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Alienation, Structural Strain, And Political Deviancy: A Test Of Merton'Shypothesis
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Alienation, Structural Strain, And Political Deviancy: A Test Of Merton'Shypothesis
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This dlsMcUtion has b—n mlcvofUnKd exactly u racalvad 66-8785 FAIA, M ichael August, 1938- ALIENATION, STRUCTURAL STRAIN, AND POLITICAL DEVIANCY: A TEST OF MERTON'S HYPOTHESIS. U niversity of Southern California, Ph.D., 1966 Sociology, general University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan ALIENATION, STRUCTURAL STRAIN, AND POLITICAL*DEVIANCY A TEST OF MERTON'S HYPOTHESIS i by Michael August Fala A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Sociology) June 1966 UNIVERSITY O F SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 0 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, w ritten by _______.MICHAEL AUGUST..FAIA....... under the direction of h.lK ..D issertation Com m ittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of requirements for the degree of D O C T O R O F P H IL O S O P H Y ( ? . A & * e £ r J > . Dian 9.66............. COMMITTEE TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES Page tv Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 Objectives of the Research Definitions of Tems Problems, Hypotheses, and Derivations II. ALIENATION, SOCIAL STRUCTURE, AND DEVIANT BEHAVIOR: A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE .. . 31 Alienation and Maes Society Differential Access to Life Goals: Some Criteria of Structural Strain Alienation, Structural Strain, and Deviant Behavior III. METHODS................................... 75 Sampling Procedure The Questionnaire Co*' “abulation and Analysis IV. POLITICAL DEVIANCY: THE SOCIAL CONTEXT ... 85 Statistical Regularity Social Control Conclusions V. ALIENATION, STRUCTURAL STRAIN, AND PERSONAL INADEQUACY: SOME FACTORS IN POLITICAL DEVIANCY 97 Zero-Order Associations First-Order Associations 11 Chapter Page A Note on Anonle Conclusions VI. POLITICAL DEVIANCY: RATIONAL OR IRRATIONAL? 110 VII. SUMftiLY AMD CONCLUSIONS..................... 118 BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................ 125 APPENDIX............................................ 134 111 LIST OP TABLES Table Bag* 1. Types of Casat "Intermediate" Between "Conserva tive" and "Llbaral"...................... II 2. Indicator# of Social Coaplaxity............ 39 3. Typaa of Social Complexity.................. 40 4. Bar Cant Expraaalng Approval of Coughlin Among Thosa High and Low on Status Dlacrapancy . . 60 5. Presidential Vote and Vote on Proposition 14 by Party Affiliation...................... 86 6. Percentage Distribution of Conformists (Liberals) and First-Degree and Second- Degree Deviants (Conservatives) .......... 88 7. Frequency of Discussion of Politics with Colleagues by Political Position.......... 90 8. Perception of Colleagues' Feelings about Political Orientation by Political Position 92 9. Perception of "Pressure" by Political Position 93 10. Intensity of Pressure Among Those Who Perceive Pressure, by Position .................... 95 11. Alienation and Perceived Structural Inadequacy 100 12. Alienation and Perceived Personal Inadequacy . 100 13. Perceived Structural Inadequacy and Perceived Personal Inadequacy ...................... 101 14. Alienation and Political Position.......... 103 15. Perceived Structural Inadequacy and Political Position................... 103 iv Table Page 16. Parcalvad Personal Inadequacy and Political Position.................................. 104 V 17. Alienation and Political Position, with Struc tural Inadequacy Standardised............ 105 18. Structural Inadequacy and Political Position. with Alienation Standardised.............. 105 19. Structural Inadequacy and Political Position, for Highly Alienated Respondents.......... 107 20. Anoale and Political Position.............. 108 21. Perception of Colleagues1 Pressure and Polit ical Deviancy........................ 113 22. Intensity of Pressure and Political Position . 114 23. Political Awareness and Political Position . . 115 24. Political Position and Political Awareness . . 116 v CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Objectives of tht iiitirch Sociological theories about deviant behavior are loewhat paradoxical: If It la true that aoclal disorgan isation, defined as a condition of normleasness, creates disequilibrium and sets the stage for social change, and If it Is also true that Increasing rates of social deviancy are, at some point, tantamount to social disorganisation, then It Is necessary to conclude that social deviancy Is an Important factor in social change. On the other hand, some social theorists have focused on the functions of social deviancy In maintaining social equilibrium, claiming that deviancy provides negative role models for those who con form and that there are times when a certain amount of deviancy acts as a sort of safety-valve, allowing pressures to be dissipated which might otherwise produce social change. Since there Is undoubtedly some truth In both these positions, It Is necessary to recognise that social deviancy may . quite variable In terms of Its Impact on social change. It seems reasonable to conclude, therefore, 1 that before w can make vlabla tbaorlaa about tba relatlon- ahlp between deviancy and social change, w ouat first laarn something about tba natura and typas of daviant babavior and parhaps something about tba causae of davl ancy. Basically, this is tba motivation bablnd tba present study. Tba focus of this study, than, will be upon tba determinants of davlancy, ratber than the consequences. The specific form of davlancy to be studied is davlancy frosi political norms within tba academic world. Obviously tba first objective of tba study must be that of deciding wbather there is any meaningful sociological sense in which one may say that political norms exist within tba academic community. In making this decision the statistical distri bution of certain forms of political behavior will be taken into account, but this Is not simply a matter of statis tics, for most sociologists would be extremely uncomfort able with any definition of social norms which failed to say something about such matters as social control or, perhaps, the existence of a sanction system. For this dissertation the term "social norm" is defined in such a way that, before any given form of behavior can be consid ered normative, it must have at Uast four characteristics having to do with "patterning" and "social control." Any less and It is not normative. The second objective of this study is to find out whether political deviancy— If there It euch a thing— can be explained In the earn way that eoclologlete recently have been attempting to explain other forms of deviancy, such as juvenile delinquency or prostitution or suicide. In the analysis of the literature (Chapter II) It Is sug gested that there are, at present, two basic theories of deviant behavior In sociology: the first esiphasises the Impersonal, bureaucratic, alienative aspects of modern life as a cause of deviancy; the second assumes that the deviant may be rather well "Integrated*' as a member of society, but that be may be Integrated In a way that both encourages deviant behavior and creates opportunities for it. This study will attempt to test these two positions against one another. The third, and final, goal of this study Is to try to shed some light on the question of whether current sociological explanations of deviancy tend to place undue emphasis upon the rationalistic, utilitarian aspects of human behavior. Although many sociologists tend to shy away from this kind of "philosophical" question, much of their work seems to be based on the Implicit assumption that man, on the whole, la a highly rational being and that he either conforms to or deviates from social norms largely for utilitarian reasons. Since there are other views of the "nature of man" which reject these assuctions, It seems appropriate to try to set up some criteria for deciding whether political deviancy, ae one fon of deviant behavior, ia "rational" or "irrational" (see pp. 24 ff). Definition! of T e m The baelc concept! of thle study are nonatlvity, deviant behavior, alienation, anomie, structural strain, personal Inadequacy, and political awareness. Normatlvitv and Deviant Behavior In order to develop a suitable measure of any fon of deviant behavior, it is first necessary to establish the existence of social noma. Since the major dependent vari able in the present study is "political deviancy," it is necessary to perfon the task of (1) setting up some criteria for the existence of social nons in general, (2) comparing against these criteria a set of data having to do with the actual political behavior of academicians, as a means of detemlnlng whether such behavior is, or can be, normative, and (3) identifying those who do not confom to these "nons," i.e., political deviants. Of this three- part task, the second part will undoubtedly prove to be the most difficult to carry out (see Chapter IV). According to the definition used in this study, the two basic criteria of nonet ive behavior are patterning and social control, and each of these is broken down into two components (see below), yielding in effect four conceptu- *lly Independent criteria for the existence of nonsetive behavior. Bach of these four criteria say be thought of as a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for the existence of a social none. The four taken together are a sufficient condition. This paradips generates a typology 4 which consists of 2 or 16 distinct types, and it is extremely interesting to set up hypotheses having to do with the manner in which one type may tend to evolve into another and with the relationship between normative behav ior and its possible correlates, such as "recognition" of the norms or their codification into law. (It should be noted that it is possible in this study to speak of the relationship between norms and the recognition thereof only because normetlvlty is being defined behavlorallv rather than in terms of ideals, or values. In other words, the definition of normativity used in this study Is based upon what is, rather than upon what somebody thinks ought to be.) One component of patterning is statistical regu larity. In deciding whether or not a given form of behavior meets the criterion of statistical regularity within the boundaries of a social system, a procedure msy be followed which consists of these steps: (1) At least 70 or 75 per cent (i.e., the "overwhelming majority") of the individual members of a bounded social system must perform the activity in question. This proportion may be measured by m i d i of the formula CK/T where G is tbs number of "conformists," T is tbs totsl membership of tbs social system for which norma ars bsing defined, and K is a constant which aay ba taksn to ba 100. (2) Tbs aschanlsas of socialisation and/or tbs systsa of aanctions aust ba roughly coterminous with tba boundariaa of tba social cystaa defined by T. Tba critarion of statistical regularity is applicable only with reference to foraa of behavior which are being considered as possible "universale" in Linton's sense. It would be inapplicable in its present fora with respect to "specialties" associ ated with given roles within a social system. The criterion of stability— the second dimension of patterning— is met when the statistical normality of a given fora of behavior persists over time, i.e., the behav ior in question becomes a part of custom. Custom is the dimension of normativlty which is so strongly emphasised by Sumner in his Folkways. Fads, erases, and other transitory forms of social behavior, or unique forms of behavior which are an adaptation'to a special set of temporary condi tions— all such activities are eliminated, on the basis of this criterion, as possible forms of normative behavior. Socialisation, the first of two criteria associated with social control, refers to all processes whereby "culture" is transmitted from one person to another. Social doim, under this criterion, aunt be learned through Interaction with others, in setting up socialisation as one dimension of normatlvity, we are eliminating all fonts of behavior which M y be to a large extent independent of learning, such as the sex drive or the hunger drive and sons of the overt activities to which they give rise. The criterion of socialisation is met when it is demonstrated that a given form of behavior is learned in association with others. The last of our four criteria of normatlvity— the presence of a sanction system— is met when it is demon strated that the failure to behave in a certain manner ordinarily calls forth s o m form of punishment. In this context we are using the term "punishment" rather broadly, so as to include even the most mild forms of negative sanction— laughter, ridicule, withdrawal of affection, and so forth. The question of the extent to which voting behavior is normative is to be answered by Mans of (1) an opera tionalisation of the above criteria of normatlvity and (2) a determination of whether or not the actual data of this study Met any of the operationalised criteria of normative behavior. The questionnaire used in this study contains one item on political party affiliation and two IteM on reported voting behavior in the general election of November 3, 1964: 1. Which of the following polltlcel categories describes you best? ^Conservative Republican Conservative Democrat Moderate Republican Moderate Democrat Liberal Republican Liberal Democrat Other (Soedfv) 2. Did you vote for Johnson or Goldwater in last November's Presidential election? JOhnson Goldwater Other (Specify) Did not vote 3. Did you vote ves or no on Proposition 14? (Proposition 14 was the Initiative constitu tional amendment which largely nullified the Rumford Act, and related legislation, dealing' with discrimination In housing.) Yes No Uncertain Did not vote These Items will permit an analysis of the statistical patterning of party affiliation and voting behavior among academic people. It Is assumed that academicians as a whole constitute a relatively cohesive social system within which a number of norms may be operative. No attempt will be made In this study to determine whether or not any con sistent pattern of voting behavior and party affiliation among •ctdMlciau has rtatlntd stable over time; m shall assuM that, If a pattern exists, It Is stable. The following questionnaire items pertain to the criterion of social control (sanctions): 1. During the campaign, bow often did you discuss politics with your professional associates? Very often Fairly Often Rare It Never__ 2. On the whole, how would you say your profes sional associates feel about your political orientation? Would you say they Agree strongly Agree Divide about evenly___ Disagree Strongly disagree___ 3. Among those of your professional associates, if any, who disagree with your political orienta tion, have any ever attempted to persuade you, or "pressure" you in any way, into voting differently or into changing your basic polit ical outlook? Yes No___ 4. How often was this attempted during the recent campaign? Very often Fairly often Barely Never Exactly the seme questions are asked about the members of one's family; the words "msmbsrs of your femlly" are merely 10 substituted for tbs pbrsss "professional associates." For this study it is postulated that political behavior is learned in association with others. Political deviancv. then, will be defined at the ordinal level as follows: if it is demonstrated, according to the aforesMntloned criteria of patterning and social control, that it was normative among academicians (1) to be affiliated with the Democratic party, (2) to vote for Johnson, and (3) to vote against Proposition 14, the first degree deviant is the Individual who has done at least one, but no more than two, of the following: (1) he claims a Republican party affiliation; (2) he indicates a Goldwater vote; (3) he indicates a vote in favor of Proposition 14. The second degree deviant is the individual who voted both for Goldwater and for Proposition 14 and who also claims to have a Republican party affiliation. There are 2 or 8 possible ways in which a given respondent may be classified on the basis of these three political items. Using the logic of scalogram analysis, we may assert the following: (1) Our two "ideal types"— those who, on the one hand, are Democrats and voted for Johnson and against Proposition 14, and those who, on the other hand, are Republicans and voted for Goldwater and in favor of Proposition 14— are, by definition, homogeneous and may be considered "liberals" and "conservatives," respectively. (2) The rules of ictloirn analysis rsqulrs that, of tba reaalning six typas, only two— ona in which a slngla "conservative" trait is praaant, and anotbar in which two "conservative" traits ars present— should contain "high" fraquanclas. If aora than 10 par cant of all cases daviata fro* this rula, wo bava not ant tba scalograa criterion. Tba situation aay ba raprasantad as follows: Tba re ara six "lnteraedlate" typas, as indicated in Table 1. After alla- inatlng the category containing tba highest frequency aaong Typas 1, 2, and 3, and than aaong Typas 4, 5, and 6, the nuabar of cases in the raaaining four categories aust not exceed 10 par cant of the total nuabar of cases raprasantad in tba study. TABLE 1 TYPES OP GASES "INTERMEDIATE" BETWEEN "CONSERVATIVE" AND "LIBERAL" Consarvatlva Trait Type Republican Goldwater vote Yes on is 12 Alienation Conventional definitions of alienation enphaaise, on the objective aide, soclel isolation and nonparticipa tion in social activities and. on the subjective side, a sense of being estranged from society which is oftentimes compounded by a feeling of powerlessness, an inability to "understand" one's fellows, and. ultimately, "self- estrangement." or an inability to "understand" oneself. In some studies, such as Nattier's. the rejection of pre vailing "values" is an essential component of alienation. In the present investigation, none of these definitions has proven satisfactory. The following assumptions seem, intuitively, to be Justified: (1) Whatever alienation means, a person may be alienated from society at large or from speclflo milieux within society; the consequences of the two types of situ ation are likely to be quite different. (2) Since most studies to date have emphasised alienation from the larger society, it would be desirable to have a study of alienation from a specific social world, such as the academic world. (3) Taking a cue from Nattier, we could probably define alienation from the academic world as a condition in which one rejects the values of the academic world, whatever these may be. (4) If a panel of social scientists were to convene 13 for tho purpose of making a list of tbo major "values" of tba acadamic world, they would probably raach conclusions similar to thoaa aat forth in tba "philosophy and objec- tlvaa" aactlon of virtually avary collaga and unlvarslty catalogua publlshsd. Although such statements may ba ratbar parfunctory, tbay probably do glva expression to a rathsr long-standing conaanaus of opinion. (5) If tba sama panal of social adantlats wars to lntarvlsw a numbar of thalr colleagues for tba purpose of Identifying the "allanatad" aaong them, tbay would probably soon discover, as did this Investigator, that tba allanatad Intellectual la not tba parson who rejects the values of tba academic world, but ratbar the parson who believes that the academic Ufa In America Is now organized In such a way as to preclude the attainment of these values. The dimen sions of alienation, than, might Include tba belief that tba collages and universities are becoming hopelessly bureaucratised, that students are terribly Ill-prepared and poorly motivated, that the day to day endeavors of one's colleagues Are, for the most part, "Irrelevant, Incompe tent, Inconsequential, and immaterial," and that the academic Ufa, on the whole, Is rather dull and burdensome. Accordingly, the following Llkert-type Items were con structed for use In the questionnaire: 1. By the time students reach college, It la almost impossible, for a number of reasons, 14 really to "educate” thea In tba broadaat aanaa of tba tan. 2. Aaarlcan collagaa and unlvaraltlaa ara probably aaong tba baat in tba world in taraa of encour- aging initiative, creativity, and indapandanca of wind. 3. Nowadays it ia alaoat iapoaaibla for acadaaic people to avoid bacoaing "allanatad" froa tba acadaaic world. 4. In Aaarlcan aociaty, tba "acbolarly Ufa" la aaong tba aoat satisfying tbara la. 5. Anwrlcana placa far too such faltb in hlgbar aducatlon aa a aaans of iaproving aociaty. Itasui 1, 3, and 5 ara in a "positive" direction; 2 and 4 ara in a "negative" direction. Anoalo Anoala la a word of aany aeanlngs. Most sociolo gists are faaillar with Durkhala's usage, aa exeapllfled in his faaous Suicide, in which anoala la daflnad as a fora of noralaasnaas which occurs under conditions of rapid social change. Msrton, as wa shall saa, defines anoala in teras of the discrepancy which way exist between tba values, or ends, of a society and the "culturally prescribed aaans" to their attalnaent. A aore "subjective" definition, origi nated by Srole and incorporated in his widely used anoala 15 •calc, Involve* the conception of anoale ee e feeling of poeerleeenese singled with despair, ee Indicated by euch items ae the belief that public officials are largely unresponsive to the needs of the "average sen," and that one's future Is bleak, uncertain, and fraught with danger. In this Investigation, the definition of anoale proposed by Srole^ will be used throughout. The anoala scale consists of five Llkert-type lteas: 1. These days a person doesn't really know whoa he can count on. 2. In spite of what soae people say, the lot of the average aan Is getting worse, not better. 3. It's hardly fair to bring children into the world, the way things look for their future. 4. There Is little use in writing to public officials because often they aren't really Interested in the probleas of the average aan. 5. Nowadays a person has to live pretty auch for today and let toaorrow take care of Itself. Perceived Structural Strain and Perceived Personal Inadeeuacv One of the aore difficult sociological concepts is that of social structure. Conventional usage seeas to *Lso Srole, "Social Integration and Certain Corol laries : An Exploratory Study," iaerlcan Sociological Be view. 21 (Deceaber 1956), 709^T8! ” --- 16 involve ehe conception of social structure as a recurrent pattern of interaction within a social systea (such as the patterns which Whyte observed in Street Corner Society) or, froa the standpoint of socloaetry, a certain pattern of Interpersonal sentlaants, such as "likes" and "dislikes," aaong the aeabers of a group, in keeping with the Marxian tradition of sociological analysis, social structure is often thought of as consisting of the patterns of slallar- ity and difference— usually with respect to a nuaber of "distributive values" such as power or wealth— which exist aaong the various strata of a society, Insofar as these patterns any be deteralnants of the manner in which the aeabers of such strata Interact with one another. In the present investigation an atteapt will be aade to confora as closely as possible to a third conception of social struc ture, that of Msrton, which eaphaslses the idea of a "aeans-ends discrepancy." In any society there are certain values, goals, or ends which for a nuabar of reasons are considered to be of fundsasntal iaportance. They may, for exaaple, be thought of as the essential desiderata of "success" within a particular society; virtually everybody works diligently in the pursuit of tbaa. The "aeans," in Msrton*s echeae, are the culturally defined channels into which one's strivings aay be directed. The aeans aay be Halted in either (or both) of two ways: (1) they aay be ineffective, or nearly 17 so, In bslplng on# to acblsvs s givsn snd or (2) access to thea aay ba blockad oraede extremely difficult by cartaln kinds of social obstacles, e.g., dlscrlalnatlon against aeabers of alnorlty ethnic groups or entrapment In tba "vicious circle of poverty." In situations where such obstacles virtually preclude the achleveaant of highly prised values, we aay say there Is a relatively wide dis crepancy between aeans and ends. Msrton would describe such a situation as being anoale. Although It was originally Intended In this study to reforaulate Merton's Idea of a aeans-ends discrepancy o In terns of the concept of "status discrepancy," It has been neceseary to reaasess our thinking with respect to the relative Importance of "objective" and "subjective" sources of what we alght call status anxiety. It Is only at the subjective, or Individual, level that one can distinguish between those focus of status anxiety which have their origin In feelings of "personal Inadequacy" and those which derive fron the Individual's unfavorable assessaent of the "opportunity structure" presented by his society. In conteaporary Aaarlcan society, the Ideology of "personal responsibility" Is constantly vying with that of "social responsibility" as Individuals seek plausible explanations 2 For a discussion of this concept, see pp. 58 ff. a Cf. Clowerd and Ohlln's discussion of this prob- lea, cited on page 68. 18 for the kinds of nobility experiences thoy have had. Accordingly, thasa idaologias sarva as tba two aajor dlmen- slons of our concapt of status anxiety. A nuabar of Likart-typa questionnaire itans ara intandad as indicators of tba ballaf that cartaln kinds of structural lnadaquadss stand in tba way of ona's upward nobility within tba acadanic world: 1. In tba Aaarlcan acadanic aystan, tbosa who ara proaotad nost rapidly ara usually tba laast capabla intellectually. 2. With tba way tba acadanic systan is currant ly organised, I doubt that I will aver ba abla to fulfill ay aspirations in tarns of lncoae, rank, and prastlga. 3. Baal scholarly ability is hardly avar rawardad adequately in tba acadanic world. Thraa additional itans wars usad as indicators of "personal inadequacy" as a prinary factor hindering ona's upward nobility: 1. I an sonstlnss concerned that ay personal llnitations nay prevent ay fulfilling sons of ay nost Important career aspirations. 2. I doubt that I have the ability to do really important, original work in ny field. 3. I am sonatinas concerned that, in view of ny ability, training, and experience, the kinds 19 of joba to which I aspire may ba too damand- ing. In this Investigation, the ten "perceived personal inade quacy" shall refer to status anxiety arising from a per ceived lack of "Internal control" over one's destiny; the ten "perceived structural Inadequacy" ahall refer to status anxiety arising froei perceived obstacles to social mobility which lie outside the Individual personality and which may be defined in tens of the "external control" 4 exerted by the social structure Itself. Political Awarenees Political awareness shall be defined as a general knowledge about current political (or quael-polltlcal) events. It is to be measured by means of a simple true- false test, called the Inventory of Political Awareness (IPA). Inventory of Political Awareness; Listed below is a series of 20 statements having to do with politico. If a statement le wholly true, circle the letter T; if a state ment is false, or partly false, circle the letter F. Needless to say, it is hoped that you will rely entirely on memory in answering these questions. She terms "Internal control" and "external con trol" are borrowed from Ms Ivin Seeman, "On the Moaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review. 24 (December 1959), 783-7917 20 T F 1. In tba Novaabar alactlon, Goldwatar won tba alactoral votaa of four Southorn icttti and thraa Maw England atataa. T F 2. Victor Fas Eatanaaoro baa racantly baan dapoaad aa Praaldant of Bolivia. I F 3. Aaong our Europaan MATO alllaa, Franca la tba ■oat atauncb aupportar of MLF (wultl-lataral nuclaar forca). T F 4. Following tba racant alactlon, i»oat political analyata wara agraad that tba dafaat of Mow York Sanator Kannath Xaatlng waa probably dua to hla atrong andoraaaant of Goldwatar. T F 5. Both aajor Brltlah political partlaa hava conalatantly oppoaad tba adnlaalon of CoHwniat China into tba Unitad Matlona. T F 6. Hapublican Sanator Thoaaa Kucbal urgad a no vota on Propoaltlon 14. T F 7. Tba policy of "anoala," aa a aolutlon to tba Cypriot crlala, would lnvolva tba political ■orgar of Cyprua with Graaca. T F 8. Tba Coaanmlot Third Intamational waa dla- aolvad during tba Koraan War. T F 9. In tba alactlon of I960, Kannady won tba alactoral votaa of California. T F 10. Aa a raault of tba racant Brltlah alactlona, tba LabourItaa now bold a Majority of 21 approximately 2/3 of tba Parliamentary aaata. T F 11. California votara approved Proposition 14 by a margin of approximately 2 to 1. T P 12. Defense Secretary McNamara has strongly advo cated a manned bomber, such as the B-70, aa the major component of the U.S. strategic military force. T F 13. The British Labour party has recently declared its determination to renatlonallse the steel industry. T F 14. The total federal budget for the current fiscal year la approximately 55 billion dollars. T F 15. In the November election, a total of about 51 million votes were cast for President. T F 16. In Great Britain, the Prime Minister is auto matically a member of the House of Lords. T F 17. The Rumford Act applied only to single-family, privately financed housing. T F 18. Proposition 14 was a referendum on a law passed by the California state legislature in 1958. T F 19. The 1954 Supreme Court decision which declared segregated schools to be unconstitutional was a unanimous decision. 22 T F 20. In the recent election, the Cellfornle Reel Estate Association was strongly opposed to Proposition 14. While true-false items such as these My Involve rather discrete and unconnected bits of information, and while such items My not provide a direct Masure of the more complex, ramified, Gestalt-like patterns of learning, it is felt nevertheless that one's perforMnce on this test would be highly correlated with a much more general form of intellectual and emotional lnvolveMnt in politics. Problems. Hypotheses, and Derivations When is Voting Behavior Normative? One of the Mjor objectives of this research will be that of determining the extent to which voting behavior isong academicians Mats the several criteria of norMtlv- ity, as defined on pages 4 to 11. The Sources of Political Dovlancv Merton's hypothesis on the structural sources of deviancy My be stated in the following form: the higher the degree of anomie, as defined in terms of the Msns-onds discrepancy, the higher the rate of social deviancy. According to Merton, . . . when a system of cultural values extols, virtually above all else, certain common success goals for the population at laraa while the social structure rigorously restricts or 23 completely closet access to approved modes of reaching these goals the same population. ensues on a large so Although several deviant adaptations are distinguished by Merton, It is assumed here that this formulation of the general hypothesis mould be applicable with reference to any one of these adaptations taken singly. In this investigation ws shall attempt to "explain*' political deviancy with reference to three Independent variables: alienation, perceived structural Inadequacy (anomie, In Msrton1s sense), and perceived personal inade quacy. The following hypotheses will be tested: (1) The higher the degree of alienation, the higher the degree of perceived structural Inadequacy. (2) The higher the degree of alienation, the higher the degree of perceived personal Inadequacy. (3) There Is a direct correlation between the per ception of structural Inadequacy and the perception of personal Inadequacy. (4) The higher the alienation, the higher the degree of political deviancy. (5) The higher the degree of perceived structural Inadequacy, the higher the degree of political deviancy. (6) The higher the degree of perceived personal ^Robert K. Msrton, 8odal Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe: The Free Press, 19*7), p. 146. 24 inadequacy, the higher Che degree of political deviancy. (7) Each of the aaaociations specified by hypoth eses 4, 5, and 6 will persist when either or both of the other factors are controlled by weans of standardisation. An analysis of the literature on deviant behavior has shown that one is probably justified in considering each of the three Independent varieties as the major com ponent of an equal number of alternative explanations of deviant behavior. If this is Indeed the case, then first- and second-order partlallng operations should force one, and only one, of these variables to emerge as an important determinant of deviancy. Bow "Utilitarian" is Political Deviancy? One of the great debates in the history of ideas revolves around the question of whether man is a rational being. "Rationalists" and "irratlonallsts" have taken fundamentally different positions on virtually every major philosophical issue. In fact, one of the most effective ways of studying the history of philosophy is to analyse each successive philosophical doctrine with a view to determining whether it is constructed upon a "rational" or an "irrational" conception of man. There is a rational ontology, and an irrational ontology; a rational ethics, and an irrational ethics; a rational aesthetics, and an irrational aesthetics; a rational eplstemology, and an 25 Irrational eplatemology. Flrat critorlop; goal orlantatlon. Tba altuatlon In tba social sciancas is not unlika that of philosophy. Ona night nail examine tha various schools of thought in tha social sciancas with a via* to determining tha dagraa to which tha diffarancas among than ara basad upon con flicting assumptions about tha placa of rationality and irrationality in human babavior. Much of tba thinking on "structural strain,** for axanpls, is basad upon tba assump tion that human babavior is rathar conslstantly rational, l.a., that most human babavior is orlantad toward realistic goals and is conducive to tha attalnmant of thasa goals. Most human balngs, in other words, maka "decisions" on tha basis of calculations informed by a knowledge of means-ends connections; their behavior, therefore, tends to assume tha form of "gamesmanship." In addition to this, it is some times assumed that ona is able to observe a behavioral process taking placa under certain conditions with respect to means and ends, and that, regardless of tba nature of * this process, tha means and ends remain static. Only Recently have Cohan and others begun to question thasa assumptions.6 Let us regard as rational, or "utilitarian,*' any 6Sea Albert K. Cohan, Delinquent Bovs: The Culture of tha Cana (Glencoe: Tba Free Press, 1955), pp. 25 If. and win- 26 {on of behavior which li conducive to tho attainment of • given goal. We shell sake the following assumptions: (1) With respect to a given end, both "conformity" and "deviancy" any be utilitarian; or, both may be non- utilitarian; or, one may be utilitarian, while the other Is nonutllltarlan. The possibilities may be represented as follows: Utilitarian Nonutllltarlan daviancv deviancy Utilitarian conformity a b Nonutllltarlan conformity c d (2) Msrton1 s work, as well as that of Sutherland, tends to fall Into cell a, and Is therefore quite "ration alistic." Cohen's theory of delinquent subcultures regards conformity as being utilitarian and deviancy as being non- utllltarlan, and therefore would fall Into cell b. (3) The hypotheses of tbs present study describe forms of behavior which would tend to exemplify cell d. Zn other words, neither political conformity nor political daviancv. as defined in this study, is conducive to the end of reconciling problems of status anxiety within the academic social milieux: yet, such problems constitute one of our major explanatory factors. Therefore, If we are successful, at leaat In part, In accounting for political conformity and deviancy on the basis of the hypotheses 27 proposed earlier, then «• have provided one piece of evi dence tending to indicate that both political conformity and deviancy are, to k m extent, nonutllltarlan and there fore "irrational." Second criterion; social control. Many yeare ago Slmmel, in hla essay on social conflict, suggested a very useful distinction between "realistic" and "unrealistic" conflict. The former refers to that font of conflict which is really the intensification of competition, i.e., the participants do not lose sight of their objectives, the finite values toward which they have been struggling. Unrealistic conflict, on the other hand, has lost this element of rationality: the objective is no longer utili tarian, for the original goal toward which all were once struggling has now been replaced by an Implacable desire to spill the blood of one's adversary. The "unrealistic," nonutllltarlan type of conflict is thought to be Involved, as we have indicated above, in certain forms of juvenile delinquency, especially gang delinquency, in that these activities seem to be a "reaction formation" against the symbols of the middle-class style of life. What is especially significant about this variety of deviancy is that it is almost totally unrelated to any specific objec tive, and appears primarily to be an expression of aggres sion against the group from whose norms one is deviating. 28 What would give rlu to such forma of aggraaalon? A racant study of chiId-roaring practlcas provldao a clua: Our findings suggest that tha way for parents to produce a non-aggressive child is to make abun dantly clear that aggression is frowned upon, and to stop aggression when it occurs, but to avoid punishing the child for his aggression. Punishment seems to have complex effects. While undoubtedly it often stops a particular form of aggression, at least monmntarlly, it appears to generate more hostility in the child and lead to further aggres sive outbursts at some other time or place. Furthermore, when the parents punish— particularly when they employ physical punishment— they are providing a living example of the use of aggression at the very moment when they are trying to teach the child not to be aggressive. The child, who copies his parents in many ways, is likely to learn as much from this example of successful aggression on his parents' part as he is from the pain of punishment. Thus, the most peaceful boms is the one in which the mother believes aggression is not desirable and under no circumstances is ever to be expressed toward her, but who relies mainly on non-punitive forms of control. . . .7 From these and similar findings in other studies the gen eral hypothesis is deduced that the greater the severity of the social controls imposed upon deviants, the higher the decree of social deviancy. While rate of deviancy refers to the ratio of all deviants, regardless of degree, to the total population exposed to the possibility of becoming deviant during a given time Interval, degree of deviancy, which pertains only to those who are deviant to some degree, refers to the ratio of second degree deviants to ^Robert E. Sears, at al., Fatterna of Child Bearing (Evanston: Bow, Paterson and Co., 1937;, p. 26b. 29 first degree deviants® during s glvsn time lntsrvsl. If this hypothesis Is verified, It, too, will tsnd to srgu# that political deviancy say ba largely nonutllltarlan, unrealistic, or Irrational In character. Third criterion; political awareness. We shall assume that (1) If political conformity la utilitarian, while political deviancy Is nonutllltarlan, conformists will have a higher degree of political awareness than deviants; ( 2) If political deviancy Is utilitarian, while political conformity la nonutllltarlan, deviants will have a higher degree of political awareness than conformists; ( 3) If conformity and deviancy are both utilitarian or, as this study hypothesises, are both nonutllltarlan, then conformists and deviants will be expected to be about equal In terms of political awareness. On the assumption that our hypotheses about the sources of political deviancy will be verified we may state the proposition that, If there Is no significant difference between conformists and deviants In terms of political awareness, we have one additional fragment of evidence that political behavior Is nonutllltarlan and irrational. ®See the definitions of these terms on page 10. Using tbs netbod of pra^Mtlan,* It la stipulated that If all thraa of tba abova criteria are set, wo shall conclude that political behavior la nonutllltarlan; If none of the criteria la net, we eball conclude that political behavior la rational and utilitarian; If neither of theee conditions exists, we shall reach no conclusion. Q Tha pragnatlc conception of ’ ’truth" was first stated by Charles 8. Peirce In 1878: In order to ascertain the asanlng of an Intellectual conception one should . consider what effects, that Might conceivably have practical bearings, we conceive the object of our concep tion to have. Then, our conception of these effects Is the whole of our conception of the object." Charles 8. Felrce, "PrapMtlsn and PragMStldsn," In Charles Hartshorns and Haul Weiss (eds.), Collected Papers of Charles Sanders Felrce. Vol. V (Caaoricge: Harvard university Press, i960), t z58. For an Illustration of this Method, see Qeynn ttler, "Cruelty, Dignity, and Detemlnlsn," AMerlcan Sodoloalcal 8sview. 24 (June 1959), 375-384. CHAPTER IX ALIENATION, SOCIAL STRUCTURE, AND DEVIANT BEHAVIOR: A REVIEW OP THE LITERATURE This chapter la intended to give iom perspective on the nature and development of two traditions in the sociology of deviant behavior. The first of these tradi tions, which has been placed under the rubric of "mass sodaty" theory, places a major emphasis upon the imper sonal, bureaucratic, allenatlve aspects of modern society as a cause of deviant behavior. The second of the two traditions is premised on the assumption that the individ ual deviant may be well Integrated as a member of society, but that his particular position in the social structure is such as to expose him to definitions of the situation which are conducive to deviancy. Alienation and mss Society The roster of distinguished social scientists who have described and, oftentimes, decried the advance of 'Was society" would be virtually endless: Tonnles and Gamalnachaft versus Gesellschaft. Waber and the transition 31 from "community" to "society," Durkbeim with his faaoui distinction between "mechanical" and "organic*' solidarity, ladflaId and tha notion of a "folk-urban continuum," Coolay with his datallad charting of "primary" and "secondary" typas of association, Frown, Kornhausar, and MLlls with tbalr daap concern over tba widespread political apathy of tba detached and dejected wasses— each of these scholars, awong many others, has wade his own unique contribution to what has been called the "persistent parable of aliena tion"^ as the keynote of modern Industrial societies. In his famous Cewelnschaft und Gesellschaft. pub lished in 1887, Tonnles drew an elaborate distinction between two fundamentally different types of society, f l — tnechaft refers to that type of society in which people feel that they belong together because they are of the same kind; they possess what Glddings called "consciousness of kind." They see themselves as being kinfolk, and cannot fredly renounce their membership in society, for such mem bership, and the "sense of belonging" which it confers, Involve tremendous emotional meaning both for the group and the Individual. One cannot voluntarily join a Cemalnachaft: the "stranger" Is not welcome. Bach member of a Qsmein- achaft has a definite set of patterned activities to carry out. These roles are a "natural" by-product of particular ^Leon Brsmson, The Political Content of iocloloav (Princeton: Princeton tmiversiky press, 1901), p. /£. « * J 33 itttuMi, such «a bting a wann pr having a certain father or balng born In a certain place. Status is sore often ascribed than achieved in this kind of society. The decline of Qenainachaft is tantasMnmt to a decline of the sense of kinship with other where of a cowwunlty. Qesellschaft is a type of society in which the major social bonds are voluntary, often Involving contrac tual relations, and based largely upon the rational pursuit of self-interest. Social relationships airs established not because they are obligatory or have the support of sows kind of supernatural sanction, but because they are an effective nans of achieving an objective. The voluntary, special-purpose association typifies the Gesellschaft.3 Cemeinechaft and Geaellachaft types of social organisation differ also in the kinds of "knowledge" they produce among their sesbers. . . . Gomelnachaft types of society have a tradl- tIonally defined fund of knowledge which is banded down as conclusive; they are not concerned with discovering or extending knowledge. The very effort to test the traditional knowledge, in so far as it laplies doubt, is ruled out as virtually blasphemous. In such a group, the prevailing logic and soda of thought is that or an "ara damonatrandi" not of an "are lnvenlondi." its metEods are pre- vaillngly ontological ana dogmatic, not eplstemo- loglc and critical; its node of thought is that of conceptual realisa, not nomlnallstlc as in the 2 Leonard Broom and Philip Selsnlck, Sociology: wit^Adanted Headings (Mew York: Harper and Row, 3Ibid.. pp. 47-48. 34 flaiillichift type of organisation; lea system of catagorias, organlaalc and not mechanistic.4 To Durkhelm, history is an avolutlonary process In which busMW soclatlao have undargona a transformatIon from "mechanical" to "organic" solidarity. In hla Da la divi sion du travail social. Durkhelm agreed with Spencer and the utilitarians that one of the most Important aspects of thla evolutionary process was to be found In the Increase In the amount of division of labor, or specialisation. The major weakness of utilitarian explanations of social evolu tion, according to Durkhelm, lay in their placing too strong an esiphasls upon economic changes as opposed to moral and legal changes. To Durkhelm, the fundamental difference between primitive and civilised societies Is In the type of moral or social solidarity, and this differ ence, In turn, Is reflected In the type of legal codes. In societies characterised by a rudimentary divi sion of labor, individuals ordinarily have a strong "consciousness of kind" and are bound together by a "mechanical" solidarity which forces an unquestioning acquiescence In the demands of public opinion and tradi tion. The legal system operates by Imposing strongly "repressive" sanctions upon those who violate moral norms, thereby restoring a atate of moral equilibrium. In this 4 Robert K. Msrton, Social Theory and Social Struc ture (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957), p. 472. 35 tjpt of society status is ascrlbsd largely on tbs basis of kinship tlos, and a relatively small part of social Ufa is governed by the contractual principle. In societies characterised by an elaborate division of labor, "con sciousness of kind" tends to be less prevalent, highly diverse personality types nay appear, and social cohesion is based upon an "organic" solidarity rooted in ash's need for one another's services. The legal systea of such a society operates on the principle of "reparation," uhlch has the purpose of restoring to the individual that which has been wrongfully taken away from bin. In Durkbsla' s theory, the aecbanlsa which creates a proliferation of occupational roles is the intensification of competition brought about by an Increase in "aaterlal and aoral density" due to Increased population growth.^ The tern "prlaary group" was first used by Cooley: ly prlaary groups I aean those characterised by intimate face-to-face association and cooperation. They are prlaary in several senses, but chiefly in that they are fundaaental in forming the social nature and ideas of the individual. The result of intlaate association, psychologically, is a certain fusion of individuals in a coason whole, so that one's very self, for aany purposes at least, is the comaon life and purpose of the group. Perhaps the siaplest way of describing this wholeness is by saying that it is a "we"; it Involves the sort of sympathy and mutual identification for which "we" ^Inlle Durkbela, The Division of Labor in Society (Glencoe: The Free Press, 033)" " " 36 it tba natural expression. Ona llvaa in tba feel ing of tba ubola and finds tha chlaf aiu of hit will in that foaling.6 Among tba major functions of prlaary groups is that of pro viding tba kind of social anvironaant in uhlcb "healthy" parsonalltlas nay ba producad and maintained. All tba avidanca of psychiatry, wrltaa Bunins, . . . shows that a— bar shin in a group sustains a ■an, anablas bin to maintain bis equilibrium undar tba ordinary shocks of Ufa, and halps him to bring up children who will In turn ba happy and resili ent. If this group is shattered around him, if ha leaves a group in which ha was a valued member, and if, above all, ha finds no new group to which ne can relate himself, ha will, under stress, develop disorders of thought, feeling, and babavior. Us thinking will ba obsessive, elaborated without sufficient reference to reality; he will be anxious or angry, destructive to hlmselr or to others; bis behavior will be compulsive, not controlled; and. if the process of education that makes a man easily able to relate himself to others is Itself social, he will, as a lonely man, bring up children who have a lowered social capacity.7 It is one of the basic hypotheses of "mass society" theory that the more complex, Gesellscbaft type of society o tends to diminish the Importance of primary group ties and ^Charles 1. Cooley. Social Orsanlsatlon (Mew York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1909), p. 237 ^George C. Bomans, - m Group (New York: Barcourt, Brace and Co., 1956), pp. 101-102. A Edward A. Shi Is, "Prlmsry Groups in the American Army." in Robert K. Msrton and Faul F. Lesarsfeld (eds.), jBflaAfainEjg 1990), p. 19. 37 to substitute for them "secondary” associations which arc characterised by aort impersonal and laaa sentlmsntal typos of rolatlonshlp. Secondary associations, in contrast to prlaary associations, do not require that tha partias know aach otbar in any indusiva sense; social interaction within a sacondary association engages only tha periphery of self. Sacondary groups are bald together by tba desire of their wiibers to gat things dona, and such groups ordi narily disintegrate altogether, or undergo radical change, as soon as tha goals for which they have striven are attained. Sacondary associations are often contractual in Durkhelm's sansa: Ona of tba clearest exemplifications of tha sacond ary relationship is that of contract. . . . Bach of the contracting partias enters tba agreement for a definite purpose, and his purpose may have little relation to that of the other party. He Intends to { at all he can out of the contract, and he puts nto it only so much of his own interest as be has to: his liability is limited. Everything is explic itly stated— what each of the parties contributes, what be gets, for what length of time, and under what circumstances. In case of dispute over the contract the law enforces only the terns of the con tract. Sentiments and motives do not count. The parties may love or hate each other; they may know or not know each other: they may or may not share the seme religion or the same class position. In short the contractual relation is a rational instru ment. Helther it nor the other party is of any intrinsic Interest to the individual entering the contract; the Interest lies rather in the goal for which these are the means.9 ^Kingsley Davis, * 7 ^ e— jt-t (Mew York: The Mecmlllan Co., 1949), p. 303. 38 It appears that tba most significant fact about tha commit? (Qaaalnachaft) as dafload above is that it is a type of social organisation in which informal mechanisms of social control operate affectively and in which aost of the basic functional iaperatlves are fulfilled within the extended faaily system, so that there is not a highly differentiated institutional structure. A recent study by Freeaan and Winch10 provides evidsnce in support of the notion of a continuua ranging froa Geaeinschaft to Case 11- schaft. and shows the manner in which these two polar types of society aay be distinguished froa one another in terms of social control and institutional structure. Using data froa the Cross Cultural Survey and the Huaan gelations Area Files, these investigators carried out a Guttaan scale analysis for six indlcstors of social coaplexity (Table 2). Forty-eight societies were classified according to the presence or absence of the several Indicators, and this procedure resulted in a uni-dimensional scale which, although they are not shown in Table 3, contained only nine errors. While it is rather difficult to draw arbitrary cutting points, one would probably be Justified in regard ing Types 5 and 6 as Ceaallachaft type societies: they have in coaaon a specialised, formal, and Impersonal system 10Linton C. Freeaan and Robert F. Winch, "Societal Coaplexity: An Raplrlcal Test of a Typology of Societies," American Journal of Sociology. 62 (March 1957), 461-466. 39 TABLE 2 INDICATORS OP SOCIAL COMPLEXITY Indicator Cesallschaft Type G— lnschaft Typt 1. Punlshaent Crlaes against par son or proparty punishad through govarnaant action Crlaes avangad by tba parson wronged, by his kin group, or by tha gods 2. Govarnaant Full-tiae bureau crats unrelated to govarnaant head Part-tiaa bureau crats, bureaucrats related to govarn aant head, or none 3. Education Foraal, with full- tiaa specialised teacher Inforaal, without full-tiaa special ised teacher 4. Religion Full-tiaa special ised real priest— no diviner or healer No full-tlae specialised priest 5. Econoay Syabollc aediua of exchange— real aoney Barter and exchange the sole econoalc aechanlsas 6. Written Language Written language present Written language absent SOURCE: Linton C. Freeaan and Robert F. Winch, "8odetal Coaplexity: An Eaplrical Test of a Typology of Societies," iaerican Journal of Sociology, 62 (Marcn 1957), 463. TABLE 3 TYPES OF SOCIAL COMPLEXITY Type Indie a t o r* Frequency Written Language Covenant Education Religion Punlshaent Econoay 6 X X X X X X 11 5 - X X X X X 5 4 - - X X X X 4 3 - - - X X X 2 2 « • - - - X X 6 1 - - - - - X 6 0 - - - - - - 14 H - 45 *X signifies tbs prsssncs of Gesellschsft Indicator. SOURCE: Linton C. Freeaan and Robert F. Winch, "Societal Coaplexity: An Eaplrlcal Test of a Typology of Societies." Aaerlcan Journal of Sociology. 62 (March 1957), 466. of sanctions, controlled largely by tba stats, or govern ment, and an Institutional structure which Is highly segpentallsed and bureaucratic. On this assumption, six teen out of forty-five, or about 35 par cant, of tha sodatlas Included In this study would qualify as Geaell- schaftan. It Is necessary at this point to Introduce tha Idea of alienation, for social theorists of tha "nasa society" school are generally agreed that alienation, as a subjec tive state, has the greatest likelihood of occurring under the condition of social living found In Geeellachaft. The ten "alienation" has bean used by modern philosophers and social scientists to refer to a wide variety of psycho social disorders, Including "loss of self, anxiety states, anomie, despair, depersonalization, rootlessness, atomiza tion, powerlessness, meaninglessness, Isolation, pessimism, and the loss of beliefs or values."** The general 12 "Imagery" * of alienation, apparent In the writings of most of those who have devoted attention to the subject, seems to Involve the notion of an almost total noninvolvement In the larger society to which one belongs, as well as In the smeller, more Immediate and pressing milieux In which one's ^Erlc and Mery Josephson (eds.), Men Alone: ^llenet^n In Modjrn^Socletv (Mew York: Dell hibllehlng 12 Paul P. Lazarsfeld, "Evidence and Inference In Social Research," Daedalus. 87, No. 4 (1958), 101. 42 day to day actlvltlaa ara carrlad on. In some of Its Mann ings, according to Schaar, tha Idaa of allanatlon Is as old as human history. Tha outsldar existed bafora Colin Wilson made a baro of him, and thara were strangars bafora Ceaus' Msureault. Hoaer bad written of tha "trlbeless, lawless, baarthlass ona," tha ona outside the fellowship, doomed to work his way through tha deso- lata raglons bayond tba frlandly liras of clan and kin. Tba motif of tba Intamal wandarar baglns In tha dawn of Jawlsh tradition and wsavas In and out of tha whola subsequent history of Wastarn rallglon. Abraa Is tba prototypa and unlvarsal symbol of allanatad man. Saparatad froa his fsally, his nation, and his national rallglon, ha wanders, with out a home In soil, sodaty, or faith. Ha Is tba nomad, unabla to lova and belong. Unable to lova, ba subJacts hlasalf to a transcandant power and sub stitutes law for coanunlon, subordination for lova. Bstrangad froa hlasalf, Abraa projacts all that Is good In hla unto a stranga absolute being, which Is no longer his absolute being. In return for this, he gains a new Identity which Is symbolised by tha change of his name to Abrahaa. All this was long bafora tha aodern existentialist teaching that allanatlon Is rooted In tha human condition.13 Tha "Abraas" of tha modern world ara nowhere more affectively portrayed than In tha writings of Erich Froma. Ona of tha earliest and most Influential formulations of tha "mass society" theory Is to ba found In Froaa's widely- read and oft-quoted volume, Escape froa Freedom. In this study, Froaa sat for hlasalf tha rather aabltlous task of explaining tha dramatic rise of tba great totalitarian political systaas of tha twentieth century, epitomised by ^Jobn Schaar, Escape froa Authority (Haw York: Basic Books, 1961), p. 174. 43 Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany. Fromm's ganaral thesis— ona which haa baan built upon In virtually all of his subsaquant writings— aay ba statad approximately as fol lows: for tha past savaral canturlas wan, or at laast Occldantal wan, has baan waking rawarkabla advancas In tha aehlavawant of "freedom" from naarly all forms of external rastraint and coardon. Savara rastrlctlons hava baan inposad upon govarnaant, and all forms of powar— ba it military, aeonomlc, political, acclaslastlcal, or wfaat- avar— ara llmltad by tha4 countarvailing prassuras of aqual but saparata powara. Tha rlsa of tha "Frotastant ethic"*4 and tha capitalist form of economic organization is but another manifestation of a ganaral tendency in Western culture toward "individualism," a concept which axprassas, according to Fromm, tba keynote of modern civilisation. Tha "two aspects of freedom" with which modern man must concern himself ara "freedom from," which has already to a large extant baan achieved, and "freedom to," which in Fronm's view has most assuredly not baan achieved. Wa hava, in other words, made the individual free without quite knowing for what purpose. Great advancas in human culture hava occurred as a result of tha elimination of all save tha absolutely indispensable forms of external 14Cf. tba treatment of tha "Frotastant ethic" versus tba "social ethic" in William H. Whyte, Jr., Tha Organization Man (Mow York: Simon and Schuster, 1956). 44 authority. But our falluro to explore tba sore positive aspects of freedom- -what Froeei calls "freedom to"— has created a situation in which aillions of huaan beings find theaselves living under conditions of tnoslt. uncertain as to what is expected of thea as huesn beings, uncertain as to whet they nay expect of others, and totally without any grasp of the aeaning of huaan existence. The result of this estrangement is an overwhelming feeling of aloneness and powerlessness which leads the individual to seek soae swans of escape from the erstwhile blessings of "individu alism"— which have now becoae the source of his difficulty. We are fascinated, says Frona, by the growth of freedoa fron powers outside of ourselves and are blinded to the fact of inner restraints, compulsions, and fears, which tend to underalne the aeaning of the victories freedoa has won against its traditional enemies. . • . this feeling of Individual isolation and powerlessness . . . is nothing the average normal person is aware of. It is too frightening for that. It is covered over by the dally routine of bis activities, by the assurance and approval be finds in his private or social relations, by success in business, by any number of distractions, by "having fun," "making contacts." "going places." . . . Aloneness, fear, and bewilderment remain; people cannot stand it forever. They cannot go on bearing the burden of "freedom from"; they must try to escape from free dom altogether. . . .15 According to Fromm, there are three mechanisms by means of which the individual, lost and alone, may attempt to "escape from freedom." These he identifies as authorltarl- 15Rrich Fromm. Escape from Freedom (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, inc77 wtlJT pp. BJ, 133-134. 45 tnln, dtitruetlvwtii, and automaton conformity. Marx and his followers hava anticipatad tba modern axiatantialiat movement in tbair concarn ovar thi allagadly incraasing fragmentallzatlon and daparsonalisation of tba individual in complex industrial societies. In tba Marxian view, alianation is a procsss: in capitalist sodatias, man is first alianatad from work as a form of activity, and than from tba product of his labors; foaling that his lifa is ampty and without valua, tba workar nsxt bacomss alian atad from hlmsalf, and comas to ragard hlmsslf as somathing approximating a machlna, an automaton; finally, tba self- astrangad individual, unabla to ralata to hlmsalf in a maanlngful way, finds hlmsalf unabla to ralata to his fallows, and so bacomas alianatad from tba who la of human sodaty. Marxism is a form of aconomlc datarmlnlsm. In kaaplng with this basic postulate, "Marx viawad alianation as tba result of activities in a specific institutional context— the economic system— whlch leads to estrangement from one's self and others In other spheres of Ufa as wall. Alianation is the final outcome of specific institu tional processes."1’ * In this case, the "specific institu tional processea" would seam to include those involved in what Marx calls "the fetishism of the commodity": that ^^Misruchl, 0£. cit.. p. 30. (Italics in originalJ which it produced under the capitalistic fore of economic organisation say appear, at first sight, "a trivial thing, self-understood"; but in fact it is "a very complicated thing, abounding in metaphysical subtleties and theological quirks."** Among the more complex components of the com modity is the "value" which attaches to it. "Value" is a highly abstract notion, and in the case of specific com modities it appears to have the following determinants: (1) the amount of labor that has gone Into the production of the commodity; (2) the venality of the capitalists, i.e., their desire to attach a "surplus-value" to the com modity and derive a profit from it; (3) the unpredictable convolutions of a "free," competitive market. "Value" does not Inhere in the object, but only in Its "usefulness" to others. These criteria of value arise only within that particular form of economic organisation which seeks to maximise economic efficiency, i.e., capitalism; under capitalism, therefore, the alienation of the worker is inevitable. The fetishism of the commodity and the conse quent devaluation of the human world, wrote Marx, Increases in direct relation with the Increase in value of the world of things. Labor does not only create goods; it also produces Itself and the worker as a C£gggd££x» and Indeed in the same pro portion as it produces goods. The fact simply Karl Marx, "The Fetishism of the Commodity and Its Secret," in Sidney Hook, Marx and the Marxists (Mew York: D. Van Nostrand Co.7 inc., 1^53), pp. 142-143. lipllti that the object produced by labor. Its product, now stand* opposed to it as an alien being, as a power Independent of the producer.18 The worker, alienated from the product of his labor, does not fulfill himself In bis work but denies himself, has a feeling of misery rather than well being, does not develop freely his mental and physical energies but Is physically exhausted and mentally debased. . . . This Is self-alienation as against the above mentioned alienation os tne thing.1? To sunmarlse: In the Marxist view, alienation is a social and psychological condition In which the Individual has a sense of total estrangement from work, self, and society, and this condition arises out of the relations of production which define the capitalistic mode of economic organisation. Standard sociological procedure requires that, once the general "imagery" of a concept has been grasped at an Intuitive level, the various "dimensions" of the concept be 20 spelled out In somewhat more specific detail, I.e., at a more concrete level. The "dimensions" of a concept may refer to (1) the several criteria which must be met before the concept Is applicable In a given case, or (2) the several distinct forms In which the basic "Imagery" of the Frederick 19-.. of Men (Mew York: Ibid.. pp. 99-100. 20Lisarsfeld, loc. clt 48 eonetpt may bt present. An txMplt of the first usage is to bs sasn in tbs dafinition of normative bahavior as davalopad elsewhere in this study. An exaeqple of tba sacond is to ba found in Seaman' s attempt to classify what ba baliavss ara tba aost proainant usas of tba tara "alian ation" into fiva distinct types: powerlessness, meaning lessness, noralessneas, social isolation, and self- astrangaaant. Powarlassnass. to Saaaan, is tba assantial coapo- nant of tba Marxian conception of alianation: the worker, in Marx's view, is alianatad to the extant that tba powar to aske and iaplaasnt important decisions is in the bands of tba entrepreneurial ruling class. In a aore general sense, this type of alienation can be thought of as "the expectancy or probability bald by the Individual that bis own behavior cannot determine the occurrence of the out- 21 coaes, or relnforceaants, be seeks." Meaninglessness Is the lack of a feeling of under standing the world and one's place in it. As a fora of alienation, it occurs when the Individual is unclear as to what he ought to believe— when the individual's ainlaal standards for clarity in decision-waking ara not ast. . . • This variant of alienation is Involved in Mann- hela's description of the increase of "functional rationality." Mennbela argues that as society Increasingly organises its members with reference 2 Hie Ivin Seeaan, "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review. 24 (December 1959), 784. 49 to the ioit officlont realisation of ndi (that la, aa functional rationality Incraaaaa), tbara la a parallal dacllna In tba "capacity to act Intel11- gantly In a given altuatlon on tba baala of ona'a own Inalght into tba intarralatlona of evanta."22 Aa knowladga Incraaaaa, and aa ita applicatlona become avar •ora complex, tba ability of tba avaraga individual to com- praband it be coma a prograaalvaly amallar. Modam man flnda hinaalf unabla to ordar hla Ufa in a naanlngful faablon bacauaa hla inability to undaratand pracludaa tba making of aatlafactory pradlctlona about futura outcomea of behav- 23 ior. It would aaem, than, that tboaa who exparlanca Ufa aa being meaningless would ordinarily ba found in aoclatlaa of tba Gaaallachaft typa, in which, to uaa Merton1a term, knowladga tanda to ba regarded (primarily by tboaa who make it) aa an "ara invanlandl"— highly complex, ramified, abatract and, parhapa moat Importantly of all, aubjact to change. Normlaaanaaa. aa Seaman daflnaa tba term, ia cloaaly related to Merton1a concept of anomie. Slnca the latter baa to do primarily with aodal atructure and atruc- tural atrain, and alnce theae concepta ara quite incompati ble with the idea of alienation aa endemic within tba "maaa aodety," one la aomawhat reluctant to regard anomie, defined in tbla way, aa a form of alienation. In fact, Insofar aa tha praaant study la concsrnad with axplalnlng cartaln forma of political babavior, w aball ragard 2 A anomie, daflnad aa a aat of structural relationships, aa a poaalbla alternative to alienation as an explanatory factor. It must therefore be defined In such a way aa *to make It conceptually distinct from alienation (see below, pp. 52 ff.). Social Isolation, which la Seaman's fourth type of alienation, refers to the myriad forms of social nonln- volvemant which figure so prominently In the "mass society" literature. In Seaman's view, "the alienated In the Isola tion sense are those who . . . assign low reward value to goals or beliefs that are typically highly valued in the 25 given society." There are a number of advantages to be derived from operationalising "social Isolation" as the rejection of certain key values. Nattier seems to be fol lowing this procedure when be identifies the alienated Intellectual as ". . . one who has been estranged from, made unfriendly toward, bis society and the culture It carries."2* Tbs final form of alienation distinguished by 2Sl.B.: The definition of anomie used In this study Is not the same as Marton's. (Sea page 14.) 2*Seeman, op. clt., pp. 788*789. 2*Owvnn Nattier, "A Hsasure of Alienation," American Sociological Review. 22 (December 1957), 672. 51 Seaman Is aelf-aatranaewsot. After s rmtbsr cursory review of s number of rscsnt attempts to dsflns this concspt, StusB suggests his own definition of that particular for* of self-estrangsmsnt . . . which is generally characterised as the loss of intrinsic weaning or pride in work. . . • Although this weaning of alienation is diffi cult to specify, the basic idea contained in the rhetoric of sels-estrangsmsnt— the idea of intrin sically meaningful activity— can, perhaps, be recast into wore wanageable social learning terws. One way to state such a weaning is to see aliena tion as the decree of dependence of the given behavior upon anticipated future rewards.2/ This definition would seew to require that such a respecta ble middle-class Awerlcan pattern as "deferred gratifica tion" be regarded as an Instance of self-estrangewent• There way be sowe Justification for this rather strange usage, but serious difficulties appear: one who subjects blaseIf to the deprivations of deferred gratification, and is therefore alienated in the sense of being self estranged, has presumably accepted the values associated with the wlddle-class "success" wotlf, and is therefore not alienated according to the "social isolation" criterion discussed above. In short, there appears to be a logical contradiction between two terws which, according to Seewan, 2 f t are supposed to refer to "logically distinguishable" ^Seewan, op. cit., p. 790. (Italics in original.) 28Ibid.. p. 783. 52 tjpu. This It o m of tho dangers Inboront in any attempt to Mt up a elaoalflcatlon system which uaaa aavaral diffarant criteria of typo. Differential Access to Lifa Coala: So— Critaria of Structural Strain In tha following aavaral pagaa an attempt will ba aada to ahow tha varloua ways In which aodal aclantlata bava conceptualized structural strain and how they have attaaptad to ralata It to — ny diffarant typaa of aodal phanoaana. Tha final dafinltlon of thla series--the one which aaphaalcaa subjective feelInga of atatua anxiety— baa been aelactad for uaa in thla atudy. It la hoped that tha rationala behind thla aalactlon will beco— apparent. There la a re— rkabla lack of conaanaua a— ng aodal aclantlata aa to tha — anlng of tba tan atructural atrain. In tha Marxian view, atructural atrain la an objective altuatlon arlelng out of — n'a relation to tha — ana of production. That la, there ara eo— posltiona In aodaty which ara Inherently — ra frustrating than others, independently of auch adventitious drcu— tancas as "level of aspiration" or a subjective a— ranasa of strdn (i.e., "class conscious— as"). In other words, tba Mandat posi tion la baaed on tha assumption that auch pbeno— na as class conflict, which arise out of a altuatlon of atruc tural strain, ara explainable solely with reference to a S3 ■•t of objective conditions, the "clast situation," and that a subjective awareness, or lack of awareness, of such "strain" is irrelevant. A slallar, though wore elaborate, definition of structural strain is based on the "means-ends" distinction. This definition is applicable in any social situation where (1) it is possible to specify the ends, or values, toward which people are striving, and (2) it is possible to iden tify certain institutionalised "legitimate means" to the achievement of these ends. By this definition, the degree of discrepancy between means and ends--which may exist either because of limited access to legitimate means or because euch means are relatively ineffective— affords us a measure of structural strain. The major difficulty with this definition is that there are many situations where either the means or the ends, and sometimes both, are uncertain, Durkbeim, in fact, appears to have used the term anomie specifically in reference to situations in which— due to the rapidity and unpredictability of social change— there exists an almost total lack of consensus with respect to certain basic values: . . . when society is disturbed by seam painful crisis or by beneficent but abrupt transitions, it is momentarily Incapable of exercising this influ ence: thence come the sudden rises in the curve of suicides which we have pointed out above. 54 In tbi ease o£ economic dlMitin, lodnd. something like a declassification occurs which sud denly casts csrtsln individuals into a lowsr stats than tbalr previous one. Than they muse reduce their requirements, restrain their needs, learn { raster self-control. All the advantages of social nfluence are lost so far as they are concerned; their moral education has to be recommenced. But society cannot adjust then instantaneously to this new life and teach them to practice the increased self-repression to which they are unaccustomed. So they are not adjusted to the condition forced on them, and Its very prospect is Intolerable; hence the suffering which detaches them from a reduced existence even before they have made trial of it. It is the same if the source of this crisis is an abrupt growth of power and wealth. Then, truly, as the conditions of life are changed, the standard according to which needs were regulated can no longer remain the same; for it varies with social resources, since it largely determines the share of each claas of producers. The scale is upset; but a new scale cannot be immediately improvised. Time is required for the public conscience to reclassify men and things. So long as the social forces thus freed have not regained equilibrium, their respec- tlve values are unknown and so all regulation is lacking for a time. The limits are unknown between the possible and the impossible, what is just and what is unjust, legitimate claims and hopes and those which are immoderate. Consequently, there is no restraint upon aspirations. If the disturbance is profound, it affects even the principles con trolling the distribution of men among various occu pations. Since the relations between various parts of society are necessarily modified, the ideas expressing these relations must change. Some par ticular class especially favored by the crisis is no longer resigned to its former lot, and, on the other hand, the example of its greater good fortune arouses all sorts of Jealousv below and about it. Appetites, not being controlled by a public opinion become disoriented, no longer recognise the limits proper to them. Besides, they are at the same time aelsed by a sort of natural erethism simply by‘ the greater intensity of public life. With increased prosperity desires Increase. At the very moment when traditional rules have lost their authority, the richer prise offered these appetites stimulates them and makes them more exigent and Impatient of 55 control. Tho state of do-regulation or anosjr Is thus further heightened by passions being less dis ciplined, precisely when they need more dlsclplln- Slnce Msrton uses the ten "anomie" to refer to situations in which there is a relatively wide discrepancy between ■wans and ends, it is quite Obvious that what is anowie for Durkbela cannot possibly be anowie< for Merton. Cloward and Ohlln have a similar distinction in wind when they say that Msrton has extended and refined the intellectual tradition Initiated by Durkhelm. Durkbela. it will be rswswbered, emphasised the need for society to regulate the social goals of its members, to keep then within the limits of possible achievement, in order to avert tension, frustration, and consequent deviant behavior. In Merton's somewhat different view, anomie develops not because of a breakdown in the regulation of goals alone but, rather, because of a breakdown in the relationship between goals and legitimate avenue ■""oT access to teem. A stable society is one m wHTcn tbereTs a rough balance between goals and norms, between culturally pre scribed aspirations and socially approved modes of achieving them. An unstable society is one in which these two elements of the cultural structure are out of concert with each other.30 If we assume, as Durkhelm does, that ends may be either "certain" or "uncertain," and if we also assume that insti tutionalised means— i.e., the system of behavioral norms defining how one goes about striving for "ends"— may be ^hdl* Durkhelm, Suicide: A Study in Sociology (Glencoe: The Free Press, lvoij, pp. zai-zoj. ^Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlln, Dolln- ouencv and Onnortunltv: A Theory of Delinouent Genes (cl.nco.; ftiit, fo&0). p. 83. ------ 56 tlthcr present or abNnt, tten we tev• tte following tot of pooolbllitloo: Institutionalized Typo Ends Ms ant I Uncertain Absent II Uncertain Present III Certain Absent IV Certain Present Durkhelm's "theory" of anoale would appear to be applicable to all social situations In which value consensus— agree ment with respect to "ends"— is lacking, and this would be true Irrespectively of the presence or absence of institu tionalized means. Types I and II, therefore, would be vbat we could call "Durkteimlan" types. Of tte remaining types, III and IV, only tte latter meets tte criteria specified by Msrton. (Type III Is anticipated by neither Msrton nor Durkhelm.) Therefore, only one of the four possibilities 31 would be what we could call a "Msrtonlan" type. We are compelled to conclude that any definition of structural strain which emphasizes tte means-ends distinction will necessarily be somewhat limited in its applicability for tte very simple reason that there are many situations in ^*In keeping with tte definitions of "normatlvity" and "deviancy" used in this study, it would probably be wise to associate tte idea of "social disorganization" with Types I and III, and that of "deviant behavior" with Types II and IV. 57 which a reasonable degree of consensus on Mans and ends My be lacking. In this connection, two recent critical cosnsnts about Msrton* s Mans-ends schaM should be Mo tioned: the first Is BUsser's contention that the Mjor difficulty with Msrton Is that he as s u m s a certain univer sality In the distribution of ends In society, a universal ity which Is oftentlMS less real than imaginary;3^ the second Is Cohen's rather elaborate demonstration that, as far as the Institutionalised Mans, or norms, are con cerned, there are stny Instances In which It would be virtually Impossible to specify what they are: • . . alyen a role, and given the orientation to goals and to Mans that nave been assuMd because they are part of the social definition of that role, there My be a disjunction between goals and means. Much of what we call deviant behavior arises as a My of dealing with this disjunction. As anomie theory has been forMllv stated, this Is where It seeM to apply. But much deviant behavior cannot readily be formulated In these terms at all. So m of It. for example, la directly expressive of • . . (deviant) roles. A tough and bellicose pos ture , the use of obscene language, participation In Illicit sexual activity, the Immoderate consumption of alcohol, the deliberate flouting of legality and authority, a generalised disrespect for the sacred symbols of the "square" world, a taste for Mrl- juana, even suicide— all of these My have the primary function of affirming, In the language of gesture and deed, that one Is a certain kind of person. The Mssage-symbol relationship of that of claim and evidence, seeM to fit this behavior better than the means-ends relationship.33 32Hsrbert BluMr. In consultation, University of Southern California, 1964. ^Albert K. Cohen, "The Sociology of the Deviant Act: Anomie Theory and Beyond," AMrlcan Sociological 58 A third possibility is to dsflno structural strain as a lack of status consistency. Status consistency rsfars to tha dagraa of similarity among rankings on savaral crltaria of status. It may ba ragardad althar as an "analytical" proparty, i.e., a characteristic of individ uals, or as a "global" property, i.e., a characteristic of whole societies. If we classify people according to, say, five crltaria of status, then we ara using a definition which makes possible 1? or 32 distinct status types, only two of which are consistent; the remainder are inconsistent on either one or two criteria. Status consistency, or rather the lack of it, has been recognised for some time as a factor relevant to He view. 30 (February 1965). 12-13. A number of writers have recently gone "beyond” anomie theory in much the same way as Coben. Deviancy, they assert, may be "functional" in helping to maintain group boundaries and in providing negative role models; it msy be produced and perpetuated through a set of distinct deviant identities and associated role expectations. Tbs rules— Including definitions of "moans" and "ends"— are constantly changing as new contin gencies arise; hence the difficulty in applying anomie theory. See Howard S. Becker, Outsiders; Studies in the Sociology of Deviance (Hew York: The Free Press, 1963); Alexander L. Clark and Jack P. Gibbs, "Social Control: A Reformulation," Social Problems. 12 (Spring 1965), 398-415; Kal T. Erikson, "Hokes on the Sociology of Deviance," - Social Problesm. 9 (Spring 1962). 307-314; John I. Kltsuse, "societal inaction to Deviant Behavior: Problems of Theory and Method," Social Problems. 9 (Vinter 1962), 247-256; Thomas J. Schekf, vTOe societal Reaction to Deviance: Ascrlptlve Elements in tbs Psychiatric Screening of Mantel Patients in a Midwestern State," Social prftMwf, 11 (Spring 1964), 401-413; Richard D. Schwarts ani Jerome H. Skolnlck. "Two Studies of Legal Stlama." Social Problems. 10 (Fall 1962), 133-142; J. L. 81mmons, " S »dhlainSg Deviant Belief Systems: A Case Studv." Social Problems. 11 (Hlntar 1964), 230-256. ------- 59 •octal strains of various kinds. Lsnskl, in a study show ing that "certain kinds of status inconsistencies ara aore closely related to political liberalise than others," offers the speculation that the aore frequently status inconsistencies occur within a population the greater would be the pro portion of that population willing to support progrsas of social change. . . . The individual with a poorly crystallised status is a . . . aarglnal aan, and is subjected to certain pres sures. . . . Conceivably a society with a rela tively large proportion of persons whose status is poorly crystallised is a society which is in an unstable condition. Goffaan conducted a similar investigation with siailar results. Finding that "there is sons support for the hypothesis of an Inverse relationship between the degree of status consistency and preference for change in the distri bution of power," Goffaan concurs with Lenskl that a lack of status consistency may be associated with a general sense of dissatisfaction with existing social arrange- 35 aents. There is a certain eaount of evidence, in fact, that inconsistencies of status aay be associated with those rather spectacular expressions of discontentasnt with the existing order that we eight designate "political ^Gerhard Lsnskl, "Status Crystallisation: A Non- Vertical Diaension of Social Status ."American Sociological Bo view. 19 (August 1954), 411-412. ------ ---- 35Irwin V. Goffaan. "Status Consistency and Prefer ence for Chen so in Power Distribution." das ri can Sodolos- ical Review. 22 (June 1957), 275. 60 extremism." Ringer and Sills report that political extrem ists in Iran, both of tbs "left" and "right," mere more "heterogeneous," or inconsistent, than political moder ates.^* A recent study by Msrx3^ shows that Individuals high on status discrepancy tended to give a disproportion ately high degree of support to Father Coughlin, the extremist radlo-prlest of the 1930's (Table 4). Finally, a TABLE 4 PER CENT EXPRESSING APPROVAL OF COUGHLIN AMONG THOSE HIGH AND LOW ON STATUS DISCREPANCY Low Discrepancy High Discrepancy April 1938 December 1938 April 1938 December 1938 38% (901) 35% (564) 42% (85) 45% (152) paper by Wrong suggests that the power of the late Senator McCarthy may have been based largely on the support— finan cial and otherwise— of certain elements of the "newly rich" in America, especially, it would seem, the Texas oil mil lionaires. As Warner has shown, the newly rich are in a rather extraordinary situation as regards status 36B. B. Ringer and D. L. Sills, "Political Extrem ists in Iran," Public Opinion Quarterly. 16 (Winder 1952- 53), 689. 37 Gary Msrx, "The Social Basis of the Support of a Depression Bra Extremist: Father Ceughlln" (unpublished Mister's thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1962), p. 36. 61 discrepancy: thay have "arrived1 1 in almost every conceiv able way, and yet their hapless sons find it virtually Impossible to gain admittance into the "inner Harvard," their doughty daughters cannot make their debuts at the leading, "traditional" debutante balls but must settle for one of the more recent, sometimes painfully ostentatious, contrivances, and they themselves are consistently black balled from the most desirable social clubs. The result, as Wrong has suggested, may be a "split in the ruling class" in which the frustrated nouveaux riches set them selves apart from the traditional ruling classes^* and seek through various political means to undermine the bases of their power. One version of the "split in the ruling class" theory, says Wrong, (views) McCarthy as the candidate of the men of new wealth who have sprung up in the years of war and post-war prosperity. Plebeian, uncultured, often even uneducated and aggressive, . . . the Texas oil millionaires and their smaller-scale counterparts resent the political and social dominance of the wealthy old families of tbs Eastern seaboard. Their lavish support of McCarthy represents an effort to attain national political power by ousting both the liberal Democrats and the Republican "sophisticated conservatives."39 A number of studies suggest that status discrepancy ■ * 0r vice versa: See Goldwater's statement in the 1964 election campaign to the effect that the Eastern sea board ought to be cut loose from the rest of the country and set adrift in the Atlantic. ^Dennis Wrong, "Theories of McCarthyism," Dissent, Autumn 1954, p. 387. 62 aay gintrttt social conflict. Werner has prasantad an analysis of tha "casta-class" structure of contemporary i n American society. He shoes dlagraematlcally that tha sharply drawn casta line cuts across tha aore fluid social class divisions, so that Individuals who belong to one's casta aay not belong to one's class, and vice versa. Tha affects of criss-crossing patterns upon such dependant variables as social conflict, however, are eoaswhst unclear: a middle-class member of the Negro caste asy have an acute awareness of and resentment against discrimina tion, and yet his higher socioeconomic status would proba bly create in him a greater affinity for the middle-class white, whoa he would regard as a coequal. Perhaps we ought to accept Slmesl's suggestion that a distinction be drawn between limited, recurrent forms of conflict and the more Intense conflict which occurs when accumulated hostilities, long suppressed, finally burst forth. It seems plausible to assume that criss-crossing linkages would generate the former of these two types of conflict, and "superimposed segmentation" the latter. A recent study by Gold provides a useful example of the manner in which status discrepancy may Influence the behavior of Individuals engsgsd In Intimate social Lloyd Warner. "American Caste and Class." jm^rlcan Journal of Sociology. 42 (September 1936), 234- Interaction. Gold studied a eaaple of janitors and their tenants in a nuaber of Chicago apartaent houses. In describing what he calls a "status-incoae dlleaaa," Gold Indicates that the janitors and a Majority of their tenants are in a situation of status discrepancy: the Middle-class tenants, whose incoaes are in Many cases below the Jani tor's, feel sowewhat bitter toward hla because his incoae enables hla to obtain Material goods and expensive "status synbols" which their saaller Incomes usually preclude; the janitor, on the other hand, resents the tenants' practice of treating hla as their social inferior. The Janitor cites not only his relatively high Incoae and consuaptlon standards, but also his "professional" behavior and atti tudes and his "honorable self conception" as a Justifica tion for his unacknowledged claim to alddle-class status. This situation, as one alght expect, gives rise to con flict, at least at the covert, verbal level. It is inter esting to note that, while the janitors accuse aost of their tenants of treating then as "servants," this problea does not seea to exist in relation to tenants who are rela tively well-to-do in coaparlson with the janitors, i.e., in situations characterised by an absence of status dlscrep- Ray Gold, "janitors Versus Tenants: A Status- Income Dlleaaa," f t — —* Journal of Sociology. 57 (Kerch 1952), 486-493. 64 The ldta of ttatui consistency should porbsps bs viewed as a special application of a much more general con cept of consistency In social relations, one which often Involves dimensions other than status. Csrtaln sociolog ical analyses of conflict offer suggestive exemples. In a brilliant and unforgettable metaphor, Ross once suggested that every species of social conflict Interferes with every other species In society . . • save only when lines of cleavage coincide; In which case they reinforce one another. • . . These different oppo sitions In society seem like different wave series set upon opposite sides of a lake, which neutralise each other if the crest of one meets the trough of the other, hut which reinforce each other If crest msets crest while trough meets trough. . . . A society, therefore, which Is ridden by a dosen oppositions along lines running In every direction may actually be In less danger of being torn with violence or falling to pieces than one split lust along one line. For each new cleavage contributes to narrow the cross clefts, so that one might say that society Is sewn together by Its Inner con- fllcts752--------------- It should be noted that "lines of cleavage" are not neces sarily based on status. Other variables, such as In-group identification, provide an additional basis on which lines of cleavags may appear, so that actually the concept of criss-crossing cleavages In society, as defined by Ross, Is very closely related to the political scientist's notion of "cross pressures." Tbs dependent variables which have been studied In 42 Quoted In Lewis Goser, Tbs Functions of Social Conflict (Glencoe: The Free Press, pp. 76-77. 65 relation to status consistency hava not always boon of a political or quasi-political nature* Patchen*3 has shown rocantly that status conslstancy way hava an Important Influence on the "choice of wage coaparisons" In collective bargaining; Gibbs and Martin** have provided some evidence that a lack of status consistency nay lead to suicide; Jackson** points to the possibility of a much aore general relationship between status consistency and psychological stress; finally, Hughes** and Blau** have followed the lead of Robert B. Park in suggesting that "marginslity"— appar ently a aajor source of psychological atreat--may be, In large part, a consequence of the "dlleaaas and contradic tions of status" which seen to be an Inevitable part of any society in which opportunities for social mobility are fairly extensive. The social mobility dimension of status consistency **Mertin Patcben, The Choice of Wage Comparisons (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-riail, inc., WDl). **Jack Gibbs and Walter Martin, "A Theory of Status Integration and Its Relation to Suicide," American Socio logical Review. 23 (April 1958), 140-147. **Elton F. Jackson, "Status Consistency and Symp toms of Stress," Sociological Review. 27 (August 1962), 469-480. **Bverett Hughes. "Dilenmas and Contradictions of Status," American Journal of 8ocloloav. 50 (March 1945), 353-359. **Peter Blau, "Social Mobility and Interpersonal Relations," American Sociological Review. 21 (June 1956), 290-295. 66 bat baan somewhat naglactad. According to Bloombaum, tba falltira of tha concapt of status inconsistency, which 1ms so auch appeal on theoretical grounds, to be clearly empirically associated with other variables may ... be a consequence of the fact that the tarai refers to several different phenomena which may well lead to different forms of behavior. If this is so, then the introduction of the mobil ity dimension into the paradigm of status incon sistency types seems to suggest a fruitful direction in which to pursue empirical research.68 Since status is so often based on asoociational ties, and since the latter are the major focus of reference group theory, it has been suggested that at least some of the hypotheses involving status consistency might better be 49 formulated in the language of reference group theory. Consider an example: let us suppose that there are two groups which we shall call, in keeping with football terminology, the Whites and the Blues. We shall assume that the composite social status of the Whites is higher than that of the Blues, that this condition has existed for some time, and that therefore there is little status incon sistency in either group. Mow, let us suppose that a series of social changes occurs which make it possible for the Blues, as a group, to improve their status relative to the Whites, on at least one criterion, say income. In **tfllton Bloombaum. "The Mobility Dimension in Status Consistency," Sociology and Social Research. 48 (April 1964), 347. *9Micbael A. Fala, "Social Status, Mobility, and Political Extremism" (unpublished Master's report, Univer sity of Chicago, 1962). 67 other words, tbs upwsrd Mobility of tbs Blues has made for "convergency" with tbs Whites on one status criterion; on other criteria, the relationship between the two groups remains one characterised by what we shall call "discrep ancy.” Reference group theory asks three important ques tions: First, What group is likely to be selected as a reference group? Second, Which of the group's characteris tics are likely to be "referred to"? Thix;d, What kind of "reference" is going to be made, positive or negative? We hypothesise that in the above situation the Blues will have a greater than chance probability of selecting the Whites as a reference group, they will focus primarily on "dis crepant" status criteria and the symbols thereof, and their judpmnts will tend to be positive; conversely, the Whites will tend to select the Blues as a reference group, they too will concentrate primarily on "discrepant" statuses and their symbolic manifestations, and their judgments will probably tend to be negative. Another way of defining structural strain is at the subjective level, in terms of anxiety. Although anxiety is a rather general phenomenon, and probably exists on a large scale in nearly all societies regardless of variations in social structure, it appears to be the consensus among social scientists that a great many sources of anxiety are t 68 social in nature.^ Whan anxiety la subjectively defined, however, It can be assessed Independently of any considera tion of "objective'* social conditions; what really natters, In other worde, Is the Individual's definition of the situ ation. It Is unimportant that we nay be able to "prove," objectively, the existence of an equitable structure of opportunities In a society If the members of that society subscribe to the belief that arbitrary and unjust obstacles are blocking their social and economic advancement. Thus we have the remarkable phenomenon, often observed by stu dents of social change, wherein "the appetite grows with the eating": the members of a traditionally disadvantaged racial or ethnic group, for example, having broken many of the stubborn bonds of discrimination, are likely to con sider any remaining injustices to be far more onerous and intolerable than the objectively more difficult situation from which they have extricated themselves. Cloward and Ohlln are well aware of the Importance of these "subjec tive" factors as they relate to deviant behavior: . . • the most significant step In the withdrawal of sentiments supporting the legitimacy of conven tional norms Is the attribution of the cause of failure to the social order rather than to oneself, for the way In which a person explains his failure largely determines what be will do about It. Some C rsons who have experienced a marked discrepancy tween aspirations and achievements may look ^Walter Martin, Presidential Address, Pacific Sociological Association, Salt Lake City, 1965. 1 69 outward) attributing tbair failure to tba axiatanca of unjust or arbitrary inatltutional arrangements. . . • Such parsons do not view tbair failure as a reflection of personal Inadequacy but Instead blame a cultural and social systea. ... In contrast to this group there are Individuals wbo attribute failure to their own Inadequacies— to a lack of discipline, seal, Intelligence, persistence, or other personal quality. Ilbetber the "failure" blaaes the social order or hlaself Is of central importance to the under standing of deviant conduct. When a person ascribes his failure to Injustice In the social systea, he may criticise that systea. bend his efforts toward reforming It, or disassociate hlaself froa It— In other words, he aay becoae alienated froa the estab lished set of social norms. He aay even be con vinced that be Is justified in evading these noras In his pursuit of euccess-goals. The Individual who locates the source of his failure In his own Inade quacy. on the other hand, feels pressure to change hlaself rather than the systea. ... By implica tion, then, attributing failure to one's own faults reveals an attitude.supporting the legitimacy of the existing noras.51 One of the aajor assuaptlons of the present investigation Is that, if the position advanced by Cloward and Ohlln Is at all valid, we shall do a far better Job of explaining deviant behavior by defining structural strain In such a way as to eapbaslse subjective factors rather than objec tive factors. Thus, In Chapter I It was indicated that this study will be concerned with perceived structural Inadequacy rather than structural Inadequacy as an objec tive condition. 51,Cloward and Ohlln, pp. clt., pp. 111-112. \ 70 AlltMtlop. Structural Strain, and Dtviint Bibivior The perspicacious reader of sociological journals Is likely to be auara that aost conteaporary theorising on the subject of deviant behavior tends to follow one or the other of two distinct patterns: either it aaphaslses the lapersonal, Qesellschaftllch features of aodern urbanised aasa societies, and consequent alienation, or it focuses upon social structure and, aore specifically, structural strain, atteaptlng to account for deviancy not by assuaing that the deviant is "non-Involved" in society, but rather by assuaing that he is Involved in soae special way, and that his particular kind of involveaent creates problems of adjustaent for which deviant behavior is one kind of solu tion. In effect we have two conceptually distinct, causal explanations of deviant behavior, which asy be represented dlagraaaatlcally as follows (Interpret the arrows as aean- ing "gives rise to"): Hypothesis I: "Mess Society" Gesellscbsft — — > Alienation ~ —> Deviancy Hypothesis II: "Structural Strain" Structural Strain ..■ > Anoaie5? > Deviancy KO In this context, anoaie is defined as a sense of powerlessness, in keeping with Srole. Anoaie, along with alienation in Hypothesis I, should be thought of as an "intervening" variable at the subjective level. It should bo notsd that although Oasallachaft and struc tural strain aay ha rolatod oaplrlcally, thsy ara conceptu ally distinct. It is assuaed, though, that tbars ars aany Cssallschaftan in which thsrs is ralatlvaly little struc tural strain and, conversely, that thara aay be consider able structural strain in the slapler, Qeaalnachaft-tTPO societies. According to the first of these hypotheses, the objective social conditions of Qosellschaft are such as to create a subjective sense of alienation in the individual. This subjective sense of alienation, with its consequences both for the individual and for his associates, creates the social and psychological conditions under which various foras of deviancy are likely to occur. The urban (Goeel1- achaft) style of life, according to Cllnard, . . • with its aoblllty, lapersonallty, individual ism. aaterlallsa, nora and role conflicts, and rapid social change, appears to be associated with higher incidence of deviant behavior. Soae evidence has been presented here about the coaparatlve inci dence of crlae, asntal illness, alcohollea, and suicide in rural and urban areas, in cities of different slse, and within cities. Delinquency and crlae rates, as computed froa official statistics, are alaost universally lower in rural as coapared with urban areas. Other foras of deviant behavior also tend, in general, to be statistically aore frequent in urban areas. There are also regional and area variations in rates. Although considerable variation in urban character istics exist froa one area of the city to another, further research aay possibly indicate that soae of tbs variation aay arise froa differences in the way of life of social classes residing in each area. Soae persons have attempted to explain these differences in the extent of deviant behavior as 72 being tlaoit entirely due to differences in report ing or opportunity. Others beve suggested that the Inner sonee of the city attract deviants from the other sonee or froa rural areas, but little evidence exists for either of these contentions. Obviously, these great differences are not due to variations In the biological constitution of Individuals. Con sequently, the variations among the sonee can be thought of as important In suggesting social and cultural explanations for deviant behavior as well as Indicating what areas should receive the great est attention In any effort to reduce It.53 The esipbasle upon Gesellschaft. with Its attendant "social disorganisation" and alienation, has been chal lenged recently by the "subcultural" school, especially with reference to crime and delinquency. Cloward and Ohlln have summarised a theoretical position for which there Is now a great deal of empirical support: Shaw and McKay were describing deviant learning structures— that Is, alternative routes by which people seek access to the goals that society holds to be worthwhile. Their point was that access to crlalnal roles and advancement In the criminal hierarchy depend upon stable associations with older criminals from whom the necessary values and skills may be learned. Yet Shaw and McKay failed to give explicit recognition to the concept of Illegitimate means and the socially structured conditions of access to them— probably because they tended to view slum areas as "disorganised." Although they con sistently referred to illegitimate activities as "organised," they nevertheless tended to label high- rate delinquency areas "disorganised" because the values transmitted were crlalnal rather than conven tional. . . . Sutherland was among the first to perceive that the concept of social disorganisation tends to obscure the etable patterns of interaction which ^Hlarsball B. Cllnard, Sociology of Deviant Behavior (Mew York: Holt, Rinehart and wmston, inc. 1963),PP* 96—97. 73 « exist oong ctrrltn of crlalnal values. . . . Lika Shaw and McKay, he bad observed that crlalnal activities In lower-class areas were organised In terms of a crlalnal value systea, but he also observed that this alternative value systea was supported by a patterned svstea of social reT5- tlons. . . . “ Wllllaa F. Whyte, In his classic study of an urban^slua, carried the empirical description of the structure and organisation of Illegal means a step further. Like Sutherland, Whyte rejected the position of Shaw and McKay that the slua Is disor ganised simply because It Is organised according to principles different froa those In the conven tional world. . . . tut Whyte's view of the slua differed somewhat from Sutherland's In that Whyte's eaphasls was not on . . . the Idea that the slua Is composed of two discrete systems, conventional and deviant. He stressed, rather, the way In which the occupants of various roles In these two systems become Integrated In a single, stable structure which organises and patterns the life of the com munity, . . .54 The Idea of anonymity, impersonality, social isolation, bureaucratIsatIon— In short, the whole syndrome of charac teristics which virtually every sociologist, following Wlrth, has learned to associate with "urbanism as a way of Ufa"— has been superseded by theories which emphasise "legitimate" and "illegitimate" opportunity structures, differential association, tbs existence of symbiotic rela tionships among various "deviant" and/or "conventional" social structures, social class and status dynamics, and so forth. The wisest strategy for the sociologist of deviant behavior would probably be to follow Kobrin's suggsstlon (A "~Cloward and Ohlln, op. clt., pp. 154-156. 74 that tha "Intagratlon-dlticttagratlon" continuum ba traatad as a varlabla worthy of amplrlcal investigation.^ 55 Ibid. CHAPTER III METHODS Stapling Procedure The "universe of study" for this investigation consisted of ell academicians affiliated with any four-year college or university in the state of California and whose names appeared in the 1964-65 faculty rosters of these institutions. The universe of study was considered rele vant to the major concepts of the Investigation for the following reasons: (1) There is a considerable amount of evidence that the American academic community has evolved "liberal" norms of political behavior. Lipset has marshaled such evidence from many sources, and the conclusion is Inescapable that "in general, . . . the Intellectual sectors of the middle class— writers, persons in the arts, journalists, libra rians, scientists, and university professors— have given more support to the Democratic party, and to small left- wing parties, than baa any other stratum of the population 75 76 In proportion to Its size."*' (2) A prstsst administered to tbs faculty of Cali fornia Stats Collaga at Fullerton showed that this faculty Is overwhelmingly "liberal" In terms of voting patterns and party affiliation; in addition, there was evidence for the existence of considerable heterogeneity with respect to the major variables of this study, i.e., there are substantial differences from person to person on such variables as personal Inadequacy, structural Inadequacy, political awareness, and so forth. The pretest indicated that approximately 20 per cent of all respondents would fall to conform to the "liberal" norms which were presumed to prevail within the academic world. It was therefore decided that, in order to obtain a sufficient number of such "deviants," approxi mately 1,000 potential respondents would have to be con tacted. With an anticipated response rate of about 50 per cent, it was expected that at least 100 respondents would qualify as "political deviants." This study employed a systematic random sample drawn from a number of "dusters." The selection of the sample Involved the following procedure: (1) A list was Mde of all universities and four- 18evmour Nsrtln Lipset, Political The Social Batj^of Politics (Mew York: Douoieoay ana go., U w j , 77 year colltgif in the state of California, exclusive of 2 strictly technical or professional schools. A total of sixty-eight institutions were represented in the list, and for each the else of the current full-time faculty was recorded. (2) From the sixty-eight institutions a total of twenty-five were selected at rendow, Including fourteen private four-year institutions, eight state colleges, U8C, UCLA, and Stanford. The 1964-65 catalogues were secured for each of the twenty-five institutions, and faculty rosters were copied by the Xerox process. Using these rosters, in which a total of 3,885 nawes appeared, a sys tematic random sample of 950 was selected. Of 950 questionnaires mailed, 495 were returned, yielding a response rate of 52.1 per cent. Of these, 476 were usable. Sight hundred fifty questionnaires were mailed approximately one week before the beginning of Spring vacation (April 1 and 2, 1965), on the assumption that this would be an auspicious time in terms of maximising the response rate. To test this assumption, a special set of 100 questionnaires was nailed several weeks later (April 26), and the return envelopes were marked in order that ^Allan M. Carter (ed.), American Universities and Collemss (9th ed.; Washington, D.C.: Amsrlean Council on Education, 1964). 78 they sight be distinguished froa the reaalnder of the Maple. Of the 100 questlonnalres, 57 were returned. The Questionnaire A copy of the questionnaire enployed in this study is to be found in the Appendix. Virtually all questions were of the "fixed alternative" type. A aajor difficulty in using this type of questionnaire with a saaple of aca- dsales is that, even though every effort aay be aade during the pretest psrlod to reaove as aany "bugs" as possible, such a group tends as a whole to have a rather critical, soastiaes hypercritical, approach to such Batters. Soae respondents, for exsaple, would reply to a given question by slaply crossing It out and rewriting it as it "should" be written. A few respondents, aost of thsa in the Huaanl- tles, seeasd to have "Ideological" coast faints of such a nature as to preclude their cooperating with a sociological study. One respondent, for exsaple, wrote over the face of his otherwise blank questionnaire that "X aa opposed on principle to 'questionnaire research.' That is, I cannot view the collecting of opinions and self-Judgpents as a respectable acadeaic activity, although it aay have its place in journalise." Two highly critical letters were received, and they are reproduced here in their entirety on the assuaptlon that they aay be indicative of tbs kind of resistance researchers are likely to encounter in 79 Attempting to conduct soclologlcnl investigations of academicians. I I find the poor wording and laprecleeneas on p. 2 & 3 questions permitting so many unclear alternative interpretations that I refuse to dig nify this as a scholarly survey. The so-called Inventory of political awareness is no measure of what you claim to be measuring. If political science classes have this kind of use less fact orientation, heaven help us. Political awareness should mainly involve an understanding of significance and causal implications of political events. Mot retention of useless nuabers A “facts”1 I may retain your copy to discuss in ay classes the errors found in faulty construction of surveys. I would expect this from political sources but not a university departmsnt. IX Dear Sir: This is in reply to the survey form sent out by your Departmsnt in connection with what the accom panying letters calls falcl an "Investigation" into the "political attitudes and activities of academic people" and the problem of how "such attitudes and activities are related to certain background factors." If a person's political concern, his thinking and his actions In the public realm could be measured the way it Is set up in this form, i.e., by "checking off" a conglomeration of infantile Questions we would indeed have reached the end of a meaningful r olltlcal life and of democracy itself. This form s not so much (it is that too:) an Insult to the intelligence of tbs person tested but a documenta tion of the mentality of the "investigators." A sad document Indeed, which is in its own way more eloquent than most of the critical papers that have been written in recent years about our universities. I think that columns like "Dear Abbey" falcl or the "Question Men" are of a much higher Intellectual 80 level then this alleged "Investigation." At least, In tbaee colons tbexe are no false pretenses and occasionally we do find a person articulating a thought or an idea. But aay be faicl the whole thing is just soos kind of joke in order to test the residual klndergarten-osntality in the acadeoic world? In any case: it's a waste of paper, of energy which should be spent elsewhere; for example in the area of aathodology and Logic I. I should like to conclude with a reoark by Jacques Barsun about the relationship between the Intellect and the use of the alphabet which aay not be altogether besides the point: "The alphabet Is a fundaaantal fora to bear In alnd while discussing the decay of Intellect, be cause Intellectual work as here defined presupposes the concentration and continuity, the self-awareness and articulate precision, which can only be achieved through soae flra record of fluent thought; that Is, Intellect presupposes Literacy." Rarely did such writers coapllaant the Investigator on his "eloquence." The questionnaire Is divided Into three segments. The first deals with "general background," the second with "social attitudes," and the third with "political behav ior." The general background Mgnat contains a nunber of Iteas on deaographlc characteristics, such as age, sex, race, and religion, and also Includes several Iteas per taining to occupational status. The social attitudes segment of the questionnaire consists of a series of seven teen Likert-type items Involving four "scales": aliena tion, perceived structural Inadequacy, perceived personal Inadequacy, and anomie. The combined scale items were placed in random order. Finally, the political behavior segment consists of a series of eighteen Items on voting behavior, party affiliation, perceived political character istics of family members and professional associates, general political activities, and so forth. This series of questions is followed by the "Inventory of political aware ness," a true-false test containing twenty items dealing with current political and quasl-polltlcal events. Coding. Tabulation, and Analysis of Data Data were transferred to I M cards and analysed by weans of the Honeywell 800 cowputer, Computer Sciences laboratory, University of Southern California. All vari ables were defined at either the nominal or the ordinal (quasi-scale) level. Tests of significance were carried out using chi-square values supplied by the cowputer. The data were processed in two phases. FbaseJL Several variables, among them alienation, anoaie, and political awareness, were initially defined arbitrarily at the Interval level. On the variable alienation, for example, it was possible to score anywhere between 5 and 35. In the process of transforming such variables into attributes it is necessary that the investigator, if he wishes to find "natural" cutting points, have an accurate idea as to bow the original set of scores Is distributed. If scores on alienation, for example, had centered around the values 13, 23, and 32--that is, if tha scores had been trl-modal— It would have been advisable to define aliena tion as a trichotomy with two cutting points located between 13 and 23 and 23 and 32, respectively. On the basis of these considerations, then, the major purpose of Phase I of the computer analysis was to find out how several sets of such scores were distributed. Appropriate cutting points were then made. Phase II In the final phase of data analysis the computer was Instructed to provide chi-square values for a total of 102 cross-classlflcatlons. Since the computer Is not pro- grammsd to Indicate level of significance, the obtained values had to be referred to a standard chi-square table. The 5 per cent level of significance was employed consist ently throughout the study. Test-Factor Standardisation: A Rationale The verb "to standardise" should be considered roughly synonymous with the verb "to bold constant." The technique of standardisation Involves the following steps: (1) Compute the partial percentage tables, as In an ordinary survey analysis; (2) Compute the proportion of the N In the total table represented by the N In each partial table; 83 (3) Multiply the proportions obtslnod In (1) by tbo proportions arrlvsd at In (2); (4) Add tba corraspondlng sntrlas In all partial tablas.^ Tba major dlsadvantags of standardisation Is tbat It doas not permit tba oparatlon known as "specification," tbat Is, It doas not permit tba lnvastlgator to ascartaln tba particular sub-catagorlas of a test-factor In which a glvan ralatIonship remains statistically significant. Standardisation, In othsr words, pracludas tba waking of "conditional generalisations." However, since none of tba hypotheses of this investigation Is conditional in this sense, the use of the technique of standardisation Is con sidered to be legitimate. The major advantage of standard isation Is that, In studies Involving relatively snail numbers of cases, It Is possible to "bold constant" for any nunber of variables while at the sane tine avoiding the problaa of low cell frequencies which so often occurs In the calculation of partial association coefficients.^ ^Ullllan Brbe, "Social Involveaent and Political Activity: A Replication and Elaboration," dnerlcan Socio logical Review. 29 (April 1964). 208-209. For amore detailed discusslon of standardisation, see Norris Rosen berg, "Test Factor Standardisation as a Msthod of Inter pretation," Social Forces. 41 (October 1962), 53-61. *Even with adequate cell frequencies, the Inter pretation of partial association coefficients presents special problems: "One problen In the use of this nethod Is that, sines it Is based entirely on the Inspection of each of the partial relationships, It Is often difficult to 84 Since the Honeywell 800 computer used In this itudj was not progrMMd to perform the operations Involved in standard* 1 sat ion, It was nocsssary to carry out this analysis manu ally using forty-ftvo partial association matrices suppllsd by tbs computer. make a clear statement about whether the relationship has been reduced, and It Is virtually Impossible to stipulate the degree to which It has been reduced. This problem Is particularly acute when the test factor or factors Intro duced have a large number of categories, since each cate gory yields a separate partial relationship. Lot us say that we wish to examine a relationship between two vari ables, controlling simultaneously on three others, each of which Is trlcbotomlsed. This procedure yields 27 partial associations. For both statistical and theoretical reasons, the likelihood that a uniform reduction will appear in all 27 partial associations Is so slight as to be negligible.1 1 losenberg, op. clt., p. 54. CHAPTER XV POLITICAL DEVIAI9CT: THE SOCIAL OOHTEXT Tha M « n n of political doviaiicy uood In this study lo boood on .thraa quootlonnolro itsws, ono having to do with party affiliation and two with roportod votor proforoncoo in tho gonoral olaction of Novawbar 3, 1964. It wao indicatad in Chaptar I that ainca thaaa thraa itaas ara baing utad to placa individual* on a ilapla continuua ranging froa "liberal" to "consarvativa," it would ha daalrahla to ha abla to demonstrate that tba ltama aaat tha scalograa, or intaraal consistency, critarion. Tabla 5 cross-classifies Praaldantial vota with vota on Proposition 14, holding constant for party affiliation. Examination of this tabla shows a total of 206 llbarals and 68 conoerva- tivas, with 119 casas intermediate batwaan tbaso two typas. On tha basis of tha typology glvan on paga 11 tha 119 intermediate casas ara distrlbutad as follows: Conservative Trait Number of ■Sfft 1 Tvna lapublican ooldwatar vota Taa on 14 X X 1 X 2 X 5 3 X X 25 85 B6 _______ Con— remlplv. Tr*lt_______ . QoldMttr Ruabtr of Tvno >»publle«n vote Too on 14 coooo 4 - - X 11 5 - X 1 6 X - - 76 Tho highest froquoneloo oro found in Types 3 and 6. Typo 3 invo1voo two r t consorvotlvo" trolts, while Typo 6 lnvolvoo ono ouch trait. In ordor to aeet tho acalograa criterion, tho nunbor of caaoo in tho reaalning four catogorioo anist not exceed 10 par cont of all caoos roprooontod in Tablo 5. Thooo caaoo, callod errors» total oightoon. Tho aaount of error, then, in this throe itea scale is E - 18/393 - .05. Thus, tho scalograa criterion has boon aot. TABLE 5 PRESIDENTIAL VOTE AMD VOTE ON PROPOSITION 14 BY PARTY AFFILIATION Party Vots on Prssldontial Vote Affiliation Proposition 14 jonnson ooidaator Deaocrat Mo 206 1 Yes 11 1 Republican Mo 76 25 Yes 5 68 87, InttrMdltCt c a m s of Typo 3 hovo tho following cboroctorlstlcs: (1) Thoy claim to bo Republicans; (2) Thoy claim to have voted for Goldwater; (3) They indicate that they voted nno" on Fropoal- tlon 14. Intermediate cases of Type 6 possess a somewhat different set of characteristics: (1) They Indicate a Republican party affiliation; (2) They report having voted for Johnson; (3) They report a "no” vote on Proposition 14. The term "first degres deviant" is defined on page 10 in such a way as to includs tbs seventy-six cases of Type 6. There appeared to be soae Justification, however, for redefining the ten conformist In such a way as to Include this group. It does not seem, intuitively, to be contrary to the liberal norms of tbs academic world to claim a Republican party affiliation, as Iona as one votes in a mannsr which conforms to these norms. The status-role of "liberal Republican" does not seem to be stigmatised among academicians to quite the seme extent as the status- role of "right-winger"— and this latter designation might very well be applied to Type 3 cases. Statistical Regularity 88 It la a basic assumption of this study that, if ono wishes to demonstrate tbs unlvsrsal (in Linton's sansa) noxmativlty of a given form of behavior, one must be able to give evidence tbat the behavior in question occurs with a reasonable degree of statistical regularity. If it is normative in any meaningful sociological sense for academic people to have liberal patterns of political behavior, then it is reasonable to expect that in a representative sample of such individuals the "overwhelming majority" would, in fact, be liberals. Table 6 shows the percentage distribu tion of all respondents according to political position. TABLE 6 PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION OF CONFORMISTS (LIBERALS) AND FIRST-DEGREE AMD SEOOND-DEGREE DEVIANTS (CONSERVATIVES) Position i ■ ■ ■ , - .......... Confor^it Deviant Deviant Total Per cent 71.8 10.9 17.3 100 Munber of cases 282 43 68 393 It is clear tbat the "overwhelming majority" (71.8 per cent) of the academicians sampled in this study lend their support to liberal candidates and Issues and also tend to give allegiance to the Democratic party. It should be noted that the data do not fit the familiar J-curve 89 hypothesis— tbat Is, tbsrs srs son second-dsgrss dsvlsncs than first-dogrss dovlonts In this sample. It is rsthsr difficult to explain why this anomaly should have occurred, but boom of the data on "social control" seem to suggest that first-degree deviants aay be in a rather unstable situation as a rasuit of their being subjected to certain "cross-pressures," and it is not inconceivable that, as a result of these pressures, they aay tend to aove toward one or the other of the two "extreme" positions. These data will now be exaained. Social Control Normative behavior exists in a context of social control. Social control, by definition, involves social interaction, and it has been observed that the intensity of interaction is oftentimes greatly Increased for those who have violated norms of conduct.^* A questionnaire item was designed to ascertain whether political deviants tend to discuss politics— a presuasd measure of the intensity of political interaction— more frequently than their con forming colleagues. Responses to this item, displayed in Table 7, indicate that, although the relationship is not rectilinear, there is a pronounced tendency for political ^Robert A. Dentler and Kel T. Erikson, "The Func tions of Deviance in Groups." Social Problems. 7 (Fall 1959), 101 ff. --------------- 90 TABLE 7 FREQUENCY OF DISCUSSION OF POLITICS WITH COLLEAGUES BY POLITICAL POSITION (In Percentages) Frequency of Discussion P o s 1 t 1 o n Total Conformist Deviant1 Deviantz Rarely or Never 18.6 48.1 26.5 (52) (26) (18) (96) Fairly Often 54.6 40.7 57.4 (153) (22) (39) (214) Very Often 26.8 11.1 16.2 (221 Jdll .(92) Total 100.0 99.9 100.0 (280) (54) (68) (402) Chi-square - 25.7 df - 4 p < .001 deviants, ti a group, to engage in Ion discussion of political issues than thsir conforming colleagues. This is true of both groups of deviants but, oddly enough, it is especially true of the less extrema kinds of deviants. (A separate chi-square analysis shows that the differences between conformists and second-degree deviants are not statistically significant.) In the latter group almost half the respondents indicate that they "rarely or never" discuss politics with their colleagues; in contrast, only 11 per cent claim that they "very often" engage in such discussions. This relationship may be an Instance of the general tendency for those who are subjected to "cross pressures"— in this case, those who occupy an Intermediate 91 position between liberals and conservatives— to withdraw froa all foras of political participation. As Upset has * pointed out with respect to voting, ". . • the wore pres sures brought to bear on Individuals or groups which operate in opposing directions, the aore likely are pros pective voters to withdraw froa the situation by 'losing interest' and not asking a choice." The question of whether first-degree deviants are in fact subjected to such pressures is one which, of course, awaits further research. A few relevant clues aay be found by exaainlng responses to a questionnaire itea having to do with the attitudes of acadeaic colleagues toward one's political orientation. Table 8 shows responses to the question, "On the whole, how would you say your professional associates feel about your political orientation? Would you say they agree strongly, agree, divide about evenly, disagree, or strongly disagree?" The relationship between position and perceived agreeaent is significant beyond the .001 level, with deviants, as a group, perceiving considerably less agrssasnt than conforaists. If the perception of dlaagree- aent is regarded as a dlaenslon of "pressure," then it appears that the first-degree deviants see theaselves as being subject to nearly as auch pressure as their aore ^Seyaour M. Upset. Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics (Mew York: Doubleoay ana Co., 1900J, p. iu57 92 TABLE 8 PERCEPTION OP COLLEAGUES' FEELINGS ABOUT POLITICAL ORIENTATION BY POLITICAL POSITION (In Percentage*) Perceived Agreement Among Colleagues P o s 1 t 1 o n Total Conformist Deviant1 Deviant2 Agree or 63.6 28.6 26.8 Strongly Agree (173) (14) (18) (205) Evenly Divided 31.6 51.0 47.8 (86) (25) (32) (143) Disagree or 4.8 20.4 25.4 Strongly Disagree OSL (10) -liZl .1401 Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 (272) (49) (67) (388) Chi-square - 53.6 df - 4 p < .001 consistently conservative colleagues; a separate chi-square analysis, in fact, shows that what differences do exist are not statistically significant* It is concluded that, even though first-degree deviants are violating liberal polit ical norns less consistently than second-degree deviants, they perceive among their colleagues just as much disagree ment as do the conservatives, and it is perhaps for this reason that they tend, as a group, to devote relatively little time and energy to political discussions with their academic colleagues. It Is rather surprising that, even though political deviants are significantly aore likely than their conform ing colleagues to perceive disagreement, they apparently t 93 art not vtry often "pmiurtd" Into changing tbair polit ical orientation or into voting differently. Table 9 shows tbs distribution of responses to the question, "Aaong those of your professional associates, if any, who disagree with your political orientation, have any ever attempted to persuade you, or 'pressure' you in any way, into voting differently or into changing your basic political outlook?" TABLE 9 PERCEPTION OF "PRESSURE" BT POLITICAL POSITION (In Percentages) osl tTon donforaist or Perceived Pressure 7 2 froa Colleagues Deviant Deviant Total Absent 78.3 69.7 (252) (46) (298) Present 21.7 30.3 (70) (20) (90) Total 100.0 100.0 (322) (66) (388) Chi-square - 2.2 df - 1 P < .20 It should be noted that although this relationship falls soaeehat short of attaining statistical significance, it is in a direction which indicates that political deviancy, even in the presence of strong traditions of "acadealc freedoa," asy generate certain rather Halted "corrective" processes involving a general pressure toward conforaity. Aaong those who recognise pressures soas rather interesting findings easrge. Tsble 10 sunmarlses responses to s questlonnslre Item which wss Intended to provide e rough Nasure of the inteneltv of pressures brought to beer 'upon those who perceived s o n degree of pressure. If s respondent indicated that he bad at s o n tlN been pres sured by his colleagues, be wss asked, "How often was this atteapted during the recent campaign?" Almost one-fourth of the second-degree deviants answered that they had been pressured by colleagues "fairly often" or "very often" during the recent caapalgn, while the corresponding figure for conformists is Nil below one-tenth. Similarly, 13.4 per cent sore conformists than deviants claim to have been completely free of pressure during the November campaign. The differences are significant beyond the 5 per cent level. Conclusions The data presented in this chapter pertain to the question of whether there exists a "liberal" norm among academic people. Since the overwhelming Njorlty of the academicians included in this study are llberale, it nay be concluded that the criterion of statistical regularity— ons dlNnslon of normatlvlty— has definitely been mt. With respect to social control, boNver, the situation is some what ambiguous: political position clearly "Nkes a difference" in terns of social control, but most of those 95 TABLE 10 INTENSITY OF PRESSURE AMONG THOSE WHO PERCEIVE PRESSURE, BY POSITION (In Fircnttgci) Frequency of Colleagues' P o o 1 t 1 o n Total Attempts to Prooouro Conformist Deviant1 Deviant2 Never* 73.1 68.2 59.7 (166) (28) (37) (231) Rarely 18.9 19.5 17.7 (43) (8) (11) (62) Fairly Often or 7.9 12.2 22.6 Very Often ...Cl§1 (5) (14) (37) Total 99.9 99.9 100.0 (227) (41) (62) (330) Chi-o qua re - 10.9 df - 4 p < .05 *Note the following dlocrepancv: While 76.8 per cone of eho roopondonto In Toblo 9 IndicoCo that they have not boon prooourod by tbolr colleagues. only 70 por cont of tbo roopondonto in Toblo 10 indicate that their colleaauee •'never*' prooourod then during tbo rocont caapalgn. Thla dlocrepancv appears to bo duo either to poor wording of the questionnaire lteas or to carolooonoao on the part of roopondonto. 96 differences ere rather snsll and, It night be argued, inconsequential. It is quite likely that a competing set of none, which night be placed under the rubric of "aca demic freedon," operates in such a way as to "encapsulate" the individual deviant and make bin somewhat lnsrane to the kinds of pressures that night be exerted in other occupa tional spheres. Even with these reservations, however, it would appear to be reasonably safe to conclude that there „ is some degree of sociological justification for the assumption that "liberal" noms of political conduct do exist within the academic world. It seens appropriate, then, to turn to the question of why some academicians do not conform to these norms. CHAPTER V ALIENATION, STRUCTURAL STRAIN, AND PERSONAL INADEQUACY: SOME FACTORS IN POLITICAL DEVIAHCY It any appear to be soaewhat presumptuous to atteapt an "explanation" o£ political deviaticy when the evidence eatabliahing the existence of political noma la ao tenuous. But this is the way sociological theory aust proceed. Phenoaena are grouped together on the basis of their appearing to have some cowan n eleaents. If one wishes to explain why they have these coaaon eleaents, one aust coapare them with a view to finding out soaethlng about their siailarlties and differences. If this proce dure leads to the discovery of certain "regularities," then one has gone a long way not only toward providing an "explanation" for the observed phenomena but also toward proving that the phenomena were correctly grouped together in the first place. Sociological theory, in other words, is a structure of contingencies. In the present Instance, there is auch reason for skepticism about the decision to regard liberal political behavior as being normative within 97 98 the ictdtalc community; but If It Is posslbls to explain political devlancy in much tbs same nay as w explain other fonts of daviancy such as dops addiction or whits-collar crime, thep wa hava all the more reason for believing that we were probably correct in the first place in regarding a liberal outlook as being normative, aaong acadealcs, in a solid sociological sense. A total of seven hypotheses, originally listed on pages 23 and 24, need to be tested: (1) The higher the degree of alienation, the higher the degree of perceived structural Inadequacy. (2) The higher the degree of alienation, the higher the degree of perceived personal inadequacy. (3) There is a direct correlation between the per ception of structural Inadequacy and the perception of personal Inadequacy. (4) The higher the alienation, the higher the degree of political devlancy. (5) The higher the degree of perceived structural Inadequacy, the higher the degree of political devlancy. (6) The higher the degree of perceived personal Inadequacy, the higher the degree of political devlancy. (7) Each of the associations specified by hypoth eses 4, 5, and 6 will persist when either or both of the other factors are controlled by means of standardisation. The first three hypotheses specify that while our 99 "txplaottory" variables— alienation, parcelvad structural inadequacy, and faallngs of personal Inadequacy— are Indeed very different kinds of things, they any not be entirely unrelated to one another, that is, there may be some con comitance among them. If there Is, then It may very well become necessary a little later for them to be standardised against one another. Tables 11, 12, and 13 show the rela tionships between alienation and structural Inadequacy, alienation and personal Inadequacy, and structural Inade quacy and personal inadequacy, respectively. A measure of association, Tschuprow's T,* has been calculated for each relationship which has attained statistical significance. The relationships shown In Tables 11 and 12 are significant beyond the .001 level; therefore, hypotheses (1) and (2) are accepted. Table 13, on the other hand, shows no significant relationship between structural Inadequacy and personal Inadequacy, although the relationship Is recti linear and In the direction specified by the hypothesis. Actually this finding Is somewhat surprising, because recent sociological writings make a very sharp distinction between those who "blame the system" for their problems and those who blame themselves. In fact, one would almost ^Tschuprow's T, which has an upper limit of unity for 3 x 3 tables, Is defined for such tables as 1 - f — A — TABU 11 ALIENATION AMD FSRCKIVKD STRUCTURAL INADEQUACY (In Btrctntifti) Nretlvid Structural Inadequacy Alienation Low Madlua High Total Low 84.1 (58) 49.6 (141) 19.6 (11) (210) Madlua 10.1 (7) 29.6 (84) 28.6 (16) (107) High 5.8 _I£L 20.8 (59) 51.8 (29) (92) Total 100.0 (69) 100.0 (284) 100.0 (56) (409) Chi-square ■ 63.945 df • 4 p <. .001 T - .28 TABU 12 ALIENATION AMD PERCEIVED PERSONAL INADEQUACY (In FlrctnUgtf) Perceived Personal Inadequacy Alienation Low Madlua High Total Low 55.2 (37) 25.8 (74) 21.4 (12) (123) Madlua 35.8 (24) 57.5 (165) 58.9 (33) (222) High 9.0 -161 16.7 -(481 19.6 - O H Total 100.0 (67) 100.0 (287) 99.9 (56) (410) Chi*square ■ 24.922 df - 4 p < .001 T - .174 « ✓ 101 TABLE 13 PERCEIVED STRUCTURAL INADEQUACY AMD PERCEIVED PERSONAL INADEQUACY (In Plrctotagfi) Perceived Plrc«iv«d Structural Personal Inadequacy__ Inadequacy low Medium Hisn Total Low 34.8 26.8 23.1 (80) (33) (24) (137) Medium 51.3 56.9 53.8 (118) (70) (56) (244) High 13.9 16.3 23.1 (32) (?0) -12*) (76) Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 (230) (123) (104) (457) Chi-square ■ 7.937 df - 4 p-C .10 T - .093 expect a negative aeeodatlon between theee two varlablea on the assumption that those who see the system as having sbortcoalngs would tend to hold themselves In rather high esteem. The data, however, show that no such conclusion Is warranted. It Is not at all difficult to understand the rela tionship between alienation and structural Inadequacy. It will be remembered that the alienated academician Is the person who believes In the values toward which academicians are presumably striving, but who feels that the "system," as It Is currently organised, makes It difficult If not Impossible for anybody to attain these values. He Is likely to place aoat of the bleme for this etate of affairs on the bureaucratlsatlon of higher education; he does not feel that be belongs to a "coamunlty of scholars." It seems logical to assume that such a person would also be quite likely to feel that another defect of the syetea Is that It does not sufficiently value hla. that Is, he would be likely to define the syetea as having the characteristic of "structural Inadequacy." This, In fact, does occur In aany Individual cases. Zero-Order Associations Hypotheses (4), (5), and (6) specify that each of the three independent variables Is associated with polit ical devlancy. Tables 14, 15, and 16 show that only one of these variables, structural Inadequacy, Is associated with political devlancy to a degree which attains statis tical significance; alienation, although not significantly 2 associated with political devlancy, is associated In a wanner which Is nearly rectilinear and percentage 2 *One must be careful not to take significance tests too seriously. It will be noted that alienation actually makes for greater percentage differences In political posi tion than does structural inadequacy: the latter has attained statistical significance solely because of the fact that, due to differences In response rates, It was possible to classify forty-seven respondents on structural inadequacy who could not be classified on alienation. In this study, percentage differences and association coeffi cients (Techuprow'e T) are being given fully as much weight as cbl-square teste In the Interpretation of results. 103 TAILS 14 ALIENATION AND POLITICAL POSITION <Ia Percentages) Political Position Low Alienation ’ K C i i i " Total Confomlst 73.3 70.6 56.1 (44) (175) (23) (242) Deviant*1 11.7 14.5 12.2 (7) (36) (5) (48) Deviant2 15.0 14.9 31.7 __(21 - 0 2 1 .M). (59) Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 (60) (248) (41) (349) Chi-square - 7.617 df - 4 p < .20 T - .104 TABLE IS PERCEIVED STRUCTURAL INADEQUACY AND POLITICAL POSITION (In Percentages) Political Psrcalvad Structural Position r a r "'TOus “ ®gh Total Confomlst 75.9 (151) 68.2 (73) 58.9 (53) (277) Deviant*1 11.1 (22) 15.9 (17) 14.4 (13) (52) Deviant2 13.1 (26) 15.9 - 0 2 1 26.7 (24) (67) Total 100.1 (199) 100.0 (107) 100.0 (90) (396) Chi-square - 10.879 df - 4 p < .05 T - .115 TABLE 16 PERCEIVED PERSONAL INADEQUACY AND POLITICAL POSITION (In Virctntafti) Perceived Personal Political Position Low • lPi£ff!cy Total Confomlst 70.7 69.9 70.0 (82) (146) (49) (277) Deviant1 13.8 12.9 10.0 (16) (27) (7) (50) 2 Deviant 15.5 17.2 20.0 (18) A m -(14). (68) Total 100.0 100.0 100.0 (116) (209) (70) (395) Chi-square ■ 1.037 df * 4 p <. .95 differences a n of the ordnr of 17 por cent; In tbo caoo of porsonol lnadaquaejr, thoro Is clearly no relationship. It bos now boon shown that (1) structural inade quacy and, probably, alienation are related to political devlancy, and (2) structural Inadequacy and alienation are related to each other. The next logical step would be to work out s o m first-order associations Involving the standardisation of these two variables against one another. First-Order Associations Table 17 displays the relationship between aliena tion and political position with structural Inadequacy standardised; Table 18 shows the relationship between 105 TABLE 17 ALIENATION AMD POLITICAL POSITION. WITH STRUCTURAL INADEQUACY STANDARDIZED (In Percentages) Political Alienation Total Position Loir maivm taiah Confomlst 68.82 (41) 70.75 (174) 62.67 (26) (241) Deviant^ 12.66 (8) 14.37 (36) 15.78 (6) (50) Deviant2 18.50 - Q H 14.92 (37) 21.58 „.J21 ( . 5 7 ) . Total 99.98 (60) 100.04 (247) 100.03 (41) (348) Chi-square - 1.1 df • 4 P < .90 TABLE 18 STRUCTURAL INADEQUACY AND POLITICAL POSITION, WITH ALIENATION STANDARDIZED (In Percentages) Political Structural Inade Total Position LOW Nsaim Hfsh Confomlst 75.10 (149) 67.69 (72) 63.90 (58) (279) Deviant1 12.19 (24) 15.99 (17) 13.65 (12) (53) Deviant2 12.71 -&51 16.28 (17) 22.45 (201 (62) Total 100.00 (198) 99.96 (106) 100.00 (90) (394) Chi-square ■ 6 df - 4 p < .20 T - .087 106 structural Inadequacy and political position with aliena tion standardised. It will be noted that, coopered with the corresponding sero-order associations, both relation ships are greatly attenuated, and neither attains statls- tlcal significance. In the case of structural Inadequacy, t however, the relationship renalns rectilinear and percent age differences of nearly 12 per cent are observed. Virtually the entire relationship between alienation and political devlancy is accounted for by structural inade quacy; the latter variable, however, appears to have an effect which is largely Independent of alienation. There is sows reason for supposing that the com bination of high alienation and high structural Inadequacy ■ay be especially powerful as a factor making for political devlancy. Table 19 shows the relationship between struc tural Inadequacy and political devlancy for the forty-one individuals who were highly alienated. This relationship is significant beyond the 5 per cent level. A Note on Anomie It has been suggested that anomie, defined as a feeling of powerlessnesa, may be a factor in deviant behav ior. There la not enough evidence on this point, however, to regard it as a full-fledged hypothesis. The literature is replete with studies of the structural loci of anomie, but rarely haa anomie per se been studied as a pbsalble v 107 TABU 19 STRUCTURAL INADEQUACY AMD POLITICAL POSITION, FOR HIGHLY ALHMATKD RESPOMDKMT8 (la hrc«ntt|ii) Political Position Structural Inadeauacv low or'Kla Total Conforaist 73.68 40.91 (14) (9) (23) Deviant, or 26.32 59.09 Deviant ( 5 ) . (13} 1181 Total 100.00 100.00 (19) (22) (41) Chi*square - 4.44 df - 1 p < .05 T - .33 factor in aoclal davlancy. Misruchi, who has recently undartakan an exhaustive analysis of tba lltaratura on anoale, coaaents ravaallng that Msrton's tbaory consists of two approacbas. On ona hand, thara is tba discrapancy batwaan aspiration and achlavaaent; on tha othar, atteapts to copa with this situation aaona diffarant sonants of tha social structure. Tba notion of discrapancy Is darlvad froa Durkhela's tbaory that widespread aspiration for what is unattainable reflects anoale in tha social structure. Tha typology of reactions to structured strain is Msrton's own theoretical nelalan theory within the Msrtonian frsaawork.3 3 Bphraia H. HLsruchl. Success and Opportunity: A Study of Ancals (Glencoe: Tba Free Press, 196*), p. 62. (Italics supplied.) 108 The data of this study show a ratter strong asso ciation between anowie-as-powerlessness and political doviancy (Tabla 20). TABLB 20 AMOMXS AMD POLITICAL POSITION (In Psrcontagss) Political Position Low A n o ■ i Nidus “T H E Total Conforaiat 74.2 71.0 57.1 (147) (88) (40) (275) Deviant1 12.6 14.5 11.4 (25) (18) (8) (51) Deviant2 13.1 14.5 31.4 _£261 181 -£221 (66) Total 99.9 100.0 99.9 (198) (124) (70) (392) Chi-square ■ 13.410 df - 4 P < .01 T - .13 Conclusions A master of conclusions would appear to te warranted: (1) Both alienation and perceived structural inade quacy are probably direct contributory causes of political devlancy. (2) Perceived structural Inadequacy appears to te soaewhat wore Important than alienation as a cause of political devlancy, although the two factors way soaetlaes 109 act conjointly. (3) Poolings of poroonol inadequacy are not directly associated with political devlancy, although there is a fairly strong relationship between perceived personal inadequacy and alienation. (4) As recent theoretical work would lead us to expect, there is no relationship between structural strain and feelings of personal Inadequacy. The two preceding chapters have provided s o n insight into the kinds of social and perceptual conditions which create social norN and, in aany individuals, devi- ancy fron then. In the next chapter, an attewpt will be wade to discover the ways in which these social and psycho logical conditions create, in the Individual deviant, the Motivation to run up against the prevailing none. It was assuNd earlier that this question would have to be answered in tens of the closely related issue of whether deviant behavior tends to be irrational. The following chapter addresses Itself to this issue. CHAPTER VI POLITICAL DKVIAMCT: RATIONAL OR IRRATIONAL? Tba final objactlva of this study la to asaasa tha avidsnca baarlng on tba quaatlon of whether political davi- ancy ia rational (utilitarian) or irrational (nonutili tarian). It cannot be claimed that this is a quaatlon of graat tbaoratlcal import, for on tha whole sociologista hava had vary llttla to say about tha conditions undar which hunan balnga act althar rationally or irrationally. Thara ara, however, a faw exceptions: atudants of delln- quant aub-culturaa hava baan polemidsing for sons tins about utilitarian versus nonutilitarian aapacts of gang delinquency, and political sclantlats hava had eome inter- asting things to say about tba "nyth of tba rational inde- pandant voter.But thara la really nothing in contempo rary sociological theory that makes possible any predic tions as to wbatbar, or undar what conditions, social devlancy is a rational form of behavior. Therefore, no hypotheses hava baan mads. p. 63. 110 Ill In Chapter 1 It was stated that In answering tba question of whether political devlancy la rational, the aethod of prtpntln would be employed. This asthod, which la rarely used in sociology, la a sort of Indirect way of answering questions which cannot be answered directly. Sociology, unlike other sciences, does not ask aany such questions, but If It did the pragaatlc aethod would undoubtedly be relied upon rather heavily. There la on page 30 an adequate definition of the aethod of pragaatlsa, so It Is unnecessary to say anything further about It here. It Is aaanlngful sociologically to talk about rationality, or the lack thereof, aa a coaponent of huaan behavior only Insofar as sociologists have established a consensus as to how the presence or absence of this trait would aanlfest itself In terns of actual aeasurable con duct. No such consensus has ever been explicitly formu lated, but one does often find In social science writings the implicit recognition that certain kinds of huaan con duct are In fact Irrational and nonutllltarlan In the sense given on page 24, I.e., they do not further the Individual In his pursuit of a particular goal. Psychologists, for exanple, have a theory of displaced aggression. Virtually every social scientist knows the classic textbook Illustra tion of this theory: a nan Is having a hard tlae at the office, Is frustrated, and, not being able to express his hostility directly for fear of reprisals by his superiors, 112 ha c o m i ho— and "ttkti It out" on hi# wlfo and children. Moat psychologist# would regard this behavior as being irrational not because it has no function in tens of maln- talnlng personality adjust— nt— after all, it does alleg edly reduce anxiety— but rather because it contributes precisely nothing to the solution of the proble— which have generated it in the first place, i.e., difficulties at the office. In fact it — y, in the long run, exacerbate existing proble— and — ke thee even — re difficult to solve. It will be recalled that, of the three criteria for detereinlng whether or not political devlancy is rational (page 25), the first had to do with "goal-orlentatlon." It was suggested that if political devlancy could be explained, at least in part, with reference to frustrations (status anxiety) arising fr— a perceived failure to achieve a certain goal (upward nobility within the academic status structure), and if it appeared that political devlancy per se could not possibly aid one in the pursuit of that goal, then — would have one piece of presumptive evidence indicating that political devlancy is irrational and non- utilitarian. In Chapter V it — s reported that the several hypotheses about the structural sources of political devi- ancy — re, with many reservations, reasonably valid, and so it — y be concluded here, with similar reservations, that the first of the three criteria of rationality, that of 113 |otl*orltDtacloBt has baan Mt»at laaat for a portion of tba aaapla. Tba second of tba thraa crltarla bad to do with •octal control. It baa baan suspected for aomm tins that aaong tba aanj aourcaa of Interpersonal hostility ara tba atralna and daprlvatlona incident to tba procaaa of social isation (social control). If thla la tba casa, and if it is trua, aa tba findings of Ghaptar V suggest, that polit ical devlancy tanda to ba an axprasalon of hostility against tba group whoae standards ona is violating, than it is not at all unraasonabla to expect that, aaong daviants, thosa who ara subjactad to tha aost savara kinds of social control would tand to becoaa incraaslngly hostlla toward tha group, and ao would tand to bacoaa aora highly daviant. Tabla 21 shows tha ralatlonshlp batwaan parcaption of TABLE 21 PERCEPTION OF COLLEAGUES' PRESSURE AMD POLITICAL DEVIAMCT (In Parcaatagas) Dagraa of Political Davlaacv ps r caption of Golleaguea' Prassura Absent Prasant Total Deviant** 47.13 35.48 (41) (11) (52) Daviant2 52.87 64.52 (46) «*) Total 100.0 100.0 (S7) (31) (U 8) Chisquare - 1.25 df » 1 p < .30 114 co11m|ms' pmsurt and dagraa of political devlancy for all first- and second-degree daviant a coablned. Although tha chi-square valua obtained froa thia tabla falla soaswhat abort of balng statistically significant, tha relationship la In tba predicted direction and Involves percentage differences of approximately 12 per cent. A soaswhat stronger relationship exists between political position and Intensity of pressure, for those who perceive soae degree of pressure. Table 22 contains the saae data as Table 10, only In reverse. Although the relationships are not particularly strong and, aore Importantly, although there Is no evidence Indicating the direction of any causal relationship between social control and political position, It would seea reasonable to assert that, at least for soae TABLE 22 INTENSITY OP PRESSURE AND POLITICAL POSITION (In Percentages) Political Position Ne ver Rarely Fairly Often or Verv Often Total Confomlst 71.86 69.35 48.65 (166) (43) (18) (227) Deviant1* 12.12 12.90 13.51 (28) (8) (5) (41) Deviant2 16.02 17.75 , 37.84 Q7) __ iWl (62) Total 100.00 100.00 100.00 (231) (62) (37) (330) Chi- e 1 3 1 O .9 df - 4 p < .05 115 ■Mbcri of our sample, negative Moctloni brought to boar by colloaguoo havo tbo offoct of driving them furtbor in tbo direction of tbo ooro extreme forms of political doviancy. Tbo third criterion of rationality pertains to political awareness. It has been hypothesised that if political devlancy is nonutilitarian and irrational, polit ical deviants, on the whole, will tend to know less about politics than their conforming colleagues. As Table 23 shows, the data strongly support this hypothesis. Of those who are relatively well-lnfonsed about politics, 34 per cent wore are conformists than is true of those who are relatively poorly informed; conversely, over 18 per cent of the poorly informed respondents are second-degree deviants as compared with only 6 per cent of the more TABLE 23 POLITICAL AUAREMESS AMD POLITICAL POSITION (In Percentages) Political Political Awareness Position blah H>Jlum~ Low Total Conformist 86.0 73.9 51.7 (43) (88) (31) (162) Deviant^ 8.0 8.4 30.0 (4) (10) (IS) (32) Deviant2 6.0 17.6 18.3 (3) -£211 -Oil ( W Total 100.0 99.9 100.0 (50) (119) (60) (229) Chi-square » 23.472 df - 4 p < .001 T - .23 2 knowledgeable respondents. incidentally, s o n Interesting things happen to Table 23 whan it is reversed, as in Table 24. If tbsrs is TABLE 24 POLITICAL POSITION AMD POLITICAL AUAREMESS ' (m Percentages) Awareness Gonforaist Deviant^* Deviant Total High 26.5 12.5 8.6 (43) (4) (3) (50) ltedlua 54.3 31.2 60.0 (88) (10) (21) (119) Low 19.1 56.2 31.4 . .(31) _il8I tttt <60) Total 99.9 99.9 100.0 (162) (32) (35) (229) Chi-square - 23.472 df - 4 p < .001 r - .23 such a thing as a "hard core of chronic know-nothings" in tha acadeaic coaaunlty, it would appear to be anng the first-degree deviants. Perhaps the 56 per cent of this group scoring "low" on political awareness are asong those who, as suggested earlier, tend to withdraw from all forws of political participation as a result of their being sub jected to "cross-pressures." ^Tbis relationship does not disappear when acadeaic field is held constant. For five acadeaic fields (natural science-physicalnatural science-biological, social science, huaenltles. professional) tha cuaulatlve chi- square value is 37.206. With 20 degrees of freedoa, this value is significant beyond the 2 per cent level. Conclualon 117 Although tbo •vi4*pc« la not ovtrvhtlaiog, it is rHioMblt to U N r t that, aaong tha 111 political davianta included in thia study thara ara a o n whoaa bahavlor could ha deacribed aa irrational and nonutilitarian, Thia impllea that tha raal aource of motivation for tha polit ical daviant llaa in hla wishing to azpraaa boatility toward hla academic collaaguaa and tha ayatem they rapra- aant. CHAPTER VII SHMARY AMD CONCLUSIONS Essentially, this study wss sn attempt to extend sociological knowledge about deviant behavior. Host of the hypotheses were derived from fairly well-established theories, but in this study they were applied for the first tlma to a rather special kind of deviant behavior, namely, political devlancy. But why political devlancy? Why not some other fora of devlancy? The answer is twofold: In the first place, when one tries to generalise theories, it is usually possible to move in any one of several direc tions, and the direction one takes is largely a matter of one's own personal Interests. In the second place, it was felt that political devlancy, as the term is used in this study, is a prime example of a type of devlancy which is not defined in terms of law, that is, there is no system of formal legal sanctions and procedures which define polit ical conformity and devlancy, so in essence we are attempt ing to explain a form of devlancy which is defined infor mally. The universe of study consisted of all academicians 118 119 affiliated with any four-year college or university In the •tate of California, exclusive of strictly professional schools or technological institutes. A systematic random sample of 950 academicians was selected from faculty rosters, and a response rate of 52.1 per cent was obtained using a mailed questionnaire. Data were transferred to IBM cards and analysed by means of the Honeywell 800 computer, Computer Sciences Laboratory, University of Southern California. All vari ables were defined at either the nominal or the ordinal level. Tests of significance were carried out using chi- square values supplied by the computer. Since this com puter was not programmed to Indicate level of significance, the obtained values had to be referred to a standard chi- square table. The 5 per cent level of significance was employed consistently throughout the study. All partiallng operations were carried out by means of the technique of standardisation. The verb "to stand ardise" should be considered roughly synonymous with the verb "to bold constant." The technique of standardisation Involves the following steps: (1) Compute the partial percentage tables, as In an ordinary survey analysis; (2) Compute the proportion of the H in the total table represented by the N In each partial table; (3) Multiply the proportions obtained In (1) by the 120 proportions arrived at in (2); (4) Add the corresponding entries in all partial tables. The £lrst objective of this study was to determine whether there is any meaningful sociological sense in which one may say that "liberal" norms of political conduct exist within the academic world. It was found that the over whelming majority of the academicians Included in this study are liberals, and so it was concluded that one cri terion of normatlvity— that of statistical regularity— is clearly met. With respect to social control— the second criterion of normatlvity— the situation is somewhat ambigu ous: one's political position clearly "makes a difference" in terms of the kinds of Informal social controls to which one is subjected, but most of these differences are rather small. It is quite likely that within the academic world a competing set of norms, which could probably be placed under the general rubric of "academic freedom," operates in such a way as to "encapsulate" the individual deviant and make him somewhat Immune to the kinds of pressures which might be exerted in other occupational realms. Even with these reservations, however, it seemed reasonable to con clude that there is some degree of sociological Justifica tion for the assumption that "liberal" norms of conduct do exist within the academic community. The second objective of this study was to test a 121 mab«r of hjpothtus purporting to account for deviancy from "llbaral" political norms. Merton1a hypotbaala about tba aoclal atructural aourcaa of davlant babavlor was taatad agalnat two altamatlva hypotheses, ona emphasizing alienation and tba othar emphasizing faallnga of paraonal Inadequacy. Haapondanta ware claaalflad aa either conform ing to or deviating from "llbaral" norma on tba baala of raaponaaa to three lteaa: party affiliation, atatad Presl- dantlal vote In the general election of November 3, 1964, and atatad vote on Fropoaltlon 14 In the aaae election. Raaponaaa to the three Iteme met the Internal conalatency criterion, with an error rate of .05. Among tboae who do not conform, first-degree and second-degree deviants were distinguished on the basis of the extent to which "liberal" none were rejected. Anomie, or powerleaaness, was meas ured by means of the Srole scale. Alienation, which was defined ae the belief that the academic world currently does not serve the highest values of the Intellectual life, was measured by means of five Likert-type items. Perceived structural inadequacy, defined as the belief that the "system" places arbitrary and unjust obstacles In the way of one's upward social mobility, and perceived personal inadequacy, or the belief that one's Individual limitations constitute a major obstacle to upward social mobility, were also measured by means of a series of Like rt-type Items. With respect to the hypotheses about the sources of 122 political deviancy, a number of conclusions wars reached: first, both alienation and perceived structural Inadequacy are associated with and probably direct contributory causes of political deviancy; second, perceived structural inade quacy appears to be somewhat more important than alienation as a factor associated with political deviancy, although the two factors may sometimes act conjointly; third, as recent theoretical work would lead us to expect, feelings of personal Inadequacy are not directly associated with political deviancy, although there is a fairly strong rela tionship between perceived personal inadequacy and aliena tion; fourth, and still in conformity with recent theo retical formulations, there Is no relationship between perceived structural Inadequacy (structural strain) and feelings of personal inadequacy. 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"Theories of McCarthylsm," Dissent. Autumn 1954, pp. 385-392. t APPENDIX APPENDIX THE QUESTIONNAIRE Ctntnl Background 1. Age (In years) 2. Place of birth city state country 3. Sax: Mala Female 4. Raca: Caucaalan Nagro Other 5. What la your rallgious affiliation? Protastant___ Jewish Catholic Othar (Specify) "Hone How oftan do you attand church or rallgious moating*? Onca a waak or mora Once a month or more Once ovary six months Ones a year Never__ 6. Advanced degrees held (e.g., MA, Ph.D.): Degree Year awarded Field 7. What is your currant academic status? (Check all appropriate Items): FACULTY-Teaching Lecturer Instructor Assistant Professor Associate Professor Full Professor FACgLTY-Ady ^ : """"Assistant Department Head Acadami c Dean Personnel Dean University or College Official FACULTY-Research: Research Assistant Research Associate Research Professor Project Director GRADUATE STUDENT! Teaching Assistant ^ R esearch Assistant Graduate Fellow 134 135 Giwril Background (continued) S. Indicate the type and aise of the echool with which you are now aeeociated: Type: TottymrgUeint: state: Leee than 1.000 ‘ Pnlverslty 1,000 to 5,000 ___ College 5,000 to 10.000 Private, non- Over 10,000 sectarian Church-relafced Social Attltudee Please Indicate your reaction to each of the following statements by circling a number on the seven-point scale. The scale ranges from Strongly Strongly Agree ISA) Disagree (SD) There are no "right" or "wrong" answers to these state ments. ______________________________________SA_______________ SD 1. By the time students reach college 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 it is almost Impossible, for a number of reasons, really to "educate" them in the broadest sense of the term. 2. 1 am sometimes concerned that my 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 personal limitations may prevent my fulfilling some of my most Important career aspirations. 3. In the American academic system, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 those who are promoted most rapidly are usually the least capable Intellectually. 4. I doubt that I have the ability to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 do really important, original work in my field. 5. Nowadays a person has to live 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 pretty much for today and let tomorrow take care or Itself. > 136 Social Attltudti (continued) SA_______________SD 6. With tbo way tha acadaalc systea 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 la currantly organised, I doubt that I will avar ba able to ful fill ay aaplratlons In taraa of lncoae, rank, and praatlga. 7. Aaarlcan colleges and unlvaral- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 tlas ara probably aaong tha baat In tha world In tarns of encour- aglng Initiative, creativity, and Indapandanca of wind. 8. On tha whola, aeabers of ay pro- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 fasslon do not hava sufficient praatlga in tha coanunlty at larga. 9. Thasa days a parson doesn't raally 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 know whoa ha can count on. 10. Nowadays It Is alaost laposslbla 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 for acadsalc paopla to avoid bacoalng "alienated" froa tha acadaalc world. 11. It's hardly fair to bring chll- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 dran Into tha world, tba way things look for tha futura. 12. Raal scholarly ability Is hardly 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 avar rawardad adaquataly In tha acadaalc world. 13. In Aaarlcan society, tha "schol- 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 arly Ufa" Is aaong tha nost satisfying thara Is. 14. In snlte of what sons paopla say, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 tha lot of tha avarago aan Is getting worse, not batter. 15. There Is little use In writing to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 public officials because often they aren't raally Interested In tha problaas of the average nan. 137 Social Attltudii (concluded) SA_______________ SD 16. AHrlcani place far too auch 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 faith In higher education as a ■sans of Improving society. 17. I aa sometimes concerned that, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 In view of ay ability, training. and experience, the kinds of jobs to which I aspire may be too demanding. Political Behavior The following questions pertain to your own political activities, and to those of your family and professional associates. 1. Did you vote for Johnson or Goldwater in last Novem ber' s Presidential election? Johnson Goldwater Other (Specify) Did not vote 2. Did you vote yes or no on Proposition 14? (Proposition 14 was the Initiative constitutional amandment which largely nullified the Sumford Act* and related legisla tion* dealing with discrimination In housing.) Yes No Uncertain Did not vote 3. Which of the following categories describes you best? Conservative Republican Conservative Democrat Moderate Republican ^ Moderate Democrat Liberal Republican______ __Liberal Democrat Other (Specify) (NOTE: In questions 4 through 9. the word "family" should be understood as referring to all relatives who may possi bly have bad an influence, at any time, on your political outlook.) 4. Are most members of your family Democrats* Republicans* or Independents? Democrats Republicans Independents About evenly divided Uncertain 138 Political Bthivlor (contlmiod) 5. Did most members of jour family voto for Johnson or for Goldirstor in tho rocont oloction? Johnson Goldwatar About svsnly divided Uncertain ’ 6. Did most members of your family, living in California, vote voe or ng on Proposition 14? Yes Wo About evenly divided Uncertain 7. During the recent campaign, bow often did you discuss politics with members of your family? Very often_____ Fairly often Barely Never 8. On the whole, how would you say the members of your family feel about your political orientation? Would you say they Agree strongly Agree Divide about evenly Disagree Strongly disagree 9. Among those members of your family, if any, who dis agree with your political orientation, have any ever attempted to persuade you, or "pressure" you in any way, into voting differently or into changing your basic political outlook? Yes Ho 10. How often was this attempted during the recent campaign? Very often Fairly often Rarely Never__ 11. Are most of your professional associates Democrats, Republicans, or Independents? Democrats Republicans Independents About evenly divided Uncertain 12. Did most of your professional associates vote for Johnson or for Goldwater in the recent election? Johnson Goldwater About evenly divided Uncertain__ 139 Political Behavior (concluded) 13. Did aoat of your professional associates vote ves or no on Proposition 14? Yes Wo About evenly divided Uncertain 14. During the campaign, how often did you discuss politics with your professional associates? Very often Fairly often Barely Haver 15. On the whole, how would you say your professional associates feel about your political orientation? Would you say they Agree strongly Agree Divide about evenly Disagree Strongly disagree 16. Aaong your five closest professional associates, how many are basically in agreement with your political orientation? Hone One Two Three Four All five__ Uncertain 17. Among those of your professional associates, if any, who disagree with your political orientation, have any ever attempted to persuade you. or "pressure'' you in any way, into voting differently or into changing your basic political outlook? Yes Ho___ 18. How often was this attempted during the recent campaign? Very often Fairly often Barely Hever mVBHTORY OF POLITICAL AHABEHBSS; Listed below is a series or 2o statements having to do with politics. If a state ment is wholly true, circle the letter T; if a statement is false, or partly raise, circle the letter F. Heedless to say, it is hoped that you will rely entirely on memory in answering these questions. T F 1. In the Hovember election. Goldwater won the elec toral votes of four Southern states and three New England states. 140 Invntorr of Political Awrtntu (continued) T F 2. Victor Fee Estenssoro has rscsntly basn deposed as President of Bolivia. T F 3. Among our European NATO allies. France is the most staunch supporter of MLF (multi-lateral nuclear force). T F 4. Following the recent election, most political analysts were agreed that the defeat of New York Senator Kenneth Keating was probably due to his strong endorsement of Goldwater. T F 5. Both major British political parties have consist ently opposed the admission of Communist China into tbs United Nations. T F 6. Republican Senator Thomas Kuchel urged a no vote on Proposition 14. IF 7. The policy of "enosls," as a solution to the Cypriot crisis, would Involve the political merger of Cyprus with Greece. T F 8. The Communist Third International was dissolved during the Korean War. T F 9. In the election of 1960, Kennedy won the electoral votes of California. T F 10. As a result of the recent British elections, the Labourites now hold a majority of approximately 2/3 of the Parliamentary seats. T F 11. California voters approved Proposition 14 by a margin of approximately 2 to 1. T F 12. Defense Secretary McNamara has strongly advocated a manned Ixmtber, such as the B-70. as the major component of the U.S. strategic military force. T F 13. The British Labour party has recently declared its determination to renationalise the steel Industry. T F 14. The total federal budget for the current fiscal year is approximately 55 billion dollars. T F 15. In the November election, a total of about 51 million votes were cast for President. 141 Inventory of Political AwtrtMii (concluded) T F 16. In Great Britain, the Prime Minister is automati cally a member or the flouee of Lorde. T F 17. The Rumford Act applied only to elngle-family, privately financed houelng. T F 18. Proposition 14 wee a referendum on a law passed by the California state legislature in 1958. T F 19. The 1954 Supreme Court decision which declared segregated schools to be unconstitutional was a unanimous decision. T F 20. In the recent election, the California Real Estate Association was strongly opposed to Proposition Thank you for your cooperation. Please return this ques tionnaire to us in the enclosed envelope.
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University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Faia, Michael August
(author)
Core Title
Alienation, Structural Strain, And Political Deviancy: A Test Of Merton'Shypothesis
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Sociology
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, general
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
Lasswell, Thomas E. (
committee chair
), [illegible] (
committee member
), Boskin, Joseph (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-204179
Unique identifier
UC11360243
Identifier
6608785.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-204179 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
6608785.pdf
Dmrecord
204179
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Faia, Michael August
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA
Tags
sociology, general