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Gender role conflict, cultural identity, and self-esteem among African-American men

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Gender role conflict, cultural identity, and self-esteem among African-American men

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GENDER ROLE CONFLICT, CULTURAL IDENTITY, AND SELF-ESTEEM
AMONG AFRICAN-AMERICAN MEN
by
Michael G. Laurent
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Education
(Counseling Psychology)
December 1997
Copyright 1997 Michael G. Laurent
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university of southern CALIFORNIA
THE g r a d u a t e s c h o o l
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 90007
This dissertation, written by
M ic h a e l G- L au rent
under the direction of h..}.9...... Dissertation
Committee, and approved by all its members,
has been presented to and accepted by The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of re
quirements for the degree of
DO CTO R OF PHILOSOPHY
. Deart-af~GTaduate Studies
Date December 1 2 , 1997
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Chairperson
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u
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would first like to bestow my deepest thanks to my committee
members, Dr. Rodney Goodyear, Dr. Barbara Solomon, Dr. Joan Rosenberg,
and Dr. Gretchen Guiton for their hard work, patience, and support. This
dissertation would not have been possible without their advice and feedback.
I would then like to thank my various families. They include my birth
family, church family (St. Paul’ s Lutheran Church), work family (California
State University, Dominguez Hills), and my large family of fidends and
colleagues who sacrificed for me, cried with me, laughed with me, and never
ceased encouraging me.
In addition, 1 must offer my sincere gratitude to the 193 African-
American men who participated in this study. I also dedicate this project to
them, and it is my hope that this work will provide a small piece of insight
regarding Black men in American society and initiate a call to improve their
depiction and treatment.
Lastly, I would like to thank God, who, as my heavenly father,
watched over me and protected me, even through my travels through the
valley of computer phobia and statistics anxiety.
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Ill
DEDICATION
To M artin and Betty
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IV
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .......................................................................... ü
DEDICATION.................................................................................................. iü
LIST OF TABLES....................................................................................... vü
LIST OF FIG U RES..................................................................................... viii
ABSTRACT....................................................................................................... ix
Chapter
1. CONCEPTUAL AND EMPIRICAL BASES FOR THE
STUDY......................................................................................... 1
Gender Role Conflict......................................................... 6
Understanding the African-American Male ................. 15
Racism and S tereotypes.......................................... 15
Health ........................................................................ 17
A g e.............................................................................. 19
Education ................................................................. 21
R eligiosity................................................................. 22
Socioeconomic Status .............................................. 26
Parent’ s Presence in the H om e................................ 28
Cultural Id en tity ............................................................... 33
African Self-Consciousness...................................... 37
African-American Acculturation ........................... 43
Self-Esteem ........................................................................ 47
Research Q uestions........................................................... 49
2. METHODOLOGY...................................................................... 52
Participants........................................................................ 52
Instrum ents........................................................................ 55
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Chapter Page
Gender Role Conflict Scale ! .................................. 55
The African Self-Consciousness S c a le ................... 56
The African-American Acculturation Scale-33 . . . 58
The Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory............... 60
Personal Data S h e e t................................................. 60
Procedures.......................................................................... 61
3. RESULTS .................................................................................. 64
Descriptive Statistics ....................................................... 64
Canonical A nalysis........................................................... 69
Research Question 1 ......................................................... 71
Research Question 2 ......................................................... 73
Research Question 3 ......................................................... 74
Research Question 4 ......................................................... 74
Education .................................................................. 75
A g e.............................................................................. 75
SES ............................................................................ 75
R ehgiosity.................................................................. 76
Parent’ s Presence in the H om e................................ 76
4. DISCUSSION ........................................................................... 79
Results and Their Relation to Previous R esearch 79
Limitations of the S tu d y ................................................... 82
Implications for Future Research.................................... 83
Conclusions........................................................................ 84
REFERENCES ........................................................................................... 86
APPENDICES............................................................................................. 99
A. INTRODUCTION LETTER .................................................... 100
B. GENDER ROLE CONFLICT SCALE (PART 1) .................. 102
C. AFRICAN SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS SCALE...................... 106
D. AFRICAN-AMERICAN ACCULTURATION SCALE-33
(SHORT FORM) ........................................................................ 112
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VI
APPENDICES Page
E. COOPERSMITH SELF-ESTEEM INVENTORY .................. 116
F. PERSONAL DATA SHEET ...................................................... 118
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vu
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
2.1. Frequencies/Percentages of Respondents Based on
Incom e................................................................................... 54
3.1. Means, Standard Deviations, and Ranges of Subscales .... 65
3.2. Between Variable Correlations Means and Standard
D eviations............................................................................. 68
3.3. Standardized Canonical Coefficient......................................... 70
3.4. Means and Standard Deviations of GRCS by V ariable 77
4.1. Comparison of Means and Standard Deviations with
Other Studies ............................................................................. 79
4.2. Comparison of Mean Data Between This Study and 1995
Census Information on African-American M en...................... 80
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v in
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1.1. Gender Role Conflict................................................................. 11
1.2. Factors Affecting Gender Role Conflict Among
African-American M en....................................................... 50
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IX
ABSTRACT
This study examined two constructs pertaining to cultural identity
among African-American men (African identity and African-American iden
tity) as they relate to Black men’ s gender role, con flict, and self-esteem. One
hundred-ninety-three African-American men volunteered to participate in
this study. The four measures used were the Gender role Conflict Scale-I,
the African Self-Consciousness Scale, the African-American Acculturation
Scale-n, and the Coopersmith Self-esteem Inventory, along with a brief
personal data sheet.
Correlational and canonical analyses were employed to examine the
relationships between culture and gender role conflict, while controlling for
demographic information such as age, education, socioeconomic status (SES),
and parent’ s presence in the home. The results reflected that Black men
with high African cultural identity experienced low gender role conflict and
high self-esteem. But, Black men who were high in African - American
cultural identity were not found to be as strongly correlated to low gender
role conflict. Still, high African-American identity was found to predict high
self-esteem.
Recommendations for further research with African-American popula
tions was presented, along with suggestions to continue research with
diverse psychological theories and culturally-sensitive measures. This study
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X
strongly intended on providing empirical data to replace many of the miscon
ceptions and stereotypes of Black men’ s attitudes and relationships, and offer
important information to counselors and therapists in their work with
African-American men.
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CHAPTER 1
CONCEPTUAL AND EMPIRICAL BASES FOR THE STUDY
From Othello to O. J., men of A&ican descent have been socially and
psychologically scrutinized in popular media, literature, history, and psychol
ogy. Some Black males have been able to reach significant status and impor
tance in American society, such as in music and sports. Yet, despite the
praise given to these relatively few Black men, African-American males con
tinue to be misunderstood, stereotyped, and feared in terms of their personal
attitudes and behavior, and in particular, in their relationships with women.
This project actually was suggested by participants in a Black Male Support
Group on a coUege campus in Southern California. Their concerns were most
often centered around what it meant to be a Black man in terms of his cul
tural identity, self-worth, and his relationships to women in society.
In America, Black men have been given labels such as those Gibbs
(1 9 8 8 ) refers to as the "five D’ s: dumb, deprived, dangerous, d ev ia n t, and
disturbed. For example, when boxer Mike TVson, on June 28, 1997, was
disqualified for twice biting the ear of Evander HoUyfield, condemnation
seemed unanimous. Tyson was called “animalistic,” “psychotic,” “immoral,”
and “savage.” Much of this was directed towards Tyson, the boxer, but some
of this inevitably would spill over into distrust and fear of Black males in
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2
general, despite his opponent also being Black. Although most African-
American men are unlike these stereotypes (i.e., as in the “five D’ s”), these
persistent negative images continue to seriously affect the Afidcan-American
male in terms of his own internalized sense of self. The stereotypes also
affect those in relationships with Black men and even the thinking of helping
professionals such as therapists and social workers (Staples, 1982). It has
then become a significant challenge to effectively understand and accurately
portray Black males.
One source for seeking this understanding is the growing literature on
men and masculinity in general. Much of it developed in response to the
Women's and Civil Rights Movement of the 1970’ s (O'Neü, 1981). During
these years, efforts were made to expose the many layers of injustice and
prejudice existing in society. Men, particularly White men, were confronted
with the perception that many of their behaviors were sexist, destructive,
and oppressive (O’ Neil, 1982). Some of these men (primarily White men)
began to question their own sex role expectations and to assess the negative
consequences, as weU as the advantages of their gender (Staples, 1982). This
was the first generation of male gender research. The next generation
focused on such gender issues as men's reactions to power, restricted emo
tionality, homophobia, and fear of femininity (Bartels et al., 1995;
Braverman, 1990; Coumoyer & Mahalik, 1995; Good & Mintz, 1990).
Unfortunately, the overwhelming majority of this research overlooked
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3
Afiican-American men in their samples. As a result, it is not possible to
know how cultural and ethnic factors might affect generalization of those
findings to African-American men.
Black men face certain problems related to institutional racism and
environments which often do not prepare them well for healthy masculine
roles (Staples, 1982). For example. Black males were portrayed as “inferior,”
“immature,” and “savage,” whereas Black females were portrayed as “domi
nating,” “graceless,” and “muscular.” Hare and Hare (1979-1980) asserted
that these devaluing images were deliberate attempts to influence the gen
eral pubhc (which includes African-Americans) to believe that Black male-
female relationships are inferior and doomed to division and unproductivity.
Hare and Hare (1984) added that these stereotypes continue in present-day
relationships among Black couples and that many arguments and fears in
current Black male-female relationships m irror the conflicts exhibited in the
racist books, movies, and plays of the early 1900s. He insisted that today,
the Black male is stfll considered as being “weak” and “irresponsible” and the
Black woman is still feared as being “ bossy” and “ boorish.”
Franklin (1994) pointed out that the slave/master system in the
United States, though outlawed by the Fifteenth Amendment, led to more
subtle forms of oppression such as with "Jim Crow" laws and the Plessy v.
Ferguson decision to institutionalize "separate but equal" existence for
Blacks and Whites. In many instances, attempts by Afirican-Americans, to
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4
change or defy the social restrictions placed on them, were met, in turn, with
various forms of violence (Gibbs, 1988). This has included lynchings and
present-day hate crimes against African-Americans, particularly males, by
racist groups, such as the "skin-heads." Franklin (1994), thus, asserts that
throughout the history of the United States, Black males were targeted for
suppression, even more so than Black women. Gibbs (1992) concluded that
with Black masculinity attacked. Black men and women’ s roles became
juxtaposed and that the internalized oppression felt by many Black men and
women resulted in conflict and division.
The purpose of this study was to explore the relationships between
gender-role conflict, cultural identity, and self-esteem among African-
American males. For this study, gender role conflict is deflned as: “a psycho
logical state where socialized gender roles have negative consequences on a
person or on others, and is characterized by rigid, sexist, or restrictive gender
roles that result in personal restriction, devaluation, or violation of others or
se lf (O'Neil, 1982, p. 13).
It is possible to conceptualize African-American cultural identity by
two different, though overlapping, models. One of these is what Kambon
(1992) called African Self-Consciousness and deflned as a psychological state
of awareness and appreciation of African principles of spirituality, self-
determination, and cultural pride among people of African descent. This is a
component to African-Centered Personality Theory (Kambon, 1992) th at
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5
asserts th at some Blacks are “more in tune” with their own “Africanness”
than other Blacks, which is evident in their A&ican-centered actions and
practices, but that through education and awareness all Blacks can come
closer to w hat comes natural, that is “being African.”
The second conceptualization employs the notion of African-American
Acculturation, which is defined as the level at which African-Americans
adhere to traditional values of Blacks in the United States versus adhering
to the customs and beliefs of the dom in a n t White culture in this country
(Landrine & Klonoff, 1996). This model differs from the African Self-
Consciousness model in that it rejects race as a form of reference to an ethnic
or cultural group. Instead, it holds that Afirican-American identity must be
based on cultural characteristics (usually behavioral, such as practices or
customs) rather than biology or ancestry.
It is reasonable to speculate on the basis of this hterature, then, that
higher levels of cultural identity and lower levels of gender role conflict
would be related to higher levels of self-esteem. Self-esteem is defined as
“the level of approval or disapproval in one's self as being capable, signifi
cant, successful, and worthy” (Coopersmith, 1967, p. 6).
This project offered a unique opportunity to extend the growing, yet
limited male gender role research by focusing on a larger African-American
population than had been true in any other study of male gender role con
flict. This study was also unique because it included two instruments
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6
addressing cultural identity, each from a slightly different perspective.
Numerous African-American researchers have argued for more studies to be
done with roots in Afro-centric psychology and theory (Asante, 1980; Azibo,
1990; Baldwin, 1976, 1984; Kambon, 1992; Nobles, 1985). The results of this
project might help counseling centers or service agencies in their efforts to
better understand and serve this group by addressing what is healthy and
productive for African-American males.
Finally, it should be explained that the impetus for this investigation
originated from my counseling of African-American men. Issues of gender
roles, cultural identity, and self-esteem were discussed many times. And,
whereas, the literature review produced httle to suggest connections among
the three constructs, their frequent association in discussions among Black
men suggested their importance. In this way, the counseling might be con
sidered a form of inductive research from which subsequent hypotheses were
developed.
Gender Role Conflict
Discussing the respective roles of men and women has been a recurr
ing pastime for sociologists, psychologists, historians, and talk show hosts.
Yet, despite the attention, little seems to have changed in terms of the sexual
politics which keep gender roles at a “status quo” level (Connell, 1987).
Connell further contends that it is heterosexual men who benefit the most
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7
from how society has defined gender and are, thus, the least likely to allow
for change or deviation.
O'Neil has been one of the primary researchers of gender role socializa
tion since the mid-1970s. One of his contributions has been the construct of
gender role conflict which he has defined in numerous papers (O'Neil, 1981,
1982; O'Neil & Egan, 1992a, b; O'Neil, Helms, Gable, Stillson, &
Wrightsman, 1986; O’ Neil & Owen, 1994) as a psychological state in which
socialized gender roles have negative consequences on the person or others.
This occurs when rigid, sexist, or restrictive gender roles result in personal
restriction, devaluation, or violation of others or self. The ultimate outcome
of this kind of conflict is restriction of the human potential of the person
experiencing the conflict or restriction of another's potential.
O’ Neil (1982) also notes that the conflict that the individual experi
ences can affect that person on one, several, or all of the following levels: (a)
the cognitive level, meaning the individual has thoughts, and even stereo
types, about men and women that conflict with other world views and atti
tudes on the subject; (b) the affective level, which involves deep emotional
turmoil about masculine and feminine roles; (c) the behavioral level, which
means that the individual is conflicted or afiraid in how to act, react, or inter
act as it might endanger his sense of masculinity-femininity; and (d) the
unconscious level, which involves intrapsychic and repressed conflicts with
masculinity and femininity beyond conscious awareness.
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8
Prior to O’ Neil’ s work, Garnets and Fleck (1979) had provided data on
"sex role strain" which served as a foundation to much of the gender role
conflict research. In their research, sex role strain was deflned as:
an intrapsychic process that leads to poor psychological
adjustment, particularly, low self-esteem. It speciflcally is
the discrepancy between the individual's perception of her
or his personal characteristics and her or his standards for
herself and himself deriving firom sex role norms, (pp. 274-
275)
O'Neil (1981) found this framework to be beneflcial, but noted that it still did
not give speciflc patterns of conflicts when there existed a difference between
a person's real and ideal self.
To fllustrate gender role conflict, consider the example of a man who
has been socialized to fear fem in in ity and to restrict his emotionality, or a
man who has been taught to respect only those ideals in life which have to do
with an “aggressive” nature, such as with success, power, and completion.
When that man realizes that roles for women are changing and that women
are becoming stronger, more vocal, and successful, the man fears th at “his
place” or existence in the world is threatened. In essence, the man beheves
that growth for women must mean that something will be taken away from
him. So, he experiences his gender role conflict by avoiding free self-
expression of feelings and by directly or indirectly subjugating women, in
order to preserve or return to an environment where he is superior and
unchallenged.
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9
O’ Neü (1982) attributes the pervasive experience of gender role conflict
to three factors. First, the argument that gender development is dictated by
biological sex has only created stereotypes and a logic which is circular and
narrow-minded. Secondly, many of these stereotypes on masculinity and
femininity came &om socialization &om parents. That is, ûrom birth on, boys
and girls were pressured into roles that have led to confusion and strain in
adulthood. The third of O’ Neü’ s factors was men's difficiüty in responding to
the many sociological, pohtical, and technological changes in society which
affect gender roles in the country, workplace, and home.
O’ Neü (1981) initiaUy outlined 15 beliefs of men who believe gender-
privüege permits them to limit and depreciate the roles, values, and lifestyle
of women. He caUed these assumptions the "Masculine Mystique and Value
System." These 15 assumptions were:
1. Men are biologicaUy superior to women, and therefore
men have greater human potential than women.
2. Masculinity, rather than fem in in ity, is the superior,
dominant, more valued form of gender identity.
3. Masculine power, dominance, and control are essential
to proving one’ s masculinity.
4. Vulnerabilities, feelings, and emotions in men are signs
of femininity and are to be avoided.
5. Masculine control of self, others, and environment are
essential for men to feel safe, secure, and comfortable.
6. Men seeking help and support from others show signs of
weakness, vulnerability, and potential incompetence.
7. Rational and logical thought is the superior form of
communication.
8. Interpersonal communications that emphasize human
emotions, feelings, intuitions, and physical contact are
considered feminine and are to be avoided.
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10
9. Men's success in interpersonal relations with women is
contingent on subordinating females through staying in
control of the interpersonal dynamics by using power and
dominance.
10. Sex is a primary means to prove one's masculinity.
Sensuality and intimacy are considered feminine and to be
avoided.
11. Vulnerability and intimacy with other men are to be
avoided because (a) a man cannot be vulnerable and
intimate with a male competitor because he may be taken
advantage of, and (b) intimacy with other men may imply
homosexuality or effeminacy.
12. Men's work and career success are measures of their
masculinity.
13. Self-determination, self-respect, and personal growth
are primarily established through achievement, success,
and competence on the job.
14. Male power, control, and competition are the primary
means to becoming a success and insuring personal respect,
economic security, and happiness.
15. Men are vastly different and superior to women in
career abilities; therefore, men's primary role is that of the
breadwinner or economic provider; women's primary role is
that of caretaker of home and children, (pp.67-68)
O'Neil (1981) used a six-part paradigm to illustrate the different pat
terns of gender role conflict and to also help explain personal and institu
tional sexism (Fig. 1.1). It begins with men's gender role socialization and
the Masculine Mystique and Value System at its core. It is then influenced
by the man’ s fear of femininity. That interaction then produces four different
areas of conflict for the man. They include; (a) restrictive emotionality;
(b) restrictive sexual and affectionate behavior between men (homophobia);
(c) conflict in areas of success, power, and competition; and (d) conflicts
between work and family relations.
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11
/
ÿ I SUCCESS,
POWER.
COMPETITION
ISSUES
CONFUCTS BETWEEN WORK
AND FAMILY RELATIONS
M EN ’ S
GENDER ROLE
SOCIAUZATICN
THE M ASCUUNE
M Y STIQ U E A N D
V A LU E SY STEM
RESTRICTIVE
EMOTIONAUTY
RESTRICTIVE SEXUAL AND
AFFECTIONATE BEHAVIOR
BETWEEN MEN
CONFLICT ^
Figure 1.1. Gender role conflict.
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12
O’ Neil (1982) contends th at gender role conflict is a direct result of a man's
own sexism. His first thesis, then, is that sexism does exist. But he interest
ingly points out that the traditional, and many times inevitable , counter
action has been "male-bashing" or, at least, "male-blaming." Contemporary
models of male gender role conflict, actually provide alternatives to "blaming"
men. In turn, this would decrease some of the defensiveness and anger on
the part of men who feel "trapped" with the label of "oppressor." Mintz and
O'Neil (1990) found th at such studies are also important to those looking for
ways to improve counseling services for men. They suggested that findings
from similar research might encourage more men to seek counseling and that
men might even become more expressive in counseling sessions. Robertson
and Fitzgerald (1992) added that without such information, counselors may
be led to rely on nonempirical hunches and biases about gender role.
Coumoyer and Mahalik (1995) reiterated the benefits this research will have
on the counseling process and outcome, and go on to call for further attention
to gender role development throughout the life span.
The importance in this study of gender role conflict lies not only in the
psychosocial definitions or explanations of what gender role conflict is, but
also in the clinical implications or indicators found in the empirical research.
The most notable result from gender conflict research has been the creation
of the Gender Role Conflict Scale (GROS) Part I (O'Neil, et al., 1986). It has
been a tool for examining gender role conflict and help seeking behaviors in
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13
men. Good, Dell, and Mintz, (1989), for example, found that high gender role
conflict was associated with less likelihood of the men seeking help.
Robertson and Fitzgerald (1992) found the same in a later study. In a
different study. Good and Mintz (1990) discovered that high gender role
conflict correlated with an increase in reports of depression, suggesting that
gender role conflict in men creates not only frustration, but more serious
psychological distress or impairment. Sharpe and Heppner (1991) found that
the lower the gender role conflict, the higher the sense of psychological well
being. O'Neil (1981) found the source of most gender role conflict to be men's
fear of femininity.
The GRCS has been used with such variables as intimacy (Sharpe &
Heppner, 1991), marital satisfaction (Campbell & Snow, 1992), anxiety
(Coumoyer & Mahalik, 1994; Davis, 1987; Sharpe, 1993; Sharpe & Heppner,
1991), psychological distress (Good & Mintz, 1993), instrumentahty-
expressiveness (O'Neil et al., 1986; Stillson, O’ Neil, & Owen, 1991), and self
esteem (Coumoyer & Mahalik, 1994; Davis, 1987; Sharpe & Heppner, 1991;
Sharpe, 1993; Stillson et al., 1991). These studies found that when men's
attitudes were more sensitive and open regarding gender roles, the men’ s
mental health and emotional well-being were seen as more stable and secure.
Simply put, the less gender role conflict, the "healthier" the male was
perceived.
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14
Kim (1990) examined the dynamics between culture and gender role
conflict and found that for the Asian-American men in her population, the
more acculturated the male, the higher the gender role conflict over some of
the subscales such as with success, power, and competition issues. Stillson et
al. (1991) found that lower class African-Americans who described them
selves as instrumental and inexpressive had greater gender role conflicts
with success, power, and competition issues. Unfortunately, a limitation to
the Stillson et al. (1991) study was that it included no cultural or ethnic
identity measure that might assist in explaining why African-Americans
might have scored the way that they did on the GRCS.
Another limitation with some of these studies was that an overwhelm
ing majority of them have involved primarily White samples. And, whereas
some attempts have been made to produce more diversity, the need continues
to be strong enough to warrant further studies with different ethnic and
cultural groups (Braverman, 1990; Coumoyer & Mahalik, 1994; Davis, 1987;
Good et al., 1989; O'Neil, 1982; Robertson & Fitzgerald, 1992; Sharpe, 1993;
Sharpe & Heppner, 1991). Stillson et al. (1991) used a sample of adult males
from different races and classes, roughly 47.7% White, 34.1% Black, 15%
Hispanic, and 2.3% Asian. This represented the largest number of African-
Americans (45 out of 134) administered the GRCS in one study. Yet, as
mentioned earlier, no assessment involving cultural or racial identity was
done in this study. Stillson et al. (1991) strongly recommended that
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15
additional research was still needed on men from different backgrounds and
class levels to understand the complexity of race and gender role conflict.
Kim (1990) did include culture in terms of acculturation in her assessment of
Asian-American men. She found that it played a significant part in levels of
success, power, and competitiveness. In a different study, O'Neil, Owen,
Holmes, Dolgopolov, and Stastenin (1994) examined two culturally different
populations of men, American (N = 95) and Russian men (N = 174) and found
that Russian men reported significantly greater gender role conflict than did
American men on issues of success, power, and competition. But, to this
date, no study on gender role conflict has used African-American males as
the exclusive or primary sample.
Understanding the African-American Male
Racism and Stereotvnes
Numerous African-American scholars have sought to describe the
Afirican-American male experience. In so doing, the overwhelming majority
have found it necessary to begin with a discussion on racism. To acknowl
edge that it existed and still exists is necessary for there to be changes in
attitudes and behaviors in our society (Kambon, 1992). A long chronology of
attitudes, behaviors, and pohcies which support White superiority and
“White power,” has systematically worked to negatively affect gender roles
among Black men. This “systematic racism” has, thus, replaced accurate.
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16
objective representations with devaluing stereotypes (Burlew, Banks,
McAdoo, & Azibo, 1992; Gibbs, 1992; Jones, 1980; McAdoo, 1997; Madhubuti,
1990; Majors & Bülson, 1992; Mbiti, 1970; White, 1984).
Marable (1994) discussed some of the stereotypes of Black men found
in what was considered to be classical literature, such as the Uncle Tom and
Sambo references. The images portrayed in these stories showed the Black
male as infantile, deeply loyal and dependent, irresponsible, and forever
cheerful. Marable asserted that the message that Black men were unrehable
with family responsibility and their own self-determination was important in
justifying society's dominance and control over them. But, Staples (1982)
also mentioned that Black men simultaneously were depicted as being primi
tive, hypersexual, violent, and exploitive. He contended that it has not been
enough for Whites to just feel superior to Blacks, but that White fear and
abhorrence would w arrant acts of brutality against them. Coner-Edwards &
Spurlock (1988) outlined how such racist images of Black males were
transm itted from one generation to the next in order to assure the status quo
in social roles and public policy.
The result of many years of prejudice and discrimination created what
Fanon (1963) referred to as "internalization of oppression." Much of this
could be seen even in early literature by African-American writers. Wright's
(1940) novel, Native Son, presented its central character. Bigger Thomas, as
a tragic representative of Black men forced into racist gender roles. EUison
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17
(1947) wrote, Invisible M an. where the racism and discrimination left the
unnamed Black male character defeated, disillusioned, and detached.
Gibbs (1988) suggested that, in reaction to many years of racism,
young Black males sometimes avoid committed relationships and pursue
gratuitous and numerous sexual experiences to ward off thoughts of annihi
lation by their environment, and that feelings of depression and fear are
replaced by powerful and braggadocios presentations. Majors and Bülson
(1992) defined such a reaction in some Black males as pose." They explained
that these ritualized behaviors of masculinity help counter stress and anxiety
by the Black male, who instead would act cool, aloof, uncaring, or unflinch
ing. Majors and Billson seemed to vacillate on whether to consider these
behaviors as defense or coping mechanisms. Yet, they apparently respected
their existence as a way to preserve and assist the mental and physical
health of young Black men. But, Gibbs (1988) contended that whereas this
phenomenon exists, it applied to only a minority; that the majority of Black
men are actually caring and conscientious.
Health
The physical and mental health of African - American men have been
discussed and described as acutely and chronically deficient in comparison to
White males and the general population. Gary (1981) noted that Afidcan-
American men have higher morbidity rates in comparison to other groups in
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18
society. He pointed out that the death rate of Afiican-American men in 1989
actually was higher than White men in 1960, which suggests that, despite
medical/technological advances, serious sociological problems have been
ignored. Coner-Edwards and Spurlock (1988) warned that hypertension,
atherosclerosis, diabetes, cancer, and alcoholism were more prevalent (in
proportion) in Blacks than in Whites, and despite efforts to make this infor
mation more available the incidence among Black men still were rising.
Gary (1981) also noted that African-American men were overrepresented in
contraction and death from sexually transmitted diseases, including AIDS.
He found that African-American men had the least access to adequate
resources and treatment. Gibbs (1988) developed the term "the new mor
bidity" in describing how young Black males were found to be overrepre
sented in deaths caused by homicide, accident, and suicide.
Because of the alarming rate of African-American males suffering
smoking-related disease, such as heart disease, stroke, and hypertension,
Landrine, Richardson, Klonoff, and Flay (1994) conducted a study to deter
mine some of the cultural predictors of Black men who smoke. They found a
relationship between acculturation and cigarette smoking, in that those
African-American males who distrusted Whites most also seemed to distrust
health information from the dominant culture. These individuals, thereby,
felt that they, as Black males, were either impervious to the dangers or were
justifred in smoking, eating unhealthy foods, etc., as a reaction to stress.
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Age
Gibbs (1988) noted that age is a significant factor when discussing the
behaviors, attitudes, and experiences of the AMcan-American male.
Younger African-American males are perceived differently than older
Afirican-American males and, as a result, their status in American society
differs considerably as well. For example, 15-24 year old Black males are
especially vulnerable as they are more likely to be unemployed, approached
by gangs, encouraged into drugs, and perpetrators and victims of violent
crimes than any other group. Gibbs asserted that much of this group’ s dis
enfranchisement and feelings of distrust in older persons, both Black and
White, comes firom the realization of their own endangered and embittered
status.
Kunjufu (1983) suggested that understanding the development of the
Black child is key to understanding the problems of Black life in general. He
observed that if the Black child is given a strong value system and behavioral
responsibüities at any early age (pre-teen), that child would be less likely to
participate in disruptive, illegal, or violent behaviors. He gave examples how
young boys who are not given household chores and responsibüities tend to
feel less responsible for their social actions. Majors and Billson (1992) con
curs that adolescence and young adulthood are the most important period for
the Afiican-American male. He contends th at the attitudes and defenses
developed during this period affect the Black male for the rest of his life and
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will make the difference whether he is successful as an adult in work, eco
nomic status, education, and relationships. Majors and Billson, 1992 pre
sented their term “cool pose” to represent the tough and detached persona
many young Black men feel, which provide them with a strong sense of
“masculinity,” but mask deep vulnerabilities.
Messner (1992) found that many athletes, including Afincan-American
males, encounter forms of depression and frustration years after being in the
limehght in high school and college sports. A serious problem arose among
those in the 21-30 age group who depended in their youth on physique and
muscles to define their masculinity. Some of these men found it difhcult to
transition into later adult men’ s roles. Coles (1970) employed Erikson's
(1950) developmental stage of “intimacy versus isolation” to discuss men at
this stage. He noted that for many men who had not found successful
relationships before the age of 30, maladaptive behaviors would more likely
develop such as alcohol or substance abuse.
Weaver and Gary (1994) obtained interesting results in a study of the
relationship between age, depressive symptomology, and fife’ s stressful
events. They found a significant association between the three variables
and also that older African-American men tended to suffer more emd in more
diverse ways, than the White counterparts. They concluded that major fife
changes and increases in medical problems associated with aging were more
predictive than socioeconomic status of depressive symptoms. They noted
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that many older Afdcan-American males not only under-utilized medical
resources, but were also less trustful of the help they received and less likely
to adhere to the medical advice.
Education.
Most researchers have agreed that education is a significant factor to
increasing financial and personal success. But, Majors and Billson (1992)
asserted that social, economic, and environmental problems have plagued the
Black community and has contributed to the problems Black males have in
school. White (1984) noted that Black males are suspended three times more
often than White males in elementary school and twice as often in high
school. Ogbu (1978) argued that Blacks have problems in school because
they are considered “caste-like minorities” in the United States. He
explained that, originally coming from Africa, their incorporation into the
country was involuntary, the “caste” status was acquired at birth, and they
were intentionally given little or no access to the social goods of society.
Fleming (1984) found that in her investigation of Blacks in college.
White students did not seem to have as much respect for the opportunity to
attend college, yet felt a stronger need for power and influence once there.
Epps (1971) also discovered that predominately Black colleges provided more
of a positive intellectual dim ate than the predominately White institution.
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22
Kunjufu (1983) offered that despite the growing discipline and aca
demic problems Black males have, the Black community has demonstrated
that Black children can succeed if given the opportunity. He offered that it is
the duty of he Black community to not only complain to the existing schools,
but to create a more positive replacement if necessary.
Religiositv
Religiosity for African-American men has been discussed in terms of
roots in African spirituality and to the organization and use of the Black
church in America. Akbar (1975) advanced that the most important
component to understanding Africans throughout the world is their tie to
spirituality and religious ideologies which all originated from Africa.
Kambon (1992) maintained that African people have great spiritual needs
which must be addressed either through cultural afSrmative means or
through culturally distorted/misoriented means (such as in the case through
out much of the American experience in North American as well as through
out the “ Europeanized” African world).
Since slavery times, the Black church in America (once referred to as
the “Negro” church in America) was faced with the tremendous task of trying
to maintain some of the essence of African religion and culture, while trying
to survive the continuous pressures to submit and adapt to American culture.
Frazier (1963) asserted that “the Negro church was the only social
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23
institution among the ‘ Negroes’ which started in the Afidcan forest and
survived slavery" (p. 13). Other forms of social life found in African language,
rituals, and customs were systematically destroyed. Hicks (1977) noted that
it is almost impossible for African-Americans to be ignorant of the Black
church and some of its components, even if that Black person is not currently
attending church, because of its long effect on Black culture. McCall (1972)
submitted that, “it has been asserted that the Black church has been an
opiate for Black people, duUing their senses over their miserable plight on
earth, but involvement in the Black church, in actuahty, has been an agent
of hberation” (p. 75).
But, there were obstacles for some African-Americans to embracing the
Black church in America. Hicks (1977) pointed to some of the negative
imagery of the Black preacher as reason for some African-Americans to be
“tumed-off” by the Black church. He found the Black minister was many
times portrayed as a dictator who, for lecherous or greedy means, wanted
control over a congregation for his own personal gain. Hamilton (1972) noted
that at different times in American history some Black preachers were criti
cized for not being pohtical enough, while others were denounced for being
too political. But Pipes (1997) argued that it was the Black preacher who has
been the longest lasting and most effective leader for the Black community.
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24
He offered that the Black preacher was charged with the responsibility
for providing hope and empowerment to most Black citizens in the United
States.
Despite the long-standing influence of the Black church, many
African-American males do not attend. Kunjufu (1994) suggested 21 reasons
for this:
1. The hypocrisy between what the church says and what is done in
the community;
2. the ego conflict/vulnerability in submitting to a preacher/
institution;
3. problems with issues of faith, submission, trust, forgiveness, and
anger;
4. the political and social “passivity” seen in church people;
5. tithing;
6. the church is seen as “irrelevant” to current issues;
7. the Black church still seen as “Eurocentric;”
8. services take too long;
9. the black church was a placed where people became “too emotional;”
10. church conflicts with sports;
11. dress code/attire always formal;
12. men with no money or employment not fully embraced;
13. little education not accepted/appreciated;
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25
14. conflict with attitudes of church on issues of sex and drugs;
15. fear that some of the men in the Black church are homosexual
(beheving that Black males in choir and Sunday school teachers must be
gay);
16. feeling there is no need to join a worship if a person is “spiritual”;
17. problem with the concept of “heaven,” which suggests that the
person must suffer and wait for a “better life”;
18. the pressure into evangehsm and being forced to “recruit” others;
19. lack of close role models in the family who were positive Christian
role models;
20. street/peer pressure not to go to church;
21. rebelling against parental standards forced when a child.
But, despite some of these misconceptions, Kunjufu (1994) admitted
that African-American males who attended church were significantly more
attentive to their roles as father, husband, and provider than those who did
not. He asserted that church involvement improved relations with women,
decreased their likelihood to be involved in crime and drugs, and even
increased their likelihood of being employed. McCall (1972) agreed that
marital happiness and family responsibihty increased for Black men once
they joined the Black church and Hamilton (1972) contended that participa
tion in the Black church was crucial to the survival of the Black man and the
Black family.
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26
Socioeconomic Status
Wilkinson and Taylor (1977) demonstrated that (SES) of the Afiican-
American male correlated highly with his sense of self-worth, and (as with
other groups) those with lower SES were more likely to suffer from deep-
seated anxieties. However, they went on to state that institutional economic
Limitations of the Black male have resulted in lowered SES and a stigmatiza
tion which does not occur with other groups. Landrine and Klonoff (1996)
also found that social-economic equality aided in the acculturation and,
thereby, the personal development of the Black male. In addition, Solomon
(1985) made specific suggestions toward reforming economic, educational,
and social welfare systems as ways of improving the social and psychological
lives of Afidcan-Americans.
One of the greatest challenges in examining the socioeconomic status
of Afidcan-Americans is coining up with data that will accurately represent
such a diverse population. Rainwater and Yancey (1967) explained in his
response to the famous Moynihan (1965) report how it had backfired. The
initial strategy in what was called “ The Negro Family: The Case for National
Action,” was to call attention to the horrible plight of the Afidcan-American
family and increase funding for President Johnson’ s new social programs.
But, by using racial generalizations and stereotypes (e.g., depicting Afidcan-
Americans as “hopeless and inferior” characterizing the social and
psychological problems of the Black family as “pathologic”), Moynihan
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27
unwittingly supported racists who justified their fear and denigration of
Afiican-Americans. The report also deeply insulted many Afidcan-
Americans who had a more respectful and hopeful outlook on Afidcan-
American (or Negro) family life.
Logan, Freeman, and McRoy (1990) acknowledged that recent statis
tics show that African-American males are still one of the largest groups,
(proportionately), in terms of the unemployed, but they also asserted that
more Black men are entering middle- and upper-income brackets then ever
before. Their warning was always to consider the strengths, as well as the
pitfalls of the Afidcan-American when providing economic services to that
population.
Ogbu (1978) explained the difficulty in Afidcan-Americans becoming
upwardly mobile many times had to do with the constant referrals to the
social context of subordination they experience. McAdoo (1997) affirmed that
even when Afidcan - Americans are of the same income/economic class, many
differences still exist. She mentioned that Afidcan-Americans with the same
income/economic status may be treated differently because of regional culture
and events of different parts of the United States; the sources to the individ
ual’ s economic status (i.e., money earned through entertainm ent or sports,
through White-owned businesses. Black-owned businesses, by selling drugs,
etc.); and still different criterion based on skin color/tone (though diminished
in importance, possibly still existent in unspoken and subtle ways). Tatum
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28
(1997) asserted that even when Black fa m ilie s become economically success
ful, challenges such as assimilation and culture clash in White suburbia
follow them. She found in her study of Black families in White neighbor
hoods, that ch ildren who were raised with race-conscious parents were more
resilient to racism and other stressors.
Parent's Presence in the Home
Many times when a person suffers from emotional or psychological
dysfunction experts and laypersons alike will blame the parents. Psycholo
gists have produced a plethora of observations on the effect of parents’
presence, perhaps beginning with Freud (1910). Bowlby (1973) has probably
provided the most notable work on separation anxiety, anger, and problems
in attachment that result &om the child being separated &om the parent,
particularly the mother. Redina and Dickerscheid (1976) conducted several
“ father-absence” studies and found that, overall, adult males interacted more
with their infants if the child was a boy than a girl, but that if that son did
not have a father in the home then the son would be more hkely to develop
behavioral problems, such as with “acting out” behaviors. Chodorow (1978)
discussed how the Oedipal conflicts between mothers and sons are increased
when the father is absent &om the home. She explained that this mother not
only appears more seductive to the son, but also projects onto the son anger
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29
and frustration that was orig in a lly reserved for the absent male and for the
sexist society.
Some of the literature referred to “presence” as the quantity and
quality of the parenting, rather than whether the parent actually lived in the
home. Studies on parent interaction with children overwhelmingly sup
ported the notion that mothers spent more time with children them fathers.
Coverman and Sheley (1986) found that in 1976 the average father devoted
23 minutes per day to child care. Ninio and Rinott (1988) reported that
Israeli fathers in their study spent approximately 45 minutes each day
interacting with their infants, and that the fathers took sole responsibility for
the infant only once every 10 days.
But, whereas Holden (1997) found that fathers were not as involved as
mothers and differ in behaviors and attitudes, he found no support for the
notion that fathers were inadequate parents. Holden contended that the
underlying reason for much of the gender difference in parenting concerns
were the roles prescribed by culture.
Ambron and Brodzinsky (1979) found that fathers were becoming more
involved in nurturing roles typically reserved for mothers. In fact they
remarked:
by an unfortunate chance of history, our language encour
ages us to refer to certain behavior as ‘ mothering,’ which is
behavior that is affectionate, nurturing, warm, and suppor
tive, while ‘ fathering,’ in contrast is generally used in a
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30
strictly biological sense, an act that is over and done with
nine months before the child is bom. (p. 207)
Although most of this research was not done primarily with African-
American families in mind, Kunjufu (1983) asserted that many of the
problems facing young African-American males are rooted in whether there
was an adult Black male present in the home. He contended th at the
absence of a father in the home made it less likely for that Black male to
assume responsibilities in the future and more likely to take frustrations out
on the women in future relationships. But, Sudarkkasa (1997) warned that
this should not be oversimphed and observed that many Afirican-American
families have been able to mobilize other male members in the family and to
successfully provide male role models to the child without a father.
Harrison-Ross and Wyden (1973) pointed out that, for Afidcan-American
children in particular, having a father around the house helps the child see
that the “man’ s world” and the “woman’ s world” are not necessarily so very
different.
Discussions on parental presence for Black families must take into
account the declining marriage rates and increased divorced rates among
Afidcan-Americans. Tucker and Mitchell-Keman (1995) contended that
Blacks, as a group, are less likely to marry than either Whites or Hispanics.
The National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) (1990) revealed that the
number of Black women who “ever married” declined firom 82.6% in 1970, to
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31
65.9% in 1980, to 63.1% in 1990. For African-American men, the number of
Black men “ever married” sharply declined from 75.7% in 1970, to 59.4% in
1980, to 56.6% in 1990. Tucker and Mitchell-Keman (1995) also account for
the steep decline in marriage, from 1970 to 1980, for both Black men and
Black women, as a result from: (a) a dramatic increase in unemployment of
Black males, while African-American females significantly increased in
employment; (b) more effective birth control, which prevented marriages
which might have only took place because of a pregnancy; (c) different
educational and career opportunities opening up to African-Americans.
The NCHS (1990) also reported that whereas the divorce rate for all
groups in 1990 was nearly four times the rate it was for all groups in 1960,
Black women and men still divorce at about double the rate of Whites and
Hispanics. Click (1997) offerred that while more Black women reported as
being “separated” and “divorced” in U.S. statistics, a reason for this might be
because many women who had births, but were never married incorrectly
report themselves as “separated.” She also found that the likelihood of
divorce was negatively correlated with income for men and positively corre
lated for women, regardless of race. She interpretted this to mean that
relatively affluent men not only are less likely to become divorced but also, if
they do, are more likely to remarry quickly. In contrast, relatively affluent
divorced women tend to be more deliberate about remarrying, and when they
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32
want to remarry they are likely to find that the most desirable men are
already married or remarried.
Yet, despite the generally negative conclusions about the effects of
father absence in African - American homes, some studies are attempting to
illuminate the positive attributes of Afidcan-American fathers/fathering.
Chapman (1997) found th at many Afidcan-American men took their role as
father very seriously and were very active in child rearing. She also noted
that some of these men formed support groups such as “Concerned Black
Men” and “Adopt a Family,” desgined specifically to help Black single-head of
household families. Bowman (1992) found that when Afidcan - American
fathers felt more secure about their financial situation they were more
involved and satisfied with childrearing activities. McAdoo (1997) found
that the predominant relationship and interaction pattern of Black fathers
was to be nurturant, warm, and loving toward their children. Wilson (1992)
studied the perceived parental activity of mothers, fathers, and grand
mothers in three-generational Black families and revealed that, although the
Black father figure has qualified as the “phantom of American family
studies,” Black fathers still played an important role in the child’ s socializa
tion, many times overshadowed by the more pubhcized efforts of grand
mothers and mothers. This also had been the conclusion of Jackson (1974).
Needless to say, the overwhelming majority of authors surveyed
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33
recommended that further studies be initiated to explore the effects of Black
fathers on their children, especially on their sons.
Nobles (1973) asserted that much is still misunderstood about African-
American families and the family systems of African culture. He contended
that the African definition of family is very different from the European
model, and that Black families have always been “extended” beyond the
confines of the “nuclear” family. Hare and Hare (1984) added that as Black
families became more Westernized they grew to be ashamed of the Afidcan
family structure and found themselves inferior in comparison to the ideal
White family.
In summary, some of the more important influences on the identity,
beliefs, and attitudes of Afidcan-American men have shown to be age, educa
tion, socioeconomic status, reUgiosity, and parent’ s presence in the home.
Nevertheless, the Hterature also sugggested that there is more to be learned
and these factors should be explored further.
Cultural Identitv
Cultural identity is indivisible from other factors which help make the
individual feel "unique" or allows that person to recognize who she or he is.
Although cultural identity may seem an abstract concept, it is one aspect of
the broader concept of identity and very important to the mental health of a
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34
person. The development of a stable sense of identity is one of the central
processes of childhood and adolescence (Erickson, 1950).
This section will look at a number of influential contributions to the
area of cultural identity, but, most importantly, it will examine two
seemingly different interpretations of African-American identity. The first
deals with racial identity, originating and directly connected to Aflica
(Kambon, 1992) . It suggests that culture is affected by the race of the
individual at birth and some of the cultural characteristics are innate. The
second conception objects to the connection between race and culture and
asserts that African - Americans have a culture within the United States,
which combines both the Afidcan and American experience.
Erickson (1964) has possibly been the most quoted expert when it
comes to discussions on identity. He observed that the formation of identity
is a task of late adolescence. Cross (1971) used Erickson's work to help
develop his own theories that differentiate between individual and communal
identity. Cross' research primarily focused on coming to terms with the
person's racial or ethnic identity, which is a combination of definitions to as
an individual and as part of a group. Cross proposed a five-stage racial
identity model th at has proven quite influential for subsequent writers. He
described the first stage as the "preencounter" stage, which refers to the
individual who clearly identifies with the White culture and rejects or denies
membership in the Black culture. During the second stage, the "encounter
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35
stage” the person begins to reject some of the previous identifications with
the White society and begins to seek identification with the Black culture.
During the third, "immersion-emersion stage," the person identifies with
Black culture and denigrates White culture. The fourth stage is the "inter
nalization stage, whereby the individual may internalize the Black culture
without the need to denigrate or react with racist feelings. The fifth stage is
called "intemalization-commitment," where Black culture is internalized and
there is a commitment to fight general forms of cultural oppression.
Gibbs (1988) examined an acculturatation identity based on emotions.
She saw movement from a withdrawal mode (apathy), to the separation mode
(anger), to the assimilation mode (anxiety), and finally to the affirmation
mode (acceptance), when focusing on the specific feelings that go with
reactions to society and the development of a positive racial identity.
Abrahams & Gay (1972) used a stage model similar to that of Cross (1971),
but contended that the true ethnic/racial identity is in the subconscious,
awaiting the opportunity to be stimulated and actualized. Helms (1990) also
amended the Cross model to suggest that each of the stages Cross uses could
be seen as representing a "worldview," meaning a different cognitive system
of organizing information about that individual, the people around her or
him, and surrounding institutions. These different investigations imply that
the greater the exposure and comfort to culture and Black identity, the
healthier the self-concept of the Black individual.
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36
Further research has examined how African-Americans differ emotion
ally or psychologically as a function of their racial and cultural idenitity. For
example, Landrine & Klonoff (1996) found that level of Afidcan-American
acculturation affected the way the Black man or woman would cope in
certain situations. Numerous authors have discussed racial identity models,
in detail, which assert that the stage of an African-American man or woman's
ethnic and culture identity directly correlates with a sense of psychological
well being (Akbar, 1989; Baldwin, 1979; Block, 1973; Cross, 1971; Gibbs,
1992; Helms, 1990; Jones, 1980).
Harris, Blue, and Griffith (1995) began their discussion on racial and
ethnic identity by summarizing its historical and social aspects. They men
tioned that the United States developed reactionary classifications, such as
the "One Drop Rule," which defined a person as being Black if they had "one
drop of Black blood." Interestingly, this law was still in effect in parts of
Louisiana up until the 1970s. White (1984)) stated that light-skin colored
Blacks were declared, even by Blacks, as being more attractive, intelligent,
and sociable, and explained the development of "Blue Vein" society-like
groups, where skin color, hair texture, facial features, and family lineage
were well scrutinized, where Eurocentric features and mannerisms were
greatly rewarded. Jones (1980) pointed out that it was not until the Harlem
Renaissance that a movement of cultural values and features outside of the
Eurocentric model were accepted. Still, identity development was difficult
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37
for Blacks in the United States. In fact, many of the writings during that
period discussed the struggle for identity and the "tragic" condition of being
caught between two worlds, one Black and one White. Such was the case in
the books by Ellison (1947) and Wright (1940). It even spawned several
movies such as "Imitation of Life" and "Pinky," both dealing with the tor
mented "mulatto" tom between identities as a Black or White person.
African Self-Consciousness
African Self-Consciousness refers to a perspective on cultural identity
th a t is grounded in the behef that there is an African personahty (Baldwin,
1976; Cheatham & Stewart, 1990; Dixon, 1977; Nobles, 1985). Nobles (1973)
noted that in order for the African-American male to understand his role as a
man, he must first understand his role as an Afiican. Nobles (1986) asserts
th at the basic human unit is the tribe, not the individual. But, Baldwin
(1976) (also known as Kobi Kazembe Kalongi Kambon) is credited with
organizing much of the Africentric theoretical framework into an assessment
tool. Baldwin (1984) consistently has used the term African to refer to those
of Afincan descent all over the world. In a complementary way, he refers to
"Whites" or Anglos," as they may be referred to in other texts, as Europeans.
Again, making it clear that the people in this country are correctly defined by
their cultural or racial place of origin.
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His criteria for the development of an Africentric psychological theory
included six fundamental requirements. He required that the model :
1. be "Africentric" ideologically and philosophically, which m eant that
it had to be firmly grounded in the historical cultural reality and condition of
African people (Baldwin, 1984, 1979; Carruthers, 1981; Nobles, 1985).
2. include a biogenetic influence or determinant, which meant a truly
racial-cultural personality was unaviodably connected to people who were
bio-physiologically African.
3. be true to "African nature," which meant that there had to be a
clear distinction between African ways of being and European ways of being.
Therefore, any attempt to describe abnormal functioning must be made in
the context of African culture.
4. consider European cultural oppression and domination of the
African personality. In this sense, there are psychological affects of racism
and subjugation which undoubted affect personahty functioning.
5. explain how "order" or normal functioning in Afiican personahty is
maintained. The model is concerned here with how to retrieve, nurture, or
reinforce health in the African personahty system.
6. include a compentent which recognizes the hberation of the African
mind and the African people. The goal of the model is to reject sociopohtical
reahti.es of oppression and strive for the affirmation and self-determination of
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39
Afiican people. This could be best illustrated by the statement, "I am not
firee, until my brothers are firee."
These tenents subsequently were adopted by other Afiican-centerd
theorists because they addressed specific shortcomings in Eurocentric psy
chology and offered principles in line with what is known as "the Afiican
worldview" (Azibo, 1990; Diop, 1991; Majors, 1991; Nobles, 1973; Richards,
1985, 1989; Welsing, 1991; White & Parham, 1990).
Baldwin (1984) also suggested that the major categories of Afiican
personality comprise the cognitive-emotional, behavioral, and biological
traits. The seven traits which fit these areas are:
1. affprt-svmbolic imagery svnthesis: which means that knowledge is
produced by synthesizing words and objects with deep feelings (affect load
ing) to convey meaning. The Cognitive style is best represented by Dixon
(1977) in describing how young Blacks leam a dance, "I feel phenomena;
therefore I think; I know.”
2. multidimensional-polvsense oemetual orientation: which refers to
the multiple modes of sensation, not only for the purpose of synthesizing
information for cognition as with affect-symbolic imagery. Instead, it focuses
more on the nature of their interaction (Akbar, 1975; 1989). For example,
senses less emphasized in European psychology such as the olfactory, tactile,
and taste sensory systems are discussed and respected, along with what
many refer to as "extra-sensory perception" (ESP), precognition (foretelling
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the future), and "vibes" (a physical feeling of intuition, ( Akbar, 1975, 1989;
Clarke, 1991; Nobles, 1973, 1985; Pasteur & Tbldson, 1982; Richards, 1989).
3. ebonies: which has been discussed for some time as an integral part
of A&ican personality, yet only recently receiving negative reactions
(Jackson, 1974). It refers to the unique linguistic and communication style of
African people.
4. rhvthmic-fluid nhvsiomotor responsiveness: which relates essen
tially to the spontaneous, flexible, fluid, and rhythmic features of motor
responses and body movements in African people’ s actions or performance of
overt behaviors (Akbar, 1975; Dixon, 1977; White & Parham, 1990). This is
seen in many African dances and other ritualized movements. It is explained
as spirit expressing itself through movement (Akbar, 1975).
5. stvlistic expressiveness orientation: which means that the African
personality has a very unique and distinctive characteristic for behavior.
The richness and creativeness is seen in African people’ s manner of speaking,
walking, playing, dress, and general demeanor (Akbar, 1975; Baldwin, 1984;
Nobles, 1986).
6. flffilifltive-.sQcializing orientation: which refers to the social and
communal nature of the activities and behaviors of Africans. Affiliation with
others and group identity is very important (i.e., tribe), as well as sharing
property, feelings, and identity (Baldwin, 1984).
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7. religious orientation: which refers to belief and practice of some
form of religious expression or affirm a tio n , reaffirmation of the spirit, the
actual aknowledgement of a supreme deity, being, or creative force in nature.
Baldwin (1984) asserted that this approach is significantly different
firom the Non-Afidcentric approach, mostly because the Afidcentric approach
derives from the Afidcan worldview based on goals of oneness and collective
responsibility, while the Non-Africentric approach derives from the European
worldview which is motivated by independence and individualism. The
Africentric approach also prioritizes the affirmation of African hfe, its
cultural, integrity, and authenticity (Nobles, 1973, 1985), whereas the
traditional (European) American psychological perspective which, interprets
African behavior in terms of its deviation to the Eurocentric standard or
norm. Central to the Africentric paradigm is that concepts of normal or
natural African personality functioning derive from the norms or standards
of the African experience as an authentic cultural system (Akbar, 1975, 1981;
1989; Baldwin, 1976, 1984).
The motivational thrust of the African personality, according to this
approach, is culturally affirming and is therefore proactive in nature, as
opposed to being strictly oppression-centered or driven, and thereby reactive,
in nature (Azibo, 1990; Baldwin, 1976, 1984). Myers (1989) pointed out that
this Africentric conceptual system of the paradigm is truly holistic, because
ontologically it assumes reality to be both spiritual and material at once.
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Myers further explained that when the spiritual and material ontology is
adhered to completely, one loses the sense of individualized ego or mind and
experiences infinite mind or consciousness manifesting as oneself. Akbar
(1989) suggested that the deeply-rooted, self-extended consciousness was of a
much greater depth than "brain consciousness." He attributed its
permanence and depth to a basic Afiican belief system.
Kambon (1992) discussed the Afiican belief system th at has developed
into tenents to an Afiican Personality. He uses nine dimensions, which are:
1. S p ir itu a lity a befief that powers greater than a man exist and are
at work.
2. Harmonv: man and his environment are interdependently con
nected; this applies to living in harmony with nature rather than trying to
control it and to integrating the parts of one's life into a harmonious whole.
3. Movement: a rhythmic orientation to Hfe that may be manifested in
music and dance as well as in behavior and approach.
4. Verve: the psychological aspect of the movement dimension;
involves a preference to be simultaneously attuned to several stimuH rather
than a singular, routinized, or bland orientation, energetic, intense.
5. Affect: emotional expressiveness and sensitivity to emotional cues;
integration of feelings with cognitive elements.
6. C om m un ali.sm - interdependence of people, social orientation.
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7. Expressive indiviH naH sn T focus on a person's unique style or flavor
in an activity; spontaneity; manifested in a unique tilt of a hat, walk like a
jazz musician's rendition.
8. Oralitv: importance of information learned and transm itted orally;
call and response pattern.
9. Social time perspective: time is viewed in terms of the event rather
than the clock; for example, an event begins when everyone arrives.
African-American Acculturation
The African Personality model ultimately is one concerning race and
biological detrminants of behavior. But, Landrine and Klonoff (1996) con
tended that African - Americans are many times misunderstood because they
are viewed as a race, and not a culture. She, instead, aligns with Mexican-
American and Asian-American researchers who focus more on levels of
acculturation when studying cultural identity.
Landrine and KlonofT define culture as "the extent to which ethnic-
cultural minorities participate in the cultural traditions, values, beliefs, and
practices of their own culture versus those of the dominant White society" (p.
37). This construct posits a continuum of beliefs and values, from the
"traditional" to the "acculturated." The levels of acculturated are possibly
better illustrated as such:
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1. The traditional level refers to those who are immersed in the
culture of their origin. An example of this would be an Afirican-American
whose interests and activities are predominately African.
2. The bicultural level refers to those who are immersed in their cul
ture of origin and in the dominant culture.
3. The acculturated level refers to those who are primarily immersed
in the the dominant culture.
Support for Landrine and Klonoff s (1996) assertion of the importance
of acculturation comes from numerous research studies linking acculturation
and behavior. For instance, two early studies looked at the acculturation of
Chinese-Americans (Yao, 1979) and Japanese-Americans (Masuda,
Matsumoto, & Meredith, 1970) and found that respondent’ s feelings about
personal values and mental and physical health, differed significantly
according to their level of acculturation and length of time in the United
States. Kim (1990) found that that more acculturated Asian-American men
(primarily of Chinese, Japanese, and Korean ethnicity) experienced higher
gender role conflict and lower restrictive emotionality than their less accul
turated counterparts. Landrine, Klonoff, and Richardson (1993) found in a
different study that traditional Latino youth were least likely to drink
alcohol and use drugs, as compared to the acculturated Latino youths who
were found to drink and use drugs more. In a similar study by the same
researchers (1994) with the same population, traditional Latino youths were
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found to smoke cigarettes far less than acculturated Latino youths. Dana
(1993) also concluded that many traditional minorities have significantly
differed firom Whites in psychological studies, but acculturated ethnic minor
ities did not.
Landrine et al. (1993) gives two reasons why "acculturation" does not
appear in many of the racial-identity models by Black or White researchers,
(e.g., Akbar, 1975; Cross, 1971; Helms, 1990; Jackson, 1974). These reasons
are that:
1. psychology has, as a whole, assumed that African-Americans have
little or no culture of their own because it was destroyed by slavery.
2. psychology conceptualizes Afiican-Americans as a race.
Landrine and Klonoff (1996) explain that discussion of "race" requires
one to focus on the physical differences of people and to include these
differences in cultural explanations, whereas the term "ethnicity,” which she
prefers, requires investigation of behavior and culture. Landrine and
Klonoff provide five reasons to move away from a focus on race:
1. Race is more than a word; rather, it is also a theoretical model of
difference. She warned that this theory of difference could also be used to
harm individuals, groups, and society.
2. The concept of race racializes European-Americans as well as
Afidcan-Americans. Here race is seen as an obstruction to learning the
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46
diverse cultures and characteristics within White society they are lumped
into a single category.
3. The concept of race is not supported by science. Landrine an
Klonoff (1996) points to the rejecting of the usage of "race" by other
disciplines such as anthropology, history, etc.
4. As long as the concept of race remains, neither tolerant cultural
pluralism in society nor an appreciation of diversity in psychology can be
achieved. This allows Whites to see themselves as superior. Yet, it
conversely infers that Black racial identity models tend to wrongfully isolate
African-Americans to think th at they, themselves, are special or superior.
5. As long as the concept of race remains in psychology and in the
public consciousness, powerful persons and groups remain free to use it.
Landrine and Klonoff (1996) mention this in fear that pubhc policies of
different ethnic groups might be more racist and discriminatory if the
emphasis of race was allowed to continue.
Frazier (1939) seemed to agree that the African-American identity was
not merely a continuation of an African identity. Frazier considered African-
Americans as an assimilated minority and that, outside some African names
and folklore, African cultural traits were eventually lost or destroyed.
Although each of these perspectives, African Self-Consciousness and
African Acculturation, considerably discuss theoretical and practical aspects
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to individual identity, neither has been linked to studies on gender role
confldt.
Self-Esteem
Self-esteem has been long mentioned in psychological research, but it
still remains difhcult to predict, control, or even define. Coopersmith (1967)
listed the many terms used to define or explain self-esteem. They included:
self-concept, self-worth, self-evaluation, self-regard, self-love, self-ideal
congruency, self-appraisal, ego, ego strength, etc. Self-esteem, though, has a
long history. James (1910) theorized that self-esteem was based on the level
of recognition the individual receives from peers. According to James, self
esteem is determined by the difference between one's actual self-image and
her/his ideal image. Mead (1934) also found that the self concept arises firom
the individual's interaction with other members of sodety (e.g., parents,
peers, teachers, etc.), to whom she referred to as "the generalized other."
Later, Adler (1930) theorized that self-esteem was based on inferiority and
compensation; that individuals compensate for feehng inferior by becoming
motivated to feel superior. This latter motivation also would reflect confi
dence and self-esteem. Homey (1945) added that self-esteem is also based on
the level of parent love, acceptance, and approval received as a child.
Attention to the self and its determinants continued into the 1950s
with works such as that of Sullivan (1954), who contended that the
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self-dynamism of a child is a function of the reflections of signiflcant others.
The "good me" represents the approving reflections; the "bad me" represents
the disapproving reflections. Cooley (1982) provided the "looking glass"
theory, claiming that “self-esteem m irrors three primary components of the
self-concept: (a) our imagined appearance to others; (b) our imagined view of
the other's judgement of us; and (c) a sense of self-feeling, such as pride or
shame” (p. 23).
In the 1960s Coopersmith (1967) defined self-esteem as:
the evaluation a person makes and customarily maintains
with regard to her/himself. Self-esteem expresses an atti
tude of approval or disapproval and indicates the extent to
which a person beheves in her/himself as capable, signifi
cant, successful, and worthy. In short, a person's self
esteem is a judgement of worthiness that is expressed by
the attitudes she or he holds toward the self. It is a subjec
tive experience conveyed to others by verbal reports and
other overt expressive behavior, (p. 29)
At about the same time, Erickson (1964) suggested that self-esteem
came firom the individual’ s own sense of “specialness,” along with the
recognition and/or validation of that identity.
Campbell and Snow (1992) defined self-esteem as one’ s awareness of
one’ s own qualities and abihties. Thome (1993) suggested self-esteem as the
way one feels about oneself in reference to one's level of self-respect and self
acceptance.
There has been relatively fittle research on determinants of self
esteem of African-Americans. Some of the available studies have found that
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Blacks have degraded self-images and have reduced self-evaluations when
compared to Whites. The Clark and Clark (1947) study involved the
infamous "doll test." In this study Black children were given the choice to
accept a White doU or a Brown doU. The Black girls overwhelming chose the
White doll, adding in their choice that White dolls "looked nice," while the
brown doU "looked bad." This was widely used to ülustrate th at Black
children possessed "poor self-concept."
Clark (1994) since has used racial group concepts that influenced the
Black-American's sense of self (Nobles, 1973) with the Coopersmith Self-
Esteem Inventory in a study of 210 Afidcan-American elementary school
children. She found no linear relationship between racial identity and self
esteem, but suggested that further research was needed.
Intuitively, it would seem that level of racial or cultural identity
should predict self-esteem of Afidcan-Americans. For that reason and
because the two studies that addressed this have obtained mixed results, this
was examined in the present study.
Research Questions
Based on previous research and theorectical considerations, the
following research questions were adopted for this study, and are inferred
visually in Figure 1.2.
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50
FiMure 2.1 Factor» Affectine Gender Role Conflict Amane
African-American Men
African
American
Identity
(AAAS)
African
Identity
(ASCS)
Self-Esteem
(SEI)
SES
Gender Role
Conflict
(GROS)
Parents’
presence
in home
Education
Age
Religiosity
Figure 1.2. Factors affecting gender role conflict among
African-American men.
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51
1. Will the level of cultural identity (as measured by the scales of the
Afiican Self-Consciousness Scale and the Afiican-American Acculturation
Scale) predict the extent of gender role conflict?
2. Will scores on the Afiican Self-Consciousness Scale and the
Afiican-American Acculturation Scale also predict self-esteem (as measured
by the Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory, 1967)?
3. Will levels of gender role conflict predict self-esteem?
4. Will descriptive information, such as level of education, age,
income, religiosity, and who a man was “raised by” be predictors of gender
role conflict?
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52
CHAPTER 2
METHODOLOGY
This chapter describes how this study was conducted. Specifically, it
provides information about the participants, measures, and procedures that
were followed.
Participants
Participants were 193 adult Afiican-American males, with a mean age
of 28.6 (SD = 9.69; range = 18-65). All but six were high school graduates.
Seventy-three (37.8%) were single; 25(13.0%) were in a committed
relationship, but not living together; 32 (16.6%) were in a committed relation
ship and living together; 32 (16.6%) were married, but not previously mar
ried; 19 (9.8%) were married and previously married; 11 (5.7%) were cur
rently separated or divorced; and 1 (.5%) was currently widowed. With
respect to their place of residence, 41 (21.2%) lived alone, 40 (20.7%) lived
with roommates, 60 (31.1%) lived with a significant other (e.g.,wife or girl-
fiiend or intimate partner), 50 (25.9%) lived with their parents, and 2 (1%)
did not answer th at question. Whereas 70 (36.3%) had a child or children,
123 (63.7%) did not. From those who had children, 52 had one or more sons,
and 48 had one or more daughters.
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Most (83, 43.0%) were raised primarily by the mother; 78 (40.4%) were
raised by both parents who were married; 16 (8.3%) were raised primarily by
the father; eight (4.1%) were raised by parents who were living together, but
not married; and eight (4.1%) were primarily raised by neither parent.
Forty-seven (24.4%) were working full-time and attending school, 48
(24.8%) were working part-time and attending school, 40 (20.7%) were only
attending school and not working, 44 (22.8%) were working full-time and not
attending school, 3 (1.6%) worked part-time and did not attend school, 10
(5.2%) were unemployed and not attending school, and 1 (.5%) did not
respond to this item.
Most, 105(54.4%), reported that both parents worked while they were
growing up, 29 (15.0%) stated that their father worked, but their mother did
not, 18 (9.3%) stated that their mother worked, but father did not, 20 men
(10.4%) reported that both parents had been unemployed, and 21 men
(10.9%) either had different circumstances or did not respond.
Respondents were asked to report their total household income for
1996, which includes themselves and any other family member(s) he is
currently Living with and depending on financially. Table 2.1 represents a
frequency distribution of household income for the Black men in this survey.
For the respondent’ s level of religiosity, 27 (14%) considered themselves “not
religious,” 50 (28%) had religious beliefs, but did not go to church, 43 (22.3%)
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Table 2.1
Frequencies/Percentages of Respondents Based on Income
Total Household Income, 1996 ($) Frequency Percentage
Below 10,000 21 10.9
10,000-20,000 15 7.8
20,000-30,000 26 13.5
30,000-40,000 50 25.9
40,000-50,000 29 15.0
50,000-60,000 25 13.0
60,000-70,000 12 6.2
70,000-80,000 4 2.1
No response 10 5.2
80,000-above 1 0.5
Total 193 100.0
were religious and go to church seldom, 38 (19.7%) are rehgious and go to
church often, 30 (15.5%) were religious and attended church at least once a
week, and 1 (.5%) did not respond to this item.
In terms of religious preference (denomination or type) 63 (32.6%)
considered themselves Protestant; 27 (14%) were Catholic, 10 (5.2%) were
Moslem, 11 (5.7%) were Muslim, 1 (.5%) was Jewish, 40 (20.7%) considered
themselves “other,” 39 (20.2%) had no preference, and 2 (1.0%) did not
respond.
Eighty-one (42%) reported an extremely warm relationship with
mother, 49 (25.4%) a warm relationship with mother, 19 (9.8%) a somewhat
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warm relationship, 28 (14.5%) a neutral relationship, 8 (4.1%) had a some
what distant relationship, 4 (2.1%) a distant relationship, and 3 (1.6%) an
extremely distant relationship with mother. One (.5%) did not respond to
this item.
Thirty-six (18.7%) had an extremely warm relationship with his
father, 30 (15.5%) had a warm relationship, 24 (12.4%) a somewhat warm
relationship, 32 (16.6%) had a neutral relationship, 26 (13.5%) a somewhat
distant relationship, 15 (7.8%) a distant relationship, 29 (15.0%) an
extremely distant relationship, and 1 did not respond.
Instruments
Gender Role Conflict Scale-I
The Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS) is a 37-item instrument that
assesses men's gender role attitudes, behaviors, or conflicts (O'Neil, et al.
1986). Respondents were asked to report the degree to which they agreed or
disagreed with a gender-role statement, using a 6-point Likert-type scale
ranging &om strongly agree to strongly disagree. Total scale scores can be
obtained by summing the individual scores and then dividing by 37. Total
scales scores can range from 1 (low-mascuhne role conflict) to 6 (high-
masculine gender role conflict). Factor analysis yielded four factors;
Factor One: success, power, and competition (13 items)
Factor Two: restrictive emotionality (10 items)
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Factor Three: restrictive affection between men (8 items)
Factor Four: conflicts between work and family relations (6 items)
Subscale scores are obtained &om these four factors and computed in the
same way as the total scale scores. In each of these subscales, the scores are
summed and then divided by the number of items in that score. Subscale
scores can range from 1 (low conflict in that subscale) to 6 (high conflict in
that subscale). The internal consistency for this instrument was reported to
have an alpha ranging from .75 to .85 (O'Neil, 1986). Test-retest rebabilities
ranged from .72 to .86.
Reliabilities (alphas) were also calculated for this study. They were:
Factor One, .88; Factor Two, .83; Factor Three, .90; and Factor Four, .76.
The African Self-Consciousness Scale
The African Self-Consciousness (ASC) Scale (Baldwin, 1992) is a 42-
item questionnaire conceptually organized around four competency dimen
sions of A&ican self-consciousness:
1. Awareness/recognition of one's collective African identity and
heritage;
2. General ideological and activity priorities placed on African
survival, liberation, and proactive/affirmative development;
3. Specific activity priorities placed on Afncan self-knowledge,
African-centered values, rituals, customs, and institutions; and.
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4. A posture of resolute resistance toward anti-Afiican forces and
threats to Afiican survival in general.
The ASC scale is also centered around six manifest dimensions based
on some major categories in the Afiican social experience. The six manifest
dimensions cover the areas of: (a) education, (b) family, (c) religion, (d)
cultural activities, (e) interpersonal relationship, and (f) poHtical orientation.
This measurement is based on the paradigm which assumes that all
African-Americans are affected psychologically and behaviorally by a culture
deriving from and reflecting the distinct Afidcan worldview and social reality
(Baldwin, 1976; 1979; Nobles, 1986, 1991). Therefore, Baldwin (1984)
asserted that it is an appropriate tool for all Blacks in America to use. The
four factors used in the analysis were:
Factor 1: Collective Afidcan Identity and Self-Fortification (15 items);
subscale scores range from 15-120.
Factor 2: Resistance Against Anti-Afidcan Forces (8 items); subscales
scores range from 8-36.
Factor 3: Value for Afidcan-Centered Institutions and Cultural
Expressions (6 items); subscales scores range from 6-48.
Factor 4: Value for Afidcan Culture (3 items); subscale scores range
from 3-24.
Each item is scored according to the following system: Stronglv Disagree. 1-
2; Disagree. 3-4; Agree. 5-6; Stronglv Agree 7-8. Even numbered items are
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58
summed directly, while the odd items are negatively weighted. Tbtal scale
scores range from 42-256. Subscales differ according to the number of items.
For both total scores and scale scores, high scores represent a high level of
Afidcan Self-Consciousness and connection with identity and culture, while
low scores represent a distance or uncomfortableness with the African Self-
Consciousness construct. Baldwin (1984) found internal consistency with
coefficients alphas ranging firom .79 to .82. Test-retest reliabilities ranged
firom the high 80s to the low 90s.
Calculation of reliabilities (alphas) were done for this study, as well.
They were: Factor One, .82; Factor Two, .60; Factor Three, .44; Factor Four,
.34.
The Afiican-American Acculturation Scale-33
The African - American Acculturation Scale (AAAS)-33, Landrine and
Klonoff (1996) is a 33 item short form of a scale that originally consisted of 74
items surveying beliefs and attitudes. The theoretical basis to the instru
ment, as discussed previously, is that identity is best described in terms of
culture.
Participants were asked to respond to a cultural statement as to the
extent it apphes to the respondent. For example, a statement is given such
as "I like Black music more than White music," and the respondent was
asked to respond with a Likert-type scale with a number firom 1 to 7. The
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59
number 1 on the continuum represents that the respondent totally disagrees
with the statement and finds it untrue for her or himself, whereas the
number 7, at the opposing end of the continuum represents that the
respondent strongly agrees with the statement or feels that it is absolutely
true for her or himself. Scores close to the middle (such as 4) infers that the
respondent “sort o f agrees with the statement.
Eight dimensions or factors were chosen to explain the (AAAS) model
and items within each dimension were designed that higher scores for each
item reflected a higher agreement with that item, and resulted in a higher
sense of a traditional cultural identity. Lower scores on each item and each
factor reflected less of an agreement with that item and, thereby, a more
acculturated and less traditional orientation. The eight dimensions or factors
were:
1. Traditional African-American Family Structures and Practices (12
items).
2. Preference for things African-American (11 items).
3. Preparation and consumption of AMcan-American foods (10 items).
4. Interracial attitudes/Cultural m istrust (7 items).
5. Traditional African-American health behefs (12 items).
6. Traditional A&ican-American religious beliefs and practices (6
items).
7. Traditional African-American childhood socialization (11 items).
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60
8. Superstitions (5 items).
Landrine & Klonoff (1996) found internal consistency with coefGcient
alphas for each of the scales, ranging from .71 to .90. The resulting split-half
reliabihty was r = .93. Alphas for this study were: Factor One, .57; Factor
Two, .91; Factor Three, .90; Factor Four, .79; Factor Five, .34; Factor Six, .84;
Factor Seven, .84; and Factor Eight, .73.
The Coopersmith Self-Esteem
Inventorv (SEP
The Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory Adult Form (Coopersmith,
1967), is a 25-item instrument that measures one's assessment of oneself in
personal, family, academic, and social areas. Each item contains a trait
description, whereby the respondent rephes that either the statem ent is hke
me (0) or unlike me (1). A lie scale " was included in its design to identify
socially desirable responses. High scores infer a higher sense of self-esteem.
Spatz and Johnson (1973) found coefGcients which indicate adequate inter
nal consistency, ranging from .80 to .86. For this study, the reliability alpha
coefficient was .58.
Personal Data Sheet
Respondents were asked to provide the following demographic infor
mation: respondent’ s age, educational level, parents' educational level
(each), status of respondent’ s current personal relationship, respondent’ s
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61
number of children (if any), by whom respondents were primarily raised
while growing up, respondent’ s current living situation (alone, with
roommate, etc.), respondent’ s number of brothers and sisters, family’ s current
total income, level of religiosity, religious preference, current work status,
and parents' work status. Respondents were also asked to rate the quality of
their relationships with both mother and father, in terms of a score from 1
(extremely warm) to 7 (extremely distant).
The questions designed for this personal data sheet were designed by
the author of this dissertation project to proyide as much descriptiye informa
tion to the sample population as possible.
Procedures
Most, (150, 77.7%) participants in this study were recruited on a col
lege campus, and the three college campuses used were in the Southern
California area of the United States. They were California State Uniyersity,
Dominguez Hills, the Uniyersity of Southern California, and Compton Com
munity College. Not all of these respondents were enrolled students, some
were yisiting parents, relatives, and employees. The other 43 (22.3%)
respondents came from Family Service of Los Angeles (a United Way Coun
seling Agency) and local African-American organizations and churches, such
as the local National Association for the Advancement of Colored People
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62
(NAACP) branch and Calvary Immanuel Church of God in Christ, in
Compton, California.
Participants were presented with the questionnaire packet and given
verbal and written instructions at one of six different sites, along with a
letter of introduction to the study (see Appendix A). The incentive for parti
cipating in the study was that each subject would be given the opportunity to
enter a drawing for one of three prizes (portable color TV, VCR, or portable
microphone). The researcher was present for the majority of the survey’ s
administration, especially those which involved groups of 10 or more. But,
some participants could not stay and complete the forms at that moment, so
some of the subjects were given pre paid envelopes to return materials.
About 28 (14.5%) of the participants responded through the mail. Some (71,
36.8%) completed the questionnaire as part of a group (i.e., classroom)
format. But, most (99, 48.7%) were solicited as passers-by to a table situated
along a heavily-traveled walkway on campus.
Administration time averaged about 45 to 50 minutes. They were
given the opportunity to obtain a copy of the results to this study by leaving
their name and address, separately.
It is d ifficu lt to estimate how many A&ican-American men refused to
complete the questionnaire, since most questionnaires were completed by
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63
passers-by. The major reason men gave for not being able to complete the
forms was not having the time. No one directly objected to the nature and
intent of the project.
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64
CHAPTERS
RESULTS
This chapter represents the results of the study. Descriptive statistics
are provided first. These include means and standard deviations for the
relevant variables. They also include intercorrelations among variables.
Finally, canonical correlational analysis that was employed to examine the
research questions are reported.
Descriptive Statistics
Table 3.1 reflects the means and standard deviations for all subscales
to the Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS), Afidcan Self-Consciousness
Scale(ASCS), African-American Acculturation Scale (AAAS), and the
Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory. In general, African-American males in
this study were experiencing a moderate amount of gender role conflict (M =
134.21, SD = 43.45); average to moderately high African Self-Consciousness
(M = 166.95, SD = 41.15); moderate Afidcan-American Acculturation (M =
123.96, SD = 48.36); and good self-esteem (M = 64.65, SD = 20.25).
Correlations, means, and standard deviations of the salient variables
are reported in Table 3.2. The hypothesis that African Self-Consciousness
would be negatively correlated with gender role conflict, was strongly
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65
Table 3.1
Means. Standard Deviations, and Ranges of Subscales
Measure/Subscale N
M
SD Minimum Maximum
Success, power, and competi
tion
193 47.58 14.03 13 78
Restrictive emotionality 193 34.87 11.03 10 60
Restrictive affection between
men
193 28.78 11.35 8 48
Conflicts with work, leisure,
& family
193 22.98 7.04 6 36
ASC"
Collective African Identity &
Self-F ortification
193 76.10 20.06 15 120
Resistance Against Anti-
African Forces
193 44.15 8.97 8 64
Value for African-Centered
Institutions & Cultural
Expressions
193 31.58 7.75 6 48
Value for African Culture 193 15.12 4.37 3 24
A A A g
Preference for Things
African-American
191 30.16 9.13 6 42
Religious Beliefs/Practices 191 30.26 9.13 6 42
Traditional Foods 191 10.43 7.22 4 28
Traditional African-
American Childhood
Socialization
191 14.69 5.39 3 21
Superstitions 191 8.98 4.61 3 21
Interracial Attitudes/ 191 11.94 4.97 3 21
Cultural Mistrust
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66
Table 3.1 (continued)
Measure/Subscale N
M
SD Minimum Maximum
Traditional African-
American Health
Beliefs/Practices
193 9.80 4.02 2 14
Traditional African-
American Family Structures
& Practices
192 7.70 3.89 2 14
SEI“
Self-Esteem 192 64.65 20.25 20 100
“ GRC = Gender Role Conflict. '‘ASC = African Self-Consciousness. 'AAAS = African-
American Acculturation Scale. '^SEI = Self-Esteem Inventory.
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67
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68
supported for three GRCS scales (I, H, and HI); but not with GROS scale IV.
All four factors on the ASCS were positively correlated with self-esteem
(significant at or below the .01 level).
The hypothesis that Afiican-American Acculturation would be nega
tively correlated with gender role conflict was only moderately supported. Of
the 32 correlations between AAAS scales and GRCS scales, 10 (31%) were
significant at the .01 level. They were Traditional African-American Health
Beliefs with the following GRCS scales; Success, Power, and Competition
(-.44), Restrictive Emotionality (-.44), Homophobia (-.36); Traditional African-
American Religious Beliefs and Practices with Success, Power, and Competi
tion (-.23), Restrictive Emotionality (-.33), Homophobia (-.28); Traditional
Afiican-American Childhood Socialization with Restrictive Emotionality
(-.20), Homophobia (-.19); and between Preference for Afiican-American
Things and Restrictive Emotionality (-.23), and Conflicts Between Work and
Family (-.18).
Canonical Analvsis
Canonical analyses are used to study relationships between two vari-
ate sets when each of those sets consist of at least two variables (Thompson,
1984.) In this study, canonical analysis was conducted to identify indepen
dent relationships between demographic information (age, SES-income,
education, and rehgiosity), subscale scores on the ASCS, subscale scores on
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69
the AAAS, and subscale scores on the SEI to predict gender role conflict
scores.
Table 3.3 reflects the standardized canonical coefficients in this study.
Analysis produced four pairs of canonical variâtes, each being statistically
significant at the .01 level. The first variate accounted for 84.4% of the vari
ance, while the second variate accounted for 9% of the variance, 1.4 % for the
third variate, and 1.2% for the fourth variate. Because of their very small
size, the third and fourth variâtes were not interpreted. The first and second
variâtes (or roots) were orthogonal, which meant they represented completely
independent dimensions underlying the original variables. The first variate
pair produced a canonical correlation of .931; = .844; %^(49, N = 193) =
3222.63, B < .0001. The second canonical correlation was .376; = .104;
(29, N = 193) = 79.503, p < .0001. Combined, the two variâtes accounted for
93% of the total variance in the data.
The first and strongest variate describes younger Black men who do
not or seldom attend church, have a lack of an Afiican identity, resist forces
against Africa, prefer Afiican-American things, and have lower self-esteem
are more likely to experience gender role conflict.
The second variate describes Black men with low self-esteem who do
not have a strong appreciation for Afiican identity, for Afiican-American
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70
Table 3.3
Standardized Canonical Coefficient
Variable
Canonical
1
Variate
2
Predictor
Age -.203 .110
SES* -.102 .096
Education .077 .159
Religiosity -.367 -.242
ASCSP-identity -.384 -.289
ASCSII-resis tance -.165 .187
ASCSIII-institutions -.219 -.302
ASCSrV- culture
-.231 .189
AAASP-famUy practices
.151 .228
AAASII-preference
-.305 .208
AAASIII-foods
.086 .097
AAASIV cultural mistrust
-.202
-.157
AAASIV-health beliefs
.071 .107
AAASVI-religious beliefs
.177 .142
AAASVII- childhood socialization
.095 .163
AAASVIII-superstitions
.076 .051
SEP
-.314 .288
Criterion
GRCSP
.351 .308
GRCSII-restrictive emotionality
.387
.412
GRCSIII-homophobia
.204
.189
GRCSIV conflicts between work & family
.177
.218
Correlation Coefficient
.931
.376
E!
.844
.104
Eigenvalue
1.312
.077
Total Variance
.844
.090
Chi-SQuare Analvsis
322.632
79.503
df
49.000
29.000
N
193.000
193.000
Note. Values that are significant are in bold print. < .0001 Redundancy of indices
10.22/28.01.
*SES = Socioeconomic Status. ' ’ ASCSI-IV = African Self Consciousness Scales I IV '
AAASI-VIII = African-American Acculturation Scales I-VIII. ‘ ‘SEI = Self-Esteem Inventory.
“ GRCSI-IV = Gender Role Conflict Scales I-IV.
B<.0001.
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71
institutions, or for A&ican-American superstitions, but do have some appre
ciation for Afiican-American family practices, predict gender role conflict in
areas of success, power, and competition, and restrictive emotionality. The
redundancy indices suggest that the cultural identity variables are better
predictors of gender role conflict (28.01%) than are gender role variables of
cultural identity (10.22%). Cultural identity is a complex construct; it is
likely that there are many other variables, in addition to gender roles, to
predict cultural identity variables.
Research Question 1
Will measures of cultural identity predict gender role conflict?
To test this question, bivariate correlations were run between each
subscale of the Afiican Self-Consciousness Scale (ASCS) and the Gender Role
Conflict Scale (GRCS), and also between the Afiican-American Acculturation
Scale (AAAS) and the Gender Role Conflict Scale (GRCS). Results indicated
a strong negative correlation between the GRCS scales Success, Power, and
Competition (SPC), Restrictive Emotionality (RE), and Restrictive Affection
Behavior Between Men (RABBM) and all four scales of the ASC. But, the
fourth GRCS subscale— Conflicts Between Work and Family Relations
(CBWFR)-was not significant to any of the scales of the ASC. Still, 12 of the
16 correlations (75%) between GRCS and ASC were significant. These were
negative correlations, suggesting that the higher the levels on these cultural
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72
identity scales, the lower the gender role conflict. In addition, canonical
analysis revealed that ASCS scales on Collective African Identity, Resistance
Against Anti-African Forces, and Value for African Culture were best predic
tors of GRCS scales Success, Power, and Competition and Restrictive
Emotionality.
Correlational analysis also showed that of the 32 correlations between
the GRCS and the AAAS, 12 (37.5%) were significant. A significant negative
correlation existed between the following subscales: The GRCSI and the
AAASV (-.44), AAASVI (-.23),and AAASVm (.24); GRCSH and the AAASH (-
.23), AAASV (-.44), AAASVI (-.33), AAASVH (-.33), and AAASVIH (19);
GRCSm and the AAASV (-.36), AAASVI (-.28), and AAASVII (-.19); and the
GRCSIV and AAASn (-.18). Canonical analysis showed that only 1 of the
scale of the AAAS (AAASII, -.31) offered a significant predictor to GRCS
scales I (.35) and II (.39).
In general, there seemed to be limited support for this research
question.
Research Question 2
Will measures of cultural identity predict self-esteem?
This also was tested by running bivariate correlations between the SEI
and each of the scales of the African Self-Consciousness and the African-
American Acculturation measures. All four factors to the ASC were
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73
significant to the SEI: Collective Afiican Identity (.40), Resistance Against
Anti-Afiican Forces (.41), Value for Afiican Institutions (.41), and Value for
Afiican Culture (.38). The SEI was significantly positive to five of the eight
AAAS scales (62.5%). They were as follows: Preference for Afiican-American
Things (.33), Interracial Attitudes and Cultural M istrust (.23), Traditional
Afiican-American Health Beliefs (.52), Traditional Afiican-American
Religious Beliefs and Practices (.37), and Traditional Afiican-American
Childhood Socialization (.18).
In general, then, these results suggest that cultural identity has a
significant relationship to self-esteem.
Research Question 3
Will gender role conflict predict self-esteem?
All correlations between self-esteem and each of the four factors of
gender role conflict were negative. Moreover, each was robust (at or below
.01): Success, Power, and Competition, -.48; Restrictive Emotionality,-.44;
Restrictive Affection Behavior Between Men, -.38; and Conflicts Between
Work and Family, -.36). Apparently, greater gender role conflict will result
in lower self-esteem.
Research Question 4
Will education, age, SES, religiosity, and who had raised the man
predict gender role conflict?
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74
Education
Canonical analysis was used to explore if education might be
considered a predicting variable to gender role conflict. Results indicated
that education (.08) was not a significant predictor of gender role conflict.
Age
Age was negatively correlated with gender role conflict, significant (at
the .01 level) on two GRCS subscales: Restrictive Emotionafity (-.23) and
Restrictive Affection Behavior Between Men (-.27). Canonical correlational
analysis revealed that age was a significant predictor (-.20) of the Success,
Power, and Competition and Restrictive Emotionality scales.
SES (income)
As seen in Table 3.2, income bad a significant correlation to only
AAASn, .20 (Preference for African-American Things); AAASIII, .18
(Preparation and Consumption of Afirican-American Foods); AAASVII, .24
(Traditional Afiican-American Childhood Socialization); and Education, .18.
Canonical analysis also indicated th at SES-income was not a significant
predictor of gender role conflict.
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75
Religiosity
Also seen in Table 3.2, religiosity was significantly negatively corre
lated to two scales on the GRCS: RE (-.17) and RABBM (-.21). Canonical
correlations showed that Religiosity was a predictor of gender role conflict in
SPC and RE.
Parent's Presence in the Home
Table 3.4 reflects the means and standard deviations for gender role
conflict scales I through IV according to who had raised the respondent
(mother, father, both parents, or other). To test this relationship, four
analyses of variance were run, one for each of the four GRCS scales. In each
case, the independent variable was by whom the respondent reported having
been primarily raised. Statistically, significant findings were followed up by
Tukey post-hoc analyses.
Statistical significance was obtained for the scales I through HI of the
GRCS; none was obtained for scale IV. In post hoc analyses, it was found
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76
Table 3.4
M eans and Standard Deviations of GRCS bv Variable (prim arily raised bv) (K = 193)
GRCS*
Prim arily Raised By
M other (q = 83) F ath er (a = 16) Both (a = 78) O ther (a = 16)
M SD M SD M SD M SD
I^P C * 47.56 13.23 49.78 14.09 44.52 15.21 48.46 13.59
n-RE* 37.11 11.54 34.55 12.03 32.21 10.28 35.61 10.27
m -R A B B M ' 28.03 11.22 29.12 11.67 29.64 11.30 28.33 11.21
IV-CBWFR* 23.19 7.05 23.08 7.45 21.78 6.86 23.87 6.80
*GRCS = G ender Role Conflict Scale. 'I-SPC = Success, Power, and Competition. ' II RE = R estrictive Elmotionality.
^m-RABBM = R estrictive Affection Behavior Between Men. ’IV-CBWFR = Conflicts Between Work and Family
Relations.
that for scale I, there were significant differences between those raised pri
marily bv mother and all other groups; for scale II raised by mother and
raised bv both parents were different firom other groups; and, for scale H I ,
all groups were different from each other.
Basically, Black men, primarily raised by mother only, experienced
less gender role conflict in areas of success, power, and competition and
restrictive affection behavior between men than those raised by father, both
parents, or other. These men, though, did experience more gender role con
flict in areas of Restrictive Emotionality and Conflicts Between Work and
Family Relations.
Black men primarily raised by father experienced higher gender role
conflict in the area of Success, Power, and Competition than those raised by
mothers, both parents and other. Men raised primarily by both parents
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77
reported greater restrictive affection between men than did those raised
either by mother or “other.”
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78
CHAPTER 4
DISCUSSION
Rpsiiltfi and Their Relation to Previous Research
This study was important because it extended to an African-American
sample research on male gender role behavior. It is interesting, therefore, to
begin this discussion by comparing findings with those of studies that have
been done on White samples.
Table 4.1 summarizes GRCS means and standard deviations for this
ample and for those used in three studies of White males. In general, the
results seem roughly comparable. Whereas some between-study differences
Table 4.1
Comparison of Means and Standard Deviations w ith O ther Studies
This Study
(1997)
Sharpe & H eppner
(1991)*
Stillson et al.
(1991)""
Bartels e t al.
(1995)'
M SC H M SD. N M SD H M SD N
SPC 47.58 14.03 193 52.18 12.43 190 46.82 11.81 134 55.58 10.43 401
RE* 34.87 11.03 193 31.65 9.82 190 30.98 11.22 134 33.58 10.43 401
RA' 28.78 11.35 193 32.02 8.57 190 28.77 10.39 134 34.23 8.72 401
CBWF» 22.98 7.04 193 21.96 6.86 190 20.25 6.78 134 23.66 6.12 401
■"Gender role conflict, and psychological well-being in m en;' by M. J. Sharpe & P. P. Heppner, 1991. Journal of
Counseling Psychology. 8. ^Predictors of adult m en's gender role conflict: Race, class, unem ploym ent, age, instru-
m entality-expressiveness, and personal strain ,' by R. Stillson, J. M. O’ Neil, & S. V. Owen, 1991, Journal of Counsel
ing Psychologist. 38. "M ale gender role conflict: Psychom etric issues and relations to psychological distress,' by K.
B artels e t al., 1995, Journal of Counseling Psychology. 42, 'SP C = Success, Power, and Competition. *RE =
R estrictive Emotionality. 'RA = Restrictive Affection. *CBWF = Conflicts Between Work and Family Relations.
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79
seem to exist, it is not possible to assert differences without having run
statistical tests.
Like most studies, generalizability must be considered. Table 4.2
shows a comparison between factors that affect some of the major demo
graphic characteristics of this study and census data on Affican-American
men (U.S. Department of Commerce, 1995). As this table shows, the sample
in this study was younger, more likely to be single, less likely to work full
time, had a higher mean family income, and was more likely to be a high
school graduate. In short, these differences seemed to reflect the substantial
proportion of college students in this sample.
Table 4.2
on Afirican-American Men
This study 1995 Census Data
Mean Age 28.6 34.5
Single 37.8% 32.3%
Full-time Work 24.4% 58.1%
Mean Family Income (yearly) $38,500.00 $24,300.00
High School Graduate 96.0% 60.7%
The results also confirmed that higher levels of cultural identity
predicted lower levels of gender role conflict. This was not consistently true
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80
across all measures and comparisons. However, it was robust enough to
w arrant the conclusion th at this does operate as a consistent relationship.
One possible explanation is that the common variable might be strength of
family relationships and support. This might, for example, predict greater
levels of culture identity and less gender role conflict. However, because this
link was not explored here it merits future research.
Self-esteem was shown to be a good predictor for both gender role-
conflict and cultural identity. The higher the sense of self-esteem, the lower
the gender role conflict and higher the levels of cultural identity.
Selected demographic data also were analyzed as possible predictors of
gender role conflict. In fact, age, rehgiosity, and parent’ s presence in the
home were moderate to good predictors of gender role conflict, whereas
neither education nor SES proved to be predictive. Canonical analysis
helped confirm a profile of those variâtes that help predict gender role
conflict. They suggested that younger Black men who seldom or did not
attend church and who endorsed lower levels of cultural identity were likely
to have greater gender role conflict.
L im ita tio n s o f the Studv
Because this study was correlational, causahty cannot be inferred. It
is not possible, for example, to infer that any of the cultural beUefs and
attitudes caused less gender role conflict, even though they were found to
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81
covary. This suggests caution, then, in interpreting the nature of this
covariance. A second limitation was that this sample consisted only of
A&ican American males who reside in Southern California. Perhaps the
results would be different if participants were included ûrom outside this
region for there are unique characteristics of the region (e.g., its urban
nature, the multiculturalism) that conceivably would have affected the
responses of these particular participants. Moreover, the way this sample
was drawn makes it difQcult to generalize this study.
Implications for Future Research
There has been substantial research on cultural identity and self
esteem, and growing attention on gender role conflict. Almost none of it,
though, has addressed gender role conflict among African-American men.
This study, therefore, sought to explore selected aspects and influences on
gender role behavior of a sample of African-American men.
The Black church in America has been hypothesized to have a positive
effect on African-American attitudes and behaviors, including gender roles.
These results suggest th at Black men who attend church are likely to have
less conflict regarding gender roles. Further studies should examine this
effect of by religion and level of religiosity.
This study produces a number of implications to counselors working
with African-American men. Since Black men experience more gender role
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82
conflict in terms of restrictive emotionality and conflicts between work and
family relations, therapists should note difflculties Black men may have in
expressing their feelings and become more understanding of the unique
pressures Black men experience between work and family. Issues regarding
racism should not be ignored when working with Black men. This study
suggests th at a strong cultural identity might help in his journey to psy
chological and emotional health. Increasing psychological and emotional
support services, possibly by more African-American therapists, may help
these Black men explore and go on to improve some of their relationships
with women.
One important finding was that strength of cultural identity predicted
gender role conflict. This moderates and helps to interpret what otherwise
would be a simple study of the relationship between race and gender role
conflict. Future research should be directed at further exploring possible
mediating factors between cultural identity and gender role conflict.
Conclusions
In conclusion, this study attempted to study the relationship between
cultural identity, self-esteem, and gender role conflict among Afirican-
American men. As with other studies, caution should be made to not make
generalizations at this point; and the findings firom this study are not conclu
sive or easily generalizable. There is limited research which addresses the
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83
combination of these three important variables. The already-discussed
limitations of this study should moderate attempts to generalize the findings.
Nevertheless, this study does add to our literature. It identified selected
variables that predict gender role conflict among Black men, suggesting that
generalizations firom gender role conflict research with one population of men
should be made cautiously to other populations.
Black men have been unfairly stereotyped. This project sought to help
correct some of these misconceptions. Instead, Black men have begun to
honestly look at ways in which they can improve the way they feel about
themselves, while maintaining positive relations with women. It is impera
tive that further study continue the research introduced in this project,
primarily the overlap between cultural and gender identity.
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84
REFERENCES
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85
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APPENDICES
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APPENDIX A
INTRODUCTION LETTER
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98
Dear Participant,
I am conducting research to investigate Atiican-American men's
attitudes toward gender roles, A&icentricity, and self-esteem. The results of
this research will be used to directly understand and help A&ican-American
men. This research has been approved by the University Park Institutional
Review Board of the University of Southern California.
Completing these questionnaires should take between 40 and 50
minutes, but please take as much time as you need. This is not a timed test.
There are no "right" or "wrong” answers to any of the questions. Your
answers will remain anonymous. If you wish to terminate your participation
in the research, you can do so at any time for any reason without penalty.
There have been precautions made to prevent any risks or discomforts
in you responding to these questions. If you have any complaints or
problems concerning this research project, you should contact the University
Institutional Review Board (IRB), which has a standing board designed to
protect research participants. Their telephone number is (213) 740-6711.
If you wish to be advised of the results to this study, please give your
name and address, separately to the person conducting this research and the
information will be mailed to you.
Thank you for your participation in this important study. Please make
sure that you have completed all the items and returned all the materials.
Sincerely,
Michael G. Laurent
Doctoral Candidate
Dept, of Counseling Psychology
School of Education
University of Southern California
Dr. Rodney K. Goodyear
Primary Investigator/Chair
Dept, of Counseling Psychology
School of Education
University of So. California
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99
APPENDIX B
GENDER ROLE CONFLICT SCALE
PARTI
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GENDER ROLE CONFLICT SCALE
PARTI
Instructions: In the space to the left of each sentence below, write the
number which most closely represents the degree you Agree or Disagree with
the statement.
There is no right or wrong answer to each statement; your own reaction is
what is asked for.
Strongly Strongly
Agree Disagree
6 5 4 3 2 1
1. ___ Moving up the career ladder is important to me.
2. ___ 1 have difficvdty telling others 1 care about them.
3. ___ Verbally expressing my love to another man is difficult for me.
4. ___ I feel tom between my hectic work schedule and caring for my
health.
5. ___ Making money is part of my idea of being a successful man.
6. ___ Strong emotions are difficult for me to understand.
7. ___ Affection with other men makes me tense.
8. ___ 1 sometimes define my personal value by my career success.
9. ___ Expressing feelings makes me feel open to attack by other people.
10. ___ Expressing my emotions to other men is risky.
11. ___ My career, job, or school affects the quality of my leisure or family
life.
12. ___ 1 evaluate other people's value by their level of achievement and
success.
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13. ___ Talking (about my feelings) during sexual relations is difficult for
me.
14. ___ I worry about failing and how it affects my doing well as a man.
15. ___ I have difficulty expressing my emotional needs to my partner.
16. ___ Men who touch other men make me uncomfortable.
17. ___ Finding time to relax is difficult for me.
18. ___ Doing well all the time is important to me.
19. ___ I have difficulty expressing my tender feelings.
20. ___ Hugging other men is difficult for me.
21. ___ I often feel that I need to be in charge of those around me.
22. ___ Telling others of my strong feelings is not part of my sexual
behavior.
23. ___ Competing with others is the best way to succeed.
24. ___ Winning is a measure of my value and personal worth.
25. ___ I often have trouble finding words that describe how I am feeling.
26. ___ I am sometimes hesitant to show my affection to men because of
how others might perceive me.
27. ___ My needs to work or study keep me firom my family or leisure more
than I would like.
28. ___ I strive to be more successful than others.
29. ___ I do not like to show my emotions to other people.
30. ___ TfeUing my partner my feelings about him/her during sex is difficult
for me.
31. ___ My work or school often disrupts other parts of my life (home,
family, health, leisure).
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32. ___ I am often concerned about how others evaluate my performance at
work or school.
33. ___ Being very personal with other men makes me feel uncomfortable.
34. ___ Being smarter or physically stronger than other men is important
to me.
35. ___ Men who are overly friendly to me make me wonder about their
sexual preference (men or women).
36. ___ Overwork and stress, caused by a need to achieve on the job or in
school, affects/hurts my life.
37. ___ I Like to feel superior to other people.
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APPENDIX C
THE AFRICAN SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS SCALE
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THE AFRICAN SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS SCALE
Instructions: The following statements reflect some beliefs, opinions, and
attitudes of Black people. Read each statem ent carefully and give your
honest feelings about the beliefs and attitudes expressed. Indicate the extent
to which you agree or disagree using the following scale:
A = Very S trongly D isagree
B = S trongly D isagree
C = M oderately D isagree
D = S lightly D isagree
E = Slightly Agree
F = M oderately A gree
G = S trongly Agree
H = Very S trongly A gree
Note that the higher the letter you choose for the statement, the more you
agree with th at statement; and conversely, the lower the letter you choose,
the more you disagree with that statement. Also, there are no right or wrong
answers, only the answer that best expresses your present feehngs about the
statement. Please respond to all of the statements (do not omit any).
1. I don't necessarily feel like I am also being mistreated in a situation
where I see another Black person being mistreated.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
2. Black people should have their own independent schools which consider
their African heritage and values an important part of the curriculum.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
3. Blacks who trust Whites in general are basically very intelligent beings.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
4. Blacks who are committed and prepared to uplift the (Black) race by any
means necessary (including violence) are more intelligent than Blacks
who are not this committed and prepared.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
5. Blacks in America should try harder to be American rather than
practicing activities that link them up with their cultural heritage.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
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105
6. Regardless of their interests, educational background and social
achievements, I would prefer to associate with Black people than with
nonblacks.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
7. It is not a good idea for Black students to be required to leam an A&ican
language.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
8. It is not within the best interest of Blacks to depend on Whites for
anything, no m atter how religious and decent they (the Whites) purport
to be.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
9. Blacks who place the highest value on Black life (over th at of other
people) are reverse racists and generally evil people.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
10. Black children should be taught that they are Afiican people at an early
age.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
11. White people, generally speaking, are not opposed to self-determination
for Blacks.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
12. As a good index of self-respect. Blacks in American should consider
adopting traditional Afiican names for themselves.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
13. A White/European or Caucasian image of God and the "holy family"
(among others considered close to God) are not such bad things for Blacks
to worship.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
14. Blacks bom in the United States are Black or Afiican first, rather than
American or just plain people.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
15. Black people who talk in a relatively loud manner, show a lot of emotions
and feelings, and express themselves with a lot of movement and body
motion are less intelligent than Blacks who do not behave this way.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
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106
16. Racial consciousness and cultural awareness based on traditional A&ican
values are necessary to the development of Black marriages and families
that can contribute to the liberation and enhancement of Black people in
America.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
17. In dealing with other Blacks, I consider myself quite different and
unique hrom most of them.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
18. Blacks should form loving relationships and marry only other Blacks.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
19. I have difiSculty identifying with the culture of African people.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
20. It is intelligent for Blacks in American to organize to educate and
hberate themselves from White-American domination.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
21. There is no such thing as African culture among Blacks in America.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
22. It is good for Black husbands and wives to help each other develop racial
consciousness and cultural awareness in themselves and their children.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
23. Africa is not the ancestral homeland of all Black people throughout the
world.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
24. It is good for Blacks in America to wear traditional African-type clothing
and hair styles if they desire to do so.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
25. I feel little sense of commitment to Black people who are not close friends
or relatives.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
26. AU Black students in Africa and America should be expected to study
African culture and history as it occurs throughout the world.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
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107
27. Black children should be taught to love all races of peoples, even those
races who do harm to them.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
28. Blacks in America who view A&ica as their homeland are more
intelligent than those who view America as their homeland.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
29. If I saw Black children fighting, I would leave them to settle it alone.
(A) (B) (0) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
30. White people, generally speaking, do not respect Black life.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
31. Blacks in America should view Blacks firom other countries (e.g.; Ghana,
Nigeria, and other countries in Afirica) as foreigners rather than as
brothers and sisters.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
32. When a Black person uses the terms "Self, Me, and I," his/her reference
should encompass all Black people rather than simply him/herself.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
33. Religion is dangerous for Black people when it directs and inspires them
to become self-determining and independent of the White community.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
34. Black parents should encourage their children to respect all Black
people, good and bad, and punish them when they don't show respect.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
35. Blacks who celebrate Kwanzaa and practice the "Nguzo Saba" (the Black
Value System), both symbolizing Afirican traditions, don't necessarily
have better sense than Blacks who celebrate Easter, Christmas, and the
Fourth of July.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
36. Afiican culture is better for humanity European culture.
(A) (B) (0) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
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108
37. Black people's concern for self-knowledge (knowledge of one's history,
philosophy, culture, etc) and self (collective)-detemnnation makes them
treat White people badly.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
38. The success of an individual Black person is not as important as the
survival of all Black people.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
39. If a good/worthwhile education could be obtained at all schools (both
Black and White), I would prefer for my child to attend a racially
integrated school.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
40. It is good for Black people to refer to each other as brother and sister
because such practice is consistent with our Afidcan heritage.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
41. It is not necessary to require Black/African studies courses in
predominately Black schools.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
42. Being involved in wholesome group activities with other Blacks lifts my
spirits more so than being involved in individual oriented activities.
(A) (B) (C) (D) (E) (F) (G) (H)
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109
APPENDIX D
AFRICAN-AMERICAN ACCULTURATION SCALE - 33(Short Form)
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110
AFRICAN-AMERICAN ACCULTURATION SCALE - 33(Short Form)
Beliefs and Attitudes Survey
Instructions: Please teU us how much you personally agree or disagree with
the beliefs and attitudes listed below by circling a number. There is no right
or wrong answer. We want your honest opinion.
Totally Disagree
Not True at All
Sort of Agree
Sort of True
Strongly Agree
Absolutely True
1. Most of the music I listen to is by Black artists.
1 2 3 4 5
2. I hke Black music more than White music.
1 2 3 4 5
3. The person I admire the most is Black.
1 2 3 4 5
4. I listen to Black radio stations.
1 2 3 4 5
5. I try to watch all the Black shows on TV.
1 2 3 4 5
6. Most of my ôâends are Black.
1 2 3 4 5
7. I beheve in the Holy Ghost.
1 2 3 4 5
8. I believe in heaven and hell.
1 2 3 4 5
9. I like gospel music.
1 2 3 4 5
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I l l
10. I am currently a member of a Black church.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
11. Prayer can cure disease.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
12. The church is the heart of the Black community.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
13. I know how to cook chit lins.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
14. I eat chit'lins once in a while.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
15. Sometimes, I cook ham hocks.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
16. I know how long you're supposed to cook collard greens.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
17. I went to a mostly Black elementary school.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
18. I grew up in a mostly Black neighborhood.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
19. I went to (or go to) a mostly Black high school.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
20. I avoid splitting a pole.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
21. When the palm of your hand itches, you'll receive some money.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
22. There's some truth to many old superstitions.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
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112
23. IQ tests were set up purposefully to discriminate against Black people.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
24. Most tests (like the SATs and tests to get a job) are set up to make sure
that Blacks don't get high scores on them.
25. Deep in their hearts, most White people are racists.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
26. I have seen people "fall out."
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
27. I know what "falling out" means.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
28. When I was a child, I used to play tonk.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
29. I know how to play bid whist.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
30. It’ s better to try to move your whole family ahead in this world than it is
to be out for only yourself.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
31. Old people are wise.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
32. When I was young, my parent(s) sent me to stay with a relative (aunt,
uncle, grandmother) for a few days or weeks, and then I went back home
again.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
33. When I was young, I took a bath with my sister, brother, or some other
relative.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
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113
APPENDIX E
COOPERSMITH SELF-ESTEEM INVENTORY
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114
COOPERSMITH SELF-ESTEEM INVENTORY
Directions: Listed below, you will find a fist of statements about feelings. If
a statement describes how you usually feel, put an X in the column "Like
Me." If a statement does not describe how you usually feel, put an X in the
column "Unlike Me.” There are no right or wrong answers. Begin at the top
of the page and mark all 25 statements.
Like Me Unlike Me
1. Things usually don't bother me.
2. I find it very hard to talk in firont of a group.
3. There’ s lots of things about myself I'd change if I could.
4. I can make up my mind without too much trouble.
5. I'm a lot of fun to be with.
6. I get upset easily at home.
7. It takes me a long time to get used to anything new.
8. I'm popular with persons my own age.
9. My family usually considers my feelings.
10. I give in very easily.
11. My family expects too much of me.
12. It's pretty tough to be me.
13. Things are all mixed up in my fife.
14. People usually follow my ideas.
15. I have a low opinion of myself.
16. There are many times I would fike to leave home.
17. I often feel upset with my work.
18. I'm not as nice looking as most people.
19. If I have something to say, I usually say it.
_20. My family understands me.
_21. Most people are better liked than I am.
_22. I usually feel as if my family is pushing me.
_23. I often get discouraged with what I am doing.
_24. I often wish I were someone else.
_25. I can't be depended on.
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115
APPENDIX F
PERSONAL DATA SHEET
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116
PERSONAL DATA SHEET
1. Age:
2. Yoiir education level (circle one):
A) did not graduate firom high school
B) high school graduate
C) some college
D) college graduate
E) some graduate school
F) graduate degree(s)
3a. Mother's highest achieved
level of education (circle one):
3b. Father's highest achieved
level of education (circle one):
A) did not graduate ûrom H.S. A) did not graduate from H.S
B) high school graduate B) high school graduate
C) some college C) some college
D) college graduate D) college graduate
E) some graduate school E) some graduate school
F) graduate degree(s) F) graduate degree(s)
4. Your current relationship status (circle one):
A) I am single, never married, and not in a committed relationship.
B) I am single, in a committed relationship, but not living together.
C) I am single, in a committed relationship, and living together.
D) I am married, no previous marriage.
E) 1 am married, was also previously married.
F) I am now divorced/separated.
G) I am now widowed.
Do you have any children? (circle one)
If so, how many______ boys,________
Yes
. girls?
No
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117
6. In the home you grew up in, you were raised primarily by:
A) both parents, who were married and lived together
B) both parents, who were not married, but lived together
C) primarily my mother
D) primarily my father
E) neither parent (e.g., foster parent, grandmother/father, uncle, aunt)
7. You currently:
A) live alone
B) live with roommate(s)
C) live with a significant other (in an intimate relationship)
D) live with parents
8. Your total household income for 1996:
A) under $10,000
B) $10,000 to $20,000
C) $20,000 to $30,000
D) $30,000 to $40,000
E) $40,000 to $50,000
F) $50,000 to $60,000
G) $60,000 to $70,000
H) $70,000 to $80,000
I) over $80,000
9. Religious beliefs:
A) I am not religious.
B) I have religious beliefs, but I don't go to a church.
C) I am religious, and I go to church seldom.
D) I am religious and I go to church often
E) I am religious and I go to church each week.
10. Your religious preference:
A) Protestant (specify)_________________
B) Catholic
C) Moslem
D) Muslim
E) Judaism
F) Other (specify)________________
G) No preference
11. You are:
A) currently working full-time and attending school
B) currently working part-time and attending school
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118
C) currently not working, but attending school
D ) currently working fu ll-tim e, no school
E) working part-time, no school
F) unemployed, no school
12. Which of the following best describes your parents working situation as
you were growing up?
A) father worked and my mother did not
B) mother worked and my father did not
C) both parents worked
D) both parents were unemployed
E) other___________________
13. How would you characterize the quality of the relationship you had with
your mother (or the person who played that role if your mother was not
present) while you were growing up? (circle one)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Extremely Warm......................................................................>Extremely Distant
14. How would you characterize the quality of the relationship you had with
your father (or the person who played that role if your father was not
present) while you were growing up (circle one)?
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Extremely Warm................................. ...................................>Extremely Distant
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Asset Metadata

Creator Laurent, Michael G (author)

Core Title Gender role conflict, cultural identity, and self-esteem among African-American men

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Counseling Psychology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Education, Guidance and Counseling,OAI-PMH Harvest,Psychology, clinical,psychology, personality,psychology, social,sociology, ethnic and racial studies,sociology, individual and family studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c17-318172

Unique identifier UC11353945

Identifier 9835073.pdf (filename),usctheses-c17-318172 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 9835073.pdf

Dmrecord 318172

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Laurent, Michael G.

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA