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Alienation And Integration In The Political Attitudes Of Suburban Adolescents
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Alienation And Integration In The Political Attitudes Of Suburban Adolescents
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72-542 BROWN, Michael Eugene, 1939- ALIENATION AND INTEGRATION IN THE POLITICAL ATTITUDES OF SUBURBAN ADOLESCENTS. University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1971 Political Science, general f University Microfilms, A X E R O X Com pany, Ann Arbor, Michigan Copyright © by MICHAEL EUGENE BROWN 1971 THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED* ALIENATION AND INTEGRATION IN THE POLITICAL ATTITUDES OF SUBURBAN ADOLESCENTS by Michael Eugene Brown A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Political Science) June 1971 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by MICHAEL EUGENE BROWN under the direction of h...i.s... Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Gradu ate School, in partial fulfillment of require ments of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean D ate. J UP.e ..l971 DISSERTATION COMMITTEE / PREFACE This study of adolescent political attitudes was motivated largely by my confusion in interpreting the studies in political socialization which have reached print over the past decade. The confusion, it must be underlined, has been my own and attributable to the rather considerable incongruity between the findings of the major researchers in the field and my own, non-empirical, perceptions of the political attitudes of the young with whom I have been involved in various professional capacities. Quite simply, the established theme of uniformly favorable attitudes toward nearly everything political on the part of American children and adolescents flew directly in the face of my primary ex periences in the field and secondary perceptions through the media. Either the data did not adequately explain my experience or my per ceptions of the feelings of the young were quite off the mark. This, of course, may not be the most academic justification for behavioral research, but it is certainly the most motivating and engaging. The considerable alienation demonstrated by our suburban ado lescents in their feelings toward the political system, in terms of political efficacy and trust, was quite at variance with what has been reported. Too, the relative importance and configuration of specific determinants of political attitudes varied in many respects from the ii patterns evident in other research. For this reason, Part One is devoted to a descriptive evaluation of the field of political social ization and the thrust of the theory and research extant. Part Two reports the methods and findings of our study and suggests some of the implications for further investigation. One of the greatest pleasures of this research undertaking was the enthusiasm of those students who became as involved as myself in the questions and processes of political socialization. We have all learned and shared in community, and this engagement itself taught us a great deal about estrangement and integration on inter-personal levels. I have been extraordinarily fortunate in the indefatigable assistance and friendship of Larry Brewster, and the unflagging aid of Jack Guimond over these past several years in a variety of academic and research situations, an association which began with this project. In the later stages of this study and the succeeding survey in 1970 we were joined by the indispensable Nadean O’Brien whose incredible energy, ability, and support has buoyed us throughout. Our great thanks are extended to the Fullerton Union High School District, Dr. Leonard Murdy, Superintendent, which has pro vided extraordinary cooperation at every juncture in this continuing research in the seven high schools in the District. Particular grati tude must be extended to Dr. Donald Hays, Director of Pupil Personnel Services, and Dr. John Mann, Deputy Superintendent, who have become as involved as we in understanding the attitudes and behavior of the iii young. Dr. Hays was counsel and liaison with the high school admin istrations and provided faultless coordination in the administration of the survey. The opportunity of working with these intelligent and highly professional educators has been one of the real rewards of this research. Recognition is also due the Foundation of California State College, Fullerton for several faculty research grants which provided resource for necessary materiel and the technical assistance of Michael 0. Boss in later stages of the study. Special thanks and affection are extended to Mrs. Marcella Thomas for her enormously capable and painstaking work in the pre paration and typing of the manuscript. Over the past years at the University of Southern California I have incurred an intellectual indebtedness to several faculty of the Department of Political Science whose influence has become clearer to me over the years. My gratitude on many counts is due Professor Fred Krinsky who encouraged many of the intellectual directions which have been put to empirical test in this study. Professor Joseph Nyomarkay stimulated and critiqued many of the core ideas and approaches which have been invaluable to my own development over the years. And Pro fessor Totton Anderson provided on many occasions a model of incisive ness, logic and prudence, which has served as a guide for empirical craftsmanship. To them my greatest, if belated, appreciation. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page PREFACE.............................................. ii LIST OF TABLES.............................. vii PART I. POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION Chapter I. THE STUDY OF POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION .... 2 II. SOCIALIZATION AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION . 9 III. POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM............................... 18 IV. ACQUIRING POLITICAL ATTITUDES IN CHILDHOOD . 24 Stages of Political Learning Direction of Political Attitudes in Childhood V. AGENTS OF POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION ........ 38 PART II. THE FULLERTON STUDY: POLITICAL ATTITUDES AMONG A SUBURBAN COMMUNITY OF ADOLESCENTS VI. INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY......... 56 VII. DIFFUSE SYSTEM SUPPORT: FEELINGS OF POLITICAL EFFICACY ........................ 71 Comparability of the Relationship of Sex and Grade Level in the Development of Political Efficacy in Childhood and Adolescence Association of Feelings of Political Efficacy in Adolescent to Parental Occupation Status and Educational Attainment v Chapter Relationship of Feelings of Political Efficacy to Situational and Associational Factors Summary VIII. SPECIFIC SYSTEM SUPPORT: FEELINGS OF POLITICAL CYNICISM ...................... The Relationship of Sex and Grade Level to Feelings of Political Cynicism in Adolescence The Relationship of Parental Occupation Status and Education to Political Cynicism . The Relationship of Political Cynicism to Situational and Associational Factors Summary IX. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ................. Alienation and Integration in the Politi cal Attitudes of Adolescents Current Limitations in Political Socialization Research Directions for the Study of Political Sociali zation APPENDIXES A. STUDENT ATTITUDE SURVEY: PRE-TEST QUESTIONNAIRE .......................... B. STUDENT ATTITUDE SURVEY: FINAL QUESTIONNAIRE .......................... BIBLIOGRAPHY LIST OF TABLES Table Page 1. Levels of Political Efficacy: Grades 3-8 . . 75 2. Levels of Political Efficacy: Grades 9-12 . . 76 3. The Relationship of Sex to Political Efficacy in Grades 3 - 8 .............................. 77 4. The Relationship of Sex to Political Efficacy in Grades 9-12.............................. 77 5. Relationship of Father’s Occupation to Political Efficacy ................. .... 80 6. Relationship of Father's Education to Political Efficacy .......................... 80 7. Relationship of Parent Divorce to Political Efficacy..................................... 84 8. Relationship of Age of Child at Divorce to Political Efficacy .......................... 84 9. Nature of Family Structure in Relation to Political Efficacy .......................... 85 10. Perceived Intra-Family Poi^er Allocation in Relation to Political Efficacy ............. 88 11. Perceived Intra-Family Affect Object in Relation to Political Efficacy ............. 89 12. Perceived Personal Resource Object in Relation to Political Efficacy ...................... 91 13. Personal Problem Resource: Distribution of Response..................................... 91 14. Relationship of Religious Affiliation to Political Efficacy .......................... 92 vii Table Page 15. Relationship of Religion as Ethical Guidance to Political Efficacy ..................... 93 16. Relationship of Church Attendance to Political Efficacy..................................... 94 17. Relationship of Parental Community Activity to Political Efficacy ..................... 95 18. Relationship of Parental Community Activity to Adolescent Extra-Curricular School Activity 96 19. Relationship of Parental Community Activity to Adolescent Non-School Activities ........... 97 20. Relationship of Peer-Friend Location to Political Efficacy ..................... 98 21. Relationship of Grade Level to Peer-Friend Location..................................... 98 22. Relationship of Extra-Curricular School Activity to Political Efficacy ............. 99 23. Relationship of Non-School Social Activity to Political Efficacy ....................... 100 24. Relationship of Grade to Political Cynicism . 106 25. Relationship of Sex to Political Cynicism . . 107 26. Relationship of Father's Occupation to Political Cynicism .......................... 107 27. Relationship of Father's Education to Political Cynicism .......................... 108 28. Relationship of Mother's Education to Political Cynicism ............................ 109 29. Relationship of Mother's Occupation to Political Cynicism ............................ 110 30. Relationship of Parent Divorce to Political Cynicism....................................... Ill 31. Relation of Age of Child at Divorce to Political Cynicism ............................ Ill viii Table Page 32. Nature of Family Structure in Relation to Political Cynicism .......................... 113 33. Relationship of Family Residence Change to Political Cynicism .......................... 113 34. Perceived Intra-Family Power Allocation in Relation to Political Cynicism ............. 114 35. Perceived Intra-Family Affect Object in Relation to Political Cynicism ............. 114 36. Perceived Personal Resource Object in Relation to Political Cynicism ..................... 116 37. Relationship of Religious Affiliation to Political Cynicism .......................... 116 38. Relationship of Religion as Ethical Guidance to Political Cynicism ..................... 117 39. Relationship of Church Attendance Cohort to Political Cynicism .......................... 117 40. Relationship of Parental Community Activity to Political Cynicism in Adolescents ......... 119 41. Relationship of Peer-Friend Location to Political Cynicism .......................... 119 42. Relationship of Extra-Curricular School Activity to Political Cynicism ............. 120 43. Relationship of Non-School Social Activity to Political Cynicism ..................... 120 ix PART I POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION 1 CHAPTER I THE STUDY OF POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION Speculation as to the processes and optimal effects of the political acculturation of the young into the political system is not of recent origin. As one of the leading empirical researchers notes, "the great philosophers of politics and education of the past--Plato, Aristotle, Mill, de Toqueville, Freud, Dewey and others— had provided a rich lore of speculation about the induction of new members into the political system. . . It has only been 2 in the past decade, however, that this particular area of invest igation has been pursued in a more systematic fashion utilizing Jack Dennis, A Survey and Bibliography of Contemporary Research on Political Learning and Socialization, Center for Cog- nitive Learning, Occasional Paper No. 8 (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1967), p. 1. See also the short discussion of the "classical concern" in Fred I. Greenstein, Children and Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), pp. 2-5. According to a skeptical critic of the philosophical bases and presumptions of empirical political socialization research, the claim of this rich theoretical heritage is " . . . interesting since it consciously presents itself as a return to the classical political science of Plato and Aristotle without being infected by the normative bias of that approach." James Steintrager, "Political Socialization and Political Theory," Social Research, XXXV (Spring, 1968), 115. 2 John J. Patrick, Political Socialization of American Youth Implications for Secondary School Social Studies, National Council for the Social Studies, Research Bulletin No. 3 (Washington, D.C.: National Council for the Social Studies, 1967), p. 4; Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 5-9. 2 3 the tools of behavioral research which have proved useful elsewhere 3 in social and political study. The lag in political socialization research was, in a sense, dictated by the paucity of systematic 3 The leading empirically-based contributions to the field include David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms," American Political Science Review, LXI (March, 1967), 25-38; David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969); David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Image of Govern ment," The Annals, 361 (September, 1965), 41-57; Fred I. Greenstein, "The Benevolent Leader: Children's Images of Political Authority," American Political Science Review, LIV (December, 1960), 934-943; Fred I. Greenstein, Children and Politics (New Haven: Yale Univer sity Press, 1965); Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Torney, The Develop ment of Political Attitudes in Children, Anchor Books (New York: Doubleday, 1967); M. Kent Jennings and Richard G. Niemi, "The Trans mission of Political Values from Parent to Child," American Political Science Review, LXII (March, 1968), 169-184; Robert Lane, "Fathers and Sons: Foundations of Political Belief," American Sociological Review, XXIV (August, 1959), 502-511; Kenneth P. Langton and M. Kent Jennings, "Political Socialization and the High School Civics Curri culum in the United States," American Political Science Review, LXII (September, 1968), 852-867; Kenneth P. Langton, Political Social ization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969); Eleanor E. Maccoby, Richard E. Matthews, and Anton S. Morton, "Youth and Polit ical Change," Public Opinion Quarterly, XVII (Spring, 1954), 23-39; Russell Middleton and Snell Putney, "Political Expression of Adoles cent Rebellion," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 68 (March, 1963), 527-535; H. H. Remmers, "Early Socialization of Attitudes," in Eugene Burdick and Arthur J. Brodbeck, American Voting Behavior (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1959), 55-67; Harry M. Scoble and Joan E. Laurence, "Ideology and Consensus Among Children of the Metropolitan Socioeconomic Elite," Western Political Quarterly, XXII (March, 1969), 151-162; Roberta S. Sigel, "An Exploration into Some Aspects of Polit ical Socialization: School Children's Reaction to the Death of a President," in Martha Wolfenstein and Gilbert Kliman, eds., Children and the Death of a President (Garden City: Doubleday, 1965), pp. 30-61; Roberta S. Sigel, "Image of a President: Some Insights into the Political Views of School Children," American Political Science Review, LXII (March, 1968), 216-226; M. Kent Jennings, "Pre-Adult Orientations to Multiple Systems of Government," Midwest Journal of Political Science, XI (August, 1967), 291-317; Robert D. Hess and David Easton, "The Child's Changing Image of the President," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXIV (Winter, 1960), 632-644. 4 research into the political behavior and attitudes of the adult pop ulation, a lack which was well on its way to remedy by the beginning 4 of the decade of the 1960's. Both the findings on adult political attitudes and behavior and the methodology developed has provided a substantial base for investigating the considerably more complex problem of precisely how political orientations develop over an indi- vidual's life span, how aggregate orientations within a political culture vary intra-generationally as well as inter-generationally, and finally, how and in what respect political cultures vary one to the other in regard to their particular patterns of socialization.^ Investigating the developmental processes involved in the acquisition of political attitudes also required an expanded concept of "politics" as well as a reliance upon behavioral techniques. The introduction and rapid diffusion of the theoretical frameworks of systems analysis into the discipline of political science provided substantially expanded parameters for the study of politics.^ And 4 See Robert A. Dahl, "The Behavioral Approach in Political Science: Epitaph for a Monument to a Successful Protest," American Political Science Review, LV (December, 1961), 763-772; Heinz Eulau, The Behavioral Persuasion in Politics (New York: Random House, 1963); David Easton, A Framework for Political Analysis (Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1965), pp. 1-22. ^Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, pp. 31-36; and Jack Dennis, A Survey and Bibliography, pp. 98-103, who considers these questions to be among the most important theo retical queries for research. ^David Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1965); Easton, A Framework for Political Analysis; and, for the application of systems theory to the specific area of political socialization, Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System. 5 it is around those parameters, where the political system interacts most significantly with the cultural, economic, demographic, and social structural subsystems of the general social system, as well as the personality systems, that the process of political social- 7 ization is located. The other vital component to developing the new field, recently legitimized by the theoretical underpinnings of systems g analysis and political culture approaches, was the recruitment of political scientists to specialize in socialization research. It appears that recruitment of young political scientists to explore the parameters of the discipline is proceeding apace, for, according to 9 a recent report by Heinz Eulau, the fields of political psychology and political socialization are ranked first and second respectively 7 Easton, A Framework for Political Analysis, pp. 68-73. g The interest in political socialization by investigators in the area of political culture has provided considerable suggestive cross-cultural data and hypotheses by utilizing the structural func tional approach to the study of the political system. For example, see Gabriel A. Almond, "Political Theory and Political Science," American Political Science Review, LX (December, 1966), 869-879; Gabriel A. Almond and James S. Coleman, The Politics of the Develop ing Area (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1960), pp. 3-64; Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963), pp. 1-35 and pp. 266-306; Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Jr., Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1966), pp. 16-72; and for an application of structural functional analysis to the American political system specifically, see William Mitchell, The American Polity (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1962), particularly Chapters 1 and 7. ^Heinz Eulau, "Quo Vadimus?," P.S., II (Winter, 1969), 12-13. Eulau*s technique of ranking, and therefore his conclusions, is disputed in a reply by Norman Wengert, "One Swallow Does Not Make a Spring . . . ," P.S., II (Summer, 1969), 354-355. 6 as first-choice fields of specialization by political scientists born since 1930. This is a rather dramatic rise of two, inter related,^ areas of specialization which received no notice less than twenty years ago in the appraisal of the discipline, Goals for Political Science. I t is a particular achievement for political socialization which is unmentioned in David Easton's ringing critique 12 of, and proposals for, the discipline in 1953, but the field in which he has become the leading contributor in this past decade. A more puzzling question is why and how the field of politi cal socialization has become so quickly popular. There is consid erable disparity between the enthusiasm indicated in Eulau's numbers and the actual research accomplished in the field. There are but four books which could be considered major contributions to the field, and two of these, Children in the Political System and The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, are drawn from the same 1961 study of third through eighth graders surveyed in eight * ^Attesting to the inter-relationship of political psychology and political socialization, and the occasional confusion between the two areas, a recent book in "political psychology," Leroy N. Riesel- bach and George I. Balch, eds., Psychology and Politics: An Intro ductory Reader (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, Inc., 1969), is largely devoted to political socialization studies. * ^Committee for the Advancement of Teaching, American Polit ical Science Association, Goals for Political Science (New York: William Sloan Associates, Inc., 1951). 12 David Easton, The Political System: An Inquiry into the State of Political Science (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1953). 7 13 cities. The third, Children and Politics, is the result of a 1958 non-random survey of fourth through eighth graders in New 14 Haven. The fourth, Political Socialization, is a comparative analysis drawing upon a 1964 sample of high school students in Jamaica, a probability sampling of high school seniors in the United States, and a 1964 sample of both primary and secondary school students in Detroit. With so scanty an empirical base and recent a heritage, it is doubtful that the field is yet widely taught as part of under graduate or graduate curricula. It is more likely that the field has achieved popularity because of the extra-curricular emergence of "the young" out of the general political culture to prominence as the single inexplicable phenomenon of the decade.*^ It is not surprising that the self-consciousness, and the self-concern, of this particular generation should prove a significant motivating force in the selection of areas of intellectual interest which coincide with its own existential concerns. The rise of interest in political socialization, and the renaissance of political 13 Hess and Torney, op. cit., and Easton and Dennis, op. cit. 14 Greenstein, op. cit. 15 Langton, op. cit. 1 /L See Theodore Roszak, "Youth and the Great Refusal," in Michael Brown, ed., The Politics and Anti-Politics of the Young (Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1969), pp. 3-21. 8 17 psychology, is, in itself, an example of intra-generational learn ing and of a specific sort of response to the political environment. In summary, political socialization is a new field within 18 the discipline— one in which "progress has not gone very far," 19 but which has "... captured the imagination of the young." 17 Fred I. Greenstein describes the present state of the area of political psychology in his excellent survey and analysis of the literature in Personality and Politics (Chicago: Markham Publishing Co., 1969), pp. 1-25. A fully annotated bibliography is provided at pp. 154-184. 18 Dennis, A Survey and Bibliography, p. 1. ^Eulau, "Quo Vadimus?," p. 12. CHAPTER II SOCIALIZATION AND POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION The functions which political socialization performs for the polity, as well as the agencies through which political orientations are transmitted, are conceptually much the same as the functions and agencies which transmit the accepted values, beliefs, and attitudes of the social system. General socialization theory is the conceptual framework within which the specifically political aspects of social ization must be understood, for it is the social system and its processes, functions, and culture which provide the rough parameters for the processes of political socialization. Socialization Most simply, socialization can be defined as " . . . the process by which someone learns the ways of a given society or social group so that he can function within it."* The focus of attention in the socialization process is " . . . upon the development of the 2 individual as a social being and participant in society." Concurrent ^Frederick Elkin, The Child and Society: The Process of Socialization (New York: Random House, 1960), p. 4. 2 John A. Clausen, ed., Socialization and Society (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1968), p. 3. 9 10 with the socializing of the individual into society, socialization also refers to the process by which the individual prepares himself for his own longitudinal development, or maturation, within that same society. This aspect of socialization is the "... process whereby a person acquires the attitudes, values, ways of thinking, need dispositions, and other personal, yet social, attributes which 7 will characterize him in the next stage of his development." While it would seem that the distinction is slight between the development of an individual qua individual in terms of his cul- ture vis-a-vis the adaptation of an individual to his culture, in fact it is a substantial differentiation. It distinguishes the growth and development of the individual as the prime function of social ization from the alternative function of socialization which is the ad aptation of the individual to the culture, a function which is dic tated by the necessity of system-persistence or system-maintenance. While the scientific study of socialization is recent, its thrust has been toward the adaptation model and largely concerned with the "learning by which an individual is prepared to meet the requirements that society has set for his behavior. . . . The older, psychoanalytic-oriented, approach which centered 3 Alex Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure, and Child Social ization," in John A. Clausen, ed., Socialization and Society (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1968), p. 76. 4 William H. Sewell, "Some Recent Developments in Socialization Theory and Research," The Annals, 349 (September, 1963), 166. 11 around the growth and developmental patterns of the individual have appeared to many as inadequate insofar as they fail to account for the effect of societal requirements on the acculturation of the individual. As Robert Hess points out: Planned and conducted by psychologists, particularly child psychologists, these studies have dealt primarily with the regulation and control of impulses and physiological functions-. This socialization is directed toward the acquisition, by the individual child, of skills, controls and patterns of behavior which have specific overt references or can be translated into observable acts. . . . This [Freudian] emphasis excludes system atic concern with the process through which the child is induced to adopt attitudes and patterns of behavior which relate him to the major institutions of the society.5 The child in the more contemporary social-psychological approach "... is not viewed primarily as a possessor of drives and needs which require satisfaction, but rather as someone who is capable of learning the patterns, symbols, expectations, and feelings of the surrounding world." The particular patterns of expectations and roles that the child acquires are actually social requirements which the child must learn in order to function within the system. The specific patterns or requirements are differentiated within a society since they "... always attach to one or another of the positions or statuses in either the larger society or some smaller 7 social system." The specific acquisition of habits, predispositions, Robert D. Hess, "The Socialization of Attitudes Toward Polit ical Authority: Some Cross-National Comparisons," International Social Science Journal, XV (1963), 542. ^Elkin, Child and Society, p. 5. 7 Sewell, "Some Recent Developments," p. 166, 12 beliefs and attitudes by a child are prescribed by his status-position within the several settings to which he must adapt in order to sue- g cessfully function. The problem of socialization for role theory is to explain how a child comes to function within a system of statuses. How does he learn to recognize status positions, to know and inter nalize their expectations and accompanying values, and to act those roles that are appropriate for him?^ Role theory focuses on the cognitive and emotional aspects of interaction in a patterned society, more or less taking it for granted that human beings are motivated to act and can form affective relationships. Psychoanalysis, with its clinical ori entation, centers on individual personality development, stress ing especially the development and significance of emotional attachments. The "role-learning" theory of socialization which "... en tails adjustment of the socializee's orientations and behaviors to conform to the needs of an ordered system. . . . is not concerned g See Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure. ..." ^Elkin, Child and Society, p. 20. 10Ibid., p. 43. **Jack Dennis, A Survey and Bibliography of Contemporary Research on Political Learning and Socialization, Center for Cog- nitive Learning, Occasional Paper No. 8 (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1967), p. 2. The ultimate extension of the role theory approach to the definition of personality is posed by Joseph Fiszman, ed., The American Political Arena (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1966), p. 80, who writes that "we may define human personality itself as the personal organization of the various roles one has internal ized and arranged in hierarchical order within himself." Fiszman's exclusive reliance upon role-learning for personality development is less cautious than most role theorists who, as a group, have been criticized by Eric Ericson as lacking "... a theory of human development which attempts to come closer to something by finding out wherefrom and whereto it develops." Identity: Youth and Crisis (New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1968), p. 23. 13 with the idiosyncracies of individual development, but rather with the patterns of societally positive acculturation as they occur in the aggregate.^ Analytically, as important to the study of socialization as the processes of adaptation is the nature of the societal demands or requirements which the inductee must acquire. Of these requirements, Alex Inkeles suggests that: . . . the term "societal demand" must be explained. To speak of society demanding is either to personify society or to presume a uniformity of response in any population such that a participant or an observer might think that everyone in society spoke as with one voice. This condition is, of course, seldom, if ever, met. . . . Much of the time it is not "society," and not even one if its institutions, but himself and other people who make role demands on the individual, although not infrequently the individual feels it is society itself which addresses him.-*-^ Although any given society does not address itself directly to the individual, nor are its demands without ambiguity, nevertheless, there is a cumulative repository of societal requirements which has the effect of establishing "... the standard which the socialized individual is expected to achieve in physical development, in skills 12 Individual deviancy (non-"normal" behavior) is, however, significant insofar as the deviant behavior becomes evident as a set of patterned a-social behaviors reflecting inadequate or socially dysfunctional role-learning. Robert A. Merton has suggested that there is, indeed, patterned deviant behavior which has discernible causation and is reflected in several modes of individual adaptation to society in Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1957), pp. 131-194. For a more general discussion of the "functionalist" approach to personality, see Talcott Parsons, "Psychoanalysis and the Social Structure," in Hendrik M. Ruitenbeek, ed., Psychoanalysis and Social Science (New York: E. P. Dutton and Co., Inc., 1962), pp. 46-62. 13 Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure. . . ," p. 84. 14 and capacities, in emotional expression, in intellective and conative activity, and in the patterning of his relations with significant others.”^ The overall function of societal standards and the acceptance of these perceived standards as norms is " . . .to shape the energies of the members of society in such a way that their behavior is not left to conscious decisions whether or not to follow the social pat tern, but ... to act as they have to act and at the same time find gratification in acting according to the requirements of the 15 culture." In terms of the young who are urged to internalize the norms of the society and the specific role requirements of their re spective status-positions, the goal is a society in which each " . . . child ideally not only knows what is expected of him and behaves accordingly; he feels that this is the proper way for him to think and behave. The ultimate function of socialization, then, is not to pro mote the growth and development of the individual in any "authentic" 17 or "self-actualized" manner, but rather to establish and transmit ^ Ibid., p. 75. ■^Erich Fromm, "Psychoanalytical Characterology and Its Appli cation to the Understanding of Culture," in S. Stansfeld Sargent and Marian W. Smith, eds., Culture and Personality (New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research, Inc., 1949), p. 5. 1 f\ Elkin, Child and Society, p. 4. 17 On these concepts, see particularly Abraham H. Maslow, Toward a Psychology of Being, Insight Book (Boston: D. Van Nostrand and Co., Inc., 1962). 15 standards and norms of behavior, and intention, which are, ideally, internalized by the individual and consequently operate as self- imposed constraints. These internalized social constraints are essential to social control. As John Clausen stresses, "the effec tiveness of social control rests, in the last analysis, on the trans mission of moral norms through the socialization process . . . and on the widespread acceptance of the legitimacy of the norms and sanctions. . . . The group's values are, hopefully, to become the individual's values or at least to be recognized by him as having 18 legitimacy." More pointedly, Roderick Bell states that " . . .it is precisely the internalization of certain shared values by indivi duals which allows the system to 'work.' In a sense every indivi dual has a 'system' (or probably several systems) writ small on his , , 1 9 consciousness. ..." Political Socialization Political socialization can be described as the complex of " . . . those developmental processes through which persons acquire 20 political orientations and patterns of behavior." Some researchers 18 Clausen, Socialization and Society, p. 6. 19 Roderick Bell, "Representation and Non-Democratic Theory: Individuals in the Political System" (paper presented at the 65th Annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, N.Y., September 2-6, 1969), p. 5. 20 David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (toew York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1969), p. 7. 16 prefer not to be limited in their investigations to solely political orientations, but extend the scope to those orientations "politically relevant . . . so as to broaden the scope of research into social systems, which are not political in the 'governmental' sense (i.e., 21 family authority patterns)." The function of political socialization for the political system is: . . . the gradual learning of sanctioned political conduct and beliefs. . . . Just as socialization pertains to an individual's conformity to his society's culture, so political socialization refers to an individual's adaptation to his society's political culture. . . . The end toward which this process functions is the development of individuals who are integrated into the polit ical realm of their culture; who accept the approved motives, habits, and values relevant to the political system of their society. . . . The acceptance and internalization of the values and requi sites of the political system creates both a support level for the system and a sense of personal constraint, or control, within the child. In this sense the function of political socialization for the 21 Gerald J. Bender, "Political Socialization and Political Change," Western Political Quarterly, XX (June, 1967), 392. In his review, Bender notes ten varying definitions of political social ization utilized by different commentators in the field. Lewis A. Froman, Jr., "Personality and Political Socialization," Journal of Politics, XXIII (May, 1961), 342, is more explicit as to the struc- tural relationship of political socialization to non-political social ization in defining the former as the "learning of politically rele vant social patterns corresponding to societal positions as mediated through various agencies of society." 22 John J. Patrick, Political Socialization of American Youth: Implications for Secondary School Social Studies, Research Bulletin No. 3 (Washington, D.C.: National Council for the Social Studies, 1967), pp. 1-2. 17 formal authoritative realm is similar to the function of general socialization in the creation of informal social restraints within the individual. As David Easton describes it, Socialization represents an important mechanism that may help members of a system to internalize a need to comply, or as we say in legal systems, a need "to obey legally constituted authority." Generally, we might assume that in most systems childhood socialization probably contributes significantly to the growth of a belief that it is good and necessary to comply with the authoritative outputs. Thus, while the function of socialization is the internaliz ation of common societal belief structures and their related social norms and expectations, the. function of political socialization is the internalization of belief and attitude orientations which coin cide with and support the existent political system and, consequently, the ongoing social structures and values upon which the political system rests and in the service of which it exercises authoritative control. 23 Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 54. CHAPTER III POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND THE POLITICAL SYSTEM To a considerable degree the increase of interest and re search in the field of political socialization is attributable to the rather recent efforts in the application of systems theory and structural-functional models to analysis of the political system. Within these theoretical contexts, the socialization processes have taken on considerable importance in the creation and perpetuation of diffuse support which is " . . . the generalized trust and con fidence that members invest in various objects of the system as ends in themselves.... it is not contingent on any quid pro quo; it is offered unconditionally."* It is this vast reservoir of good will within the political community which is essential to any polit ical system, particularly in times of stress when generalized, 2 positive system support is drawn upon. The patterns of these diffuse orientations toward the polit ical system are the essence of a system’s political culture which is *David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969), p. 627 2 See ibid., pp. 61-69 for a general discussion of the function of political socialization for diffuse and specific supports in the political system. 18 19 the aggregate "... pattern of individual attitudes and orientations toward politics among members of a political system." The political culture of any political system is composed of the member's collec tive patterns of political cognition and awareness, the direction and intensity of his affections toward institutions and personnel in the political system, and his evaluation of the operation of that system in terms meaningful to him. It is the function of political social ization to transmit the political culture, both the formal and in formal patterns, from generation to generation. As a formal process of transmission through the subsystems of the state, for example the educational systems, and through the symbolic outputs of the ongoing system itself, the process of political socialization is utilized to transmit positive, supportive orientations toward the regime, the authorities, and the general political community. Optimally, the political culture is congruent with the es poused values and belief systems of the ongoing political system and thereby congruent with the general cultural values and social struc tures which are the substructure of the political system.^ Even if 3 Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Jr., Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1966), p. 50. 4 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1965), p. 50" It should be noted, however, that the accepted analytical parameters of the "political culture" are less broadly conceived than those of the "general culture." For example, Leslie White defines culture as "an organi zation of phenomena" and goes on to include "... acts (patterns of behavior), objects (tools; things made with tools), ideas (belief, knowledge), and sentiments (attitudes, 'values') . . . ," which, if applied to political culture, would encompass the entire political system. "Culturological vs^. Psychological Interpretations of Human Behavior," American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1947), 693. 20 there are areas of dysfunction between the political culture and the operations of the system, every ongoing political system must have a level of positive support to continue. Therefore, "if a society’s political culture is transmitted effectively to each new generation, then political stability is maintained."5 It is political socialization, then, which is the vital trans mission process by which the system's political culture is perpetu ated and in so doing contributes substantially to the overall mainte nance of system stability.^ It affects the system at several points in its function of system support according to David Easton who sees it as . . . one major kind of response by which a system may seek to avoid stress on its essential variables. It [the system] must be able to reduce such stress if it is to continue to operate as a system of behavior through which the values in a society may be authoritatively allocated. On the output side, through socialization, the system may be able to assure itself of the acceptance of decisions as binding. On the input side, social ization may help to limit the volume and variety of demands and thus prevent the communications networks from becoming overbur dened to the point of collapse. Socializing processes may pre pare members to undertake those roles relevant for the conver sion of inputs to binding outputs. Finally, socialization may also act as a major response by which a system seeks to generate at least a minimal level of positive support for those basic po litical objects without which no system could operate at all.' The unresolved question which is implicit in the systems schema is that of how much and what sorts of stress are permissible John J. Patrick, Political Socialization of American Youth; Implications for Secondary School Social Studies, Research Bulletin No. 3 (Washington, D.C.: National Council for the Social Studies, 1967), p. 3. ^Almond and Powell, Comparative Politics, p. 65. 7 Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 66. within a given political system in order for it to persist. The O insistence that there is a "critical range" within which stress is manageable and beyond which the system will falter does not illuminate the crucial areas of slippage between the political culture and the political system, nor does it provide an indication as to what con stitutes failure of the political socialization process. Apparently there is a considerable, if undefined, latitude within the political culture for non-belief, for Easton admits that "... it is clear that members of a political system need not share all or even most political orientations and cultural assumptions in order to support 9 a common regime." While there seems to be no clear set of middle-range indi cators of stress limits, most writers in the field of political cul ture and political socialization assume that the persistence and stability of a political system is in itself proof of its ability to manage stress and, therefore, prima facie evidence of the efficacy of the ongoing system's socialization processes. Additionally, it is generally thought that system stability is reliant upon the efficiency of the socialization processes to bring about a collective homogeneity of general supportive orientations among members of the political system. A high level of positive support would permit the existence of a limited range of specific non-shared beliefs without g Easton, Systems Analysis for Political Life, pp. 24-25. Q Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 40. 22 causing basic cleavages within the political culture or grave stress *1. * 10 on the system. The one notable exception to the writing which stresses the function of system stability for political socialization is the recent insistence by David Easton that the concept of "system per sistence" is significantly different from the more common notions of "system maintenance," "system stability," or "system equilibrium." By utilizing the notion of "system persistence," Easton maintains that he has rendered the function of socialization value-free since the term "... does not even allude to the systemic consequences of socialization, such as whether it serves to perpetuate, stablize, or destroy the system.However, a few pages earlier he is not so adamant as to the value-neutrality of "system-persistence" when he admits, as most theorists have maintained, that "... our inquiry will ineluctably lead us to the hypothesis that the persistence of some kind of system may in part be dependent upon the success of a society in producing children.^rcost of whom acquire positive feelings 10 See, for example, Gerald J. Bender, "Political Socialization and Political Change," Western Political Quarterly, XX CJune, 1967), 391-392. As David Easton, Children in the Political System, p. 32, notes, "so many studies of socialization take this theoretical pre mise for granted that no special reference to the literature is required." The premise is, of course, the very essence of what is generally conceived as the delicate balance in every democratic polity between system stability and individual freedom. *^Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 9. 23 12 about it." "System persistence" aside, it appears that the social ization of members of the political community into positive orien tations supports system stability. It is within this general func tion of support for the political system that the specific modes of acquiring political orientations can be understood and within which the agencies which transmit political values and attitudes can be examined and assessed. 12 Ibid., p. 5. It appears that Easton's long theoretical justification of political socialization within the system's frame work is, in part, an attempt to answer critics who perceive a very distinct conservative bias in that approach. The notion of systems "persistence," rather than systems "maintenance" or "equilibrium," is intended to resolve the alleged conservative bias of systems analysis, according to Easton's recent writings. Some critics are not convinced, for example James Steintrager, "Political Social ization and Political Theory," Social Research, XXXV (Spring, 1968), 111-129, and Maure L. Goldschmidt, "Democratic Theory and Contempo rary Political Science," Supplement, Western Political Quarterly, XIX (September, 1966), 5-12. CHAPTER IV ACQUIRING POLITICAL ATTITUDES IN CHILDHOOD If it is the process of political socialization which incul cates and transmits the political orientations which are vital to the creation of diffuse support upon which a political system relies for its persistence and stability, then attention must be directed to the particular processes by which individuals acquire their political orientations and the content of these orientations revealed through research with children in the United States. Stages of Political Learning It is conventionally held that political learning, like general learning, "... is cumulative. Orientations learned early in life determine much of the form and substance of orientations learned later."'*' The further assumption that overt political be havior, which includes the variety of political acts and political demands which an individual can make within a system, is based upon an individual's predispositions, cognitions, and beliefs and that these attitudes and propensities are learned behavior would seem a logical extension of general principles in learning theory. However, "^Richard E. Dawson and Kenneth Prewitt, Political Social ization (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1969), p. 43. 24 25 little more than a decade ago, Herbert Hyman lamented the paucity of research and theory dealing with these bases of political behavior. One seeks far and wide for any extended treatment of politi cal behavior as learned behavior, despite the fact that this is patently the case. The importance of such a formulation to un derstanding the stability of political systems is self-evident— humans must learn their political behavior early and well and persist in it. Otherwise there would be no regularity— perhaps even chaos.2 What seemed apparent to Hyman was not so clear to others. For example, a few years prior to Hyman's inventory of research and theory in political socialization, David Easton had rejected what he perceived to be the assertions of personality and learning theo rists, stating that "... the assumption that early experiences in life history permanently mold the personality and its motivations 3 does not withstand the test of first inspection." In the recent and influential Children in the Political System, however, Easton essentially reverses his earlier stance. We shall not be seeking to prove that what is learned early is likely to be more influential than what is learned later and that, therefore, students of political behavior have underestimated the impact of childhood socialization on the political system. ... It remains merely a plausible working assumption. . . . Surprisingly, even in an era shot through with Freudian preconceptions, the effect of childhood experience on adult behavior is still moot.^ 2 Herbert H. Hyman, Political Socialization (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1959), p. 17. 3 David Easton, The Political System: An Inquiry into the State of Political Science (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1953), p. 209. 4 David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1969), p. 75. While Easton appears to retain some reservations 26 The effect of early learning on political orientations was apparently not as hypothetical to the two non-political scientists who were involved with Easton in the Chicago Study, for in their analysis of childhood attitudinal development, Robert Hess and Judith Tomey assert that "... socialization anticipates the adult behav ior with which it is concerned, preparing the individual for a role which he will exercise more completely at some later time."^ Further, the study of political attitudes and beliefs in children "... is justified . . . by a theory of pre-adult learning which connects the experience of children with their later political activities as adults."^ about early learning, they cannot be exceptionally serious since the remainder of the book is an evaluation and analysis of the political attitudes of grade school children. However, at the conclusion of the book, Easton still strikes a tentative posture by stating that "if what is early impressed on a person endures, the early origins of support fortify the probability that this support will be avail able later in the life cycle." Yet, this stress on the problematic nature of this causal relation is superceded by his flat assertion immediately following that the residue of support engendered in childhood "... may be an important source of the relative dura bility of the American structure of authority in the past . . . ," p. 276. ^Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, Anchor Books (New York: Doub'l'eday, 1967), p. 7. ^Ibid. Hess and Torney make it clear that they labor under no "Freudian misconceptions" in supporting the relationship between childhood learning and adult behavior, but take the theoretical position that "the view of pre-adult socialization into the politi cal system is more consonant with the role-learning orientation of the sociologists such as Brim than with the type of socialization which has been studied most frequently by psychologists . . . ," p. 9. L. 27 The working definition of "pre-adult" in most major empirical research has been "childhood." For example, Hess and Torney maintain that "while there is no doubt that attitudes and behavior change in some ways in the years following the eighth grade ... it may be argued that many of the basic orientations are established in the 7 pre-high school years." This emphasis on the earlier childhood period, they report, was not an arbitrary choice but stemmed from their experience with a Chicago pilot study which "... failed to support the hypothesis that significant major development and change g in political attitudes occurs during the high school years." The failure was the absence of a notable change, for "analysis of our responses showed very little difference between freshman and senior classes in level or patterns of response. We interpret these results as indicating that political socialization is completed, in several g important respects, by the time the child reaches high school." However, not all researchers are persuaded of the exclusive importance of the childhood years in the learning of political orientations. Fred Greenstein, who investigated the political atti tudes and cognitions of school children in New Haven, hypothesizes that "... much of an individual's orientation toward politics 7Ibid., p. 131. 8Ibid., p. 10. g Robert D. Hess, "The Socialization of Attitudes Toward Political Authority: Some Cross-National Comparisons," International Social Science Journal, XV (1963), 544. 28 already has become fixed by late adolescence."^ Dawson and Prewitt in their summary political socialization text conclude somewhat ambiv alently that ’ ’ important aspects of political maturation take place during later adolescence, but most often development during this period crystallizes and internalizes patterns established during the pre-adolescent period. By the end of adolescence the political self 11 of the individual is pretty well established." Still, they note, "though socialization is continuous, some periods in the life cycle are more important for political learning than others. Thus, the 12 emphasis upon childhood experiences is not without justification." Robert Lane, on the other hand, feels that "late adolescence and early maturity may be a critical period for establishing political 13 attitudes." While Lane's view is not the prevailing one among political scientists, there is an increasingly important movement among sociologists and social-psychologists which takes exception to the exclusive attention directed to the early learning processes, for Alex Inkeles points out, "... learning can and does continue until old age."^ To maintain himself 10 Fred I. Greenstein, Children and Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), p. 1 6 6 " ! Italics added. 11 Dawson and Prewitt, Political Socialization, p. 51. Italics added. 12Ibid., p. 43. 13 Robert E. Lane, Political Life (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1959), p. 219. 14 Alex Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure, and Child Socialization," in John A. Clausen, ed., Socialization and Society (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1968), p. 102. 29 ... in any but the most static societies the individual cannot possibly be prepared during childhood for the complex roles that he will be called upon to play at later periods in his life. . . . role learning is a continuous process throughout life and the individual must not only learn new roles and abandon old ones as he passes through various status sequences in his life cycle, but he will also have to learn new roles as he experiences social mobility and as disruptive changes take place in society. 5 The notion of the role theorists that socialization is a con tinuous adaptive process over the life span is recognized but rejected by Easton, who maintains that "... we may nevertheless hold to the theory that what is learned early in life tends to be retained and to 1 f i shape later attitudes and behavior." On the other hand, political scientists oriented toward functionalist concepts inherent in the study political culture are more likely to feel as Almond and Powell, who state flatly that "[political] attitudes are not established during infancy and untouched after the age of ten. They are always being adapted or reinforced as the individual goes through his social ,.17 experiences." Not only is there adaptation and reinforcement of early atti tudes during later life periods, but there is a "phasing" aspect of learning, the learning of totally new things at various junctures in the life cycle, which is not accounted for in the exclusive emphasis ■^William H. Sewell, "Some Recent Developments in Socializa tion Theory and Research," The Annals, 349 (September, 1963), 173. ^Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, pp. 98-99. 17Gabriel A. Almond and G. Bingham Powell, Jr., Comparative Politics: A Developmental Approach (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1966), p. 65. 30 upon early learning. As Inkeles indicates, ... it is largely through these later stages of socialization-- when, in a sense, the whole social structure serves as a social izing agent--that the process of socialization begun in the family is completed and that society inculcates in the individual many of its ’ ’ required" characteristics. There is, then, a "second wave" in the socialization process, which we have relatively ne glected in our preoccupation with the period of infancy and early childhood. In this second wave, the individual not only learns the detailed role contents socially necessary to acting in accord with earlier acquired basic dispositions, but he also acquires new dispositions and social skills which he could not appropri ately learn in infancy and early childhood. Many aspects of heterosexual relations, much of the orientation and behavior appropriate to work and to political allegiance and action exem plify those realms in which, perforce, socialization must come mainly after the early years.*° Implicit in this mode of analysis is the suggestion that political learning, as with general learning, depends, in part, upon the particular patterns of maturational development which are peculiar 19 to the requirements of each political culture. This raises the possibility that there is not only a variability of learning phases within an individual’s life cycle, as suggested by the role theorists, but that there is, over time, cultural variability which produces generational differentiation. The requirements of a political culture to which an individual is socialized to respond must inevitably change to some degree over an individual's life span, a change which is 18 Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure, and Child Social ization," p. 92. 19 For a discussion of the prevailing maturational hypotheses in the field of political socialization, see Jack Dennis, "Major Problems of Political Socialization Research," Midwest Journal of Political Science, XII (February, 1968), 98-99. 31 particularly rapid and incessant in the industrially and technolog ically advanced societies. There is likely, then, a differential distribution of cultural requirements which have been internalized by members of any given political community. In short, there is specif ically generational learning which infuses the individual learning process with both new roles and specific definitions which provide greater relevancy to old roles and requirements. Sole reliance upon the developmental sequences in child growth and development tends to obscure the very real impact of generational experience which is a more direct response to the state of the political culture and the prevailing political system. As Jack Dennis notes, but does not develop, "generational differences come about because of differences in experience of members of society who are born at diverse points in history, and these differences become incorporated into the stream of 20 political learning." Closely related to the question of phases in political learn ing, is the unsettled, but widely assumed, notion that the first sets of orientations a child acquires are not specifically political, but rather "politically relevant" or are of such a nature that the early learned orientations might prove to have political relevance. ^ Ibid., p. 100. The notion of generation has been little dealt with conceptually nor has it been well-developed as a tool for the understanding of political change. However, the concept has been developed in the functionalist tradition of sociology by S. N. Eisen- stadt, From Generation to Generation: Age Groups and Social Structure CGlencoe: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1956), and is utiliz- ed as a basic component of a theory of history in Jose Ortega y Gasset, Man and Crisis (New York: W. W. Norton, 1958), pp. 30-84. 32 For example, according to Hess and Torney, The political behavior of adults has childhood origins in attitudes, values, basic orientations which are broader in scope and which extend beyond the specific acts usually included in studies of adult political involvement. The early learning of the citizen role overlaps with experiences in other arenas— the acquisition of a sense of moral justice, an emerging sense of sex- appropriate behavior, and such emotional underlay as passivity or a desire to control the environment. The question, of course, is how far from the realm of the po litical may one stray and still deal with socialization experiences which are or may become politically relevant. While there are no accepted parameters, nor perhaps should there be, it would seem that the research is promising in that area of " . . . the non-political authority patterns to which an individual is exposed [which] have an important effect on his attitudes toward political authority. . . . it is likely that his first view of the political system represents 22 a generalization from these experiences." 21 Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, pp. 8-9. Also see Kenneth Langton, Political Socialization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969) for his interpretation and discussion of this literature. 22 Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1965), p. 268. The differentiation of the family and political roles occurs later in childhood after the earlier projection of father role attributes on the President, accord ing to Robert D. Hess and David Easton, "The Child's Changing Image of the President," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXIV (Winter, 1960), 632-644. Additional empirical support for the attribution of benevo lence to leading political figures can be found in Fred I. Greenstein, "The Benevolent Leader: Children's Images of Political Authority," American Political Science Review, LIV (December, 1960), 934-943. For clinical evidence to the same point, see Franz Alexander, "Emotional Factors in Voting Behavior," in Eugene Burdick and Arthur J. Brodbeck, American Voting Behavior (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1959), pp. 300- 307, and Richard Renneker, "Some Psychodynamic Aspects of Voting Behavior," in ibid., pp. 399-413. 33 David Easton, on the other hand, finds it very difficult to legitimize the hypothesis that non-political but "politically relevant" attitudes are necessarily the first that the child acquires since that style of "psychoanalytic" theorizing "... removes politics from the sphere.of primary (infancy and childhood) socialization and places it at the secondary (adolescence and adulthood) level. ... In this kind of personality-in-culture theorizing the acquisition of politi cal attitudes is postponed to the secondary phases of the life cycle; politics is largely the acting out of predispositions developed at an 23 earlier stage." Consequently, "... little room is left for the independent effect of direct political learning."24 And it is this direct political learning which Easton and Dennis maintain exists in the development of the child's very early and lucid notion of the authority figures of policeman and President, a recognition and posi tive evaluation by the child which flies in the face of "traditional learning theory . . . [which] has presupposed that the child broadens his range of awareness by moving through a series of neat and orderly 25 concentric circles." How accurately this pattern describes the growth of other areas of knowledge and interest we do not presume to know. But in the political sphere two things became apparent in our pre tests. First, there is no linear progression either from close to distant objects or, for that matter, from simple to complex Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 77. 24Ibid., p. 78. 25Ibid., p. 103. 34 ones. The introduction of the child to political life follows a much less orderly pattern. He proves capable of simultaneously making contact with both the inner and outer rings of traditional curricular theory, and at a number of different structural levels. We found the child to be absorbing ideas and expressing feelings about remote political things, such as the government and the President, even while he was becoming familiar with objects very close to his, such as the policeman, a staunch traditional symbol of authority.^ Both the development of cognition of and affect toward these two authority roles, then, "... does not progress through those concentric rings of awareness that have been presupposed for other 27 areas of social life." This interpretation particularly counters the learning theories of Jean Piaget which stress the ego centered nature of the child's awareness of the environment, until the "de- 28 centering" process in pre-adolescence. By pre-adolescence, the age of ten or eleven, says Easton, "... we have found that the child has already become fairly well politicized. . . . The children come to recognize the potency of some political authorities outside the family. In thus distinguishing political from familial authority, 26 Ibid. The authors term this phenomenon the "head-and-tail effect" in political socialization. 27Ibid., p. 104. 28 See ibid., pp. 393-394, for a short refutation of Piaget in light of the interpretation of the Chicago data. A summary of Piaget's theories of ego development can be found in Jean Piaget and Barbel Inhelder, The Psychology of the Child, translated by Helen Weaver (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1969), and a recent application of Piaget's theories of moral and cognitive development to political socialization can be found in Richard M. Merelman, "The Development of Political Ideology: A Framework for the Analysis of Political Socialization," American Political Science Review, LXIII (September, 1969), 750-767. 35 the children reveal that they have learned an important lesson, at least in a system in which the political structure is differentiated 29 from other social structures." Not only does this hypothesis set Easton apart from most socialization theorists, but it also serves as an additional basis for the rejection of " . . . any special rev- 30 erence for a 'staging' theory of broad general predispositions." Direction of Political Attitudes in Childhood While there is still considerable discussion in regard to the relationship between personality development, cultural socialization patterns and requirements, and the acquisition of political orienta tions and their subsequent alteration over the life cycle, the re search on children leaves no doubt that, whatever the developmental process, "... the rising generation of children comes to accept 31 and place a favorable evaluation on the going political system." These attitudes of children, which Dawson and Prewitt describe as 32 "indiscriminately positive," suggest to Easton, in the light of his data, "... that in the United States a positively supportive image of the general structure of authority is being widely and regularly 35 reproduced for young new members." With regard to attitudes toward 29 Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 394. 30Ibid., p. 79. 3^Greenstein, Children and Politics, p. 1571 32 Dawson and Prewitt, Political Socialization, p. 45. 33 Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 138. 36 authority, specifically the roles of policeman and President, Easton concludes . . . that from the most rudimentary stage of his awareness, the child interprets government as something to further his welfare and that of the people around him. The benevolent, protective, helpful, and otherwise positive qualities of government consti tute the first and continuing overall context of evaluation. Even at the end of our test period--when the child is thirteen or fourteen years of age ... he seems reluctant to give up his initial, highly positive evaluation. In this we see, per haps, the early formation of a bond that is hard to loosen.^4 Greenstein, too, found that "the child's conception of polit ical authority seems to have more affective than cognitive content," and that "the affective response to political leaders is strikingly 35 positive. ..." It appears that "the child develops attitudes about support for the regime before he learns those minimal partici pant skills in politics that membership in a particular system may 36 require," and that the creation of support for specific roles is es- 37 sential to the creation of positive diffuse support for the system. 34 Ibid., p. 128. Hess and Torney, The Development of Polit ical Attitudes in Children, p. 243, perceive the benevolence of authority as " . . . compensatory; it develops as a result of the child's inferior and vulnerable place in the system. ..." 35 Greenstein, Children and Politics, p. 154. Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 390. ^See the discussion, ibid., pp. 287-288, of the particular process the child undergoes in his increasingly realistic perceptions of the political system. A four phase developmental model is suggest ed which depicts the child's perceptions as developing conceptually from personalization to institutionalization to politicization and finally to idealization, the last being the "crucial socializing pro cess through which diffuse support is generated and sustained . . . ," p. 356. 37 Thus, the first strongly positive affect is toward specific roles in the political system before the child actually acquires much political information. The high level of affect toward authoritative 38 roles continues with only a very slight decline in the later grades. However, there is a concurrent rise in the sense of political efficacy 39 (powerfulness) which is indicative of a more generalized sense of individual power in the political system, as well as a belief in the norm of systemic response to the individual. Overall, there is increasingly (through the eighth grade) a feeling of obligation and duty toward the system broadly construed (laws, authority) and strong support for the ideas of consensus and majority rule. In short, dif fuse support for the political system increases with age and takes on a more generalized, normative significance to the child.^ 58See ibid., pp. 255-260. 39 David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy," American Political Science Review, LXI (March, 1967), 33. 40 See Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, pp. 242-247, for a summary of attitudinal development evidenced in their data. CHAPTER V AGENTS OF POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION Although there are inadequacies in the theories dealing with the stages and processes of political learning during childhood and adolescence, most behavioralists share the conviction that in the socialization process "... society cannot act for itself but must effect its purpose through organizations and individuals who are its 'agents1 in the socialization process."’ 1 And, "... in understand ing the political development of the pre-adult, one of the central questions hinges on the relative and differentiated contributions of 2 various socializing agents." Agents of socialization are reference groups within which the individual forges and modifies his self-concept as well as formula ting perspectives which carry over into his coping behavior beyond the reference group. The creation of a self-concept is the process by which ... an individual appraises himself and others according to norms and standards of the reference group; the reference group, itself, is subject to appraisal in terms of its relative status Alex Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure, and Child Sociali zation," in John A. Clausen, ed., Socialization and Society (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1968), p. 1 ^ 3* ^ 2 M. Kent Jennings and Richard G. Niemi, "The Transmission of Political Values from Parent to Child," American Political Science Review, LXII (March, 1968), 169. ™ 39 in the social organization. It is difficult to overemphasize the importance of such reference sets for the individual, since it is an anchored set of self-attitudes which exerts a stabili zing effect on performance. . . . the self-concept figures as an important determinant of individual behavior, and [that] self is defined partially in terms of reference groups or sets. Not only does a reference group provide a set of values and norms— a miniature "system"— to which the individual relates, but the reference groups, themselves, are differentially valued in the larger social system according,to the set of values characteristic of that larger system. Consequent social and political identity is grounded, according to Robert Lane, in " . . . the use of attributes derived from a man's identification with social groups to describe and define himself."^ There is, in the literature, often a confusion of reference groups with membership groups.^ In socialization theory the prime criterion is that reference groups be those "... whose perspectives are assumed by the actor.Groups to which an individual aspires or those to which he compares himself may be reference but not membership 3 Roderick Bell, "Representation and Non-Democratic Theory: Individuals in the Political System," (paper presented at the 65th annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, N. Y., September 2-6, 1969), p. 6. 4 Robert E. Lane, Political Ideology (New York: The Free Press, 1962), p. 389. ^As an example, Robert E. Lane confuses these concepts parti cularly with regard to his insistence upon religious affiliation as proof of the viability of religion as a vital referent in contempo rary society, in "The Politics of Consensus in an Age of Affluence," American Political Science Review, LIX (December, 1965), 874-895. ^Tamotsu Shibutani, "Reference Groups as Perspectives," Ameri can Journal of Sociology, LX (May, 1955), 563. 40 groups. Therefore, the most effective and pervasive socializing groups are those in which an individual is considered and considers himself a member and through which his self-assessments and behav- 7 ioral norms and evaluations are developed. To the child, the most important referent is the family which functions as the primary reference and membership group, both in time and in impact. Within the family the individual learns his first set of social roles, and in doing so, takes a major step in the pro cess of socialization. He learns what is expected of him as a child and how he should relate to other people. He learns his role within the family power structure, and which family statuses control the resources he needs (food, protection, affection). By imitation and identification he learns, also, what behavior is not. Within the social setting of the family the individual first forms his self-concepts: the kind of per son he perceives himself to be, what assets and liabilities he sees himself possessing, and what he expects of himself in the present and future. Thus, the child will carry with him into the school envi ronment a set of role-behaviors and a self-concept that are largely the result of family training. With age, the child increasingly interacts with age-graded contemporaries, or peers, first in the neighborhood situation, then 7 Ibid. See also Alberta Engvall Siegel and Sidney Siegel, "Reference Groups, Membership Groups, and Attitude Change," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LV (November, 1957), 360-364. g Kenneth Langton, Political Socialization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), p. 21. See also Herbert Hyman, Political Socialization (New York: The Free Press, 1959), and James C. Davies, "The Family's Role in Political Socialization." The Annals, 361 (September, 1965), 10-19. 41 9 in school. Similar to his experience within the family setting, " . . . for behaving in the appropriate or valued manner, the [peer] group rewards its members by bestowing attention, approval, or lead ership, or by giving permission to participate or to employ certain symbols. Some sociologists maintain that the peer experience significantly displaces the family as the prime source of reward/ deprivation, particularly as the child grows into adolescence. To be sure, parents and parental desires are of great im portance to children in a long-range sense, but it is their peers whose approval, admiration, and respect they attempt to win in their everyday activities, in school and out. As a result, the old'"levers" by which children are motivated— approval o r . , disapproval of parents and teachers— are less efficient. 9 Alex Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure . . . ," p. 120, notes that "... the presence or absence of age-grading will also clearly influence the degree to which adults or peers serve as role models because in an age-graded society one spends the largest part of one’s time, and is expected to have the greatest solidarity with one’s age-mates." S. N. Eisenstadt, From Generation to Generation: Age Groups and Social Structure (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956), discusses age-grading concepts more fully within an historical perspective. ■^Frederick Elkin, The Child and Society: The Process of Socialization (New York: Random House, 1960), p. 68. ^James S. Coleman, The Adolescent Society: The Social Life of the Teenager and Its Impact upon Education (New York: The Free Press, 1961), p. 11. William H. Sewell, "Some Recent Developments in Socialization Theory and Research," The Annals, 349 (September, 1963), 174, concludes that the research indicates that "... there seems to be no disagreement with the notion that the adolescent pe riod is one in which some childhood habits and roles must be abandon ed while new roles appropriate to sex and age must be learned or that school and peer groups are the most important socialization agencies at this time." 42 The precise influence of the school as a structure with mani fold functions upon the socialization process is unclear. It is apparent that public education in this country has, as one of its major functions, the task of influencing system-supportive attitudes through direct instruction. The transmission of social norms " . . . become [s] increasingly formal and explicit as the child moves from the home to secondary socialization settings, of which the school 12 is the outstanding instance in our cultural tradition." The social norms and values transmitted through the school organization tend to be congruent with those current in conventional society, serving " . . . on the one hand to reinforce existing statuses of students 13 and, on the other, to encourage upward mobility." The salience of teachers as specific agents within the school environment appears variable and dependent upon the degree to which the teacher becomes a model or significant other to the child. Teacher- salience is not considered a function of the information or content which is purveyed.^ Havighurst and Taba found that the teacher- role also figured in the setting of preferred values within the school environment in that "... the two most powerful groups in the school, the teachers and the leading clique among the adolescents, 12 Inkeles, "Society, Social Structure . . . p. 94 13Elkin, Child and Society, pp. 57-58. ^Ibid., p. 61. 43 worked pretty much together in setting standards."^ This suggests that not only does the school provide direct instruction in "conven tional values," but that leading peer cliques who share those values are instrumental in the transmission and informal enforcement of system-supportive norms.^ In most listings of relevant socializing agencies, the mass media are included along with family, peer groups, and school as significant referents for the child. For one investigator the mass 17 media are an instance of "observational learning," for another 18 their effect is described as "socialization intervention." The mass media seem pervasive in the contemporary youth culture, yet re main elusive of attempts to define their effect. As Elkin states, "How much socializing influence the mass media have is not clear, 19 although undoubtedly it is extensive." Although, "... since the child ordinarily employs the mass media for his immediate 15 Robert J. Havighurst and Hilda Taba, Adolescent Character and Personality, Science Editions (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1949), p. 36. ■^Coleman, Adolescent Society, pp. 285-287, discusses the re verse effect in terms of the impact upon the school environment when student-teacher relationships deteriorate. 17 Eleanor E. Maccoby, "The Development of Moral Values and Behavior in Childhood," in John A. Clausen, ed., Socialization and Society (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1968), p. 242. 18 Ronald Lippitt, "Improving the Socialization Process," in ibid., pp. 335-336. 1 Q Elkin, Child and Society, p. 72. (Italics added.) 44 gratification and not to learn the patterns of the society, the so- 20 cialization which derives therefrom is generally incidental." David Riesman perceives the media in terms of peer reinforce ment since most child-centered programming asks "... the child to 21 see the world as 'the' child— that is, the other child— sees it." Elkin, on the other hand, stresses the situational context within which media are encountered, pointing out that "... they are ordinarily seen or heard in group settings, and the family and peer group have a considerable influence in guiding exposure to, and gen- 22 erally defining, their content." Coleman suggests that the extent of an individual's exposure to mass media is indicative of that in dividual's peer relationships. In his study, extensive television watching in an adolescent was closely related to that individual's inability to attain satisfactory integration within the peer-school 23 environment. Political Socialization Agencies Political scientists working in the area of political person ality and political socialization have assumed, for the most part, the socialization agent framework current in the related behavioral sciences for their investigations of political learning. It is the 2°Ibid., p. 74. 2*David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961), p. 97. 99 Elkin, Child and Society, p. 70. 07 Coleman, Adolescent Society, pp. 236-243 45 family, peer group, school and the mass media which are, according to Lewis A. Froman, Jr., the "... most important in both the devel opment of 'political character' and the resultant influence on polit- 24 ical behavior." However, the differentiated effects of the various agencies have been difficult to isolate in political socialization research, leading one commentator to suggest that there is such a high degree of variability individual by individual, sub-system by sub-system that ... a broader hypothesis is needed— perhaps that the views of the socialized are likely to follow the socializers who most often interact with him, present more explicit political content to him, and have higher saliency, prestige, and capacity to influence him generally. No doubt the particular agencies that exercise this form of political influence will vary, for example, from system to system, from stratum to stratum, and from early periods in the life cycle to later ones.^5 However, research to this point has proceeded largely within the "agency transmittal" framework applied to the learning of polit ical orientations. Family The family as the earliest and most proximate primary group is considered by most authorities to be the most efficacious in both the general and specifically political learning processes. Too, it mediates the relative impact of other agencies upon the child. It 24 "Personality and Political Socialization," Journal of Politics, XXIII (May, 1961), 343-344. ^Jack Dennis, "Major Problems of Political Socialization Research," Midwest Journal of Political Science, XII (February, 1968), 109. 46 is the early experience within the family environment through the child-rearing practices extant within the family and its social stra tum which appear to influence the earliest orientations of affect toward political authority, particularly through the "interpersonal 26 transfer" of family authority role affect into the political sphere. It is this displacement of authority-awe from the family to highly visible political figures which gives rise to what Fred I. Greenstein 27 has termed "the benevolent leader" syndrome among children. Easton and Dennis found similar personalization among younger children di rected toward the "head and tail" of the political authority struc- 28 ture, the President and policemen. The sympathy and support for visible and salient political authorities, but not necessarily for more complex political structures such as Congress or the Court, may have a substantial fallout of positive affect, according to Hess and Torney. This generalization of specific role affect into support for rules and laws is also likely to form the basis for many symbols of community consensus which "... are well-known and perhaps taken for granted--feelings of loyalty, respect for the symbols of govern- 26 Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, Anchor Books (toew York: Doubleday, 1967), p. 24". 27 Fred I. Greenstein, "The Benevolent Leader: Children's Images of Political Authority," American Political Science Review, LIV (December, 1960), 934-943. 28 David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969), p. 147 ff. 47 29 ment (especially the flag, Statue of Liberty, and Uncle Sam). . . ." More specific political orientations, such as party affil iation, tend to be assumed by the child through imitation or 30 "identification.*' Since this is the most direct, non-cognitive, easily-defined early orientation transmitted to the child through the family, the family-child transmission of party identification has proved amenable to empirical research and the relationship is 31 well documented. Families are also "... instrumental in launching and sup porting class, religious, and ethnic identifications and are even thought to function as intermediaries between consumers and the mass 32 media. ..." Thus, not only are the bases for generalized support of political authorities and symbols generated in childhood, but the groundwork is laid for differentiating, and potentially system- 29 David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1969), p. 147 ff. 30Ibid., pp. 24-25. 31 Reports of this relationship can be found in Jennings and Niemi, op. cit., pp. 169-184; Hyman, op. cit.; Martin L. Levin, "So cial Climates and Political Socialization," Public Opinion Quarterly, XXV (Winter, 1961), 596-606; Herbert McClosky and Harold k. Dahlgren, "Primary Group Influence on Party Loyalty," American Political Sci ence Review, LIII (September, 1959), 757-776; and in the retrospective studies of Angus Campbell, Gerald Gurin and Warren E. Miller, The Voter Decides (New York: Row, Peterson and Co., 1954), and Eleanor E. Maccoby, Richard E. Matthews and Anton S. Morton, "Youth and Political Change," Public Opinion Quarterly, XVII (Spring/ 1954), 23-39. 32 McClosky and Dahlgren, op. cit., p. 757. On inter-agent reinforcement, see Elkin, op. cit., p. 57. 48 divisive identifications. Social class placement, particularly, has influence on the child beyond status differential effects. For ex ample, lower social strata families are reported to have significantly different child-rearing practices than other social strata, tending to be more authoritarian, father-dominated, and less reliant upon, and participant in, other social institutions which would tend to 33 countervail lower strata values. However, Urie Bronfenbrenner suggests that the effect of so cial class and consequent child-rearing differentials may be changing in this country. These secular trends may be summarized as follows: (a) greater permissiveness toward the child's spontaneous de sires; (b) freer expression of affection; (c) increased reli ance on indirect "psychological" techniques of discipline (such as reasoning or appeals to guilt) vs_. direct methods (such as physical punishment, scolding, or threats); (d) middle- class values and techniques, a narrowing of the gap between social classes in their patterns of child rearing.^4 In addition to its effect upon child-rearing, social class as an identification has considerable influence upon the child's self- concept outside of the family environment. Easton and Dennis maintain that . . . the most important differentiation is expressed in the systems of stratification, usually economic and sometimes 33 Havighurst and Taba, op. cit., pp. 41-42; Hyman, op. cit., p. 157; and Robert E. Lane, "Fathers and Sons: Foundations of Polit ical Belief," American Sociological Review, XXIV (August, 1959), 502- 511. ■^"The Changing American Child: A Speculative Analysis," Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, VII (April, 1961), 74. 49 based upon status and power, and is manifest in concrete form in the differential allocation of resources to families and individuals. Such differential allocation may have profound effects on the individual's self-conception, effects which are evident very early ggd may be reinforced and emphasized through out the life cycle. Not only does social stratum placement preordain a group's "way 36 of life," but it has considerable effect upon an individual's self- 37 esteem, social efficacy, and sets of expectations and aspirations. Children from higher social strata tend to project their feelings of social power into the political realm at an early age and are consid erably ahead of lower strata children in most areas of political in- 38 formation, interest and involvement, and in system affect attitudes. Class differences tend to disappear only in some areas of political 35 Inkeles, op. cit., p. 111. "^Elkin, op. cit., p. 78-79. 37 Don R. Bowen, Political Behavior of the American Public (Columbus: Charles E. Merrill, 1968), p. 67, indicates that " . . . those of higher SES enjoy a greater degree of self-confidence. Their personal experience induces in them the view that the environment is not overwhelmingly hostile and unyielding to human manipulation. Transferred to politics such a perception passes into the feeling we have previously called the sense of political efficacy." Also see Inkeles, op. cit., p. 113. 38 David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms," American Political Science Review, LXI (March, 1967), 35-36, and Hess and Torney, op. cit., pp. 145-197, who use student I.Q. as the "education" variable, rather than parent's educational attainment. See also Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 85-106; Easton and Dennis, Children in the' Political System, p. 347, who found a variable influence of SES at a low magnitude. 50 39 awareness and in feelings of basic nation attachment and support for 40 citizen compliant roles. Sex role differences, based in early role-modeling and imita tion within the family, appear to have some impact upon the develop ment and direction of political attitudes. For. example, boys tend to demonstrate greater political interest and higher feelings of politi- 41 cal confidence than girls but are slightly less likely to support compliant attitudes or authority roles which stress compliance in 42 later childhood. Although the "... finding that men are more likely to parti cipate in politics than women is one of the most thoroughly substan- 43 tiated in social science," it is beginning to appear that even this differentiation is eroding in modernized cultures and is less signifi- 44 cant within most cultures in the higher education-economic strata. 39 Roberta S. Sigel, "Image of a President: Some Insights into the Political Views of School Children," American Political Science Review, LXII (March, 1968), 218. 40 Hess and Torney, op. cit., p. 195. ^Greenstein, Children and Politics, p. 156; Levin, op. cit., p. 603; Hess and Torney, op. cit., pp. 199-222; Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, pp. 337-339. 42 Easton and Dennis, op. cit., p. 376. ^Lester Milbrath, Political Participation (Chicago: Rand- McNally, 1965), p. 135. Also see Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1965), pp. 324-335; and Angus Campbell, et al., The American Voter (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1960), pp. 259-261. 44 Milbrath, op. cit., p. 136. 51 Among children in the United States similar trends are evident, lead ing Easton and Dennis to conclude that ” ... sex typing is transmit ted from adults to children less than we might have expected, at least for the area of system politics,1 ' and "... may reflect as much a long-term lessening of politicoculture sexual differentiation as its 45 continuation." Modernization and urbanization apparently have as a concommitant the "... increasing diffusion of male and female par ental roles and the blurring of the traditional lines of distinction 46 between the sexes," which reduces role-modeling possibilities and attenuates those attitudinal and participant differentials in the orientations of children which are based upon sex-typing. The least important of family-mediated identifications is religious denomination for which "... there are.few mean differ ences among children from different religious groups in general 45 Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 343. This general conclusion is supported in the analyses of Hess and Torney, op. cit., p. 253, and Jennings and Niemi, op. cit., p. 180. However, Greenstein, Children and Politics, p. 127, found insistent sex differences in regard to political interest and information, con cluding that "... the aspects of children's political and non political development described here make it clear that political sex differences . . . are unlikely to vanish soon." In Easton and Dennis, "Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms," pp. 36-37, the authors suggest that the slight difference between the sexes in regard to political efficacy indicates that "... something must happen between child hood and later phases of the life cycle that leads females into be coming disenchanted with’their earlier expected role in political life that they once started with boys." ^Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, Committee on Adoles cence, Normal Adolescence: Its Dynamics and Impact (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1968), p. 47. 52 political orientations and attitudes; there are few differences in participation and active involvement."^ Peer Group and School The influence of the peer group plays itself out most generally in the school environment. As we have noted, the relative importance of peers and the school as vital socializing factors is not settled. Some maintain that they become, particularly in adolescence, more im- 48 portant than the family, others perceive them as a possible alter- 49 native source of influence if family cohesiveness is weak, while others maintain that they serve mainly as a reinforcement of family , 50 values. Among political scientists there is considerable difference in evaluations of school and peer influence. Hess and Torney maintain " . . . that the school stands out as the central, salient, and domi nant force in the political socialization of the young child."51 On the other hand, Kenneth Langton found that (among twelfth-graders) the school environment was less important than peer group in terms of 47 Hess and Torney, op. cit., p. 137. Similar conclusions were reached by Jennings and Niemi, op. cit., pp. 179-180, in their student- parent paired analyses; Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 378, found minor differences in feelings of affect toward President Kennedy. 48 For example, Coleman, op. cit., and Sewell, op. cit. 49 Langton, op. cit., p. 123. 5^Daniel Offer, The Psychological World of the Teen-ager: A Study of Normal Adolescent Boys (New York: Basic Books, 1969), p . 197. 51 Hess and Torney, op. cit., p. 250. 53 political efficacy, but that both were significantly less important 52 than the family. In analyzing intra-peer group attitude sharing, another researcher found that "... political orientations are not 53 of major importance among high school friends." The manifest political socialization within the school struc ture, the civics curriculum, does not appear to have significant im pact upon the political orientations of the young. A number of studies in the United States and other countries have stressed the importance of education in determining politi cal attitudes and behavior. The man with only a primary school education is a different political actor from the man who has gone to high school or college. Yet direct evidence demonstra ting the effect of college and high school curriculum upon polit ical beliefs and behavior of students is scarce and generally inconclusive. Our findings do not support the thinking of those who look to the civics curriculum in American high.schools as even a minor source of political socialization. Nor, apparently, do extra-curricular activities in high school have 55 a distinct effect upon any particular sets of political attitudes. 52 Langton, op. cit., pp. 158-160. 53 Suzanne K. Sebert, "Friend and Peer Influences on the Poli tics of the High School Senior," (paper presented at the 65th Annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, September 2-6, 1969), p. 14. 54 Kenneth P. Langton and M. Kent Jennings, "Political Social ization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States," American Political Science Review, LXII (September, 1968), 865. A similar conclusion issued from a different approach in Edgar Litt, Civic Education, Community Norms, and Political Indoctrination," American Sociological Review, XXVIII (February, 1963), 73. 55 David Ziblatt, "High School Extracurricular Activities and Political Socialization," The Annals, 361 (September, 1965), 20-31. Mass Media The effect of the mass media on political orientations is no better understood than their effect on children generally. Greenstein discovered some sex differences in regard to awareness and involvement in political news among children, regardless of social class,^ but the effect was rightly analyzed in terms of the significance of sex role modeling, rather than an indication of media efficacy. The impression one gathers from a survey of the impact of so cialization agencies upon the political orientations of children and adolescents is the disjunction between the psychological and social- psychological theories and assumptions and the empirical evidence supportive of those hypotheses. One is unsure whether the paucity of hard evidence for agent transmission of most political orientations is due to faulty conceptualization, inadequate operationalization in empirical research, or both. It is in this vital theoretical area of value transmission, of who does what to whom and to what effect, that the greatest weakness in the field of political socialization becomes evident.^'7 ^Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 117-118. 57 For example, Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 358, admit that " ... we have little reliable information in our project materials that bears upon the relative influence of various agents of socialization. ' . . ." PART II THE FULLERTON STUDY: POLITICAL ATTITUDES AMONG A SUBURBAN COMMUNITY OF ADOLESCENTS 55 CHAPTER VI INTRODUCTION AND METHODOLOGY Introduction While major research in political socialization dealing with children through grade eight has held the early phase in development to be the most important in the formation of political orientations and further, that those orientations tend to be almost uniformly sup portive of the political system,'*' these findings seem dissonant with the political behavior among adolescents and young adults in the 2 United States over the past decade. The inconsistency between the system-supportive political orientations of children and the apparent alienated political behavior of later adolescents motivated this in vestigation of political attitude orientations in adolescence. Adolescence Adolescence, as the phase of maturation following childhood, refers to a period stretching from pubescence to the age at which an 3 individual independently takes on social responsibilities. Thus, it ^See Chapter IV. 2 For a full discussion of the two dimensions of alienation among the young, see Michael Brown, ed., The Politics and Anti- Politics of the Young (Beverly Hills: Glencoe Press, 1969). 3 L. Joseph Stone and Joseph Church, Childhood and Adolescence: A Psychology of the Growing Person (New York! Random House, 1957), pp. 268-275. , - / • 57 "... is not simply a physical process; there is more to it than sex ual maturation. It is also--and primarily--a social process, whose fundamental task is clear and stable self-identification."4 The largest body of theory and research on adolescence dealt, for a long period, with that developmental period as a time of "storm and stress,"5 and consequently a time of rebellion against most forms of authority. However, more recent research in adolescent behavior tends to view the period of adolescence as a continuous transitional phase in the maturation process, rather than a peculiar, discontinu ous, phase in socialization. In the large scale studies of normal populations, we do not find adolescents clamoring for freedom or for release from unjust constraint. We do not find rebellious resistance to authority as a dominant theme. For the most part, the evidence bespeaks a modal pattern considerably more peaceful than much theory and most social comment would lead us to expect.6 Hypotheses of adolescent rebellion have not been fruitful in understanding the political orientations or behavior of adolescents. Middleton and Putney found "... little support to the contention 4 Edgar Z. Friedenberg, The Vanishing Adolescent (New York: Dell Books, 1959), p. 17. 5Stone and Church, op. cit., p. 268. g Elizabeth Douvan and Martin Gold, "American Adolescence: Modal Patterns of Bio-Social Change," in Martin and Lois Hoffman, eds., Review of Child Development Research, Vol. II (New York: Russel Sage Foundation, 1966), p. 485. A-similar theme can be found in Daniel Offer, The Psychological World of the Teen-ager: A Study of Normal Adolescent Boys (New York: Basic Books, 1969), who found only minor instances of rebellious behavior among boys in the early adolescent phase which disappeared by the time they entered high school. 58 that political rebellion is related to a generalized rebellion against 7 parents." It appears that there is a low level of association between political rebellion and the nature and strictness of discipline within g the home. However, Robert E. Lane maintains that the permissive American home with a relatively weak father figure diminishes the possibility of rebellion, and that if rebellion does occur, it would probably not manifest itself in political terms since politics are 9 relatively unimportant to the average father. Jennings and Niemi have concluded that "... pre-adults may differ politically from their parents--but there is scant evidence that the rebellion pattern ac counts for much of this deviance."^ Purposes of the Fullerton Study of Adolescent Political Attitudes The major function of this study was to ascertain whether, in fact, political attitudes providing both diffuse and specific support to the political system are as strong in a positive direction among a community of adolescents as those exhibited by children in the reported 7 Russell Middleton and Snell Putney, "Political Expressions of Adolescent Rebellion," American Journal of Sociology, LXVIII (March, 1963), 531. A similar conclusion was reached by Herbert Hyman, Polit ical Socialization (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1959), p. 115. g Kenneth P. Langton, Political Socialization (New York: Ox ford University Press, 1969), pp. 26-30, discusses the findings on this point. 9 Robert E. Lane, "Fathers and Sons: Foundations of Political Belief," American Sociological Review, XXIV, No. 4 (August, 1959), 502-511. Kent Jennings and Richard G. Niemi, "The Transmission of Political Values from Parent to Child," American Political Science Review, LXII (March, 1968), 171. 59 research. If the political attitudes of this universe proved suppor tive of the political system, it would suggest that dissent among the young is more likely a response to specific issues and their handling by the political regime than an indication of more deeply centered political alienation. Such a finding would reinforce the assumptions of continuity and persistence of positive attitudes which have emerged from the research among children.** If, on the other hand, the sample demonstrated a low level of attitude support for the political system, it would indicate evidence of socialization failure and suggest that the extant theories of the nature and development of political attitudes through childhood and adolescence are inadequate in explaining that process. The importance of high levels of diffuse support for the func tioning of the political system, and the possibilities inherent in low levels of support, is suggested by Easton and Dennis in regard to the critical nature of feelings of political efficacy or powerfulness in the polity. The early acquisition of the norm [political efficacy] may operate as a potent and critical force in offsetting later adult experiences which, in a modern, rationally or ganized mass society, undermine the political importance of David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political Sys- tem: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1969), p. 289, suggests the possibility that " . . . the mood among many young people has been one of too great defiance of political authority for us to believe that early sentiments always or necessarily continue unimpaired." However, their assumptions based upon the Chicago data " . . . suggest that in the United States a positively supportive im age of the general structure of authority is being widely and regularly reproduced for young new members," p. 138. 60 the ordinary member. But for the inculcation of this norm at an early and impressionable age, later adult frustrations in modern mass societies might be less easily contained; dis illusionment with this norm of democracy might well find more favorable conditions for growth. ... It provides a reservoir of diffuse support upon which the system can automatically draw, both in normal times when members may feel that their capacity to manipulate the political environment is not living up to their expectations, and in special periods of stress, when popular participation may appear to be pure illusion or when political outputs fail to measure up to insistent demands. In addition to the necessity for strong diffuse support, the political system must also command the complementary attitudinal dimen sion of specific support for authoritative roles in the political structure. According to Robert D. Hess, In the United States, apparently, the child is socialized into attitudes and behavior toward a role, that is, to a posi tion of authority in the system, and not to the occupant of the office. . . . The stability of a political system may be related to the socialization of positive attitudes toward sta ble roles, creating a situation in which political dissatis factions may be safely directed toward the role occupant with out threatening the acceptance of the system itself. It is the belief in the responsiveness of the specific author itative roles within the political structure to citizen demands upon the political system which reinforces and interacts with feelings of diffuse support. The strength of political role support among child ren, although declining somewhat along with regard for all forms of authority as the child ages, "... never falls to a very low point. 12 David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy," American Political Science Review, LXI (March, 1967), 38. ■^Robert D. Hess, "The Socialization of Attitudes Toward Polit ical Authority: Some Cross-National Comparisons," International Soc ial Science Journal, XV, No. 4 (1963), 546. 61 In this esteem we have concluded, lies the potential source of positive support for that part of the regime we have designated as the structure 14 of political authority." The function, then, of the Fullerton study was to examine the level and direction of diffuse system support as reflected in feelings of political efficacy and of specific support attitudes measured in terms of political cynicism in order to test the hypotheses emergent from the investigations among children within a sample of adolescents. In addition, the study was designed to explore differentials in system support feelings related to demographic and situational factors. Methodology The Universe: Location and Sample Characteristics The study was executed in May, 1968, in each of the seven high 15 schools of the Fullerton Union High School District, the largest union high school district in California. The district encompasses the cities of Fullerton and La Habra and portions of Buena Park, Yorba Linda, Brea, and Whittier, as well as unincorporated areas in the north of Orange County, serving a total community of 198,000 and a district-wide student enrollment of 13,375. 14 Easton and Dennis, Children in the Political System, p. 288, refer specifically, as does Robert D. Hess, op. cit., to the strength of the specific authority roles of the President, policeman, senator, and so forth which were measured in the Chicago study. 15Buena Park, Fullerton, La Habra, Lowell, Sonora, Sunny Hills, Troy. 62 The Orange County area is rather typical of emerging suburban regions in California and in the western United States. Its human ecological arrangements and social-economic stratification varies from that of small cities or urban centers. For example, in 1968 the County had a median family income of $10,400, and an earlier figure (1960) in dicated that 76% of annual family incomes clustered around a level of $10,000. As with other suburban environments, the populace of the County is young with fully 42.5% of the population eighteen years of age or less. The overall population has grown rapidly in the past twenty years; between 1950 and 1960 it grew by 225.6% with 84% of the increase attributable to in-migration. Since 1960, the growth has slowed considerably (a 74% increase during the first six years of the decade) and the in-migration proportion has dropped slightly to 80%.*^ Our sample reflects the characteristics of the County as a whole. The relative affluency is attested to by the small number of students (7%) from homes where the father is employed in a semi- or unskilled occupation and the great number (41%) from homes of a profes sional-managerial and self-employed business status. There is, as well a substantial (52%) white-collar (clerical and sales, skilled techno logical) strata. Thirty-four per cent were in-migrants from other states, the majority from the North Central region (31%) and Western (21%) states, ^This information was abstracted from Planning Department, County of Orange, "Orange County Progress Report," Vol. 6, No. 1, March, 1969; and "The Growth and Economic Stature of Orange County," Security First National Bank, publication No. 904, April, 1967. 63 excluding California. The 49% of the sample who moved to the County from other areas in California appear to have migrated primarily from other suburban environments. For example, 76% reported moving from a suburb of Los Angeles, while only 8% had lived in the urban center of Los Angeles and fewer (2%) from the urban San Francisco area. It also appears that once in the County, families stabilized somewhat, for over two-thirds of the sample (69%) reported no more than four moves from one house to another over their lives. Since only 3% of the sample grew up in the same house into which they were born, it would seem that, discounting prior and in-migration moves, that a relative stability is established once families settle in the area. And, in our sample, 59% of the students had lived in the area for seven or more years with only 17% reporting residence in the area for fewer than three years. While these universe and sample characteristics provide a context for the study, they also suggest a need for some caution to those prepared to explain suburban behavior with stereotypes of social disorganization and transiency. Certainly the settling of an unde veloped suburban area requires the uprooting of families from other places at some point, but the uprooting and cultural confusion tradi tionally associated with moves from region to region, country to city, inner city to suburb and so forth does not seem to be particularly applicable in this instance and may not be for other suburban areas. The greater part of this sample of suburban adolescents has spent a majority of its years in the same area, and for the most part did not 64 experience a radical change in environmental life-style as in-migrant children. Nor does it appear that once in the area they experienced the potentially unsettling effects often attributed to high rates of residence-neighborhood change. Sample Size and Selection In order to achieve an accurate profile of the attitudes of each high school student body with maximum efficiency in administra tion and the highest possible sampling validity, standard statistical 17 random number tables were utilized to select a 9% sample. The selected names were transferred from master enrollment listings of each high school onto rosters which were distributed to every teacher indicating the time and place the listed students were to be released for survey administration. Survey Administration Because of the presence of drug use information questions in 18 the body of the Student Attitude Survey, it was imperative that stu dents be assured of anonymity and that the administration of the sur vey be carried on without the presence of school authorities. It was on this basis that the District granted extraordinary permission for this researcher to conduct the survey administration in such a way as to avoid the creation of a "test-taking” climate which has the 17 The actual number of respondents (n = 946) participating in the survey represented a sample of 7.08% of the total universe. 18 Reported in Michael Brown, "Drug Use Among High School Students: A Preliminary Report," Center for Governmental Studies, California State College, Fullerton, 1969. (Offset.) 65 potential of influencing youthful respondents to respond to attitudi- nal items in a "correct" or "expected" manner, rather than responding directly and affectually to the items. Questionnaire 19 The first questionnaire was constructed over a six-month pe riod preparatory to pre-testing in one district high school in order to ascertain item ambiguity or irrelevance and to test the cohesiveness (coefficients of reproducibility) of attitude scale items. Changes included the dropping of racial identification and redundant religious activity items and the addition of additional response categories to 20 several items. Attitudinal items were carefully reexamined, many *^Appendix A. 20 All items were checked by the legal counsel for the Fullerton Union High School District for possible violation of the Education Code of the State of California. Racial-ethnic identification was de leted upon the advice of counsel. Two months prior to administration of the questionnaire, State Senate Bill No. 669 was introduced by Sen ator John G. Schmitz (R-Tustin) to add to the Education Code, Chapter 1 of Division 9 of Article 9 which would stipulate that "... no test, questionnaire, survey, or examination containing any questions about the pupil's personal beliefs or practices in sex, family life, morality and religion, or any questions about his parents', or guard ian's beliefs and practices in sex, family life, morality and reli gion, shall be administered to any pupil in kindergarten or grade 1 through grade 12, inclusive, unless the parent or guardian of the pupil is notified, in writing, at least 48 hours before such test, questionnaire, survey, or examination is administered. ..." and fur ther stipulating that a written objection from a parent or guardian would exempt a child from testing. Counsel suggested that careful wording of survey items was important to prevent either potential legal or political problems. In addition, the decision was made to preface the survey administration at each school with a statement to the effect that any pupil not wishing to participate in the survey was free to return to his class. There were, however, no instances of students choosing not to participate. 66 modified for clarification and tone, and the thirty-nine items arranged so that all intra-scale items were separated and that all scale items 21 would be interspersed with other non-scaled attitude items. Attitude Scales In order to measure the two dimensions of system-supportive attitudes in our sample, two scales were constructed from a Guttman 22 . 23 scale analysis of possible items. The political efficacy scale was designed to elicit attitudes of diffuse support relating to the general responsiveness of government and officials to the needs of the people, feelings of personal power in influencing the actions of government, and the potential of bringing about changes in the direc tion of decision-making. The scale items for the political efficacy scale, reversed as indicated, were: 1. Public officials care a great deal about what young people think. (+) 2. Sometimes politics and government seem so com plicated that most people can't really under stand what’s going on. (-) 21 See Appendix B for reproduction of the final form of the questionnaire administered for this study. 22 Louis Guttman, "The Basis for Scalogram Analysis," in Samuel A. Stouffer, et al., Studies in Social Psychology in World War II: Measurement and' Prediction, Vol. IV (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1950), Chapter 3. 23 The political efficacy scale used here is a modified version of the political efficacy scale utilized in Angus Campbell, Gerald Gurin and Warren E. Miller, The Voter Decides (New York: Row, Peter son and Co., 1954), with a coefficient of reproducibility = .87. 67 3. It doesn't seem as if the government really cares what people like me think. (-) 4. I don't think I can really do anything about what the government does. (-) 5. There are many ways that young people can change the actions of government. (+) 24 The political cynicism scale was constructed to measure specific support feelings toward the politico role in the political authority structure in terms of self vs_. public interest, role moti vations, credibility, and personal honesty. The scale items for the political cynicism scale, reversed as indicated, were: 1. Politicians are usually looking out for them selves above all else. (+) 2. We can trust politicians to do what is best for the country. (-) 3. Politicians are mainly concerned with getting reelected. (+) 4. Politicians usually seem to say one thing and then do another. (+) 5. Hardly any politicians are bought off by some private interest. (-) Index Formulation Each of the five items in the four scales provided five pos sible response categories to the respondent: strongly agree, agree 24 The political cynicism scale utilized here is a modified version drawn from items in the political cynicism scales utilized in Robert E. Agger, Marshall N. Goldstein, Stanley A. Pearl, "Political Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning," Journal of Politics, XXIII (August, 1961), 477-505; and in Herbert McClosky, "Consensus and Ideo logy in American Politics," American Political Science Review, LVIII (June, 1964), 361-382, with a coefficient of reproducibility = .91. 68 no attitude, disagree, strongly disagree. Respondents reporting more than two responses of "no response"/"no attitude" on any given five- item scale were excluded from the sample. For respondents reporting "no response"/"no attitude" to one or two items on a scale, mathemat ical compensation was made by multiplying a respondent’s added scores 25 (1 to 4 for each item on a five-item scale) by 5/4 or 5/3. Questionnaire Coding and Processing The 946 questionnaires were coded by hand and submitted to two separate procedures for coding error over a period of four months after administration and prior to keypunch and verification procedures. After exclusion of respondents who had reported three or more "no response"/"no attitude" responses to any one of the attitude scales, the total sample was 721. Processing of the resultant data was exe cuted over a six-month period on an IBM 1620 in the computer facili ties at California State College, Fullerton. Data Presentation and Tests of Significance The presentation and analysis of the demographic and situa tional influences on levels of political efficacy and political cyni- 26 cism are based upon two major tests of significance: chi square 25 This is the same formula used by David Easton and Jack Dennis in "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms." The mode for all indexes in the Fullerton sample was 10.0; the mean for each index was: polit ical efficacy = 10.5; political cynicism = 9.2. Chapters VII and VIII. 69 27 28 (x2) and the analysis of variance (F). While x2 is particularly powerful in predicting relationships between nominal categories, it possesses less sensitivity when predicting relational significance between nominal and ordered categories of the scaled-item type. Thus, where a significant relationship was indicated by x2 analysis, the relationship was subjected to the F measure of association which has .greater sensitivity in ordered associations where the number of sub jects to each treatment is larger than twenty-five as in the case of 29 this data. Significance of association is reported here in terms of percent of variance attributable to the control factors. For table presentation of frequency distributions, the sample was divided into three ordered groups of low, medium, and high for both the political efficacy and political cynicism indexes. The score on each index using final scale item loadings was computed for a hypo- 30 thetical neutral response to each item. The medium category bound aries extended one scale point to either side for political efficacy 27 Allen L. Edwards, Statistical Methods (New York: Holt, Rine hart and Winston, Inc., 1967), pp. 323-341. 28Ibid., pp. 257-273. 29Ibid., p. 270. 30 The neutral response scores were: Political efficacy = 12.0; political cynicism = 7.5. 70 and .5 scale point for political cynicism. The following is the dis tribution of cases in the sample with the number of cases (n) indicated for each category range: Low Medium High Political Efficacy (5-10) (11-13) (12-19) n = 338 n = 323 n = 60 Political Cynicism (1-6) (7-8) (9-15) n = 83 n = 187 n = 451 CHAPTER VII DIFFUSE SYSTEM SUPPORT: FEELINGS OF POLITICAL EFFICACY The prime characteristic of a democratic polity is its declared basis of legitimacy in the "peopleoperating not simply in the inter ests of the people, but in terms of their wishes as expressed through a mechanism of representation. The legitimacy and stability of a demo cratic political system is at base, and ultimately, reliant upon the ability of the system to command the positive diffuse support of the polity. That support rests largely in sustaining a widely held belief that each individual has both the right and responsibility to be con cerned about and participant in the political processes. From the view of the citizen in a democratic polity, he must feel . . . that individual political action does have, or can have, an impact upon the political process, i.e., that it is worth while to perform one’s civic duties. It is the feeling that political and social change is possible, and that the indivi dual citizen can play a part in bringing about this change. Feelings of political powerfulness, centered in the belief that political decision-making can be affected by various modes of personal political participation, are not the result of objective evaluations of personal political power, but rather emanate from the subjective belief and conviction that if one wished to exercise his will for political *Angus Campbell, Gerald Gurin, and Warren E. Miller, The Voter Decides (Evanston, 111.: Row, Peterson and Co., 1954), p. 187. 71 72 2 change he could do so effectively. While periodic participation in the political process is associated with greater feelings of power- 3 fulness, the underlying democratic ethos of personal political effi cacy and the consequent diffuse positive support for the political system appears to be part of the socialized patterns of belief among children long before there is any opportunity for political partici pation and prior to the development of any but rudimentary political 4 cognitions. Comparability of the Relationship of Sex and Grade Level in the Development of Political Efficacy in 1 Childhood and Adolescence The evidence from the Chicago study dealing with the attitudes of political efficacy among children5 has indicated a consistent in crease in feelings of political powerfulness as the child matures, 2 The best example of this gap between objective indices and subjective perceptions of personal political power can be found in the discussion of Mexico in Gabriel Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1965), particularly pp. 201- 204. 3 This is well substantiated in the literature on political par ticipation, for example, Almond and Verba, ibid.; Campbell, Gurin, and Miller, The Voter Decides (New York: Row, Peterson and Co., 1954), and Campbell, et al., The American Voter (New York: John Wiley, I960). 4 . David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy," American Political Science Review, LXI, No. 1 (March, 1967), 25 ff; and Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Tor- ney, The Development of Political Attitudes in Children, Anchor Books (Garden City: Doubleday and Co., 1968), pp. 78, 246-247. 5Reported in Easton and Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms," and in Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes. 73 until (in grade eight) 83% of the sample express moderate to high feelings of political efficacy.^ This finding has led to the assump tion that the childhood pattern holds into adolescence and demonstrates that early political learning of efficacious attitudes is akin to "imprinting" in that "... what is learned early in the life cycle is more difficult to displace than what is learned later . . . and that for children, acquisition of efficacy as a sentiment implies its 7 acceptance as a norm." In order to construct a semblance of continuity and some degree of comparability in regard to the findings reported by Easton and Den nis and those in the Fullerton study, the same mathematical calcula tions were followed in establishing scale-index values aid in repli- g eating boundary points of high, medium, and low for presentations. Although both the Chicago and Fullerton political efficacy scale items ^Easton and Dennis, ibid., p. 38. 7 Easton and Dennis, ibid. However, Kenneth Langton, Politi cal Socialization, pp. 18-19, warns "... that investigators of the political socialization process cannot make a_ priori assumptions about the stability over the life cycle of psychological dispositions and political orientations found in childhood. . . ," p. 18. He empha sizes that "... the constancy of early socialized attitudes and behavior over the lifetime of an individual must be treated as a re- searchable question rather than a premise. . . ," p. 19. g Jack Dennis, personal correspondence, graciously provided range and boundary point information which was not included in the original article, Easton and Dennis, ibid. 74 n are derived from the Survey Research Center CSRC) scale, the Chicago version has substituted several items and made modifications in others.^ However, both modified versions have acceptable coefficients Q The original SRC scale items for the measurement of political efficacy in Campbell, Gurin, Miller, The Voter Decides, pp. 187-188 were: 1. I don't think public officials care much what people like me think. 2. The way people vote is the main thing that decides how things are run in this country. 3. Voting is the only way people like me can have any say about how the government runs things. 4. People like me don't have any say about what the govern ment does. 5. Sometimes politics and government seem so complicated that a person like me can't really understand what's going on. ^The Chicago political efficacy scale items appearing in Easton and Dennis, "Child's Acquisition," pp. 30-31, and in Hess and Torney, Development of Political Attitudes, pp. 294-295, were: 1. What happens in the government will happen no matter what people do. It is like the weather, there is nothing people can do about it. 2. There are some big, powerful men in the government who are running the whole thing and they do not care about us ordinary people. 3. My family doesn't have any say about what the govern ment does. 4. I don't think people in the government care much about what people like my family think. . . . 5, Citizens don't have a chance to say what they think about running the government. 75 of reproducibility, reversed items to avoid response-set, and commin gling with other non-scale items on the administered questionnaire. The Chicago data (Table 1) indicates a regular increase in feelings of high political efficacy and decrease in low efficacy until, by the eighth grade, 83% have medium to high feelings of efficacy-- essentially a reversal of third grade levels where 84% registered low to medium on the efficacy index. Utilizing the same boundary ranges for presentation in high, medium, and low categories, the Fullerton adolescent sample (Table 2) projects extraordinarily low levels of political efficacy with an astonishing 99% at every grade level indi cating low to medium levels of political powerfulness. TABLE 1 LEVELS OF POLITICAL EFFICACY: GRADES 3-8 Grade Low Political Efficacy Medium High Total N 3 56% 28% 16% 100% (1244) 4 55 27 18 100 (1427) 5 35 29 36 100 (1622) 6 29 27 44 100 (1602) 7 23 29 48 100 (1624) 8 17 29 54 100 (1615) Source: David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Effi cacy," American Political Science Review, LXI, 1 (March, 1967), 32. 76 TABLE 2 LEVELS OF POLITICAL EFFICACY: GRADES 9-12 Political Efficacy Grade Low Medium High Total N 9 83% 16% 1% 100% (189) 10 85 14 1 100 (178) 11 79 20 1 100 (156) 12 80 19 1 100 (193) In analyzing the relationship of sex to efficacy (Table 3), Easton and Dennis found that there was no ” . . . difference in any marked and consistent way over the grades,” even though ” ... sex stands as one of the major social categories that distinguishes effi cacy among adults."^* In explaining the incongruity of their data with that reporting sex differences in adult feelings of efficacy, they suggest that ” ... something must happen between childhood and later phases of the life cycle that leads females into becoming disen chanted with their earlier expected role in political life that they 12 once shared with boys.” In our sample, however, not only is there no evidence of later sex role differentiation in the direction suggested by Easton and Den nis, but a somewhat opposite tendency is indicated (Table 4). Females ■^Easton and Dennis, ibid., p. 36. The importance of sex as a differentiating variable for levels of political efficacy in adult populations is indicated in Campbell, Gurin, Miller, The Voter Decides, p. 191. 12 Easton and Dennis, ibid., p. 37 77 TABLE 3 THE RELATIONSHIP OF SEX TO POLITICAL EFFICACY IN GRADES 3-8 Grade Sex Low Political Efficacy Medium High g.a ' O Nb 3 Boys 55% 28% 17% 100% (699) Girls 57 29 14 100 (576) 4 Boys 52 27 20 99 (764) Girls 57 27 16 100 (663) 5 Boys 35 28 37 100 (825) Girls 34 31 35 100 (798) 6 Boys 31 24 45 100 (819) Girls 28 30 43 101 (784) 7 Boys 23 28 49 100 (805) Girls 23 30 47 100 (820) 8 Boys 18 30 52 100 (762) Girls 16 29 55 100 (854) Percentages fail to add to 100% in some cases due to round- ing error. bUsed as base for percentages. Source: David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child’s Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy," American Polit ical Science Review, LXI, 1 (March, 1967), 37. TABLE 4 THE RELATIONSHIP OF SEX TO POLITICAL EFFICACY IN GRADES 9-12 Political Efficacy Grade Sex Low Medium High % N ... 9 Males 86% 14% 0% 100% (107) Females 78 20 2 100 (82) 10 Males 83 15 2 100 (90) Females 84 16 0 100 (88) 11 Males 80 20 0 100 (79) Females 81 18 1 100 (77) 12 Males 84 16 0 100 (88) Females 74 23 3 100 (105) 78 appear considerably more efficacious in the first year of high school than males, the difference disappears through the next two grades, re appearing even more strongly in the senior year when 26% of the females have medium to high feelings of efficacy compared to only 16% of the males. This suggests that if adult men have considerably higher levels 13 of political efficacy, that powerfulness must develop after high school, or between the ages of eighteen and twenty-one. Association of Feelings of Political Efficacy in Adolescence to Parental Occupation Status and Educational Attainment Fatherfs Occupation and Education 14 Differentials in objective socio-economic stratification have a well-substantiated effect on the strength of political efficacy 15 16 in adults and children. Using the father’s occupation as the In a new analysis of United States portion of the 1960 five- nation survey data originally reported in Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture, Ada W. Finifter, "Dimensions of Political Alienation," Ameri can Political Science Review, LXIV, No. 2 (June, 1970), 399, reports that ” . i . women feel more powerless than men . . . [which] indicates the contemporary persistence of the political role traditionally as signed to women." ■^An excellent descriptive analysis of the role of social class in social scientific research is available in Campbell, et al., The American Voter, pp. 184-197. ^See Campbell, Gurin, Miller, The Voter Decides, pp. 190-192; Ada W. Finifter, "Dimensions of Political Alienation," p. 399; Lester W. Milbrath, Political Participation (Chicago: Rand-McNally, 1965), ^Easton and Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms," pp. 35-36; Hess and Torney, The Development of Political Attitudes, pp. 171-173, who state that " . . . the differences in responses on the efficacy items are among the most striking social class discrep ancies in the data of this study. . . ," p. 171. 79 indicator of socio-economic location (Table 5), our data confirms the postulates that high occupational status of the father (professional, managerial, self-employed business) contributes to higher feelings of efficacy. However, those from lower status homes (semi-skilled and unskilled worker) tended to polarize somewhat attenuating a linear relationship between occupation level and efficacy. The socio-economic status of the family based on father's occupation accounted for only 2.0% of the variance in efficacy means which is considerably less than 17 the 9.0% recently reported among adults. While occupation and education are intrinsically and statisti- 18 cally related, education has proved to be an important aspect in it self as an explanator of differentials in feelings of political 19 efficacy. Table 6 indicates that as the educational attainment of the father increases, there is a reduction in low feelings of efficacy but not a concommitant increase of high efficacy. It appears that greater educational attainment of the father attenuates low levels of powerfulness in the adolescent but does not necessarily promote high 17 Ada W. Finifter, "Dimensions of Political Alienation," p. 399. 18 The two measures associate at a medium high level in our sample (G = .645). 19 See, for example, Campbell, et al., The American Voter, pp. 251-254, 260; and Ada W. Finifter, "Dimensions of Political Aliena tion," p. 399, who found education explaining 19.0% of the variance in her data analysis of adult attitudes and thus, the single most impor tant predictor of political powerfulness. Unfortunately, there is no possible comparability to be made in this regard to the Chicago study which substituted the child's I.Q. for father's educational level as the index for "education." 80 TABLE 5 RELATIONSHIP OF FATHER'S OCCUPATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Father's Occupation Low Political Efficacy Medium High % N Uppera 42.2% 46.9% 10.8% 99.9% 277 Middle*5 49.3 44.3 6.3 99.9 363 Lower0 52.1 39.1 8.6 99.8 46 Professional, managerial, self-employed business. Clerical, sales, skilled worker. °Semi-skilled, unskilled worker. TABLE 6 RELATIONSHIP OF FATHER'S EDUCATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Father's Education Political Efficacy (Grade Completed) Low Medium High % N 8th - 11th grade 54.8% 38.7% 6.4% 99.9% 93 12th grade 51.8 37.8 10.2 99.8 214 1-3 years college 45.8 49.6 4.5 99.9 131 4 years college 43.8 48.6 7.5 99.9 146 5 years or more college 35.7 53.5 10.7 99.9 112 aYears of education completed. 81 levels of efficacy. The variance attributable to education is 3.2%; however, the high association between education and occupation noted previously suggests that the higher variance attributable to education reflects, to a considerable degree, the variance of both factors simul taneously and cautions against an accumulation of the variance of 20 father's occupation and education beyond 3.2%. Mother's Occupation and Education Although the generally utilized demographic variables for social-economic stratification and education are those of the father, we wished to ascertain whether these factors demonstrated any signif icance when applied to the mother. While a sizable 43% of the sample reported working mothers, there were no significant differences in feelings of political efficacy between those adolescents with mothers working and those with mothers at home. Nor did the type of employ ment of a working mother affect levels of efficacy. The educational level of the mother had a similar but lesser affect on political efficacy as that of the father accounting for 2.3% of the variance. However, the high medium association between father's and mother's educational attainment (G = .581) disallows accumulation of the variance attributable to education beyond that of the father. In summary, it would appear that the occupation and educational level of the father are adequate indicators of the influence of social 20 Prudence is warranted in this and similar instances when inde pendent variables have a high level of association and is additionally necessitated by inherent sample errors in two-factor analysis which formally preclude accumulation of variance based on two variables. stratification on feelings of political efficacy in adolescents. The power of these common explanatory variables, however, is quite low among our sample. The two other major demographic factors of age (measured by grade level) and sex were insignificant. Although all four factors have demonstrated strength in explaining differentials in political attitudes among adult populations and moderate to strong influence among children, they provide a very low level of explanatory power among our adolescent sample. Relationship of Feelings of Political Efficacy t0 Situational and Associationa'l Factors' The inability of demographic variables to provide more than a minimal contribution to understanding the factors contributing to differentials in the levels of feelings of political efficacy among our sample of adolescents suggests that the sense of powerfulness must have its base in more subtle interactive relationships. It is, then, to the more complex and subjectively proximate influences of the family, school, and peer group which we turn for a more comprehensive understanding. Family Structure The family is the primary structural and associational group for the child in the process of socialization. The child finds him self within a family situation and it is within that context that he forges his initial concepts of self and environment and within which he forms the essentials of his politically related sentiments and predispositions. The adolescent, however strong his feelings of individuation, still functions largely within and is economically and legally dependent upon the family. The structure of the family unit and the nature of the young person's relationships and interaction patterns within the family structure have considerable effect upon his 21 feelings of efficacy. The breaking up of the nuclear family by divorce or separation of the parents is commonly considered to be detrimental to the social and psychological development of the child. We would expect that the 17.2% of our sample reporting a divorce or separation in the home would have impaired feelings of positive political powerfulness. How ever, it appears (Table 7) that those from "broken" homes have no lower sense of efficacy than those from nuclear families, and, in fact, have slightly more pronounced feelings of high political powerfulness. Upon closer examination of young people from broken homes (Table 8), it appears that the age of the child at the time of divorce or separation influences feelings of efficacy, accounting for 6.6% of the variance. Those experiencing a more recent break up of the nu clear family (twelve years of age or older) evidence two to three times greater rates of high efficacy than among children from nuclear families. Only those experiencing a divorce in infancy and early childhood (ages one to eleven) exhibited greater feelings of low efficacy than children from nuclear families. At first glance, these 21 Kenneth Langton, Political Socialization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969), has taken this direction in his analysis of the feelings of political efficacy in his data on American high school seniors and Jamaican high school students. 84 TABLE 7 RELATIONSHIP OF PARENT DIVORCE TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Political Efficacy Low Medium High %______N Divorce or separation 46.6% 43.2% 10.2% 100% 118 No divorce or separation 46.8 45.3 7.7 99.8 604 TABLE 8 RELATIONSHIP OF AGE OF CHILD AT DIVORCE TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Divorce: Age Low Political Efficacy Medium High % N 1 - 5 60.0% 35.0% 5.0% 100% 20 6-11 52.3 40.4 7.1 99.8 42 12 - 16 39.2 47.0 13.7 99.9 51 17+ 20.0 60.0 20.0 100 5 Question 9, Appendix B, "How old were you when the divorce or separation took place?" 85 findings would seem to imply that the longer the family holds together, the more likely the child is to develop strong feelings of efficacy. However, as Table 9 illustrates, the 8.6% of the sample living with a mother-only have higher feelings of political efficacy than those from 22 either nuclear or reconstituted families (mother and step-father). It is among those from reconstituted families that we find the lowest 23 feelings of efficacy. TABLE 9 NATURE OF FAMILY STRUCTURE IN RELATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Political Efficacy Family Structure Low_____Medium_____ High______ %_________N Mother only 40.6 49.1 10.1 99.8 59 Reconstituted3 , 61.9 30.9 7.1 99.9 42 Nuclear^ 46.7 45.3 7.8 99.8 584 Mother and step-father. ^Mother and father. 22 Kenneth Langton, ibid., pp. 35-42, found contrary trends among adolescents from "maternal" families in Jamaica. It is possible that the differences are attributable to the definition of his mater nal families as those in which the father was always absent, rather than our mother-only situations due to divorce or separation. 23 Unfortunately, an insufficient number of cases disallows further regression of factors contributing to this effect. 86 In addition to the effect of intra-family structure on feel ings of political efficacy, we would expect that the anchoring of the family unit within a predictable and continuous environment would provide the growing child with a stable family-neighborhood situation within which feelings of powerfulness might be more easily nurtured. It does, indeed, appear that uprooting of the family unit from one region to another has a negative effect on feelings of political efficacy, accounting for 3.5% of the variance. Those adolescents living in Orange County all, or most, of their lives have signifi cantly higher feelings of efficacy than those moving in from other parts of the country. Levels of efficacy are highest among those who have lived in the County all, or most, of their lives (twelve years or longer), and who have not experienced more than two moves from house to house, the two factors together accounting for 4.8% of variance. Interestingly, the lowest levels of efficacy are among those who report (1) long residence and a high number of moves (five or more), and, those indicating (2) a medium length of residence (seven to eleven years) and a low number of moves. This suggests that the effect of family geographic mobility on efficacy may have less to do with the discontinuities of environment than with the degree of fulfillment of family needs and desires which motivated a change of region or residence. The first instance of long residence and high number of moves suggests considerable parental dissatisfaction with its situation and an expectation that residence change would satisfy status or intra-familial relational needs. In the case of medium 87 length residence and a low number of moves there is an implication that the original move into the Orange County area carried high expec tations of fulfillment not to be found in the prior location. The few moves would suggest the possibility of status frustration within the new environment. Feelings of powerlessness, then, may have more to do with parental dissatisfaction with their situation, as perceived in terms of hopes and expectations, than with the uprooting and disorga- nizational effects of residential discontinuity. Intra-Family Relations: Power and Affect While it appears that structural cohesion and environmental continuity of the family unit contribute to higher feelings of polit ical efficacy, it is within the family association and its interac tional patterns that we find the most proximate, regularly patterned influences upon the young person. There are two dimensions to these interactions which appear to have an effect upon political orienta tions: (1) family power location defined in terms of which parent is perceived as the actual allocator of resources and family rule-maker, 24 and (2) the perceived major source of affect in the family. In order to establish the dominant power figure in the family, the sample was asked: "who would you say makes most of the day-to-day rules and decisions for your family?" As Table 10 indicates, the 38.9% of the sample who perceived the mother as the dominant power fig ure registered only slightly lower levels of high political efficacy, ^These same dimensions are analyzed in Kenneth Langton, op. cit., pp. 42-51; and Hess and Torney, op. cit., pp. 114-115. 88 TABLE 10 PERCEIVED INTRA-FAMILY POWER ALLOCATION IN RELATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Political Efficacy cl Intra-Family Power Low____Medium____High_____ %________N Mother dominant 46.6 45.5 7.8 99.9 281 Father dominant 46.2 44.5 9.1 99.8 337 Other family member 47.6 47.6 4.6 99.8 65 Q Question 23, Appendix B, "Who would you say makes most of the day-to-day rules and decisions for your family?" and maternal decision-making did not increase low feelings of efficacy. Maternal dominance in the home does not appear to adversely affect feelings of political efficacy among our sample, as has been reported 25 elsewhere to be the case. The affectual dimension of the family infra-structure was based upon the respondent's designation of a family member with whom he found it "easier to discuss things with." Of the total sample 15.6% felt they could discuss things with "none of the family," while 20.2% sought out brothers and sisters. Only 15% felt that they could discuss things easily with both their mother and father equally; 36.7% looked to the mother, and a very low 11.0% turned to the father as an 25 Hess and Torney, ibid., pp. 116, 120; and Langton, ibid., who found maternal dominance contributing to lower levels of efficacy in male adolescents, except at very high family educational levels where the effect reversed. 89 affectual object. An examination of the parents as a source of affect (Table 11), brothers and sisters are excluded, indicates that the affectual dimension is significant in several respects. First, the absence of any accessible affectual object in the family contributes to low feelings of efficacy, and when conceptualized in this manner accounts for 17.6% of the variance. When both father and mother are seen as available affectually, efficacy is significantly higher, par ticularly for females. However, feelings of efficacy fall quite radically when the father is the adolescent's affect object, and when the efficacy means are compared, the variance attributable to those who seek out the father as compared to the mother is 12.7%. TABLE 11 PERCEIVED INTRA-FAMILY AFFECT OBJECT IN RELATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Political Efficacy Intra-Family Affect3 , Low____Medium____High_____%________N Both parents 34.8 51.3 13.7 99.8 109 Mother 43.7 47.1 9.0 99.8 265 Father 52.5 43.7 3.7 99.9 80 Neither parent 59.2 34.5 6.1 99.8 113 aQuestion 27, Appendix B, "Within your family do you usually find it easier to discuss things with ..." 90 The importance of the affectual-associational dimension within the family situation is further supported by a "harder" affect resource item which inquired as to whom the adolescent would turn for advice on an "important personal problem" when offered a range of family and non family sources (Table 12). Efficacy was significantly higher among those selecting family sources of advice (4.8% of the variance) and no differences were indicated in terms of the sex of respondent, nor did the selection of one parent over the other make any difference in levels of efficacy. This suggests that when the child has a strongly felt personal problem, its magnitude is perceived as so great that the mother and father are considered as a unit. However, we would be remiss in not calling attention to the implications of the simple frequency distributions of the sample (Table 13) which indicate that only 42.3% feel sufficiently close and trusting of either their father or mother to turn to them in a personal crisis, and that 28.6% would seek out a friend— a higher percentage than would turn to either the mother (26.3%) or father (16.0%) singly. Intra-Family Activity: Religion Religion is generally considered a basic demographic variable and most discussions of religion as a factor influencing political orientations carry the implication that the affiliation with a reli gion is indicative of both the importance of religion and of its power as a membership or referent group. Religious affiliation (Table 14) is not an effective differentiating factor in explaining the bases of feelings of political efficacy among our sample. While affiliates of 91 TABLE 12 PERCEIVED PERSONAL RESOURCE OBJECT IN RELATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Political Efficacy Affect: Problem Resourcea Low Medium High % N Professional 30.0 60.0 10.0 100% 50 Parents 40.1 50.3 9.4 99.8 306 Friend 52.6 40.0 7.2 99.8 207 Don’t know 62.1 32.0 5.8 99.9 103 aQuestion 40, Appendix B, "If personal problem, who would you turn you had a really important to for advice?" TABLE 13 PERSONAL PROBLEM RESOURCE: DISTRIBUTION OF RESPONSE Affect: Problem Resource % of sample N Friend 28.6 207 Mother 26.3 190 Father 16.0 116 Don’t know 14.2 103 Minister 4.5 33 School counselor 1.3 10 Teacher .9 7 Other 7.2 52 92 TABLE 14 RELATIONSHIP OF RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Political Efficacy Religious Affiliation Low Medium High_____ %________N Protestant 49.8 41.7 8.3 99.8 393 Catholic 42.3 48.9 8.6 99.8 184 Jewish 36.9 54.7 8.3 99.9 84 No Affiliation 52.0 42.0 6.0 100 50 the Jewish faith have higher levels of efficacy than Catholic and Protestants, the only statistically significant factor emerges in comparing the affiliates against the non-affiliates who have lower levels of efficacy, accounting for 5.9% of the variance. This factor, however, is less significant than it would appear considering that only 6.9% of the sample indicated no religious affiliation. The importance of religion as a moral and ethical force in guiding decisions and actions in everyday life appears (Table 15) to have some relationship to higher levels of efficacy among those re porting religion to be important to very important, yet statistically it is not significant in itself, nor does it achieve significance in its interaction with either religious affiliation or with frequencies of church attendance. We were unable to find any evidence that reli gion as a guiding force in daily coping with the exigencies of life has a significant relationship to feelings of efficacy. 93 TABLE 15 RELATIONSHIP OF RELIGION AS ETHICAL GUIDANCE TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Religion: Ethical Actiona Low Political Efficacy Medium High % N Not important 55.4 41.5 2.9 99.8 101 Not very important 51.1 40.1 8.6 99.8 209 Important 41.4 49.2 9.3 99.9 258 Very important 43.9 46.6 9.4 99.9 148 aQuestion 25, Appendix B, "How important do you feel that religion is in guiding your decisions and actions in your daily life?" However, religion does appear to have a function for political efficacy unrelated to "religiosity." It has considerable importance as a family activity and has significance as a measure of family association. Whether the adolescent attends church was not signifi cant in terms of political efficacy (Table 16). However, if he attends with the family rather than alone or with friends, political efficacy is significantly higher, accounting for 6.3% of the variance. Further, regular church attendance with all or part of the family accounts for 8.3% of the variance. There are some measurable differ ences between Christian faiths with higher efficacy among Protestant adolescents who attend with the entire family and Catholics who attend with part of the family; lower feelings of efficacy are found among Protestants who attend with only part of the family. 94 TABLE 16 RELATIONSHIP OF CHURCH ATTENDANCE TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Church Attendance Low Political Efficacy Medium High % N Regular 44.5 46.6 8.8 99.9 283 Occasional 50.4 39.1 10.4 99.9 115 Rare 46.0 47.4 6.5 99.9 215 Never 50.4 42.2 7.3 99.9 109 It appears that the strength of religion as a factor in feel ings of political efficacy is, in fact, the effect of religion as a family activity and, as such, is a measure of family integration and the source of a regularized focus of association and interaction with in the family. Parental Community Participation Most studies of adult populations have concluded that those with considerable involvement in participant community activities are more likely to be politically efficacious and have higher levels of 26 political participation. It could easily be assumed that active, efficacious parents are more likely to promote activity and consequent A complete inventory of these inter-related behaviors and predispositions can be found in Milbrath, op. cit., particularly pp. 17, 56-64. 95 efficacy among their children. Although only 8.3% of the sample reported their parents as very active in the community, it appears (Table 17) that very high activity of parents may have a reverse effect. While low to moderate rates of parent activity contribute to slightly higher feelings of efficacy than parental non-involvement in the community, the differences are not significant. TABLE 17 RELATIONSHIP OF PARENTAL COMMUNITY ACTIVITY TO POLITICAL EFFICACY IN ADOLESCENTS Parental Community Participation Low Political Efficacy Medium High % N Very active 50.0 45.0 5.0 100 60 Moderately active 44.4 44.9 10.5 99.8 227 Not very active 45.7 47.6 6.6 99.9 256 Not active 50.0 41.9 8.0 99.9 174 As to the effect of parental activity on the activity levels of the adolescent, there is a slight tendency for low to moderate parent activity to associate with higher levels of extra-curricular school activities among the sample (Table 18). High parent activity, on the other hand, shows a low medium association (G = .303) with non school activities among the sample (Table 19). While any parental activity has more effect than no activity, higher degrees of involve ment do not appear to have a significant carry-over into the activity levels of the young person, nor does parental activity, itself, appear to have any relation to the adolescent's sense of efficacy. 96 TABLE 18 RELATIONSHIP OF PARENTAL COMMUNITY ACTIVITY TO ADOLESCENT EXTRA-CURRICULAR SCHOOL ACTIVITY Parental Comnunity Participation None Extra-Curricular School Two One or more Activities % N Very active 31.6 41.6 26.6 99.8 60 Moderately active 35.8 38.5 25.5 99.8 223 Not very active 34.7 37.8 27.3 99.8 256 Not active 53.4 34.3 12.2 99.9 172 TABLE 19 RELATIONSHIP OF PARENTAL COMMUNITY ACTIVITY TO ADOLESCENT NON-SCHOOL ACTIVITIES Parental Community Participation None Non-School Activities One or more % N Very active 41.6 58.4 100 60 Moderately active 50.0 50.0 100 226 Not very active 59.8 40.2 100 254 Not active 72.2 27.8 100 173 97 Peer Group: Location It is generally held that as the child moves into adolescence, 27 he begins to develop alternate sources of affect and behavior cues. As we have noted, there is no indication that the school as a formal instructional situation has a direct impact upon an adolescent's 28 political attitudes, but it is likely that the school has an indirect impact through the medium of the preferred values of the formal and informal cliques and the related allocation of valued symbols and sta- 29 tus within the school environment. The school as the locus of peer relationship is considerably important (Table 20). While only 12.1% of the sample reported that most of their friends were outside of school (either in another school or out of school), that group had significantly lower feelings of political efficacy than those having their friends in the same school (9.0% of the variance). It also appears that the location of signif icant peers is associated to some degree with grade (Table 21, T = .244), but it should be noted that within the sample the age- grading of peer relationships is rather weak with 40.5% reporting most of their friends in the same grade, but 46.6% with friends in all dif ferent grades. 27 For example, David Riesman, The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character (New Haven! Yale University Press, 1961); Frederick Elkin, The Child and Society: The Process of Socialization (New York: Random House, 1960); and James S. Coleman, The Adolescent Society; The Social Life of the Teenager and Its Impact Upon Education (New York: The Free Press, 1961). ^Chapter 5. 29 Hess and Torney, op. cit., pp. 127-132, interpret part of their data as an indication that the teacher is a significant social- izer in the elementary grades. 98 TABLE 20 RELATIONSHIP OF PEER-FRIEND LOCATION TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Political Efficacy £ Peer-Friend Location Low Medium High % N In own school 46.3 44.9 8.7 99.9 630 Outside own school 49.4 47.1 3.4 99.9 87 friends aQuestion 21, Appendix B, are ..." "Would you say that most of your TABLE 21 RELATIONSHIP OF GRADE LEVEL TO PEER-FRIEND LOCATION Grade Within school Outside school % N 9 93.7 6.3 100 190 10 89.8 10.2 100 176 11 86.6 13.4 100 156 12 81.3 18.7 100 192 When those reporting major peer relationships outside of their school are separated into those with friends out of school, as opposed to those with friends at another school, the former group (4.7% of the sample) had the lowest feelings of efficacy for the sample. This sug gests that the most strongly alienated are those unable to create even an alternate school-peer environment from their own. 99 Peer Group: Involvement The other dimension of peer group relationships is that of participation in group activities, both within and without the school environment. If active involvement of parents in activities is re lated to their feelings of efficacy in the political sphere, it would be that a similar effect would prevail among active adolescents. As Table 22 indicates, greater feelings of efficacy are evident with the increase in number of school extra-curricular activities which accounts for 9.0% of the variance. However, the effect of non-school activities (Table 23) shows only a marginal relationship to feelings of high efficacy and does not account for any variance. The minor effect of outside activities is further attenuated in significance since it appears that those engaged in school activities are more likely (G = .404) to also be involved in out-of-school activities. TABLE 22 RELATIONSHIP OF EXTRA-CURRICULAR SCHOOL ACTIVITY TO POLITICAL EFFICACY Extra-Curricular School Activities Low Political Efficacy Medium High % N Two or more 37.1 48.7 14.0 99.8 164 One 43.1 48.6 8.1 99.8 269 None 56.2 38.7 4.9 99.8 281 Question 22, Appendix B, "Which of the following types of school activities do you regularly participate in, if any?" TABLE 23 RELATIONSHIP OF NON-SCHOOL SOCIAL ACTIVITY TO POLITICAL EFFICACY 100 Non-School Activities1 One or more None Low 40.8 51.5 Political Efficacy- Medium High % 50.5 8.6 99.9 40.5 7.9 99.9 _N_ 299 417 aQuestion 24, Appendix B, "Do you belong to any clubs organizations outside of school?" or It would appear that the effect of the school as a locus for peer relationships and extra-curricular peer involvements is quite important and has the effect of promoting higher levels of political efficacy for school-peer participants. Summary 1. Our sample demonstrated extremely low levels of political efficacy at all grade levels and regardless of sex. 2. Objective determinants of family social-economic status, as measured by father's occupation and education, provide a low level of power in explaining differences between adolescents with lower and those with higher feelings of political efficacy. Mother's occupation and education does not have any significance beyond that of the father. 3. The structural cohesion (nuclearity) of the family unit and its geographic-residential stability are significant in promoting 101 higher levels of efficacy, but less important than the affectual rela tionships of the adolescent toward both parents or toward the mother. There is no indication that mother dominance is harmful to feelings of efficacy, although the data suggests that father dominance and father affect are related to lower feelings of efficacy, particularly in re constituted families. 4. Religion is an insignificant factor except as a locus for family association and interaction in its effect on political efficacy. 5. Non-activity of parents in community affairs is related to lower feelings of efficacy and lower levels of activity among the sample, but higher levels of parental activity are not related in a linear manner to high levels of efficacy or high levels of extra curricular school activities. 6. The effect of strong peer-related activities on high levels of political efficacy is considerable, provided that the school is the locus of both the adolescent's friendship groups and of his activities. CHAPTER VIII SPECIFIC SYSTEM SUPPORT: FEELINGS OF POLITICAL CYNICISM While feelings of political efficacy and the diffuse system support engendered by those positiye attitudinal orientations are vital to the stability and legitimacy of a democratic political regime, their strength is affected by the specific evaluations of the representative political authority role as perceived by members of the political community. It is the elected public official who serves as the link age between demands of the polity and the outputs of the political system. A high level of citizen trust, supportive of the politico role, tends to reinforce diffuse feelings of political efficacy among the political community. Attitudes toward political authority figures and roles have been found to be extraordinarily positive among children and "... substantially more favorable than those of their elders."* This early positive orientation, at its highest in feelings toward the President, is based in "personalization" which is, in turn, generalized into positive feelings toward the institutional structures and roles of *Fred I. Greenstein, Children and Politics (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1965), pp. 35-36. (Italics deleted.) 102 103 2 government in later childhood. The positive nature of these early feelings and their implications for later political trust were con sidered extremely important by Easton and Dennis in their summary of children's attitudes toward the Presidential role. We cannot overemphasize the surprising nature of this finding. Here we have stumbled upon a possible means through which a political system manages to transmit respect for at least one of the principal offices in its structure. We are tapping a major source of continuity in a regime. In most large-scale political systems, persistence requires some pop ular belief in structural legitimacy, the acceptance as right and proper of the basic organization of political relation ships, formal and otherwise. Our findings hint at the dynamic forces that enable maturing members to learn for the first time that persons may come and go, but that the structure— or more cautiously, one basic structural component, the Presidency--can go on, if not forever, at least beyond the incumbency of the current occupant.^ The Chicago study utilized a form of questionnaire,^ illustra ted to aid readability for younger children, that pictured the counte nance of John F. Kennedy over the word "President" as a possible cate gory in every item dealing with feelings toward political authority ob jects which included the alternative role choices of "policeman," "the congress," and so forth. The handling of questionnaire presentation in this manner might suggest that the child was responding cognitively to a most familiar and affectually to the most popular personality in the I world in 1961, rather than to the authority role of the President. 2 David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political Sys- tem: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1969), pp. 276-281. 3 Easton and Dennis, ibid., p. 202. 4 Auxiliary Publications Project, "Citizen Attitudes No. 9," Document No. ADI-9365 (Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress), photocopy. " “ 104 However, Easton and Dennis assure that the personality of the presi dential role occupant has no bearing on the affect of children for the Presidency. Undoubtedly there are systems, even in a mass, industrial ized society, in which the qualities of the man rather than the position he occupies may temporarily be basic to his acceptance. Some would argue that this is, indeed, the case of de Gaulle. But our data suggest that in the United States personalization is not the same as the acceptance of legitimacy of a figure of authority on purely personal grounds. Children are able to accept the President because they have certain idealized expec tations about thegoccupant of the presidential role, regardless of who he may be. Although the conclusions reached by Easton and Dennis are generally congruent with those of Greenstein in his study of New Haven school children, the latter is cautious in projecting high political trust of children beyond childhood. He detects an incipient trend which suggests to him that . . . the child's glowing political imagery shows signs of attrition (mainly in the use of benevolent language) during preadolescence. The greatest change^away from political euphoria probably is in adolescence. However, the two reports on levels of political cynicism among 7 adolescents indicate that the sample professed relatively low levels ^Easton and Dennis, op. cit., p. 202. 6 Greenstein, op. cit., pp. 51-52. 7 These reports on aspects of political cynicism in adolescence in Jennings and Niemi, "The Transmission of Political Values from Par ents to Child," American Political Science Review, LXII, No. 1 (March, 1968), 169-184; and Suzanne Sebert, "Friend and Peer Influences on the Politics of the High School Senior" (paper presented at the 65th annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, New York, N.Y., September 2-6, 1969), were both based upon the 1965 Survey Research Center probability sample of high school seniors in 97 high schools and utilized a political cynicism scale, rather than the single-item authority rating technique used in the Chicago study. 105 of cynicism and notably lower levels than their parents. g Measures of political trust among adult populations have un covered moderate levels of political cynicism and indicate that cyni cism increases with the age of the respondent, decreases with higher 9 educational background, and is unaffected by income level. The Relationship of Sex and Grade Level to Feelings of Political Cynicism in Adolescence Since Easton and Dennis maintain that trust of authority is generalized to roles and institutions in later childhood and adoles cence, our scale index which evaluates several aspects of the polit ical actor role (integrity, honesty, personal motivation, self- vs_. non-self regarding interest) should indicate rather low overall levels of political cynicism. That expectation is not fulfilled in our sam ple which demonstrates an exceedingly high level of political cynicism (88.5% reporting medium to high feelings of cynicism). Neither does our sample show any regular grade level differences (Table 24) in the direction of increasing cynicism as Greenstein proposed. Rather, 8 See particularly, Robert E. Agger, Marshall N. Goldstein, and Stanley A. Pearl, "Political Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning," Journal of Politics, XXIII, No. 3 (August, 1961), 477-505; and Edgar Litt, "Political Cynicism and Political Futility," Journal of Politics, XXV, No. 2 (May, 1963), 312-323. The present study utilized a modifi- cation of the measurement of political cynicism designed by Agger, etal., and replicated by Litt, which taps in many respects the same aspects of political trust used in the Survey Research Center high school sample. 9 This very strong tendency found by Agger, et al., op. cit., did not hold in the Boston suburb replication reported in Edgar Litt, ibid. 106 TABLE 24 RELATIONSHIP OF GRADE TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Grade Level Low Political Cynicism Medium High % N 9 12.1 22.6 65.2 99.9 190 10 12.9 28.0 58.9 99.8 178 11 13.4 25.0 61.5 99.9 156 12 8.2 27.8 63.9 99.9 194 feelings of cynicism vary slightly by grade, decreasing in the 11th grade (where we have reported an increase in political efficacy), but increasing in the senior year. While males are slightly less politically cynical than females (Table 25), the difference is not significant. The Relationship of Parental Occupation Status and Education to Political Cynicism Similar to the findings among adult populations, Table 26 indicates that adolescents from lower occupational status homes have slightly lower feelings of political trust than those from the middle and upper strata, but the difference is not significant. Education level, such a powerful explanator in Agger's study, apparently has no significant effect on our sample (Table 27) and the variations are rather confounding. The highest frequencies of 107 TABLE 25 RELATIONSHIP OF SEX TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Sex Low Medium High % N Male 12.7 26.3 60.8 99.8 368 Female 10.1 25.4 64.3 99.8 353 TABLE 26 RELATIONSHIP OF FATHER'S OCCUPATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Father's Occupation Low Medium____High %______N Upper 11.9 25.9 62.0 99.8 277 Middle^ 11.2 26.0 62.6 99.8 364 Lower0 8.6 28.2 63.0 99.8 46 Professional, managerial, self-employed business. ■L Clerical, sales, skilled worker. / ■ % Semi-skilled, unskilled worker. 108 TABLE 27 RELATIONSHIP OF FATHER'S EDUCATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism a Father's Education Low Medium High % N 8th - 11th grade 12.9 22.5 64.5 99.9 93 12th grade 7.4 27.9 64.6 99.9 215 1-3 years college 15.2 22.9 61.8 99.9 131 4 years college 15.0 24.6 60.2 99.8 146 5 years or more college 9.8 27.6 62.5 99.9 112 Years of education completed. cynicism are among respondents with fathers who either completed high school or have five or more years of college, the lowest feelings of cynicism among those with fathers who have had some college. The educational attainment of the mother has significant effect in increasing feelings of political trust (Table 28), accounting for 2.3% of the variance. However, there is a similar reversal of the pattern at the highest educational level of the mother as was apparent at that level in terms of father's education. Since there is a medium high association between the educational level of the father and mother among the sample (G = .581), it would appear that parents with some college are more likely to engender political trust among their 109 TABLE 28 RELATIONSHIP OF MOTHER'S EDUCATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Mother’s Education Low Political Cynicism Medium High % N 8th - 11th grade 0.0 19.0 80.9 99.9 21 12th grade 7.8 19.7 72.3 99.8 76 1-3 years college 10.0 25.9 63.9 99.8 308 4 years college 18.6 23.2 58.1 99.9 72 5 years or more college 13.4 27.8 58.7 99.9 97 ^ears of education completed. adolescent children than those with graduate education. Further, Table 29 suggests that professional employment of the mother--teaching school being the most prominent occupation— is more likely to affect feelings of political trust negatively than if the mother is employed in clerical or sales work. Overall, it appears that family social-economic stratification has little effect upon feelings of political cynicism among adolescent children, except that the education of the mother has a positive effect until it is very high, when it has a negative effect, regardless of whether the mother is employed or in-the home. 110 TABLE 29 RELATIONSHIP OF MOTHER'S OCCUPATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Mother's Occupation Low____Medium____High____ %____ N_____ Upper3 - 6.0 33.3 60.6 99.9 Middle^ 9.5 26.5 64.0 100 LowerC 2.3 35.7 61.9 99.9 Housewife 14.0 26.6 62.3 99.9 Professional, managerial, self-employed business, t) Clerical, sales, skilled worker. cSemi-skilled, unskilled worker. The Relationship of Political Cynicism to Situational Associational Factors' Family Structure The nuclearity of the family appears (Table 30) to enhance feelings of political trust to some degree, but there seems to be no distinguishable pattern to the differences attributable to the age of the adolescent at the time of divorce or separation (Table 31). The effect of greatly heightened feelings of political support among those having experienced divorce in the family over the previous year is TABLE 30 RELATIONSHIP OF PARENT DIVORCE TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Low Medium High %______N Divorce or separation 9.3 24.6 66.1 100 118 No divorce or separation 11.9 26.1 61.9 99.9 604 TABLE 31 RELATION OF AGE OF CHILD AT DIVORCE TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism £ Divorce: Age Low_____Medium_____High______%_______N 1-5 0.0 20.0 80.0 100 20 6-11 11.9 26.1 61.9 99.9 42 12 - 16 7.8 23.5 68.6 99.9 51 17+ 40.0 40.0 20.0 100 5 No divorce 11.9 26.1 61.9 99.9 604 3 . Question 9, Appendix B, "How old were you when the divorce or separation took place?" 112 present in terms of political cynicism, as it was on the political efficacy index. Table 32 indicates that living with mother-only promotes polit ical trust, just as it promoted political efficacy, accounting in this instance (as opposed to a nuclear family situation) for 5.3% of the variance. Reconstituted families again are associated with the lowest levels of political support. Uprooting from another region to the Orange County area is not a significant factor influencing political cynicism, although there is a slight tendency for those from out-of-state to register lower feelings of cynicism, unlike the political efficacy patterns. Higher frequencies of residential relocation, however, show a regular, but insignificant, relationship to greater political cynicism (Table 33). Intra-Family Relationships: Power and Affect As in the case of political efficacy, children from father- dominant homes have slightly higher feelings of political trust (Table 34), yet it appears that mother-dominant homes are not signifi cantly detrimental to positive political orientations. The impact of the affectual dimension of the family associa tion is not as great as that found in relation to political efficacy, but those able to discuss things with either or both parents have con siderably lower rates of political cynicism than those who have no one in the home with whom to discuss things; this factor accounted for 7.7% of the variance (Table 35), compared to 17.6% in the case of polit ical efficacy. Although no variance was attributable to differences TABLE 32 11 NATURE OF FAMILY STRUCTURE IN RELATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Family Structure Low Political Cynicism Medium High % N Mother only 13.5 27.1 59.3 99.9 42 Reconstituted 7.1 23.8 69.0 99.9 59 Nuclear^ 11.4 26.8 61.6 99.8 584 cl Mother and step-father. ^Mother and father. TABLE 33 RELATIONSHIP OF FAMILY RESIDENCE CHANGE TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Residence Change Low Political Medium Cynicism High % N None 13.0 43.4 43.4 99.8 23 1-2 12.2 24.0 63.6 99.8 220 3-4 11.8 27.3 60.8 99.9 245 5-6 11.8 27.1 61.0 99.9 118 7-8 10.3 24.1 65.5 99.9 58 9-10 10.0 15.0 75.0 100 20 11+ 2.7 21.6 75.6 99.9 37 aQuestion 18, Appendix B, "How many times altogether would you estimate that you have moved from one house to another?" TABLE 34 PERCEIVED INTRA-FAMILY POWER ALLOCATION 114 IN RELATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Intra-Family Power Low Medium High % N Mother dominant 10.3 25.6 64.0 99.9 281 Father dominant 12.7 27.9 59.3 99.9 337 Other family member 10.7 20.0 69.2 99.9 65 Question 23, Appendix B, "Who would you say makes most of the day-to-day rules and decisions for your family?" TABLE 35 PERCEIVED INTRA-FAMILY AFFECT OBJECT IN RELATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM 3 . Intra-Family Affect Low Political Cynicism Medium High % N Both parents 12.8 29.3 57.7 99.8 109 Mother 12.8 23.7 63.3 99.8 265 Father 8.7 21.2 70.0 99.9 80 Neither parent 6.1 25.6 68.1 99.8 113 aQuestion 27, Appendix B, "Within your family do you usually find it easier to discuss things with ..." 115 between father and mother as affectual objects, the highest cynicism was registered by those able to discuss things with the father only. On the harder item probing familial affect, in terms of the source of advice on an important personal problem (Table 36), 4.9% of the variance is explained by the difference between those able to turn to the family and those not sure to whom they could turn. While only a small number of respondents sought professional advice, it is interesting that of school personnel, teachers are more likely to be selected by those with high political cynicism and counselors by those with lower levels of cynicism. Intra-Family Activity: Religion A religious affiliation is no more likely to promote political trust than lack of any affiliation. Of religious affiliates, it appears (Table 37) that the highest levels of cynicism are found among those of the Jewish faith, with Catholics slightly more trusting than Protestants. The more important religion is perceived to be as an ethical guide in the life of the adolescent, the higher the levels of polit ical trust (Table 38). Still, the relationship is not statistically significant, nor does the regularity of church attendance significantly affect feelings of trust. And, as Table 39 indicates, church atten dance with the family, which was so important in accounting for feel- i ings of political efficacy, not only fails to effect higher feelings of political trust, but attending church with the family is associated with lower levels of trust than if the adolescent attends with only part of the family. 116 TABLE 36 PERCEIVED PERSONAL RESOURCE OBJECT IN RELATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism 3 . Affect: Problem Resource Low Medium High % N Professional 14.0 28.0 58.0 100 50 Parents 13.0 30.0 56.8 99.8 306 Friend 11.1 20.2 68.5 99.8 207 Don't know 8.7 28.1 .63.1 99.9 103 aQuestion 40, personal problem, who Appendix B, "If you had a really important would you turn to for advice?" TABLE 37 RELATIONSHIP OF RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Religious Affiliation Low Medium High % N Protestant 12.7 23.1 64.1 99.9 393 Catholic 11.4 27.1 61.4 99.9 184 Jewish 7.1 29.7 63.0 99.8 84 No Affiliation 10.0 30.0 60.0 100 50 - 117 TABLE 38 RELATIONSHIP OF RELIGION AS ETHICAL GUIDANCE TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Religion: Ethical Action3 , Low Political Cynicism Medium High % N Not important 5.9 26.7 67.3 99.9 101 Not very important 11.4 24.8 63.6 99.8 209 Important 11.6 27.9 60.4 99.9 258 Very important 15.5 24.3 60.1 99.9 148 Question 25, Appendix B, "How important do you feel that religion is in guiding your decisions and actions in your daily life?" TABLE 39 RELATIONSHIP OF CHURCH ATTENDANCE COHORT TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Church: Attendance Cohorta Low____Medium High____ %______N Family 12.5 24.1 63.2 99.8 294 Part of family 16.0 27.2 56.8 100 125 Friends 9.4 26.4 64.1 99.9 106 Alone 10.4 28.3 61.1 99.8 67 aQuestion 20, Appendix B, "If you attend church, do you usually go with ..." 118 Parental Community Participation While it appears that children from homes with parents active in the community have lower levels of cynicism (Table 40), the rela tionship is neither linear nor significant. Peer Group; Location The location of the adolescent's peer group (in-school or out- of-school) is not significant, but those with friends out of school or at another school have greater feelings of high political cynicism (Table 41). An examination of the means, although not accounting for any statistical variance, shows that the highest feelings of cynicism occur among those with friends out of school, while those with friends at another school (the "alternate" school-peer locus), have nearly the same mean score as those with friends in the same school. Peer Group: Involvement Participation and involvement in extra-curricular school activities (Table 42) is related to increased political trust, but the association is markedly lower than the similar effect on the measure of political efficacy, accounting in this instance for only 2.4% of the variance between those with no activities and those with one or more extra-curricular involvements. Participative activities outside of school have only marginal influence on feelings of political trust (Table 43). 119 TABLE 40 RELATIONSHIP OF PARENTAL COMMUNITY ACTIVITY TO POLITICAL CYNICISM IN ADOLESCENTS Parental Community Participation Political Low Medium Cynicism High % N Very active 13.3 26.6 60.0 99.9 60 Moderately active 11.4 25.5 62.9 99.8 227 Not very active 11.6 29.1 59.1 99.8 257 Not active 10.9 20.6 68.3 99.8 174 TABLE 41 RELATIONSHIP OF PEER-FRIEND LOCATION TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism 3 . Peer-Friend Location Low Medium High % N In own school 11.4 27.3 61.2 99.9 630 Outside own school 11.4 16.0 72.4 99.8 87 3 i Question 21, Appendix B, "Would you say that most of your friends are ..." 120 TABLE 42 RELATIONSHIP OF EXTRA-CURRICULAR SCHOOL ACTIVITY TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Extra-Curricular School Activities3 , Two or more One None Low Political Efficacy Medium High % N 14.6 28.6 56.7 99.9 164 13.0 26.3 60.5 99.8 269 7.8 23.8 68.3 99.9 281 Question 22, Appendix B, "Which of the following types of school activities do you regularly participate in, if any?" TABLE 43 RELATIONSHIP OF NON-SCHOOL SOCIAL ACTIVITY TO POLITICAL CYNICISM Political Cynicism Non-School Activities3 Low_____Medium High____ %______N_ One or more 12.0 27.0 61.0 100 300 None 11.0 24.9 64.0 99.9 417 Question 24, Appendix B, "Do you belong to any clubs or organizations outside of school?" 121 Summary 1. Our adolescent sample demonstrated high and pervasive feelings of political cynicism, regardless of grade-level or sex differences. 2. Only marginal and statistically insignificant differences were found in terms of social stratification variables with the excep tion of mother's education, which contributed 2.3% of the variance, but which exhibited a discontinuous effect at the highest educational level where it was associated with an increase of political cynicism. 3. Non-nuclear, mother-only family structures proved signifi cantly more conducive to adolescent political trust than nuclear and reconstituted families, the latter situation being particularly rela ted to high feelings of political cynicism. 4. Differentials in parental dominance did not significantly affect levels of political trust. However, the family as an affectual unit accounted for 7.7% of the variance opposed to non-family sources of affect. Highest cynicism was registered by those who chose the father as the affectual object within the family structure. 5. Religion was not significant in explaining differences in levels of political cynicism, whether considered as a membership affiliation, as a family activity, or in terms of church attendance. 6. The community activity level of parents had little rela tionship to feelings of political trust in their adolescent children. 122 7. School extra-curricular activities are more likely (2.4% of the variance) to contribute to higher feelings of political trust than the absence of such activities. However, neither outside school activities nor location of peer-friend relationships affect feelings of political trust. CHAPTER IX SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS Alienation and Integration in the Political Attitudes of Adolescents' Feelings of diffuse and specific support directed toward the political system constitute two distinct dimensions of political atti tudes which vary together among our adolescent respondents at a low medium level of association.^ Our sample of suburban high school stu dents demonstrates considerably less positive levels of diffuse regime support and specific authoritative role support than that reported in related research on the political attitudes among high school seniors and grade school children. Unfortunately, direct comparability is disallowed due to differences in universe scope, definition and mode of sample selection, and variations in attitudinal index items. Reports based upon the one extant research base into the dif fuse and specific political attitudes of high school seniors have been little concerned with the levels of political support found among the sample, focusing instead upon the relative strength of the various 2 determinants in promoting high levels of system support. The overall r = -.326 (p > 0.001) For example, Kenneth Langton, Political Socialization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1969); and Jennings and Niemi, "The Transmission of Political Values from Parent to Child," American Political Science Review, LXII, No. 1 (March, 1969), 169-184. . . __-... _...... 12 3 124 high levels of support indicated by the 1965 Survey Research Center sample, congruent with the high positive support levels found among children at an earlier date, apparently satisfied analysts that system support is pervasive among the young and, consequently, led them to concentrate upon the more behaviorally interesting aspects of iso lating the dynamic factors involved in creating these positive polit ical orientations. Among our sample, however, the pervasive sense of estrangement from, and hostility toward, aspects of the political sys tem suggests a consideration of the possibilities inherent in pervasive feelings of political estrangement among a segment of our population. Low levels of system support, both overt (participative) and covert (attitudinal), deprive the political system of the necessary reservoir of citizen good-will which protects the regime during peri ods of its variable agility in satisfactorily handling and processing the demands of the political community. Doubt as to the ability of authorities, suspicion as to their motives, and a sense of helpless ness in changing the perceived directions of public decision-making, tends to reduce the probability that members of the political commu nity will be restrained by the "rules of the game" in pressing demands upon decision-makers. These modes of extra-institutional, or anomic, political behavior tend to alternate with apathetic frustration, which brings about the possibility of an unpredictable, unpatterned, and potentially volatile intervention of the alienated segment of the po litical community. While low system support creates stress within the system, it 125 generally tends to be coupled with the actual inability of the system to adequately process demands into outputs of policy or law which are sufficient to reduce the pressure of demands. Further, low system support tends to negatively sensitize the perceptions of the political community to the actual substance and speed of the political system in acting upon particularly intense and persistent demands. It is this combination of low system support and the inadequacy of authori tative response to demands for action which interact in a circular reinforcement pattern toward rapid disintegration of system support. It is this deterioration of support which brings the persistence of the political system within the "critical range" of survival and sets the conditions for political crisis and possible collapse. Low levels of support have the potential of profound impact upon the stability of democratic political systems and assume parti cular importance when evident and pervasive among any segment of the population. When apparent among predominately middle-class, white adolescents, a demographic profile which is related to higher rates of political participation among adult populations, the attitudes of political alienation and distrust are quite dissonant with what would be expected from this particular universe. Demographically-based evidence of political behavior would indicate that these feelings are more likely to be translated, in some form, into political action. 3 This synthesis of the nature and effects of support on the political system is based upon the more leisurely exposition in David Easton, A Systems Analysis of Political Life (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1965), pp. 153-170. 126 Care must be taken, as well, to hesitate in attributing adoles cent alienation to rebellion or as incongruent with or non-reflective of parental political attitudes. Jennings and Niemi report that the political attitudes of parents differ only marginally, in a negative direction, from those of their children.^ It is possible that the low levels of system support among our sample may very well reflect similar alienated feelings among the adult population within our sub urban community. Attenuation of Social Cleavages Traditionally important socio-economic indices (occupation and education) in accounting for differentials in political attitude sets provided a very low level of explanatory power among our sample. The sample, as a whole, demonstrated relatively high levels of social stratification, a homogeneity of social location which is more common to suburban areas than to either large or small cities. It is appar ent, as well, that the great proportion of in-migrating families did not experience any significant break with a prior life-style in their move into the Orange County area from a prior homogenous suburban milieux. There is a distinct continuity of experience throughout the early maturation of our sample within a strongly homogenous environ ment, free from profound socio-economic cleavages. The effects upon the growing child of low exposure to basic traditional cleavages may have an inestimable impact upon the 4 Jennings and Niemi, "The Transmission of Political Values," pp. 178-179. 127 developing bases of the child's political orientations. In classic social research, objective indices of social location have been found to associate with differentials in attitudes and behavior as have modes of measurement based upon subjective self-stratification. However, the low level of explanation of social class indices in this study and in the Chicago study demand that closer analysis must be directed to the causative relationship between political attitudes and social-economic locations in the development of political orientations among predomi nately middle-class, non-ethnic children and adolescents.^ Within our sample the meager explanatory power of socio economic indices suggests that social class identification has been inhibited. While the fathers of our adolescent sample predominately held occupations of "middle-class" status, the occupational classifi cations were nearly equally divided between those in business, semi- professional and professional endeavors and those in clerical and sales work,.yet the objective differences in occupational status of the father are not reflected in attitude differentials among their adolescent children. Let us suggest a more plausible conceptualization of the transmission of social class identification than that current in the literature, which implies a rather direct transmission of social loca tion from the parents and which is assumed to be significant to the ^David Easton and Jack Dennis, Children in the Political System: Origins of Political Legitimacy (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Co., 1969), pp. 333-381, are able to locate only slight effect of SES indicators in terms of both cognitive and affect responses among their sample. 128 child’s social self-identification. First, it must be recognized that what is transmitted may not necessarily be received. And secondly, the information received only has real impact when tested and valida ted by experience. Thus, the generally subtle transmission of social class identity to the child by parents only takes on significance as the child becomes aware of the differences in life-style within his ex panding world of experience and interaction. The relentless compari son of self with others in terms of possessions and resources during later childhood becomes more sophisticated as the child moves into adolescence. The development of social class self-identification is, then, contingent upon the evaluation by a child of his relative abil ity to command resources to a greater or lesser degree than the peers with which he comes in contact. In order to develop an awareness of social class cleavages and to define his own specific location in relationship to his environment of interaction, the child must be confronted with social class-based cleavages and life-styles within his experiential lebenswelt through interaction with which he may define his own social-economic status. This implies that it makes little difference to the child’s growing awareness of his own social status whether there do exist, in fact, profound economic-based i cleavages outside of his immediate interactive environment. There fore, it would seem that a child’s developing social class identity has little to do either with the actual existence of cleavages out side his lebenswelt or with his objective economic status location within his neighborhood and school situation unless he is placed in continuous interaction with other children whose life-styles 129 and behavior appear to him as considerably at variance with that ex perienced within his family association. Drawing upon this model of the process of social identifica tion, it is not surprising that our relatively homogenous middle-class suburban sample would evidence such a low level relationship between political attitudinal orientations and the classic, objective indices of social stratification. The very great proportion have not experi enced the reality of extensive economic cleavages within their envi ronment over the course of their growth and development. The observ able accoutrement of social class location, the tangible objects of a "life-style," are similar from child to child and family to family in suburban areas. The child interacts with peers whose tract-built homes are similar or identical in style and cost-range to his own and is likely to have similar sufficient resources available for objects of distraction as his friends. The suburban child, then, is exposed to a non-pluralistic environment which, free from observable socio economic cleavages, deprives him of a core of social class based self- identification. We would expect, on the other hand, that middle-class children in small towns and cities would generally develop a stronger sense of social self-identification, for most such units have better defined geographic parameters with a pluralistic social infrastructure divided quite basically along social class lines. The sharpness of economic differentiation and related life-styles in the small town or city leaves the child in little doubt as to his social location and 130 identity. It is likely that objective measurements of the socio economic bases of political attitudes would have a greater explan atory value among children and adolescents within these types of environments. Interestingly, however, the suburban syndrome, as we have de fined it, is more analogous to the lower class, ethnic homogeneity of large inner city areas than to small town, middle-class environments. In both the homogenous suburban and the homogenous urban "ghetto" worlds, the growing child is deprived of the plurality of economi cally stratified life-styles and through his peer interactions learns a "reality" which does not reflect the greater universe. In this sense of experiential knowledge, the suburban child is quite as de prived as the urban ghetto child. However, there is a considerable difference between experientially-based concepts of the real world and the learning of alternative preferred values which may also be conceived of as preferred goals for attainment. While we are not interested here in the examination and evaluation of specific values, it has gener ally been the disjunction between experiential and preferred values, economically-based, which has historically motivated men to alter their existential condition. The urban ghetto child, while expe riential ly isolated among his own, is exposed through the mass media to the depiction and celebration of alternate values and life-styles which are the existential realities of the middle-class suburban child. 131 While there is an element of cruelty in the image of the urban ghetto child exposed through the media to the insistent reinforcement of a vision of non-ghetto living, the awareness of alternative and more culturally desirable values (affluency, convenience, security) and life-styles simultaneously reinforces the child's awareness of his own social location and postulates images of preferred values as possible goals. This is not the case for the suburban child for whom the preferred values of the culture are concommitantly the living real ities of his environment. He is doubly deprived: first, of the expe rience of plurality and the consequent self-awareness of distinct social location within his milieu; and secondly, deprived of the pre sence of secondary, symbolic learning of alternative, preferential values and life-styles which serve as potential alternatives to his living reality. The mass media simply depict in both merchandising and programming the values and life-styles of the middle-class of the formal, suburban school structure also reflect a consistent reinforcement of the middle-class experience. In summary, if a child grows up experiencing, as an ongoing fact of existence, low levels of socio-economic cleavage he is un likely to formulate a self-identification based in his social loca tion and, consequently, economic-education factors will have limited value in explaining differentials in attitudes and behavior. The suburban child who is deprived by configuration of his environment of the bases of socially stratifies self-identification, as well as being 132 deprived of alternative secondarily learned images of preferred life styles and values which provide directions for attainment and bases for motivation is likely to have a substantially undeveloped sense of social place and an undefined and unstable self-image. Self definition, or individuation, is one of the most crucial aspects of adolescent development and the absence of basic existential plurality and differentiation within the suburban environment is likely to be manifested among adolescents in a high availability to external "cues" and unstable and transient modes of behavior which tend to alternate with apathy, boredom, and anxious privatism, and uninhibited by the constraints of social location or "self-interest." That Easton and Dennis found socio-economic indices to provide only low levels of explanation among their largely middle-class sample of children could be partially a function of their middle-class sam ple, but is also likely to be attributable to the limited ability of children to conceptualize the socially causative bases for self- evaluation and consequent self-definition.^ It is during adolescence when the sphere of interaction broadens concurrently with the height ened development of cognitive conceptualization that we would expect the young person to demonstrate a stronger awareness of his socially stratified role. The absence of strong socio-economic role ^See particularly, Richard Merelman, "The Development of Political Ideology: A Framework for the Analysis of Political Socialization," American Political Science Review, LXIII, No. 3 (September, 1969), 750-767, who attempts to clarify the development of political conceptualization in childhood. 133 identification among our sample belies our traditional assumption that social role inevitably develops strongly during the adolescent phase, and suggests that the absence of this basic criterion of self definition is likely to make the suburban adolescent more available to prevailing cues within his extended peer group, unchecked by the differentiating force of family-centered, socially stratified bases of social location. Attitude sets among suburban adolescents are more possibly transient and at the same time likely to be more pervasively held throughout the peer universe. It is this lack of grounding of attitudes in specific, proximate, social roles which warns us from assuming the stability, over time, of political orientations in our suburban universe. The inability of sex role differentiation to explain atti- tudinal differences suggest that, as with social class cleavages, this traditional indicator of attitudinal and behavioral differentials is not powerful as an element of self-definition among suburban adoles cents who increasingly demonstrate low levels of sex-appropriate behavior in both style and action. The Integrative Power of Proximate Relationships The political attitudes of our sample are associated more closely with the subtle interactions of the adolescent with family and peer groups than with the grosser, but traditionally, reliable social stratification and sex-role indicators. However, the general characteristics of family relationship are considerably different from what is traditionally considered "normal.” For example, the 134 hierarchical structure of the family, at least in terms of the adoles cent's perceptions, is matriarchal. The adolescents relate overwhelm ingly to the mother over the father as an affect object, and the role of dominant decision-maker appears nearly equally shared by the mother and the father. Further, it seems that in the small number of cases where the father is considered the affectual object, the young person is likely to be more politically alienated than when the mother is the affectual object. On the other hand, there appears to be no difference in attitudes between mother-dominant and father-dominant homes. This indicates that not only are suburban homes "mother-prominent," but that this type of configuration is not detrimental to system-supportive 7 attitudes among adolescent children, as has been reported elsewhere, and may actually promote them. The prevailing norm of mother-prominence among our sample may explain the notably higher levels of system-support among adolescents from non-nuclear, mother-only homes. Father absence appears to promote positive feelings of trust and efficacy beyond that of nuclear homes while the introduction of a new father and the reconstitution of a nuclear home appears to have a positively detrimental effect upon the attitudes of children. It is possible, then, that the negative effect of divorce and consequent mother-reliance would have a detrimental effect upon children only in those environments in which there was a prevailing norm of father-centered households, but would have a reverse 7 Kenneth Langton, Political Socialization, pp. 30-51. 135 effect in a suburban environment such as ours which exhibits a norm of "mother-prominence." The interpretation of normal family configura tions of affect and power by the young is more likely, in this in stance, to be based in perceived relationships and norms in their in teractive environment than in non-proximate, cultural norms of the "proper" family hierarchy. The evidence suggests that religion has impact on political attitudes only in terms of its influence as a focus of regularized interaction within the family unit. This suggests, although we have no data to explore this possibility, that a similar effect could be found by positing an alternative type of regularized family interaction which brings the family together in a situation promoting interaction and openness of communication within the total family unit. In addition to the family unit, the school increasingly pro vides for the adolescent an additional situation within which the net works of relationship can be created. It is particularly through its secondary function as a structure for informal peer interaction that the school is important. In a sense, it provides much the same func tion as the family in creating, particularly through extra-curricular activities, modes of continuous and regularized self-selected peer contact which, when utilized, are important in promoting stronger inter-personal integration and consequent higher levels of system- support. 136 Feelings of political trust and powerfulness appear to be en hanced by continuous inter-personal interactions, regardless of their location in either of the major agencies of socialization. This would suggest that feelings of personal effectiveness and the related sense of personal powerfulness in coping with proximate relationships under lies the development of political efficacy. Feelings of being signi ficant, competent, and "cared about" in relation to the political sys tem are congruent with similar feelings and needs which the adolescent strives to achieve within his primary milieux in order to forge a sense of personal effectiveness. It is possible, in fact, that the empirical measures of polit ical efficacy administered to children and adolescents are more indic ative of projections of personal effectiveness than they are stable indicators of distinctly political attitudes. This does not imply that they do not reflect political feelings, but that the young person who is primarily engaged in the creation and maintenance of proximate relationships, may be more greatly influenced in the direction and levels of his political attitudes by his immediate successes and fail ures in achieving a feeling of personal integration. If political efficacy is akin to personal effectiveness in the sense of successful coping with people and tasks within one’s environ ment, political cynicism is more likely to be related to the more idiosyncratic, psychological attitude of personal trust. Our measure of political cynicism responded to many of the same "independent" vari ables as did political efficacy, but at lower levels, particularly in 137 terms of the situational-associational factors. This suggests that trust is perhaps more basic and primary in the development of a child's emotional structure, that its relationship to political trust is less mediated by social experience and inter-personal interaction, and that the development of personal trust is less related to matura tion and its concommitant processes of social role definition and task competency. Current Limitations in Political Socialization Research The Paucity of Data Bases It is interesting that an area of study which has gained such rapid popularity, particularly among young professionals in the dis cipline, has done so on the basis of such limited research. The pau city of multiple data bases is unique to the emerging area of political socialization and gives us some pause to consider the causes and the limitations imposed by the particular development of the area. Political socialization research has evolved quite differently from the development of other areas within political science. The introduction and utilization of empirical procedures in political science brought on a somewhat haphazard array of small-scale, method ologically diverse studies of limited scope and with little conceptual inter-relationship. The first phases of political behavioralism were rather unsophisticated compared to ongoing empirical research in other areas of human and social behavior and considerable criticism and stress arose within the discipline between behavioralists and 138 traditionalists. However, the development of interest and the gen eration of funding for social research by the federal government and private foundations in the mid-1950’s had considerable fallout for political science and promoted the increased activities of centralized research centers, the most prominent being the Survey Research Center at the University of Michigan. The desire of the leaders of the political science establishment to catch up with scientific respect ability was reflected in the increased behavioral orientation of the American Political Science Review. By the early 1960’s the urging of empirical theorists for more systematic organizations of political information had manifested itself in the wider considerations of sys tematic adaptation of systems analysis and structural-functional anal ysis to political processes and institutions. It is, in some ways, unfortunate that the field of political socialization did not have the opportunity to progress naturally through the rudimentary phases of behavioralism to any significant degree. Rather, it has emerged during the period of full-blown behav ioralism and has been the product of heavily financed, centralized investigations of national characteristics. The major disadvantage for the independent researcher is the lack of multiple data bases for comparability and replication. Plurality of investigations of limited scope may overlap and have limited generality-potential, but they also increase the likelihood of uncovering regional-ecological variations, as well as providing a multiplicity of alternative procedures, middle- range hypotheses, and researchable assumptions. 139 As has been suggested, there is likely to be considerable variation in the socialization processes by demographic-ecological location which affect the learning of political attitudes and poten tial political behaviors. National sampling of children and adoles cents tends to attenuate or "wash out" these very basic units of situational learning and poorly informs us of locations of population with high levels of political alienation. For example, it makes con siderable difference for system stability if substantial numbers of urban black and suburban white young people feel politically alienated even if national sampling indicates that the young hold relatively positive feelings toward the political system. And, as suggested, different environments may well have different configurations of "normal" political values and orientations which are related to spe cific patterns of family and peer associations and interactions within the child's sphere of experience. An even greater problem for the development of the field of political socialization is inherent in the hegemony over the field of childhood learning of the Chicago study. Its adherence to the pre cepts of the psychoanalytic model of the development of affect in children has led to the acceptance of the assumptions of that model that political attitudes, developed in a positive fashion during childhood, are not amenable to significant change during later stages in the life cycle. The effect of this model and its assumptions of early "imprinting" of political orientations has been to discourage basic research into the development of political attitudes during adolescence. _______ 140 Too, the psychoanalytic model lends itself to the broad assump tion that political orientations are as central and essential a com ponent of a child’s development as other elements of the personality. The learning of political airfect is conceived to be subject to the same staging processes in the child's maturation as are other cognitive- affectual orientations and is assumed to be learned as "hard" as atti tudes toward more proximate objects and situations. These assumptions theoretically limit the effect of role changes and self-awareness after childhood on political attitudes and do not adequately deal with the impact of the actual operations of political decision-makers as their actions and policies are perceived by the cognitively maturing adolescent. For example, although our findings are not strictly com parable to those in the Chicago study, it is difficult to ignore the possible effects on a generation of children growing into adolescence through the decade of the 1960's of three assassinations of popular leaders, as well as the general public concern over the seemingly endless Indo-China involvement. However, the model of development utilized in the Chicago study cannot deal systematically with the intervention of political realities into the process of attitudinal development. To do so would be to imply that political orientations of children are not as basic in "hardness" or centrality as the inter pretations of research suggest. This would, in turn, require a thorough-going reevaluation of the impact and nature of the situational- associational determinants in which these attitudes are assumedly rooted. 141 It is likely that many of the limitations of the psychoanal ytic model which have an inhibiting effect upon the development of socialization research could be overcome through the superimposure of basic role theory model assumptions. Essentially, this more flexible model recognizes that affectual predispositions, as well as cognitive development, are tied closely to proximate and continuous situations which require responsive coping behavior on the part of the child. Political orientations and evaluations, in terms of this model, would have only variable importance and centrality to the child’s development in terms of the exposure to political information and the expectations of the significant interactive agents in the child's environment that he should, in fact, be interested and evaluative of political things. This means that political orientations become significant and take on a higher coping priority when they are more highly valued in terms of the significant situations within which the child finds him self. The significance of politics, then, is quite dependent upon the social-role usefulness of the information and evaluations in the young person’s valued interactive situations. In this sense, role theory is a good deal more flexible than psychoanalytic theory in providing for the possibility of attitudinal changes toward the political system as the individual passes from childhood through adolescence and onto the more highly defined social-work roles of adulthood and finally to attitudinal changes in old age. There is no reason to believe that attitudes toward politics are securely established in centrality or direction early in life if development of political orientations are viewed within the context of role theory. 142 Directions for the Study of Political Socialization Several of the major directions for research in the area of political socialization have been implicit in the foregoing discussion, that is, the need for a broader, more flexible conceptual framework and a greater plurality of investigations of limited scope. There is, as well, a profound need for genuine longitudinal studies following children from childhood into adolescence. This is the only possible way to understand empirically the nature of affect "staging” during the maturation process and the determinants of change in configurations, intensity, and centrality of political orientations. An alternative to this procedure would be quasi-longitudinal studies of child or adolescent communities in order to provide insight into changes within specific universes over a period of time. The design of questionnaire items and format presentation must be carefully reevaluated in terms of age-grading for comprehension and emotional loading. Too, serious consideration must be given to the mode of administration and the effect of role-authoritative question naire administrators on the nature of responses. This is important generally in survey research, but is doubly so among children and adolescents who are likely to be even more anxious to please the sur vey administrator than adult respondents. It is likely that many of these limitations and problems will be coped with and overcome in time. The richness and vitality of 143] political socialization as an area of research is unrivaled in the discipline and is the single area which, by its nature, must bring together research skills and information from the other major behav ioral sciences. It is the springboard, in a sense, for the type of integrated effort of various disciplines which has the potential of achieving a meaningful body of empirically-based knowledge of how individuals develop and change in their feelings and cognitions toward their social milieux and the political system. APPENDIXES 144 A P P E N D I X A STUDENT ATTITUDE SURVEY: PRE-TEST QUESTIONNAIRE 145 146 Fullerton Union High Sohool District, and Dspartasnt of Political Solanos California Stats College at Fullerton HOT MR PUBLICATION Pre-Tsat (4/24/68) Sariaai 100 STUDENT ATTITUDE SURVEY In answering the questions in this survey, it is impprtant that you are FRANK and HONEST, for this is your opportunity to help us re-examine many of our educational policies'. REMEMBER: 1) You are completely AN0NYM0U8; you have been selected to answer this questionaire on a random basis, and 2) Your name is neither asked nor desired for the purpose of this study. SECTION Ir 1. What grade are you in at the present time? 9th (Circle 0ne)10th 11th 12th 2. Are you Male Female J. What is your ago? 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 4. Do you live with your .-„ Father and Mother Mother only Father only Mother end Stepfather Father and Stepmother Other: (Write-in) 147 Page Two Student Attltuda Survey If your parents ere divorced or separated: 5. How old were you when the divoroe or sop eration took place? 1-5 yeara old 6-11 years old 12-16 years old 17 ~ years old or older 6. What 1b your parents religious affiliation, if any? Protestant Oatholic Jewish No religion Other: • What type of work does your father do for a living? 5* What type ox wox ' ti uuuu yvux* umLiior uu fox a living? 9. Circle the last year of schooling your father completed: Grado: 8 9 10 11 12 College: 1 2 3 4 5 6 or more years 10. Circle tha last year of schooling your mother completed: Grade: 8 9 10 11 12 College: 1 2 3 4 5 6 ox * more years 11. Are you .... Caucasian Negro Mexican Oriental Other: ______________ 12. How long have you lived in Orange County? 1-3 years 4-6 years 8-12 yeara 13 : • or more years If you have 148 Page Three Survey If you have not always lived in Orange County, where did you spend most of your early yeara? 13. If in another State, which one: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 14. If in another area in California, whioh cftty: 13. How many times altogether would you estimate you have moved from one house to another? Hone 1-2 times 3"4 times 5-6 times 7-8 times ® or more times 16. How often do you attend church? Don't attend Attend on epeulul uuuabluiio Attend about once a month Attend a couple of times a month Attend every week 17. If you attend church, do you usually go with Entire family Brothers and sisters Father only Mother only School friends Girlfriend or boyfriend Alone 18. Do you belohg to a ohurch youth group? Yes No 19. Vould you say that most of your friends are*.... in your own grade at this school in all different grades at ftibis school at another school out of school 149 Page Pour 8urvey 20. How Important do you feel that religion la in guiding your parents decisions and actions in their dally lives? not important not very important important very important 21. Which of the following types of school aotivltiea do you regularly participate in, if .any: Student government School athletics Social clubs Speoial interest clubs 2 or 3 of the above All of the above None of these sorts of activities 22. Do you belong to any clubs or organizations outside of school? (Indicate what type, if any) 25* How important do you feel- that religion is in guiding your decisions and actions in your daily life? Hot important not very important important very important 24. Within your family do you usually find it easier to discuss things with..... your father your mother your brother or sisters none of the family 25* Who would you say makes most of the day-to-day rules and decisions for your family? your father your mother 150 Pago Five Survey 26. How aotlve would you say that your parents are in olubs and oommunity organizations? Very active moderately active not very active not active at all 27* If you had a really important personal problem, who would you turn to for advice: your father your mother your minister or priest your school counselor one of your teachers a friend. don't know who you would turn to for advice 8ECT10N II: You are reminded that you are anonymous and that in formation in this section is solely to help us in evaluating the educational policies. 1. How many times hove you used marijuana? a. 1 or 2 times b. Between 3 and 9 times c. More than 10 times d. Never have , tried it 2. If , 7ou have used mari.luana, about how long ago did you first; try it? --- a. about a month ago b. 2 or 3 months ago c. about 6 months ago (after sohool started in the fall; d. last summer e. last year some time 151 Pago Six Survey 3» If you use marijuana. how often do you usually get loaded when It Ib available? a. usually every day b. frequently throughout the week c. on weekends and occasionally during the week d. only on weekends e. a couple of times a month f. about once a month 4. If you DO NOT use marijuana. do you know where you could get some 1 1 ' you wanted to try it? a. ye8 b. no 5. If you have used marl.luana. which of the following do consider the BEST reason for using it: a. to feel wood b. to make me feel closer to friends c. to let me appreciate things drounu wC core d. to h9lp me understand myself better e. to give me something to do when nothin? else is happening f. 6. Whether you use marl.luana or not, which of the following do you consider to be the BEST reason for NOT using marijuana? s. because there is a law againBt it there must be something wrong with it. b. becaase my parents might find out c. because my friends don't use it d. because I might get caught by the police e. because I might get kicked out of school f. because the films and talks on narcotics show what marijuana leads to. Page Savon Survey ?• What percentage of the students at this school would you estimate hove used marijuana? e. not more than 10$ b. about 20$ 0. about 30$ d. about 40$ e. about 50$ f. about 60$ g. about 70$ h. about 80$ 1. about 90$ j. Just about everyone 8. What type of action do you think the school m&ght to teke against a student caught for marijuana? a. no official school action b. temporary suspension . c. place in a special school d. expell permanently e. turn thorn over to the police 9. What type of action do you think your parents would wish the school to tage againas asrcuaeni; picKea up for marijuana? a. no'official school action b. temporary suspension o. place in a special school d. expell permanently e. turn them over to the police 10. How many tiroes have you used LSD? a. never tried it b. 1-2 times o. 3-8 times d. 9 or more 11. Whether you have used LSD or not, which of the follow ing do you think is the best reason for not using LSD a. damage to me physically b. fear of a bad trip o. afraid of gotting caught d. wouldn't know where to get it Pan® Eight Survey How often do you get high on "uppers" (bennies, dexies, speed, eto.) a. Never b. Occasionally o. ?requently d. Whenever they are available 154 Seotlon III. In this seotlon we ask that you register your honest attitudes toward the statements made. 1. With everything so uncertain these days. It almost seems as though anything could happen. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 2. There are many ways that young people oan ohange the actions of the government. Stkongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 3. Tho heart is as good a guide as the head. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 4. You can’t be too careful in your relationships with other people. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 5* If you had to ohoose, which of the Hollowing would you want most out of life? Close family Power Meaningful work Love Financial Security New experiences 6. As it exists today, student government at this school does not serve the needs of the students. Strongly agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 7» Most politicians are looking out for themselves above all else. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 155 (III— page 2) 0. Generally speaking, which one of the following things about this country ore you most proud of? Physical attributes of the country Contributions to the arts Characteristics of the people Position in international affairs Governmental, political institutions Contributions to science .Spiritual virtues and religion Economic system Sooial Legislation Nothing, or don't know Other 9. What is laoklng in the world today Is the old kind of friendship that laBted for a lifetime. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 10. Public officials care a great deal about what young people think. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 11. You oan't change human nature. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 12. If I were caught breaking a rule, the administration of this school would treat me fairly. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 13. Most people are inclined to look out for themselves. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree (Ill— page 3) I often feel awkward and. out of plaoe. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 15. No matter what the people think, a few people will always run things anyway. Strongly Agree Agree Mo Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 16. Human nature is fundimentally cooperative. Strongly Agree Agree No: Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 17* Duties are more important than rights. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 18. Sometimes politicians and government seem so complicated that moat people can't really understand what's going on. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 19. If members of the student government disagreed with a policy of the administration in this school, the administration would probably: give the disagreement serious consideration. | give little attention and attempt to paoify the students. Ignore them. *0. Host politicians don't really mean what they say. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree I ! 21. The government does not really care what people like me think. I J Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree | 22. Host people can be trusted. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 23* Everything changes so quickly these days that I often have trouble deciding which are the right rules to follow. Strongly Agree. Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 157 (III— page k) 2k, People are getting soft and weak from 00 nuoh ooddling and babying. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 25. A poor man has the some chance as a rich man in the law oourts. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 26. No one is going to oare muoh what happens to you when you get right down to it. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 27. It seems to me that other people find it easier to decide what is right than I do. ' Strongly Disagree Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree 28. Most people probably think of me as: Strongly liberal Liberal Coiu>t3i-<rablvc Strongly Conservative 29. The world is too complicated to be understood by anyone but experts. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree | j 30. Most politicians can be trusted to do what they think is best for the oountry. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 31. I often feel that many things our parents stood for are Just going to ruin before our very eyes. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 32. We have to teach children that all men are created equal, although almost everyone knows tiu>t some are better than others. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 33* Politicians spend most of their time getting re-elected or re-appointed. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly. Disagree 158 (III— page 5) Jk, Host people ore Inclined to help others. Strongly Agree Agree Ho Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 35. People were better off in the old days when everyone knew Just how he was expeoted to act. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 36. When students at this school explain their point of view to the administration, what effeot do you think it has? It is given serious consideration. It is given little attention* It is usually ignored. 37. I don't think I can do anything about what the government does. j Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree \ | 38. As a rule, do you sleep... I on your baok 1 | on your side { on your stomaohe 39. Pew people really know what is in their best interest in the long run. i I Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree | AO. With everything in such a state of disorder, it's hard for a person 1 to know where he stands from one day to the next. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree If you don't watoh yourself, people will take advantage of you. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree A2. Hardly any politicians are bought off by some private interest. Strongly Agree Agree No Attitude Disagree Strongly Disagree 159 (III— page 6) Please complete the following aentenoea with your oandid thoughts: When I think what the future will probably be like... When 1 need.help, I oan usually turn to... 1 * 3 , A good teaoher is one who... b6. I feel proud when... 1 * 7 , I feel very happy when... -Thank you for your thoughtful oooperation- APPENDIX B STUDENT ATTITUDE SURVEY: FINAL QUESTIONNAIRE 160 161 Fullerton Union High School District Series: and California State College at Fullerton S/8/68 (Not for reproduction or publication) STUDENT ATTITUDE SURVEY In answering the questions In this survey, it is important that you are FRANK and HONEST, for this is your opportunity to help us re-examine many of our educational policies. REMEMBER: 1)- You are completely ANONYMOUS; you have been selected to participate in this survey on a random basis, and 2) Your name is neither asked nor desired for the purpose of this study. SECTION I: You may either circle or underline your answer) 5. What grade are you in at the present time? 9th 10th 11th 12th 6. Are you... Male . Female 7. What is your age? 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 8. Do you live with your Father and Mother Mother only Father only Mother and Stepfather Father and Stepmother Guardian Friend Other . -2- If vour parents are divorced or separated: 9. How old were you when the divorce or separation took place? 1-2 yeara old 6-11 yeara old 12 - 16 yeara old 17 yeara old or older 10. What la your religious affiliation, If any? Protestant Catholic Jewish No religion Other _____________ 11. What type of work does your father do for a living? 12. What type of work doea your mother do for a living? 13. Circle the last year of schooling your father completed: Crndft! 8 9 10 11 12 College: 1 2 3 4 5 6 or more years 14. Circle the last year of schooling your mother completed: Grade: 8 9 10' 11 12 College: 1 2 3 4 5 6 or more years 15. How long have you lived In Orange County? 1 - 3 years 4 - 6 years 7-11 years 12 - 18 years All of my \ life If you have not always lived In Orange County, where did you spend most of your early yeara? 16. If in another State, which one? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 17. If in another part of California, which city? 18. How many times altogether would you estimate that you have moved from one house to another? None 1 - 2 times 3 - 4 times S - 6 times 7 - 8 times 9-10 times 11 or more times 163 19. How often do you attend church? Don't attend Attend on special occasions Attend about once a month Attend a couple of times a month Attend every week 20. If you attend church, do you usually go with ... Entire family Hother and Father Brothers and sisters Hother only Father only Schoolfriends Boyfriend or girlfriend Alone Other 21. Would you say that most of your friends are ... in your own grade at this school in all different grades at another school out of school 22. Which of the following types of school activities do you regularly participate in, if any? Student government School athletics Social clubs Special interest clubs 2 or 3 of the above All of the above None of these sorts of activities 23. Who would you say makes most of the day-to-day rules and decisions for your family? your mother your father other ______________ 24. Do you belong to any clubs or organizations outside of school? Indicate what type, if any: ________________________ 25. How Important do you feel that1 religion is in guiding your decisions and actions in your daily life? Not important Not very important Important Very important 26. How active would you say your parents are in clubs and community activities? Very active Moderately active Not very active Not active 8t all 164 -4- 27. Within your family do you usually find It eaaler to discuaa things with ... your father your mother both father and mother your brothers or aiBtera none of the family SECTION lit You are reminded that you are ANONYMOUS and that information in tills section is only to help us in evaluating present policies and programs in education about drugs. Be HONEST: we do not know and do not care who you are. 28. How many times have used marijuana? 1-2 times Between 3 and 9 times 10 times or more Never have tried it 29. If you have used marijuana, about how long ago did you first try it? about a month or two ago around the beginning of this semester about 8 . months ago (after school started in the Fall) last summer last year some time a couple of years ago 30. If you use marijuana, how often do you usually get loaded when it is available? usually every day frequently throughout the week on weekends and occasionally during the week only on weekends a couple of times a month about once a month other ____________________ 31. If you DO NOT use marijuana, do you know where you could get some if you wanted to try it? Yes No 32. If you have used marijuana, which ONE of the following reasons do you consider the BEST reason for using it: to feel good to make me feel closer to friends to let me appreciate things around me more to help me understand myself better to give me something to do when nothing else is happening 165 -5— 33. Whether you use marijuana or not, which ONE of the following do you consider the BEST reason for not using marijuana: since there is a law against it, there must be something wrong with it because my parents might find out because my friends don't use it because I might get caught by the police because I might get kicked out of school because films and talks on narcotics show what marijuana leads to 34. What percentage of the students at this school would you estimate have used marijuana? not more than 10% about 20% about 30% about 40% about 50% about 60% about 70% about 80% about 90-100% 35. Which ONE of the following actiona do you think your parents would wish the school to take against a student picked up for marijuana? no official school action temporary suspension place in a special school expell permanently turn them over to the police 36. Which ONE of the following actions do you think the school ought to take against a student picked up for marijuana? no official school action temporary suspension place in a special school expell permanently turn them over to the police 37. Mow many times have you used LSD? never tried it 1-2 times 3-5 times 6-8 times 9 or more times 38. Whether you have used LSD or not, which ONE of the following do you think is the best reason for not using LSD: damage to me physically or mentally fear of a bad trip afraid of getting caught wouldn't know where to get it 39. How often do you get high on "uppers" (bennies, dexles, speed, etc.)? Never Sometimes Often Whenever they sre available 40. If you had a really Important personal problem, who would you turn to for advice? your father your mother your minister or priest a school counselor one of your teachers a friend don't really know who you would turn to for advice other_______________ ______ SECTION III: In this section we ask that you register your DIRECT and FRANK opinions and attitudes toward the statements following: 41. With everything so uncertain these days, it almost seems as though anything could happen. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 42. It la easy to talk honestly with teachers. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 43. The heart Is as good a guide as the head. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 44. There are many ways that young people can change the actions of the government. « Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 45. If you had to choose, which ONE of the following would you want moat out of life? Cloae family Power Meaningful work Love Financial security New experiences 46. As It exists today, student government at this school does not serve the needs of the students. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 47. You can't change human nature. Strongly agree Agree , No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 167 -7- 48. If I were caught breaking rule or causing a disturbance! the administration of this school would treat me fairly. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 49. Politicians are usually looking out for themselves above all else. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 50. It Is pretty hard for me to find anything I can really get Interested In. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 51. Generally speaking, which ONE of the following things about this country are you most proud of? Physical beauty of the country Economic Bystem Characteristics ‘ of the people Position in world affairs Contributions to science • Government and political institutions Spiritual virtues and religion Characteristics of the people Nothing, or don't know 52. No matter what people think, a few people will always run things anyway. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 53. What is lacking in the world today is the old kind of friendship that lasts for a lifetime. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 54. Public officials care a great deal about what young people think. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 55. Duties are more important than rights. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 56. Most people are inclined to look out for themselves. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 57. Sometimes politics and government seem so complicated that most people can't really understand what's going on. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 58. People are getting soft from so much coddling and babying. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 16 59. It doesn't seem as if the government really cares what people like me think. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 60. With everything changing so quickly these days, I often have trouble deciding which are the right rules to follow. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 61. When students at this school explain their point of view to the administration, what effect do you think it has? It is given serious consideration It is given little attention It is usually ignored 62. We can trust politicians to do what is best for the country. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 63. A poor man has the same chance as a rich man in the law courts. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 64. The world often seems too complicated to be understood by anyone but experts. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 65. When young people explain their point of view to the police, what effect do you think it has? It is given serious consideration It is given little attention It is usually ignored 66. Politicians are mainly concerned with getting re-elected. Strongly agree Agree No' attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 67. I often regret that many things our parents stood for are going to ruin before our very eyes. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 68. Politicians usually seem to. say one thing and then do another. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 69. Although we have to teach children that all men are created equal, almost everyone knows that some are better than others. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 70. Most people are ready to help others. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 71. Teachers treat atudent8 fairly without playing favorites. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 72.People were probably happier in the old days when everyone knew just how he was expected to act. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 73. I don't think I can really do anything about what the government does. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 74. Do you feel that young people like yourself are treated by the police in the same way the rest of the people are treated? treated the same treated worse treated better 75. When you get right down to it> hardly anyone really cares much what happens to you. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 76. Few people really know what is in their best interest in the long run. Strongly »gr°“ Aj»o . Wo attitude Disagree • Strongly disagree 77. People can almost always be trusted. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 78. Hardly any politicians are bought off by some private interest. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 79. If you don't watch yourself, people will take advantage of you. Strongly agree Agree No attitude Disagree Strongly disagree 80. As a rulei do you sleep ... on your back on your side on your stomache We would like to thank you for your time and cooperation. Please turn this booklet over, face down, now that you have completed the survey. We request that you remain silent until everyone is finished. When everyone has finished, the questionaires and pencils will be picked up. At that time, if time remains, 1 shall be happy to answer any questions you may have about the survey and its uses. Thank you again for sitting quietly. BIBLIOGRAPHY 170 BIBLIOGRAPHY Books Almond, Gabriel A., and Verba, Sidney. The Civic Culture. 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Edited by Ruth S ' . Ei's'sler, et al. New York: Inter national Universities’ Press, 1951. Articles in Periodicals Aberbach, Joel D. "Alienation and Political Behavior." American Political Science Review, LXIII (March, 1969), 86-99. Adelson, Joseph, and O'Neil, Robert P. "Growth of Political Ideas in Adolescence: The Sense of Community." Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, IV (September, 1966), 295-306. Agger, Robert E.; Goldstein, Marshall N.; and Pearl, Stanley A. "Political Cynicism: Measurement and Meaning." Journal of Politics, XXIII (August, 1961), 477-505. Alford, Robert R., and Scobe, Harry M. "Sources of Local Political Involvement." American Political Science Review, LXII (December, 1968T7-11^2-12^6^ Almond, Gabriel A. "Political Theory and Political Science." American Political Science Review, LX (December, 1966), 869-879. 177 Barry, Herbert, III; Bacon, Margaret K.; and Child, Irvin L. "A: Cross- Cultural Survey of Some Sex Differences in Socialization." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LV (November, 1957), 327-332. Bauernfeind, Robert H. "Measuring Children's Strength of Response to Attitude Items." Educational and Psychological Measurement. XV (Spring, 1955), 63-70. ! Bell, Daniel. "The 'Rediscovery' of Alienation." The Journal of Philosophy, LVI (November, 1969), 933-952. Bender, Gerald J. "Political Socialization and Political Change." Western Political Quarterly, XX (June, 1967), 390-407. Bronfenbrenner, Urie. "The Changing American Child: A Speculative Analysis." Merrill-Palmer Quarterly, VII (April, 1961), 73-84. Clark, John P. "Measuring Alienation Within a Social System." Ameri can Sociological Review, XXIV (December, 1959), 849-852. Coleman, James S. "The Adolescent Subculture and Academic Achieve ment." American Journal of Sociology, LXI (January, 1960), 337-347. Czudnowski, Moshe M. "A Salience Dimension of Politics for the Study of Political Culture." American Political Science Review, LXII (September, 1968), 878-888. Dahl, Robert A. "The Behavioral Approach in Political Science: Epi taph for a Monument to Successful Protest." American Polit ical Science Review, LV (December, 1961), 763-772. Davids, Anthony. "Alienation, Social Apperception, and Ego Structure." Journal of Consulting Psychology, XIX (February, 1955), 21-27. Davids, Anthony. "Generality and Consistency of Relations Between the Alienation Syndrome and Cognitive Processes." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LI (July, 1955) , 61-67. Davis, Kingsley. "The Sociology of Parent-Youth Conflict." American Sociological Review, V (August, 1940), 523-535. Dean, Dwight G. "Alienation: Its Meaning and Measurement." American Sociological Review, XXVI (October, 1961), 753-758. Dean, Dwight G. "Alienation and Political Apathy." Social Forces, XXXVIII (March, 1960), 185-189. 178 Dean, Dwight G., and Reeves, Jon A. "Anomie: A Comparison of a Cath olic and a Protestant Sample." Sociometry, XXV (June, 1962), 209-212. DeFldur, Melvin L., and Westie, Frank R. "Verbal Attitudes and Overt Acts: An Experiment on the Salience of Attitudes." American Sociological Review, XXIII (December, 1958), 667-673. Dennis, Jack. "Major Problems of Political Socialization Research." Midwest Journal of Political Science, XII (February, 1968), 85-114. Douvan, Elizabeth, and Walker, Alan M. "The Sense of Effectiveness in Public Affairs." Psychological Monographs: General and Applied, LXX (1956), 1-19. Douvan, Elizabeth, and Adelson, Joseph. "The Psychodynamics of Social Mobility in Adolescent Boys." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LVI (January, 1958), 31-44. Easton, David, and Dennis, Jack. "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy." American Political Science Review, LXI (March, 1967), 25-38. Easton, David, and Dennis, Jack. "The Child's Image of Government." The Annals, 361 (September, 1965), 41-57. Elder, Glen H., Jr. "Parental Power Legitimation and Its Effect on the Adolescent." Sociometry (March, 1963), 50-65. Elkin, Frederick, and Westley, William A. "The Myth of Adolescent Culture." American Sociological Review, XX (December, 1955), 680-684. Eulau, Heinz. "Quo Vadimus?" P.S., II (Winter, 1969). Farris, Charles D. "Selected Attitudes on Foreign Affairs as Corre lates of Authoritarianism and Political Anomie." Journal of Politics, XXII (February, 1960), 50-67. Fava, Sylvia Fleis. "Suburbanism as a Way of Life." American Socio logical Review, XXI (February, 1956), 34-37. Finifter, Ada W. "Dimensions of Political Alienation." American Poli tical Science Review, LXIV (June, 1970), 389-410. Froman, Lewis A., Jr. "Personality and Political Socialization." Journal of Politics, XXIII (May, 1961), 341-352. 179 Goldschmidt, Maure L. "Democratic Theory and Contemporary Political Science." Supplement of the Western Political Quarterly, Western Political Quarterly, XIX (September, 1966), 5-12. Greenstein, Fred I. "The Benevolent Leader: Children’s Images of Political Authority." American Political Science Review, LIV (December, 1960), 934-943. Greenstein, Fred I. "Personality and Political Socialization: The Theories of Authoritarian and Democratic Character." The Annals, 361 (September, 1965), 81-95. Guttman, Louis. "The Cornell Technique for Scale and Intensity Analysis." Educational and Psychological Measurement, VII (Summer, 1947), 247-279. Haan, N.; Smith, M.B.; and Block, J. "Moral Reasoning of Young Adults: Political-Social Behavior, Family Background and Personality Correlates.” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, X (November, 1968), 183-201. Hess, Robert D. "The Socialization of Attitudes Toward Political Authority: Some Cross-National Comparisons." International Social Science Journal, XV (1963), 542-559. Hess, Robert D., and Easton, David. "The Child's Changing Image of the President." Public Opinion Quarterly, XXIV (Winter, 1960), 632-644. Horton, John E., and Thompson, Wayne E. "Powerlessness and Political Negativism: A Study of Defeated Local Referendums." American Journal of Sociology, LXVII (March, 1962), 485-493. Jennings, M. Kent, and Fox, Lawrence E. "The Conduct of Socio- Political Strategies and Problems of Access." The School Review, LXXVI (December, 1968), 428-444. Jennings, M. Kent. "Pre-Adult Orientations to Multiple Systems of Government." Midwest Journal of Political Science, XI (August, 1967), 291-317. Jennings, M. Kent, and Niemi, Richard G. "The Transmission of Politi cal Values from Parent to Child." American Political Science Review, LXII (March, 1968), 169-184. Kagan, Jerome. "The Concept of Identification." The Psychological Review, LXV (September, 1958), 286-305. 180 Katz, Daniel. "The Functional Approach to the Study of Attitudes." Public Opinion Quarterly. XXIV (Summer, 1960), 163-204. Killian, Lewis M. "The Significance of Multiple-Group Membership in Disaster." American Journal of Sociology, LVII (January. 1952), 309-314. Komarovsky, Mirra. "The Voluntary Associations of Urban Dwellers." American Sociological Review, XI (December, 1946), 686-698. Kuroda, Yasumasa. "Sociability and Political Involvement." Midwest Journal of Political Science, IX (May, 1965), 133-147. Lane, Robert E. "Fathers and Sons: Foundations of Political Belief." American Sociological Review, XXIV (August, 1959), 502-511. Lane, Robert E. "The Need to Be Liked and the Anxious College Lib eral." The Annals, 361 (September, 1965), 71-80. Lane, Robert E. "The Politics of Consensus in an Age of Affluence." American Political Science Review, LIX (December, 1965), 874-895. ~ Langton, Kenneth P., and Jennings, M. Kent. "Political Socialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the United States." American Political Science Review, LXII (September, 1968), 852-867. Leiserson, Avery. "Problems of Methodology in Political Research." Political Science Quarterly, LXVIII (December, 1953), 558-584. Levin, Martin L. "Social Climates and Political Socialization." Public Opinion Quarterly, XXV (Winter, 1961), 596-606. Litt, Edgar. "Civic Education, Community Norms, and Political Indoc trination." American Sociological Review, XXVIII (February, 1963), 69-75. Litt, Edgar. "Political Cynicism and Political Futility." Journal of Politics, XXV (May, 1963), 312-323. Litwack, Eugene. "Occupational Mobility and Extended Family Cohesion." American Sociological Review, XXV (February, 1960), 9-21. Maccoby, Eleanor E.; Matthews, Richard E.; and Morton, Anton S. "Youth and Political Change." Public Opinion Quarterly, XVIII (Spring, 1954), 23-39. 181 McClosky, Herbert. "Consensus, and Ideology in American Politics." American Political Science Review, LVIII (June, 1964), 361-382. McClosky, Herbert, and Dahlgren, Harold E. "Primary Group Influence on Party Loyalty." American Political Science Review, LIII (September, 1959), 757-776. McClosky, Herbert, and Schaar, John H. "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy." American Sociological Review, XXX (February, 1965), 14-40. McCord, William; McCord, Joan; and Howard, Alan. "Familial Correlates of Aggression in Nondelinquent Male Children." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, LXI (January, 1961), 79-93. Mead, Margaret. "Age Patterning in Personality Development." Ameri can Journal of Orthopsychiatry, XVII (April, 1947), 231-240. Meier, Dorothy L., and Bell, Wendell. "Anomia and Differential Access to the Achievement of Life Goals." American Sociological Review, XXIV (April, 1959), 189-202. Merelman, Richard M. "The Development of Political Ideology: A Frame work for the Analysis of Political Socialization." American Political Science Review, LXIII (September, 1969), 750-767. Middleton, Russell, and Putney, Snell. "Political Expression of Adolescent Rebellion." American Journal of Sociology, LXVIII (March, 1963), 527-535. Mills, C. Wright. "The Middle Classes in Middle-Sized Cities." Ameri can Sociological Review, XI (October, 1946), 520-529. Netter, Gwynn. "A Measure of Alienation." American Sociological Review, XXII (December, 1957), 670-677. Prewitt, Kenneth; Eulau, Heinz; and Zisk, Betty H. "Political Social ization and Political Roles." Public Opinion Quarterly, XXX (Winter, 1966-67), 569-581. Riesman, David. "The Suburban Dislocation." The Annals, 314 (November, 1957), 123-146. Roberts, Alan H., and Rokeach, Milton. "Anomie, Authoritarianism, and Prejudice: A Replication." American Journal of Sociology, LXI (January, 1956), 353-358. 182 Rose, Arnold. "Alienation and Participation: A Comparison of Group Leaders and the 'Mass'." American Sociological Review, XXVII (December, 1962), 834-838. Rose, Arnold. "Attitudinal Correlates of Social Participation." Social Forces, XXXVII (March, 1959), 202-206. Rose, Arnold. "Incomplete Socialization." Sociology and Social Research, XLIV (March-April, 1960), 244-250. Rosenberg, Morris. "The Meaning of Politics in Mass Society." Public Opinion Quarterly, XV (Spring, 1951), 5-15. Rosenberg, Morris. "Misanthropy and Attitudes Toward International Affairs." Conflict Resolution, I (December, 1957), 340-345. Rosenberg, Morris. "Misanthropy and Political Ideology." American Sociological Review, XXI (December, 1956), 690-695. Rotter, Julian B. "A New Scale for the Measurement of Interpersonal Trust." Journal of Personality, XXV (December, 1967), 651-665. Scoble, Harry M., and Laurence, Joan E. "Ideology and Consensus Among Children of the Metropolitan Socioeconomic Elite." Western Political Quarterly, XXII (March, 1969), 151-162. Seeman, Melvin. "On the Meaning of Alienation." American Sociolog- ical Review, XXIV (December, 1959), 783-791. Sewell, William H. "Some Recent Developments in Socialization, Theory and Research." 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Brown, Michael Eugene
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Alienation And Integration In The Political Attitudes Of Suburban Adolescents
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Political Science
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