
A second deviation is that pastoral dropouts will
perceive the "call" to the ministry in rational rather than
emotional terms, namely, "influenced by reasoning rather
7
than by emotion." This would follow from the initial
assumption, i.e., those who tend to be more open-minded in
their belief systems would tend to react less emotionally
and more rationally to the "call" to preach. Thus, if a
rational decision led them into the ministry the same
cognitive process depending upon the immediate demands of
the situation could then also lead them out of the pastoral
ministry.
7 - r
Horace B. English and Ava Champney English, A
Comprehensive Dictionary of Psychological and Psycho
analytical Terms; A Guide to Usage (New York: Longmans,
Green, and Co., 1958), p. 438.
10
If these postulates are not rejected for the sample
chosen and matched, i.e., pastors and pastoral dropouts
from a highly structured protestant denomination, it may
be that open and closed mindedness as a function of person
ality and as reflected in belief systems may answer a
portion of the question as to why certain systems lose the
commitment of their leaders.
Hypotheses.—
I. Pastoral dropouts from closed organizational
systems will be more open-minded in their belief systems
than pastors who remain.
II. There will be a significant variance between
pastors and pastoral dropouts on the Religious Belief
index.
III. Pastoral dropouts (Open-belief systems) will
react more rationally to the vocational Decision Index.
Studies ancillary to the hypotheses.— A section
of this exploratory investigation has been an attempt to
make a descriptive comparison between pastors and pastoral
dropouts using demographic data supplied by the samples.
In addition to the matching factors of age, amount of educa
tion, size of last pastorate, marital status, income on the
11
last pastorate, time in the denomination, time in the active
ministry, and whether or not the men were ordained, informa
tion was obtained regarding Hollingshead's Two-Factor Index
of social position, amount of education of spouse and father
and mother, health of self and spouse, and perceptions of
generational mobility. These aspects were analyzed in an
attempt to discover any patterns which would distinguish
between the two basic aggregates. In discussion with several
knowledgeable persons who have had long association with
the specific denomination under consideration and with the
topic under investigation it was felt that these factors
might show up as valuable interjections in this inquiry.
One additional section has been included in the
questionnaire. The following open-ended questions were
asked of the respondents: (1) please list in order of
importance your major reasons for entering the pastoral
ministry; (2) (for pastors) under what circumstances have
you considered .leaving the pastoral ministry? (3) (for
non-pastors) please list in order of importance to you the
major reasons for leaving the pastoral ministry; (4) (for
non-pastors) list the type of work in which you are present
ly engaged. Responses to these questions have proven
useful from two points of view. First, to round out the
12
present study, a content analysis of reactions toward
entering the ministry and reactions toward leaving the
pastorate might possibly differentiate between remainers
and dropouts. Second, these questions have served to
replicate a study done by Duncan in 1932 to which reference
has been made on page 25, and in Appendix C.
Limitations of the study.— This study is subject
to the limitations normally associated with mailed ques
tionnaire responses. Though careful and consistent checking
on returns was maintained, several of the originally con
tacted respondents did not fill in the questionnaires.
Substitutions were made for these.
The sample chosen consisted of matched pairs of
pastors and pastoral dropouts from the same denomination.
This does not constitute a random and representative sample
of all dropouts from this religious body. Therefore, one
cannot infer from this sample to any larger segment of the
pastoral church population.
In the matching process some slippage on the matched
variables may have occurred due to the technique utilized
for matching. Pertinent data about the pastoral dropouts
were given to the District Superintendents in specific
13
conferences who then matched the dropouts with pastors who
had remained on the pastorate in these conferences. Matches
proved to be close, but not exact.
The study was limited to the exploration of certain
intra-personal aspects of the question regarding the reasons
ministers tend to leave the pastoral ministry. Other
aspects of this question remain untouched in this research,
and certainly warrant further study.
Value of the study.— Most persons associated with
the church, and primarily with its clergy function, are
aware of the minister shortage. A growing concern seems
to deal directly with the problem of ministers who have
been trained for leadership positions, have actually served
the church in this capacity for extended periods of time,
but for various reasons have moved away from the pastorate
into other professions.
The study may be of value by having focused atten
tion on the problem of pastoral dropouts, namely, how reli
gious organizations lose the commitment of their leaders.
If the highly structured formal organization (church in
this case) does not allow enough opportunity for the more
open-minded (Rokeach's term) individual to satisfy the
needs of his own belief system he may be motivated to find
other outlets for his ministerial "call" and his religious
belief orientation.
The findings of this study may be found to be useful
in the recruitment, training, guidance, and placement of
new ministers within certain confines of the religious orga
nization .
A systematic study of this nature may contribute
some insight into the literature gap regarding ministerial,
and perhaps more broadly, leadership defection.
procedure
To complete the investigation into how formal
organizations lose the commitment of their leaders the
procedure outlined below was followed:
1. A protestant denomination (Free Methodist)
was selected as an example of a formal organization, and
the clergy of that denomination as illustrative of the
dimension of leadership.
2. Clearance for the research was obtained from
the top administrative officials of the world-wide denomina
tion as well as from the local conference superintendents.
3. Existing scales were found in the literature
15
which would measure the major variables deemed important
in this research. These were Rokeach's Dogmatism scale
(Form E) , Gustafson's Scale of Religious Beliefs, and
The vocational Decision Index.
4. Reliability and validity checks were established
for these scales. Rokeach maintained his own checks based
on extensive research as reported in his book, The Open and
Closed Mind (see Chapter ill). The other two scales were
checked using the split-half technique for reliability and
the jury of experts for validity.
5. A pilot study was run in an attempt to
ascertain the clarity of instructions, questions, demo
graphic responses, and the logic of the hypotheses.
6. A roster of pastoral dropouts was compiled,
and these were matched on eight variables with pastors from
the same denomination who had remained on a pastorate. This
sample amounted to a total of 100— fifty dropouts matched
with fifty pastors.
7. Questionnaires were administered to and
received from 100 respondents.
8. A replication of a study done in 1932 was
included both for its intrinsic value to this research,
and for comparative purposes after thirty-five years.
16
Chapter ill has presented detailed accounts of these
methodological procedures.
Definitions of Terms
1. Pastor.— Ordained ministers of the Free
Methodist Church serving in a pastoral capacity were
included in this category.
2. Pastoral dropouts.— in this study pastoral
dropout has referred to ordained men who had spent at least
three years on a Free Methodist pastorate, were not now
serving in that or any other denomination as pastor, were
not retired from the pastorate, were members in good stand
ing at the time they dropped from the pastoral rolls, and
were not chosen to fill any administrative function in
the denomination.
3. Open and closed mindedness.— In this study
these terms have been used to refer to relative positions
on a numerical continuum as theoretically identified by
Rokeach in Dogmatism scale (Form E). Further elucidation
of this scheme can be found both in Chapter II and in
Chapter III.
4. The call.— For the purposes of this research
"the call" refers to the statements from the Free Methodist
17
Book of Doctrine to which each ministerial candidate and
ordained elder must affirmatively attest. Briefly,
"Do you believe you are called of God to preach the
8
Gospel?"
Organization of the Study
This chapter has included a discussion of the
problem, its purposes, a brief theoretical statement, and
the assumptions underlying the study. Hypotheses related
to the investigation have been stated. Limitations of the
study have been identified. The probable value of the
research has been suggested.
Chapter II has discussed related literature, and
the theoretical frame. Chapter ill gives a detailed
explanation of the methodological procedure. Chapter IV
lists the findings of the research. Chapter V includes
a summary and conclusions, and recommendations for
subsequent research.
Q
Doctrines and Discipline of the Free Methodist
Church of North America (Winona Lake, Ind.: The Free
Methodist Publishing House, 1961), p. 121.
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OP RELATED LITERATURE
Although much of the research dealing with the
clergy has been carried out on the seminary student, i.e.,
the pre-clergy candidate, there has been a growing body
of literature on the role of the clergy in the last decade.
Related Literature
In 1954 Russell Dynes stressed the necessity of
research relative to religious authority and leadership.
His conclusive statement was that the "study of the priest,
the prophet, the saint, the preacher, the seer, the leader
of new sects, and the intricacies of the religious hierarchy
will require an intensive role analysis."^ Various phases
of the role of the clergy have received considerable empha
sis in subsequent studies. Samuel w. Blizzard has pointed
^Russell Dynes, "Toward the Sociology of Religion,"
Sociology and Social Research, XXXVIII (March-April, 1954),
232.
18
19
out an increasing "role-ambiguity" due to the changing
expectations in the nature of rural culture. He has found
a movement toward the "specifist" (counselor, liturgist,
organizer, administrator or teacher), and away from the
"preacher-pastor" (the generalized situation which was
2
informal and relatively unstructured).
Employing an alternative approach Blizzard reported
on a study of 690 Protestant ministers who were asked to
evaluate six roles (administrator, organizer, pastor,
preacher, priest, and teacher) from the perspectives of
importance, effectiveness, and enjoyment. He found that
ministers both by training and inclination felt most
adequate in performing the "traditional roles" (the world
of ideas) and were most troubled by the "neo-traditional
or contemporary roles" (that of interpersonal relations,
dealing with people). Blizzard interpreted that these
latter roles not only lacked sanctions of universal under
standing in religious ideology, but also lacked consensus
as to the behavioral ways of performing them. "This is the
minister's dilemma. He faces basic ambiguites in performing
2
Samuel W. Blizzard, "The Roles of the Rural parish
Minister, the Protestant Seminary, and the sciences of
Social Behavior," Christian Century, L, No. 6 (November,
1955), 384.
the practitioner roles."
Religious leadership and roles, though not in the
conventional institutional frame, were studied by Burchard.
His concern was with the role conflict resolution of mili
tary chaplains as they were faced with differing role obli
gations. Generalizations based on his research were (1)
"that the role which provides for the individual his primary
identification takes first place in his hierarchy of role
obligations," and (2) that for the chaplain the role of
4
military officer provides his primary identification.
A comparative study of the emerging role of the
pastor was done by Evans in which he analyzed the differing
concepts of the pastor's role from the reference points of
pastors and lay office-holders. He found support for the
hypothesis that "the pastoral role expectations of lay
office-holders differ significantly from those of pastors."
3
Samuel W. Blizzard, "The Minister's Dilemma,"
Christian Century. LXXIII, Part I, n o. 17 (April 25, 1956),
509. See also Samuel w. Blizzard, "The Protestant Parish
Minister's Integrative Roles," Religious Education. LIII,
No. 4 (July-August, 1958), 374.
4
Waldo W. Burchard, "Role Conflicts of Military
Chaplains," American Sociological Review. XIX, No. 5
(October, 1954), 535.
21
Pastors expected a greater degree of profes
sionalism in the rationality (their own judgment
of effectiveness and efficiency) and universalism
dimensions (generalized norm terms) than did office
holders, but a lesser degree in the functional
specificity dimensions (Pastors' competence in
matters of religion, church organization, and church
administration). The widest differences were mani
fested in the universalism dimension where pastors
expressed expectations for a much greater degree
of professionalism.5
Smith did a comparative study of congregational
and episcopal-type clergy in which he noted that considering
the authority structure, each had its own appropriate
ideology. The Episcopal system leans toward "Sacramentalism
— where denominational offices, structure and rituals are
ends in themselves"; and the congregational system leans
toward "instrumentalism— where these things are only
instruments or means with no particular sacredness about
them.
Another type of clergy research was shown in a study
of Catholic pastors and the determination of their appoint
ments. Based on replies from 1,417 pastors O'Donovan and
5
Theodore Q. Evans, "The Brethren Pastor: Differ
ential Conceptions for an Emerging Role," Journal for the
Scientific Study of Religion. Ill, No. 1 (Fall, 1963), 51.
g
Luke M. Smith, "The Clergy: Authority Structure,
Ideology, Migration," American Sociological Review, XVIII
(June, 1953), 242.
22
Dugan failed to reject the hypothesis that "succession to
the position of pastor is predicated on seniority." They
also found that merit or previous administrative experience
is only secondary. These pastors seemed to feel that each
of them had a special gift or talent over their peers as
exemplified by the following data; When questioned regard
ing factors responsible for elevation of their peers,
63 per cent indicated factors related to seniority; when
questioned regarding the factors responsible for their own
7
elevation, only 8 per cent indicated seniority, leaving
the inference that each was a special case of elevation
due to personal merit.
The literature as presented in this section is of
necessity meager due to the paucity of such types of studies
in the field. However, it seems to indicate that the role
of the minister in present society is very complex. The
apparent differences have ranged from clergy-laity discrep
ancies in role definition, through role ambiguity and role
obligations within similar and diverse structural schemes,
to diverse feelings regarding certain gifts and talents of
7
Thomas R. O'Donovan and Arthur X. Dugan, "Some
Career Determinants of Church Executives," Sociology and
Social Research, XLVIII, No. 1 (October, 1963), 58-68.
23
one's peers in relation to himself. Niebuhr has said that
the function of the minister in the modern community is
undefined and nonconsensual. "Entering the ministry is
like entering the Army. it remains unknown where one will
g
land or live or what specific job he will do." Gustafson
has suggested that the minister not only functions within
but must be understood within a social context: "...
even as a business man is a member of a bureaucracy of a
corporation and is subject to the pressures and changes of
9
a market system."
Along somewhat the same line Glock and Stark have
expressed it this way:
The minister is beholden not only to his
parishioners but to a denomination whose policies
and practices also influence the amount of freedom
he can exercise. it is the unusual minister who
has no concern for his career and for the standards
of promotion set by his denomination. Where these
standards are based on traditional values he is not
likely to feel encouraged to establish new ones,
except perhaps where their impact will be clearly
shown. Thinking particularly of ministers serving
city churches, denominations would appear to be
8
H. Richard Niebuhr, The Purpose of the Church and
Its Ministry (New York: Harper and Bros., 1956), p. 51.
9
James M. Gustafson, "An Analysis of the Problem
of Role of Minister," Journal of Religion, XXXIV, No. 3
(July, 1954), 187.
24
desperate for new ideas which would make the church's
work in the inner city effective. it is suggested,
however, that new ideas will not be accepted if they
seriously challenge tradition. A minister may see
his problem as a long-range one and undertake to con
stitute a program whose fruits may not be apparent
for many years. if in the interim the minister fails
to meet his budget or flaunts the tradition that
churches are to be evaluated by the number of new
members they recruit each year, his efforts are not
likely to be applauded or his work encouraged.10
A search of the literature revealed only two studies
from nonpopularized sources dealing with the question of
pastoral dropouts. One of these was found in a chapter
entitled "Giving Up the Vocation" in Joseph Fichter's
Religion as an Occupation. Fichter was primarily concerned
with ex-priests and ex-nuns, but he spoke cogently regarding
the structural frame of the organized church.
Quite aside from the moral virtues or defects
of either superiors or subordinates, the modern
religious organization finds itself caught between
two social structures, the bureaucratic and the
professional. The lack of adjustment between the
two modes of organization runs like a theme through
all of the accounts of personal defections from the
priestly and religious life. From the point of view
of the superior, the professional functions inter
fered with the procedures of the traditional system.
Sociologically, this appears to be the heart of the
problem of defection.^
10C. Y. Glock and R. Stark, Religion and Society in
Tension (Chicago: Rand McNally & Company, 1965) , p. 128.
Joseph H. Fichter, Religion as an Occupation
(Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame press, 1961) , p. 208.
25
In addition to Fichter's statement on "Defection"
one other source dealing with ex-ministers from a sociologi
cal point of view was reported.
Within recent years a number of articles, discuss
ing the dearth of ministers and general conditions
in the churches, have appeared. According to cer
tain estimates there are 10,000 Protestant churches
in the United states without pastors, and according
to statements of some seminary presidents there is
each year a more decided determination on the part
of promising young men to shun the ministry. More
recently a few ministers have published their rea
sons for resigning from the active pastorate.^
With the foregoing statement H. G. Duncan introduced
an article thirty-five years ago regarding ex-ministers. It
appears to be remarkably close to the opening comments of
this dissertation. It may be surmised that each generation
is newly aware of a question that may tend to persist
throughout the history of society, namely, why do formal
organizations lose the commitment of their leaders; or in
this case, why do committed and called ministers change
their views regarding the pastoral ministry.
Duncan's 111 respondents or ex-ministers did not
represent any specific denominational orientation. They
were asked to state their reactions toward entering the
12
H. G. Duncan, "Reactions of Ex-Ministers toward
the Ministry," Journal of Religion. XII (1932), 100.
26
ministry and their reactions toward leaving the ministry.
Duncan then reported on the various clusters of response
categories into which the reactions appeared to fall. No
theoretical frame was indicated.
Theoretical Frame
Salisbury stated that the vocation of the clergy
is a profession, a career, and an occupation. It
is a profession since it is primarily concerned with
rendering a service. it is a career since a whole
life is occupied in the performing of the service.
It is an occupation since it is a means of being
gainfully employed. 13
Due to the fact that the clergy primarily operates
within the organization of a church body, social organiza
tional theory can provide the framework for this exploratory
study.
Selznick defined organization as the "arrangement
of personnel for facilitating the accomplishment of some
agreed purpose through the allocation of functions and
14
responsibilities." He spelled this out as a formal sys
tem, a structural expression of coordinating forces of
13
Salisbury, Religion in American Culture, p. 206.
14
Philip Selznick, "Foundations of the Theory of
Organization," American sociological Review. XIII (1948),
25.
27
rational action.
In this context delegation is the primordial orga
nizational act, a precarious venture which requires
the continuous elaboration of formal mechanisms of
coordination and control. The security of all partic
ipants, and of the system as a whole, generates a
persistent pressure for the institutionalization of
relationships, which are thus removed from the uncer
tainties of individual fealty or sentiment. More
over, it is necessary for the relations within the
structure to be determined in such a way that indi
viduals will be interchangeable and the organization
will thus be free of dependence upon personal quali
ties. In this way the formal structure becomes sub
ject to calculable manipulation, an instrument of
rational action.15
The ideal of formal organization as stated above
has not been able to conquer the informal or nonrational
aspects of behavior. The organization remains dependent
upon individuals to perform-actions necessary to carry on
its stated or implied purposes, thus both contributing to
the coordination of the system and also operating as a
source of dilemma and frustration. Selznick has related
this basic paradox to the fact that rational action systems
are indelibly impressed in what he called an "institutional
matrix" in the following significant ways:
(1) The action system— or the formal structure of
delegation and control which is its organizational
expression— is itself only an aspect of a concrete
28
social structure made up of individuals who may
interact as wholes, not simply in terms of their
formal roles within the system; (2) the formal
system, and the social structure within which it
finds concrete existence, are alike subject to
the pressure of an institutional environment to
which some overall adjustment must be made.-*-®
It is in the context of individuality within the
organization frame that the formal organization can be
noted as a cooperative system.
From the standpoint of organization as a formal
system, persons are viewed functionally, in respect
to their roles, as participants in assigned seg
ments of the cooperative system. But in fact indi
viduals have a propensity to resist depersonaliza
tion, to spill over the boundaries of their segmen
tary roles, to participate as wholes. The formal
systems cannot take account of the deviations thus
introduced and consequently break down as instru
ments of control when relied upon alone. The whole
individual raises new problems for the organization,
partly because he brings with him a set of estab
lished habits as well, perhaps, as commitments to
special groups outside of the organization. Dele
gation is an organizational act, having to do with
formal assignments of functions and powers. Theo
retically, these assignments are made to roles or
official positions, not to individuals as such, in
fact, however, delegation necessarily involves con
crete individuals who have interests and goals which
do not always coincide with the goals of the formal
system. As a consequence, individual personalities
may offer resistance to the demands made upon them
by the official conditions of delegation.
17
Ibid., pp. 26-27.
29
Selznick has further pointed out that any specific
organizational system is an economy (which specifies and
manipulates its resources as effective and/or efficient),
and an adaptive social structure (influenced by forces
outside of the control and delegation of the system).
The notions of control and consent are inseparable within
the formally organized system, and become the express
leadership problems of "legitimacy of authority and dynamics
,.18
of persuasion."
Noting the behavioral aspect of organizational
theory within an institutional frame, Miliett criticized
the structure of organization by stating:
Organization as a pattern of status subordination
for individuals and groups may promote frustration
which finds its outlet in turnover, unionism, ex
cessive ambition to rise in the hierarchy, criticism
and hostility toward superiors, primary concern for
monetary rewards, and a p a t h y . 18
parsons and Bales denote four functional problems
which every social system must solve if it is to remain in
existence.^
18 .
Ibid.
19
John D. Millett, Academic community (New York:
McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1962), p. 19.
20
Talcott parsons, Structure and process in Modern
Societies (New York; The Free Press, 1960), pp. 164-165.
30
1. Pattern Maintenance and Tension Management.
The units of a social system, either individuals or sub
groups, must have a knowledge of the social system and its
patterns and have a measure of on-going respect for them.
For an effective system any disturbances and strains need to
be managed, regardless of the level at which they may occur.
2. Adaptation. There must be a measure of role
differentiation if the system is to adapt to its social
and nonsocial environment. This is the area of division
of labor or the organization of the structure for no one
person could simultaneously perform all of the necessary
functions of any group.
3. Goal Attainment. Each system has some coopera
tive effort for the attainment of goals or certain value-
systems toward which it is striving.
4. Integration. Here the interrelations of units
are emphasized. Such things as loyalty to the system as a
whole and to each other, solidarity, and morale fall under
this rubric.
These four categories are not exclusive in a formal
organization; in fact, they are relative to each other and
dependent upon each other in the structure-function of any
31
system.
Blau and Scott have suggested that the four "basic
problems" and their solutions as described by Parsons and
Bales are the foci of every formal organization (or social
system) with its particular and unique set of subsystems.
"All organizations are faced with these problems; however,
the particular structures devised to meet them will vary
21
with the type of organization under consideration."
Similarly, Niebuhr has listed four aspects to be
known whenever there is a definite concept of the ministry:
(1) The "call" to the ministry, the elements of which are
religious commitment, inner persuasion, the existence of
talent, and the ecclesiastical call. (2) Authority; that
is, of the institution, of the scriptures and with respect
to personal integrity. (3) work of the ministry, such as
the preaching of the Gospel. (4) The idea of the people—
22
those to whom the minister is called to serve.
Glock has developed a scheme utilizing four dimen
sions of religious experience: (1) "Behavioral,"
21
Peter M. Blau and Richard Scott, Formal Organiza
tion: A Comparative Approach (San Francisco: Chandler
Publishing company, 1962), p. 39.
22
Niebuhr, op. cit., p. 64.
32
ritualistic involvement, attendance; (2) "ideological,"
doctrine, beliefs and values; (3) "Experiential," feelings,
perceptions linked with the Divine Essence; (4) "Consequen
tial," what people do, their attidues as a consequence of
23
their religious beliefs and practices.
Three basic relationships are indicated by Bedsole as
comprising the problems and conflicts of all people;
(1) one's relationship to self; (2) one's relationship to
24
God; (3) one's relationship to others. He further denotes
the denominational involvement of pastors as another area
of concern.
Duncan grouped the reactions of 111 ex-ministers
toward leaving the ministry under four broad headings;
"larger field of service," "inefficient organization,"
"intellectual reconstruction," and ‘ 'consideration for
family.
Four notions which seem to appear repeatedly in the
23
Charles Y. Glock, "The Religious Revival in
America?" in Jane c. Zohn, ed., Religion and the Face of
America (Berkeley; University of California press, 1959) ,
pp. 25-42.
24
Adolph Bedsole, The Pastor in Profile (Michigan:
Baker Book House, 1958), pp. 11-12.
25
Duncan, "Reactions of Ex-Ministers toward the
Ministry," loc. cit.. pp. 105-113.
33
literature have been conceptualized for the purposes of
this study in terms of: (1) intrapersonal relations (self);
(2) the church as an organization; (3) the gospel, or ideal
church; (4) interpersonal relations (family, people, or
congregation). By combining parsons, Niebuhr, Glock,
Bedsole, Duncan, and the notions immediately preceding into
a single frame it is possible to roughly equate four
clusters or "major variable categories."
MAJOR VARIABLE CATEGORIES
PASTORAL DROPOUTS
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION FRAME
I . II. III. IV.
Pattern main
tenance and
Tension Manage
ment
Adaptation Goal Attain
ment
Integration
"Call" to the Authority: Work of the Idea of the
Ministry institutional
Frame
Ministry People: To
Whom Called
Experiential Behavioral Ideological Consequential
Self Denomina
tional
God Others
Intellectual inefficient Larger Field Consideration
Reconstruction Organization for Service for Family
Self: intra-
personal
Church as an
Organization
The Gospel or
Ideal Church
Interpersonal
34
These four broad categories seem to include the
major variables which may be related to why the system
(pastoral ministry in this case) loses the commitment of
26
its leaders.
The literature on qualifications for the clergy is
replete with references to "the Call" as prerequisite to an
individual's becoming a minister of the Gospel.
As Broom and Selznick have observed;
in some American Protestant congregations it is
considerd not only a necessary but a sufficient
qualification for the minister to have subjectively
experienced a "call from God" and to demonstrate
his religious inspiration through effective
preaching.27
In Niebuhr and Williams we read;
What qualifies a man for the ministry? it has been
generally characteristic of Evangelical Protestants
in America to single out a special "call" as funda
mental. This call has been conceived as a summons
from God made known to the individual through an
identifiable and distinctive personal experience.
26
Results of this study have suggested that in only
a very few cases was personal or family health or similar
pressure a factor in the decision to leave the pastorate.
27
Leonard Broom and p. Selznick, Sociology; A Text
with Adapted Readings (New York; Harper and Row, 1963),
p. 412.
28
H. Richard Niebuhr and D. D. Williams, eds.,
The Minister in Historical Perspective (New York; Harper
and Bros., 1956), p. 271.
35
And again:
In no major denomination (has there been) any
radical departure from the traditional view of
Christians that the ministry is a vocation to
which individuals are "called" of God, but always
[the "call" has been] in the context of a church
which guards entrance upon the duties of the office
with regulations deemed scriptural, and defines
the ministers' role.^9
Several paragraphs from the discipline of the Free
Methodist church provide support for the latter notion:
QUALIFICATIONS AND WORK
1. The Call to Preach
#300. Examination of Those Who Think They Are Moved
by the Holy Ghost to preach.—
1. The following questions shall be asked the
candidates, namely: Do you know God as a pardoning
God? Have you the love of God abiding in you? Do
you desire nothing but what is the will of God? Do
you believe that entire sanctification is the work
of God wrought instantaneously upon the heart of
the consecrated, believing soul subsequent to justi
fication? Do you believe you are called of God to
preach the Gospel?
2. The following questions shall be considered by
the district conference. Have they gifts as well as
grace for the work? Have they in some tolerable
degree a clear, sound understanding, a right judg
ment in the things of God, and a just conception
of salvation by faith? Has God given them any
degree of utterance? Do they speak justly, readily,
clearly? Have they fruit? Are any truly convinced
of sin, and converted to God by their preaching?
And are they holy in all manner of conversation?
29
Ibid., p. 231.
36
As long as these marks concur in any one, we believe
he is called of God to preach. These we receive as 3Q
sufficient proof that he is moved of the Holy Ghost.
Though the meaning of the "call" may prove to be
elusive and relative, and though it may be changing from
the calvinistic emphasis upon the Divine authority to the
31
Lutheran emphasis upon the vocational call it may be that
in the context of church organization there will prove to
be a distinction between the call as perceived by pastors
and the call as perceived by pastoral dropouts.
Milton Rokeach has presented a theory of belief
systems relevant to the assessment of groups and their
commitment to a closed social organization. He has claimed
that
it is not so much "what" you believe that counts,
^9
but "how" you believe . . . *
. . . we have to infer what a person really believes
from all the things he says and does, it is in this
sense that we will use the term belief, and the total
belief-disbelief system would thus be an organization
of verbal and nonverbal, implicit and explicit
Doctrines and Discipline of the Free Methodist
Church of North America, p. 121.
31
David A. Hubbard, "is the Ministry Keeping pace?"
Christian Herald. LXXXVII (March, 1964), 23.
32
Milton Rokeach, The Open and closed Mind: inves
tigations into the Nature of Belief Systems and Personality
Systems (New York; Basic Books, 1960), p. 6.
37
33
beliefs, sets, or expectancies.
Rokeach sees all belief systems as functions of
three major dimensions: belief-disbelief, central-
peripheral, and time-perspective. The central-peripheral
dimension refers to beliefs about the self (primitive
Region), about the nature of authority (intermediate Region),
and about beliefs derived from authority (Peripheral
Region). The time-perspective dimension deals with one's
beliefs regarding the past, present, and future and how they
are related to each other. Rokeach shows
how these various dimensions and attributes may
be tied together theoretically to produce a
mind which, in its totality, can be fruitfully
described as varying in the degree to which it is
an open or closed m i n d .34
THE DEFINING CHARACTERISTICS OF
OPEN-CLOSED SYSTEMS _
A Belief-Disbelief System Is
Open Closed
A. to the extent that, with respect to its organization
along the belief-disbelief continuum.
1. the magnitude of rejec- 1. the magnitude of rejec
tion of disbelief subsystems tion of disbelief subsystems
is relatively low at each is relatively high at each
point along the continuum; point along the disbelief
continuum;
33
Ibid., p. 32 34
Ibid., p. 53.
38
2. there is communication
of parts within and between
belief and disbelief
systems;
3. there is relatively little
discrepancy in the degree
of differentiation between
belief and disbelief
systems;
4. there is relatively high
differentiation within the
disbelief system;
2. there is isolation of
parts within and between
belief and disbelief
systems;
3. there is relatively great
discrepancy in the degree
of differentiation between
belief and disbelief
systems;
4. there is relatively
little differentiation
within the disbelief system;
B. to the extent that, with respect to the organization
along the central-peripheral dimension,
1. the specific content of
primitive beliefs (central
region) is to the effect
that the world one lives in,
or the situation one is in
at a particular moment, is a
friendly one;
2. the formal content of
beliefs about authority and
about people who hold to sys
tems of authority (interme
diate region) is to the
effect that authority is not
absolute and that people are
not to be evaluated (if they
are to be evaluated at all)
according to their agreement
or disagreement with such
authority;
3. the structure of beliefs
and disbeliefs perceived to
emanate from authority
(peripheral region) is such
that its substructures are
in relative communication
with each other, and finally;
1. the specific content of
primitive beliefs (central
region) is to the effect
that the world one lives in,
or the situation one is in
at a particular moment, is a
threatening one;
2. the formal content of
beliefs about authority and
about people who hold to
systems of authority (inter
mediate region) is to the
effect that authority is
absolute and that people are
to be accepted and rejected
according to their agreement
or disagreement with such
authority;
3. the structure of beliefs
and disbeliefs perceived to
emanate from authority
(peripheral region) is such
that its substructures are
in relative isolation with
each other, and finally;
39
C. to the extent that, with respect to the time perspec
tive, there is a -
1. relatively broad time 1. relatively narrow,
perspective. future-oriented time
perspective.35
The above defining characteristics basically
indicate
the extent to which a person's system is open or
closed; namely, the extent to which the person
can receive, evaluate, and act on relevant informa
tion received from the outside on its own intrinsic
merits, unencumbered by irrelevant factors in the
situation arising from within the person or from
the outside.36
Rokeach further contends;
. . . the more open one’s belief system, the more
should evaluating and acting on information proceed
independently on its own merits, in accord with the
inner structural requirements of the situation . . .
the more should the person be governed in his actions
by internal self-actualizing forces and less by irra
tional inner forces . . . the more should he be able
to resist pressures exerted by external sources to
evaluate and to act in accord with their wishes . . .
the more strength should he have to resist externally
imposed reinforcements, or rewards or punishments.37
Theoretically, Rokeach has attempted to formulate a position
of an ahistorical, apolitical, areligious explanation of
authoritarianism, i.e., it is not the content but the
^ Ibid. , pp. 55-56.
37
Ibid., p. 60.
36
Ibid., p. 57.
40
structure of the system which would apply to the general
rather than the specific. He felt that the so-called
"Authoritarian personality" (Adorno, et al.) was one-sided
and limited, measuring only one end of the continuum, it
may be that one could be an authoritarian liberal as well as
an authoritarian conservative.
In our opinion, this [F-scale, Adorno] gave rise
to a certain amount of conceptual confusion because
in the shift from "fascism in the personality" to
"the authoritarian personality" there is an unwitting
leap from the particular to the g e n e r a l .
An underlying assumption of the present study was
that organizational structure per se was related to the
dropout or leadership-loss question. Selznick said, "When
institutional leadership fails, it is perhaps more often
39
by default than by positive error or sin." Millett has
discussed Thompson's theory of organization conflict which
was based on "hierarchical relationships" in this way:
. . . conflict arises between the specialization
or persons in an organization and the authority of
hierarchy . . . Hierarchy overemphasized the power
of veto and underemphasizes the reward of innovation
. . . the subordinate tends to believe that his
importance and dignity as an individual are hampered
38
Ibid., p. 13.
39
Philip Selznick, Leadership in Administration:
A Sociological Interpretation (Evanston, 111.: Row,
Peterson & Company, 1957), p. 25.
41
by his status in an organization . . . the superior's
power to restrict the subordinate's free~dom of effort
and to frustrate his ambitions results in latent or
overt hostility . . . yet the personal as distinct
from the organization purpose continues to be con
trolled by hierarchical relationships. it is the
hierarchical system with its emphasis upon status and
role which has appropriated the definition of success
in our culture.
Summary and implications
With the expansion of our urban population, the
various religious bodies are faced with the growing problem
of recruiting and training clergy to meet expanding and
newly formed congregations, compounding this dilemma is
the riddle regarding men who have been recruited and
trained, and served a pastorate, but are changing their
occupational emphasis away from the pastoral ministry. in
other words, why after the rigors of training and preordi
nation are ordained ministers dropping out of the pastorate
to which they had been called and trained, to pursue other
types of occupations? Or, why does a formal organization
(a highly structured Protestant denomination) lose the
commitment of its leaders (ordained clergy)?
A review of the literature has revealed little
material providing any answer to this question. Research
40
Millett, op. cit., pp. 229-230.
42
on the clergy has been rather limited in the past dealing
primarily with the "pre-clergyman," or seminarian. However,
the past decade has shown an increased emphasis upon the
study of the minister himself, especially in terms of
various types of role analysis.
Parsons, in his explanation of structural components
of the social system, has suggested status and role as in
separable constructs thus conceptualizing them as one dynam
ic agent ("status - role") referring to the rights and
41
obligations inherent within any social position. Social
position is an integral part of structural-functional
analysis. The minister is not only obligated to his congre
gation but also to the denomination structure within which
he operates, and which established certain limits of policy
and practice. The pastoral position, then, is a cluster of
rights and obligations granted an individual by the formal
organizational structure within which he must perform his
professional tasks. Smith said:
. . . the episcopal-type (authority) can be
generalized as a bureaucracy, i.e., control is
exercised by the managers . . . thus, a religious
41
Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, ill.:
The Free press, 1951), p. 25.
43
denomination is generalized as a set of social ^
relationships between . . . workers and managers.
We can see then an individual functioning inside
a previously defined and well-structured social position
which has not only provided him a status-role but extended
to him legitimate authority within the organization.
However, the pastor remains as an individual and
as stated previously by Selznick he may tend to resist
depersonalization, defining his situation in relation to
his own unique personality drives and needs. The whole
person brings to a single or a series of situations a
cluster of established habit patterns, commitments, beliefs,
and belief systems, and thus may either include within this
cluster the bureaucratic structure to a greater or lesser
degree, or find within the structure seeds of discontent.
Leon Festinger's theory of cognitive dissonance seems
particularly relevant at this point. His basic hypotheses
are twofold: (1) "the existence of dissonance being psycho
logically uncomfortable, will motivate the person to reduce
the dissonance and achieve consonance"; and (2) "when dis
sonance is present, in addition to trying to reduce it, the
42
Smith, "The Clergy: Authorxty, Structure,
Ideology, and Migration," loc. cit., p. 243.
44
person will actively avoid situations and information which
43
would likely increase the dissonance.” According to this
point of view the minister who experiences discontent
may achieve consonance either by accepting certain
structural imperatives inherent within pastoral continuance,
or by removing himself from the dissonant situation.
The principal attempt of the present exploratory
study has been to probe beyond that of the role of cleric
into the belief systems of comparable samples of leaders
and former leaders in a formal organization.
Leon Festinger, Cognitive Dissonance: A Theory
of Cognitive Dissonance (Evanston, 111.: Row, Peterson &
Company, 1957), p. 3.
CHAPTER III
PROCEDURE
The purpose of this dissertation was to concentrate
on the leadership dimension of a formal organization in an
effort to ascertain why social systems may lose the commit
ment of their leaders. An attempt was made to isolate
certain variables which may have led to a change of vocation
after having spent a considerable amount of time and effort
in preparation for and performance of leadership roles.
in order to achieve this purpose it was decided to
study the question of how a particular type of organization
is losing the commitment of its leaders. A Protestant
denomination was selected as an example of a formal organi
zation and the clergy of that denomination as illustrative
of the dimension of leadership. For comparative purposes a
sample of pastoral dropouts was matched with ministers who
had remained in a pastoral relationship within the Free
Methodist church.
45
46
Population and sample
population.— The Free Methodist church, a highly
structured world-wide organization with a total membership
of 115,258 served as the population from which this study
was drawn.^ The study was discussed in person with one of
the four Bishops of the church and in writing to the Board
of Bishops. Clearance was granted for the research from
the top administrative level, as well as from the local
superintendents of conferences in which the actual research
was carried out.
Sample.— no list of pastoral dropouts from which
a random sample could be drawn was available. Therefore, it
was decided to compile a roster of names and addresses of
ministers who were no longer serving the church in a
pastoral function. This was done in separate geographical
areas due to a change in employment of the researcher. The
first half of the sample was drawn from the Arizona-
Southern California conference which has a total of 100
ministers, and the second half was drawn from the Pacific
^Yearbook 1965 of The Free Methodist church around
the World (Winona Lake, Ind.: The Free Methodist Publishing
House, 1965), p. 461.
47
N o r t h w e s t c o n f e r e n c e h a v i n g 114 m i n i s t e r s .
The District Superintendents in each of these con
ferences were contacted and asked to compile a list of
ex-pastors who were residing in their areas meeting the
following criteria: they must have spent at least three
years on a Free Methodist pastorate; they were not retired
from the pastorate; they were members in good standing at
the time they dropped out of the pastoral ministry; they did
not drop out to fill an administrative position in the
denomination. Twenty-five names and addresses were obtained
in each of the two conferences. These were then contacted
either in person, by telephone, or by letter regarding the
general nature of the study, and assurance of response to a
subsequent questionnaire was elicited. By careful checking
and follow-up telephone calls a 96 per cent return rate was
accomplished. (The nonrespondents consisted of one man who
departed for a tour of Europe prior to filling out the
questionnaire and one who returned the questionnaire uncom
pleted.) These two were replaced giving a total of fifty
completed questionnaires representing Free Methodist
pastoral dropouts who had met the above stated criteria.
From the demographic data on these completed ques
tionnaires eight previously determined variables were
listed for the purpose of matching subjects, i.e., age,
amount of education, size of last pastorate, marital status,
income on the last pastorate, time in the denomination,
time in the active ministry, and whether or not the men
were ordained. These data were then taken back to the
conference superintendents to be matched with the names
of men who were presently serving the denomination in a
pastoral capacity. (Data regarding the accuracy of this
match can be found on page 67 in Chapter iv.) in all but
eight cases contact was made with the pastors either in
person or by telephone. To the eight a cover letter was
included with the questionnaire. Two instances of match
in the Southern California group had to be obtained from
outside the local conference in order to preserve the
eight-variable match on the education variable. The con
ference superintendent supplied the names of two suitable
individuals. The rationale for selecting two respondents
outside the conference was to maintain the consistency of
the matched variables even though a geographical bias
became a possibility. This further seemed methodologically
sound inasmuch as no controls were maintained over confer
ence membership at the time withdrawal from the pastorate
occurred. There are a total of thirty-five conferences
49
within the Free Methodist organization. In some known
cases the men had relocated within one of the two selected
geographical areas after having left the pastoral ministry
elsewhere.
Ultimately, all of the matched questionnaires
were returned giving a total sample for the study of 100,
i.e., fifty pastoral dropouts matched on eight variables
with fifty ministers who were serving as pastors from the
Free Methodist denomination. (Note that in all but two
cases twenty-five Southern California dropouts were matched
with twenty-five pastors serving in the Arizona-Southern
California conference; and twenty-five Washington dropouts
were matched with twenty-five pastors serving in the
Pacific Northwest conference.)
Respondents were assured that their identities
would not be revealed.
The Measuring Instruments
The Dogmatism Scale.— To test Hypothesis I (pastoral
dropouts from closed organizational systems will be signif
icantly more open-minded in their belief systems than
pastors who remain) Rokeach's Dogmatism scale (Form E)
was employed. Its stated purpose is to measure differences
50
between individuals in terms of open-mindedness or closed
mindedness of belief systems. (See pages 37-39 for the
theoretical rationale governing its usage here. Appendix
A, p. 112, contains a copy of the scale as used in the
questionnaire.)
The reliabilities of the Dogmatism Scale (Form E)
as reported by Rokeach after extensive application and form
change ranged from .68 to .93. He stresses a corrected
reliability of .81.
These reliabilities are considered to be quite
satisfactory, especially when we remember that
the Dogmatism Scale contains quite a strange col
lection of items that cover a lot of territory and
appear on the surface to be unrelated to each other.
The fact that subjects agree or disagree with these
items in a consistent manner is borne out by item
analyses. These analyses compare subjects scoring
in the upper and lower quarters of the frequency
distribution (which is leptokurtic) on each of the
items. They typically show that high and low
dogmatic subjects differ consistently and in a
statistically significant manner on the great
majority of items.2
part Three of Rokeach's book has been devoted to
a discussion of whether in fact the Dogmatism scale as
purported does measure "the extent to which a person's
2
Rokeach, The Open and closed Mind; Investigations
into the Nature of Belief Systems and Personality Systems,
p. 90.
51
3
total belief system is open or closed." Rokeach noted that
his major concern regarding the validity of the scale was
not as an end in itself, but validity as a means to an
end, i.e., "if the Dogmatism Scale behaves as it is meant
to, it increases our confidence in its validity; but more
important, it increases our confidence in the validity of
4
our ideas and encourages us to extend them yet further."
The procedure followed by him in testing the Dogmatism
Scale was to compare high and low scores on the Scale on
an assortment of laboratory tests which were chosen to
represent the conceptual, perceptual and esthetic areas
of psychological functioning. The laboratory tasks all
had one common structural aspect:
They all involve a new belief system that is at
odds with a previously held belief system. To deal
with such tasks in terms of their intrinsic require
ments entails a willingness to relinquish old sys
tems, a capacity to entertain and enjoy new systems,
and actively to synthesize new materials into an
integrated whole. in isolating and in measuring
this aspect of thought, perception, and feeling we
are dealing with the most complicated, perhaps the
most creative aspect of cognitive and emotional
activity.
High scores on the Dogmatism Scale are
repeatedly found to differ from low scorers in the
ability to synthesize new beliefs into a new system,
3
Ibid., p. 169.
^Ibid., p. 285.
52
but not in the ability to analyze or to break down
single beliefs. These findings, as well as the
converse of these for rigid vs. nonrigid persons,
provide empirical support for a distinction that
has been previously sloughed off— the distinction
between dogmatism and rigidity in thought and
personality. Dogmatism is a system variable, a
characteristic of the elements within a system.
Thus, in using the Dogmatism Scale to measure a
total state of mind we are necessarily committed to
study people's behavior vis-a-vis systems.5
The Dogmatism Scale (Form E) consists of forty
statements which the respondent marks indicating the extent
to which he agrees or disagrees. He writes +1, +2, +3, or
-2,
-3 which
o
mean:
+1: I AGREE A LITTLE -1: I DISAGREE A LITTLE
+ 2: I AGREE
WHOLE
ON THE -2: I DISAGREE
WHOLE
ON THE
+ 3: I AGREE
MUCH
VERY -3: I DISAGREE
MUCH
VERY
A positive score is figured by adding the constant +4 to all
scores. Thus scores on individual statements would range
from +1 to +7, from the extremes of 40 to 280. One's total
score on the Dogmatism Scale would be the sum of scores
on all items.
The sequential development of the statements as
5Ibid., p. 286.
g
Ibid., p. 73.
originally set up by Rokeach was logically related to the
three major dimensions denoted by him (see pages 37-39).
The statements were re-ordered for the present study accord
ing to the following scheme:
5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
(1)
(2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8)
1 6 11 16 21 26 31 36
(9) (10)
(ID
(12)
(13) (14) (15) (16)
2 7 12 17 22 27 32 37
(17) (18) (19) (20) (21) (22) (23) (24)
3 8 13 18 23 28 33 38
(25) (26) (27) (28) (29) (30) (31)
(32)
4 9 14 19 24 29 34 39
(33) (34) (35) (36) (37) (38) (39) (40)
The top number represented the original statement number as
presented by Rokeach in his developmental sequence. These
were re-ordered by taking every fifth number from five to
forty. The statements were thus renumbered as shown by
the digits in parentheses. It was felt that this scheme
would present the statements in chaotic fashion and thus
reduce the likelihood of a biased response set from one
division to another.
The Scale of Religious Beliefs.— To test Hypothesis
II (there will be a significant variance between pastoral
54
dropouts and pastors on the Religious Belief index)
Gustafson's Scale of Religious Beliefs was utilized. Copy
right clearance was received from Dr. Gustafson at the time
of purchase of copies of his scale. The theoretical stance
for this hypothesis is found on pages 8-9 above.
Gustafson's Scale of Religious Beliefs was designed
as an instrument for use in his unpublished dissertation.
The respondents indicate their choices of the extent to
which they agree or disagree with various religious beliefs
of Protestant Christians. An advantage of this scale of
religious beliefs is that it enables the individual not
only to register his position but also to establish the
degree to which he holds to his beliefs. The following
is taken from the instruction page which accompanies the
scale:
The purpose of this scale is to measure differences
in religious belief. Nine doctrines, expressed in
strict fundamentalist phraseology, are offered in
simplified form, with five possible reactions there
to. The responses in box zero represent no adjust
ment of belief to scientific thought, whereas box
four approximately represents an emphatic humanist
position. By obtaining a figure, the Belief index,
which represents each person's doctrinal position,
it becomes possible to compute means, medians,
standard deviations, etc., for groups of persons,
and to compute correlations of religious belief
with any other measurable trait. One of the most
valuable possibilities is the computation of the
55
statistical significance of religious belief in
relation to other measurable phenomena. . . . the
individual's score on all nine doctrines is the
arithmetic mean of the scores on the nine separate
doctrines.
in order to measure the reliability of this scale,
that is, whether the same sample will yield consistently
the same results, the "split-half" approach was used. This
technique separates the scale into two parts, usually by
choosing every other question, and treating the halves as
if they were separate scales. "The two subscales are then
7
correlated and this is taken as a measure of reliability."
The Scale of Religious Beliefs was administered
to a group of nine ministers representing a different
denominational affiliation from the group to be studied.
The results were as follows; The split-half correlation
coefficient for the Scale of Religious Beliefs was +.608.
Goode and Hatt continued;
. . . A further step is to correct the correlation
coefficient secured between the two halves by
applying the Spearman-Brown prophecy formula. This
correction assumes that a scale 2n items long will
be more reliable than a scale n items long, and
since the length of the scale has been halved by
dividing it into odds and evens, the full scale will
have a higher reliability than would either half.
7 .
William j. Goode and Paul K. Hatt, Methods in
Social Research (New York; McGraw-Hill Book Company,
1 9 5 2 ) , p. 2 3 6 .
56
Once again the coefficient should reach a high level
before being taken as evidence of adequate
reliability.®
The Spearman-Brown prophecy formula yielded a corrected
correlation coefficient of +.933.
One assumption that was not quite met in using
the split-half technique as presented by Goode and Hatt was
their suggestion that each half of the scale must contain
a minimum number of items to be reliable itself, probably
9
eight to ten. In this case each half contained only five
items. Failure to meet the rigors of this assumption has
weakened the value of the corrected correlation coefficient.
A scale is considered valid to the extent to which
it measures what it purports to measure. Accompanying the
logical validation established by Gustafson in originating
the scale, the technique of "jury opinion" was utilized.
This method "is an extension of the method of logical
validation, except that in this case the confirmation of the
logic is secured from a group of persons who would be con
sidered expert in the field within which the scale ap-
10
plies." Eight individuals composed the "panel of experts"
8Ibid.
10Ibid., p. 237.
57
used as a validation check for this scale. The disciplines
represented were; psychology, sociology, theology, speech,
religion, sociological research, and religious education.
The following academic degrees were represented: two
Ph.D.'s, two B.D.'s and six M.A.'s (the two holding the
Bachelor of Divinity degrees also hold M.A. degrees). All
of these individuals held a relationship to the church in
various denominations, and all were teaching on the college
level.
Seven of the eight on the panel of experts agreed
that the Scale of Religious Beliefs in their judgment would
actually measure that which it purported to measure, namely
the extent to which those checking the various boxes under
the individual doctrinal statements would in fact range from
the extremes of the Protestant fundamentalist to the em
phatic humanist position. There was some minor variation
as to specific inference of individual word usage, but
nothing that would change the basic thrust of the statement.
The one dissenting voice took the position that
several of the statements were not unidimensional and thus
it would not be possible to determine which part or parts
of the statement were out of line with the individual's
beliefs. Strong consensus of the panel, however, reflected
58
the stance that though perhaps several dimensions were
included it further strengthened the response patterns by
giving directional refinement to the responses, i.e., as
previously stated, "an advantage of this scale of religious
beliefs i s that it enables the individual not only to
register his position but also to establish the degree to
which he holds to his beliefs."
The vocational Decision Index.— To test Hypothesis
III (pastoral dropouts will react more rationally to the
Vocational Call index) the vocational Decision Index was
used, clearance was received from the author to use this
unpublished index. It was originated for an unpublished
doctoral dissertation at the university of southern
California, in 1959. It "attempts to indicate the degree
to which emotional events and other elements outside the
self are conceived as influences upon the "secret Call"
by the ministerial candidate."^ It appears that theologi
cally and in the light of denomination understanding of the
"secret call," it is the aspect of the "call to the
^Glenn E. Whitlock, "The Relationship between
Passivity of Personality and Personal Factors Related to
the Choice of the Ministry as a vocation" (unpublished
Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Religion, University of
Southern California, 1959), p. 67.
59
ministry" Which indicates the choice of the ministry as a
12
vocation, according to Whitlock.
There are ten statements which were used as the
result of clinical experience with ministerial
candidates. The statements reflect answers which
have been given in response to the question
about how the subject experienced his vocational
decision. Column zero represents an extreme
dependence upon emotional elements or events,
while column four represents a strictly intellec
tual approach to the decision. The subjects'
score on all ten answers is the mean or average
of the scores on the ten separate answers.13
The reliability of this index was measured following
the same procedure as reported in the previous section. The
correlation coefficient was +.23, but corrected by the
Spearman-Brown prophecy formula it yielded +.748.
The validity check was presented to the previously
mentioned panel of experts with the same responses as
formerly reported for the scale of Religious Beliefs; name
ly, seven out of eight concurred that the scale would in
fact measure what it purported to measure, and one felt
that in his judgment several dimensions were involved in
some of the statements which may have confounded the
purported results.
Ibid.
13, •- i
Ibid.
60
Pilot study.— The reliability and validity of the
scales were thus assumed to be adequate for this exploratory
research and a pilot study was run to test the instructions,
questions, demographic responses, and logic of the hypoth
eses .
The pilot study included five pastors and seven
pastoral dropouts from Protestant denominations relatively
close to the Free Methodist denomination on a loose theo
logical continuum. Results strongly supported Hypothesis I
with the dropouts ranging in scores on the open-minded
portion of the continuum scale from 80 to 160, average
13 2.2. The pastors ranged from 159 to 186, average 173.4
and definitely at the closed-minded end of the scale. There
was only one over-lapping score between the two groups and
that by only one point.
Hypothesis II was substantiated also in that on a
scale from zero through five the pastors clustered around
one. The pastoral dropouts ranged from 1.00 to 3.12,
suggesting that the variance would be considerably greater
than the pastors.
Results relative to Hypothesis III were not as
clear-cut as to Hypotheses I and II, but did show a possible
relationship between pastoral dropouts and a more rational
61
response to the "call."
Following the testing of the basic hypothesis of
this dissertation, namely, that pastoral dropouts from
closed organizational systems will be more open-minded in
their belief systems than pastors who remain, the technique
of partial order correlation was utilized to determine
whether or not and to what extent the dependent variables
(pastoral relation to the church) and independent variable
(open-closed mindedness) stand up in the light of the
14
control of other independent variables. Data were
gathered on Hollingshead1s Two-Factor Index of Social
15
Position, amount of education of spouse and father and
mother, type of health of self and spouse, and perceptions
of generational mobility. These test variables were
dichotomized and correlated (partial order) in terms of
Lazarsfeld's scheme.
1^f paul F. Lazarsfeld and Morris Rosenberg, The
Language of Social Research (New York: The Free press,
1955), pp. 115-125.
15
August B. Hollingshead and Fredrick C. Redlich,
Social class and Mental illness; A Community Study (New
York: John Wiley & Sons, 1958), pp. 66-67; and Jerome K.
Myers and Bertram H. Roberts, Family and Class Dynamics in
Mental illness (New York; John Wiley & Sons, 1959),
p. 130.
62
Statistical methods.— in order to test Hypothesis I,
i.e. (Null) there is no difference in open-mindedness in
belief systems between pastoral dropouts and pastors, the
test of the "significance of Difference between Two
16
Percentages" was used. This statistic answers the
question, "Could the two samples have been drawn from
populations in which p (the proportion of individuals
17
possessing trait A) is the same?"
It has been pointed out previously in this research
that the samples utilized were not randomly drawn. However,
as Goode and Hatt have indicated in their discussion of
cross-sectional analysis in ex post facto design, "the
experimental and control groups are so drawn, either by
matching or randomization, that there is no reason to
suspect that any bias has entered to disturb the experi-
18
ment." As the samples in this research have been matched,
it was assumed that these statistics were justified within
16
Vernon Davies, "A Rapid Method for Determining
the Significance of the Difference between Two Percentages,"
Stations Circular 151, Washington Agricultural Experiment
Stations, Washington State University, Pullman, Washington,
pp. 1-3.
17 ,
Ibid.
18
Goode and Hatt, op. cit., p. 100.
the limits of this exploratory research.
To further test the basic hypothesis (Hypothesis I)
the Phi coefficient of correlation was used to determine
both the measure of association between the major variables,
and to what extent these variables "stand up" in the light
of seven test variables. (See footnote 14 to this chapter.)
in order to test Hypothesis II, i.e. (null) there
is no significant difference between the variances of
pastors and pastoral dropouts on the Religious Belief Index,
19
the F test for Homogeneity of Two variances was used.
This was an attempt to test the plausible-sounding state
ment that there would be a greater variance in religious
beliefs between pastoral dropouts and pastors from the same
highly structured Protestant denomination.
To test Hypothesis III, i.e. (null) there will be no
significant differences between pastoral dropouts and
pastors in rational and emotional reactions to the voca
tional Call Index, the test of the "Significance of Differ-
20
ence between Two Percentages" was used.
19
Allen L. Edwards, statistical Methods for the
Behavioral Sciences (New York: Rinehart & company, 1954),
pp. 271-272.
Davies, loc. cit.
Studies Ancillary to the Hypotheses
The final section of the questionnaire dealt with a
series of open-ended questions regarding entering and leav
ing the pastoral ministry. All respondents were asked to
list in order of importance their major reasons for entering
the pastoral ministry. Pastors only were then asked to list
the circumstances under which they have considered leaving
the pastoral ministry. Non-pastors were then asked to list
their major reasons for leaving the ministry. These series
of responses were then grouped and ranked to see if the
proposed reasons by present pastors had any similarity with
the stated reasons of the dropouts. Stated another way,
are the reasons given by pastors in times of pressure and
discouragement similar to the reasons given by a matched
aggregate after the fact?
These same basic questions served to replicate a
study in 1932 by Duncan of pastorate leavers. A content
scrutiny of these dropouts were compared with the dropouts
of thirty-five years ago to see if reasons given for leaving
the pastorate had changed, and if so in what directions.
(See Appendix C for these results.)
CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS
introduction
The focal point of this research has been placed in
Hypothesis I, the basic hypothesis, namely, that pastoral
dropouts from closed organizational systems are significant
ly more open-minded in their belief systems than pastors who
remain (as measured by Rokeach's Dogmatism Scale Form E).
To test this relationship further the technique of partial-
order correlation has been used in an attempt to determine
the extent to which the basic association "stands up" in
the light of various test variables.
Hypothesis II contained the notion that there is a
significant variance between pastoral dropouts and pastors
on the Religious Belief index which attempts to measure the
extent to which the respondents agree or disagree with
various religious beliefs of Protestant Christians.
The third hypothesis stated that pastoral dropouts
65
66
react more rationally to the vocational Call index than
pastors. This Index attempts to determine the degree to
which emotional events or intellectual events are conceived
as influential on the secret call to the ministry.
A section showing the closeness of match has been
included as the matching of pastoral dropouts with pastors
was made by nonsociologists, i.e., the conference superin
tendents under whom the pastors served. The writer gave
rather detailed instructions regarding the importance of
match, it can be seen that although several of the matches
were not perfect by average, there was a basic similarity
which appeared adequate for this type of investigation.
A study ancillary to the Hypotheses has dealt
with a series of open-ended questions in which pastors were
asked to rank in order of importance their major reasons
for entering the ministry, and under what circumstances
they may have considered leaving the pastoral ministry,
pastoral dropouts were also asked to order their major
reasons for entering the ministry, and to list their reasons
for leaving the pastoral ministry. These various combina
tions were compared in an attempt to ascertain what under
lying motives might have been perceived by the respondents.
These data can be found in Appendix C.
67
General observations
Closeness of match.— Instructions were given to
conference superintendents to match pastors with pastoral
dropouts on seven variables. This technique was utilized
due to the lack of information from which to obtain a
random sample of all dropouts, for the purposes of compari
son of dropouts with pastors, and in order to control for
any bias which these variables may have introduced if not
regulated. The eight matched variables considered impor
tant for this research were the following: marital status,
ordination, age, amount of education, years on the Free
Methodist pastorate, years in the denomination, size of
membership on the last pastorate, and amount of salary on
the last pastorate.
Choice of pastors by the superintendents to be
matched from the list of demographic characteristics of
dropouts revealed very close if not identical matches on the
following five variables: all were married; all were or
dained; the average age for the two aggregates was a year
apart (47.3 for dropouts and 48.3 for pastors); number of
years in the denomination fell into the same category, i.e.,
24-26 years (coded for data processing purposes); and
68
the groups averaged less than a category apart for size of
membership on last pastorate (as dropouts averaged one-third
of the way into the coded category 50-74, and pastors
averaged one-fifth of the way into the coded category
75-99).
Larger discrepancies were noted on the variables of
amount of education, years on the pastorate, and salary on
last pastorate. Of the pastors 52 per cent (26) reported an
education level of college graduate or less, whereas only
28 per cent (14) of the dropouts reported being college
graduates or less. However, when these data were obtained
the average number of years since dropouts had been pastors
was 7 to 9 years. The changing of profession in a number
of cases necessitated further education. Thus it was diffi
cult to determine when the educational differential devel
oped between pastors and pastoral dropouts as revealed in
the matching.
Dropouts averaged 9-11 years on the Free Methodist
pastorate whereas pastors averaged 18-20 years. it seemed
that this match may have been confounded by the functions of
the age of the men reporting (47.3 and 48.3) and the average
years since serving the pastorate by dropouts (7-9 years).
It would appear that in order to maintain the age match
69
the superintendents allowed some leeway in years reported on
the pastorate. However, when the years on the pastorate
(9-11) and the years since the pastorate (7-9) for dropouts
were combined and compared with years on the pastorate for
pastors (18-20) the beginning point for the pastoral
ministry of both groups appeared to be about the same. This
would suggest that the age of the men was quite an important
consideration by the superintendents.
The question of salary differential was probably
related to the changing standard of living. Dropouts
reported salaries on their last pastorate as averaging in
the category $2500-$2999. Pastors reported an average of
$4500-$4999 at the time of answering the questionnaire.
These observations were checked and the differential recon
ciled by obtaining data from both the 1965 Yearbook and
the 1957 Yearbook,1 the 1957 data representing the average
number of years since the dropouts were on the pastorate.
The average salary for the two conferences under study in
1957 was $2852.43. The average salary for 1965 was
$4454.72, slightly under the reported average by the
^Yearbook 1957 of the Free Methodist Church of
North America (Winona Lake, Ind.: The Free Methodist
Publishing House, 1957), p. 434.
pastors.
A summarized account of the match between pastors
and pastoral dropouts showed a striking similarity of mari
tal status, ordination, and number of years in the denomina
tion. Dropouts in this study were one year younger than
pastors on the average. Dropouts reported having more edu
cation than pastors as they averaged a college degree plus
additional graduate work either in seminary or in University
training; pastors averaged a college education or less.
Pastors had spent 7-9 years more on the pastorate than had
dropouts, but it was noted that dropouts had been away from
the pastorate for an average of 7-9 years. Pastors reported
as serving slightly larger churches (75-99 members) than did
dropouts. Salaries reported by pastors were considerably
larger on the average than those reported by dropouts,
$4500-$4999 and $2500-$2999, respectively. It was felt
that a time lag had a twofold relation with this discrep
ancy, i.e., one having dealt with the standard of living,
and the other with the interplay of the matched variables
at the time of matching.
Further observations.— A question regarding service
in the military was asked, of the total number of
71
respondents 82 per cent (82) had not been in the military,
forty-three pastors and thirty-nine non-pastors. Seven
pastors had been in either the army or navy. Six non
pastors had been in the army, navy, marines, or national
guard. No pastors, but five pastoral dropouts had been in
the chaplaincy. Of these five pastoral dropout chaplains
(none of whom were on active duty at the time of this
research) four were open-minded and one was closed-minded.
Of course, the results are too small for any detailed study,
but this fact might lead to an interesting hypothesis for
further study.
In the Sociology of Work Caplow included a section
on the commitment to the profession. His comments on the
dissatisfied are partially upheld in this research. He
said:
The tendency is for the dissatisfied to take a
salaried position in some field immediately asso
ciated with their profession . . . The number of
persons who permanently quit the major professions
is therefore very small; the usual is for the dis
satisfied to assume a salaried position for which
the professional qualification is a prerequisite
although the work is essentially different.^
It may be that relatively few are quitting the
Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of Work (Minne
apolis; The University of Minnesota press, 1954), p. 106.
72
major professions, but it seemed rather interesting that
fifty pastoral dropouts from only two conferences in one
Protestant denomination were identified without any
difficulty.
The other aspects of Caplow's comment, however,
were revealed as the non-pastors responded to the question
regarding their present employment. Of the fifty, twenty-
0
nine reported being in education (fourteen in teaching and
administration in church-related colleges; one in a secular
college, and fourteen in administration and teaching in
elementary or high school). Ten were categorized in inter
denominational religious work. Five were in some form of
sales work. One was in industrial personnel, and one was
in state youth work. Four were employed as skilled laborers
apart from the so-called professional category, it would
appear then, on the basis of these data that there "is a
tendency" as Caplow indicated, for the dissatisfied to
position themselves in the labor market in somewhat adjacent
professional categories or situses immediately associated
with the former profession, in the present case this would
be education, interdenominational work, sales, and personnel
work. Forty-six out of the fifty dropouts were so
classified.
Hypothesis I
Hypothesis I as a null hypothesis for purposes of
testing stated that there is no significant difference in
open-closed mindedness between pastors and pastoral
dropouts.
On Rokeach's Dogmatism scale (Form E) pastoral
dropouts ranged from 100 to 207 with a mean of 153.78.
pastors ranged from 90 to 210 with a mean of 167.44.
It was determined prior to gathering these data
that findings significant at the .05 level would be consid
ered adequate for this investigation. Using the test of
the "Significance of the Difference between Two Percentages"
which statistic answers the question, "Could the two samples
have been drawn from populations in which p (the proportion
3 .
of individuals possessing trait A) is the same?" it was
found that the difference was significant at the .02 level.
Thus the null hypothesis was rejected.
The difference between the means of the pastors and
pastoral dropouts was also tested using the formula of the
standard error of the difference between two means and the
3
Davies, "A Rapid Method for Determining the
Significance of the Difference between Two Percentages,"
loc. cit., p. 1.
74
4
"t" test of significance. The difference between the two
means was found to be significant beyond the .02 level.
Therefore, in the light of the applications of
these statistics and the resulting levels of significance
it was justified to reject the null hypothesis of no
difference and accept with better than a 95 per cent
level of confidence that subsequent samples of pastoral
dropouts matched with pastors following the design of this
study would score on Rokeach's Dogmatism Scale with signif
icant differences between their proportions and means.
Partial order correlation.— In his discussion of
the technique of partial order correlation Lazarsfeld
suggested that
the research operation . . . starts out with an
original relation (xy), then introduces a test
variable, and thus creates two more relations (xt)
and (ty). But the most important results obtained
with the help of the test variable are two partial
relations.^
The notion contained in partial order correlation
is to separate or dichotomize the test variable and
4
Edwards, Statistical Methods for the Behavioral
Sciences. pp. 252-254.
5
Lazarsfeld and Rosenberg, The Language of Social
Research, p. 118.
75
associate the original relation in the light of "different
6
relations on each side of the test factor." if the test
factor is irrelevant the average of the two partials would
not drop to zero and the original relation would stand up.
If the test factor is relevant to the original relation the
average of the partials would drop to zero; the interpreta
tion in such case would be that the original relation was
confounded in the light of the third variable thus showing
the original relation to be spurious.
Phi coefficient.— In order to use the Phi coeffi
cient as a measure of association it was necessary to
dichotomize the continuous variable of open-closed minded
ness. Rokeach has not given an arbitrary point on the con
tinuum above which the closed-minded individuals fall. For
the purposes of this research it seemed reasonable to take
as the pivotal point the score halfway between the signif
icant means of pastors and pastoral dropouts, i.e., between
153.78 and 167.44. This score was 160. If the respondent
scored 160 or below he was classified as open-minded. if he
scored above 160 he was classified as closed-minded. Table
2 shows these data for pastors and pastoral dropouts.
6Ibid.
76
TABLE 2
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN AND CLOSED MINDEDNESS,
AND PASTORS AND PASTORAL DROPOUTS
Open Closed
Total
Minded Minded
Pastoral dropouts 30 20 50
Pastors 18 32 50
Total 48 52 100
Phi = .24 Chi Square = 5.76 > P .02 (5.412)
77
The Phi coefficient was computed for these data and
7
found to be .24. Phi and chi square are related, and the
Phi of .24 was shown to be significant beyond the .02 level.
This would seem to be a further support for the basic
hypothesis of significant differences between pastors and
pastoral dropouts and open-closed mindedness.
Having previously determined the test variables
of Index of social position, amount of education of spouse
and father and mother, health of self and spouse, and
perceptions of generational mobility (see page 11 above),
the basic relation between open-closed mindedness and
pastors and pastoral dropouts was examined in the light of
partial order correlation. The cell entries in several
of the tables are too small for statistical perfection.
However, it does appear that trends are indicated.
Index of Social Position.— The test variable was
dichotomized by considering I S P categories I, II, and ill
as "high," and classes IV and V as "low." This rationale
was based on the existence of very small cell frequencies
when separating by classes I and II. Table 3 shows that
social class was irrelevant to the original relationship
7
Edwards, op. cit.. p. 382.
78
TABLE 3
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY SOCIAL POSITION
High Social Position Low Social Position
Open
Minded
Closed
Minded
Total
Open
Minded
Closed
Minded
Total
Pastoral
dropouts 9 7 16 21 13 34
Pastors 6 12 18 12 20 32
Total 15 19 34 33 33 66
Phi = .23 Phi = .24
79
because open-closed mindedness "stand up," i.e., the average
of the partial order correlations (.23 and .24) did not
drop to zero.
Education of spouse.— in order to partial out the
variable of "amount of education" an arbitrary break was
established at high school graduate, i.e., those achieving
education beyond high school were considered high, and those
high school graduates and below were considered low. Table
4 shows that the basic relationship stands up in the light
of this test variable.
Education of father.— As indicated in Table 5 the
Phi coefficient for high education of father was -.11.
However, the average of the coefficients, high and low, did
not drop to zero. Thus, this test variable also was consid
ered to be irrelevant to the basic relationship.
Education of mother.— Data for the partial order
correlation of open-closed mindedness and pastor-pastoral
dropouts, by education of mother was shown in Table 6.
Here, also, the basic relationship has been indicated to
"stand up."
80
TABLE 4
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY EDUCATION OF SPOUSE
High Education
Open Closed
Minded Minded
Low
Open
Minded
Education
Closed
Minded
Total
Pastoral
dropouts 23 16 39 7 4 11
Pastors 16 22 38 1 11 12
Total 39 38 77 8 15 23
Phi = .17 Phi = .58
81
TABLE 5
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY EDUCATION OF FATHER
High Education
Open Closed Total
Minded Minded
Low
Open
Minded
Education
Closed
Minded
Total
Pastoral
dropouts 2 4 6 28 16 44
Pastors 4 5 9 14 27 41
Total 6 9 15 42 43 85
Phi = -.11 Phi = .29
82
TABLE 6
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY EDUCATION OP MOTHER
High Education
Open Closed Total
Minded Minded
Low
Open
Minded
Education
Closed
Minded
Total
pastoral
dropouts 4 3 7 26 17 43
pastors 4 5 9 14 27 41
Total 8 8 16 40 44 84
Phi = .126 Phi = .263
83
Health of respondent.— There may be some feeling
that the question of health is quite pivotal when it comes
to the decision of remaining in the pastoral ministry due to
the various pressures under which the pastor must function.
Question 17 in the questionnaire asked respondents the
state of health of themselves. Only one non-pastor reported
that doctor's orders were for him to leave the active minis
try. Three other non-pastors reported their health to be
fair. Forty-six reported their health to be either good or
excellent. Forty-eight pastors reported their health to be
good or excellent, and only two indicated their health to
be fair.
Table 7 shows that when the health of the respondent
was dichotomized (high health representing good or excellent
and low health representing fair, poor, and one case of
doctor's orders) and partialed out, the average of the Phi
coefficients did not drop to zero, and thus were considered
to be irrelevant to the relationship.
Health of spouse.— The overall health pattern of
spouses (in this study all female) as revealed in responses
to question 18 is somewhat different from the "health of
self" section above, but consistent with the thrust of this
84
TABLE 7
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY HEALTH OF RESPONDENT
High Health Low Health
Open
Minded
Closed
Minded
Total
Open
Minded
Closed
Minded
Total
Pastoral
dropouts 28 18 46 2 2 4
Pastors 18 30 48 0 2 2
Total 46 48 94 2 4 6
Phi = .234 Phi = .50
research and the generalization made in the preceding
paragraph. Of the dropouts eight reported fair or poor
health for their wives. The pastors reported fair or poor
health for their spouses nine times. Table 8 exhibits
the partial order correlation testing for health of
spouse. These data also indicated that the basic relation
ship between open-closed mindedness and pastor-pastoral
dropouts "stands up" in the light of high and low health
of spouse.
Generational mobility.— Respondents were asked
regarding their perceptions of their father's occupation
socially in comparison to the social standing of their own
occupation. The choices available were "father's occupa
tion was: much lower socially, somewhat lower socially,
about the same socially, somewhat higher socially, and
much higher socially." None of the pastors and only two
of the non-pastors indicated that their father's occupation
was somewhat higher or much higher, it was arbitrarily
decided to dichotomize this test variable by combining the
"about the sames" and the two responses of father's occupa
tion being higher into the low generational mobility cate
gory, and the perceptions of father's occupation as being
36
TABLE 8
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY HEALTH OP SPOUSE
Open
Minded
High Health
Closed
Minded
Total
Open
Minded
Low Health
Closed
Minded
Total
Pastoral
dropouts 27 15 42 3 5 8
Pastors 17 24 41 1 8 9
Total 44 39 83 4 13 17
Phi = .23 Phi = .31
87
somewhat or much lower socially into the high generational
mobility category.
As shown in Table 9 the average of the partialed
Phi's did not drop to zero, and generational mobility was
considered as an irrelevant test variable.
Geographic distinctions.— As mentioned previously
the sample for this dissertation was taken from separate
geographic localities due to a change of employment of the
writer. Could it have been possible that a geographic bias
may have crept into the findings contributing a spurious
element to the basic results? To answer this question these
data were partialed out by geographic position, i.e., the
Arizona-Southern California Conference of the Free Methodist
Church, and the pacific Northwest Conference of the Free
Methodist Church. Results in Table 10 have indicated
that the relation between open-closed mindedness and pastor-
pastoral dropouts "stands up" in the light of this test
variable.
At the conclusion of his article regarding partial
order correlation Lazarsfeld commented about "causal rela
tionships":
We can suggest a clearcut definition of causal
relationship between two attributes, if we have
88
TABLE 9
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY GENERATIONAL MOBILITY
High
Generational Mobility
Low
Generational Mobility
Open
Minded
Closed
Minded
Total
Open
Minded
Closed
Minded
Total
Pastoral
dropouts 27 15 42 3 5 8
Pastors 12 17 29 6 15 21
Total 39 32 71 9 20 29
Phi = .22 Phi = .08
89
TABLE 10
RELATION BETWEEN OPEN-CLOSED MINDEDNESS
AND PASTOR-PASTORAL DROPOUTS,
BY GEOGRAPHICAL AREA
Arizona-Southern California Pacific Northwest
Pastoral
dropouts 16 9 25 14 11 25
Pastors 8 17 25 10 15 25
Total 24 26 50 24 26 50
Phi = .32 Phi = .16
90
a relationship between "x" and "y"; and if for
any antecedent test factor the partial relation
ships between x and y do not disappear, then the
original relationship should be called a causal
one. 8
On the basis of this exploratory research into the
relationship between open-closed mindedness and the sample
of pastor-pastoral dropouts studied a "causal relationship"
(in terms of Lazarsfeld's position) has been confirmed.
The extent to which this finding can be generalized to all
pastoral dropouts is, of course, conjectural at this point.
It has seemed somewhat presumptuous to include this partic
ular notion at this time, for without thorough replication
for purposes of establishing longitudinal validity a number
of questions remain in this preliminary research. However,
Lazarsfeld was bold enough to talk in terms of "causal
relationships," and sociological researchers must utilize
every means available in an attempt to determine the nature
of "order" in society.
Hypothesis n
Hypothesis II as a null hypothesis for purposes
of testing stated that there will be no significant differ
ence between the variances of pastors and pastoral dropouts
8
Lazarsfeld and Rosenberg, op. cit.. pp. 124-125.
91
on the Religious Belief Index.
On this scale the pastors ranged from a low of
.22 to a high of 1.56. Both the mean and the median of
pastors was .89. The pastoral dropouts ranged from a low
of .11 to a high of 2.44 on the Religious Belief Index.
The mean score of the dropouts was 1.06 and the median was
1.1
It would appear on the basis of the differences
in range that the results would have tested significantly.
However, this was not the case, utilizing the formula
for the homogeneity of two variances and the accompanying
9
F test of significance, the results for a two-tail test
were not significant at the .05 level (as previously
determined), and the null hypothesis was accepted. The
significance of the difference between two means was also
checked and not found to be significant. Therefore,
Hypothesis II regarding a significant difference in vari
ance on the Religious Belief Index between pastors and
pastoral dropouts was rejected.
Hypothesis ill
Hypothesis III as a null hypothesis for purposes
9
Edwards, op. cit., pp. 271-27 3.
92
of testing stated that there will be differences in the
responses of pastors and pastoral dropouts on the vocational
Decision Index, i.e., pastors and pastoral dropouts will
respond as emotionally or as rationally as the other.
The ranges of the two samples differed somewhat.
Pastors ranged from 1.4 (the emotional end of the scale) to
3.3 (the rational end of the scale). pastoral dropouts
ranged from an emotional score of 1.8 to a rational score
of 3.2
The means and medians of pastors and pastoral
dropouts were identical which fact ruled out the possibility
of any type of difference manipulation. Therefore, the null
hypothesis of no difference was accepted.
As stated in the initial chapter of this report,
the notion of "the Call" remains as an often-referred-to
directive in relation to the ministry, but also as a concept
quite difficult to measure either qualitatively or quanti
tatively.
Summary
These basic findings have shown that Rokeach's
open-closed minded scale has significantly differentiated
between pastors and pastoral dropouts of the Free Methodist
denominational structure. It was indicated further that
these results have not been confounded by the test variables
of index of Social position, amount of education of spouse
and father and mother, health of self and spouse, percep
tions of generational mobility, and geographic distinction.
However, as indicated in the test of Hypothesis II,
the Religious Belief index failed to reveal significant
differences between pastors and pastoral dropouts.
Similarly, Hypothesis III was rejected because
the two responding categories were not differentiated as to
the concept of the "call" as measured by the Vocational
Decision index.
CHAPTER V
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
This study has been related to the problem of the
loss by formal organizations of the commitment of their
leaders. The study has focused upon a regional sample of
a highly structured Protestant denomination, the Free
Methodist Church of North America, as an example of a
formal organization, and upon the pastor dropout as illus
trative of a formerly committed leader.
The theoretical stance of this research has been
that the clergy primarily functions within a formal orga
nizational structure. This system sets certain goals and
positions its personnel in order to accomplish these pur
poses. The organization is constantly in the process of
coordinating and controlling its participants through the
continual manipulation and institutionalization of rela
tionships quite apart from individual considerations. How
ever, the formal organization remains dependent upon
94
95
individuals who perform the allocated functions and respon
sibilities .
It was theorized that a certain type of individual
might have found within the confines of the highly struc
tured formal organization a position contributing to discon
tent. The ensuing "dissonance" might have led him to
exchange his leadership role, into which he had made a
considerable investment of time, effort, and emotional
involvement, for another profession.
The purpose of this research was an attempt to
ascertain whether or not open-closed mindedness, views
regarding religious beliefs, and attitudes toward the minis
terial call would distinguish between pastors and pastoral
dropouts from the same denomination. It was also a purpose
of this dissertation to compare objectively the pastoral
dropout and active pastor using systematically gathered and
controlled data.
Three scales were chosen from the literature as
being pertinent to the measuring and testing of the follow
ing hypotheses.
I. pastoral dropouts from closed organizational
systems will be more open-minded in their
belief systems than pastors who remain.
96
II. There will be a significant variance between
pastors and pastoral dropouts on the Religious
Belief index.
III. Pastoral dropouts will react more rationally
to the Vocational Decision index than pastors
who will react more emotionally.
A section was included relating to a study reported
in 1932 in which all respondents were asked to list in order
of importance their major reasons for entering the ministry;
under what circumstances have you considered leaving the
ministry (asked of pastors); list in order of importance to
you the major reasons for leaving the pastoral ministry
(asked of non-pastors). (See Appendix C.)
Responses were obtained by questionnaire from fifty
pastoral dropouts from the abovementioned denomination.
These fifty dropouts and fifty pastors presently serving
the church were matched by age, amount of education, size
of last pastorate, marital status, income on the last
pastorate, time in the denomination, time in the active
ministry, and ordination. The total number of completed and
usable questionnaires was 100.
The following major findings are based on the data
included in this study and are related to the purposes of
97
this study.
1. Hypothesis I was accepted. it was found to be
significant well beyond the .05 level. pastoral dropouts
in this research were more open-minded in their belief sys
tems than were pastors. This relationship was further
tested by using the technique of partial order correlation.
Seven test variables were applied to the basic relationship
which was found to "stand up" in the light of these partial
order correlations.
2. Hypothesis II was rejected. Though the variance
in religious beliefs was larger for the dropouts than for
the pastors it was not large enough to be significantly
greater.
3. Hypothesis III was rejected. The means and
medians of pastors and pastoral dropouts were identical
which ruled out the possibility of any type of difference
manipulation.
The leading question of this dissertation pertained
to why pastors drop out of the pastoral ministry. As a
result of this exploratory research into a highly struc
tured Protestant denomination it was found that perceptions
of the "call to preach" and specific doctrinal beliefs did
not differentiate significantly between the two matched
98
samples. However, it was discovered that the variable of
open-closed mindedness did separate pastors and pastoral
dropouts at the .02 level of significance. This significant
relationship was also further substantiated when it "stood
up" in the light of seven test variables which were chosen
for their possible confounding effects.
What this appeared to indicate was that the formal
organization of the denominational body under study present
ed a certain type of individual (open-minded in Rokeach's
terms) with an occupational situation which may have been
too highly structured for his personal belief systems.
Following is a re-quotation of a previously used paragraph
in which Rokeach contends:
The more open one's belief system, the more should
evaluating and acting on information proceed inde
pendently on its own merits, in accord with the
inner structural requirements of the situation . . .
the more should the person be governed in his
actions by internal self-actualizing forces and
less by irrational inner forces . . . the more
should he be able to resist pressures exerted by
external sources to evaluate and to act in accord
with their wishes . . . the more strength should
he have to resist externally imposed reinforce
ments, or rewards or punishments. 1
Rokeach, The Open and closed Mind; investigations
into the Nature of Belief Systems and Personality Systems.
p. 60.
99
If this notion can be substantiated by further
research in other types of closed organizational systems it
may well be that a portion of the answer regarding losing
the commitment of leaders is found in the structure itself
and the demands that it makes on certain kinds of individ
uals .
As noted previously this dissertation has described
a scientific study of pastoral dropouts. It has been in
the nature of a pioneering study, and consequently, no
dogmatic statements are possible regarding the applicabil
ity of the findings or inferred values derived from them.
Nevertheless, some pragmatic inferences may be drawn as
long as their exploratory nature is understood, with these
qualifications in mind the values to be accrued from this
research may be related to a positive description of Free
Methodist pastoral dropouts and their attitudes toward and
placement within the existing denominational structure,
possible changes within the formal system, and leadership
loss in other formal organizations.
The present study is of particular interest in that
it has not supported certain stereotyped notions held by the
laity and the administration regarding the causes of dropout,
namely, poor health of self or spouse, or low income.
100
On the contrary these factors bore no significant relation
ship to dropping out. Furthermore, the dropouts in this
study were not found to be rebels, per se, i.e., 92 per cent
(46) have maintained active membership in the denomination
and have continued to serve in lay capacities. Forty-eight
per cent (24) are employed in professions which contribute
directly to the religious life of the broader society.
These observations seem to indicate that, in order for
their talents to be fully utilized, these men may be recog
nized as men who are willing and able to serve the church
outside of the active pastorate and, in addition, the reli
gious enterprise in general may benefit from the utilitarian
value of their religious training and experience.
Another consideration which may have value for the
Free Methodist denomination would be an alteration of the
existing structure to better incorporate the more open-
minded pastors. increasing the freedom of individuals to
operate the pastorate may better satisfy the needs of the
more open-minded pastors, therefore reducing the quantity
of dropouts. Investigations relative to the more open-minded
pastors who have remained in the active pastorate may reveal
unique aspects in the operation of their duties, providing
clues for avenues of adjustment in the operation of other
101
pastorates.
The employment of Rokeach1s Dogmatism Scale as in
this research may be applied to the question of leadership
defection in other closed organizational systems outside
of the denomination under study, and in fact, in organiza
tions which may not be readily recognized as closed systems
but which, nevertheless, excessively restrict the more open-
minded leader producing conflict which he may attempt to
reduce by removing himself from the situation. The open-
closed-minded dimension may prove to be a significant
variable in many instances of leadership loss, thus lending
prognostic value to the Dogmatism Scale. These other
organizations, too, may find it desirable to alter the
organizational structure in order to make it more tolerable
for the open-minded leaders and/or to provide additional
positions for capitalizing upon the talents of these indi
viduals.
One aspect which it seems necessary to consider in
any discussion of behavior related to dogmatism is the
emphasis in contemporary educational circles on open-
mindedness and creativity in thinking and problem-solving.
It may be that all formal organization which has operated
as a closed structure will find it necessary to capitulate
102
and make adjustment for the attitudinal changes pervading
present society through the educational system.
Additional values may be identified on the basis
of future research. some have been noted in the following
section.
implications for Future Research
With the acceptance of Hypothesis I for this re
search the question immediately posed is, will open-closed
mindedness also differentiate between remainees and
defectors in other highly structured organizations?
Another question more pertinent to the denominational
orientation of this research population is, will those
active pastors who scored at the open-minded end of the
continuum be the next pastors to leave the pastoral
ministry? Conversely, is the denomination "better off"
as far as certain associational practices and goals are con
cerned without the open-minded leaders? Are administrative
officials in a highly structured denomination organization
largely closed-minded in their belief systems as measured
by Rokeach's Dogmatism Scale? do wives of these categories
share the belief systems of their husbands? Perhaps young
ministers could be given this test in an attempt to
103
ascertain which of them may be more susceptible to
dropping out of the pastoral ministry. These types of
data could be very helpful to organizational administra
tion, but only after extensive research in this area.
A finding from the study ancillary to the
hypotheses as found in Appendix C presents material for
conjecture. The finding that only 2 per cent (1) of
the pastors had considered leaving the pastorate for reasons
placed under the rubric "intellectual reconstruction"
whereas 21 per cent (40) of the ex-ministers' and 21
per cent (28) of the non-pastors' responses were placed
in this category not only appears to support the notion
that active pastors are more closed-minded than dropouts,
in addition it raises questions for research relative to
progressives, reactionaries, and the status quo.
in no way should one infer from these implications
that these cited suggestions can be understood or solved
by any unidimensional approach, order cannot be this
simple. However, if Rokeach's scale continues to differ
entiate significantly between categories when related with
a previously established difference, it may well become
a strong predictive measuring device in certain types of
social interaction.
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A PP E N D I X E S
110
APPENDIX A
QUESTIONNAIRE
111
APPENDIX A
QUESTIONNAIRE
The following is a study of what the general public thinks
and feels about a number of important social and personal
questions. The best answer to each statement below is your
personal opinion. We have tried to cover many different and
opposing points of view; you may find yourself agreeing
strongly with some of the statements, disagreeing just as
strongly with others, and perhaps uncertain about others;
whether you agree or disagree with any statement, you can be
sure that many people feel the same as you do.
Mark each statement in the left margin according to how much
you agree or disagree with it. Please mark every one.
Write +1, +2, +3, or -1, -2, -3, depending on how you feel
in each case.
+1: I AGREE A LITTLE -1
+2: I AGREE ON THE WHOLE -2
+3; I AGREE VERY MUCH -3
I DISAGREE A LITTLE
I DISAGREE ON THE WHOLE
I DISAGREE VERY MUCH
1. Man on his own is a helpless and miserable
creature.
2. There is much to be done and so little time to
do it in.
112
113
3. While I don't like to admit this even to myself,
my secret ambition is to become a great man, like
Einstein, or Beethoven, or Shakespeare.
4. A man who does not believe in some great cause has
not really lived.
5. When it comes to differences of opinion in
religion, we must be careful not to compromise
with those who believe differently from the way
we do.
6. There are two kinds of people in this world:
those who are for the truth and those who are
against the truth.
7. It is often desirable to reserve judgment about
what's going on until one has had a chance to hear
the opinions of those one respects.
8. Most people just don't know what's good for them.
9. The united States and Russia have just about
nothing in common.
10. Fundamentally, the world we live in is a pretty
lonesome place.
11. Once I get wound up in a heated discussion I just
can't stop.
12. The main thing in life is for a person to want to
do something important.
13. it is only when a person devotes himself to an
ideal or cause that life becomes meaningful.
14. in times like these, a person must be pretty
selfish if he considers primarily his own
happiness.
15. My blood boils whenever a person stubbornly
refuses to admit he's wrong.
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16. in the long run the best way to live is to pick
friends and associates whose tastes and beliefs
are the same as one1s own.
17. The highest form of government is a democracy
and the highest form of democracy is a government
run by those who are most intelligent.
18. Most people just don't "care at all" for others.
19. in a discussion I often find it necessary to
repeat myself several times to make sure I am
being understood.
20. if given the chance I would do something of
great benefit to the world.
21. Of all the different philosophies which exist in
this world there is probably only one which is
correct.
22. The worst crime a person could commit is to attack
publicly the people who believe in the same thing
he doe s.
23. A person who thinks primarily of his own happiness
is beneath contempt.
24. The present is all too often full of unhappiness.
It is only the future that counts.
25. Even though freedom of speech for all groups is a
worthwhile goal, it is unfortunately necessary to
restrict the freedom of certain political
groups.
26. I'd like it if I could find someone who would tell
me how to solve my personal problems.
27. in a heated discussion I generally become so
absorbed in what I am going to say that I forget
to listen to what the others are saying.
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28. in the history of mankind there have probably
been just a handful of really great thinkers.
29. A person who gets enthusiastic about too many
causes is likely to be a pretty "wishy-washy"
sort of person.
30. In times like these it is often necessary to be
more on guard against ideas put out by people or
groups in one's own camp than by those in the
opposing camp.
31. Most of the ideas which are printed nowadays
aren't worth the paper they are printed on.
32. If a man is to accomplish his mission in life
it is sometimes necessary to gamble "all or
nothing at all."
33. it is only natural that a person would have a much
better acquaintance with ideas he believes in than
with ideas he opposes.
34. it is only natural for a person to be rather
fearful of the future.
35. It is better to be a dead hero than to be a live
coward.
36. There are a number of people I have come to hate
because of the things they stand for.
37. To compromise with our political opponents is
dangerous because it usually leads to the betrayal
of our own side.
38. A group which tolerates too much differences of
opinion among its own members cannot exist for
long.
39. In this complicated world of ours the only way
we can know what's going on is to rely on leaders
or experts who can be trusted.
116
40. Unfortunately, a good many people with whom I
have discussed important social and moral
problems don't really understand what’s going on.
117
THE GUSTAFSON SCALE OF RELIGIOUS BELIEF
INSTRUCTIONS
This is not an intelligence test. It is a
questionnaire formed to help us measure differences in
Christian belief.
We do not wish to identify any person or persons by
name or to "put anyone on the spot."
If we can get a large enough number of complete
replies to this questionnaire, we believe it will be
easier to answer a number of questions about church member
ship, and about Christian beliefs.
For example, it will be easier to explain why
certain churches attract one kind of people and other
churches attract other kinds of people.
Another use will be to help us understand the
influences encouraging people to change their beliefs
away from the "fundamentals."
The Christian belief pages are set up to measure
various forms of Christian belief. They are not designed
to change anyone's beliefs, but to find out what they are.
The scale is set up for use among many different
groups, so various different views are included, we hope
to measure these different views.
Doctrinal statements had to be short because of
small space. We know that these points are very important
to a large number of people.
117
118
Nine doctrinal statements are given. Below each
such statement are paragraphs showing responses to each
doctrine.
First, read the doctrine bearing the letter A.
Second, read the paragraphs numbered 0, 1, 2, 3,
and 4.
Third, make a cross (X) in the box to the left of
the statement which comes closest to your own belief about
that doctrine. Do the same with each of the other doctrinal
statements.
Work without hurrying, but work as fast as you can
conveniently read and understand the statements.
Copyright 1953, cloyd V. Gustafson
119
CHRISTIAN DOCTRINES
A. The Bible is the Word of God. God inspired men to
report verbally what He said. The Bible in the original
texts contained no errors.
0 ____ I strongly agree. persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian* faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
1 ____ I agree. But exact agreement on this point should
not be a test for Christian fellowship. There may
have been mistranslations and slips in copying the
original text of Scripture.
2 I agree in part. The Bible contains the Word of God.
But God spoke through fallible men. Therefore the
Bible contains errors because of human elements,
which we may judge by reason.
3 I disagree. The Bible is the record of the early
moral and religious progress of Hebrews and
Christians. It contains much wisdom from great men.
But we cannot be sure of any "divine" element in it.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. The Bible is only one of many
collections of ancient religious writings. It is no
more important for modern life than similar writings
of other religions.
B. All the miracles recorded in the Bible occurred in the
manner described there. These were supernatural inter
ventions in natural laws.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
I agree. But exact agreement on this point should
not be a test of Christian fellowship. Different
interpretations are permissible.
I agree in part. But since God spoke through
fallible men, the writers of scripture may have
erred in their observations and reports of
marvelous events.
I disagree. Wonders took place in ancient times,
but they were probably not exceptions to natural
law. The occurrences were not well understood and the
stories grew by repetition.
I strongly disagree. Most accounts of miracles in
the Bible are just folklore. There is no such thing
as a real miracle.
Jesus was conceived by the Holy Spirit and born of the
Virgin Mary without a human father.
I strongly agree, persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
I agree. But exact agreement should not be a test
of Christian fellowship. St. Paul and the Gospel
of John do not mention the virgin Birth.
I agree in part. Jesus was divine, but His divinity
is better explained by the Gospel of John than by
the Virgin Birth.
I disagree. Jesus is the supreme revelation of God
to men, but He was conceived like anyone else. In
a sense any child is divinely conceived.
I strongly disagree. If Jesus ever lived at all,
He was conceived like everyone else. The "Virgin
Birth" is just a folk tale that grew up to explain
a great man.
121
D. God raised Jesus from the dead. Jesus arose in His
crucified body, left the tomb empty, appeared to His
disciples and friends, and ascended into Heaven.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
1 i agree. But exact agreement should not be a test of
Christian fellowship. The risen body of our Lord
was a glorified body. it was different from His
body before the Crucifixion.
2 i agree in part. Some great spiritual experience
convinced Jesus' followers that He was alive and
with them, but this did not necessarily involve
Jesus' original body.
3 i disagree. I believe in immortality and hope for
it, but my belief does not depend solely upon the
Bible stories of the resurrection.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. The New Testament reports of
Jesus appearing to His disciples are stories growing
out of the untrained imaginations of His followers.
There is no after-life and a bodily resurrection is
impossible.
E. Today, just as at Pentecost, the gift of the Holy Spirit
is evidenced by the person speaking in unknown tongues.
This promise should be claimed in modern churches.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
1 i agree. But exact agreement should not be made a
test of Christian fellowship. All the details of
the original Pentecost need not be repeated today.
2 ____ I agree in part. Pentecost was the great spiritual
experience by which the Holy Spirit empowered the
church. But we can have the Holy Spirit without
"speaking in tongues."
122
3 I disagree. If we ask Him, God will give us
spiritual power for christ-like living. But
religious emotion is not always a guarantee of
Christ-like character.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. Pentecost was just a case of
religious crowd psychology. "Speaking in unknown
tongues" is just emotional nonsense. Sensible
people drop such superstition.
F. Jesus will someday return from Heaven in personal and
visible form to rule the earth.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith, and should be sepa
rated from Christian fellowship.
1 I agree. But I do not believe that exact
agreement on this point should be made a test of
Christian fellowship.
2 ____ I agree in part. But the return of Jesus to earth
will be spiritual rather than in visible bodily form.
He will come eventually to dwell and rule in every
human heart.
3 I disagree. Jesus is as much in the world now as
He will ever be. But I believe God will establish
His Kingdom among men on this earth some day.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. There is no heaven from which
Jesus can return. To expect His coming causes men
to neglect their task of making life in this world
better.
G. Jesus Christ died for sinners; As a substitute He
suffered the just penalty due us for our sins in order
to appease the wrath of God and to save guilty men from
hell.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
I agree. But exact agreement is not required of
Christians. One might say Jesus died to satisfy
the justice of God.
I agree in part. Jesus died, not to soften God's
heart, but to soften the heart of sinful men and
reveal God's love for them. God saves men who
repent.
I disagree. Jesus was a great and good man who
died a martyr in the struggle against evil. His
martyrdom has been a powerful moral influence and
is an example for us.
I strongly disagree. There is no such thing as
"atonement." There is only a law of cause and effect
in moral matters.
Today, just as in ancient times, God frequently inter
venes to work Miracles, especially in response to
prayer, as for the healing of the sick.
I strongly agree. persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
I agree. But exact agreement is not required of
Christians. Miracles undoubtedly took place in
Bible times, but they rarely or.never occur today.
I agree in part. Christians are required to pray.
Prayer for the sick is good and may help through
spiritual laws we do not understand, but it is not
a substitute for medical care.
I disagree. Natural laws have always been God's
ways of working and healing. Some laws are physical;
some are spiritual. Sometimes spiritual laws are
superior to physical laws.
I strongly disagree. We have no proof of any
"higher power" which "intervenes" to help men. There
is only natural law to which men must adjust.
The belief that human beings descended from some lower
animal form is contrary to the Word of God and
un-Christian.
I strongly agree. Persons who disbelieve this are
not true to the Christian faith and should be
separated from Christian fellowship.
I agree. But exact agreement on this point should
not be required for Christian fellowship.
I agree in part. But evolution can be harmonized
with the Bible. Evolution is God's method of
creation.
I disagree. The Biblical account of creation is
folklore that grew up among people ignorant of
science. The truth they saw was that God is the
Creator.
I strongly disagree. Science has proved that man
has evolved from sub-human forms of life. The Bible
is worthless in deciding such questions.
VOCATIONAL DECISION INDEX
The decision to go into the ministry is always an
emotional experience if it is genuine.
I strongly agree. The emotional experience is the
only genuine basis for the vocational decision.
I agree. The emotional experience is superior to
any other, but it should not be a test of the
genuineness of the decision.
I agree in part. The emotional experience is more
reliable than any other, but emotional and intellec
tual elements must be combined in order to make the
decision genuine.
125
3 I disagree. Emotional and intellectual elements
must be combined in any genuine decision, but emo
tions are less reliable than intellect.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. The use of intellect alone
determines the genuineness of any decision.
B. The decision to go into the ministry is the result of
God's Call which comes despite the abilities and
interests of the individual.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Any evaluation of interests and
abilities is wrong because it implies questioning
God's Call.
1 I agree. Any evaluation of abilities and interests
is simply unnecessary.
2 ____ I agree in part. But a genuine decision may
coincide with the interests and abilities of the
individual.
3 I disagree. A genuine decision usually coincides
with the abilities and interests of the individual.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. A genuine decision will never
contradict the interests and abilities of the
individual.
C. The decision to go into the ministry must be a sudden
and dramatic experience rather than the result of
gradual development.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Unless the decision is a sudden
and dramatic experience, it is not a genuine one.
1 I agree. Although the sudden decision is superior
to the gradual one, it should not be the basis of
such a decision.
2 I agree in part. But a sudden and dramatic decision
is not necessarily a superior or inferior to a
gradual one.
126
3 ____ I disagree. A decision made gradually over a period
of time is superior to a sudden and dramatic one.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. A decision made gradually over
a period of time is the only dependable or genuine
one.
D. The decision to go into the ministry is always the
result of the influence of inspirational meetings.
0 ____ I strongly agree. The influence of inspirational
meetings is the only valid source for such a
decision.
1 I agree. The influence of inspirational meetings
is of major importance, but should not be considered
as the only source of such a decision.
2 ____ i agree in part. The influence of inspirational
meetings is of more importance than any other but
there may be other factors influencing such
decisions.
3 I disagree. Inspirational meetings do not constitute
a major influence in such decisions.
4 ____ i strongly disagree. Inspirational meetings never
have any genuine influence on such decisions.
E. The decision to go into the ministry is always the
result of the power of God exerted upon the individual
from without, and is never based on the interests and
abilities within the individual.
0 ____ I strongly agree. Consideration of any interests
or abilities within a person is wrong because it
implies questioning God's power.
1 I agree. The decision is the result of a power
outside the individual, and any consideration of
interests or abilities is unnecessary.
127
2 ____ I agree in part. The decision is the result of a
power outside the individual, but it may coincide
with interests or abilities of an individual.
3 ____ I disagree. The decision is usually the result both
of a power outside the person, and consideration of
interests or abilities within the individual.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. Consideration of interests
and abilities is the only valid factor in any deci
sion which is genuine.
F. My decision to go into the ministry was the result of
God's Call which came despite my abilities and interests.
0 ____ I strongly agree. My interests and abilities were
completely irrelevant to God's Call.
1 ____ I agree. God's Call came despite my abilities or
interests, but they not irrelevant to God's
Call.
2 ____ I agree in part. God's Call may come despite my
abilities or interests, but He may have called me
through my interests and abilities.
3 ____ I disagree. God's Call did not come despite my
abilities and interests, but I believe God called
me through my interests and abilities.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. God's call never comes
contrary to the abilities and interests of the
individual.
G. The witness of God through a single individual was
the primary influence which led to my decision to go
into the ministry.
0 ____ I strongly agree. The influence of a single individ
ual has been the only factor which has led to my
decision.
128
1 ____ I agree. A single individual has been the major
factor influencing my decision.
2 ____ I agree in part. A single individual has had more
influence than any other factor, but others have
also influenced my decision.
3 ____ i disagree. A single individual has never had any
major influence upon my decision.
4 ____ i strongly disagree. No one person has ever had
any noticeable influence on my decision.
H. My decision to go into the ministry was an emotional
experience.
0 ____ I strongly agree. My decision was an emotional
experience.
1 ____ I agree. My decision was largely an emotional
decision.
2 ____ I agree in part. My decision was more of an emo
tional than an intellectual experience.
3 ____ I disagree. My decision was primarily an intellec
tual experience, but there were emotional elements
as well.
4 ____ i strongly disagree. My decision was an intellectual
experience, and there were no emotional factors in
my decision.
I. My decision to go into the ministry was a sudden and
dramatic experience.
0 ____ I strongly agree. My decision was a sudden and
dramatic experience.
1 ____ I agree. My decision was primarily a sudden rather
than a gradual experience.
129
2 ____ I agree in part. My decision was more of a sudden
experience than a gradual one.
3 I disagree. My decision was more of a gradual
experience than a sudden one.
4 ____ I strongly disagree. My decision was a very
gradual experience.
J. The witness of God through inspirational meetings was
the primary factor influencing my decision to go into
the ministry.
0 ____ I strongly agree. My decision was entirely
the result of inspirational meetings.
1 ____ I agree. My decision was primarily the result
of inspirational meetings.
2 ____ i agree in part. My decision was more the result
of inspirational meetings than other influences,
but there were other factors.
3 ____ I disagree. My decision was not influenced in
any important way through inspirational meetings.
4 I strongly disagree. My decision was not influenced
in any way by inspirational meetings.
130
PERSONAL BACKGROUND INFORMATION
We would like to have just a few items of background
information about yourself, your family, your job, etc.
Please be as accurate as possible and please do not leave
any questions blank.
1. Your age: _____
2. Your sex: _____ male
_____ female
3. Your race; ____ white
_____ negro
_____ other (specify) ___________________
4. Your marital status;
_____ married
_____ single
_____ widowed
_____ separated
_____ divorced
5. What is (was) the occupation of your father (or head
of house)? (Be as specific as possible.)
131
Which of the following general categories best
describes your father's occupation?
manager, official, or proprietor of
large business —
professional (non-minister)
minister
- manager, official, or proprietor of small
business
government civil service employee
farm owner, or farm manager
i . craftsman, technical worker, or foreman
sales worker
clerical worker
unskilled worker
How do you think the general social standing of your
father's occupation compares with the social standing
of your own occupation?
______ father's occupation was much lower socially
______ father's occupation was somewhat lower socially
_____ father's occupation about the same socially
______ father's occupation was somewhat higher socially
______ father's occupation was much higher socially
8. What was the highest education attainment for the
following:
father mother spouse
8th grade or less______________ ______ ______
some high school_______________ ______ ______
high school graduate ______ ______ ______
some college_____________ ______ ______ ______
Bachelor's degree ______ ______ ______
Master's degree ______ ______ ______
Seminary degree ______ ______ ______
Doctor's degree ______ ______ ______
132
9. What is the highest educational level you have
attained?
_high school graduation or less
_____ some college or post high school training
_____ Bible school training
_____ college graduation
_____ some college plus full three-year seminary
_____ college graduation plus^ some seminary
college graduation plus graduation from three-
year seminary
_____ college graduation plus further graduate work
_____ college and seminary graduation, plus additional
graduate work
10. Are you ordained? yes_____ n o_____
11. In total, how many years have you been (were you) in
the pastoral ministry in this denomination? ________
12. How many years have you been in this denomination? ___
13. List other denominations in which you may have
served, and in what capacity: _______________________
14. How many members are (were) on your most recent
pastorate? _____
15. What is (was) your total annual salary on your most
recent pastorate? __________
16. The state of my health is ____________________________
17. The state of my wife's health is ____________________
133
18. Were you in the service? Yes _____ No______
Chaplaincy? _____ Branch___________________________
19. (For Non-Pastors) How many years has it been since
your most recent pastorate? _____
My present occupation is ____________________________
20. Please list in order of importance your major reasons
for entering the pastoral ministry:
21. (For pastors) Under what circumstances have you
considered leaving the pastoral ministry?
22. (For Non-Pastors) Please list in order of importance
to you the major reasons for leaving the pastoral
ministry;
APPENDIX B
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE SELECTED DENOMINATION
134
APPENDIX B
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OP THE
SELECTED DENOMINATION
It seemed necessary to include a succinct historical
tracing of the selected denomination for the purposes of
placing the Free Methodist group in relation to other
Protestant denominations, and to show the highly structured
organization of the Free Methodist Church.
The Anglican Church or Church of England came into
being following the excommunication of Henry VIII from the
Roman Catholic Church in 1534.^ The Anglican Church adopted
the episcopal form of government which was ruled by bishops
who were appointed by the King of England, the titular head
of the church, or by a commission of bishops.
The close of the seventeenth century and the early
part of the eighteenth century saw a great Protestant
^Lars p. Qualben, A History of the Christian Church
(New York; Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1942), p. 321.
135
136
revival sweep across Europe. This movement had its counter
part in England as reflected in the Wesleyan revival.
Brothers John and Charles Wesley, and several others formed
"the Holy club" while they were students at Oxford univer
sity, and had a profound effect on the subsequent history
of the church. At its inception and until the death of
John Wesley, the organized group known as the Methodists
because of their methodical observance of religious
practices, remained as societies within the Anglican Church,
and their leaders were ordained clergy in the established
church of England. In fact, John Wesley remained an
Anglican clergyman until the day of his death and never
was a member of the Methodist Church.
With the colonization of the American continent the
Anglican Church became established in a number of the
colonies. However, after the American Revolution and the
adoption of the Constitution it became illegal to recognize
any church or religion as an established or state institu
tion. This immediately dissolved the Anglican Church in
America which had become, at least in a part of the
colonies, recognized as established. After the adoption
by the states of their National Constitution in 1789, the
Church of England in America was reformed as the Protestant
137
2
Episcopal Church in the same year. They retained the
faith, the liturgy, and the spiritual traditions of the
older church, but the organizational set-up was somewhat
modified to meet American needs.
A growing sense of unrest prevailed among the
Methodists during this time because their lay-ministers
did not have an official position nor did they possess
ordination. Thus they were unable to baptize, marry, bury,
or administer communion, sensing an ultimate change in the
present order of their relationship with the historical
Anglican Church they held a conference of the "Methodist
Churches." in 1784 they took the name"Methodist Episcopal"
for their organization, adopted the Anglican order of
worship, and adapted, the Articles of Religion of the Church
3
of England to their needs. The Methodist Episcopal Church
has retained its original statement of faith and government
with few changes down to the present time.
Methodism in America retained the features of the
societies in England which formed it into a unique organiza
tion. The smallest link in this church was known as a
2
Ibid., p. 503.
3
Ibid., p. 538.
138
"class" Which was led by a class leader elected by the
next higher link known as a"society." The society was
composed of all those members of a local church. At the
beginning several churches were united together as a
"circuit" over which a pastor, appointed by a conference,
presided. As the church grew in numbers and locally demand
ed the full attention of a pastor, the circuit idea
gradually disappeared. Any large group of churches was
amenable to a "superintendent" who presided over them as a
district. The absolute control over the entire denomination
was within the power of the bishops.
The districts were allocated, largely upon proxim
ity in geographical relation, to an annual conference. The
annual conference was composed of all ordained ministers,
elders or deacons, and a representative layman from each
local church. The body was presided over by a bishop who
had jurisdiction within a designated area. Every four
years the Annual Conferences met together in a General
Conference. Members to this quadrennial body were elected
by the Annual Conference which was allowed one ministerial
and one lay delegate allocated upon the number of members
composing an Annual Conference. The General Conference was
the legislative, judicial, and administrative body of the
139
church. There have been some modifications in church
government to fit modern needs, i.e., time limits of
superintendents and pastors, but apparently none of real
significance.
Following the middle of the nineteenth century
a small group of the more "conservative" ministers took a
decided stand against a liberal movement in one of the
conferences and published a paper accusing and denouncing
those who supported this move. Before long this resulted
in a "reading out of the church" of this dissenting band.
The excommunicated group had no one to turn to and
in assembly decided to found a new denomination. Still
believing in Methodist doctrine and government, they decided
to retain the name Methodist. One of the issues which
brought about the condition in which they found themselves
was the growing custom among Methodist churches of charging
rent for the pews in the church which, it was maintained,
prohibited the poorer class of people from attending
services. (So-called oral tradition has it also that along
with the concern over pew sales was the view of the early
dissenters that there should be "freedom from slavery,"
"freedom from secret societies," and "more freedom of
expression allowed in the services.") Therefore, the new
140
group decided they would make it a binding rule that rent
_ for pews should never be permitted in their organization.
This determination was carried out and gave them the clue
to a name for the new denomination, the Free Methodist
Church of North America.
Following is a paragraph from the first official
publication of the Free Methodist Church:
The Free Methodist church had its origin in
necessity and not in choice. it did not grow
out of secession, but out of an unsuccessful
attempt to bring about a reform in the govern
ment of the Church. Those concerned in its
formation never expected a separation from the
Methodist Episcopal Church until they were un
justly excluded from its pale. They sought re
dress and the proper tribunal. it was not
granted. Even a candid hearing was denied them.
Thus thrown out, and the possibility of a resto
ration being cut off, and believing that God
still called them to labor for the salvation of
souls, they had no alternative but to form a new
organization, in doctrine, discipline, and spirit
they are Methodists, and hence they could not
offer themselves to any other denomination.4
The organization of the Free Methodist church
followed very closely that of the mother church and has
remained so until the present time with the exception of
a few modifications to conform to social, religious, and
4
B. T. Roberts, The Doctrines and Discipline of
the Free Methodist Church (Buffalo: A. M. Clapp and Co.,
Steam Printing House, 1862), pp. iii-iv.
141
political changes. Such changes have not affected the
doctrinal position of the Free Methodist Church nor its
ministerial requirements.
There seems to have been a steady movement toward
a more congregational form in that some of the larger
churches have desired to have more authority in local
government and the choosing of their own pastors. At the
last General Conference of the Free Methodist Church held
at the denomination headquarters in Winona Lake, Indiana,
in June, 1964, the four bishops were formed into a Board
of Bishops. To this Board was given new authority
designed to strengthen the bishopric and bolster up what
seemed to be waning powers. The Church at large seems of
one mind, as indicated by this action, to retain the
Episcopal form of government.
CENTRAL ORGANIZATION OF THE FREE METHODIST CHURCH
BOARD OF ADMINISTRATION
(Secy, of Gen. Conf.)
(12 Laymen)
(4 Bishops)
(12 Elders)
Commission on
Missions
(1 Bishop)
Board of
Directors
Seminary
Exec.
Board
Editorial
Board
Board of Bishops Judicial council
Executive
commission
(1 Bishop)
Investment
Committee
Board of
Ministerial
Training
Commission on
Evangelism
(1 Bishop)
GENERAL CONFERENCE
Commission on
Christian Education
(1 Bishop)
j Womans Missionary Society j L. & L. Men's Fellowship
SOURCE: Leslie R. Marston, A Living Witness; A Historical Interpretation of
Free Methodism's First Century (Winona Lake, Ind.: Light and Life press,
1960), p. 421.
142
APPENDIX C
A REPLICATION OF THE DUNCAN RESEARCH
143
APPENDIX C
A REPLICATION OP THE DUNCAN RESEARCH
A replication of this study after a thirty-five
year lapse was felt to be an interesting addition to this
research which has focused upon the pastoral dropout.
Reactions toward Entering the Ministry
Duncan indicated five rough categories into which
the reactions toward entering the ministry fell. These in
apparent order of importance were: desire for service,
response to a call, influence of church and pastor,
influence of family, and opportunity for a profession.
It was observed that responses to the above question
in this present research could also be roughly placed under
the same five headings. (Only four responses out of a total
of 255 for both pastors and non-pastors did not seem to fit,
namely, "to avoid the draft," "spiritual matters absorb me,"
"too ignorant to know any other way," and "I desired self-
sacrifice . ")
144
145
For purposes of comparing the results of the
present study with those of Duncan's the total number of
responses from each sample aggregate was divided into the
number of responses under each heading, i.e., desire for
service, response to a call, etc. With this technique the
percentages for each aggregate under the various headings
could not only be compared, but also rank-ordered against
Duncan's findings. (Rounding-off was responsible for the
cases in which percentage sums did not equal 100 percent.)
Following are the comparisons of percentages under
the five categories:
1. Desire for Service
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 27% (40)
Pastoral Dropouts 47% (62)
pastors 36% (44)
(Note that both dropouts and pastors consid
ered "desire for service" to be a weightier
item than did Duncan's group.)
2. Response to a Call
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 20% (30)
Pastoral Dropouts 26% (34)
Pastors 44% (54)
(In this category pastors placed a great deal
more importance than did either of the other
two groupings.)
Influence of Church and pastor
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 20% (29)
Pastoral Dropouts 14% (19)
Pastors 4% (5)
(Pastors placed little importance in this
type of influence as they recalled their
reactions toward entering the ministry.)
influence of Family
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 18% (26)
Pastoral Dropouts 5% (6)
Pastors 2% (3)
(It would appear that in 1932 the family had
a considerably greater influence upon those
entering the ministry than it does today.)
Opportunity for profession
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 15% (22)
Pastoral Dropouts 8% (11)
Pastors 14% (17)
(Ex-ministers and pastors perceived this
aspect of entering the ministry in about the
147
same terms. However, dropouts perceived this
as about half as important as the others.)
Table 11 shows these same data placed in rank order
with Duncan’s findings under the above number headings.
It can be seen that Duncan's ex-ministers and these
pastoral dropouts are ranked in the same order with the
exception of categories (4) and (5) which are reversed for
dropouts, i.e., the dropouts considered "opportunity for
profession” to be slightly more important now than did the
ex-ministers thirty-five years ago. The Spearman rank-order
coefficient of correlation between ex-ministers and dropouts
was . 9.
Pastors, however, have perceived the reasons for
entering the ministry in a different light than either the
ex-ministers or the non-pastors. Pastors have considered
the "response to call" as being more important than "desire
to serve," and "opportunity for profession" as more impor
tant than either "influence of church and pastor" or
"influence of family.” pastors also considered the call
as being more than twice as important as did the ex-
^Edwards, Statistical Methods for the Behavioral
Sciences. p. 194.
148
TABLE XI
REACTION TOWARD ENTERING THE MINISTRY:
PERCENT RANK ORDER RELATION OF EX-MINISTERS,
BY PASTORAL DROPOUTS AND PASTORS
Ex-Ministers
Rank percent
1 27
2 20
3 20
4 18
5 15
Pastoral Dropouts
Rank Percent
1 47
2 36
3 14
5 5
4 8
Pastors
Rank Percent
2 36
1 44
4 4
5 2
3 14
Rho = .9 Rho = .6
149
ministers (44 per cent of responses as to 20 per cent of
responses). The Spearman rank-order coefficient of correla
tion between ex-ministers and pastors was .6.
Reactions toward Leaving the Ministry
Duncan ordered his ex-ministers' reactions toward
leaving the ministry into the four categories of larger
field of service, inefficient organization and administra
tion, intellectual reconstruction (meaning a broadening
of beliefs and concerns into less hampering positions and
practices), and consideration for family. Response per
centages on the present study were established as noted on
page 145 above.
Following are the compared percentages for Duncan's
four headings:
1. Larger Field of Service
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 47% (90)
Pastoral Dropouts 38% (51)
Pastors2 33% (20)
(In relation to the other subjects pastors
did not appear to be looking at other fields
2
It should be remembered that for the pastors the
question was, "under what circumstances have you considered
leaving the pastoral ministry?"
too extensively.)
Inefficient Organization and Administration
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 22% (43)
pastoral Dropouts 24% (32)
Pastors 48% (29)
(Note the close agreement between ex-ministers
and dropouts in regard to the structure in
which they had been operating as ministers.
However, pastors appeared to be twice as con
cerned about the structure, 48 per cent to
24 per cent, than were pastoral dropouts.
Duncan included financial concerns under this
rubric, and perhaps the pastors felt this type
of pressure more keenly than did those who had
left the pastorate. Eight dropouts expressly
stated financial reasons for leaving, and
thirteen pastors stated that they had consid
ered leaving for financial reasons.)
Intellectual Reconstruction
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 21% (40)
Pastoral Dropouts 21% (28)
Pastors 2% (1)
151
(Ex-ministers and dropouts were agreed at this
point on the importance of this consideration,
but the pastors had virtually not considered
a shift and broadening of beliefs and
practices.)
4. Consideration for Family
Duncan's Ex-Ministers 10% (20)
Pastoral Dropouts 17% (22)
Pastors 18% (11)
(Pastoral dropouts and pastors are at closest
agreement in consideration for the family.)
From the data presented in Table 12 it can be seen
that ex-ministers and dropouts have placed their reasons for
leaving the ministry in identical rank order of importance
as they have actually left the pastoral ministry. However,
the pastors again have changed the order of importance of
considered reasons for leaving by placing "inefficient orga
nization and administration" above "larger field of ser
vice," and "consideration for family" above "intellectual
reconstruction." Again, Duncan's findings have been rank
ordered to coincide with the above numbered headings.
The responses in this research which were not used
152
TABLE XII
REACTION TOWARD LEAVING THE MINISTRY:
PERCENT RANK ORDER RELATION OP EX-MINISTERS,
BY PASTORAL DROPOUTS AND PASTORS
Ex-Ministers Pastoral Dropouts pastors
Rank Percent Rank Percent Rank Percent
1 47 1 38 2 33
2 22 2 24 1 48
3 21 3 21 4 2
4 10 4 17 3 18
Rho =1.00 Rho = .6
153
in Duncan's four categories for reasons leaving the ministry
were the following: only two for the non-pastors, i.e.,
"The conference recommended it," and "I plan to return to
the pastorate." Fifteen of the pastors wrote "none" to the
question, which indicated that they had not considered
leaving the pastoral ministry. "Only if there is no church
to serve" and "Only if asked to" were the two other non
used responses.
In summary, Duncan's categories seemed to roughly
fit the responses of pastors and pastoral dropouts at the
present time, except for the "intellectual reconstruction"
and pastors. This category seems intuitively to be related
to that of open-mindedness and suggests the possibility for
future research into perceived motives relative to loss of
commitment of leaders, as well as possible research pertain
ing to the process of "intellectual reconstruction." There
appeared also to be substantial agreement between ex-
ministers and pastoral dropouts regarding the order of
importance of the various headings suggested by Duncan's
research thirty-five years ago. However, though they were
not too far apart Duncan's rank order and the pastors'
rank did not agree, it may well have been that the
circumstances under which pastors have considered leaving
and the actual decision to leave are not based on identi
cally perceived criteria.

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Creator Cochrane, Gordon Elvis (author)

Core Title Some Characteristics Of A Selected Sample Of Free Methodist Pastoral Dropouts

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Sociology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Sociology, general

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Peterson, James A. (committee chair), Lasswell, Thomas E. (committee member), Robb, J. Wesley (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-607137

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Rights Cochrane, Gordon Elvis

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