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An Analysis Of Socio-Cultural Factors And Performance Of Primary Grade Children
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An Analysis Of Socio-Cultural Factors And Performance Of Primary Grade Children
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This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 69-9043 THIEL, Richard Henry, 1931- AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS AND PERFORMANCE OF PRIMARY GRADE CHILDREN. University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1968 Education, theory and practice University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan ® Copyright by Richard Henry Thiel 1 9 6 9 AN ANALYSIS OF SOCIO-CULTURAL FACTORS AND PERFORMANCE OF PRIMARY GRADE CHILDREN by Richard Henry Thiel A Dissertation Presented to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (Education) August 1968 UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA T H E G R AD U A TE S C H O O L U N IV E R SIT Y PA RK LOS A N G E L E S. C A L IF O R N IA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by .........Richjard..Henrx.-TJ3 'Asi........... under the direction of his..... Dissertation C om mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by the Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of requirements for the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y Dean D ate A u g.U S .t.> ...i.9.6 S > .............................. TION COMMITTEE Chairman Note, Some pages have small print on them. Filmed best way possible; UNIVERSITY MICROFILM DEDICATION Dedicated to the enduring and long-suffering soul people hidden in our land. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page DEDICATION ii LIST OF TABLES v LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS viii Chapter I. INTRODUCTION 1 The Basic Difficulty Statement of the Protlem Questions and Hypotheses Delimitations Assumptions Plan and Scope of This Study Culture Culture and Perception Culture and Learning Culture and Education Acculturation and Assimilation Learning Styles Summary An Explication of Culture Formalization of the Culture Concept An Explication of Acculturation An Explication of Assimilation An Explication of Learning Styles Summary II. CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 15 III. RATIONALE 90 iii iv Chapter Page IV. METHODOLOGY....................................... 128 Definitions of Terms Used Methodology Hypotheses Summary V. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION............................23^ Summary VI. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ............... 305 BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................... 315 APPENDIXES.................................................. 326 APPENDIX A. CULTURAL INFORMATION SCALE-- FORM A ........................................... 327 APPENDIX B. COMBINED STRODTBECK-SROLE S C A L E ........................................... 3^5 APPENDIX C. MINIMUM SCALE OF INDIVIDUAL MODERNITY.......................................3^7 APPENDIX D. S.W.C.E.L. PARENT INTERVIEW . . . 357 APPENDIX E. THE INTERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG COCHITI PUEBLO SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND CEREMONIAL COMPONENTS .................... 368 LIST OP TABLES Table Page la. Cochiti Pueblo Population by Sex, Age Group, Resident and Nonresident as of June 30, 1963 ............................................. 194 lb. Cochiti Population by Age Groups, Residents, and Nonresidents, June 30, 1963 195 2a. San Felipe Pueblo Population by Sex, Age Group, Resident and Nonresident as of June 30, 1963 ............................................. 196 2b. San Felipe Population by Age Groups, Residents and Nonresidents, June 30, 1963 197 3a. Santo Domingo Pueblo Population by Sex, Age Group, Resident and Nonresident as of June 30, 1963 ......................................... 198 3b. Santo Domingo Population by Age Groups, Resi dents, and Nonresidents, June 30, 1963 .... 199 4. Intercorrelation Matrix .......................... 236 5. Significance Scores of 4 Predictor Measures Across 3 Major Cultures ...................... 241 6. Multiple R Coefficients and Corresponding Fisher "Z" Coefficients for the Combined (A) Cultural Information Scale and Wolf Scale Subset, and the Total (B) Predictor Scales with 3 Cultures on 14 Criterion Measures . . . 243 7. Combined C.I.S., and Wolf Scale (2), Compared with Total (4) Predictor Scales to Determine the Significance of Increase In Predictive Power from Using All Predictors Combined , . . 245 v vi Table Page 8. A) Correlations for C.I.S. and Wolf Scales with Selected Criterion Measures; B) Multiple Correlations for Total Predictor Set with Selected Criterion Measures; and C) Results of Significance Tests for Multiple Correla tions Involving Total Predictor Sets and Wolf and C.I.S. Scales................................ 246 9. Pearson Product-Moment Coefficients (r.), Mul tiple Correlations (R), and Coefficients of Determination (R^) Involving the Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.) and Wolf Scales for Selected Criterion Variables ............. 249 10. Mean Differences Across Three Cultural Groups Based Upon Modification of Parameters from E. T. Hall's Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.)........................................... 254 11. Duncan's New Multiple Range Test Applied to the Differences Between K=3 Treatment Means for Major Cultural Groups on C.I.S. Subtests . 257 12. Mean Differences Across Five Pueblo Subgroups Based Upon Modification of Parameters from Hall's Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.) . . . 259 13. Duncan's New Multiple Range Test Applied to the Differences Between K=6 Treatment Means for Subcultural Groups on C.I.S. Parameters . 26l 14. Rank Ordering of Scores for Five (5) Pueblo - - Subgroups on Selected Parameters from Hall's Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.) ............. 262 15. Mean Score Differences and Significance Levels for 3 Cultural Groups on the 12 Environmental Processes of the Wolf S c a l e ..................... 265 16. Significance Levels for Mean Differences on 4 Subscales, 3 Combined Subscales and Total Scale of the Overall Modernity Scale (O.M.) for Three Cultures................................267 17. Significance Levels for Mean Differences on 4 Subscales, Combined Scales and the Total Score of the Overall Modernity Scale (O.M.) for Five Pueblo Subcultures ....................... 268 vii Table Page 18. Rankings for Five Pueblo Subcultures on Sub scales and the Total Score of the Overall Modernity Scale (O.M.) ......................... 270 19. Significance Levels for Mean Scores Across Three Cultures on Combined Strodtbeck-Srole Scale Items, Subscales and Essential Strodt- beck Factors.......................................274 20. Significance Levels for Mean Scores Across Five (5) Pueblo Subgroups (and Navajo-Spanish Combined) on Combined Strodtbeck-Srole Scale Items: Subscales and Essential Strodtbeck Factors........................................... 275 21. Rank Ordering of Scores for Five (5) Pueblo Subgroups on Combined Strodtbeck-Srole Scale Items, Subscales and Essential Strodtbeck Factors........................................... 276 22. T Scores, Percentiles, I.Q.'s, and Mean M.A.'s of Three Cultural Groups and Combined Group (Based on National Norms) .................... 283 23. Comparisons of 5 Pueblos on Four Socio-Cultural Measures........................................... 284 24. Unrotated Factor Matrix . ....................... 296 25. Rotated Factor Matrix ............................ 298 26. The Ten Rotated Factors and Factor Loadings for Items on the Cultural Information Index (C.I.S.)........................................... 299 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure Page 1. The Map of Culture Composed of Ten Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.) ........................ 151 2. Family Interaction, Values, Achievement-- V-Scale Items, Factor Loadings and Italian- Jewish Response Levels .......................... 162 3. Tri-Cultural Comparisons on Blocked C.I.S. Subtests: Mean Differences Across Three Cul tural Groups Based Upon Modifications of Parameters from Hall’s Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.) ................................. 253 4. Mean Score Comparisons Across 5 Pueblo Groups and Combined Navajo, Spanish-Americans for 9 Subtests of the Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.) Based on Modification of Hall’s Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.) ............... 258 5. Mean Score Comparisons for 3 Cultures on 12 Environmental Process Characteristics of the Wolf Scale.....................................264 6. Comparison of Three Cultural Groups on 4 Sub scales and 3 Combined Subscales of the "Over all Modernity" (O.M.)............................266 7. Mean Comparisons of 3 Cultures on A) Strodtbeck "V" Scale, B) Srole Scale and C) Combined Strodtbeck-Srole Scales ....................... 271 8. Mean Comparisons of Two Factors of Strodtbeck "V" Scale for 3 Cultures......................... 272 viii CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Basic Difficulty The overwhelming socio-cultural biases implicit in the norms guiding the behavior of practitioners in public school systems have had negative effects on the differen tial performance of children from "the other America" (32:4). Evidence is abundant that children from lower socioeconomic class backgrounds and culturally-divergent groups in general achieve far below children with "middle- majority" experiential advantages. In addition to these factors of class stratification and vertically delineated ethnic and cultural cleavages which Gordon (25) has pos tulated, one must also consider the fact that, according to the Coleman Report, schools . . . differ in their relation to the various social and ethnic groups .... The average white student's achievement seems to be less affected by the strength or weakness of his school's facilities, cur ricula, and teachers than is the average minority pupil's. . . . The achievement of minority pupils de pends more on the schools they attend than does the achievement of majority pupils. (ll4)5 1 In the Southwestern region of the United States we have perhaps one of the most interesting juxtapositions of pluralistic cultures. These cultures are especially- characterized by historical continuity and traditions as intact societies existing apart from* but subject to, ac culturation processes instigated by the larger, more puis sant Anglo1 culture. These particular groups are the various American Indian cultures, and the small, traditional, rural Spanish- American enclaves, each of which has been influenced by Anglo pressures, at a rate accelerating more each year. It is within this geographic region that our Lab oratory study is being conducted. The above-stated prob lems, low achievement rates of minority-group children, and in many instances the fact that there are schools which have neither the personnel, nor the material re sources to help these children, all suggest to us the basic difficulties which our research and applied efforts are being designed to help alleviate. Statement of the Problem It is assumed in this study that, even though there is abundant ethnological material available for describing the cultures of the children in this region, the informa 1Anglo is the preferred term in the Southwest as a description of non-Spanish, American whites. tion available is neither adequate, nor specific enough to make the leap to applying educational prescriptions. For example, we know from the research that different cultures members enculturate young members either formally (e.g., schools) or informally (casually or even unconsciously), to be sure children will learn about what is deemed im portant by the cultural groups. There are also specific means by which certain "styles of learning" are prescribed or proscribed. And further, some evidence suggests that the deutero element to learning, i.e., learning how to learn, may be culture-bound. Each culture tends to max imize the use of certain sensory modalities or components of individual behavioral systems, perhaps at the expense of other modalities. In Manderin culture there tended to be an insistence that the pupil be passive, and attentive visually and auditorally. Americans are prone to learn by doing (43:200). Although as F. Riessman (63:3) has suggested, even within American culture, lower-class pupils tend to ex hibit motoric styles of learning, while middle-class ori ented schools insist upon verbal responsiveness, and auditory attending. These behaviors are rewarded through the evaluation criteria traditional in grading students. Aside from these cognitive elements of the "learn ing styles" of children, there are value and attitudinal components which account for their motivation and per- formance. These tend to he subsumed heuristically under the affective domain. To what extent do parental values influence children's performances, if at all? It is here especially that the cultural background, the degree of assimilation, and an understanding of the acculturational indices of the child's environment become relevant phenomena in analyzing his performance in the school setting. The central purpose of this study is to go beyond the level of description about culturally relevant patterns of learning. We shall attempt to operationalize the con cept of assimilation toward Anglo norms to the extent that certain dimensions of this concept will be ordered theo retically, and then certain indices of these dimensions will be measured by the application of instruments de veloped, and will be cross-validated with existing stand ardized, or generally acceptable, tools. Furthermore, on this level of analysis (macro-level), we shall attempt to investigate acculturational patterns and develop an in strument to assess these patterns. The distinction be tween the terms of acculturation and assimilation is not clearly delineated. It is hoped that an investigation of the proposed cultural and social indices may clarify some of these points of theoretical import, and will suggest further lines of inquiry. 5 Secondly., we propose to establish the linkage be tween background variables and the performance patterns of the target population pupils (learning styles)2 with a battery of psychological and psycholinguistic measures. Because of the nature of the organization for which this research is being performed, there is great press for moving rapidly from a research-oriented basis to a tan gible application of the results. This reflects certain role ambiguities attending the nature of this kind of work as a result of contradictory expectations held by people in various positions and of various degrees of power with in the entire laboratory, and federal system.3 These sources for conflict exist within the Laboratory, and re flect also regional versus federal perspectives of what are the most worthwhile outcomes. This ambiguity, in terms of role expectations, is, of course, a major source of anxiety in research planning, and making budgetary al locations for personnel and material expenditures. Questions and Hypotheses The broad research questions investigated in this study revolve about the importance of four main concepts 2Le arning style--high-levei abstraction semantically multiordinal, is used in a common sense manner here. It is hoped that the concept will become empirically expli cated and delineated as a function of research findings. ^This conflict in expectations reflects an ambiguity as to what is basic research, and development, as opposed in the research literature which are of greater import in trying to understand what influences the performance of children in school. These are culture, assimilation, ac culturation, and learning style. Since the earlier part of our century we have gone from a perspective of from viewing the child in terms of ascriptive characteristics based upon race, religion, and national background, to a recognition of the importance of individual differences. This older attitude toward minorities is described by Morris (59:358) and Soloman (70:50). The pragmatic temper in our society, under the press of industrialization, along with the influence of certain American myths about reality, resulted in the atomization of the individual under the rubric of individu alizing education. This trend still continues. Analyses of language, of myths, including our own, and or values influencing our schools are found in Cassirer (l4), and Cassirer (15)., Arnold (l), Barnett (2), DuBois (88), Lerner (48), Brogan (9)> Gorer (26), Riesman (62), and Mannheim (52). The effects of the educational and social system upon stifling individual identity and creativity are dis cussed by Callahan (12), Henry (36), Lee (46), and Kitsuse and Cicorel (16). Some rationalizations for the rigid to applied research. This investigator feels this dis tinction is trivial, and semantically loaded. 7 system can be found in Stoops and Rafferty {12), and Tay lor (74). With school programs again becoming oriented toward minority group problems, we are once more coming full circle, in that learning styles, and achievement skills, are being studied on the basis of group rather than in dividual differences. It is hoped that modern-day versions of the ascription of traits to individuals on the basis of group membership do not degenerate into subtle new forms of racism. The problems facing us today seem to require broad social perspectives rather than particularistic- individualized perspectives about learning. This comes about as educators become more receptive to the prescrip tions of sociologists and educational sociologists. Dis cussions of the influence of sociology upon education are found in Brookover (10), Becker (8 5), Smith (6 9), Clark {17), (l8), and Parsons (102). The roles of sociologists and educators are dis cussed by Brim (ill), Bressler (8), and Friedman (22). An understanding of the sociologist's perspective, and how it may differ from that of the educator and other profession als, is treated by Mills (57)* Merton (55)* Loomis and Loomis (50), Gouldner (27)* and, for those unsophisticated in sociology, Thomlinson (75). Special studies of group behavior that when extrapolated could be helpful to edu cators are in Mills (5 8), Homans (37)* and Goffman (24). Thus., the influence of cultural-social backgrounds upon the child's learning propensities in the schools be comes an exciting research problem, especially when the opportunity presents itself to investigate groups which are among the least influenced by the dominant society's values and ways. There are really three main research questions related to the influence of culture, acculturation and assimilation upon learning styles to which we address our selves in this study. 1. Can a set of measurable socio-cultural background variables predict a first-year child's performance on school measures of intelligence and language skills, and can separate cultural groups be dif ferentiated by these predictor and criteria measures ? 2. Can a set of relatively abstract concepts, culture, learning styles, acculturation and assimilation be explicated and operationalized in order to differentiate the backgrounds of the children studied? 3. Can a new instrument be devised that will meet acceptable standards of objectivity, reliability and validity, in order to measure acculturation, if the rationale for culture and acculturation is derived, and explicated from the theoretical lit erature on the subject? Will this hypothetico- deductive approach lend itself to empirically- derived techniques of verification or disconfirma- tion? These broadly stated questions imply more rigorous hypotheses, and are treated extensively under Hypotheses in Chapter IV. Limitations 1. This study did not provide for an Anglo control group because of restrictions of time and budget imposed by external circumstances. 2. Widely standardized measures of background vari ables were either not generally available, or were deemed inadequate for the groups in this study. 3. Certain empirical procedures to strengthen the study in terms of sampling, and conducting inter views, were proscribed by budgetary limitations, and by the press to move out of the diagnostic stage to the level of prescriptive formulation, in order to include the study in an integrated first- grade curriculum plan to be disseminated in the summer of 1968 through the use of "multiplier- effect" demonstration centers. 10 4. Language problems presented by Amerindian children and parents impose restrictions on the measures in terms of objectivity, accuracy, and reliability. 5. Having a large staff of part-time employees working under relatively unstable conditions, could result in the compounding of procedural errors, because of the lack of continuity and feedback imposed by these conditions. Delimitations 1. Generalizations to other groups are circumscribed by the uniqueness of the cultures represented in the study, and by the group specificity of the experimental instrument. 2. The sampling parameters used in the study include all of the biases inherent in dealing with schools as the sample cells for this study. To what ex tent can one generalize from classroom to class room with teacher effects operative, or school to school with even more contaminating variables present ? 3. The design of the study is cross-sectional, rather than longitudinal, so that replicated studies of predictive validity for the measures taken were unavailable. It was hoped that through getting differential relationships between predictor and criterion measures across cultural groups this would result in discriminant validation of the hypotheses. Assumptions Relatively culturally biased measures of pupil performances can be applicable in identifying socio-cultural factors influencing learning styles. Translations of concepts from the English language can convey cognitive meanings to those who do not have as their native tongue,, standard European language codes. This would test the "Whorfian Fallacy" that metalinguistic elements of communica tion mitigate against inter-lingual concept trans fer. If a native language does not have as a regular feature of its vocabulary a certain con cept, through circumlocation a native speaker may still grasp elements from the ethos of another culture reflected in its language, which may be absent in his own code. Native informants can be trained to conduct field. . . interviews through intensive training, even if they have limited education. 4. Funding for the project will be continued under the fiscal 1968 budget. Procedures 1. Review the relevant literature (e.g., H.R.A.F. files). 2. Identify cultural groups to be studied: 65 Navajo children and their parents, 75 Pueblo Indians (Santo Domingo, San Felipe, Cochiti, Santa Ana, Sandia), and 65 rural Spanish-Americans. 3. Select proper instruments and develop a Cultural Information Scale. 4. Train psychometric examiners. 5. Train field interviewers. 6. Receive U.S.O.E. clearance on instruments. 7. Conduct field interviewing and in-school testing after obtaining the contractual cooperation of designated school districts. 8. Collect the data. 9. Develop computer programs for data analysis. 10. Examine relationships among items and variables measured by the instruments using factor analytic techniques, multiple regression techniques and significance tests. Parametric and non-parametric techniques are to be applied to the hypotheses for significance tests. 11. Test the hypotheses formulated, but also, because this is a diagnostic study and precise relation ships cannot readily be hypothesized in great quantity, several new hypotheses should be gen erated for subsequent studies. 12. The results are to be analyzed and discussed. Conclusion and recommendations are to follow. Plan and Scope of This Study Chapter II, "The Theoretical Framework," includes an investigation into the four main concepts of culture, acculturation, assimilation, and learning styles. Back ground literature pertaining to these concepts and their theoretical underpinnings are explored. Chapter III, "Rationale," includes the explication of the four main research concepts used in this study, and includes the process of operationalizing the explicated constructs. 14 Chapter IV is the "Methodology" section and in cludes research definitions, designs, procedures, instru ments, a description of the subjects, their cultural back grounds, and the way the subjects were sampled. The re search hypotheses are set down In this chapter in a convenient coded fashion for easy cross-reference to the succeeding chapter. Chapter V, "Results and Discussion," includes the results from the questions and hypotheses framed in Chap ter IV. Exploratory questions in the study are examined and discussed along with the more rigorously stated null hypotheses. The discussion of the results is supported by an ample and sequential set of graphs and tables. Chapter VI, "Conclusions and Recommendations," is a brief discussion of the study, and some conclusions and recommendations are offered to summarize the whole report. Each chapter is summarized briefly. The Appendixes include the research Instruments, a political map of a representative Pueblo, and a list of taxonomic categories taken from the H.R.A.F. used in the study of the cultures. The Bibliography includes all references alphe- betized. CHAPTER II CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK If one should characterize the educator as gen- eralist-translator, or "intellectual middle-man, " there would be a strong element of truth in this assertion. Typically, courses in educational sociology or other foun dations fields in education are fecund with a rich ad mixture of desiccated bits and pieces from an astonishing variety of basic disciplines. Like the proverbial English gentleman in his glassy hothouse, the educator goes about carefully snipping off branches of what appear relevant to a particular focus in education from the sociologist, anthropologist, political scientist, or economist (a newer vogue). In the meantime, the denizens of academe thrash about in metaphorical aggression and territorial defense with enough earnest to give Konrad Lorenz (51) a new direc tion to explore. Of equal import, however, is that many of these denizens, especially more recently, have learned to hunt in small bands within shared territories. It would be beyond the scope of this paper to document the many recent and cogent examples of their collective enter prises. Educators specializing in social foundations, 15 particularly as their interests are displayed in the usual kinds of texts and books of readings for the field, seem to show a greater affinity for sociology, and with increas ingly more interest, anthropology. Psychological studies for which references are made are quite often in social psychology, or will include other studies which verge on socially relevant topics. Thus, writers such as Frank Riessman, a psychologist and educator, or Kenneth L. Clark, a psychologist, present problems which weigh heavily in the educational sociologist’s roster of contemporary is sues. For example, Riessman (6 3) had much to do with popularizing the concept of cultural deprivation. Clark (1 9) precedes the discussion which is closer to his own special training (psychology) in a chapter on the dynamics of ghetto life, with ample social indices to strengthen his description. If the educational sociologist, or sociologist of education,-*- is to steal the thunder from his more secure academic colleagues, his plight of being a consumer, O shackled with his own eclectic and idiographic stance, becomes aggravated. By coming to grips with the heady Ijensen (42) distinguishes between the two. The educational sociologist develops "knowledge which has relevance for problems of educational practice," while the sociologist of education views the needs of educational practice incidental to the problems of sociology. ^Idiographic in this sense— descriptive, patterned, rather than nomothetic, generalizing, scientific. problems surrounding the key concepts in the social sci- ences, he may discover, however, that he can make use of them to further understand the problems germane to his own endeavors--improving educational theory and practice. That a respectable science of education, rooted in educa tional sociology, may represent the hybrid offspring of some better established field is not so scandalous as one may presume. Microbiology and Ethology represent newer but respectable variants on earlier disciplines. Prox- emics being developed by Hall (30), and Burger’s (122) championing of the notion of Telesis, are recent attempts at scientific synthesizing awaiting needed nourishment from the increased bulk of anticipated empirical studies. What seems more important at this juncture is that educa tional sociologists should attempt further explication of these hallowed concepts presented below for the purposes of serving educational practitioners, and hopefully, to add a fresh perspective which might alert those who claim sovereignty over these concepts. There is not much danger in despoiling some concepts, for they float as lofty ab stractions several levels removed from the world of phe- nomenonological data. The most harm might come from any tendency to reify these global abstractions through a careless act of attributing antecedent or causal proper ties to them for explaining behavior deemed relevant in educational circles. 18 In our discussion of concepts which contribute to the rationale for the present study, we shall attempt to include those areas within which cross-disciplinary co operation is evidenced, or envisioned. The four major concepts to be appraised here are culture, learning style, acculturation, and assimilation. These have proven to be particularly tenacious concepts, despite the criticism they have undergone because of their lack of definitional specificity or operational clarity. Culture For the anthropologist, "culture" seems to be the most important concept. It has a central and unifying purpose for people in this field. Yet, there is no un animity in definition or meaning contained in it. This ostensible paradox may disturb the uninitiated, but anthro pologists are far less concerned with definitional purity, just as the usefulness of the core concept, "learning," evokes for psychologists no undue anxiety in their fold. "Social structure" to the sociologist suggests semantic ambiguity, and even the Brahmin physicists struggle with "quanta" and "gravity." Nevertheless, these concepts are quite useful, because they have a summing and abstracting quality which brings order to the array of data in these fields and to varying degrees, prove helpful in generating hypotheses. 19 A useful and systematic classification of the many definitions of "culture" was presented Toy Kroeber and Kluckhohn (45). Their review includes a historical summary of the usage of the concept, and a discussion of the over lap of meaning "culture" has shared with the definition of "civilization" in Western social thinking. The classifica tion scheme differentiates among various theorists and schools of thought in such a manner as to explain the use fulness as well as the weakness entailed by each category of related definitions. These anthropologists structured the many, and at times florid, explanations of what culture means, into six basic categories, and a seventh grouping of incomplete definitions. It would be well to review six of these in order to compare and contrast some of their features with what is arrived at in this paper for the purpose of guid ing our own research aim. Each category of definition is outlined here, and is critically appraised in the context of the Kroeber and Kluckhohn comments, as well as from the perspective of the research plan in this present study. Although "culture" is a venerable word in English, sys tematic usage of the term, however, did not develop until the 1 9 2 0's. 20 Descriptive Definitions The most frequently used and time-honored defini tion of culture is Tylor's (1871): Culture* or civilization . . . is that complex whole which includes knowledge* belief* art* law* morals* custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society. (45:81) Here is Benedict’s definition (1929): "... that complex whole which includes all the habits acquired by man as a member of society" (45:81)* and Herskovits’ (1948): Culture is essentially a construct that describes the total body of belief* behavior* knowledge* sanctions* values and goals that mark the way of life of any people. That is* though a culture may be treated by the student as capable of objective description* in the final analysis it comprises the things that people have* the things they do* and what they think. (45:84) Kroeber and Kluckhohn maintain that the limitation of descriptive definitions is that: Definitions by enumberation can never be exhaustive ~ -and what is not explicitly mentioned tends to get left out of consideration. Culture is an abstraction and the listing of any relatively concrete phenomena con fuses the issue. (45:87) In concert with these authors 1 criticism of de scriptive definitions* the present investigator would eschew descriptive definitions on the grounds that these would fail to stipulate what would be a common basis for comparison among the particular groups studied in this paper. Secondly* an enumeration of such broad categories underlying culture such as values* beliefs* or ways of life themselves would need to be broken down into re- 21 searchable indices, or the original deficiency of such a definition would be multiplied many-fold. Korzybski (44) might have criticized the concept of culture as being multiordinal--i.e., having a usage on different levels of abstraction resulting in consequent semantic ambiguity. Although we might allow for this looseness, for purposes of open flexibility in understand ing the phenomenal world, or for summing particular sets of ethnological observations and explanations by others, our needs require the definition of culture to be such that it not only does not become group specific, but is of such an order of abstraction that later definitions of "assimilation" and "acculturation" are on similar levels so as not to attribute mechanistic or causal relationships that would reify their meanings vis-a-vis "culture." In a word, parameters of a spatial-structural nature must be stipulated for culture, while processual parameters (tem poral, syncretic, and directional) must be established for the other definitions in order to give conceptual pre cision to them. Historical Definitions These emphasize social heritage, or history as tradition. Examples of these kinds of definitions cited in Kroeber and Kluckhohn include Sapir (1924): ". . . any socially inherited element in the life of man, material 22 and spiritual" (45:89) and Linton (1936): "The social heredity is called culture. As a general term culture means the total social heredity of mankind, while as a specific term a culture means a particular strain of social heredity" (4-5:90) or Henry (1949): "I would define culture as the individual or group acquired response systems . . . the conception of culture as response systems acquired through the process of domestication" (45:92). The authors of the review criticize these types of definitions of culture as passive and static. Empha sizing "heredity" as closely analogous to its biological denotation, they conclude, that like genes, cultural transmission fixes upon what is received. The process itself is not adequately explained by such definitions. Our own disenchantment with historical definitions is similar to Kroeber and Kluckhohn's. Even though we are interested in differentiating traditionalism and modernity among and within the groups studied, our concern is focused upon the dynamics of what is involved in these differences. A global designation of heredity does not specify the elements of change, be they psychological, historical, or circumstantial, nor does it suggest antecedent and con sequent relationships which might accelerate or retard individual or group behavior. Such questions as the "ef fect" of cultural process indices upon learning abilities 23 cannot toe easily ascertained if one views culture as a succession of products of, or responses to, the past. Normative Definitions Rules, or ways of life, were emphasized by Firth (1939): "[Anthropologists] consider the acts of individu als not in isolation tout as members of society and call the sum total of these modes of behavior ’culture'" (45: 95) and Linton (1945): "[Culture] refers to the total way of life of any society" (45:96) or Kluckhohn (1951): "A 'culture' refers to the distinctive way of life of a given people, their complete 'design for living'" (45:98)- The authors felt that a notion of culture as referring to a distinctive way of life of a people cannot be easily re futed. One must also admit that emphasis upon normative behavior is likely to be congenial to the sociologist. A difficulty with this class of definitions is one of em phasis primarily. For example, to stress the importance of norms or rules is to open the gate to the culture- personality problem, and certain other epistemological difficulties arising from determinism— strict or loose-- in which man is bound to abstract codes of conduct. If one rejects this notion, then the polar construction would be that man is a Rousseauian creature free and natural, while culture is reduced to a veneer thinly disguising 24 man's natural behavior. Thus., culture becomes an unreli able concept to explain behavior. Wallace (7 8) proposed a methodology to res-olve a third problem arising from normative definitions of cul ture. Such definitions, he concluded, with little modifi cation become equally suitable for defining personality. The core of the culture-personality problem centers upon a lack of clarity between the cultural mechanisms of con trolling behavior, and the internal control mechanisms of the personality. "One swallow never makes a summer" is an adage which could apply to the question of how many traits of how many people need to be homogeneous, or reasonably similar, in order to attribute certain culture affects upon these traits. Wallace's approach is taxonomic, in ductive, and distinctly operational rather than impres sionistic . A further delineation of normative definitions of culture includes an emphasis combining both behavior and ideals or patterns. Typical of these kinds of definition are those of Thomas (1935): "[Culture is] the material and social values of any group of people, whether savage or civilized (their institutions, customs, attitudes, be havior reactions) ..." (45:101) and Bidney (1946): An integral or holistic concept of culture comprises the acquired or cultivated behavior, feeling, and thought of individuals within a society as well as the pattern or forms of intellectual, social, and artistic 25 ideals which human societies have professed historical ly. (45:101) Here is Sorokin's definition (1947): The social aspect of the superorganic universe is made up of the interacting individuals, of the forms of interaction, of unorganized and organized groups, and of the interindividual and intergroup relationships . . . . The ^.cultural aspect of the superorganic uni verse consists of the meanings, values, norms, their interaction and relationships, their integrated and unintegrated groups (systems and congeries) as they are objectified through overt actions and other ve hicles in the empirical socio-cultural universe. (45: 101-102) In these three definitions which include values and ideas along with behavior, we see the hand of two sociologists, Thomas and Sorokin. It should not be sur prising that sociologists should be concerned with values if they, of course, do not hold to the positivist position of men such as L. Ward, Tonnies, Durkheim, Redfield, or G-. A. Lundberg. If we accept Martindale's (54) taxonomy, these men represent epistemological positions polarized from W. I. Thomas, G. M. Mead, Goffman, and others. Aside from Bidney's equation of culture in the ideal sphere with individual human endeavor for self- cultivation, his very emphasis upon individual action is somewhat divergent in conception from the usual explana tions of anthropological theorists who usually speak of group or society, according to Kroeber and Kluckhohn (45: 103-104). 26 As for Thomas* he did not differentiate behavior from ideals or values. All are subsumed under one defini tional canopy. Sorokin was more elusive of terse analysis. However* his definitions did imply a dichotomy between behavior and ideal elements* and he linked the two by in sisting that behavior objectifies ideals. Keeping in mind that since Sumner’s time* the con cepts of mores* and often taboos* loom large in sociologi cal discourse* it is not surprising that an interest in what is not tangible or material about behavior is still legitimate. Values* attitudes* and beliefs can be in ferred from those kinds of behavior which would be ex hibited as responses to questionnaires* opinion polls* surveys* or ink-blot tests. As long as validity can be demonstrated by concommitant or concurrent measures of other social or individual variables* such techniques be come in modern times legitimate extensions of our senses rivalling the microscope or telescope of an earlier day. And even though such measures are not "real" in the same sense as hypothetical constructs* which become empirically verifiable with increased technological sophistication* they are as helpful to the social scientist as are"gravity" or "evolution" to other scientists. If meaning in speech is not to be reduced to physical measures of speech as veri fiable sound pattern.s--and this does not defy common sense— why should not values and attitudes be accorded 27 similar respectability? Even the logical positivist, who would not deny that he must talk or communicate (usually in precise, if deadening, prose) through terse journal articles, is hard-pressed to make assumptions that do not break out of strictly operational and physically measurable criteria for epistemological validity. Bruyn insisted that: In the social sciences the term empiricism must have a broader, more complex meaning than it has in the physical sciences; otherwise, it would be re stricted to traditional usage or totally abandoned as inappropriate to social research. If it is retained and broadened, empiricism must include much that goes beyond what is presently permitted by professional use in social scientific research. It must include a wider range of experiential data, assimilate new re search techniques which deviate radically from tradi tion, be ready to accept and adapt new tools from the humanities as well as the physical sciences, be capable of producing a richer descriptive vocabulary, and ad just to a basically different perspective of man than has been the case in its scientific past. . . . Social theory today must construct a coherent, comprehensive body of knowledge that is consistent with the findings from these two polar, yet basic research orientations [i.e., traditional empiricism, and social-cultural studies--participant observation]. (11) The present study must come to grips with this epistemological cleavage separating positivist from non positivist. One assumption is that values and attitudes can be shown to have statistically relevant relationships with other parameters of human behavior, and these param eters will compare and contrast, in a logico-empirical manner, the members within and among ethnic groups for 28 whom valuing and attitudinal as well as performance meas ures are to be made. If the controversy which hinges upon the legitimacy of such "soft data" is not resolved in this study, at least one can certainly claim that indirect, unobtrusive, or disguised modes of measuring constructs such as attitudes and values have become more sophisticated as well as more proliferate. Psychological Definitions These place emphasis upon adjustment, and on cul ture as a mechanism or device for problem-solving. The explanation of Kluckhohn and Leighton was (1946): There are certain recurrent and inevitable human problems, and the ways in which man can meet them are limited by his biological equipment and by certain facts of the external world. But to most problems there are a variety of possible solutions. Any cul ture consists of the habitual and traditional ways of thinking, feeling, and reacting that are characteristic of the ways a particular society meets its problems at a particular point in time. (45:107) Here is Gorer's definition (1949): . . . a culture in the anthropoligical sense of the word: that is to say, shared patterns of learned be havior by means of which their fundamental biological drives are transformed into social needs and gratified through the appropriate institutions, which also define the permitted and forbidden. (45:108) Stressing learning, here are Miller and Dollard (l94l): "Culture conceived by social scientists, is a statement of the design of the human maze, of the type of the reward 29 involved, and of what responses are to be rewarded" (45: 111). The authors agree that the kinds of definitions which are construed as emphasizing learning or habit have definite limitations. First off, all patterns of adaptation are not al ways viable ones. Barnett made this point in his study of innovation (2:85). Solutions to environmental problems may be quite irrational and destructive. The Aztecan styles of warfare and their religious prophesies ensured that their culture would be destroyed by Cortez and his Spanish Conquistadores. This was not simply a matter of disadvantaged military technology alone, even though ob sidian blades were no match for Castillian steel (20). Secondly, cultures can create their own problems. Extreme and complicated patterns of exogamy make courtship and marriage a highly dangerous activity for individuals among certain Australian aborigines (5). Conflicts cre ated by traditional leadership and political institutions among some Pueblo Amerindians under modern external pres sures may be related to severely high suicide rates among males.3 3This problem has not been investigated by social scientists or medical practitioners as far as we know. The suicide rate for one community probably outranks Japan's ratio. Preliminary information has been garnered as a serendipitis adjunct to the present study. 30 Third, there is a tendency toward "psychological reductionism" in such definitions. Even though individual learning varies in every group, a culture tends to select those elements of the environment which are important to the group. The kinds of rewards and punishments, so in timately tied to theories of learning and motivation, do reside, in part, in the choices made and followed in the enculturational patternings of a group. Since these pat terns precede and outlast individuals, the case for psy chological determinism is weakened. Central to our study, however, there is an area of interest with respect to the relationship between cul ture and learning. Presently we shall be examining some of the evidence purportedly linking cultural effects to learning styles or patterns. Structural Definitions These place emphasis upon the patterning or or ganization of culture. According to Linton (19^5): a) . . . and cultures are in the last analysis, nothing more than the organized repetitive responses of a so ciety’s members . . . , b) a culture is the configura tion of learned behavior and results of behavior whose component elements are shared and transmitted by the members of a particular society. '(45:119) Gillin states (1948): "Culture consists of patterned and functionally interrelated customs common to specifiable human beings composing specifiable social groups or cate gories" (45:119)* and Coutu says that (1949): 31 Culture is one of the most inclusive of all configura tions we call interactional fields— the way of life of a whole people like that of China, western Europe, and the United States. Culture is to the population ag gregate what personality is to the individual; and the ethos is to the culture what self is to the personality, the core of most probable behaviors. (45:119) Again the authors Kroeber and Kluckhohn (45:120) made comments about these types of definitions which bear examination. Their main point was that culture becomes definitionally separated from individual human carriers, and is elevated to a conceptual level. This is not clear- cut with Gillin's definition. There is an obvious ad vantage here over the problems created by descriptive definitions burdened with enumeration and inclusiveness. Kroeber and Kluckhohn felt that Coutu's definition is creative, although one cannot help but agree with Wallace's notion that the field of culture and personality has been made unduly ambiguous through the types of definitions (not specifically Coutu's) which draw such close defini tional parallels between the two distinct conceptual levels necessary to separate and show the interactional relation ships between culture and personality. Another distinct advantage worth considering is that structural and organizational types of definitions afford at least three useful purposes to the theorist: 1. Patterned or organizational postulates and axioms give a distinctiveness to the territory of the investigator who may choose to select his own criteria or indicators which compose a pattern or configuration. This allows him to avoid undue re liance or infringement upon other disciplinary approaches. Configurational hypothesizing lends itself to the kind of empirical investigation which is now pos sible through the use of computers and multivari ate analysis techniques. To sift through the myriads of data and calculate their relationships now becomes more feasible. This should assist the theorists interested in anthropological matters to go beyond mere descriptive or idiographic levels of theory development. Perhaps the anthropologist has been somewhat reticent to use the methodology of behavioral scientists in the past because he knew that to understand man's uniqueness as a cultural animal, the investigator had to make painstaking observation of complex interrelated variables. To have used the traditional experi mental methods of the behaviorist in which all variables were held constant except one manipula tive or independent variable, would have been a hopeless task, even if laboratory control would have been possible. The utter complexity of even the most "primitive," preliterate, and small homo- geneous group of people would have defied the imagination of one who needed to empirically es tablish the effects of a single variable, trait or complex upon the behavior of group members. 3. Patterned and structural models also bear an analogous affinity to linguistic theorizing. There are some striking relationships between linguistic structures and other elements of culture. For example, an etic approach to the problem of re dundancy in language suggests that languages have about 50 percent redundancy. Even if a language is studied over time, in terms of a number of distinct periods such as can be found in languages like English and Spanish, redundancy may decrease at times when languages shift, but like a pendulum swings back toward an equilibrium point. Colby claimed that direct connection between language redundancy and other types of human behavior has not been established. But for all general purposes . . . , it is easier to think in terms of such a principle. (87:317) Some other tentative possibilities cited in the literature are that the redundancy tendency in language may have parallels in certain particularly bureaucratic chains of communication, not only in the "language mes sages, " but also with respect to the devices present in the structure's communication system to insure redundancy. In addition, there is some evidence that the sound systems in a given language (emic analysis) may highly cor relate with the number of kinship terms in that language. Whether or not this is a coincidence, and whether or not other types of cultural patterns that reflect language patterns are in existence, will require further research. Certainly if we do not reify our notion of cul tural pattern through an attribution to it of specific individual or group behavioral repertoire, we are free to develop models endogamously (within social science) ap proaching the sophistication of linguistic models. Bird- whistell's (110) structural analysis of non-verbal com munication, and Hall's (31) elements of culture (defined in terms of messages) have a close approximation to the model structure of the phonemicist theories. Genetic Definitions The sixth category of cultural definitions includes those that place an emphasis on how culture came to be. Herskovits (1948) said tersely: "Culture is the man-made part of the environment" (45:128). Murdock said (1949): The interaction of learning and society thus produces in every human group, a body of socially transmitted adaptive behavior which appears super-individual be cause it is shared, because it is perpetuated beyond the individual life span, and because its quantity and quality so vastly exceed the capacity of any single person to achieve by his own unaided effort. The term "culture" is applied to such systems of acquired and transmitted behavior. (45:128) 35 Finally, here is Becker's definition (1950): "A culture is the relatively constant non-material content transmitted in a society by means of processes of sociation" (45:132). The older type of genetic definition is reminiscent of the "chicken and egg" controversy which plagued social scientists for generations over nature-nurture types of explanations. However, a more heuristic, and also modern, version of the question which emphasizes "ideas" consti tutes what Kroeber and Kluckhohn called "definitions [which] make genuine progress toward refinement of some hitherto crude notions" (45:136). These more primitive definitions referred to are terms such as "custom," "form," and the like, which run the risk of tautology because the referents for such terms do not really get outside of the framework of what is Aristotle's genus proximum. Functional kinds of defini tions would relate the interactional effects among mes sages or symbols peculiar to a group and the behavioral indices of its members. If transmission and reception of cultural messages over time can be stated in terms which are capable of analysis and comparison to some outside referent, they can be most useful in identifying cultural antecedents to such important behavioral phenomena as personality, perception, and, germane to our purposes, learning. Recent Perspectives on Culture 36 It might be worthwhile to examine some other focii on culture subsequent to the careful discussion found in Kroeber and Kluckhohn. Our guess is that a kind of evolu tion, from holistic and vague statements, to modifications of the culture concept, if not its eventual atrophy as a useful construct, will occur in such a manner that, as sub-disciplines proliferate, culture will take on a more highly specialized and limited, though heuristic, meaning. The new perspective of psychological anthropology arising from interdisciplinary interests in the area of culture and personality can be seen as one of several branches extended from those emphases once formulated under psychological definitions of culture. A leader in the field, Hsu, stated that: A sound theory which aims at explaining the relation ship between man and culture must not only account for the origin of psychological characteristics as they are molded by the patterns of child-rearing, social institutions and ideologies, but must also account for the origin, development and change in these child- rearing practices, institutions, and ideologies. Since human beings are not so many helpless creatures simply being pushed by external forces such as geographical calamities, foreign conquests, fate, gods, or the un accountable vicissitudes of some superorganic, we must at least find part of the explanations for cultural and social changes in the interaction between the human minds, and-the societies, and cultures in which they operate. (3 9:1 3) A further delineation of culture based upon Intra- disciplinary proliferation, and which bodes for a future in which global definitions of culture may be curtailed In 37 the short run as far as practical and operational applica tion of the concept are concerned, can he found in Honig- mann’s viewpoint: An ethnologist looks at a segment of behavior as a culture pattern, while the student of culture and per sonality studies the same segment from the standpoint of the person whom it directly involves, [or ] in culture and personality an observer focuses upon the subjective side of culture, that is, culture as experienced or manifested by a composite (or typical) individual. . . . An observer studies a real individual or categories of people to see how they experience a way of life. . . . Culture and personality implies sustained concentration on the explicit and implicit meanings which culture traits (artifacts, ceremonies, legal norms, or epic poems) possess for persons in the community. (38:93) Here we notice a refinement in conceptualization which reflects the necessary distinction of whose percep tions are being delineated for methodological clarity-- the scientist’s or the subject's. Shepherd differentiated between the process of typifications of scientists and laymen: The scientist is interested in developing typifica tions, but the typifications he develops^ differ from those in daily life in two major ways. First there are typifications of typifications. The raw data of the social scientist are the ideas and feelings of people in everyday life. . . . Second, the scientist's typ ifications are developed in order to serve a common goal with other social scientists rather than to serve his own ends. . . . The typifications must be con sistent with what is taken to be the abstract nature of that part of human behavior comprised in his field, with what other people have found in research, and with the measuring instruments which are used. (68:18) It is helpful, then, to make some separation be tween the actual observable behavior of individuals or patterns of behavior exhibited by collectivities, from the mediational-communicational messages which make up the patterns or processes of a culture., either in the specific sense of that word, or in the general sense-embracing mankind. Additionally, the social scientist, to whatever extent he can guard himself from his own ethnocentrism or group centrism,^ must be concerned with objectively de scribing the realities as perceived by an individual or group. However, despite his so-called objectivity guar anteed by his "badge of science," he should also be aware that the scientific enterprise may not be entirely free of subtle metalinguistic codes structuring reality, but none theless biasing the selection of many postulates and as sumptions taken as given rules of the game within the sacred grove of science. Certain assumptions, for example about intelligence, which will be discussed later, are snarled in ethnocentric biases about universal laws govern ing learning patterns. Further circumspection of the culture concept can be expected when the investigator juxtaposes its usage with forms of behavior which we can illustrate here. These in clude such things as culture and perception, culture and ^The assumption is that ethnocentrism refers to the yalue distortion because of membership in a larger complex collectivity (tribe, nation, people or state), while group centrism may flourish in small occupational, scientific or social collectivities but could be contained in, yet be partially distinct from, a larger social grouping with respect to certain goals and patterns of thought. 39 learning, culture and role behavior; or culture and edu- cation--to name a more abstract level of behavioral process than the other three. Central to our own study is the relationship be tween culture and learning. However, a satisfactory dis tinction between learning and perception itself has never been clear-cut. In fact, the traditional controversy be tween the behaviorist and gestalt psychologist often hovered above the explanation of whether it is learning as measured by performance or perception that explains prob lem-solving behavior, particularly of anthropoids and homo sapiens. According to Spence: One group of theorists takes the position that learning is to be conceived in terms of the organization (or reorganization) into some kind of functional whole of the perception systems of the subject. In sharp con trast is the conception held by a different group that learning is to be conceived in terms of alternations in the strengths of hypothetical intervening variables, variously referred to as S-R connections, associations, habits, or tendencies. (71:692) The first group Spence described is close to the gestaltist frame of reference, while the other is easily identified as behavioristic. One might imagine the gestaltist to have greater affinity for the anthropological tradition, because by analogy certain conceptual formulations of each group have isomorphic ideational structures. The notion of organiza tion and pattern processes of cognitive-perceptual forma- 40 tions of the individual corresponding to stimulus condi tions in the environment is somewhat akin to the anthro pologist's patterned behavior of individuals consistent with the patterning conditions provided by the culture's adaptation to and selection of relevant stimuli in the natural environment. Some studies* including our own* have built-in problems not easily resolved. When a series of quanti tative measures is applied to a particular and divergent culture* lurking underneath is the problem of having to differentiate between behavioral indices of learning and perception. The nature versus nurture dimensions of the I.Q. construct also present exasperating difficulties in making accurate assessments* especially when sampling cross-culturally with culturally biased instruments having norms based upon middle-majority population samples. For example* some of the instruments and sub-tests used in our study involve visual perception* discrimination and memory. Should performance on these tests differentiate among groups with greater distinction than among individuals* the relationship between culture and perception* particu larly if it is learned rather than basically autochthonous in character* becomes central to our concern about the elements which would comprise a loose but perhaps useful concept of learning style. 41 Hebb’s (35) convincing alternate to the vagaries of gestalt theory and behavioristic reductionism had its best support In his notion of early and later learning as being definitely distinct along many dimensions. If early learning tends to have greater generalizing effects and more permanent structuring of intellectual functioning* then the role of culture* as it provides the child its learning format* filtering the environment through its artifacts* child-rearing practices* language codes and whatnot* may tend to fixate certain perceptual proclivities from the start that would express themselves in differen tial performance on tasks chosen by the psychometrician. Culture and Perception For the most part* studies purporting to demon strate the relationship between culture and perception have been inconclusive. A relatively thorough review of the literature is neatly summarized and evaluated by Segall* Campbell* and Herskovits (66). This team of in vestigators* although the anthropologist Herskovits did not live long enough to view the publication of the study* certainly represented an excellent example of major aca demic denizens hunting in a boundary territory as a pack rather than as competitors for subsistence. In fact* these three authors claim that psychologists hunt the beast of process whereby the anthropologist stalks pattern and structure. Segall, Campbell and Herskovits eschew the simple dichotomy of assigning to psychologists interest in individuals as opposed to the anthropologist's penchant for groups. One serious problem which arises from the types of controversies centered about the problem of just what are the mechanisms by which culture or cultural ele ments influence perception is that "perception" itself is a concept which is complex enough to stagger the imagina tion. For example, in some studies wherein the results are not conclusively demonstrative of cultural differences upon perception, researchers are inspired to examine the experimental conditions. However, when results tend to show significant differences between cultures, explanations for that state of affairs tend to be unsatisfactory as well. When en vironmental differences are used as explanations, these can hardly substitute for cultural explanations. Equally fallacious seem to be the kinds of results which show de ficiencies among preliterate peoples with respect to per ceptual acuity when compared with civilized groups, unless, of course, such differences cut two ways; otherwise what is offered as explanation, merely becomes a disguised rationalization for culturally biased instrumentation, or ethnocentric assumptions about what perception is. Some of the more significant investigation re viewed by Segall etal. are such as to enliven the research curiosity of present day students of perception. One study in 1901 by W. H. R. Rivers using two types of optical il lusions, the Muller-Lyer figure, and the horizontal-verti cal figure, reported that respondents from samples of Southern India and the Torres Straits showed significant differences in response to these illusions from English groups. The native groups were more influenced by the horizontal-vertical illusion, but less deceived by the Muller-Lyer figure than were English subjects. Rivers made two replications of this study, with improved instruments, and again obtained significance in the same direction, with the Muller-Lyer apparatus. The most important part of these research outcomes was that one illusion favored Western, and the other non-Western peoples. Segall et al., however, disagree with Rivers' interpreta tion that the cultural mediator was a difference in the direction of attention. Among their own alternative ex planations to such phenomena was the "carpentered-world hypothesis." This is the notion that Western people live in a rectilinear world, and are therefore susceptible to certain types of illusions related to inferences they would make on rectilinear patterns which would involve mistaking obtuse for right angles. The absence of carpenter's tools and other linear measuring devices among non-Western peoples would limit their visual conditioning in a rectan gular world. Thus, they would not be fooled by the kinds of illusions that deceive Western man, because the particu lar stimuli do not disconfirm their expectations, since rectilinear structures are visibly absent in their environ ments. It is interesting that Segall et al. treated en vironment in an unspecific manner, as a kind of given, and failed to substantially differentiate between significant elements attributable to the ecological environment, and the modifications of physical surroundings through the culture's "blueprint." The lack of rectilinear artifacts in a given cultural area as an explanation for differences in perceptual responses to a rectilinear figure illusion is somewhat misleading, because it tends to emphasize a lack of stimulus objects available to these groups con trasted with the opportunities available to Western peoples. The significant assumption to embrace the under standing of these differences is to emphasize differential perceptions, not on the basis of some kind of environmental deprivation, but rather the fact should be emphasized that, instead of one-way value comparisons such as are implied by the authors, each culture elaborates certain activities, manipulates some materials as artifacts, but not others, and these are what account for the differences. This functional emphasis is free from the more ethnocentric position taken by the authors. Perhaps, though, it is not a fair criticism of these author-psychologists to accuse them of their super 45 ficial treatment of the culture concept* since it is per fectly legitimate to treat structural or patterned param eters^ of their research as givens. Their argument* however* is that: "For all mankind, the basic process of perception is the same* only the con tents differ* and these differ only because they reflect different perceptual inference habits" (66:62). From such a statement we must conclude that these investigators do reflect one of the major assumptions of the psychologist. Laws governing behavior* if these aspects of be havior deal with the process of learning* or perception* do have general and normative validity for all of our species* because this is the nature of the human as an organism. However* if basic human perceptions* or learning for that matter* can be differentiated only on the basis of contents* it is felt that such content is not to be dismissed as of secondary importance* even if the general laws hold to be reasonably valid. Suppose one were to say that the basic process of speech or language is the same* and languages only differ in content? It is this very content* though* that so distinctly separates peoples and cultures. For whatever part of what Segall et al. may in clude in their meaning for content* as opposed to process* ^Variables that are assumed to exist* but are not manipulated as independent variables* can be construed as parameters. there may also lie such things as the structure and code of grammar of a distinct group. Such significant kinds of differences make general behavioral laws as relevant in explanatory power as a biological law that states man is a bipedal creature. These laws state necessary but not sufficient explanations for behavior of what are, in fact, qualitative differences among humans by virtue of their group and cultural affiliations. These differences are of crucial importance, especially if we must measure behavior al indices along dimensions purportedly inclusive of dif ferent groups. It is language which gives meaning to man's exist ence. In order to interpret the vast multitude of events and complex stimuli which bombard him, man is forced to read meanings into the myriads of messages which press upon him. Language is the most highly developed of these message systems. Witness the lack of complex problem solving ability in animals, who have not the symboling ability, and who, therefore, are eternally doomed to "stimulus-boundness." The only humans who approach this "sign-level" of communication with their environment are those we usually deem to be seriously mentally defective or brain-damaged. Any person who, as a tourist, visits a foreign society in which he is unfamiliar with the lan guage of the culture is barred from significant understand ing of that culture, despite all the preparation he may 47 have made previous to that visit. It is only when one be gins to understand the language of another people that he begins to get the beginning of a dynamic understanding of the people whom he is visiting. Obviously, language is not the sole means by which man communicates or obtains meaning from communications. There are other levels of communication, some of which are para-linguistic and in timately related to language. Segall and his co-authors, glossing over signifi cant differences between the concept of environment and culture, should have taken greater cognizance of what has come to be called the Whorfian Hypothesis. Crudely stated, it means that the very code or grammar of a language has a tendency to structure the phenomenal world in such a way that man does not directly experience through the natural world, but gains his interpretation of events through the language channel which typifies his own culture. Even within cultures various language specialties make it dif ficult for one segment of a people to understand other groups. A typical example of this in our own culture is the lack of true comprehension many laymen have of the scientific enterprise. It could be argued that this lack of understanding has to do with the fact that ordinary conversational habits are based upon the two-valued Aris totelian logic which is deeply imbedded in our own grammar code. On the other hand, scientific discourse, which 48 makes use of special technical languages such as mathe matics, tends to militate against the reification and con- cretization of concepts or processes, which are treated as if they were entities in our ordinary speech. Finally, it would seem that the treatment given culture by the authors quoted here does, in fact, corre spond to certain environmental relationships which do af fect perception. Anthropologists tend to be aware, however, of the distinction. Under certain ecological conditions, it is possible that perception can be modified. An example of this is reported by Turnbull (77). After having spent some time with rainforest pygmies, this in vestigator traveled with a pygmy outside of the heavily crowded forest country into the veldt land. His conclusion was that because this pygmy had never experienced the op portunity to see size-constancy differences at great dis tances because of his closed-in environment, he was sur prised upon seeing various herds of grazing animals, such as elephants and antelopes. The pygmy perceived them as being tiny creatures. Apparently he had never learned the necessary cues for differentiating objects at a distance, and he was not able to maintain size constancy when a stimulus object was far enough away, proof that he was unable to have had any experience in the past perceiving at that distance. Large animals were thus seen as minia tures. The fact that many people who have limited experi 49 ence on the open seas tend to misjudge distances alt helps to support the notion that one’s environment does restrict the kinds of perceptual learning he may be exposed to, and will subsequently distort his perceptual accuracy when he is placed in an environment in which the usual clues that he has learned are absent in the stimulus field. If one were to extend the meaning of perception to the recognition and the attribution of meaning based upon personality and cultural characteristics, of ambiguous stimuli, such as a Rorschach Test, anthropologists can sometimes err in the other direction. For example, Adcock and Ritchie (8 3) attempted to find modal characteristic differences between whites and Maori subjects. Because they were unable to detect meaningful differences between the two cultural groups, they attributed the lack of dif ferences to the failure of the instrument used, which was the Rorschach Test. Culture and Learning Even though we have some skepticism about a clear- cut differentiation between the effects of culture on per ception and upon learning, because of some of the theo retical and methodological difficulties which have plagued experimental psychologists in clearly separating the two areas, we will, nevertheless, review some studies which are related to the relationship of culture to learning. 50 This does not imply., however, that we can clearly separate the dimensions of culture and learning from such other complex questions as personality and culture, socializa tion, or the effects of culture on maturation. Just as the psychologist has tended to treat the concept of culture naively, the anthropologist has often been guilty of using simplistic definitions of learning, such as when he ex pounds imitation theories for his explanation of how people learn about their cultures. It is in the area of culture and learning that some intriguing questions pose themselves. First of all, the notion of negative and positive reinforcement may have general validity; however, one might be concerned about what is meaningfully rewarding or punishing in a given culture. Similarly, people in any culture who have chil dren have some codes by which their whole expectations as to how, when, and what children will learn can be guided. Again, these may be "out-of-awareness" at the one extreme, or they may be highly explicit and rigid techniques, de pending upon the cultural context. Another aspect of this problem is that whatever is held by the socializing agents in a culture to be impor tant, will often lead to a stress upon a particular kind of learning or training, at the expense of another. For example, among the Navajos great stress is placed upon the importance of a child's learning his language. Because 51 Navajos perceive that language is so complicated,, and the need for precision seems to be a high value among them, the child is not expected to behave according to rigid expectations, while other groups may insist upon strict conformity for a child. The Navajos feel that the child will not be capable of internalizing codes of behavior set by his group until he is able to master the language's intricacies sufficiently. Thus, the child is .given a great deal of latitude and is treated permissively in many areas of behavior. Another important element in trying to understand learning is the notion of learning-how-to-learn. In other words, there is a deutero element to learning. One example of this in our own culture is that Americans not only tend to ignore the learning of a foreign language, but they also learn that they cannot learn other languages'. ^ This seems to be an implicit pattern in our own monolinguistic society. Hall has the following to say on this subject: What complicates matters, however, is that people reared in the different cultures learn to learn dif ferently. Some do so by memory and rote without reference to "logic" as we think of it, while some learn by demonstration but without the teacher requir ing the student to do anything himself while "learn ing." Some cultures, like the American, stress doing as a principle of learning, while others have very little of the pragmatic. The Japanese even guide the ^Many American schools have had policies which for bade bilingual children from speaking non-English tongues on school property. 52 hand of the pupil, while our teachers usually aren't permitted to touch the other person. Education and educational systems are about as laden with emotion and as characteristic of a given culture as its lan guage. It should not come as a surprise that we en counter real opposition to our educational system when we make attempts to transfer it overseas. (3 1:5 3) Learning is also intimately related to language. On this matter we return to the problem posed by Whorf. This is the idea of the linguistic relativity hypothesis, which in turn is related to culture, learning and personali ty. Although common problems which face different cul tures, such as dealing with time, space, number, actions, states of being and so on are presented to all groups of people, particular ways people communicate through their language in a given culture do influence their modes of thought.' Carroll and Casagrande did studies testing the hypothesis of linguistic relativity. To go beyond the circular reasoning which would merely state that the dif ferences between languages would account for different mental experiences, it was necessary for the authors to show the presence or absence of a particular psycholin- guistic phenomenon on the basis of non-linguistic types of behavior. In this study, Hop! subjects were compared with English-speaking American children in classifying pictures based upon certain actions. The rationale behind this was that Hopi children, who have a verb-rich language, would group pictures based upon their verbal codes differently 53 from English-speaking children. The results were not en tirely conclusive because the experimental results did not meet a minimum criterion above a ten percent significance level. -The somewhat dubious procedure was then to remove certain undifferentiating items on the test and then to apply a Chi-Square analysis to the remaining items. Here, significance was reached at the one percent level; however, the authors rightfully concluded that events measured by the items were not necessarily independent and thus this would tend to weaken the legitimacy of using this particu lar test, which assumes independence of events. Another experiment, an improvement upon this first one, involved the use of the Navajo language. In the Navajo language there is a set of verbal forms which must be modified according to the shape of the object being handled. According to the authors, Navajo-speaking chil dren, even at the age of three or four, are highly ac curate in using these classes of verbs. But the child is unable to provide any explanation as to why, thus support ing the idea of implicitness, or out-of-awareness, which usually is associated with learning grammatical codes. The hypothesis that the investigators tested in their study was that this feature of the Navajo language would affect the relative potency or order of emergence of such concepts as color, size, shape or form, and num ber in the Navajo-speaking child, as compared with English-speaking Navajo children of the same age; and that Navajo-speaking children would* be more inclined 54 than the latter to perceive formal similarities between objects. (1 3:3 1) The results of difference between bilingual and monolingual Navajo-speaking children, in terms of classifying the ob jects used in the experiment on the basis of Navajo verbal categories, was significant at the five percent level, us ing a two-tailed Chi-Square test. A third portion of the study made use of classify ing objects on the basis of size or color. The Navajo tended to match objects on the basis of size to a greater extent than did the American children. The authors' sum mary conclusions were that: If our results are accepted as supporting this revised hypothesis, they indicate, we believe, that the po tential influence of linguistic patterning on cognitive functioning and on the conceptual development of the child, as he is inducted by his language into the world of experience, is a fruitful area for further study. (13:31) Even within a given culture, there are groups that, for a complex of reasons, do not share all the usual edu cational, technical, and economic advantages of other groups. This is particularly true of our many subcultures, or cultures of poverty, which exist within the American social framework. Recent evidence seems to indicate that this is also the case in other complex and socially-strati fied industrial societies such as Great Britain. According to Bernstein: 55 Although the relationship between I.Q. and language ability Is one of complex reciprocity, the studies clearly indicate that the functional level of general performance and social effectiveness may be greatly reduced in an environment detrimental to the develop ment of language skills. . . . Forms of spoken lan guage, in the process of their learning, initiate, reinforce and synthesize special types of relationships with the environment and thus create particular dimen sions of significance. Through his studies of restricted codes of lan guage of lower class youth, Bernstein concludes that: As the problem to be solved moves in the direction of the relatively abstract, it is likely that inner verbal sequences will be involved, which will proceed to ori ent the thinker and change the quality of the signals responded to in the environment. When the thinker is limited to a restricted code, the verbal sequences evoked may direct perception to the more gross aspects of the environment, and so his solution will become more and more inappropriate in direct relation to the degree of abstraction of the problem. In a restricted code, the channel for the release of anxiety will tend to be changed in somatomotor expressive set. (7:251) Essentially, what Bernstein concluded on the basis of his ongoing research was that a more elaborated lan guage code, which is associated with those who have a deeper understanding of the language, reduces, or allows for, a tolerance of anxiety, which becomes associated with the delay of a response. Response delay is necessary in solving difficult problems. With a restricted code there is no possibility for complex verbal mediation feedback mechanisms to reduce the anxiety, and thus the child must resort to non-verbal responses. Bernstein's diagnosis seems to be relevant to the kinds of descriptions of cul turally-deprived children given by Frank Riessman. Also, the so-called maturational stages that Piaget postulates of going from the concrete to a formal stage of operation may not be applicable in the case of the child with the restricted language. He may be limited to more concrete problem-solving operations. If environmentally-produced differences in language codes exist, they can in effect diminish the plausibility of Piagetian principles which serve as guidelines to understand growth sequences in childhood cognitive development. The kinds of research such as Bernstein conducts can shed new light possibly upon the complex interrelation ships among maturation, and developmental processes, and the role learning plays, especially when it is mediated though language patterns. This possibility represents I the other side of the coin from the Brunerian notion that ■ ' ‘ ‘ ‘ designated mental stages can be "accelerated” through the use of particular teaching and learning techniques which advance a child to more formal and abstract stages of operation. When the anthropologist discusses the relation ships between culture and learning, his views are often descriptive in nature, and are rather global or molar. They lack the refined and experimental sophistication of the learning theorist. However, some rich and subtle in sights into this complex relationship are worth examining, and they have the advantage of being able to provide 57 fruitful hypotheses for more rigorous testing, under more controlled conditions. Bronfenbrenner (112), for instance, suggests that there is a cyclical trend hack toward "ex plicit discipline techniques of an earlier era." He feels that this trend toward greater discipline in child-rearing practices is related to the external threat of Communism perceived hy American parents. The role of the present- day and future guidance counselor and parents will be to prepare youngsters for survival in the new competitive world of achievement tests and college preparation. This represents a shift from the child-training and child-rear ing biases of an earlier decade in which the focus was upon the democratic family and its attendant child- centeredness. That this seems to be a trend has been docu mented by Cicourel and Kitsuse (16). There is little doubt that cultural and subcul tural^ influences upon learning are of extreme importance, especially for educators today. Though in our culture most learning of a formal nature, and that which is pre scribed by our many communities in our society, takes place in the schools, this does not mean to convey that what may really be the most essential kind of learning for 7subculture--the way of life of a subsociety within a national culture. The subculture provides basic patterns of institutional or group life which provide adequately for its members as does the larger culture, but the sub culture has less resources or protections than does the national culture. 58 the child does not take place in other areas of his life, particularly his early childhood experience in the home, and his peer group orientation outside of the classroom. However, in discussing learning, perhaps it would be use ful to think of it in terms of school. Also, it would be well to make use of the information which is available on the comparative performance of children from various eth nic groups in our public schools, as measured by our stand ard psychometric instruments. It is not to be construed that what is measured on such kinds of tests is completely commensurate with a notion of all measurable aspects of learning. Such data does, however, give us relatively accurate comparative information. Culture and Education There are a few definitional distinctions which are important in trying to understand the effects of cul ture on education and learning. A succinct delineation of four relevant definitions necessary to evaluate the role of culture and its effects upon learning is given by Wallace: 1. Schooling is the learning that is done in a school; and a school is an institution which deliberately and systematically, by the presentation of symbols in reading matter, lectures, or ritual, attempts to transform from condition of ignorance to one of enlightenment, the intellect, the morality, and the technical knowledge and skills of an attentive group of persons assembled in a definite place at a definite time. 59 2. Education Is all learning (including, but not con fined to, schooling) obtained from, reading or from listening to formally prepared symbolic presenta tions . 3. Enculturation. is all learning enjoined on the per- son with a particular status as a member of a particular culture-bearing society, and thus in cludes, in addition to schooling and education, such homely but essential skills as knowing a language or two; observing the proper times, places, and techniques for the execution of such malleable bodily processes as urination, defeca tion, breathing, walking, eating, sleeping, and sexual intercourse; the securing and effective use of clothing, shelter, transportation, weapons, and help; even the manner of'communicating emotion and other information by facial expression, body pos ture, and other kinesic devices. 4. Learning, of course, is the cover term, embracing all of the foregoing, and also those idiosyncratic learnings which every person accumulates through out his lifetime and which may or may not be trans mitted to others. (7 9:2 6) It is in the context of schooling, as Wallace has defined it, that accurate appraisals, if limited in scope, through the use of psychometric testing, give us some notion on other than a descriptive level of the effects of cultural or subcultural backgrounds upon performance. Performance is assumed here to be related to learning ability, although such complex factors as the affective and motivational dimensions of an individual's personality certainly account for perhaps as great an amount of the success children have, as success is measured by school criteria. Since the major ethnic and cultural groups studied here are Navajo, Pueblo Amerindians, and rural, tradition 60 al Spanish-Americans in one area of the Southwest, it will be well to review some of the background literature which relates the cultures of each of these groups to their per formance in schools. It is our supposition that the Pueblo and Navajo Indian cultures in our Southwest represent one of the last vestiges of relatively intact pluralistic cultures found in the United States today. For a variety of reasons these groups have managed to maintain certain elements of cultural integrity and tradition, despite the encroachment of the greater society surrounding them. Even though the "objective" evidence from performance tests tend, in general, to show that the Indian groups do not perform as well as white Anglo American children, it should be kept in mind that these cultures do provide what we might call informal as well as ritualistic learning ex periences which are perfectly adapted to and perfectly consistent with their own cultural needs. The serious problem, of course, is that those chil dren who represent transitional forces within their cul tures, and who may as adults some day have to face the competitive struggle in a white man's world, are the very children who, according to much of the evidence from psy chometric tests, tend to fall below the norms for whites, thus making them educationally handicapped when they must comply with the school norms as these represent the larger and more powerful society. In some Instances, the first 61 school experience the children have may exemplify not only their first contacts with a foreign language, English, but may be the first contacts these children have with the strange White Man. For one who has worked and studied In the large megalopolis areas of the country such as New York or Los Angeles, to be thrust Into the wide expanses of the Southwest not only gives one a different perspective of space, but one is also rushed back Into a different time era which at first seems a bit difficult to fully compre hend, particularly when confronting groups of this sort. Comparisons of the intelligence of white children with Indians in the past had tended to indicate that Indian children had less capacity than white children. Havigh-urst (3*0 summarizes some of these studies. For example, Rowe administered Stanford-Binet examinations to Indians (n-28) and found that 94 percent of them were below the norm for whites on the basis of their chronological age. This was in 1914. Another absurdity was reported when Hunter and Sommermeier in 1921 gave the Otis Classification Test to mixed and full-blooded Indians (n-715) and found a cor relation of .41 between the degree of white blood and the intelligence quotient. This is an excellent example of the misuse of the correlational technique. Klineberg gave six tests to Indian and white chil dren and found that Indian children took longer with form- boards but made fewer errors, and that comparisons of In dian and white groups in terms of the total number of points obtained on the Pintner-Paterson Point Scale showed no differences between the two groups, because the Indians made up in accuracy for their lack of speed. There was no relationship in this study of scores correlating with degree of white blood. Along with his other studies of Negro children, Klineberg was one of the first to suggest contradictory evidence as to the superiority of white chil dren over Indians, and naturally suggested that performance was affected by cultural factors. Although it is not entirely possible to get beyond the cultural biases of intelligence testing, non-verbal, performance types of instruments tend to give Indians a relatively fighting chance to perform equally with white children. Several distinct Indian cultures were studied by the University of Chicago as part of their study of Indian Education. Navajo, Hopi, Zuni, Zia, Papago, and Sioux tribes were tested with a battery of non-verbal per formance tests. Havighurst reported that the differences in performance between most of the Indian groups and white groups showed no significance. However, there were two Indian groups which did fall substantially below the norms for white children. These were Papago and Navajo. These groups also seemed to be among the least acculturated and the most isolated among the Indian cultures. On the other hand, Hopi children performed definitely above the level of white children. The overall results are that there are probably no innate intellectual differences between Indians and whites, and that in fact, when Indians do better on certain kinds of tests, these reflect their cultural dif ferences not only between themselves and whites, but also between themselves and other Indian groups. Amusingly enough, Pueblo Indian groups often feel decidedly superior to their Navajo neighbors, but this attitude reflects a long and not altogether successful set of historic rela tionships between Pueblo and Navajo groups. It is common knowledge that Navajos in the past, along with their Apa che linguistic cousins, were frequent raiders and kidnap pers of Pueblo communities. They are still resented by some Pueblos. Havighurst concluded that even though in dividual Indians have done well in American educational institutions if they have committed themselves to the dominant American culture, the greater majority of Amer indians from the Southwest have not made this commitment, poignantly demonstrating the tenacity of the hold their cultures has upon them. However, a word of caution is appropriate here. Changes more recently could be taking place at an accelerating rate, so that it is necessary to monitor and compare frequently the performance of children from these groups to a much greater extent than has been done in the past. This is because acculturation and as similation processes may have been accelerated in the past 64 few years due to a variety of factors, such as better com munications through freeways and better paved roads. At the same time, high-paying though potentially culturally- disintegrating economic opportunities, and of course, the great influence of the Great Society programs, are affect ing Amerindian and white relationships through many action programs which are now installed in some of these Amerin dian communities. Regional educational laboratories and various branches of the Office of Economic Opportunity (O.E.O.) are also much in evidence in this region of late. These studies, and others too numerous to mention here, make clear that there are some problems in assess ment. The studies reported by Havighurst for the most part represent cross-sectional studies of comparative value, but do not get at the specific mechanisms by which groups not only differ from each other, but also the studies do not account for individual differences within these groups. Whatever process variables were considered, such as cor relation with degree of white blood, these can hardly be considered satisfactory in light of what we now understand to be behaviorally relevant. One note of caution, however, might be that correlations of intelligence with degree of white blood, assuming that these Mendelian-like attribu tions of characteristics would even be accurate, could mask certain kinds of legitimate relationships which ac count for these differences, but which are more related to 65 questions of acculturation and assimilation. When mis- cegnation occurs in an extremely racially-conscious society such as our own, the individuals involved may he norm vio lators in their own groups. However, in those relatively isolated instances of cross-breeding, the individual from the minority group may possess characteristics or traits which are compatible with the value system of the dominant system, though quite di vergent from his own social norms. It is also likely that both partners in such an alliance may each be deviant from his own social group normative system. The object of this study is not only to get com parative performance scores on a wide variety of measures, but also to link these up with specific accultural and assimilative characteristics which go beyond mere ethno graphic description, in order to operationalize in a meaningful fashion how cultural background variables of families do, in fact, account for some of the variance in the performance of children from these three ethnic groups. Along with the Amerindian groups discussed here, our study is also concerned with the rural Spanish-Ameri- can. Again, expectations for performance for Spanish- American children are below what is expected for middle- majority norms. One would also assume, however, that Spanish-Americans would perform better than Amerindian children. This would be an explication of the obvious, 66 except that we wish to go beyond this kind of description and classification and try also to account for differential scores among this group in terms of acculturational and assimilational patterns to be explicated later. Now, in order to get a clearer understanding of the learning styles of these children, it is necessary to understand the mechanisms of assimilation and accultura tion. In the next section we will discuss some of the definitions of assimilation and acculturation,, and then try to give a picture of the rationale supporting this particular study. Acculturation and Assimilation Both of these concepts have had relatively similar and overlapping meaning in the past. Ordinarily, however, we would associate the term acculturation with the anthro pologist, while "assimilation" has been the bailiwick of the sociologist. Even earlier American sociologists were quite concerned with problems of assimilation. Apropos of our discussion in Chapter II, the sorts of notions early American sociologists had about assimilation provided no optimistic prescriptions for educators. In fact, some of their grim conclusions about different immigrating European nationality groups were definitely inimical to the egalitarian spirit of typical American educators at that time. 67 In a summary of historical and definitional con tributions to the concept of acculturation, Beals (4) con cludes that the question of the relationship between acculturation and assimilation was far from clarified. He felt that the problem of acculturation, assimilation, syn- cretization, disorganization and disfunction was part of the broader problem of cultural change. One reason which may account for the problems associated with cultural processes is that it has been useful for the functionalists among anthropologists and sociologists (a sizeable group in British and American social science) to separate statics and dynamics in studying society or culture. Typically, the functionalists have concentrated upon statics, and perhaps undeservedly have been blamed for being overly conservative in their values, or even reactive to the Marxian type of position which, by contrast, is more com fortable with dynamics, or theories of change. A closer examination, however, of such theories as Parson's social action, would leave one to suspect that statics really is concerned with a kind of dynamic and volatile equilibrium system from which societies and individuals, with their differential socialization and personality development, centrifugally pull away from a homeostatic organization of relationships. What amazes Parsons is that societies have as much cohesion as they do. 68 Beals raised eight major points to consider in order to assess the status of the acculturation concept in his paper. These are briefly paraphrased and summarized here: 1. Acculturation implies process. 2. A clear-cut distinction should be made between psychological and socio-cultural perspectives of the problem. 3. The dimension of time should be included in study ing acculturation. 4. Specialized approaches are necessary, especially linguistics [glottochronology studies by Gudschin- sky (2 8) are such examples]. 5. A greater extension of quantitative approaches. 6. Reciprocal, not just one-way, acculturation should be considered. 7. Acculturational studies should be given some separate identity from assimilation and other processes (4:375). It is clear from the last statement that the ter ritorial drive in anthropologists is as strong as in their rivals. An interesting inference one could draw from 69 Beal’s discussion is that assimilation to him seems to con note shifts from ruralism to urbanism, migration processes, and individual, as opposed to group, contacts. All of these processes seem also to be designated as relatively one-way phenomena. An authoritative definition of acculturation from an earlier source, namely the Subcommittee on Accultura tion appointed by the Social Science Research Council in 1936, was that acculturation "comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first-hand contact, with subsequent changes in the original culture patterns of either or both groups" (84). This definition of acculturation includes a per spective of the process as being potentially both one-way or reciprocal. A further step in sophistication, which would also account for changes in thought systems of mu tually exclusive groups undergoing acculturational proc esses, was presented at a later seminar of anthropologists. The definition offered was: "Culture change . . . is initiated by the conjunction of two or more autonomous systems" (84:327). The main emphasis expressed was that change follows cultural contact only if the orthodoxy of one system is confronted with an alien, novel, or opposing element from the other cultural system. This, of course, need not always be the case. 70 In fact, Spindler argued that when similar (i.e., syncretic) elements exist in two cultures, acculturational processes are more likely to occur more readily. The posi tion he takes is consistent with that of F. Hsu (which was discussed in an earlier part of this section). This per spective represents the psychological-anthropology movement within the field of anthropology. Spindler insisted in his paper that there is an "interdependence of the psychological systems and cultural systems and the implication of convergence and divergence in these systems for adaptive change" (125:2). For Spind ler, where there is a confrontation "between divergent sys tems under conditions of radical change, there are attempts to reestablish cognitive control under these conditions. This reaffirms the balance between the cultural and psy chological systems of individuals. Spindler summarized the studies made by him and Louise Spindler of two Amerindian groups: the Menomini of Wisconsin, and the Blood Indians of Alberta. Between the Western Society and the Blood Indians certain syncretic patterns (convergent) were evidenced in both psychological and cultural systems. Not only were Bloods psychologically more homogeneous than Menomini, but those elements which were more convergent with White Man norms were that the Blood were more openly aggressive, vigorous in their perception of the world around them, 71 they had high endurance but not passivity in their accept ance of fate, and they were concerned with individual value- achievement, personal success, and display. These are traditional features of that group, but they also parallel Western orientations. In contrast, the Menomini were more passive, had deep-internalized controls over aggression, were not achievement-oriented, and were passive with respect to the external world. The Blood group's capacity for acculturation has been more successful, and was strewn with fewer groups of marginal people caught in the traditionalist-modernist continuum than what existed among the Menomini. Spindler also gave examples well-known to most anthropologists, of some reactive movements which repre sent, in his opinion, the attempt' by native groups to re establish personal identity and cognitive control. These take place under radical change conditions and represent exaggerations of behavioral modifications which do occur under less revolutionary conditions of change. Cited are the North American peyote cults synthesizing native and Christian symbolism and ritual; and also the Xhosa strategy in the so-called Kafir Wars in South Africa in which the native group destroyed its own cultural materials, food, and livestock, went on the warpath, and succeeded in al most starving themselves out of existence. The "Vailala 72 Madness" among the Papua after World War I was the first of cargo cult reactions in which elaborate preparations were made, magically copied from a European telegraph sys tem, while the natives awaited the cornucopia of goods from their ancestral spirits. A similar phenomenon oc curred among the Manu that Margaret Mead studied. After World War II, this group almost completely abandoned its traditional ways and arranged themselves and their vil lages in a pattern emulating the military camps of Western occupational forces. Certain reactive patterns may be evidenced among the Amerindian groups studied in this paper, but these were not central to the hypotheses studied. They do, of course, provide research-derived hunches that should sug gest further lines of inquiry, which may even have ramifi cations for assessing educational attitudes of these particular groups. In our section on "Subjects," addi tional reference is made to possible reactive elements in some of the groups studied. Another recent study that emphasized psychological acculturation was reported by Graves (116). This type of study, Graves felt, had been neglected in comparison with those kinds of studies which measured material or phenom enal change rather than what he categorized his own species of research to be, namely, studying those variables within the "ideational order." His method consisted of two-hour 73 intensive interviews of Anglos (n-60) and Indians (n-68). He found significant differences in values related to in terpersonal norms between Anglos and Spanish, and Anglos and Indians (p .001 level). However, no significance was found between these values for Spanish versus Indians. With respect to internal control and fatalism, there were equally significant differences between Anglos and Spanish in the expected direction, but not for Indian- Spanish differences. Also on future time perspective, the only signifi cant difference was between Anglos and Spanish, in the expected direction, but not for Indian-Spanish differences. The question of future time perspective was replicated in our study reported here. Graves concluded that changes in value-orientation for the minority groups occurred within a context of higher exposure to the Anglo group. There is the likening to a feedback system as an explanation for such value changes. First, the Anglo contact causes greater exposure to novel psychological belief systems, which have bearing on chang ing personality traits, but certain minority group members' personality characteristics or belief systems will also affect the response individuals will make to the exposure opportunities. Such a study has relevance for understand ing the possibilities for teletic (i.e., manipulative) ac tivities in order to "engineer" rates of acculturation. 74 Graves, however, Is aware of the danger that reactive move ments can occur among acculturating groups of people. On the individual level, the equivalent of group reactive movements is a reactive psychological change. This phenomenon could result from culturally-shocking personal experiences or contacts for which the individual's cognitive system is not prepared. Of most importance, then, studies such as Spind ler 's, Graves', and the one reported here can suggest pre scriptions for change if evidence obtained from the methods employed are reliable guideposts. A more complex, stra tegic problem comes about when one must decide in which area of professional competence and opportunity such pre scriptions can be realized. School systems typically have linkage problems with surrounding communities, unfortunate ly. A study of this problem and a useful paradigm for maintaining school-community systems linkage, along with the need for maintaining professional, social distance, is presented by Litwak and Meyer (49). In their study, professionals in the school system had difficulty communi cating with families in the community; whereas community experts, hired by the schools, had problems relating their views to school personnel. The development of a balance model and a solution to linkage problems was expounded in their article. 75 Perhaps one of the more useful and relevant models to differentiate the assimilation concept from accultura tion was presented by Gordon (25). In his view, accultura tion is a process subsumed by assimilation. Assimilation has seven major components in Gordon's thinking, the first of which he designates as acculturation. There is an element of the time factor that Beals (whom we reviewed earlier) thought was an essential element in analyzing and typologizing concepts of cultural change. For Gordon, the first step in the process of assimilation is acculturation. As a matter of fact, if none of the other processes he postulates do take place, then acculturational changes will continue to take place. With respect to the groups im portant for the research reported here— Navajo, Pueblo, and rural Spanish-American~-these two statements concerning the relationship between acculturation and assimilation may be most relevant. It would be well to summarize Gordon's seven assimilational features in order to assess the char acteristics typical of the groups represented In this study. Gordon does tend to view assimilation as a rela tively one-way process because he postulates that there is a core group or culture which serves as a standard or cri terion by which immigrating groups move toward through large-scale individual or group movement. 1. The first index is, of course, acculturation or cultural assimilation. Assimilation at this level 76 refers to when the groups moving toward the core group change their patterns of culture. These patterns would include language and religious be liefs and observances. 2. The most integral kind of assimilation, by com parison, is structural assimilation. This occurs when there is large-scale entrance into relation ships formal or informal on a primary-group level with the host society. 3. Marital assimilation is when there is large-scale intermarriage. 4. Identificational assimilation is the completion of peoplehood or "we"-ness by the host and the pre viously unassimilated group. 5. Attitude receptional assimilation conveys a state in which there is an absence of prejudice. 6. Behavioral receptional assimilation occurs when there is an absence of discrimination. 7. Civic assimilation is when there is an absence of value and power conflict. For the purposes of our study, the attempt to explicate the assimilation concept by Gordon is reminis 77 cent of the globalism that assimilation as a construct holds in common with traditional definitions of "culture." Let us examine a few of these elements of Gordon's we have outlined. First off, acculturation is treated in a somewhat vague and perfunctory manner because, in a real sense, Gordon really wished to deal with larger population groups and major religious and national origin criteria. He attempted to analyze the whole question on a global scale of American national life. Gordon selected a model of assimilation which he thought best represented what had occurred in the past, and what kind of assimilation pat terns were operating within the total structure of our society today. Is there Anglo-conformity, a melting pot, several "pots, " or cultural pluralism? Which of these best represents American social reality? It is relatively obvious that with respect to the tri-ethnic cultures in our study that assimilational indices of the kind desig nated above as numbers two through seven (2-7) are vir tually irrelevant. Although there are isolated instances of all six of these kinds of assimilation, they are not representative. This leaves us with the problem of explicating acculturation for our purposes, although we could certainly make a case for adding the process of learning about the host culture as an eighth index, especially if learning of the essential traits formally taught in school systems 78 included the minority culture representatives' performances as being on a par with representatives of the dominant group. The most useful construct, then, seems to be a no tion of acculturation. But if individuals have moved in a direction significantly deviant from their own ethnic group, some kind of proto-assimilation is no doubt taking place. Before moving into our discussion of learning styles, it would be well to look at a few other recent works in which the two concepts of assimilation and accul turation are juxtaposed. It seems that acculturation does refer to the movement across cultures, whereas assimilation seems to refer to movement within the framework of a parent society. One can occur without the other. Berelson and Steiner summarized some cogent and recent conclusions concerning these two concepts: People can be acculturated without being assimilated into a society, and they can be assimilated without being acculturated; the latter is more difficult . . . and the process is usually costly to those being as similated, psychologically, and socially . . . e.g., in the U.S. . . . the Amish are more assimilated than . . . acculturated. . . . The Northern Negro is more acculturated than assimilated. . . . The more contact across a broad representation of age and sex groups, . . . the faster the acculturation. ... As a result of culture contact, whatever was learned early in life tends to resist change and whatever was learned later in life changes most readily. (6:653) The extent to which exposure or contacts with the dominant, middle-majority society are made available to the groups in our study should in the future tend to shift accultura- tional patterns more markedly. 79 According to Shannon and Shannon: Acculturation and assimilation are points on a continu um, extending from a point of maximum difference be tween people to one where . . . two groups are no longer distinguishable. . . . Acculturation refers to the acquisition . . . of certain cultural traits from one society by people in another--it may be a two-way process. . . . Acculturation involves not only a change in behavior but even a change in the conception of onesself. . . . There is also a time element in volved in that acculturation may take place in a rela tively short period of time, while assimilation is considered to be a longer, and more gradual process. (67:52) An interesting methodological problem was analyzed by these authors. With respect to the kinds of instrumen tation which sociologists have used, there has been a lack of rigor and a dearth of operational definitions. Instru ments purportedly measuring assimilation differentiated and skewed distributions for migrants in the lower end of the continuum. This is a major shortcoming. In this paper, an attempt is made to differentiate within and between minority groups in terms of the values of the dimensions considered in this study. The need is to differentiate among the major groups of the populations studied, but also to differentiate among sub-groups contained in the sample. There appears to be no evidence that instruments available have significantly measured such differences. One element to consider in addition to measuring the many "sensate" or material phenomena associated with accultura tion is the role of the values. Exactly what role values 80 do play in stimulating or retarding acculturational rates is not at present very clear. Shepardson (105) concluded that she could not hy pothesize that the value system generates or .maintains the process of change, but it may have decisive effect upon the direction the processes will take. The picture is further beclouded by the difficult task it is to measure the psycho-cultural process of dis illusionment "natives" have after intimate and prolonged contact with European types of groups. Edgerton's (91) pictorial interview technique represents one method of analyzing this problem. Another perspective applicable to the whole ques tion of acculturation centers about what is modern and what traditional, especially in terms of attitudes towards modernity. What effects does the adaptation of more modern attitudes have upon the change process? This problem is encountered in this present study. We may conclude, then, that there is little resolve at this juncture as far as definitional clarity between assimilation and acculturation. Several investigators and theorists have suggested the importance of the temporal dimension in studying these two processes. The most prom ising idea seems to be that acculturational patterns ante date assimilational processes, although we do not neces sarily agree that assimilation is a longer process. As a 81 matter of fact, the Pueblo groups In this present study appear to be unique in that some form of acculturation has been continuing for them with first Spanish culture, then American, especially in terms of external political and religious pressure. The span of over 400 years still finds these peoples among the least acculturated groups in our pluralistic society. Romano concluded that: The few remaining Pueblos have retained numerous facets of their aboriginal culture, particularly in the realm of religion. . . . Pueblo culture exhibits marked stability. . . . This is particularly manifest in kiva architecture, wall paintings, ceremonials . . . styles of haircuts. (124) Perhaps the most poignant and realistic depiction of the lack of assimilation into the dominant society was given by Vogt (121). He pointed out that the rate of ac culturation to white American ways of life is incredibly slower than believed previously. Vogt's views were that American Puritanism, which denigrates other races and cul tures, is one of the major barriers to assimilation. In Chapter IV are described the selected Amerindian and Spanish-American cultural groups. The concepts of assimilation and acculturation will be relevant in under standing these populations. Learning Styles It would be an undue complexity to delve deeply into the many-faceted problems which abound in describing what learning is. Suffice to say that organisms, as they proceed up the phylogenetic scale,, seem to show greater degrees of behavior of what is something quite distinct from a rigid pattern of mechanistic response to the en vironment, i.e., instinct. Such inflexible forms of be havior as reactions to what seem to be preprogrammed internal systems, operating with little variation in the presence of environment stimuli, have been demonstrated. For example, bees will not find their way back to a hive if it is removed by several feet from its original loca tion, so rigid and yet complex is their activity. Certain kinds of ants will march themselves in a continuous circle by the mere presence of formic acid emitted from their leader after having been plucked away by the scientist. Yet, the line between mechanisms and learning capacity is a thin one. Earthworms can learn simple maze solutions if the learning apparatus has a material such as sandpaper in its corridors so that there is appropriate (meeting the needs of the learner) stimuli for this par ticular creature to discriminate. Before, we stated that man's great symbolling capacity, and his gift for language, along with his opposing thumb, bipedal locomotion, and out- sized cerebral corfTex also, allow for a unique capacity for learning. As important as his capacity is that man can discuss a problem and cognize without the stimuli's being physically present. Cultures provide through child- rearing and training opportunities, vicarious and first 83 hand* practice (often through play--learning's playmate., so to speak) in solving problems of an anticipatory nature. Aside from the well-known facts that there are individual differences among people in intelligence and learning abilities, especially as measured by relatively precise, if somewhat narrow, intelligence tests, there are possibly group differences in learning characteristics as well. When group differences are discussed, however, a criterion such as capacity becomes a somewhat spurious notion, similar to the rationality of comparing apples and oranges. If high scores on citric output become a cri terion for measuring capacities, apples might be considered inferior in endowment. In the practical world of the school room, unfor tunately, the I.Q,. score has certain mystical value, and is equated with learning and performance potential. It seems to have been the best predictor of school success, until sociologists began to show that social class member ship was a better predictor. Many people are now convinced'that group member ship is influential in determining achievement, and that certain social conditions may in fact even affect cognitive growth and development. This assertion finds its clearest expression in the plethora of information now available on so-called "cultural deprivation." 84 Friedman (92) traced the development of the concept of cultural deprivation * and pointed out how much its popu larity in the 1960's found rapt expression in the writings of psychologically oriented theorists. The fragmentary and piecemeal conceptualization of the term, becoming al most a stereotype of the "sub-middle class child," proved useful in diverting attention from the possibility of deeper problems within the social system, and proved pro tective of the post-Sputnik posture of excellence epito mizing the middle-class orientation of the schools. On a microscopic level of research, certain studies have examined in greater depth what the mechanisms are which explain social background characteristics and learn ing. Thus, the more molar, and possibly static, face vari ables which make up social-class indices needed further exploration in terms of processual variables which could account for learning differences among groups. Wolf's (126) measures of environmental presses in the home added greater prediction power than does Warner's scheme of social class measure--the Index of Status Charac teristic (i.S.C,). Wolf's particular instrument has not, however, stood the test of applicability to groups repre sentative of cultural pluralism, even though within the stratification system of our own society, it has developed into a most promising measure. 85 Another type of investigation, this in the experi mental tradition which examines the relationship of learn ing styles and teaching styles between mothers and children, is worthwhile to mention. Hess and Shipman said: The meaning of deprivation is a deprivation of mean- ing--a cognitive environment in which behavior is controlled by status rules rather than by attention to the individual characteristics of a specific situation and one in which behavior is not mediated by verbal cues or by teaching that relates events to one another and the present to the future. (9^:7) It would seem that this type of study would help us gain greater insights into the actual mechanisms by which maternal environments relate to the development of a child's learning style. However, such research is micro scopic, and any attempts to study significant-sized groups such as the Navajo or Pueblo in light of the complexity of translating verbal interactions into English, especially within the context of whether or not a given language sys tem and its code is translatable from one cultural frame work to another even if vocabulary forms might be trans latable, would be a Herculean task. In the study here we have taken a middle ground. Social indices, values, and attitudes along several dimen sions have been related to a battery of performance tests to determine, if possible, what background characteristics are related to performance. Because "learning style" has a certain looseness in meaning, even though the notion of style itself is useful as identifying a kind of synthesis 86 of particular learning-dispositions, the following defini tion is offered as a means of operationalizing the con struct for our own purposes. Albeit, that such a definition may, like I.Q., be narrow and restrictive, it at least has the merit of being testable and can be compared with other quantifiable concepts. Learning style is a construct which refers to a group (or individual) for which there is a recognizable and measurable pattern of comparable performance. It is postulated that learning style is consequent to conditions associated with measurable socio-cultural variables of a particular group (or individual). Summary 1. In this section several important features neces sary to understand the concept of culture were explored. 2. Six major definitional categories of culture, in cluding specific definitional contributions of major theorists, were examined. Each type of definition was critiqued for its advantages and disadvantages in terms of its saliency in develop ing useful research parameters. 3. More recent perspectives of culture were explored, especially with respect to the newer role of the 87 culture construct for inter-disciplinary research. 4. The relationship between culture and perception was examined. The problem posed for psychologists of differentiation between learning and perception was treated. The problem reflects gestalt versus behavioristic biases. 5. Studies of the influence of culture on perception were summarized with the conclusion that psycholo gists tend to treat cultures as almost equivalent to environments, while anthropological explana tions tend to be naive in terms of what is now understood about learning mechanisms by learning theorists. 6. Studies of the Influence of culture on learning., including language and cognitive elements related to learning, were mentioned. Those types of studies demonstrating the mediational relation ships of cognition and language syntax are promis ing areas for investigation, although relatively unsuitable for the requirements of the present study. 7. A summary of some major points illustrative of culture and education, school, enculturation and learning was made. 8. The performance of Amerindian groups compared with each other and "white man" norms on selected psy chological tests in several studies was summarized. 9. Difficulties associated with cultural biases on psychometric measures were discussed. 10. The concepts of acculturation and assimilation were examined and compared. 11. Acculturation studies and phenomena such as re active movements were reviewed. 12. The role of cultural values in the acculturation process was explored. 13. Differences in the meanings of acculturation and assimilation were set forth. 14. The definitional problems and conceptual difficul ties related to the construct of learning style were discussed, and included a note on the rele vance of the term "cultural deprivation." 15. Some environmental mechanisms, mediators, and presses were examined with respect to clarifying "learning styles." Such studies have been con ducted by Wolf, Shipman, and Hess. Their styles 89 of research are microscopic in scope, and they examine in detail mediational processes within the family environment. 16. The concept, learning style, was defined for the purposes of the present investigation. CHAPTER III RATIONALE In the previous chapters* we analyzed the problems central to understanding the major conceptual difficulties attending the useful* but highly abstract* constructs of culture* acculturation* assimilation* and learning styles. It should be remembered that culture Is the most abstract of these terms* and the furthest removed from the phenomen al world. The other three concepts are closer to the level of constitutive meaning* even though the problems of har nessing them for research purposes are difficult. In this section we will make use of what are con sidered the more useful insights garnered from the litera ture on these concepts. The purpose of this chapter* then* is to explicate the four constructs* and to begin the process of operationalizing the concepts for the needs of this present study. In order to operationalize the meaning of culture* acculturation* assimilation* and learning styles* these terms are defined in a manner so that they will be useful in guiding hypotheses formation and adequate instrument development. 90 91 This procedure raises questions that hinge upon the methodological proclivities which differentiate psycholo gists and sociologists. In the field of psychometric test theory and construction, there is a tendency which charac terizes the methodology as being for the most part strictly empirical and inductive. For example, when items are se lected for inclusion in the construction of an instrument, they are usually analyzed and factored to reduce the orig inal, unwieldy set of measures, and to eliminate unreliable items. Procedures are then instigated which will insure reliability and validity of the instrument. Populations upon which the test is standardized, and for which norms are developed, are used as a criterion from which subse quent testing of other groups can be gauged. That a par ticular kind of instrument has applicability from one sample of a population parameter to another, does in fact represent an empirical generalization, as well as an act of faith based upon the predictive reliability and validity of the test. Sociologists have a somewhat different tradition. There are several giants who loom from the past in this field. These are the great systematic thinkers such as Weber, Tonnies, Ward, and others. A recent example of this process is clear with respect to Emile Durkheim, who generated his major ideas decades ago, and which still provide a model or theory of anomie that continues to in- 92 spire modern sociologists interested in deviant behavior, such as suicide, to test Durkheim's construct with em pirical, but smaller-gauged, studies. Zetterberg (82) has commented upon the need for developing hypothetico-deductive axiomatic statements which lend themselves to empirical verification or disconfirma- tion. In his opinion, the grand system designers such as Parsons do not actually have theories, but rather diagnos tic taxonomies from which testable statements of a deduc tive nature can be subjected to empirical investigation. An Explication of Culture In this present study it was necessary to develop a functional definition of culture. The six major cate gories of culture summarized by Kroeber and Kluckhohn were reviewed here with an eye to sorting out the limitations as well as the usefulness of these definitions. In order to have an effective notion of culture, certain criteria must be applied: 1. The components of the culture construct should be interrelated, yet should distinguish among the different dimensions of the construct. Even if we were to assume, in consonance with the gestalt principle, that the whole is greater than the sum of the parts, it is still useful to be able to talk about these different parts. The reason for this is that any component of culture may be of greater consequence in one group rather than in another. For example, Henry (36:31) argued that the need for defense against the "Great Fear" was a major characteristic or trait in American culture. It is the notion of elaboration which gives us some evidence of how cultures may differ, or display syncretic elements even though, on the whole, pat terns would be distinctly different. The components of the culture construct should refer to phenomenal events which are amenable to measure or quantification, be they sensate objects, or attitudinal dispositions measurable by some reliable technique. These components should be such as to suggest methods for determining not just the presence or absence of traits, but their distribution as well. For example, do all, some, or no members of com munity X have artifacts Y . . . Yn? The components of a culture should be based upon parameters which make possible comparisons between or among separate cultural groups. Language or communication represents universals that permit 94 comparison even though structure and syntax would vary among linguistic and cultural groups. 5. The components should suggest quantifiable vari ables which, in turn., should show some relation ship between such variables, on the one hand, and a set of criterion variables which are independent ly assessed through behavioral measures which do not tautologically represent samples from the same parameters. If we were to measure a certain group as having a hunting and gathering economy (sub sistence) based upon categories of occupational activities--hunting, pinon gathering, etc.--and then measure what are the group's artifacts (ex ploitation) --bow, spear, nut-carrying containers, etc.— we might have some reliable evidence of the reticulation among the components or indices of our cultural definition. But, unless these meas ures were made through independent techniques, with different kinds of instruments and assumptions, we might be describing elements which are part and parcel of the same index, and we would have no satisfactory set of cultural dimensions which could be distinguishable as distinct components. Since this is often the case when one goes about devising measuring instruments, because the relevant indices 95 are never known a priori, then for the sake of parsimony these properties could he collapsed into a single component, through a reduction of property- space, as Barton (3) has demonstrated in studies of voting behavior. 6. At least one other consideration should be made for heuristic purposes. The components of the culture construct should be (parsimoniously) few in number to avoid the problem of exclusion and inclusiveness through enumeration. At the same time, they should cover the necessary ground to include enough of the dimensions of culture to afford an adequate base for understanding the sig nificant components of a given culture, and to make comparative studies of several cultures. These dimensions should serve as a blueprint or map to make convenient delineations of what param eters can be studied, so that one is not thrown back into a Baconian approach of naive empiricism, necessitating the scientific equivalent of re-in venting the wheel. 7. Finally, a formal model for the concept of culture should provide a certain balance and symmetry which is often found wanting in a strictly empirical designation of relevant variables. There is 96 certain parsimony,, elegance., and aesthetic value in models which, although ultimately empirical in- nature, represent a structure which has been in ducted from the phenomenal world, abstracted from concrete events, and which stands as a scaffolding ready to be tested with explication and a verifi cation study in the phenomenal world. The theory derived from and supportive of a defini'- tion of culture is what is sought here in terms of the above-stated criteria. It is felt that Edward T. Hall's definition best fits the requirements. There are aspects of this theory that are useful In generating certain kinds of research, but which would be superfluous to what the present study Is concerned with. What follows is a re statement of the major useful elements of Hall's theory which are relevant to this study and the criteria selected. Formalization of the Culture Concept 1. Culture is communication (31:10). 1.1. Communication is based on meaning, or what man reads into a spectrum of messages (or stimuli) in his environment. 1.2. These messages are designated In a systems frame work. 97 1.3. The framework for each system Is denoted as a Primary Message System (hereafter referred to as P.M.S.). 1.4. These systems are ranked In a hierarchy which closely corresponds to a phylogenetic ordering of these systems In terms of the theory of biological evolution. 2. The phylogenetic ranking of these systems is con sistent with the axioms of biological evolution. These are: 2.1. Organisms range from simple to more complex energy systems. 2.2. Organisms range from older chronological emergence to more recent emergence in time. 2.3. The simpler energy-level organism emerged earlier in evolutionary time. 2.4. More complex energy-level organisms emerged later in evolutionary time. 2.5. Later complex organisms have greater problem-solv ing capacities than do earlier, simple organisms. 2.6. Man has greater problem-solving capacities than do all other creatures in the phylogenetic scale. 98 2.7. At least one (or some) P.M.S.'s can be found in all (or some) infra-human organisms. 2.8. All P.M.S.'s are represented in differential and ranked distributions among the entire set of infra human organisms. 2.9. The greatest number of these P.M.S.'s on infra human levels is found among anthropoids,, man's closest relatives. 3. The rank order of the P.M.S.'s is ten (10) in number. 3.1. The first in rank (interaction) is also present in the lowest organisms (although this taxonomy may be irrelevant to marginal forms of organic life on a virus, or protein level). 3.2. The tenth (last) P.M.S. (exploitation) has a higher probability of association with higher- complex organisms. 3.3. This schema also suggests an ordering from mecha nistic "stimulus boundness" or "at mercy of the environment" levels of life., to organism-acting- upon-and-manipulating-e1ement s-of-the-environment levels. 3.4. Within each P.M.S. as elements of a set of 10 P.M.S.'s, there is a range of complexity equal to the capacity levels of the entire set of organisms in the phylogenetic scale, descending to the thresh old where the organism appears on a P.M.S. level. For example, the P.M.S. "interaction" can range along a continuum from simple, physical, chemical, or tropistic response through sign behavior, up to gesture, language, and artificial language (i.e., mathematics and logic). 4. The value of defining culture in terms of a bio logical base has certain advantages over super- organic definitions. 4.1. Culture, although an abstraction definitionally synthesizing its ten components, is not such a high-level abstraction as to be as meaningless as Platonic abstractions, or mystical entities. Su- per-organicists such as L. White (80) define culture with no referent, nor with what Margenau (5 3:2 3 6) calls "constitutive meaning" to permit the concept to take part in the formation of laws and theories empirically. 4.2. The ten P.M.S.'s are useful for generating empiri cally testable hypotheses. 100 5. The ten P.M.S.’s serve as parameters to compare all individual cultures. 5.1. The biological ranking of P.M.S.'s serves as a criterion against which to match each culture. 5.2. Different cultures might rank the 10 P.M.S.'s in order of importance different from this biological criterion. 5.3. The degree of importance or elaboration given a particular P.M.S. provides an important base of inter-cultural comparison. Thus, although the 10 P.M.S.'s would be present within and among all cultures, each component for each culture would be of different meaningfulness in order and impor tance within and between cultures. 5.4. The ten P.M.S.'s serve as universals--what are common to all man's cultures. 6. A matrix is formed by the combination of 10 P.M.S.'s with their adjectival equivalents (31:17^). 6.1. This matrix, embracing one hundred (10 x 10) cells, provided the "territory staked out" to explicate the dimensions of an instrument to compare within and between group differences for the three major 101 cultures studied,, including five subcultures (from among the twenty-one Rio Grande pueblos). 6.2. Only certain cells were utilized for the instru ment because of economic considerations. 6.3- The value of Hall's "Map of Culture" was amendable to empirical disconfirmation which can modify or reject the utility of his definition of culture. 6.4. The one hundred cells in the P.M.S. Map of Culture are content free. 6.5* The upper left-to lower right diagonal refers to the individual P.M.S. 6.6. This diagonal suggests a division line between upper triangle individual activities., and lower- half group activities. 6.7. Cells in proximity within the matrix have a greater degree of commonality for observational or testing purposes than do cells remotely related in the matrix property space. 6.8. The property-spaces suggested by Hall's cells in the P.M.S. matrix can also be reduced in the number of categories for the practical purpose of allowing for the representation of small sample 102 sizes in limited population groups (such as among pueblo subgroups). 6.9. There is a theoretical value in the substruction of the original property-space represented by the Map of Culture. Complex indices and multiple variables can be clustered in sets in order to clarify relationships, overlaps, etc., and to generate higher level abstractions or generaliza tions that give order over the array of empirical ly-measured variables which compose and underlie the abstractions. Occum’s Razor is one rationale for this procedure. 7. The P.M.S. matrix does not suggest the specific indices which comprise the instrument to measure cultural variables, but at least it has the affect of ordering and cross-checking these indices. 7.1. If the variables make up a multi-dimensional scaling device, yet if their indices hang together, as compared with some other perhaps empirically- derived set of indices, then the overall rationale suggests a reliable construct that has research merit. The idea of culture is one of the most global and abstract constructs in social science, hence furthest re- 103 moved from the world of sensory data. Because of this it is given special explication in order to reduce it to mean ingful operational terms. Culture is a static variable in our framework., and thus when explicated serves as a frame work for developing the dimensions of our research instru- ments, as well as a guideline by which the three major cultures in our study can be compared and described in terms of the background literature relevant to our study. Acculturation and assimilation are dynamic rather than structural or static variables. Because certain aspects of acculturation can be described and measured, such as contacts with other peoples, amount of education, inclusion of artifacts and technology from other cultures, etc., this construct ties closer to the sensory world, and its explication is not so arduous a task. Similarly, our supposition holds for assimilation. This is especially the case in our study. Assimilation for our purposes is understood as a measurable set of values and attitudes by which peoples in a minority group express a set of psychological and motivational predisposi tions or beliefs which enhance the likelihood that they will move in the direction of inclusion or absorption into the dominant society, providing their paths are not blocked by the prevailing behaviors and attitudes known as preju dice and discrimination of powerful segments in the majori ty society. The kind of assimilation studied here has been 104 called proto-assimilation, which basically is a predisposi tion to assimilate, irrespective of the frustrations and blockages present in the majority society. Both accultura tion and assimilation are concepts operationalized'*' by a set of measuring techniques. In addition, learning styles can be based upon the relative within and between groups dispersions of scores individuals from different cultures make on a battery of tests. Just as I.Q. does not include all that is implied by the notion of "intelligence," so too, our definition does not include all possible elements to what is involved in learning style. Other approaches are considered equally valid for their own stated purposes. The Explication of Acculturation We have already discussed the problems accruing from definitions of culture change including acculturation and assimilation. Even though we must admit that accultura tion is a two-way interaction, our concern is for informa tion about what Anglo cultural traits are now, in pristine or modified form, adopted by the groups in this study. There is a practical reason for this. The ultimate value of this type of study is to develop a set of prescriptions ^Operational definition--Harris (33:5): "I am speak ing of that entity HT* which was of dimension 'N' and ap paratus 1P' when I applied 1P1 to 'S' sector of 'F' field of inquiry as movements ABC of my body." Obviously opera tional definitions can become reductio ad absurdum because some primitive or "given" terms are necessary, including logical and common sense language constructions. 105 which can prove viable and practical in order to modify either or both the classroom and home environments. The objective is to engineer opportunities for the culturally-divergent child, so that if he wishes to nego tiate the American social system, he will not have to com pete with the kinds of social handicaps that can be assuaged. Unfortunately, whether or not the roots of typical W.A.S.P.^ or "Waspoid"3 xenophobia can be modified is a moot question. So much American prejudice tends to lie in the realm of labeling through the ascription of characteristics such as skin color. The Explication of Assimilation We have generally agreed that assimilation is a one-way process In which the weaker culture or significant numbers of its people become absorbed into groups ranging from primary to secondary relationships within the larger, engulfing society. Functional elements of the smaller group then, become atrophied or disappear altogether in time. The structure of the group in its traditional ^W.A.S.P. is an achronym for white Anglo-Saxon Protestant. The redundancy here belies the racial em phasis. Are there non-white Anglo-Saxons? 3waspoid is our neologism which refers to many other Caucasian groups, some members of which emulate, and even exaggerate the core behavior system of W.A.S.P.'s, such as do some Irish-Catholics, Germans, Scands, Poles, etc. Some Catholics in these groups often present a great er Puritan asceticism than do comfortable Protestants. 106 setting is obliterated. Despite all of the encroachments of Spaniards and Anglos alike,, there is a tenacity with which our cultural groups, and many others, have clung to basic traditions and organizational features of their cul tures. In this particular year of American history, astute observers can make an argument that some members of minori ty groups have articulated a desire for cultural pluralism. Several Black Power political groups have expressed this wish. "Multiple melting-pots" has probably been the most realistic assessment of the state of assimilation in pres ent American society. Gordon’s notion of ethclass is a key aspect of this model. Ethclass is "the subsociety created by the intersection of the vertical stratifica tions of ethnicity with the horizontal stratifications of social class" (25:51). There have also developed action groups among various Spanish-speaking Americans. An interesting new publication, El Grito, has recently published its first edition. An editorial "kickoff" by Nick Vaca warns: Contrary to the general pattern of ethnic minorities in the history of the United States, Mexican-Americans have retained their distinct identity and have re fused to disappear into the Great American Melting Pot. (120:4) There is also a growing "Red Power" movement, but this has not crystallized as yet, nor has it had the pub licity of Negro or Mexican-American movements. An inter- 107 estlng corollary of the growing Amerindian sense of group identity is that the movement is Pan-Indian. Within our historic perspective,, before the white man's aggressions* various Indian groups felt little or no sense of people- hood with other groups. Now that a unifying movement is beginning* the sense of identification as Indian also ironically displays the internalization of Anglo-American labeling on the basis of red skin* just as does black symbolize the focus for Negro chiliastic groups. There may be some confusion that could arise from the emphasis placed on the one-way characterization of assimilation. For one thing* minority groups or individu als are and have been frustrated in their attempts at being assimilated when they wished to* because of prejudice and discrimination. Be that as it is* it is necessary to postulate* however* that despite a blocking of efforts to assimilate* one must account for the motivation and the attitudinal dispositions of people who seek a new social reference group which differs markedly from their member ship group. Attitudinal orientations may dispose minority group members to a new way of life. It is necessary* then* to use instruments that purport to measure attitudes which differentiate modern and more traditionally oriented peoples* and also to assess values which may indicate com parisons between dominant and minority group members. A 108 rationale is necessary to select and use or develop appro priate kinds of measures. Dramatic changes have transpired from the impact brought about by technical-industrial nation states coming in contact with pre-industrial cultures. Lerner has il lustrated some of the changes that took place in terms of the lives of people from isolated* traditional villages in Middle-Eastern societies. Certain innovations reflect elements that intro duced changes which affected traditional groups* and were responsible for greater differentiation among folk and their orientations. Status and ranks changed. Previously* low status people who had skills syncretic with adopted innovations gained higher status thereafter. "increased urbanization led to greater literacy. Rising literacy led to greater media exposure. Greater media exposure has gone with wider economic and political participation" (47:46). Western artifacts in the form of marketing mech anisms and communication media had their impact on Middle- Eastern life. In our own Southwest it was necessary to assess the role played by certain artifacts and other acculturationa1 exchanges in terms of how these influenced the ethnic groups in this study. One of the most crucial questions we were concerned with was how we could measure attitudes toward modernity 109 on an Individual and group basis. The means by which as similation was explicated here was to obtain a useful instrument which included attitudes along a number of di mensions which could differentiate between modernism and traditionalism for our three major ethnic groups in the Southwestern United States. A search of available literature pertinent to re search instruments suggested that the Harvard project* for which a scale of overall modernity was developed* fitted our needs. Smith and Inkles* in their section on "General Design Problems*" tried to avoid the ethnocentric inference that modernity was somehow superior to traditionalism. "We use the term 'modern' much in the sense that Weber used the term 'rational' as a way of characterizing the predominant tone or ethos of relations in the contemporary industrial world" (108:4). The attitudes studied related to basic dimensions of orientations to time* attitudes toward authority* feel ings of personal dignity* optimism and fatalism* attitudes toward cooperation and competition, commitment to "ration al" organization* and sources of personal satisfaction* readiness for change* openness to strangers* etc. Samples for developing a final instrument smaller in the total number of items were taken from Argentina* Chile* India* Israel* Nigeria* and Pakistan* of males only* 110 18-3 2, with differential experiences in traditional and modern working environments. The original number of questions required sixteen hours of interviewing per person. The final scales de veloped in the study reduced the numbers of items to in terviews requiring much less time. A final interview scale and short-form scales were developed after an item analysis was made, then factor loadings were obtained for each item as it represented a basic sociological theme. These several themes were culled from sociological litera ture with great care, and many names such as Parsons, Weber, Tolman, Lerner and others provided the underlying rationale for the development of Smith and Inkles' instru ment . To our knowledge, the Overall Modernity Scale (O.M.S.) had not been replicated for our Southwestern groups. With certain changes discussed in our "instrumen tation" section of the next chapter, the procedures for making use of the O.M.S. are outlined. Suffice to say for the present that, to discuss assimilation across the several indices mentioned above which Gordon postulated, would be a wasteful effort for the populations in our study. The reasons are obvious. Of the samples taken, and of the overall field studies, and observations of those communities, it could be safely concluded that there was little marital, civil, structural Ill or acculturational assimilation. The Pueblo groups were outstanding In this respect. This became a working as sumption in our study. Derived evidence proved this to be a legitimate assumption to make. For example, curfews are enforced upon whites after dark, through the "political" authority of two Pueblo groups in our study, and culture content tends to be limited to specific spheres of life, occupational in some instances, and in educational spheres with respect to interaction between Pueblo children and white people. If the development of modern attitudes is partly necessary for assimilation within the locus and for op portunities available to the ethnic individual in our communities, then this first step, or proto-assimilation, as we call it, has proceeded. Differences of scores in modernity versus traditionalism, however, are focused upon their influence on learning styles and performance of the children of these people. As a matter of fact, such phenomena as psycho social measures of attitudes and values related to moderni ty must be compared with the other acculturational indices to determine which proved better predictors of performance for the children of those interviewed. Furthermore, to add three other dimensions of im port as far as the relevance of variables, items from a 112 scale developed by Fred Strodtbeck (73) were utilized in the study, along with three items from Leo Srole's scale. The Strodtbeck items were based on evidence that suggested two major factors are related to success and achievement in our society still dominated by the func tional equivalent of the Protestant Ethic. In developing the V-Scale, Strodtbeck set out to find significant dif ferences under two main factors, Factor I, "Mastery," and Factor II, "independence of Family." The subjects were related to achievement (Need Achievement). Southern Italians and Jews living in New Haven, Connecticut, were selected in which each group was matched for different socioeconomic status. Significant differences were found between the two groups with respect to V-scores. These differences were only obtained when groups were matched for social-economic status stratification differences. Strodtbeck pointed out that there are three values underlying certain items in the V-Scale. These values, he concluded, are important for achievement in the United States. By no stretch of the imagination, however, did Strodtbeck equate these values as being superior to other value orientations from an axiological point of view. The essential values related to success were: 1. A belief that the world is orderly and amenable to rational mastery; that, therefore, a person can and should make plans which will control his des tiny (three items in the V-Scale). 2. A willingness to leave home to make one's way in life. The stress on families was true with South ern Italians. We suspect that it is also true in Amerindian groups with strong extended family kin ship ties and obligations, although obviously there is little similarity between Western European family systems and those of our Indian groups studied. 3. A preference for individual rather than collective credit for work done. This value, according to Strodtbeck, is more important in the Calvinistic norms of individual and social betterment, rather than familial obligation. It was decided to use the items from the V-Scale along with some of Srole's from his five-item scale of anomie as a supplementary source of data, and as a means to develop concurrent validity indicators for the yet untried Cultural Information Scale. Srole's items on his scale of anomie have been widely used. They are intended as a measure of the in dividual's sense for a reliable and dependable set of so cial norms in which interpersonal relations are charac 114 terized by trust and are not ambiguous in terms of norma tive demands. When these conditions are not in evidence there is a "self to other alienation" (109:709). The scale has a heavy component of generalized negativism or discouragement in it. Because statements when posed positively, even if negativism is the content, tend to elicit a response in the affirmative to match the positive construction of the sentence, there tends to be a general set to respond affirmatively to statements. The Explication of Learning Styles It is not assumed in this study that the notion of learning style can completely or entirely be adequately represented by scores on objective measures of learning capacity. Such an arbitrary decision has as its justifi cation that by the use of an objective measurement cri terion, scores within and between the cultures can be compared and contrasted. There is something ambiguous about style. The term has reference to many elements, some of which may be below a discriminable threshold for the perceiver. Nevertheless, when these elements are in phase they represent, taken together, a unique and recog nizable pattern. We could speak of individual and idio syncratic styles as well as styles attributable to a particular culture. In order to make our comparison, how ever, it was necessary to take a series of measures, or 115 what psychologists might call a battery of tests, although there are certain connotations to the term "battery" that we did not wish to convey in our selection of instruments. It may be well that one of the least productive excursions of the social scientist is to set forth a neologism, and then strap himself with the problem of explication. Learning style seems to come dangerously close to being such a term. However, when we hear of style in other contexts such as art style, or cultural style, or even the styles of personalities, we must concede that to analyze what is meant by style, our verdicts are often qualitative, and likely impressionistic. If we discuss learning style, we are not quite so frustrated because we can take consolation in the possi bility that a score or set of scores based upon some kind of measurable performance may stand for a functional equivalent of learning capacity. In our society when we can control for social background effects, performance tests of intelligence, ability, or aptitude serve us better than our intuition or common sense in guessing or predict ing "success" within specifically defined contexts. Schapiro made the following points about style with respect to culture and art forms: By style is meant the constant forms and--sometimes the constant elements, qualities, expression--in the art of an individual or a group. . . . Styles are not usually defined in a strictly logical way. . . . The characteristics of styles vary continuously and resist 116 a systematic classification into perfectly distinct groups. . . . The traits which make up a style have a quality in common. They all seem to he marked by the expression of the whole, or there is a dominant feature to which the elements have been adapted. (65:278) Such remarks about the nature of style can be of service to us if we care to stretch our imaginations in certain directions, making use of analogy at best. The questions suggested by Schapiro's analysis might be: 1. What feature or propensity for learning is rela tively constant within and consistent with a par ticular cultural group? 2. What learning features of individuals which are modified by a particular group's enculturational practices are subject to modification under ac- culturational processes (e.g., what do Anglo school learning environments, or learning values as pre scriptions and proscriptions, do to change Amer indian or Spanish-American children’s learning tendencies?) ? 3. What dominant feature of learning is maximized in a particular group into which newer elements of learning are adapted (e.g., does the maximization within a culture of the use of a particular sen sory modality or set of modalities exclude largely reinforcement for the use of others?)? 117 In American culture., as with certain other groups, there is some notion that distal sensoria (visual-auditory) are favored over proximal (tactile, gustatory, olfactory). Can one think of many instances in a typical American school in which the use of proximal senses are reinforced? The present investigator has several hundred hours of taped interviews with peoples from the U.S., Africa, European, South American, and Asiatic informants. Ninety- nine percent of the respondents chose vision as the sense of which they would least like to be deprived. The only informants who would least like to be deprived of another sense, audition, had keen musical interests. Some re searchers such as Metraux have reported that informants from some cultures attach a very strong importance to olfaction. This was not reported by the present investi gator, although one could make a case that, aside from the sampling bias per se, those informants in the study were all foreign students in an American university. Perhaps the skills needed to negotiate this system favor the maximization of the distal senses. In the present study, learning style is explicated through the use of a particu larly promising instrument. The value of this instrument, the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities (I.T.P.A.), is that it has as its rationale a mediation principle based upon the learning theory of Clark Hull, and a theory of language acquisition by Charles Osgood (60). The instru 118. ment itself was conceived by James McCarthy and Samuel Kirk (117) from a test battery designed by Dorothy Sievers (118), who constructed and standardized an early version of a psy- cholinguistic instrument for her doctoral dissertation. The relevance of cultural versus general learning principles raises as much difficulty in the discussion of building a rationale for the measurement of learning po tentials as did the conflict described earlier in our section on "Culture and Perception." For our purposes we may concede that man because of species likeness has sim ilar mechanisms for learning acquisition and intelligence. However., the context of culture within this general frame work may impress qualitative as well as quantitative dif ferences in learning proclivities upon its members, especially its more malleable groups such as infants and those in early childhood stages of development. The explication of learning style for this study rests upon the model from which the I.T.P.A. was con structed. Osgood, a looser behaviorist in company with Tol lman (7 6) and Hull (40), was willing to develop a connec- tionist model by which some kind of mediation system links stimulus and response. Thus he eschews the strict S-R model of Skinner. Osgood felt it necessary to postulate an intervening variable or central intermediary to explain stimulus-response observables. His multi-staged model 119 includes three levels of organization (projection, inte gration, representation), referring to three processes which account for how stimuli and responses are "handled" as information— decoding, association, and encoding. The channels (or modalities, as we have called them) are visu al, tactile, and auditory. A discussion of the complexities of this model and its adaptation to the I.T.P.A. would require a section at least as large as this present one. However, an excel lent summary by Feldman (123) carefully explains the theo retical derivation from Osgood's model by McCarthy and Kirk. The I.T.P.A. consists of nine (9) subtests. At the Representational (meaning, symbolic) Level are: 1 . Auditory Decoding 2. Visual Decoding^ 3. Auditory-Vocal Association 4. Visual-Motor Association 5. Vocal Encoding^ 6 . Motor Encoding ^■"Decoding" refers to those habits required to ob tain meaning from auditory and visual linguistic stimuli. ^"Association" means habits required to manipulate linguistic symbols internally. ^"Encoding" refers to habits required to express oneself in words or gestures. 120 Tests at the Automatic-Sequential Level are: 7. Auditory-Vocal Automatic^ O 8. Auditory-Vocal Sequential 9. Visual-Motor Sequential These tests are arranged in a particular order and are identified under "instrumentation" in the next section. The three major reasons the I.T.P.A. was used in this study were: 1. The test is built of subtests which represent various channels of Information which come closer than other tests to our notion of assessing sensory modalities which may be sensitive to cultural in fluences . 2. The test has a low enough basal level to accommo date those children who are handicapped in English, so that the tests themselves may suggest remedia tion procedures applicable to classroom teaching techniques. 3. The test has a variety of interesting activities to hold the attention of young children, a diffi cult age population from which to gain reliable measures. 7"Automatic" means overlearned linguistic habits. 8"Sequencing" means correctly repeating a sequence of symbols. 121 Although I.T.P.A. may be more culturally biased than certain other non-verbal performance types of tests, there Is enough evidence to support the use of performance tests, so that we need not duplicate unnecessarily. For example, aside from the studies summarized by Havighurst, and referred to here earlier, Norman (100) reported that I.Q. level for Navajo children with white schooling was lower on the Raven's Progressive Matrices than on the Goodenough Draw-a-Man Test. Here even differences related to accultural experience probably makes for such differ ences. Even though the Raven's is a non-verbal test, the "logic" behind it may represent spatial thinking of Western Man. One should point out that the I.T.P.A. has been found most useful as a diagnostic instrument for various kinds of neurologically handicapped children, such as those suffering from aphasia, cerebral palsy, etc. It would be ethnocentric in the extreme to use such an instrument upon ethnic groups if there were con sidered to be any analogy between neurologically damaged children and culturally-divergent children. The only ra tionale to support its use is that because these children are handicapped in English, and because the nine subtests may supply information about the minimization or maximaza- tion by the various culture groups, of learning channels which contribute to potential educational "strengths" and 122 "weaknesses," albeit masked by language problems, such an Instrument may supply clues and hypotheses for further de lineation of the problem. Unfortunately, the use of I.T.P.A. In cross-cul tural contexts has been limited. One study by Sigel and Perry (106) purported to demonstrate that when using the I.T.P.A., even though the sample of Negro children fell below the norms of the sample standardizing group for all but one subtest, individual variation was great. They warned that individual variation in performance within the group should suggest to educators that they should not typify groups as, for example, "culturally deprived," and thereby lose sight of individual variation. Their sample (n-2 5) was actually too small for such noble, if incau tious, generalizations. The fact that these children did do less well on all tests but one, in which they did better than norms, should have inspired the authors to make fur ther inquiries into the bases for these differences. Such is a major goal in our own study. In order to check for the concurrent validity of the measures obtained on the I.T.P.A., it was decided to use three other tests in the performance battery. The Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (P.P.V.T.), developed by Lloyd Dunn at George Peabody College, has been used extensively, and like the I.T.P.A. has a prag matically useful low baseline to insure some variability 123 among the children tested. According to Dunn (90)., In one study the P.P.V.T. showed high alternate form reliability, but showed less predictive ability than the revised Stan- ford-Blnet for language arts achievements In reading and writing. A study by Mold (9 8) Indicated that the P.P.V.T. showed greater concurrent validity with the WISC than did the Ammons Full-Range Picture Vocabulary Test. Norris et al. (101) found that the P.P.V.T. showed no significant differences between individual and group administrations of the test. These studies point up that P.P.V.T. is a reliable instrument with good concurrent validation studies sup porting it. Therefore, its inclusion in the battery used in this study provides the opportunity for validation and cross-checking of the other measures taken. It is well to remember that the I.T.P.A. Is construed by its authors to be still an instrument in its experimental stages. If it is useful in the present study and can show legitimate correlational relationships with the other measures, the present study may provide a fruitful new direction or ex tension for it. Other instruments used derive their rationale from a separate source each. The Caldwell Pre-School Achieve ment Test (113), a relatively new instrument, requires more studies in reliability and validity. However, it has 124 proved especially useful at measuring skills of Head Start children in many national Head Start sites. It too has a baseline or basal level sufficiently low so as to accommo date "culturally divergent" children. The Klaus Test of Visual Memory is another instru ment in its experimental stage. It consists of fifteen stimulus pictures upon which are shown linear designs which go from the simple to the more complex. The child is ex posed to each of the stimulus designs, and then must select it out or discriminate its presence among a set of similar designs after the original stimulus card is removed. This instrument was selected because it was possible to demon strate to small children, deficient in English, how to take the test with a minimum of verbal interpretation. It is assumed that this instrument may be useful to study the relationship between cultural background and visual per ception . Summary 1. In the section of this chapter on rationale, an attempt to operationalize and explicate the mean ings of culture, acculturation, assimilation and learning style was attempted. 2. The culture concept of E. T. Hall was modified and explicated for the purpose of this study. 3. The concept of acculturation was explicated in terms of Hall's Primary Message Systems and a modification of Edward's Social-Economic Grouping of Occupations. 4. The concept of assimilation deemed relevant for the present study was suggested as a kind of proto assimilation based upon attitudes and values re flecting orientation to modernity or tradition, values related to mastery, and independence from family, and anomic indices, or measurable aspects of alienation. 5. An explication of learning style was made along with an explanation of how the concept was to be operationalized. 6. The Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities (I.T.P.A.) was briefly explained. The rationale for its use was set forth as being consistent with our interest in using a measure that was sensitive to the way various sensory modalities handle in formation from the environment. It is a basic as sumption in this study that this test, designed for the most part as a means of diagnosis of and prescription for educational handicaps based upon problems associated with certain sensory modali- ties., could be useful in developing hypotheses about cultural and linguistic differences related to learning styles. 7. The rationale for the Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test was presented. A relatively reliable and useful instrument for young children, it was in cluded in this study to give supplementary informa tion and a concurrent validity check against the less developed criterion and predictor instruments. 8. A similar rationale supports the use of the Cald well Pre-School Achievement Test. Like the P.P.V.T., it is an instrument which is relatively reliable for the measurement of achievement in young children of pre-school age. 9. Finally, a crude instrument in the experimental stage of development, the Klaus, was included in the battery to measure learning style because it was presumed to be a relatively simple and prag matic means to measure visual perception in order to determine what effects, if any, cultural vari ables may have on certain perceptual phenomena. 10. The instruments used to operationalize the meaning of our four major constructs--culture, accultura tion, assimilation, and learning style--are ex- 127 plained In greater detail in the section on "in strumentation" in the next chapter. The emphasis here is that these constructs are narrowly defined, but amenable to research measurement. It is as sumed that they have constitutive meaning, and can be subject to empirical verification or disconfir- mation. CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY This chapter contains the research design, general research methods, strategies, subjects, instruments, and statistically stated hypotheses related to the main re search questions. Definitions of Terms Used Methods.--"Methods" refers to any and all steps taken in this study which serve the purpose of forming research questions, assumptions, hypotheses, defining sub jects and parameters, developing instruments and tech niques, gathering data, and applying means of testing, verifying and disconfirming stated hypotheses in a manner approximating whenever possible the exacting methodology of social science. Strategies.— "Whenever possible" is the key phrase in defining "Strategies." "Strategies" are decisions made and used which deal with exigencies stemming from problems which arise to interfere with complete freedom to employ scientific methods. "Strategies" are thus plans to enable the use of methods to solve the research problems. 128 129 Methodology The Research Design Although this study entails many specific and com plex elements, the overall design is a simple one. The model upon which the design is based has six main features: 1. A set of (independent) variables is designated as antecedents, and these variables are measured for their potency in predicting consequences on a set of criterion variables. The most elementary desig nation of this model is that it is an analogue to the S-R model used in psychology. 2. The model suggests a pseudo-experimental design because no control groups are utilized to prevent the "post hoc, ergo propter hoc" fallacy, in which there is an attribution of the designated predictor variables as having causal relationships with per formance on the criterion measures. 3. The design is cross-sectional; no measures are employed longitudinally. 4. It is a multivariate design, in which statistical analyses are employed to "control for alternate propositions by testing the hypotheses in sub samples that are homogeneous with respect to the determinants specified by alternate propositions" 130 (8l:27). The design allows for comparison across cultural groups and subgroups, and for investigat ing possible differences within groups on both predictive and criterion measures. 5. The design is basically suitable for an exploratory study, or field study, and its purpose is to gen erate more rigorous hypotheses and further lines of inquiry. 6. The design allows for a comparison between an axio matic, hypothetico-deductive set of predictive propositions (a modification of Hall's Model of Culture), and an empirical-statistical model (factor analysis) to develop empirically-derived factor variables of culture potentially predictive of learning styles. Procedures 1. An extensive review of the literature pertaining to the several cultures of Amerindians and Spanish- Americans was made. The primary sources for this material were the University of New Mexico Library, and the Library of the Southwestern Cooperative Educational Laboratory. 2. Special information for the major Amerindian groups in the Southwestern region of the United States was obtained from the Human Relations Area Piles (HRAF), a complex taxonomy system originated at Yale University by James Murdock. The H.R.A.F. information in the study was obtained from the files available at the University of Southern Cali fornia. The information was audio-taped and later transcribed,, as a means of rapidly accumulating a large amount of information. Three major ethnic groups were identified for this study: Navajo, the largest aboriginal group in the United States; five Pueblo subcultural groups rep resenting one of the oldest intact aboriginal cul tures in the country; and a group of rural, Spanish- Americans whose ancestors ranged from relatively recent immigrants to as far back as the original Conquistadores under Coronado and Onate. A viable theoretical framework was sought and Edward T. Hall’s conceptualization of culture was decided upon because of its purported amenability to operationally developing a measure of accultura tion, and for having a schema to compare and con trast descriptively the three major cultures selected in the study. During the research, Hall was a consultant on two occasions; on neither of which did he express fault with the use of his 132 system for the study other than the comment that the entire map of culture could have been used. The reason it was not was a strictly budgetary restriction necessitating the delimitation of the P.M.S. matrix to fewer cells. 5. A research staff of nineteen people was recruited, selected and trained. Eleven members of the team were psychologically-trained people. They were headed by a sociologist specializing in education, the principal investigator for this study. Many theoretical disagreements ensued, and the lively discussions proved most useful and educational for all team members. The sociologist learned to trust statistical studies to a greater extent, and some psychologically-oriented people learned to trust their theory-building imaginations more than pre viously. 6. The team was divided into two basic groups, one group of nine people, seven of whom had M.A. de grees or Ph.D.'s in psychology or educational psy chology. This team was trained in the administra tion of the four major psycholinguistic and psychometric criterion tests. The I.T.P.A. re quired the most intensive training, especially to insure standardized and reliable test administra 133 tion procedures. A practice session with Head Start children volunteered through a local agency afforded the testers pretesting practice,, and in the training period problems arising from the testing situation were discussed and resolved. Dr. Lloyd Dunn of George Peabody University, and Mrs. Dunn, an experienced I.T.P.A. examiner, acted as consultants for two days of the training session. 7. The second team, responsible for the home inter views, presented a strategic problem in personnel selection. On the one hand, it was thought highly important to have educated and experienced inter viewers who were familiar with techniques of es tablishing rapport. On the other hand, the special problems presented by language barriers, particu larly for Keresan, Tanoan, and Navajo samples, was a crucial concern. In addition to this, experi enced interviewers in the region warned about the problems of getting reliable interviews with White man interviewers and Amerindian interviewees. The present investigator took one horn of this research dilemma, and sacrificed the college-trained inter viewer method for high-school educated bilingual native informants. These informants included four Navajos, three females and a male. It was felt 13^ that females could establish better rapport because of the nature of the interviews. This assumption turned out, pleasantly enough, to be unwarranted. One large Pueblo was interviewed by a native informant, well-known in the Pueblo. Un fortunately, his popularity implied notoriety in some people's minds, and he was unable to obtain several interviews, which made it impossible to utilize matched mother-child scores for fifteen children tested. Five interviewers were trained in counseling and educational psychology. Three were Spanish-American males, one was a Spanish- American female who was tri-lingual and could speak Keresan, and the third female was of an old and influential family in the area and was well- known. The interviews obtained by this group were accurate and clear-cut. Spot-checking the inter views was done routinely to insure reliability. The training sessions for the interviewers were a full day's activities. In order to develop greater objectivity in translation, the interview ers were "shaped" in their translating behavior, i.e., each particular question translation was agreed upon by the entire group before it was used. As a major concern of the principal investigator, 135 a design was set up with the Navajo translators to measure the degree of objectivity in the transla tion . a. Each of the three Navajos after agreeing unani mously (with a fourth) separately, without others present, translated the English language questionnaire into Navajo, indicating each question by its numbered designation in English. b. These three interviews were put on two separate audiotapes in an abc, bac order on each tape to control for set in translation back into English. c. Two Navajo college students each translated independently the same three English-to-Navajo translations back into English. d. These translations were independently tran scribed by a typist. e. Two trained raters rated two comparisons for each original three English-to-Navajo trans lations in each of the two Navajo-to-Engllsh set s. f. A content analysis was employed using a four- point scale of from very similar to very dis- 136 similar in content meaning for each original English-to-Navajo translator against the Eng lish questionnaire, and each translator against each other for each of the two sets of Navajo- to-English translations. Thus, both sets con sisting of three questionnaire translator differences were scored, and three inter-trans lator scores were scored. It was then possible to (l) ascertain the two Navajo-to-English translation sets; (2) the original question naire to Navajo differences; and (3) the inter translation differences among the two sets of three translations. This afforded information on not only translation losses from the original questionnaire, but also provided a basis for studying whether errors were consistent in one direction or varied with each translator. By taking sample items, the content analy zers were scored for degree of concordance in rat ing the meanings of the sentence contents. When a satisfactory reliability coefficient of .90 was reached, the analysts then made the necessary ratings from a larger sample of the items. 137 8. All of the instruments had to be cleared by the U.S. Office of Education to protect the public from instrusions into "private domains." Approval took one week. 9. After the necessary cooperation from the school districts for testing the children was obtained (see "Subjects" for details and strategies), and after permission was granted by certain Pueblo tribal councils, the testing and interviewing was begun. 10. The home interview data collection forms were de signed so that if the interviewer could not, or wished not to score the items, he could record the raw response, and the team leader could then score doubtful items. This was large.ly unnecessary, for tunately . 11. Four months were necessary to secure all home in terviews . 12. All data was recorded on data processing sheets (Fortran sheets) after a file for each matched and unmatched child-mother set of scores was prepared using a system of identification tabs for ethnic breakdowns. 13. Computer programs, both standard and modified, were developed for the statistical analysis of the data. I.B.M. key punch cards were prepared for the ma chine from the data processing sheets. 14. The results obtained from the computer analyses were studied and, wherever appropriate, signifi cance tests were applied to determine the relation ships among the predictor variables, and the predictor and criterion variables. The four major constructs in this study were assessed in terms of the results from the statistical relationships obtained. Computer results were analyzed in terms of the hypotheses stated generally in the intro duction, and stated statistically in this methodolo gy chapter. 15. Along with our concern for the objectivity of the experimental C.I.S. instrument in terms of its reliability, we were interested in the reliability of the total instrument for all of the groups taken together and for each of the three major cultural groups: Navajo, Pueblo, and Spanish-American. The technique used to determine a split- half coefficient of reliability using odd-even matched items, and balancing the scales with three point and five point ranges to each split-half, 139 £ was the Spearman-Brown (Guilford 29:^52) correction formula, which was applied to a Pearson r. coef ficient between split-halves. The Spearman-Brown formula provides a cor rection to the split-half correlation, and general ly increases the reliability of the total test because, even though it is not twice as reliable as a half test, it is more reliable than the half test estimate. This formula is conservative because it tends to underestimate the comparability of the split halves. Reliability and validity are some times incompatible because validity is increased by more refined measures which allow for greater variation in scores; however, wider variation tends to decrease reliability. Thus, a narrower-gauged (l or 2 point) scale often allows for greater reliability coefficients. This would seem to be a problem with a multiply-scaled instrument such as the C.I.S. 16. It was necessary, in addition to the major com puter analysis and the reliability studies of the experimental instrument, to perform some tests of significance to ascertain whether distinct dif ferences in terms of acculturation and assimilation 140 existed among the three major cultural groups, and also among the five smaller N-size Pueblo communi ties. a. Analysis of variance techniques was applied to determine whether or not between (among) group differences were significantly greater than individual variation within each group for each predictor instrument. b. To determine overall differences across the three major groups on the predictor instru ments, "t"-tests were applied. c. Duncan's (8 9) new multiple-range tests were used to differentiate among the five Pueblo groups for each predictor instrument using Kramer's correction for unequal numbers of replicates. This test was employed instead of the traditional "t" test because of the in creased probability accruing from a large number of "t" test comparisons, that signifi cant differences could occur by chance alone. 17. Final statistical outcomes were recorded, and graphs, tables and charts were prepared to inter pret the results of the study. These results are reported in the next chapter. Instrumentation We have stated in the previous chapter that the rationale for this study includes an explication of four basic concepts: culture, acculturation, assimilation, and learning style. Culture, the most abstract, global, and perhaps unwieldy of social science concepts, was expli cated using Hall’s ten Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.). Defining culture in this way gives it a biological base, and thus frees it from being an empty abstraction without reference to some outside criterion. In order to focus in more closely, it was necessary to operationalize these con cepts in terms of certain manipulations as measures we could perform on a population of data for a population of subjects. The lengthy explication of the P.M.S. was necessary in order to do two things. First, by defining culture for our study purposes, the P.M.S. provided a gauge by which to describe our three major ethnic groups. This is done in our section on "Subjects.” The lengthy description of subjects was felt necessary because their characteristics were deemed significantly different enough from our middle- majority culture to warrant such an effort. Acculturation, rather than being a static variable such as culture, is simply defined here as a relative score on a set of indices for a particular group of people, in 142 terms of a continuum from traditional ways to the adapta tion of Anglo cultural attributes. This is where the P.M.S. also provide a second use ful research tool. Through the use of the theoretical framework, or, more accurately, model, displayed in Hall's map of culture, a set of one hundred cells in his matrix provided a choice of the necessary parameters upon which to construct an instrument to measure acculturation. A word of caution, however, is necessary. Acculturation is a two-way process; nevertheless, those scores that repre sent in an ordinal, though relatively "a priori" con structed continuum, the position of each cultural group, were weighted toward the Anglo or middle-majority culture. That is, the higher the score, the closer the indice measured was toward the Anglo culture. No value judgment was implied in this number ordering, and it could easily have been reversed. The assignments were merely arith metical conveniences. Keeping in mind that in order to operationalize our three concepts of acculturation, assimilation, and learning style, a set of instruments was employed. Again, it is simpler to think of our model as an S-R design. The predictor variables consisted of scores on five instruments: 1. The Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.)--an experi mental instrument to measure acculturation based upon selected cells from Hall's Map of Culture. The Overall Modernity Scale (O.M.S.), developed by Inkles, Smith, et al., as a measure of proto-as similation, i.e., a disposition toward modernity away from tradition. A short (8 item) Strodtbeck lfVf T Scale as a measure of values related to mastery of the environment, and independence from family, was another value orientation assumed to be necessary for assimila tion to take place. Neither of these dispositions was assumed to be present to any important degree among our traditional peoples. Pour items were used from the Srole Scale of Anomie. This was presumed to measure feelings of alienation (normlessness or powerlessness). It was assumed that under the pressure of the dominant society these attitudes would exist. Both of these scales, which have one item in common, were also combined as an attitudinal measure related to dis position toward assimilation. It must be remem bered that the assumption in this study is that disposition toward assimilation is a necessary but not sufficient basis for assimilation. One central reason for this is that assimilational opportuni- 144 ties reflect attitudes and behavior of the dominant society which* when rejecting of these groups* precludes the possibility of any significant degree of assimilation. 5. The Wolf Scale composed of twelve (12) measures of environmental process characteristics was used to determine if certain home sub-environmental pro cesses could account for relative differences in scores related to learning styles across the groups in this study. The criterion variables in the study are what com pose our indices of learning style as measured by perfor mance scores for each of our groups. These tests were selected by and large on the basis of judgment derived from psychologists on the research staff working under the present investigator. The one instrument which was agreed upon most highly was the Illinois Test of Psycho-Linguistic Abilities. 1. Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities (I.T.P.A.). The reason for this is that there is reasonable presumption that the nine (9) subscales* since they have medium but not high correlational relationships with other subscales and the full scale* do tap separate but related sensory-motor processes. 2. The Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (P.P.V.T.) was selected for reasons that It was a good measure of performance and was especially sensitive to lan guage development for young children. 3. The Caldwell Pre-School Inventory has been used extensively in Head Start programs, and purportedly does not discriminate so severely against cultural ly divergent children. It is a new test, however, and does require further validation studies. 4. The Southwestern Cooperative Educational Laboratory (S.W.C.E.L.) Child Questionnaire was used in the overall study from which in part this paper is derived. It was not selected by this investigator primarily because it was a hybrid test which lacked a clear-cut rationale. However, in our multiple purpose data printouts and tables presented in the "Results" section of this paper, it is represented. Our caveat is that it is not integral to this study, but only exists in tables as an economy measure, since the tables are to be used for other purposes not central to this study. 5. The Klaus Visual Memory for Designs is the last of the criteria variables and, although it is a test in its experimental stages, was included because 146 it was assumed to be a measure of a separate func tion. Even though similar to certain I.T.P.A. sub tests, it requires an ability to discriminate a correct figure among a variety of visual stimuli. To summarize, our model includes five (5) predictor measures (C.I.S., O.M.S., Strodtbeck, Srole, and Wolf Scales). The criterion measures, all indices of learning style, included nine (9) I.T.P.A. Sub-Scales, the total I.T.P.A. Scale, the P.P.V.T., the Caldwell Pre-School In ventory, and the Klaus. This was a total of thirteen cri terion measures. Thus, our study consisted of analyzing the rela tionship between five predictor variables as indices of acculturation and assimilation and thirteen criterion vari ables as indices of learning style. Essentially the prob lem was of trying to understand to what extent accultura- tional and assimilational variables measured by interviews of mothers from three major cultures were predictive of learning styles for their first-grade children as measured by performance upon a battery of psychometric tests. All of the predictor measures with the exception of the Cultural Information Scale have been validated in previous studies. The experimental instrument developed by the in vestigator was constructed and employed for the first time for this study. 147 It was possible to have the other four measures serve as concurrent validity criteria for this instrument. Similarly, the opportunity for external validation could be provided by the set of criterion measures. Finally, it should be emphasized that the major concern in this study was with the cultural and social background variables rather than a stress upon the fine points related to the psychometric instrumentation. In other words, just as psychologists often tend to focus upon psychological and individual measures, while treating the cultural background in a somewhat cavalier fashion, the opposite Is true in this study. The notion of learning style is operationalized by defining it as based upon per formance scores on a battery of tests relatively acceptable in terms of theoretical sophistication, validity and relia bility. If reasonably predictive relationships can be established for acculturational and proto-assimilational measures and performance, and group differences outweigh individual within-group variance, this should suffice to establish a baseline for accepting the relevance of cul tural variables on learning. Primary Message Systems The ten P.M.S. which provide a framework in de fining the process of communication which Is culture can best be understood in depth from a reading of Hall’s The 148 Silent Language (31). A brief modified definition for each term is included here in order to understand the framework used to develop the C.I.S. These P.M.S. are also used to describe and compare the three major ethnic groups in the study. With respect to human beings, rather than subhuman organisms, these P.M.S. are: 1. Interaction— language is the most developed form of interaction in man. 2. Association--the functions and organization of human groups. 3. Subsistence--how humans provide for themselves; economic functions. 4. Bisexuality--the fact of two sexes has cultural implications for functions, status and roles. 5. Territoriality— man's use of space, possessing, defending, aggrandizing from his fellows or other creatures. Perhaps one of man's most powerfully motivating activities. 6. Temporality--the way man in his distinct cultures perceives time, and is oriented to it. 7. Learning--an adoptive mechanism in which man excels other animals. Learning is presumed to vary con- 149 siderably among cultures even though man's learning potential is not sufficiently understood Toy cul tural explorations. 8. Play— man engages in activities not associated with the kinds of drives or problem-solving needs associ ated with learning. Play provides many functions not entirely understood. Children's play involves role-taking and simulation behavior. 9. Defense— man defends himself or his group against other humans, animals, the environment, and his psychological manifestations and projections of the supernatural. 10. Exploitation--man manipulates his environment to a greater extent than do other organisms. Artifacts and his technology are the main indices of his exploitational behavior. Description of Instruments: The Five Predictor Instruments 1. The Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.) This scale was designed to quantify several indices of acculturation useful to study Navajo, Pueblo, and Span- ish-American groups. The literature displayed no particu lar instrument which had the advantage of scaling differen tial conditions for these particular groups. The C.I.S. 150 also served as an empirical test of the usefulness of Hall's framework of culture. The Scale was constructed from certain cells contained within the Map of Culture, with appropriate modifications made. Each subscale was composed of items which could give scores to serve as in dices of the dimensions suggested by Hall's model. The following is a description of the cells from which items were constructed and which provided the major subscale dimensions of this instrument. (See Appendix A.) Sub-Scale I (see Figure 1)--Cell .04 of P.M.S. Interaction and Territorial. The first seven items were related to language spoken in and out of the home by father, mother and child. The responses were weighted from 1 to 3* These weightings ran from least to most accultura- ted in terms of language, i.e., non-English, through some English, to English spoken only. Sub-Scale II— Items #8 and #9 were taken from Edward's Social-Economic Grouping of Occupations (21:99). Certain modifications were made on this scale to allow for a more realistic weighting of response categories for the rural ethnic groups studied here. (Compare original scale with our P.4 Appendix D.) Sub-Scale III--Items #10a to #10. Consisted of artifacts and media, a part of American culture much elab orated. These items are suggested by P.M.S. cells 90 and 99. A MAP OF CULTURE FIGURE 1 THE MAP OF CULTURE COMPOSED OF TEN PRIMARY MESSAGE SYSTEMS (PMS)* Primary Message Systems Interactional 0 Organizational 1 Economic 2 Sexual 3 Territorial 4 Temporal 5 Instructional 6 Recreational 7 Protective 8 Exploitational 9 Interaction 0 Conmunication Vocal qualifiers Kinesics Language 00 Status and Role 01 Exchange 02 How the sexes interact 03 Places of interaction 04 Times of interaction 05 Teaching and learning 06 Participation in the arts and sports (active and passive) 07 Protected and being protected 08 Use of telephones, s ignals, writing, etc. 09 Association 1 Community 10 Society Class Caste Government 11 Economic roles 12 Sexual roles 13 Local group roles 14 Age groups roles 15 Teachers and learners 16 Entertainers and athletes 17 Protectors (doctors, . clergy, soldiers, police, etc ) 18 Use of group property 19 Subsistence 2 Ecology comnunity 20 Occupational groupings 21 Work Formal work Maintenance Occupat ions 22 Sexual division of labor 23 Where the individual eats, cooks, etc. 24 When the individual eats, cooks etc. 25 Learning from working 26 Pleasure from working 27 Care of health, pro tection of livelihood ?R Use of foods, resources, and equipment 29 Bisexuality 3 Sex community (clans, sibs) 30 Marriage groupings 31 Family 32 The Sexes Masc.vs.Fem Sex (biological) Sex(technical 33 Areas assigned to individuals by virtue of sex 34 Periods assigned to individuals by virtue of sex 35 Teaching and learning sex roles 36 Participation in recreation by sex 37 Protection of sex and fertility 38 Use of sex differentiating decoration and adornment 39 Territoriality 4 Comnunity territory 40 Group territory 41 Economic areas 42 Men’s and women’s territories 43 Space Formal space Informal space Boundaries 44u Scheduling of space 45 Teaching and learning individual space assignments 46 Fun, playing games, etc. in terms of space 47 Privacy 48 Use of fences and markers 49 Temporality 5 Comnunity cycles 50 Group eyeles 51 Economic cycles 52 Men’s and women1s cyclic activities 53 Territorially determined cycles 54 Time Sequence Cycles Calendar 55 When the individual learns 56 When the individual plays 57 Rest, vacations, holidays 58 Use of time-telling devices, etc. 59 Learning 6 Community lore what gets taught and learned 60 Learning groups - educational institutions 61 Reward for teaching and learning 62 What the sexes are taught 63 Places for learn ing 64 Scheduling of learning (group) 65 Enculturation Rearing Informal learning Education 66 Making learning fun 67 Learning self- defense and to stay healthy 68 Use of training aids 69 Play 7 Co Community play-the arts and sports Play groups- teams and troupes 71 Professional sports and entertainment 72 Men’s and women's play, fun, and games 73 Recreational areas 74 Play seasons 75 Instructional play 76 Recreation Fun Flaying Games 77 Exercise 78 Use of recreat ional materials (playthings) 79 Defense P Community defenses - structured defense systems ao Defense groups - armies, police, public health, organ ized religion 81 Economic patterns of defense R? What the sexes defend (home.honor, etc.) 83 What places are defended 84 The When of defense 85 Sc ientific, religious and military training 86 Mass exercises and military games 87 Protection Formal Informal Technical defenses 88 Use of materials for protection 89 Exploitatior 9 Coramunica- tion networks 90 Organizational networks (c it ies.build ing groups, etc.) 91 ' Food resources, industrial equipment 4 92 What men and women are concerned with and own 93 Property - what is enclosed, counted and measured 94 What periods are measured and recorded 95 School buildings , training aids , etc. 96 Amusement and sporting goods and their industries 97 Fortifications armaments medical equipment safety devices 98 Material Systems Contact with environment Motor habits Technology 99 * Map of Culture from Edward T. Hall's The Silent Language p.174 151 152 Sub-Scale IV--Items #11 and #12 refer to level of educational attainment* and were suggested by P.M.S. cell 66. Sub-Scale V--Items #13 and #14 are Associational and Bisexual P.M.S. cell 13. Sub-Scale VI— Items #15-#l6 were suggested through the P.M.S. of Bisexuality* Association* and Subsistence. Unfortunately* the Map of Culture being two-dimensional does not provide for such a composite* but it could easily be pictured if a third plane passed through the other two. Sub-Scale VII— P.M.S. cell 6l if the Bisexual (mother-father) was imposed would explain the basis for items #17 and #18. Learning and Associational P.M.S. are represented by these items. Sub-Scale VIII--Item #19 is a Territorial item designed to measure the frequency of travel; also quali tatively locations were recorded for travel destinations. These were not analyzed in this study* but will be later. Sub-Scale IX--Items #20 and #21 refer to formal Associational and Territorial dimensions. P.M.S. cell 4l. Sub-Scale X--Informal kin and friendship associa tions are measured on items 21-22. P.M.S. cell 10. Sub-Scale XI— Recreational-Territorial. Item #23 measures location (again in terms of acculturational pos sibilities) or territory and play (or recreation). 153 Sub-Scale XII--Territorial, Learning. Where edu cation was obtained in terms of territories which would influence acculturational patterns. These are items #24 and #25. Sub-Scale XIII--Item #26 was not given an a priori weighting because we could not be completely certain of the ordering. Two different weightings were given and cor related with the total scale. This item was suggested by P.M.S. cell 6 6. Sub-Scale XIV— Item #27 was loosely suggested by P.M.S. cell 55. It was designated as time value orienta tion, whether life was better for self or group in the past, or is now, or will be. This, too, was an item which was given a separate treatment. Sub-Scale XV— Item #28 was suggested by P.M.S. 99. It refers to technological or machine sophistication and experience. Sub-Scale XVI--The last item #29 had two parts— one in which anticipated future activity was listed, then the dates for this activity to be consummated. The score was a ratio of the total number of time In days divided by the total number of plans. All items were three point scales with the excep tions of questions 8, 9* 10a, 11, 12, and 29. Different scaling procedures were necessary for these items, but in 154 general the total C.I.S. was kept as consistent In scoring formula as was possible. An examination of the format and Instructions would explain that the interview sheet was designed for speed., simplicity, and quantitative and qualitative infor mation. The data collected provided for more information than could be digested in one study, when this instrument was taken along with other measurements. For purposes of data analysis the sixteen subscales were substructed for parsimonious reasons until only nine parameters were used in the statistical analysis. These were designated as: 1. Language 2. Associational (Associational-Occupational, Associ ational -Educational) 3. Occupational (alone) 4. Territorial (Territoria1-Associational, Occupa tional-Territorial) 5. Temporal Future Orientation 6 . Recreational (Recreational-Territorial, Educational- Territorial ) 7. Exploitational— Artifacts 8 . Educational Level 9. Temporal Value Orientation 155 It is obvious that a strong consideration in our study of the acculturational process was the importance of territorial and associational indices. Education and oc cupation, useful sociological variables, were also given important consideration. Language was felt to be so cru cial that it was a separate category, although implicit in the language items was the binary territorial dimension of in or out of the home. It was hoped that this scale could be useful in distinguishing among the three cultural groups, and could also serve as a predictor of learning style as measured by the children’s performances on our test battery. Item #29 in this scale was graciously supplied through correspondence with Dr. Theodore D. Graves, anthro pologist at the University of Colorado. The idea for item #28 was suggested by Dr. Henry Burger, applied anthropolo gist with S.W.C.E.L. Helpful criticisms of the Scale con tents were supplied by Dr. Stanley Newman, anthropologist, the University of New Mexico. All of the other items were constructed by this investigator. Dr. Paul Liberty of S.W.C.E.L. gave helpful suggestions for scaling these items. 2. The Overall Modernity Scale (O.M.) This scale was designed originally to measure at titudes, beliefs, behavior, and informational sophistica tion which would characterize the individual with a modern 156 as opposed to a traditional orientation. The scale was developed through the selection of male subjects in six developing countries. An original set of 159 items neces sitating 16 hours of interview time was submitted to an item analysis, and the scale was reduced to a shorter form. Criterion group methods were also used in the final develop ment of the instrument. To our knowledge this scale was not used with the Amerindian groups or the rural Spanish- American populations represented in our study. For a more thorough understanding of modernity one must consider the external as well as the internal environ ments of people. In the external environment, modernity is represented by Weber's rationalistic and bureaucratic society coupled with industrialism, mass media, and a gen erally high-rising gross national product index. The in ternal environment which consists of a man’s values, attitudes and informational resources as well as his be havior, may or may not be commensurate with his external conditions. Inkeles (4l) describes the modernization of man in greater depth than what is presented here. For the purposes of our study, the original set of 159 items was examined. Unfortunately, the specific word ings for formulating the questions from these items were not available. The rationale for this by Inkeles and Smith was that they felt questions which represented the underlying themes related to modernity had to be reworded 157 for the particular groups studied, as well as for those groups upon whom replication surveys were to be made. After these items were analyzed for our study pur poses, some of the items which correlated highest with the total scale were selected. In addition, those items deemed important by the present investigator for the present study were included. Prom the original 159 items, 32 were se lected to develop the scale in this study (see Appendix C). The underlying themes which provided the dimensions for this instrument were: No. of Item Theme 1. Political activism 2. Educational aspirations 3. Change--perception and valuation 4. Citizens 1 political reference groups 5. Efficacy 6. Efficacy of science and medicine 7. Family size— birth control 8. Mass-media valuation 9. Openness to new experience--people 1 0. Openness to new experience--people 1 1. Political activism (behavioral info.) 1 2. Growth of opinion valuation 13. Informational 14. Mass-media valuation 158 These first fourteen items represent the minimum scale of Individual Modernity from short forms number five and six. Short form five includes purely attitudinal items and these represent questions one through ten. Questions eleven through fourteen represent behavioral information items from form six. No. of Item Theme 15. Efficacy of science and medicine 1 6. Women's rights--coed work and school 17. Family-size attitudes 1 8. Role of aged 19. Role of aged 2 0. Role of aged 2 1. Calculability of people's dependability 2 2. Political activism 23. Consumer values 24. Planning valuation 25. Women's rights 2 6. Kinship obligation to parental authority 27. Openness to new experience— places 2 8. Openness to new experience--places 29. Women's rights 30. Family-size attitudes 31. Kinship obligation to parental authority 32. Kinship obligation to parental authority 159 The scoring system was simplified. Even though some questions allowed for multiple choice, only one answer was scored., and that was the correct choice in terms of Modernity. The other choices were given zero ratings be cause they reflected various aspects of traditional orien tations. One major difference in the employment of this scale by its designers (Smith, Inkeles, et al.) and its use in the present study was that originally it was used to survey males only, from developing countries. The males had an age range of 18 to 32. Fifteen percent (15$) of> their sample were cultivators, fifteen percent (15$) were urban non-industrial workers, and seventy percent (70%) were urban industrial workers. In our sample, females were used only, and the age range of 20 to 55 was much broader than the age range for the male population. The justification for using this scale is that, if we assumed that even though men would tend to show higher modernity scores, they do influence the attitudinal dispositions of their wives directly, or through indirect external patterns, even if we assume there would be a female lag in value-attitudinal change as com pared to males. However, the fact that mothers are the primary cultural influence on a child's performance is central to the purposes of this study. The usefulness of this instrument even though limited by these considerations is fourfold: 160 1. It could serve as a check of concurrent validity along with the other three scales for the C.I.S. experimental measure. 2. It could be tested as a means of differentiating among the culture groups In this study In terms of modernity vs. tradition. 3. It could be compared with the other scales as a predictor of a child's performance through sig nificance tests^based upon a linear regression analysis. 4. It essentially could serve as a gauge of proto assimilation, or, the disposition to move in the direction of Anglo norms. Thus, we have an opera tionalized definition of our assimilation construct (along with our Srole and Strodtbeck value orien tation measures), just as the C.I.S. purports to be a measure of acculturation. The relationship of all of these measures to the child's performance on selected psychometric measures was useful to analyze the relationship of culture to learning style. 3. The Strodtbeck V Scale (see Appendix B) Strodtbeck's eight-item scale consists of one type of item which weighs highly (as a factor) on the individu l6l al's perception of having a sense of "mastery" (factor I) over his environment. It was felt that this value disposi tion would tend to support the notion that with greater assimilational shift in attitude should go a sense of feel ing ability to manipulate the environment, as opposed to feeling at the mercy of natural or supernatural external forces. In the Strodtbeck study referred to in our ration ale, Jews with more urban and modern experiential back ground had significantly higher scores for mastery than did rural, traditional-oriented Italians. One might also speculate that agrarian peoples are objectively more con cerned about natural forces (see Pig. 2). The second type of item of importance loads highly on "independence from Family" (Factor II). In view of the information available in the literature, especially the H.R.A.F. as well as field observations, it was assumed that in traditional groups such as those represented in this study, extended kinship obligations and strong family ties are the norm. Independence from family would be more in keeping with a more assimilated pre-disposition con sonant with the Anglo value which stresses the nuclear as opposed to the extended family. 4. Srole's Scale The four items from Srole's Scale are supposedly a measure of anomie. This refers to the individual's per ception of the social order as lacking meaningfulness or 162 Figure 2 FAMILY INTERACTION, VALUES, ACHIEVEMENT V-Scale Items, Factor Loadings and Italian-Jewish Response Levels ■ ■ 1 s = ■ 1 v . . TS? Factor Loading Percentage Who Disagree Factor I "Mastery" Factor II "Independ ence of Family" 11 ems Jews Ital ians .64 .00 (1) Planning only makes a person un happy since your plans hardly ever work out anyhow. 90 62 .49 .28 (2) When a man is born, the success he's going to have is already in the cards, so he might as well accept it and not fight against it. 98 85 .58 .15 (3) Nowadays, with world conditions the way they are, the wise person lives for today and lets tomorrow take care of itself. (80)* (79) .04 .60 (4) Even when teen-agers get married, their main loyalty still belongs to their fathers and mothers. 64 46 .21 .60 (5) When the time comes for a boy to take a job, he should stay near his parents, even if it means giving up a good iob opportunity. 91 82 .29 .68 (6) Nothing in life is worth the sacrifice of moving away from your parents. 82 59 -.02 .28 (7) The best kind of job to have is on where you are part of an organiza tion all working together even if you don't get individual credit. e 54 28 -.05 .00 (8) It's silly for a teen-ager to put money into a car when the money could be used to get started in business or for an education.** (65) (63) * The difference is not significant at the .05 level for pairs of values in parentheses; for the remaining values the differences are significant at the .05 level or greater. ** Per cent "Agree" reported for this item. •v 163 usefulness, his withdrawal from society, or his perceptions of constant conflict between the basic goals of life. Sup posedly, anomie has an inverse relationship to education, socioeconomic status, and certain measures of social in terest. There is a positive relationship between anomie, authoritarianism and ethnocentrism. These later concepts, although amenable to further analysis for the groups in this study, are not explicitly studied in the present project. One intriguing question for this writer is the re lationship between anomie indices and assimilational and acculturational levels. For example, in light of our dis cussion in an earlier chapter, there is some evidence that those groups suffering under the value conflicts which arise from two incompatible sets of norms or expectations experience greater alienation. This is true of "marginal ly" assimilated individuals, or groups caught between two cultural groups. Do Spanish-American, Pueblo peoples, and Navajos experience the dissonance occurring from closer contacts with the dominant society because they are caught between old and new ways? In other words, if one were to look at the various dimensions of assimilation, rather than viewing all of the indices from traditional to modern in terms of a straight linear continuum, certain dimensions, perhaps in 164 terms of relative degrees of alienation, may at some point on a hypothetical continuum become curvilinear in a re gressive fashion. Witness, for example, the "professional ethnic" among several minority groups. He is often the one who feels his plight or that of his people most acutely because he is in a position to compare painfully the sharp dis crepancy between his membership group and the reference group. Perhaps this, in part, explains why Negroes in urban areas riot. Even though by objective economic stand ards they are better off than their rural, isolated com patriots, they are in a position to perceive more keenly discrepancies, and thus react violently to the immediate ness of the perceived social environment. One Item (question # 3) is common to both the Srole and Strodtbeck scales. For certain purposes, these scales were combined and scored to show a consistent relationship. That is, high mastery and independence from familial ob ligation would indicate high anomie. It is felt that for our groups there is an underlying theme between the Srole and Strodtbeck scales. Groups caught between two very dissimilar cultures should show a general lack of control over their destinies: anomie. This lack of control, or the perception of being victims of outside forces, should be reflected in a mono tonic relationship between the two scales combined as one, 165 if anomie increases with a weakening of kinship obligations and an attitude of environmental mastery., or "Promethian- ism," as opposed to a previous feeling of harmony with nature and one's fellows. 5. The Wolf Scale (see Appendix D) The Wolf Scale consists of three sub-environmental presses and, originally, thirteen process characteristics. In the application of this scale to our study, the fourth characteristic subsumed under B. Press for Language De velopment was omitted because it was considered irrelevant for the cultures studied, since for Wolf modelling was important in terms of the English language. This left twelve environmental process characteristics. The Wolf Scale was presumed useful as a concurrent validity measure because of its high predictive value on school achievement. The items were: A. Press for Achievement Motivation 1. Nature of Intellectual expectations for child 2. Nature of Intellectual aspirations for child 3. Amount of information about child's intellec tual development 4. Nature of rewards for intellectual development B. Press for Language Development 1. Emphasis on use of Language in a variety of situations 2. Opportunities provided for enlarging vocabulary l66 3. Emphasis on correctness of usage C. Provisions for General Learning 1. Opportunities provided for learning in the home 2. Opportunities provided for learning outside the home (excluding school) 3. Availability and encouragement of use of supplies 4. Availability and encouragement of use of books (including reference works, periodicals, and library facilities) 5. Nature and amount of assistance provided to facilitate learning in a variety of situations Just as the C.I.S. was a measure of acculturation, and the O.M. a measure of proto-assimilation, the Wolf Scale was thought to be useful as a measure of home vari ables and processes which would reflect both assimilational and acculturational processes with respect to influencing the learning proclivities of the child. The instrument is geared toward measuring those characteristics which em phasize necessary home environmental processes which if present in typical Anglo cultural standard settings are closely correlated with school success. Furthermore, this instrument should complement the more macrocosmic struc tural variables measured by C.I.S. through an analysis on 167 a microcosmic level of the processes related to cultural dimensions. The scale certainly should reflect direct and conscious efforts of mothers to manipulate the environment in order to maximize the educational opportunities in the home to enhance school achievement for the child. Because of the major!ty-norm bias in the instrument, it was reason ably assumed that the least acculturated and assimilated groups would score less high on this scale than would more acculturated and assimilated people. Presumably, Spanish- Americans, then Pueblos, and finally Navajos would repre sent the order of most-to-least acculturated and assimi lated groups in our study. The Thirteen Criterion Measures of Learning Performance The learning style of the child was determined by the relative mean scores comparing his cultural group with the other major cultural groups in this investigation. It was hoped in the study that the measures used would do more than explicate the obvious assumption that all of these groups would fall significantly below the norms established for the populations upon which the tests were standardized. Also, it was expected that Spanish-American children would perform better in general than would Pueblo children, who in turn would outscore the Navajo children. What was hoped for, however, was that on certain more 168 refined performance indices., this general trend would not hold. For example, it was thought that on certain visual or motor tests, the Indian children might surpass the Spanish-American. The instruments which supposedly would indicate this were some of the I.T.P.A. visual and motor subtests, and perhaps the Klaus test, even though the Spanish-Ameri can children may show more language skill because of more contacts with Anglos, and because their own language, in the Whorfian sense, is Standard Average European (S.A.E.), and would provide vocabulary and syntactical structure far less different from English than would Navajo, Keresan or Tanoan. Then too, some form of English among Spanish- Americans has been spoken by at least two parental genera tions, while within the core of Amerindians, mothers may not have occasion to need English at all. This obtains for the isolated Navajo and the insulated Pueblo according to our idiographically derived background information. Only those mothers who were in integrated schools, or had occupational relationships with whites, would have gained some useful knowledge of English. The criterion measures were: 1. The Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities (I.T.P.A.) In our background chapter, we stated that the I.T.P.A. was based upon Osgood's communication model, 169 which in turn was derived in part from Hull's mediation hypothesis. This type of construct implies an intervening variable, or perhaps even a "black box" which processes or decodes stimulus inputs, and mediates encoding as behavior al outputs. In Osgood's model, three dimensions of psy- cholinguistic ability are postulated: level of organiza tion, communication channel (sensory modality in our terms), and process. The instrument consists of nine subtests and provides a total score which gives a "language age." The age range for the test is from two-and-one-half to nine years. It is considered a diagnostic rather than classi- ficatory test. Each of the nine subtests purportedly taps certain language-related abilities. All of the subtests and the total I.T.P.A. scores were used as indices of learning style. The I.T.P.A. Examiner's Manual (117) explains the meanings of the various subtests. A careful examination of the manual would be most helpful to those unfamiliar with the instrument. Because of the medium positive cor relations among the I.T.P.A. subtests, it was presumed that there is a reasonable basis to assume that each subtest taps a different ability related to psycholinguistic ele ments of learning style. 2. The Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test (P.P.V.T.) (115) 170 One reason the P.P.V.T. was used for our battery of criterion measures Is that it has been used In valida tion studies and in battery administrations of the I.T.P.A. in the past. For our purposes, a total score from the P.P.Y.T. was used as a measure of one index of learning style particularly sensitive to English language hearing vocabulary. Certain features of the P.P.V.T. made it desirable to use in our battery of child performance meas ures. For one thing, it is easily administered and takes fifteen minutes or less even with young children. It is a power test with picture cards arranged from least to most difficult. The P.P.V.T., like the I.T.P.A., is relatively new, and reliability and validity studies are in process. One limitation of the test is that the standardizing popu lation for it was limited to populations in the city where George Peabody College is located. Its total score is convertible to a percentile rank and I.Q,. where the mean= 100 and the S.D.=15. 3. The Caldwell Pre-School Inventory The Caldwell (113) is essentially an achievement measure designed for culturally-disadvantaged children at a pre-school, Head Start program, age level. It is not a "culturally fair" test, but rather is designed to identify areas of potential educational weakness so that teachers 171 can prescribe programs for the children for whom this test was designed. It was not designed to measure potential in the same sense that psychological tests are constructed for. Even though the test consists of seven (7) subtests* the total score was used in this study in keeping with our major emphasis upon greater detailed examination of back ground variables* rather than upon all of the highly spe cific measures of all of the subtests in all of the cri terion measures. Like the P.P.V.T.* this instrument has a relatively narrow geographic standardization population. 5• The Klaus Test of Visual Memory for Designs The final measure of performance was the Klaus Test of Visual Memory for Designs. This is an experimental test conceived at Peabody University. It was used in the study as a measure to assess an ability relatively independent of linguistic items. Although there were no reliability or validity studies available on this instrument* it was considered possibly useful to tap visual discrimination on relatively abstract designs which were presumed less culturally-biased than■those stimulus materials represented on the I.T.P.A. The Klaus contained ‘fifteen linearly abstract designs of apparently increasing complexity for fifteen stimulus pic tures. However* whether or not this frequency of diffi culty is in fact valid is an empirically untested question as far as we know about its development. That this is a 172 power test has a certain amount of "face validity. When this Investigator supervised the administration of the instrument, he used a set of techniques which insured a minimum of language procedural instructions. The children were shown and practiced correct responses before beginning the test proper. This sort of objectivity, unfortunately, was probably not followed consistently throughout the testing in the different locations by the different staff examiners. In fact, the principal investigator did not approve of the administration technique after observing one instance of its administration. Raw score comparisons on numbers correct out of the fifteen designs were used for statistical analysis. Subjects: Navajo, Pueblo, Spani sh-American In our previous chapter we explicated the concept of culture. Culture as communication was delineated pri marily through the use of Edward T. Hall's ten (10) pri- mary message systems (P.M.S.). It was stated that these ten P.M.S. could serve as parameters for the construction of appropriate measures of acculturation for our popula tions in this study. This was made possible because the dimensions represented in the instrument we designated as the Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.) could be con structed from indices suggested by the parameters which could serve as bases of comparison across the major groups 173 and subgroups studied. Various dimensions of these param eters based upon items composing the indices could also be used to differentiate among individuals within each cul ture. Furthermore, variations in scores for our subjects were necessary in order to compare with the scores these mothers' (or mothers' surrogates) children would obtain in a host of measures of learning or performance which also were variable. Thus, correlational and regression equations could be used to measure the relationships between the social- cultural variables in the child's background with his own performance on psychometric tests. The importance of the ten P.M.S. by which culture as a concept was explicated for this study was useful for presenting in a capsulated form some outstanding features of the cultures sampled in this study, and to also compare and contrast these cultures. Thus, the ten P.M.S. not only serve as axiomatically-derived principles for the construction of our scale of acculturation (C.I.S.), but provide a simple, heuristic device to compress as suc cinctly as possible essential elements of the vast litera ture compiled on these peoples. To do full justice to understanding these cultures would be to go far beyond the scope of this paper. After each of our ethnological sketches of Navajos, Pueblos, and Spanish-Americans, we have a description of the samples we chose from each group. This consideration had ramifications for the generalizability and scope of our hypotheses and assumptions. The sampling problems were complex, and difficulties In matching the degree of representativeness among the cultural groups was of neces sity a limitation. For example, sub-population groups among the Pueblos, such as the Sandia or Santa Ana, have only a few hundred people in their close-knit communities, while the Navajo on reservations alone are spread out over an area larger than three eastern states and number ap proximately eighty-five thousand. In the analysis of our data it was thus necessary to take the Pueblo cultural groups together in some instances in order to have suf ficient sample size to make statistical comparisons for the large number of variables studied with respect to the major cultural groups in the sample. Essentially three methods were used to gain infor mation of the groups in this study: 1. A search of the literature was conducted. The Human Relations Area Files (H.R.A.F.) was the primary data source. In order to gather the information in the most efficient and economical manner, a group of part-time paid graduate students from the University of Southern California with anthropology and education majors were presented with a guide sheet (see Appendix F) listing the important taxonomic categories devised by Murdock 175 et al. for the H.R.A.F. at Yale University. With the guide sheet, the students culled descriptive data about the major Pueblo and other Indian groups In the Southwestern region, which Included New Mexico and Arizona. The students were supplied with tape recorders, and they recorded the Infor mation for the Amerindian groups common to this area of the United States. This information was sent to the Laboratory in Albuquerque. Even though the University of New Mexico also had these H.R.A.F. files, they only obtained them re cently, so it was decided that they would be less complete than those at the University of Southern California. The tapes were transcribed by regular laboratory office-support staff. The descriptive data was then analyzed to provide background information for the research reported here. 2. Tnis means of gathering information was through a series of field trips and participant observation activities. In this activity It was found that the Navajo were less resistant to interactional and informational exchange than were the Pueblos in general. Certain rules of thumb were used at all times to prevent breaches of etiquette and to insure rapport. At all times native informants were used to initiate interviews with native groups. One field experience was a survey of parental attitudes toward Head Start programs. 3- The third source of data was provided through several informants. These people were either members of a given cul tural group, or were those who were given special "license" as outsiders, but who had had long and intimate contacts with the groups. For example, one valuable information source was a well-educated Spanish-American who had good and trusting relationships with one particular Pueblo group by virtue of his occupation which assured prolonged and intimate contacts with the Pueblo group. He had been a helpful friend and counselor for several of the Pueblo people. Each major cultural group in the study is described using the 10 P.M.S. of Hall as the basis for comparison. Navajo (Dineh) The most populous single Amerindian group, and in many ways the least acculturated and most isolated large native group of people, is the Navajo. In fact, it is only recently that they have begun to think of themselves in terms of size or national organization in a manner quite different from the traditional notion of identifica tion which was, for the most part, centered about extended family and small band. 1. Interaction The Navajo, or Dineh— The People, as they call 177 themselves--are an Athapascan-speaking people whose lan guage is related to Apache,, and whose linguistic cousins are Athapascan peoples in Northwest Canada. Their entrance into the Southwest antedated the Spaniard, but the exact time is unknown. It is certain that they arrived much later than Pueblo peoples. Social kinesic patterns are visibly absent in the literature on these people. One gesture describing the hand on face position of females indicating embarrassment was reported in H.R.A.F. In discussions with Edward T. Hall, this writer learned that eye-contact is a form of punishment by Navajo mothers and other elders to proscribe the behavior of mis chievous children. Hall commented that in daylight, Nava- jos will amend the "grammar of their kinesic" language toward the White Man's standard, but will revert to tradi tional patterns when alone or in the dark, even though a trusted white is present. The language difference, especially in syntactical structure, between English and Dineh, is enormous. Few whites ever learned to speak Dineh well. Conversely, lan guage is a major barrier in educational success for Dineh. The attrition rate of Indians at the University of New Mexico, for example, reaches eighty percent. This writer was informed that the increased abstractness and complexity 178 of English necessary to succeed In the university Is the major problem for those Indians admitted.'*' 2. Association The associational and organizational life of Dineh can best be described as informal and casual. The strong est associational ties tend to be in the extended family unit. The effects of a variety of poverty and educational programs in the near future may lead to a greater under standing by Dineh of the organizational behavior which typifies the usual American pattern of small and large group social, political, service, and recreational organi zation . Paradoxically, on the one hand, the Navajo conforms strictly to certain norms, particularly those that pre scribe a balanced and harmonious life with nature's forces. On the other hand, Dineh allow for a great degree of in dividuality. Children are shown more respect in terms of their property rights than is accorded white men's chil dren in our society. "We tend to treat children as "non- people . " 3. Subsistence Most economic activities for Navajo consist of ranching and pastoral occupations. There are many who work for white people, but then usually in menial or un- ' 1 'Personal communication with Dr. Miles Zinz, Uni versity of New Mexico. 179 skilled labor positions. Traditional work In rug-making by females Is a highly valued skill passed on to young girls. Silversmithy, jewelry making, and artistic work in leather are other crafts at which the Navajo excel. Never theless, the level of income for Navajos is considerably lower than the level of American Negroes. Poverty among Dineh and many other Amerindian groups is as shocking to the casual observer as it is hidden from most affluent, middle-class people. 4. Bisexuality There is considerable equality between the sexes. Women are expected to be more stable than males, and are the primary source of love and affection for children. A matrilineal, and in many cases, still a matrilocal resi dence for ego and wife is common, although with more in fluence of whites particularly through the pressures of Christian proselytizers, monogamy and neolocal residency seem to be increasing. In one community, those Navajo who became Baptists seemed more influenced by monogamous prac tices than others. In the same community, sexual promiscuity seemed frequent enough and provided semi-pleasant sources of gos sip among the group who traditionally have far more relaxed sexual views than do Christian, white Americans. Once again, only in front of whites do some Navajos suspect that they are being judged, and become reticent about the 180 subject of sex, unless the white person has gained their confidence. Then they can be quite casual In their at titudes and In revealing information. 5. Territoriality One of the greatest sources of hostility Dineh have with respect to whites is on the subject of land. Many informants told this writer that land is what the whites covet most from the Indian. One put it, "You took our land. What else do you want from us?" The Navajo have the largest territory of any Indian group in the United States. Yet, it is so unproductive that it cannot support its present population size. There are approximately eighty-five thousand Navajo on reservation land, and an undetermined number, perhaps equal in size, scattered from New York to Los Angeles. 6. Temporality The Navajo tend to live in the "now." In inter views in which questions were posed about the future, the characteristic response was amusement or embarrassment. Questions related to planning educational futures for Navajo children seemed incredible to most informants. Whether or not this is strictly a temporal-present orien tation, or also involves the notion that parents do not speak for their children, is a moot question. The past is vague and knowledge of it is preserved by the few old people, medicine men, and in their chants and legends. 181 One favorite story this Investigator heard on a few separate occasions from different Informants was that the black streaks of lava flows near Route #66 west of Albu querque are dried blood trails of giants from the past. One version is that ancient Navajo people had to prevent giants' blood from soiling their sacred mountain, and these heroes had to slay the giants before their blood could reach and despoil the sacred places. 7. Learning As was mentioned in Chapter II, the Navajo place great Importance upon learning their traditional tongue. By the age of three or four the child usually has mastered the subtle codal intricacies of Dineh. From this writer's observations in one particular community, Canoncito, even the more acculturated young families taught Dineh to their children first. One bright young mother said, "I teach them a few English . . . now that they go to school; but the important things we say in our language." The people are as ethnocentric about language as are most Americans about English. Translations were necessary for most ex tended interviews, even though interviewees did know some English. Children seem to be given a great deal of free dom, except after dark, and readily explore their environ ment, thoroughly. Navajos seem to be very alert about their physical environment, and have keen visual discrimi nation. Much to this writer's embarrassment, he was often 182 pointed out objects at distances and even though rated far sighted by our standards, could not see the objects as readily as could informants. These field observations seemed to be in line with H.R.A.F. descriptions of the Navajos1 keen environmental alertness. 8. Flay At Canoncito, humor, teasing, and joking seemed quite widespread. The Navajo have a lively sense of humor, and would even tease this writer after he was relatively accepted. Children seemed to play Anglo-European types of games, and boys were fond of playing cowboy. Girls played house but were very active physically outside the homes. Information on this P.M.S. was quite limited. 9. Defense Defense against witchery, witchcraft, and tabu vio lations related to one's health was the central defensive concern of the Navajo. Folk medicine cures by even the more acculturated informants were practiced. Only medicine men could cure certain ailments that white doctors could not, according to informants. Witchcraft, like a perennial fever, rises and falls with certain social changes. For example, people who suddenly acquire excessive wealth or possessions are suspect. Modern Navajos deny the existence of witches. 183 Pear of death is still strong among many of the Navajo. Death is not discussed with any relish* and gen erally this writer avoided raising questions about it. The most serious concern for most people with whom this writer talked was about health problems. Among some of the mar ginally acculturated informants* loneliness and ennui were often expressed* yet they were reluctant to attempt ac tivities for which they had little experience. Despite this* one feels that under properly engineered circum stances* the Navajos can be induced to attempt to learn many new things if they are confident in your own exper tise. They show a lively curiosity toward the outer world* and seem to exhibit meticulous attention to details. They have rich sources of untapped skills waiting to serve them. 10. Exploitation The ecological conditions among the Navajo do not provide for an abundance of materials to exploit. However* they seem to be fond of some artifacts adopted from white people* although such things as numbers of household goods and even native artifacts appear to be meager in number. Media when available is much desired. Selection of Subjects-- Strategic Problems Unfortunately* even though most of our background information was obtained from Navajos at Canoncito* New 184 Mexico, it was necessary to conduct the actual study almost two hundred miles farther west in Arizona. The reason was a strategic one, and the present writer's decision to use the Canoncito population was over ridden by the higher administration because of ''political'1 reasons. It was felt that a program had to be begun in Arizona, since it was an area served by the laboratory. The objection to this on the part of the investigator was based not upon any objection to serve the Arizona part of the region. Because of the nature of this research, all extraneous expenses associated with travel and lodging for the research team were disproportionate to the immediate gain from an experimental study. This would not have been the case had some concrete and tangible program or curricu lum been developed and been ready for extensive field test ing or dissemination. The decision also destroyed the usefulness of the insights gathered from the field work in the Canoncito reservation. The administrative decision also precluded the possibility of using an Anglo control group for the study because of the additional expenses. The subjects were selected from all first grade classes in one public school which enrolled approximately ninety to ninety-five percent Navajo children. The age range for the children was wider than ordinarily found, because of the fact that Navajo children in first grade ranged from six to eight years for a variety of reasons 185 such as parental decisions about sending children to school. There was also a retention policy according to one teacher. For our purposes it was necessary to have at least fifty (5 0) first grade children. An additional 15 were also selected as a safeguard against potential problems which did arise. The first was high absenteeism, and the second was with the difficulty of matching mothers and children. Some mothers were away or working in another area, and relatives were at home. Thus, a total of sixty-five (6 5) Navajo first grade children were selected. All of the children were chosen by a table of ran dom numbers, and samples were drawn across four first-grade classrooms. Again, it should be noted that this sample was very limited in terms of its proportion to the Navajo population parameter, but was well representative of that area. The area was approximately a 1600 square mile perimeter bi sected by Route #66 at the eastern edge of the state of Arizona just across from Gallup, New Mexico. Caution would need to be exercised in generalizing to all Navajos in Arizona, and New Mexico from this sample. However, as evidenced from their home lives, they seemed to experienced observers and other sources of corroboration to be relative ly typical of many except the most isolated northeastern Arizona groups of Navajo. 186 The parents of the children were located with ex treme difficulty and expense. Once they were located, the original sample which matched child with mother was re duced to a total of fifty-two (52) pairs of Navajo first- graders and their mothers. Unfortunately, the question of biological motherhood was not clearly established in some of these cases. A final problem in selecting parents was the re sistance and hostility expressed by them toward the school. This was not very mysterious because The People felt they were discriminated against in bus services, and were not, in fact, ever represented on the school board, even though they were the majority population. This necessitated con stant follow-ups by this writer in order to assure one hundred percent cooperation. There was only one ultimate refusal, a white foster parent, and he was a minister of a dionysian religious bent, coupled with an extreme right- wing political persuasion. He was convinced that the study was Communist inspired. The total sample for the Navajo with matched mother (or mother surrogate) and child was fifty-two (n-5 2). The Pueblo The samples in this study were taken from five Eastern Pueblo groups. Pour of these groups were Keresan- speaking people with very similar cultures and traditions. These groups were Cochiti* Santo Domingo* San Felipe* and Santana. The fifth group was Sandia* and even though their culture has a striking parallel to the other four* they speak a Tanoan branch of Uto-Aztec stocks and a Tiwa lan guage which is the same as that spoken by the Taos and Isletas. The Pueblo people are considered descendants of an older Hohokan group of dwellers ancient to the Southwest region. The first contacts with whites in the sixteenth century resulted in forced conversion to Catholicism. Some who refused were burned at the stake. Certain groups of these people were relocated into Pueblos* or villages* by the Spaniards* while others fled westward and lived with Navajos* Acoma* and Zuni. Those that remained among the nineteen Rio Grande Pueblos have lived in relative harmony with Spanish-speaking peoples for almost three hundred years* after a successful revolt by Pueblos in 1680* and their final pacification eight years later by Spaniards. 1. Interaction The language spoken by the four groups sampled in our study is Keresan, which is sometimes classified under Hohokan-Siouan related languages. The language shared by the fifth Pueblo group* Sandia* is Tiwa* a branch of the Aztec-Tanoan family. 188 Non-verbal forms of language,, such as gesture, seem to be absent from the literature culled. This writer ob served the use of frequent gestures describable as lateral types, In which the elbow fulcrum rises and lowers with gross hand movements which are relaxed, and seem to drop or fall after each fast-rising pull upward. These gestures are related to punctuating events in recalling stories. Their specific properties and meanings are not understood by this observer. Pueblos seem more skilled in English than are their Navajo neighbors, and are often capable of speaking Spanish and other Amerindian dialects. 2. Association The almost incredible ability to resist the idea tional ways of life of both Spanish and Anglo probably reflects the strong and highly ritualistic social organiza tion. Each Pueblo is headed by a theocratic leader, a cacique. Most of the Pueblos have two moieties and several clans. There are four societies and a group of political leaders forming a council in each pueblo, who elect a governor and a group of subordinate offices. The social organization is complex and tightly knit. (See Appendix E.) The Kiva ceremonial chamber is forbidden to out siders, and is central to the ritualistic patterns of existence for these groups. Most Pueblo are nominal Cath olics, but their ceremonies and stories also express satire 189 and hostility toward the priests. No Pueblo ever became a priest or accolade, even though the Church encourages nativ- ist participation in the clergy. 3. Subsistence For millinia, Pueblos have been irrigation farmers and have grown a hybrid corn. Their survival is a tribute to their ingenuity in the face of a hostile environment. Fertility is a central theme in their ceremonial life. Com munal storage of food is still practiced. 4. Bisexuality The amount of formal social power women possess is difficult to ascertain. There is a female society (see Appendix E) which purportedly is a non-medicine group, but performs some service for the cacique. In the home, females have great respect and power. It is easy to "divorce1 1 a man, although marriages tend to be very stable. Women tend not to have political or formalized offices. Sexual be havior is very permissive among Pueblos, and illegitimacy is no stigma. 3. Territoriality The land of the Pueblos has been very much circum scribed by whites. There is now a proposal to fence off remaining lands much to the consternation of Pueblo in formants. The old days are gone in terms of territorial freedom. 190 A large dam will further take away land, and some Pueblo contend that sacred grounds will be inundated. How ever, the lake could prove profitable for the Pueblos lo cated near it. 6. Temporality It is assumed from the evidence of phenomenal re sistance by the Pueblo peoples for acculturation or assim ilation with the majority society, that in the ideational sphere, or in the ethos of these people, the orientation is toward the past. The best ways are the tried and true. The influence of elders is felt, especially by way of child-rearing and control practices on a community level through the devices of masked gods or Kachinas. Reverence for tradition is maintained as an integral part of the enculturation process. Children are kept in line with Pueblo ways, and probably get their first exposure to dis sonance of belief through contact with intolerant Christian school teachers who denigrate the religion of the children's elders. Even though most Indian groups tend to live in the present in terms of many practical matters, there is a valuing of time in the past as being "better" for many Pueblo people. 7. Learning Again, the available materials in our H.R.A.F. search did not prove helpful in understanding how Pueblo 191 children learn. Like the Navajo., children are given a great deal of permissive freedom to explore, and this occasionally causes problems for Anglo teachers, who report that the Pueblo children enjoy arts and crafts activities, but feel little obligation to learn under formalized pressures. The open frankness about sexual matters learned in the community even by primary grade children is a form of expression Anglo teachers become anxious about. The less acculturated Pueblo children, and this is true among different Pueblo groups as well as within groups, do not learn English until they are exposed to it as a second language in school. For example, the Bureau of Indian Affairs (B.I.A.) school at San Felipe has three years of English language training available to the children before they are transferred to public schools. It was necessary in our testing to take third level children at San Felipe because the language biases of our instruments did not provide a basal level for the children there. 8. Play Like the Navajo, Anglo-European games are exerting their influence upon Pueblo children. There are some tradi tional stick games the children play, and some boys play and fish along the Rio Grande and the ancient ditches main tained by these communities. Evidence of much value is scarce for this P.M.S. 192 9. Defense The Pueblo Is also concerned with witchcraft, just as is the Navajo. He practices folk medicine and even service is provided for some traditional Span!sh-Americans. Of utmost importance, however, is the religious tradition to defend against the bad acts of spirits in nature. Fer tility rituals in order to gain rain and fecundancy for humans are elaborated to a high degree for these people. 10. Exploration The experience from field trips tends to prove that the Pueblo have many artifacts of their own invention, and also have many artifacts from whites. Traditionally, the Pueblos had developed a much higher level of subsistence than the marauding Navajo or Apache. Agrarian inventions such as corn may have dif fused from earlier ancestors of Pueblos, and to Aztecan peoples south of them. The irrigation ditches, the so phistication in masonry in their homes and Kivas, all point to one of the more highly developed groups of Amer indians with respect to technology. Selection of Subjects-- Strategic Problems Of the original seventy-five (75) Pueblo children sampled, it was only possible to match fifty-five (55) mother and children pairs. Of this number, six pairs in cluded missing data because the respondents refused to 193 answer certain questions they felt was information not open to white men. Thus,, only forty-nine (49) complete sets of matched pairs were available for analysis. The data collected from the Pueblo groups neces sitated lumping all cases as Pueblo for certain statistical purposes. In other instances, such as on significance tests designed for small N-size samples, the separate Pu eblo communities were differentially treated. The follow ing is a breakdown of the final matched mother-child pairs each Pueblo (including six missing data cases). 1. Cochiti N - 13 (See Tables la, lb) 2. Sandia N = 5 3- Santa Ana N = 4 4. San Felipe N = 12 (See Tables 2a, 2b) 5. Santo Domingo N = 21 £N = 55 (See Tables 3a, 3b) Through the generosity of the Bernalillo school system, three demographic tables were provided. The tables provide demographic information on the Cochiti, San Felipe, and Santo Domingo Pueblos from the most recently available B.I.A. census figures. The information includes total num bers of each Pueblo according to sex, age frequency, and on- and off-reservation estimates. These three are the largest Pueblo subgroups in the study. Exact figures were not available for Santa Ana and Sandia. It is estimated that these smaller Pueblos have a greater percentage of 194 T A B L E la C O C H I T I P U E B L O P O P U L A T I O N BY SEX, A G E GROUP, R E S I D E N T A N D N O N R E S I D E N T AS OF JUNE 30, 1 9 63* A g e G r o u p s o E - * 0 ) at 8 M 0 1 at Unknown 2 0 75+ 70-74 6 5 1 65-69 2 1 1 60-64 6 6 55-59 6 5 50-54 10 4 6 45-49 18 15 40-44 14 5 35-39 8 5 30-34 21 10 11 25-29 . 23 8 15 20-24 25 16 15-19 32 23 10-14 28 20 8 5-9 34 16 18 1-4 yrs. 37 15 22 0-11 mos. 7 2 5 Totals 288 165 123 ■ MALE 0 1 at 0 1 at FEMALE o H 16 10 11 14 8 16 23 9 14 31 4 27 27 12 15 26 19 30 13 17 41 10 31 40 14 26 10 315 143 172 40 30 20 10 0 10 20 30 40 ♦Source: Public Health Nurse Family Folders and April 1963 BIA Census T A B L E lb C O C H I T I P O P U L A T I O N B Y A G E G R O U P S , R E S I D E N T S , A N D N O N R E S I D E N T S , J U N E 30, 1963 Nonresident Resident Age Groups Unknown 75+ 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 1-4 yrs. 0-11 mos. Totals < u Ou 1.0 0.8 1.7 4.3 4.8 4.6 4.0 7.3 9.0 8.6 9.6 9.6 12.4 12.8 2.8 CO 0 ) c f l • OS 4J Q* O o c oj H Cu O O OS 6 0 2.5 15 15 0 2.2 13 12 1 5 4 1 10 10 0 2.0 12 9 26 14 12 29 21 8 28 13 15 24 12 12 * 44 19 25 54 12 42 52 28 24 58 42 16 58 33 25 75 26 49 77 29 48 17 9 8 100.0 603 308 295 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 *Source: Public Health Nurse Family Folders and April 1963 BIA Census 28 006741 1085 196 - T A B L E 2 a S A N F E L I P E P U E B L O P O P U L A T I O N B Y S E X , A G E G R O U P , R E S I D E N T A N D N O N - R E S I D E N T A S O F J U N E 30, 1 9 6 3 * A g e G r o u p s Unknown 75+ 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 1-4 o H ca * 4 - 1 03 S5 35 12 11 1 12 12 0 14 14 0 15 15 0 11 11 0 18 17 1 19 18 1 19 17 2 20 17 3 43 36 7 52 46 6 51 48 3 66 65 1 92 90 2 99 93 , 6 91 86 5 0-11 mo. 35 34 1 Totals 674 632 42 Male Female 120 80 40 120 80 « —4 <0 U w < 4 * 4 0) 0 H On Re M-l O 4) p4 1 0 1 10 16 17 25 21 10 0 16 0 17 0 25 0 19 16 22 22 40 33 67 60 55 52 77 77 102 100 114 105 103 97 20 705 665 40 * Source: Public Health Nurse Family Folders and April 1963 BIA Census TABLE 2b SAN FELIPE POPULATION BY AGE GROUPS, RESIDENTS AND NONRESIDENTS, JUNE 30, 1963* 197 Age Groups Unknown 75+ 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5-9 1-4 0-11 mo. Totals | Resident II I IIIII lllNonResident a. o c u c o a ) 40 80 120 160 200 240 u o o. 0.4 1.2 1.1 1.7 2.1 16 15 23 1.8 25 2.5 35 i.6 119 4.0 56 e o 15 25 34 3.2 44 43 38 33 54 a s CM CM O 4 15 0 22 2.0 27 27 0 3.0 42 39 6.0 83 69 14 106 13 7.7 106 100 6 10.4 143 J.42 1 14.1 194 190 4 15.4 213 198 15 14.1 194 183 11 100.0 1379 1297 82 * Source: Public Health Nurse Family Folders and April 1963 BIA Census 198 Age t o f t ) 4 ) f t S <0 at O C £ * Groups H o o Unknown 1 0 ' I. TABLE 3a SANTO DOMINGO PUEBLO POPULATION BY SEX, AGE GROUP, RESIDENT AND NON-RESIDENT AS OF JUNE 30, 1963* 75+ 28 28 0 40-74 15 15 0 65-69 24 23 1 60-64 23 20 3 55-59 43 38 5 50-54 29 25 4 45-49 36 31 5 40-44 41 35 6 35-39 35 27 8 30-34 49 39 10 25-29 60 51 9 20-24 64 61 3 15-19 116 113 3 10-14 140 135 5 5 -9 138 128 10 1 -4 121 112 9 0-11 mo 40 39 1 Totals 1003 920 83 FEMALE MALE (0 0) ( V at < 0 at u m-i O P H O O 6 0 6 9 9 0 3 3 0 14 14 0 13 12 1 20 18 2 20 19 1 36 35 1 37 34 3 31 29 2 58 48 10 66 53 13 ■1 74 64 10 102 99 3 110 106 4 149 134 15 117 105 12 40 37 3 905 819 80 160 120 80 40 0 40 80 120 160 * Source: Public Health Nurse Family Folders and April 1963 BIA Census 199 Age Groups Unknown 75+ TABLE 3b SANTO DOMINGO POPULATION BY AGE GROUPS, RESIDENTS, A N D NON-RESIDENTS, JUNE 30, 1963* c u o g o - W hJ co <3 g g I X H 70-74 65-69 60-64 55-59 50-54 45-49 40-44 35-39 30-34 25-29 20-24 15-19 10-14 5 - 9 1 - 4 0-11 mo. Totals 0.4 7 0 7 1.9 37 37 0 0.9 18 18 0 2.0 38 37 1 1.9 36 32 4 3.3 63 56 7 2.6 49 44 5 3.8 72 66 6 4^1 78 69 9 3.5 66 56 10 5.6 107 87 20 6.6 126 104 22 7.2 138 125 13 11.4 218 212 6 13.1 250 241 9 15.0 287 262 25 12.5 238 217 21 4.2 80 76 4 100.0 1908 1739 4 * Source: Public Health Nurse Family Folders and April 1963 B 1 A Census off-reservation members, and their populations are in the few hundreds. Sandia is approximately 300 in population size. The children from the latter two Pueblos represented the total number of cases attending the first grade in the Bernalillo school system at the time of the study. This number of cases is exceedingly small. Random samples were taken of the other population groups, but they represented fairly large (over ten percent) samples of those children in the first grades of their respective schools. The Santo Domingo sample was taken from the Santo Domingo School, a public school in the Bernalillo system located on land leased from the Pueblo. Both Sandia and Santa An^ samples were drawn from Roosevelt School. Cochiti children were drawn from the Cochiti School. The San Felipe sample was taken from the B.I.A. school on the reservation. Generalizations to all Pueblo groups are probably not warranted from the samples selected. Information from field trips tended to support the plausibility of differen tial assimilation patterns among the Pueblo subgroups. However, in many areas of social structure, there is enough similarity to equate the groups. For example, it is be lieved that the general form of tribal organization (see Appendix E) is still relatively similar among San Felipe, Cochiti, Santa Ana, and Santo Domingo, although changes and pressures do differentiate the functions within these sim ilar structures. For example, Cochiti and Santo Domingo 201 are purported to have almost exactly similar political- tribal organizational structures., but yet the Cochiti seem to be less bound to traditional proscriptive norms. Earlier we mentioned the high suicide rates for one Pueblo. It is hypothesized at this stage that the individu als involved in suicide attempts, successful and otherwise, may represent reactive defenses against being caught in the anomic web between the incompatible expectations held by the tribe and the white man's world. A strong insularity toward whites in general may also reflect a reactive move ment for certain groups. The Spanish-American The Spanish-American represents approximately twenty-eight (28) percent of the population in New Mexico, while the Amerindian groups combined account for around seven (7) percent, according to Cline (86). This proportion of Spanish-American is misleading because of the distribution of this group. In northern and central New Mexico, the Spanish-American lives In scattered, often isolated villages of adobe structure, and may repre sent ninety (9 0) percent or more of the ethnic composition in a particular community. There is severe poverty and extreme rural isolation for many of these bilingual Ameri cans. In this present study, samples were taken from a less isolated community, Bernalillo, which is close to the urban center of Albuquerque. Nevertheless, within that 202 small community there are pockets of extreme poverty., often coupled with more traditional ethnic characteristics. In Bernalillo, informants point to a particular area of town consisting of very small adobes of cabin size in pitiful conditions. This area is called the cocinitas or "little kitchens." Here poverty is most pronounced. The school district personnel themselves have a large majority of better educated and somewhat highly assimilated Spanish- Americans. Greater assimilation is especially true on upper echelon educational administrative levels. This state of affairs contrasts markedly with the dismal facts of life in places like Los Angeles with its heavy Mexican- American population and disproportionately miniscular number of Spanish surname teachers. After an initial re luctance to work with Anglos from the laboratory, this particular group of Bernalillo educators turned out to be one of the warmest, most congenial and most humanistic group of people this investigator has ever met. They represented a welcome relief from the usual Gothic asceti cism found among many groups of Southwestern Anglo edu cators. Their attitudes toward children, and especially their openness to innovative ideas, certainly tended to eradicate some of the thinly-disguised stereotypes about Spanish-American people. The professional commitment of the majority of Bernalillo school personnel represents an untapped source of the kind of humanism Anglo educators in 203 general could emulate, especially since the latter have managed to alienate youth by the hundreds of thousands In the past few years. Some people In the community studied In this In vestigation proudly identify with the conqulstadores. How ever, according to Informants, there Is a range of genera tional differences in terms of when some ancestors arrived In New Mexico. In contrast to many portions of the South west, Including the southern region of New Mexico, the people in this area identify as Spanish-American, and some consider the label Mexican-American as derogatory. 1. Interaction Most Spanish-Americans in this study are bilingual. The older people and the poorer speak a limited English, typifying what Bernstein (see Chapter II) calls a restrict ed language code. Some of the expressions used, as well as some of the dialects, are quite different from Mexican-American. Certain expressions do reflect older Spanish influences, much as some remnants of sixteenth century English can be found in Appalachia. 2. Association One cannot understand the social order in small Spanish-American communities without understanding the compadrino system. It would be beyond the scope of this study to analyze the various kinship relationships in the 204 system. Descent and its consequent kinship obligations seem to be bilateral, for ego's mothers1 relatives are comadres. Also, there is the primos system which includes kinship relationship among bilaterxal and variously removed cousins. Certain aspects of the kinship system are related to Spanish Catholic religious traditions. The well known patron system also seems to have its roots In a system of kinship obligation. Informants related to this investigat or that this form of rural social organization is beginning to slowly disintegrate. 3. Subsistence Traditionally these people have been farmers and ranchers. The climate and soil have always made life a hard, grinding existence. There is little economic surplus in such ecological surroundings. The present community has occupational levels and incomes below the norms for Anglos. Increased educational, transportational, and employment opportunities, largely reflecting the intervention of fed eral funds, are beginning to change the economic conditions of these people. 4. Bisexuality Informants related that traditionally many newly weds lived with or near the females' mothers' family. Now adays, residence is often neolocal. However, in keeping with a tradition of respect for older people, many grand mothers and grandfathers share homes with their children 205 and grandchildren, or at least., in contrast to middle-class Anglos, there is frequent visiting and interaction across three generational levels. There is still a strong sense of the sexual double standard. Some school officials report an increase in illegitimacy, and parents complain that the youth are not supervised and have too much freedom nowadays. Some par ents still believe that strong external control over youth ful impulse is necessary. The concept of machismo was also discussed with knowledgeable informants. The term has no real equivalent in English, but it is a form of masculine ritual behavior. Several indices of machismo reported included a man's capacity for alcohol, a certain kind of camaraderie, and "sexual coups-counting"--with its obverse being that the worst humiliation is to be cuckolded. Respect for elder men if compadres is important. A personalized style of bravery is highly valued. Spanish-Americans won a dis proportionate number of Congressional Medals of Honor in World War II. One such winner related to this investigator, when asked why Spanish-Americans won so many medals for bravery, that "our men are real men. We live a rugged life, and only fear God." 5. Territoriality The rise of Reis L. Tijerina represents the strong 206 feeling that many northern Spanish-Americans have. They believe the "Gringos" have cheated them out of their land. Many claims are made to Spanish land grants, which were supposed to have been honored by the U.S. Government. The Bernalillo residents may have small ranch holdings or have relatives who have land further north. The fact of having land in the family is highly valued. In terms of kinesic and proxemic patterns, this investigator could not notice any of the "up-close," by Anglo standards, kinds of interaction supposedly typifying other Latins. Among good friends, however, there seems to be some closer spatial interaction, but this is difficult to corroborate at this time. This is an area In need of further research. 6. Temporality Among other less assimilated Spanish-Americans, there Is a tendency to live in the "now." The better- educated among them joke about tiempo Norteamericano, but are usually as prompt in keeping to business schedules as are Anglos. The casual attitude about time attributed to Spanish-Americans, however, can come dangerously close to another unjust stereotype. Because of the difficult level of subsistence, the undependability of the climate, the grueling labor to eke out a daily existence, people over generations do not look far into the future. It is certain that with greater 207 economic security in the hopefully near future, these tem poral patterns may change to meet the demands of a post industrial consumer society. 7. Learning Formal learning of these Spanish-American groups, if measured by psychometric or achievement tests, falls below Anglo norms. In the classroom, dominated by middle- class curriculum standards, bilingual children are handi capped by the language sensitive tests. When not bilingual, Spanish-American children often have a restricted English language capacity. Traditionally, formal teaching related to the Catholic religion was strong. This is less certain nowa days. Parents tend to leave the matter of teaching their children in the hands of school authorities, and the usual subenvironmental processes typical of middle-class Anglo homes appear to be generally lacking. This is not the case for the better educated, such as school personnel. They provide generous supplies of books and materials for their children. Despite the close community network of kinship patterns, parents do not have the kind of deep involvement with educational matters one might suppose. Parent-school organizations tend to be weak and ineffectual social instruments. 8. Play Most observed and discussed play activities of 208 children tended to be similar to Anglos'* with perhaps the exception being that the Spanish-American child has fewer manufactured playthings. But this represents his poverty condition. Adults seem to have frequent family gatherings* and enjoy certain fiestas and celebrations such as All Saints' night* and the Matachinas. One informant indicated that with the weakening of the Catholic Church influence* there seem to be fewer church-related community activities which* in the past* provided many recreation opportunities. In one nearby community* encroaching Anglos have greater Catholic membership than do older Spanish-American families. 9. Defense There is a growing feeling among many Spanish- Americans to defend against Anglos* in a more vociferous manner* their cultural heritage* and in New Mexico* to demand claims on lands now being held by the federal gov ernment . Defense against diseases such as empacho* a stomach complaint* may involve the patient in visiting a curandera. One informant is an expert on folk medicine and has de scribed the use of many herbs and concoctions still used by some community residents. Occasionally* a Pueblo or even Navajo medicine man is visited for a cure. More as similated informants will admit that their parents or grandparents resorted to folk medicine* but did not admit to doing so themselves* with a few exceptions. 209 One informant reported that some older people still believe in witches and in certain ghostly apparitions. Penetentes who flagellate themselves as an act of maso chistic religiosity still exist in small numbers in some northern areas. 10. Exploitation The rural people this sample studied displayed the artifacts and knowledge about technology to manipulate their environment that is fairly typical of poverty stricken people. Those in better economic circumstances tend to approach Anglo norms in artifacts and technology. Aesthetically, some people collect ancient Santos, statues, and ojos de dios. However, this traditional symbol of Spanish folk art is also popular with many artistic and sophisticated Anglos nowadays. Selection of Subjects-- Strategic Problems For good reason the officials of the Bernalillo school were reluctant to get involved in a study with the laboratory. It was necessary to have several preliminary meetings. Once permission was granted, cooperation was excellent. This particular school district with its Spanish- American and exotic Pueblo populations has long been a favored "guinea pig" for many university students and re 210 searchers. The officials felt that this has represented a one-way street, and they were Interested In more recip rocity In terms of benefits research could obtain for the children In the district. Assurances were made that this study would provide one basis for some practical services. Most of the Spanish-American children were first- graders at the Roosevelt school in Bernalillo. Originally sixty-five (n-65) children were chosen and tested follow ing a random selection process taken from cross-classroom enrollments to insure randomization of teacher treatment effects, if they existed. By the time mothers could be matched for home interviews of the children tested, the final selection for the sample was fifty (n-50). It was felt that generalization from this popula tion and school district should be made with extreme cau tion. Replication of the study in other Spanish-American communities would be much more satisfactory than increas ing sample sizes from the present community, if generaliza tions are to be made, even if samples of small numbers were to be used in the replicates. Hypotheses There were three main exploratory questions raised in this study. Each of these major questions in turn is broken down into meaningful research questions or hypoth eses. 211 Statistically testable hypotheses as to the tight est kinds of questions are usually designated as variations on the null hypothesis. Essentially this is a negative hypothesis stating that a sample of items or people from designated population parameters is equal with respect to measured differences. Another way of saying this is to raise the question of how much of a difference does a dif ference have to be to be significant. Social scientists have their conventions. A minimum "respectable" level of difference significance is the .05 level, although the sine qua non is when differences exceed a probability level of .01. These may be considered rather stringent criteria in an exploratory study, especially one dealing with rela tively abstract and obtuse relationships. Nevertheless, this convention was adhered to. In fact, the most power ful statistical tests were employed for the most part. Any errors that would have accrued, it was hoped, would be type II errors, or those in a conservative direction, thus "stacking the cards" against oneself in terms of hopeful results or outcomes. The key concepts used in this study were culture, acculturation, assimilation (i.e., proto-assimilation), and learning style. How these concepts were employed in the present research depended upon how they were framed and juxtaposed in the research design. We stated that the basic research design was likened to a simple S-R model, 212 In that we were concerned about how three major cultures assessed for indices of acculturation and assimilation by a set of measures (one of which was an experimental measure of acculturation, the C.I.S.), which could account for or predict differential styles of learning. On a human level, the predictors were a set of measures taken from interviews of the mothers (primary enculturators) from these cultures, while the criterion variables were the measures taken from a battery of tests administered to the first grade chil dren of these mothers. One could also visualize this study, in keeping with our S-R model, as a set of independent variables being equated with the predictor measures while the dependent variables were the scores of children's performances on the criteria variables. The major statistical treatments of the data were a Multiple Regression Analysis and a principal axes factor analysis. The Multiple Regression Analysis, shown as "R," determines the composite correlation between the predictor measures and the criterion variables. Multiple correlation coefficients illustrate the degree of association between our dependent measures of learning styles and the simultaneous predictor measures of our independent cultural background variables. The multiple correlation technique not only takes into account the correlation between any of the predictors singly, and 213 the criterion variable, but also the intercorrelations be tween the various predictors. This technique, then, is appropriate for investigating what proportion of the vari ance is accounted for by a single predicator variable, and also for determining what, if any, additional variance is accounted for by the addition of successive variables to the predication system. Computation of the Multiple R's The Multiple Correlation Computer Program at the University of New Mexico was used in the present study. The U.N.M. computer programs are adaptations of the basic computer programs contained in the I.B.M. 1130 Subroutine Package. (See I.B.M. Publication 1130-CM-02X, Programmers’ Manual.) In order to assess the empirical dimensionality of the C.I.S. for purposes of both test development and evalu ation against the Hall hypothetics-deductive formulation, a principal axes factor analysis with orthogonal rotation to the varimax criterion discussed by Kaiser (95) was em ployed. For a basic analysis of factor analysis, see Fruchter (23). Harmon (93) has a more recent and detailed a c c ount. 214 The Factor Analysis Computer Program The factor analysis computer program at the Univer sity of New Mexico Computing Center was employed., again using the basic scientific subroutines developed for use within I.B.M. computing systems. With unities in the di agonal of the correlation matrix to indicate the degree of correlation of a variable with itself,, the correlation matrix was factored by the principal axes method. The commonly used factor stop criterion was used, that being when eigan values of extracted factors became less than 1.0. Using this procedure, ten principal factors were extracted, accounting for approximately 70 percent of the total variance represented by the 40 items of the C.I.S. scale. Following analytic rotation to the varimax cri terion (accomplished by the computer, not by human sub jectivity) developed by Kaiser, ten factors remained. The rotated factors will be described and interpreted in a subsequent section. The varimax method of factor rotation was selected because this procedure maintains orthogonality of factors and yields solutions that are relatively invariant under changes in the composition of the battery even when the solution is based upon a fairly small number of variables (Smith, 107). 215 Orthogonality refers to the location of factor vectors In factor space In that they are at right angles to each other. Another way to look at It is to be able to state that factors are independent or uncorrelated. Two kinds of rotated factor solutions are possible: orthogonal or oblique. Oblique solutions., as indicated by the oblimax method, yield factors that are correlated. The vast majori ty of work in the social sciences is concerned with iso lating independent factors or dimensions. Orthogonal solutions are more readily interpretable. Almost by defi nition, factor analysis is employed when concern is with the identification of fewer independent dimensions from a larger number of variables, that are very probably inter correlated. To discover that factor 2 is highly associ ated with, or correlated with, factor 2>> for example, is to in a sense perpetuate the interrelatedness we tried to overcome. Correlated factors are in some sense very much like correlated variables— we still are unable to point to the basic, independent, dimensionality that underlies the content of the forty items in the C.I.S. scale. If items were written to tap a particular cell in the Hall frame work, then It is presumably important that the items re flect this dimension (cell), and not others. To make this assessment, orthogonal rotation is indicated. The Multiple Linear Regression study was made for all three cultures in this investigation, combined and 216 separately. The factor analysis unrotated and rotated to the varimax solution was across the composite total of the three cultural groups. Thus, our hypotheses can he framed with respect to three major kinds of research questions: I. Gan we predict through the use of a Multiple Linear Regression Model the differential performance of first-grade children on a battery of psycholin- guistic and psychometric measures across three distinct cultures? II. Can these three major cultures and five Pueblo communities be differentiated in terms of our five measures of acculturation and assimilation (proto assimilation)? What explanation can be given if these differences exist? Ill. Can a reliable and valid experimental instrument be I developed which can differentiate among three major cultures and five Pueblo communities in terms of acculturation? A corollary to this question is: Can an instrument measuring acculturation be de veloped from a hypothetico-deductive axiomatic system based upon an explication of Hall's model of culture, and is this method of theory develop ment compatible with a strictly factor-derived and generally empirical-inductive approach? 217 As hypotheses are constructed on the following pages* for convenience's sake we designate the large roman numeral before more specific hypotheses related to each of the three major questions. Null hypotheses (HO) are pre fixed with the relevant roman numeral and succeeded by the familiar Hindu-Arabic numeral. For example* IHO*1 is the first null hypothesis under the first major research ques tion. IHO,1.--The Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.) will have a null or zero amount of correlation with any of the thirteen criterion scores. (H0:r=0) IHO* 2.--The Combined Strodtbeck and Srole Scales will have a zero amount of correlation with any of the thirteen criterion scores. (H0:r=0) IHO* 3.— The Overall Modernity Scale (O.M.) will have a zero amount of correlation with any of the thirteen criterion scores. (H0:r=0) IHO*4.— The Wolf Scale will have a zero amount of correlation with any of the thirteen criterion scores. (H0:r=0) All of these above hypotheses represent measurable outcomes derived from an intercorrelational matrix in which the four (Strodtbeck and Srole are combined) predictor correlations for the entire population (three cultures) are associated with thirteen criteria measures (nine I.T.P.A, subtests* the total* P.P.Y.T.* Caldwell and Klaus). 218 The minimum level of significance for the tests of these hypotheses is the .05 level* to determine whether or not the Pearson "r" coefficients of correlation are sub stantially greater than zero. II.— If we can reject the null hypotheses stated for our correlational relationships between the set of predictor measures and the set of criterion measures* we arrive at the next set of hypotheses framed from the ques tions about the meaningfulness of each of the five pre dictors . IIHO*1.--There are no significant differences in prediction power for each of the five overall scores of predictor measures to discriminate among Navajo* Spanish- American* and Pueblo* in terms of the significance of the mean (X) differences for the predictors using "t"-tests of significance. Comparisons are made between Pueblo and Spanish-American; Pueblo and Navajo; and Navajo and Spanish- American samples. Assuming that all or some combination of our pre dictive measures could account for a significant degree of variance in relation to all or some of the criterion meas ures* then the question arises as to which of these pre dictors account for the most variance. It is felt that in general* behavioral indices of acculturation as measured by C.I.S.* and environmental process characteristics as measured by the Wolf Scale* should be closer to represent- ing significant background behavior which should account for a greater amount of the variance on the majority of criterion measures, particularly those related to psycho- linguistic abilities, or those abilities associated with more familiarity with the dominant culture. It is presumed that dispositions such as attitudes and values form a more obtuse relationship between parental influence on children in such concrete activities as the children's performances in a school setting. One reason for this is that values are fairly remote and abstract for the child. Piaget (6l) has studied the development of morality (i.e., values) among children. Using his conclusions as a rough guide, we would estimate that those children in our sample are about four to eight years removed from operating on a sophisticated valuing level. The more immediate child- rearing activities reflected In mother-child interactions, as well as the parents' outside interactions antedating their relationship with their children, have more Immediate effects upon a child's measurable activities. It Is hypothesized, then, that the experimental instrument (C.I.S.) and the Wolf Scale should account for enough variance on the multiple linear-regression relation ships to the thirteen criterion or dependent variables, so that when compared to the additional variance accountable by the other scales, there will be no difference between the two sets for predicting on any of the criterion meas- 220 ures according to a test of significance (P-Test) between the multiple R's of each set. In order to frame such a hypothesis in the context of a null hypothesis* our next step would be: IIHQ,2.--The smaller set of the C.I.S. and Wolf predictors does not represent a predictor subset which can contribute to the variance for the criteria measures sig nificantly different from what a total set of predictors could contribute.2 Actually* by not rejecting the null hypothesis of difference between the smaller set and the total set of predictors* we support the hypothesis that the acculturational and environmental process characteristics are the more powerful predictors* and could account for enough of the prediction value on the children's perform ance without resorting to the entire set of predictors for the total sample and each distinct cultural group. The next hypotheses would be to compare the Wolf Scale and the C.I.S. to determine which accounts for the greater variance on the criterion measures. Thus: IIHO,3»--There is no significant difference between the C.I.S. and the Wolf Scale in terms of their respective contribution when compared each with the other and the total predictor set for the total three culture sample. ^stated positively* it could be said that the larger set of predictors does in fact contribute significantly over the smaller C.I.S.* Wolf subset. 221 These comparisons were made only with multiple R coeffi ciency equal to or greater than .40. The above hypotheses are aimed at determining the relative predictability of each of the four (Srole-Strodt- beck combined) measures of our independent variables, and the efficacy for a subset consisting of the C.I.S. and Wolf Scale against the total predictor set. In sequential order, then, it should be possible to examine each separate instrument to determine the contribu tion each can make in being able to differentiate signifi cantly for the total sampling population (three groups), and for the five Pueblo subcultures. This way, we can develop a composite picture of each group in terms of its cultural backgrounds that influence learning styles of the children from this group. The C.I.S.--Remembering that the many and perhaps unwieldy matrix cells which comprised Hall's Map of Culture were substructed to reduce the property-space from the total dimensions of the model, nine parameters from the subtests were arrived at. Thus: IIHQ,4.--The amount of variance accounted for by the C.I.S. as predictive of criteria measures is essential ly zero. IIHQ,3.--The differences among the three major cul tures (Navajo, Pueblo, and Spanish-American) and the dif ferences among the five subgroups of Pueblos (Cochiti, San 222 Felipe, Santo Domingo, Sandia, Santa Ana) as measured by the indices of the substructed parameters from a modifica tion of Hall's P.M.S. (C.I.S.) would be differences at tributable to chance errors and variations in the samples such that HO: Hi = H2 •• • The Wolf Scale of Environmental Process Character istics. --This consists of twelve subscales. Could this instrument differentiate among the three major cultures in terms of each of the twelve subtests? IIHQ,6.— The differences among the three major cultural groups as measured by the twelve subscales of the Wolf Scale are differences due to random errors and vari ations in the samples, such that HO: Hi = H2 • •* Hk- The Overall Modernity (P.M.) Scale as a measure of proto-assimilation consisted of seven subtests (four sub scales and three combined scales) and a total score. Be cause of the overlap in meaning among the themes under lying these subscales, it is difficult to determine if clear-cut significances in mean comparisons for the three major cultures and five Pueblo subgroups could be obtained. However, stated negatively: IIHQ,7---Any differences among the three cultural groups in terms of the full O.M. Scale and the seven sub scales are attributable to chance alone. This relationship is hypothesized as well for the five Pueblo subgroups such that HO: Hi = H 2 •• • Hk* 223 The Strodtbeck V Scale, the Srole Scale of Anomie, and the Combined Strodtbeck-Srole Scale.— It was hypothe sized that these scales could be combined experimentally because It was felt that there may be an underlying ration ale that would Indicate that a higher score on the Strodt beck "V" Scale would be concommitant with a higher aliena tion score. This question could be analyzed for the three groups and the five Pueblo subgroups. This notion somewhat defies the common sense idea that mastery and independence from family are negatively related to alienation. Thus: IIHQ,8.— Taken separately or combined, the Strodt beck "V" Scale and Srole Scale of Anomie could not dif ferentiate significantly mean scores among the three cultures or the five Pueblo subgroups * such that HO: Hi = \i£ • • • ^ . Following the empirical testing of all the above hypotheses, this writer attempted to raise some exploratory questions. Suppose that any single predictors or subscale predictors did differentiate among the groups. What would be the various relationships then among the interplay of acculturation and assimilation, and the values supposedly related to assimilation, namely, the major themes under lying the Strodtbeck and Srole scales? The ranking dis tribution across two of the major cultures and the five Pueblos could be compared through rank order correlation 224 (rho) to study empirically the differential group rankings to determine the degree of the relationships among the different cultural groups. Again* we assume a null hy pothesis of no correlationship* H0:r.=0. Among the ranks of the populations for a variety of measures we could formulate some selected hypotheses. Because of the small N-size* significant rho coefficients would have to he at least .90 at the .05 level for an N=5 sample. When rank ings occur using two of the major and five subcultures (N=7), a correlation of .714 would be necessary for sig nificance at the .05 level. Some possible comparisons which could be made stated as null hypotheses are for the combined rankings of two major cultures and five Pueblo subgroups* and for the five Pueblos grouped separately from Navajo and Spanish- American. IIHQ*9 and 10.--No significant correlation exists between the Strodtbeck and the Srole Scale in terms of rank orders for this seven group and for the five group rank orders. IIHQ*11-12.--No significant correlation exists between the C.I.S. Language Subscale and the Strodtbeck "V" Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ*13-14.--No significant correlation exists between the C.I.S. Territorial (assoc, and occup.) Sub 225 scale and the Strodtbeck "V" Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,15-16.--No significant correlation exists be tween the C.I.S. Temporal-Future Orientation Subscale and the Strodtbeck "V" Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,17-18.--No significant correlation exists between the C.I.S. Territorial (educational-recreational) Subscale and the Strodtbeck "V" Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,19-20.--No significant correlation exists be tween the C.I.S. Educational Level Subscale and the Strodt beck "V" Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,21-22.--No significant correlation exists be tween the P.M. Scale and the Strodtbeck "V" Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,23-24.— No significant correlation exists be tween the P.M. Scale and the Srole Anomie Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHOj25-26.— No significant correlation exists be tween the P.M. Scale and the C.I.S. Language Subscale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,27-28.— No significant correlation exists be tween the P.M. Scale and the C.I.S, Territorial (assoc.- 226 Subscale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,29-30.--No significant correlation exists be tween the P.M. Scale and the C.I.S. Temporal Future Orien tation Subscale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,31-32.--No significant correlation exists be tween the P.M. Scale and the C.I.S. Territorial Educational- Recreational Subscale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,33-3^-•— No significant correlation exists be tween the P.M. Scale and the C.I.S. Educational Level Sub scale for thr group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,35-36.— No significant correlation exists be tween the C.I.S. Language Subscale and the Srole Anomie Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,37-38.— No significant correlation exists be tween the C.I.S. Territorial (assoc.-occup.) Subscale and the Srole Anomie Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,39-^-Ch— No significant correlation exists be tween the C.I.S. Temporal Future Orientation Subscale and the Srole Anomie Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. 227 IIHQ,41-42.— No significant correlation exists be tween the C.I.S. Territorial (educational-recreational) Subscale and the Srole Anomie Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. IIHQ,43-44.— No significant correlation exists be tween the C.I.S. Educational Level Subscale and the Srole Anomie Scale for the group of seven cultures and for the group of five Pueblos. In order to analyze the assimilational indices of the Srole Anomie Scale, the O.M. Scale and the Strodtbeck "V" Scale from another perspective, a set of Pearson cor relational coefficients was run to test the following hy pothesis such that H0:r.=0. There is no significant amount of correlation be tween the Srole Anomie and Strodtbeck "V" Scale for IIHQ,45: the Spanish-American group; IIHQ,46: the Pueblo group; IIHQ,47: the Navajo group; IIHQ,48: the total three cul tures . There is no significant amount of correlation be tween the Srole Anomie Scale and the O.M. Scale for IIHQ,49: the Spanish-American group; IIHQ,30: the Pueblo group; IIHQ,51: the Navajo group. There is no significant amount of correlation be tween the Strodtbeck "V" Scale and the O.M. Scale for IIHQ,52; the Spanish-American group; IIHQ,33’ the Pueblo group; IIHQ,34: the Navajo group. 228 III. A third general research question had to do with the development of an experimental scale, the Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.). This concluding portion of the study was of theoretical Interest because, as we stated in the last chapter, Shannon and Shannon had complained that most scales and surveys tended to skew the refined differences among ethnic minority groups such that it was difficult to determine variance on measured characteristics for these groups when compared to the more normal, or Gaussian, distribution curve for the dominant society re flected in Its social stratification system. The C.I.S. was designed especially as an instrument which could easily and economically assess differences among and between the oft-forgotten minority groups such as Amerindians, and would hopefully frame its questions in a manner which would not cause serious semantic difficulties in trans lation. In this study, this part of the research actually represents the first step in the development of this in strument . There were two major theoretical problems that had to be attacked in order to develop this scale. 1. Was the instrument objective, reliable, and was It valid in terms of certain validity criteria? We say certain because we felt that validity is a relative, not an absolute, question. Something is not absolutely valid, but should be valid for some 229 things. What these things are should suggest the various milestones in the future development of such an instrument. a. The objectivity of the C.I.S. was determined from a content analysis of its translation from English to Navajo, and back again through a double-blind technique. A set of correlations was applied to measure discrepancies in trans lation. These objectivity measures are re ported in Chapter V. b. The reliability of the C.I.S. was measured by a split-half (odd, even) correlation upon which the Spearman-Brown correction formula was ap plied. The reliability of the C.I.S. is also reported in Chapter V. c. The general question of validity is whether or not an instrument measures what it purports to measure. However, there are several kinds of validation studies possible. Rozeboom (64:58) has a good discussion of the various kinds of validity, including concurrent, predictive, face, content, and construct validity. There is also discriminant validity, which would refer to the ability of the instrument to dif ferentiate among the groups in the study. Each of these validation concepts Is discussed in our "Results" section along with reliability and objectivity. The second major question of concern in this study had to do with the development of the experimental scale of acculturation by a comparison of two tech niques. The first of these techniques has already been amply described. Briefly, we took a set of matrix cells from the P.M.S. of Hall which formed his Map of Culture. From these cells, the param eters for the C.I.S. were constructed. These in turn were substructed primarily because the con structed parameters which became the dimensions for the subtests in the scale could be reduced on the principle that closely related cells would have overlapping features. Thus, for example, main dimensions such as associational and terri torial could encompass two or three other related P.M.S. These new parameters then comprised the C.I.S. acculturation instrument. This type of research activity represents a system of deduction starting with the global abstraction of culture, its explication, and then the utilization of these for developing the dimensions of a research in strument that should differentiate among and between cultural groups in a society such as ours 231 where cultural pluralism Is a relevant population consideration. Starting from a strictly empirical approach through the use of developing dimensions based upon loadings of factors., a principle-axis factor analy sis technique was used with one rotation. By a comparison of the two methods of devising the experimental instrument we could arrive at a refinement which, on the one hand, does not depend upon a haphazard Baconian or "hunch" type of naive empiricism. On the other hand, the strictly deductive system derived from a model or theory could be verified or disconfirmed. If discon- firmed, doubts as to the constitutive value of the Hall theory of culture could be raised. If the dimensions substructed from the model can be generally verified in terms of reliability of the in strument, and certain validity criteria, the possibility still exists that certain indices of these parameters could be further refined for further reduction in the number of items, and for the elimination of non-discriminatory items through factoring. The results pertaining to this third general re search question are in the next chapter. It may be concluded at this point that a set of all the possible relationships examined in this study was not 232 included in this report. Certain priorities had to be established in terms of the comprehensibility of the in formation garnered. The particular results to be reported in the next chapter represent a sampling of research in terests in the first stages of a number of subsequent analyses. Summary 1. Definitions of methodology and strategies were given. 2. The overall research design was set down. 3. A step-by-step account of the general research procedures was included. 4. The five predictor variables were explained and the instruments measuring these predictor variables were described. 5. The major criterion variables consisting of thir teen measures on a battery of four tests were also described. 6. A description of the three major cultural groups, Navajo, Pueblo, and Spanish-American, was given, using the framework of Hall's Ten Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.) as the means for comparing the groups. 233 7. After each group description., a section on the selection of subjects, including detailed pro cedures and techniques, was presented. 8. A refined statement of research questions and hy potheses concluded this chapter. In the next chapter, a description and explanation of the results of this study is presented, along with ap propriate graphs and tables. / CHAPTER V RESULTS AND DISCUSSION In this chapter the results obtained from the sta tistical hypotheses related to the first two major research questions from the "Hypotheses" section of the previous chapter are reported and discussed. Each hypothesis stated as the null Is either ac cepted or rejected at at least the .05 level of signifi cance. The outcome and discussion of each hypothesis in the context of each of the three major research questions are reported in accordance with the numerical code system used in the previous chapter in order to cross-reference the questions and hypotheses in Chapter IV with the re sults and discussion in Chapter V. The data in the study are also presented in graphic or tabular form to supplement the statements of results and to amplify the discussion of these results. The outcome of the development of the experimental instrument is also reported and discussed. The conclusions, recommendations and the summary are in the final chapter of this study. 234 235 I. The results of this study are made rather evident through the use of 26 tables and 7 figures (or graphs). These are arranged to give a step by step account in se quential logic for each of the relevant hypotheses. IHO,1.— With respect to the C.I.S., the null hypothesis stated that no significant correlation exists between this experimental predictive instrument of acculturation and the 13 criteria variables composing a set of psychometric measures for first grade (with some exceptions) children of mothers to whom the C.I.S. was administered. In Table 4 is an intercorrelational matrix for all of the 13 cri teria measures (with the S.W.C.E.L. questionnaire included but not analyzed in this study) with the four predictor instruments including correlations among predictors and among criteria measures. We should keep in mind that an r. .159 Is a correla tion significant at the .05 level, while an r. .208 is sig nificant at the .01 level. An examination of Table 4 indicates that a sig nificant correlation exists for every measure except four. The I.T.P.A. subtests reflect variables not adequately treated by the C.I.S. Visual-motor sequencing is not even picked up by the powerful Wolf instrument. Interestingly enough, this is one of the only tests which reverses the hierarchical performance relationship, for Pueblo and then Navajo perform better than the Spanish. TABLE 4 INTERCORRELATION MATRIX* Variables Cultural Infor mation Scale Strodbeck Srole Scale Modernity Scale Auditory Vocal Automatic Visual Decoding Motor Encoding Auditory Vocal Association Visual Motor Sequencing Vocal Encoding Auditory Vocal Sequencing Visual Motor Association Auditory Decoding ITPA Full Scale Peabody Caldwell SWCEL child Questionnaire Klaus Memory Design Wolf Scale Cultural Information Scale 9 9 4 ** Strodbeck Srole Scale 344 994 Modernity Scale 521 442 994 Auditory Vocal Automatic 637 389 391 994 Visual Decoding 323 178 190 420 994 Motor Encoding . 283 230 267 461 437 994 Auditory Vocal Association 623 392 418 791 474 503 994 Visual Motor Sequencing -037 066 -019 167 351 344 239 994 Vocal Encoding -066 038 023 -056 1 1 1 - 035 038 -184 994 Auditory Vocal Sequencing 096 080 0 2 2 400 467 438 446 494 0 1 1 994 Visual Motor Association 2 2 0 225 204 339 480 403 429 392 057 443 994 Auditory Decoding 287 307 160 312 339 267 394 146 -013 181 364 994 ITPA Full Scale 495 319 329 724 692 679 813 511 038 672 677 479 994 Peabody 520 354 307 675 490 55^4 714 250 047 414 420 357 737 994 Caldwell 540 385 337 730 518 571 809 306 058 545 445 440 812 819 994 SWCEL Child Questionnaire 493 362 261 6 6 8 473 508 680 231 014 409 404 440 725 684 767 994 Klaus Memory Design 123 095 - 0 2 2 186 245 297 237 248 -144 249 165 178 327 314 276 141 994 Wolf Scale 651 430 452 556 398 368 1542 103 080 247 337 351 536 580 565 430 273 994 *Deciraals omitted. ** Matrix diagonal coefficients do not equal 1.000 because an N-l denominator in Program Formula insured a better population parameter estimate. Note: A Pearson Product-moment coefficient of Correlation; r.=.159 is required for significance at the .05 level. A Pearson Product-moment coefficient of Correlation; r.=,208 is required for significance at the .01 level. ro uo Or 237 This test is probably least influenced by assimila- tional or accultural measures., and by reverse logic, this may indicate how related are many elements on all of the predictor measures. It also places Navajo within the mean spread for national norm groups, and places the Pueblo slightly above the mean such that their percentile rank places them above 58 percent of the norm population. The C.I.S. correlates highest with the auditory-vocal automatic I.T.P.A. subscale which probably reflects that the greater the acculturation the more flexible is one's English usage. IHO,2.--It is felt that, as we shall later see, the Strodtbeck and Srole scales combined on the basis of our rationale tended to depress its association with cri terion measures; however, it significantly correlated with 9 of the criterion measures. It too could not pick up on the measures relatively free of cultural influence. We say relatively free, because this Investigator does not believe in culture-free measures. Even though Amerindians may do better on language-restricted tests, they still must deal with a variety of contextual testing problems favoring the Anglo child: pictures, following English directions, the testing milieu, etc. These are probably bewildering phenomena for children who are not so examined and tested by adults as are Anglo children. The null can be rejected in general for the combined Strodtbeck-Srole. The Strodt beck taken alone could probably have correlated higher be- 238 cause the combining of these scales gave us ambiguous re sults in some cases. IHO,3.— The Overall Modernity Scale was even less effective as a predictor than was the Strodtbeck and Srole, which in turn had lower correlation than did the C.I.S. However, the null hypothesis can be rejected for the O.M. on nine criterion measures. IHO,4.--The Wolf Scale was unquestionably the in strument which correlated higher on. most measures than did the other three. The null is rejected for the Wolf on all except two measures. All predictions shared this fate with the visual motor sequence test and the vocal encoding test. The vocal encoding involves the use of gestures and the lack of correlation probably reflects a leptokeurtotic distribution on the test scores among the three groups; also, skill at gesturing may not be accountable by the predictor measures. All of the predictor measures, even those obtusely related, such as the value measures, comfortably establish that there is some relationship between the cultural back ground variables and a child's early school performance. That most of the children fell usually below the national norms on most tests does testify to the harsh cultural-lingual biases in the instruments. However, it must be remembered that it is in the milieu of the middle- majority school these children must compete. There is 239 strong evidence that the greater the amount of assimilation or acculturation of the parent, particularly in the area of language and communication, the higher the performance of the child in measures of school success. It is this kind of information which demonstrates a cross-cultural analogy to the social-class phenomenon in our social struc ture as far as background influences on learning. Both lower class and culturally divergent children are disad vantaged under the criteria used to classify and diagnose learning potential by our culture-bound psychometric tools. How sadly a figure such as the M.A. equivalent Peabody score of 3-10 (Table 22) reflects the actual be havior of the bright-eyed Navajo child in first grade. One is convinced that it is the system of the school class room that needs to be diagnosed more thoroughly. To continue, it is also evident from our matrix that the relationship among the predicator measures is reasonably high, especially between the C.I.S. and the Wolf. II. Next we are concerned with our second research question. IIHQ,1.--A "t"-test was applied to the hypothesis of no difference for each predictor, and the comparison between pairs of the three major cultures. Only the Wolf and C.I.S. Scale differentiated all three pairs of cul tures, and at the .01 percent level. 240 The O.M. failed to meet the .05 criterion level in differentiating Spanish and Pueblo. Neither could the Srole nor Strodtbeck (see Table 5). This evidence tends to suggest some empirical basis for distinguishing between acculturational and assimilational indices. A look at the "t's" for the Spanish-Pueblo comparisons in Table 5 shows a marked discrepancy between differences obtained by the assimilation indices and the acculturational and home en vironment measures. Subsequent evidence will indicate that there is a certain overlap in the realm of values and at titudes among the Pueblo and Spanish who have lived some what symbiotically for three hundred years under fairly similar ecological conditions. The more concrete face variables and interactional measures related to enculturation evidenced in the C.I.S. and Wolf confirm our hunch that value orientations are a little more tangentially related to early childhood rearing and training than are the environmental and process char acteristics. The fact that predictor measures do correlate with the criterion measures and with each other only gives us a clue to the possible percentage of how much prediction the subsets of these measures can account for when com pared to the total set of measures. When predictor meas ures do correlate highly, this reduces the possibility that any individual measures may account for a significant TABLE 5 SIGNIFICANCE SCORES OF 4 PREDICTOR MEASURES ACROSS 3 MAJOR CULTURES Cultural Information Scale Overall Modernity Scale Wolf Scale Strodbeck Scale Srole Scale Navaho t 1 s 6.36 1<71 2.88 4.20 2.46 vs Significance Significant Significant Significant Significant Significant Pueblo Probability Statement PJ^.01 P<_.05 P<_.01 P_£.01 PjC.01 Navaho t's 10.63 4.32 7.30 3.44 3.92 vs Significance Significant Significant Significant Significant Significant Spanish Probability Statement PjC.Ol Pj4_.01 P_<_.01 P_<_.01 P<^.01 Pueblo t's 4.92 1.26 4.04 0.83 1.27 vs Significance Significant Not Significant'- Significant Not Significant Not Significant Spanish Probability Statement P_£_.01 P>_.05 P_4.01 P_>_.05 P>_.05 242 amount of the variance. With four major predictors we also come close to a reasonable limit on the number of traits measured according to standard practice. We noticed that the C.I.S. and O.M. correlated higher than the Wolf-0.M., but the opposite was true for C.I.S.-Strodtbeck and Srole, and the Wolf-C.I.S. Strodtbeck and Srole. In turn, the highest correlation of prediction was between the Wolf and C.I.S. Perhaps, then, they may represent items from the same sampling parameter, even though an examination of the items indicates marked differences on the majority of items. We come, then, to our next null hypothesis. IIH0,2.— The smaller subset of the C.I.S. and Wolf does not represent a predictor subset which can account for the predictor variance on the criterion measures from what the total set could predict. Tables 6 and 7 provide the evidence to reject the null hypothesis at the .05 percent level of significance using an "P" test for multiple R found in Guilford (29:400). In order to run the "F" test, the larger number of Independent variables (the form pre dictors) is run against the smaller number of independent variables (C.I.S. and Wolf). In Table 6 the multiple R coefficients for each of 13 criterion tests (plus S.W.C.E.L.) for each of the three major cultures are converted to corresponding z-coeffi- cients. These are presented along with mean z-scores for the entire set of criterion tests (XZ). T A B L E 6 MULTIPLE R COEFFICIENTS AND CORRESPONDING FISHER 'Z 1 COEFFICIENTS FOR THE COMBINED (A) CULTURAL INFORMATION SCALE AND WOLF SCALE SUB SET, AND THE TOTAL (B) PREDICTOR SCALES WITH 3 CULTURES ON 14 CRITERION MEASURES N A V A H O (N-52) S P A N I S H (N=551 P U E B L O (N-49) Criterion Variables A z D Z A Z D Z A Z D Z Auditory Vocal Automatic .43129 46 .45642 .48 .46505 .51 .58240 .66 .63842 .74 .65690 .79 Visual Decoding .31152 32 .36236 .38 .40043 .42 .41710 .45 .44635 .48 .50717 .56 Motor Encoding .24269 24 .29158 .30 .31127 .32 .34410 .35 .51755 .58 .52334 .58 Auditory Vocal Association .48391 52 .52768 .59 .55524 .62 .55781 .63 .64197 .76 .67560 .83 Visual Motor Seauencing .12887 13 .13450 .13 .25484 .26 .40123 .42 .43407 .46 .47880 .52 Vocal Encoding .35298 37 .35648 .48 .26321 .27 .29513 .31 .38344 .40 .46059 .50 Auditory Vocal Sequencing .16456 16 .21781 .22 .35948 .38 .41817 .45 .35795 .38 .42177 .45 Visual Motor Association .38159 40 .47933 .52 .33539 .35 .34816 .37 .37942 .40 .39370 .41 Auditory Decoding .26852 28 .44697 .48 .41393 .44 .44912 .48 .36150 .38 .38582 .41 ITPA Full Scale .50258 55 .53422 .59 .49486 .54 .51725 .58 .55401 .62 .56276 .63 Peabodv .39641 42 .40225 .42 .62901 .74 .64515 .78 .63561 .76 .66623 .81 Caldwell .41751 45 .41914 .45 .64515 .78 .67484 .81 .61165 .71 .66353 .79 SWCEL Child Ouest. .44483 47 .47882 .52 .42215 .45 .57382 .65 .41951 .45 .45118 .48 Klaus Memory Design .29835 30 .30698 .32 .44684 .48 .45379 .48 .43115 .46 .47623 .52 1 =5 07 i =5 78 i =6 56 £ =7.42 1=7.58 1=8.28 \ =0 362 Xz=0 413 XZ =0 47 Xz =0.53 XZ =0.541 XZ =0.59 2bk Table 7 shows the "P"-tests between the two small and large sets of Independent variables. The results re ject the null because the differences between the two pre dictor sets are not significant at the .05 percent level. A note of clarification is in order. We reject a hypothe sis of no difference in that the smaller subset difference in predicting an amount of variance such that the total set (the influence of the five other scales) would predict significantly greater. By accepting the null hypothesis on an "F" test of no difference between the two predictor sets, we actually confirm that the larger set does not contribute globally across the 13 criterion scores more significantly than does the smaller set. By not rejecting the null hypothesis on the "F" test we actually reject the null hypothesis of the research question that no difference exists between the amount of variance accounted for by the smaller subset, and the larger one. This logic is somewhat tenuous, so, to continue the analysis, let us keep in mind that an "R" has about the same meaning as r. in terms of interpretation. R2 gives us a coefficient of multiple determination, so by moving a decimal two places to the right we get the per centage of variance accounted for. In Table 8 we have multiple R's for nine criterion variables for the total set of predictors. Also, we have r. between the C.I.S. and the Wolf on these same criterion variables. Then an TABLE 7 COMBINED C.I.S., AND WOLF SCALE (2), COMPARED WITH TOTAL (4) PREDICTOR SCALES TO .DETERMINE THE SIGNIFICANCE OF INCREASE IN PREDICTIVE POWER FROM USING ALL PREDICTORS COMBINED (1) (2) -------------« -- A B Significance Cultural Groups X corresponding R X Z X corresponding R X Z F Between 1 $ 2 and Probability Statement Navaho .345 0.36 .390 0.41 0.91 Not Significant P J>_.05 Spanish . .440 0.47 .485 0.53 1.21 Not Significant P 2_-05 Pueblo .490 0.54 .530 0.59 1.42 Not Significant P >_. 05 Note: Multiple R Coefficients transformed to Fisher Z Score Coefficients for purposes of obtaining mean multiple R's. ro ui T A B L E 8 A) CORRELATIONS FOR C.I.S. AND WOLF SCALES WITH SELECTED CRITERION MEASURES; B) MULTIPLE CORRELATIONS FOR TOTAL PREDICTOR SET WITH SELECTED CRITERION MEASURES; AND C) RESULTS OF SIGNIFICANCE TESTS FOR MULTIPLE CORRELATIONS INVOLVING TOTAL PREDICTOR SETS AND WOLF AND C.I.S. SCALES SIGNIFICANCE TESTS OF A DIFFERENCE BETWEEN MULTIPLE R'S A B (1) (2) (3) F Tests Criterion Variables C.I.S. r with Criterion Wolf r with Criterion Multiple Correlation F test between 1 & 3 F test between 2 & 3 Auditory Vocal Automatic 0.64083 0.55929 0.68000 F-4.95 significant Pi.01 F=14.06 significant P i .01 Visual Decoding 0.32494 0.40093 0.40974 F-3.76 significant P < .05 F=0.43 not significant Motor Encoding 0.28471 0.37045 0.39037 F=4.24 significant P £.01 F=0.90 not significant Auditory Vocal Association 0.62725 0.5457 0.66863 F=4.87 significant P i . 01 F=13.57 significant P i.01 Visual Motor Association 0.22156 0.33889 « - 0.35233 F=4.30 significant P < .01 F=0.53 not significant Auditory Decoding 0.28898 0.35367 0.40641 F=4.94 significant P i . 01 F=2.42 not significant Peabody 0.52325 0.58414 0.62236 F=9.33 significant P i .01 F=3.79 significant P i .05 Klaus 0.12372 0.27431 0.32154 F=4.94 significant P i . 01 F=1.58 not significant Caldwell 0.54355 0.56868 0.62764 F=8.16 significant P i . 01 F=5.85 significant Ei-.Ol 246 247 "F" test was run between the C.I.S. and the predictor total set, also for the Wolf and the total set. Only the cri terion test predictions in which a multiple R was signifi cant (over . 40) at the .05 percent level were used for this analysis. The "F" tests in Table 8 between the C.I.S. and the Multiple R Set of Predictors indicate, if significant, that the total predictor set accounts for a significant amount of the predictor variance compared to the single predictor (C.I.S.). This was true in every instance of the 9 im portant prediction relationships shown. The same tests were applied between the single Wolf Predictor and the total Multiple R set. On the Visual Decoding, Motor En coding, Visual Motor Association, Auditory Decoding, i.e., I.T.P.A. subtests, and the Klaus experimental test, the Wolf probably accounted for enough of the variance to pre dict all of these criterion scores without much contribu tion from the other predictor measures. Notice, though, that on four criterion measures the C.I.S. correlation was higher than the Wolf despite the fact that it could not stand alone against the total set. Thus: IIHO,3.--There is no difference in the amount of variance contributed between the C.I.S. and the Wolf. Be cause the Wolf was generally the most powerful predictor, how would we know if in combination with the C.I.S., the 248 latter would not add appreciably to the predictive power of the Wolf? Table 9 illustrates the refutation of the null hy pothesis, and follows logically from the evidence in Table 8. In Table 8 we selected those tests in which the total predictive scale did not contribute significantly more than did the Wolf alone. Table 9 shows the results of comparing whether or not the C.I.S. added significantly to the prediction power over the Wolf on the five criterion variables. On four of these variables the increase in prediction power contributed by the C.I.S. was significant at the .01 percent level. Only on the Motor Encoding variable does the Wolf make a relatively unique contribu tion . To summarize these findings, we could tentatively point out that for two I.T.P.A. criterion measures, visual motor sequencing and vocal encoding, our five predictor measures do not account for much predictive power on these variables. Lest one think that this could be due to close "T" score means, an examination of Table 22 will indicate that this is probably not the case. These variables may be important in prescriptive education, because they seem less biased by the assimila- tional, home environment characteristics, and accultura tional predictions. TABLE 9 PEARSON PRODUCT-MOMENT COEFFICIENTS (r.)» MULTIPLE CORRELATIONS (R), AND COEFFICIENTS OF DETERMINATION (R2) INVOLVING THE CULTURAL INFORMATION SCALE (C.I.S.) AND WOLF SCALES FOR SELECTED CRITERION VARIABLES (1) (2) (3). (4) (5) (6) Criterion Variable Wolf r with criterion Wolf r2 (R2) with criterion C.I.S. with criterion Wolf and * C.I.S. combined R2 F-Test (4) vs. (2) Significance Probability statement 1. Auditory Vocal Automatic .55929 .3128 .64083 .44 F=35.35 •significant P<_.01 2. Auditory Vocal Association .54571 .2978 .62725 .43 F=34.01 significant P_< .01 3. Peabody .58414 .3412 .52325 .38 F= 8.72 significant P_< .01 4. Caldwell .56868 .3234 .543^5 .38 F=12.81 significant P_< .01 * R2 equals proporation of variance accounted for by combined C.I.S. and Wolf Scale for selected criterion variables. ro - £ = • vo 250 The Wolf was able to account for a great amount of the prediction variance on the experimental Klaus criterion variable. The other measures were negligible in this in stance. The fact that all of the predictor measure inter correlate significantly tends to support the notion that compositely these tests share much predictive power, and also tend to provide concurrent validity for each other. Especially strengthened is the C.I.S., which correlated highly with Wolf and O.M. Upon examining our indices of learning style, the results are a bit disappointing in terms of giving us much beyond an explication of the obvious. In general, the Spanish-American fared far better than the other groups. The Pueblo are marginally below one S.D. from the mean on the P.P.V.T., I.Q,. (see Table 22, notation 4). The Navajo are two S.D. below the mean and would be considered retarded by this standard. It would be desirable to be able to predict either on the basis of our criterion scores or predictor measures if any of these could predict achievement in a longitundial study. Such is the limitation of a cross-sectional research de sign. For all the 16 "T" scores for each major group in Table 22 (Klaus was excluded because it wasn't standard ized), the Navajo exceeded the Spanish on one test. The Pueblo exceeded the Spanish on 3 tests. The Navajo tied 251 only on 3 tests with the Pueblo and not at all with the Spanish. The Pueblo equalled the Spanish on 3 tests and the Navajo on 2 tests, and the Pueblo exceed the Navajo on 14 tests. Learning style, even as measured by this two-hour battery of individualized tests, was not successfully diagnosed, except to tell us the ordinal relationship among the three groups. The individual Pueblo groups were not compared with each other and the Spanish and Navajo groups. This study will be included in the next research stage. It is expected that as a tentative hunch that some Pueblos will overlap considerably with the Spanish in learning per formance and achievement. In order to assess the relative discriminant va lidity for each predictor measure we come to: IIHO,4.--The amount of variance contributed by the C.I.S. is null. This hypothesis is rejected if we recall the evidence from our correlational matrix. The C.I.S. correlated better with criterion measures than did the assimilational predictors, but less well than did the Wolf. However, if we recall Table the Peabody and Caldwell full scales, even though predicted best by the Wolf, still had significantly higher prediction accounted for with the addition of the C.I.S. On the automatic and associational auditory-vocal I.T.P.A. subtests, the C.I.S. 252 accounted for greater predictability than the Wolf did. So not only was it significant in its own right, but also added significantly to the Wolf's predictive power on two full-scale tests as well. The latter two I.T.P.A. subtests would seem to be reflective of greater communicational op portunities tapped by C.I.S. A factor-analysis of these criterion measures, and the 9 C.I.S. subscale items, could perhaps "tease out" the relevant characteristics. IIHO,5.— The hypothesis of no difference was gen erally rejected when an analysis of variance tests was applied to determine if the C.I.S. could differentiate among the three major cultures and among the 5 Pueblos. This analysis of variance technique was used because it was more conservative than the available non-parametric tests such as Chi-Square. The null hypothesis for this significance test, HO:m = H2 ••• !■%, stated that the means between (among) these groups were equal in that there would be zero differences, because these means would be samples from the same estimated parameters. The means for the three major cultures on 9 C.I.S. subtests are plotted in Figure 3, and the probability and F-significance tests are presented in Table 10. On all subtests with one exception, temporal value orientation, the three major cultures were differentiated at the .01 level. The two largest F-scores, Territorial (assoc.- occup.) and Territorial (rec.-ed.), both tapping degrees SUBTEST MEAN SCORES NAVAHO PUEBLO SPANISH 20 « 12 « Lang. ^ssoc. Dccup. Occup. Territ. Temporal Educ. Territ. Artifacts Educ. Time value Assoc. Occup. Territ. Future Rec. Territ. Explt, Level Orient Assoc. Educ. Territ. Assoc. Orient. FIGURE 3 ■TRI-CULTURAL COMPARISONS ON BLOCKED C.I.S. SUBTESTS MEAN DIFFERENCES ACROSS THREE CULTURAL GROUPS BASED UPON MODIFICATIONS OF PARAMETERS FROM HALL'S PRIMARY MESSAGE SYSTEMS (fcMS) 253 TABLE 10 MEAN DIFFERENCES ACROSS THREE CULTURAL GROUPS BASED UPON MODIFICATIONS OF PARAMETERS FROM E. T. HALL'S PRIMARY MESSAGE SYSTEMS (P.M.S.)* Aasoclatlonal Territorial Temporal Future Recreational territorial Exploitation Educational Level Temporal Value Orientation Associational occupational Occupational territorial 3 3 Associational educational Occupational Territorial associational Orientation Educational territorial artifact! N A V A H 0 K-52 X 12.88 4.71 4.00 3.69 1.59 3.25 17.21 3.09 1.75 S.D. 4.34 3.28 1.75 2.14 0.89 1.60 5.16 2.06 1.10 P U E B L 0 0-55 X 13.01 8i65 4.78 8.07 2.20 4.09 21.84 5.45 1.91 S.D. 4.20 • 3.45 1.27 1.77 0.87 1.87 . 3.74 2.41 0.78 S P A N I S H N=50 X 16.24 11.34 5.28 7.82 2.30 6.84 25.54 5.70 1.92 S.D. 4.00 4.36 1.59 2.16 0.86 1.67 4.84 2.43 0.75 F's 10.52 41.22 8.93 t 77.08 9.82 60.70 42.05 20.14 0.59 Significance and Probability Statement Signif icant p.<.01 Significant p.<.01 Significant p. <.01 Significant p.<.01 Significant p.<.01 Significant p.<.01 Significant p.<.01 Significant p.<.01 Not Signifi cant * C.I.S. subtest scores blocked according to selected P.M.S. parameters. ro • t = - 255 of places for Interaction with the dominant society, dis criminated better than the Wolf's highest environmental process characteristics (Table 15). The associational subscale and the exploitational subscale also differenti ated better among the groups than did the Wolf subscales. This illustrates the value of substruction in pragmatic as well as theoretical terms. The explanation for the failure of the Temporal- Value Orientation subscale was sought. First off, it con sisted of one unique item and wasn't sensitive enough. However, a Chi-Square was run across the three groups for proportions of those past-oriented. Interestingly enough, the majority of individuals in all three cultures were present-time oriented. Nevertheless, a proportion of Pu eblo who were past-time oriented was significantly greater than either Navajo or Spanish at the .01 level. It is not difficult to understand that the constant ritualism em phasizing tradition among the Pueblo tends to orient some of its members to the past. This is significant when we realize that inter-Pueblo variation overlaps with both Spanish at one extreme on certain acculturational and as- similational measures, but also certain Pueblos such as San. Felipe and Santo Domingo will score lower on these measures than the average for the Navajo group. Therefore, with respect to the total seven groups, the C.I.S. subscale generally differentiates such as to 256 reject the null except for the last Item. Even here, a test accounting for proportions because of the wide spread of Pueblo scores yielded significant differences. It is felt that if more items representing indices of this tem- poral-value orientation were constructed, this elusive parameter could be established. Table 11 represents the differences for matched pairs of the three groups. The next dangerous step for the C.I.S. baptism was to compare the five Pueblos, and block out the Spanish, Navajo scores by combining them (see Figure 4 and Table 12). By checking the mean scores we have clues as to why some tests were discriminatory and others were not. Lan guage did discriminate. The associational dimension did not, partly because of the mean overlap for the blocked groups and some Pueblos, and because the more acculturated groups--Cochlti, Santana, and Sandia--were homogenous. This was true with the occupational measure, exploitational, and of course the temporal-value orientation overall. Lan guage, territoriality, temporal future and educational level were all significantly discriminatory. Thus, these items could be retained and the others refined for future instrument development. In Table 11 Duncan’s new multiple- range test was used with a correction for unequal N's. For the three major groups on the C.I.S. subscales, this power ful test was used instead of "t" tests in order to stack the cards against a type I error which could be reflected TABLE 11 DUNCAN’S NEW MULTIPLE RANGE TEST APPLIED TO THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN K=3 TREATMENT MEANS FOR MAJOR CULTURAL GROUPS ON C.I.S. SUBTESTS Significant C.I.S. Subtests Subtest Mean Scores Navaho Pueblo Spanish Lang. 12.88 13.01 * 16.24 Assoc. Navaho Pueblo Spanish Assoc. Occup. Assoc. Educ. 4.71 8.65 11.34 Navaho Pueblo Spanish Occup. 4.00 4.78 5.28 Territ. Navaho Spanish Pueblo Territ. assoc. Occup. Territ. 3.69 7.82 8.08 Temporal Future Navaho Pueblo Spanish Orient 1.60 2.20 2.30 Rec. Territ. Navaho Pueblo Spanish Educ. Territ. 3.25 4.09 6.84 Artifacts Navaho Pueblo Spanish Exploitation 17.21 21.84 25.54 Navaho Pueblo Spanish Educ. Level 3.10 5.45 5.70 ll-l _ . M l _ _ . . _ * Any two treatment means underscored by the same line are not significantly different (P.^.05) Any two treatment means not underscored by the same line are significantly different (P.£.05) Note: A correction procedure has been applied due to ^ N's. 257 SUBTEST MEAN SCORES 28 25 i 20 15 10 Santa Ana San Felipe Santo Domingo Sandla Cochiti Navaho or Spanish “ T“ Lang. I Assoc. Assoc. Occup. Assoc. Educ. i — i . , i Occup. Occup. Territ. ‘ Temporal tduc. Territ. Artifacts Territ. Future Rec. Territ. Explt. Territ. Assoc. Orient. Educ. Level Time value Orient. FIGURE 4 MEAN SCORE COMPARISONS ACROSS 5 PUEBLO GROUPS AND COMBINED NAVAJO, SPANISH-AMERICANS FOR 9 SUB-TESTS OF THE CULTURAL INFORMATION SCALE (C.I.S.) BASED ON TO MODIFICATION OF HALL'S PRIMARY MESSAGE SYSTEMS (FMS) Ul 00 TABLE 12 MEAN DIFFERENCES ACROSS FIVE PUEBLO SUB-GROUPS BASED UPON MODIFICATION OF PARAMETERS FROM HALL'S PRIMARY MESSAGE SYSTEMS (P.M.S.) * Language Associational Associational occupational Associational educational Occupa tional Territorial Territotial associational Occupational territorial Temporal Future Orientation Recreational territorial Educational territorial Exploitation Artifact* Educa tional Level Temporal value Orientation Santa X 17.50 10.00 5.75 9.00 3.00, 4.75 23.25 7.25 2.00 Ana S.D. 1.73 • 1.4. 1.71 0.81 0.00 2.06 0.96 1.89 0.82 San X 8.83 7.75 3.83 7. 75 1.17 4. 75 20.08 3.67 1.58 Felipe S.D. 2.44 4.05 1.27 2.01 0.58 1.71 4.78 2.19 0.79 Santo X 11.19 7.86 4.71 7.71 2.43 2.76 20.61 5.00 1.76 Domingo S.D. 2.44 2.87 1.06 1.19 0.68 0.70 2.78 2.37 0.70 • Sandia X 18.00 9.80 5.20 6.60 1.40 4.00 26.80 6.40 1.80 S.D. 3.24 4.92 1.09 2.30 0.55 3.08 1.92 1.95 1.10 Cochiti X 16.54 9.92 5.31 9.23 2.85 5.46 23.08 6.92 2.46 S.D. 2.47 3.38 1.11 1.79 0.37 1.51 3.09 1.71 0.52 Navaho & X 14.53 7.96 4.63 5.72 1.94 5.01 21.29 4.38 1.83 Spanish S.D. 4.48 5.08 1.79 2.98 0.94 2.43 6.50 2.59 0.94 F’s 9.39 0.71 1.55 6.86 7.88 4.17 1.44 4.33 1.55 S ignificance and Probability Statements Signifi cant p.t.Ol Not Significant Not Signifi cant Significant p.£.01 Significant p.£.01 S ignificant p.<.05 Not Significant ignif- icant p.<.05 Not Signifi cant * C.I.S. Subtest scores blocked according to selected P.M.S. Parameters. Note: Navaho and Spanish-American cultural groups are combined. 259 2 6 0 in significance being reached as a probability function resulting from a large number of "t" tests. Here, we found that language did not differentiate between Pueblo and Navajo, probably because of the spread from monolingual to bilingual in the Pueblo group. The Territorial, Tem poral, and Educational level items did not differentiate the Spanish and Pueblo, again reflecting the large S.D. found for the Pueblo group. In Table 13, the Duncan multiple-range test, sig nificance score differences were derived for certain groups, but not for others. All the complex differences among the Pueblos are illustrated here. In this morass, though, appears some underlying rationale. Sandia, Cochiti, and Santa Ana are the more modern among the Pueblos in many respects in rank order on a number of measures. These three groups tend to separate themselves from the other Pueblos and the Navajo. These groups also are higher in other measures of assimilation and value orientatioh. They are not more wealthy, nor do they appear to have greater opportunities for contact than do other groups. Yet, on the whole, they are less insular than the other two larger Pueblos, San Felipe and Santo Domingo. This problem is taken up again under later analysis. Table 14 shows the ranks of these 5 Pueblos. TABLE 13 DUNCAN'S NEW MULTIPLE RANGE TEST APPLIED TO THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN K=6 TREATMENT MEANS FOR SUBCULTURAL GROUPS ON C.I.S. SUBTESTS Significant C.I.S. Subtests Subtest Mean Scores San Santo Navaho & Santa Felipe Domingo Spanish Cochiti Ana Sandia Language 8.83 11.19 14,53 16.54 17.50 18.00 Territ. Navaho < S c Santo San Santa Occup. Territ. Spanish Sandia Domingo Felipe Ana Cochiti Territ. Assoc. 5.72 6.60 7.71 7.75 9.00 9.23 San Navaho & Santo Santa Temporal Future Felipe Sandia Spanish Domingo Cochiti Ana Orient. ' 1.17 1.40 1.94 2.42 2.84 3.00 Santo San Santa Navaho & Rec. Territ. Domingo Sandia Felipe Ana Spanish Cochiti Educ. Territ. 2.76 4.00 4.75 4,75 5.01 5.46 San Navaho & Santo Santa Felipe Spanish Domingo Sandia Cochiti Ana Educ. Level 3.67 4 • 3 7_ 5.00 f i An f i Q? * Any two treatment means underscored by the same line are not significantly different (P.? .05) Any two treatment means not underscored by the same line are significantly different (P.£- .05) Note: A correction procedure has been applied due to ? N's. ro o\ TABLE 14 RANK ORDERING OF SCORES FOR FIVE (5) PUEBLO SUB-GROUPS ON SELECTED PARAMETERS FROM HALL'S PRIMARY MESSAGE SYSTEMS (PMS) J Subcultures SUBTESTS (Blocking based on Hall Classification System) Language Territorial Territorial associational Occupational territorial Temporal Future Orientation Recreational territorial Educational territorial Educational level Santa Ana 2 2 1 3.5 1 San Felipe 6 3 6 3.5 6 Santo Domingo 5 4 3 6 4 Sandia 1 5 5 5 3 Cochiti 3 1 2 1 2 *Navaho & Spanish 4 6 4 2 5 *Navaho & Spanish scores have been combined for subcultures. I X ) Chi ro 263 IIHO,6.--An analysis of variance design tested the null hypothesis with respect to whether the Wolf 12 sub scales could differentiate across the three major cultural groups. Every subscale on the Wolf significantly differen tiated the three groups at the .01 percent level. Unfortunately, because of missing data (many Pueblo considered the Wolf too tedious), N-sizes were too small to analyze this scale across Pueblos only. The null hy pothesis was rejected. Figure 5 graphically depicts relatively clear-cut differences for the three major cultures on the 12 Wolf subscales. "F"-scores and significance levels are provided for the 12 Wolf measures across the three major cultures in Table 15. IIHO,7.— The O.M. scale was hypothesized as not being able to significantly differentiate among the three major cultures. Figure 6 shows a lesser separation among the groups on behavioral and informational items, but the calibration of the scale is deceptive. Actually, signifi cance tests in Table 16 indicate that all scales separated the three major cultures on all subscales at the .01 level. What is more important, the items underlying proto-assimi- lation remarkably differentiated across the Pueblo groups such that in general, between group differences exceeded within group variations (see Table 17). MEAN CORRECT SCORE 5 4 3 2 1 0 ENVIRONMENTAL PROCESS CHARACTERISTICS Navajo Pueblo Spanish FIGURE 5 MEAN SCORE COMPARISONS FOR 3 CULTURES ON 12 ENVIRONMENTAL PROCESS CHARACTERISTICS OF THE WOLF SCALE 264 TABLE 15 MEAN SCORE DIFFERENCES AND SIGNIFICANCE LEVELS FOR 3 CULTURAL GROUPS ON THE 12 ENVIRONMENTAL PROCESSES OF THE WOLF SCALE WOLF SCALE Environmental Process Characteristics Al a2 A3 A4 Bl b2 B3 Cl c2 c3 C4 C5 c u L T U R A L G R 0 U P S X 3.67 3.25 2.06 1.90 1.48 2.00 2.36 18.85 2.00 2.35 1.98 2.48 S. D 1.22 1.01 1.42 1.35 1.06 0.88 1.55 12.31 1.44 1.48 1.41 1.31 X 4.31 3.64 3.60 2.69 2.87 3.00 3.07 27.82 2.84 3.44 2.85 3.13 S.D 1.17 1.11 1.21 1.58 1.38 1.17 1.66 11.97 1.42 1.50 1.52 1.25’ X 4.54 4.06 3.76 3.42 3.86 3.78 4.44 36.40 3.40 4.30 3.48 4.18 j pall ISn S.D 1.54 1.30 1.56 1.59 c 1.14 1.09 1.42 11.56 1.50 1.49 1.56 1.41 F's 6.02 6.40 23.46 12.82 50.43 36.29 23.54 27.48 12.01 22.06 12.97 21.47 Significance and Probability Statement Signi ficant p^. 01 Signi ficant p<.01 Signi ficant Pi. 01 Signi ficant PC. 01 Signi ficant pc.01 Signi ficant pC.Ol Signi ficant PC. 01 Signi ficant PC. 01 Signi ficant p<.01 Signi ficant P<-Cl Signi ficant pc.Ol Signi ficant PC.01 SUBTEST AMD FULL SCALE MEAN SCORES 56 * | Navajo I Pueblo , S panish 28 Attitudinal Attituriinal Subtests jlnformation Behavior Attitudinal Ii'forrnat ion Behavior Subtest (it ems 11 Subtest I (items 1 — LO) Subtest Ilia (it ems 11, 12 'Subtest I Jit. (items 1-10, 12, 13,14) Subtest IIIC (items L3, 14) Subtest IV. (items 15-32, omit 30) Subtest TVj, (items 1—10 • Full Seale Score FIGURE 6 COMPARISON OF THREE CULTURAL GROUPS ON 4 SUBSCALES AND 3 COMBINED SUBSCALES OF THE "OVERALL MODERNITY" (O.M.) 2 66 TABLE 16 SIGNIFICANCE LEVELS FOR MEAN DIFFERENCES ON 4 SUB-SCALES, 3 COMBINED SUB-SCALES AND TOTAL SCALE OF THE OVERALL MODERNITY SCALE (CM) FOR THREE CULTURES Attitudinal Subtest 1 (items 1- 1 0) Behavior Subtest 11 (items 1 1 , 1 2) Information + Behavior Subtest IUa (Items 1 1 , 12, 13, 14) Information + Attitudinal + Behavior Subtest Hit, (items 1- 1 0 , 1 1, 12, 13, 14) Information Subtest IIIC (items 13, 14) Attitudinal Subtest lVa (items 15-32, omit 30) Attitudinal Subtest I + IVa (items 1-10,15-32) Modernity Scale Pull Scale Score N A V A X 19.39 1.05 4.29 23.68 3.23 36.29 55.66 59.82 H 0 S.D. 5.50 1.13 2.61 6 . 8 8 1.94 6.98 10.97 12.70 P U E X 21.53 1.90 5.98 27.51 4.07 35.12 56.44 63^51 L 0 S.D. 5.45 1.48 2.77 7.33 1.74 6.73 .10,99 13.04 S P A N I S H X 23.72 2.62 7.52 31.24 4.9 38.82 62.54 68.52 . S.D. 3.46 1 . 6 6 2.56 4.44 1.60 4.69 6.26 7.16 F's 9.77 14.79 18.61 17.69 11.14 4.70 7.60 7.45 Significance and Probability Statement Significance P ± .01 Significance P f -01 Significance P < .01 Significance P < .01 Significance P£ . 0 1 Significance P 5 .01 Significance P < . .01 Significance P < .01 ro o\ TABLE 17 SIGNIFICANCE LEVELS FOR MEAN DIFFERENCES ON 4 SUB-SCALES, COMBINED SCALES AND THE TOTAL SCORE OF THE OVERALL MODERNITY SCALE (CM) FOR FIVE PUEBLO SUB-CULTURES Subcultures Attitudinal Subtest I (items 1 - 1 0) Behavior Subtest 11 (items lla 1 2 3 Information + Behavior Subtest IIla (items 11.12.13.14 Information + Attitudinal + Behavior Subtest Illb (items 1-1 0 , 1 1 , 12. 13. 14) Information Subtest I1IC (items 13. 14) Attitudinal Subtest IVa (items 15-32, Omit 30) Attitudinal Subtest I + lVa (items 1-10.15-32) Modernity Scale Full Scale Score Santa X 26.5 3.5 8.75 35.25 5.25 38.25 64.75 75.5 Ana S.D. 3.42 1.29 0.95 3.3 . 0.5 2.5 4.42 4.12 San X 19.45 1.81 6.72 26.18 4.90 30.81 50.27 57.18 Felipe S.D. 4.76 0.98 1 . 6 5.99 1.04 4.46 8 . 6 8 9.49 Santo X 18.57 0.95 3.90 22,47 2.95 32.28 5Q.28 54.95 Domingo S.D. 5,67 0.97 1.72 6.79 1.39 6.15 9.70 11.03 Sandia X 23.4 2 . 0 8 . 0 31.4 6 . 0 33.4 56.8 71.8 S.D. 2.30 0.71 0.71 2.7 1 0 . 0 3.78 1.64 10.47 Cochiti X 25.84 3.0 7.07 32.92 4.08 43.08 68.92 75.84 S.D. 2.26 1.73 3.59 4.64 2 . 1 0 3.14 3.94 5.09 Navaho & X 21.53 1.83 5.89 27.43 4.06 37.54 59.07 64.13 Spanish S.D. 5.07 1.61 3.04 6.91 1.96 6.06 9.55 11.17 F's 4.93 4.03 4.15 5.83 3.54 8.96 9.31 8.76 Significance and Probability Statement Significance P < .01 Significance P < - 0 1 Significance P < .01 Significance P £ .01 Significance P < .01 Significance P < .01 Significance P < .01 Significance P <. .01 Note: Navajo & Spanish-Anterican cultural groups are combined. 268 269 On Table 18 the five Pueblo cultures are ranked, and a relationship bearing resemblance to the other rank ings on both Table 14 and Table 21 exists. IIHO,8.— Taken separately, or combined, the Strodt- beck "V" Scale and the Srole Scale of Anomie could not differentiate among either the three major groups or five Pueblo groups. This null hypothesis was rejected in the first instance using analysis of variance "F"-scores. That is, the singular and combined scales significantly differen tiated across the three major cultures, and also among the Pueblo. Figure 7 illustrates that the Navajo are generally higher on anomie than the Pueblo as a whole, or the Spanish- Americans. They are also lower on the Strodtbeck scale and are between Spanish and Pueblo on the combined scale. Figure 8 succinctly shows the Navajo far lower on mastery of the environment. The Navajos in our sample are more geographically isolated, far more poverty-stricken, and have much weaker tribal or community ties than do the Pueblos in our study. These differences are reflected in the low scores of Navajos compared to Pueblos. Neither Amerindian group approaches the Spanish on "independence- from-family" attitudes, although, compared to Navajo, the Pueblo are more independent. In the Navajo's vast empty environment, of course, the family is the center of the human universe. The Pueblo are more community oriented, TABLE IS RANKINGS FOR FIVE PUEBLO SUB-CULTURES ON SUB-SCALES AND THE TOTAL SCORE OF THE OVERALL MODERNITY SCALE (CM) Subcultures Attitudinal Subtest I (items 1-10) Behavior Subtest 11 (items 11, 12) Information + Behavior Subtest IIIa (items 11,12,13,14 Information + Attitudinal + Behavior Subtest Illb (items 1-10, 11, 12, 13, 14) Information Subtest IIIC. (items 13, 14) Attitudinal Subtest IVa (items 15-32, omit 30) Attitudinal Subtest I + IV (items 1-10,15-32) Modernity Scale Full Scale Score Santa Ana 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 San Felipe 5 5 4 5 3 6 6 5 Santo Domingo 6 6 6 6 6 5 5 6 Sandia 3 3 2 3 1 4 4 3 Cochiti 2 2 3 2 4 1 1 1 Navaho & Spanish 4 4 5 4 5 3 3 4 * Navaho and Spanish scores have been combined for subcultures. ro -<i o MEANS SUBTEST SCORES 6 - 3. 2 m 1. OJ Strodbeck ' (items Navaho Pueblo Spanish r < Scale 1-8) Srole Scale (itegs 9-12 + 3) vnen 3 is agree Combined Strodbeck-Srole Score FIGURE 7 KEAN COMPARISONS OF 3 CULTURES ON A) STRODTBECK 'V' SCALE, B) SROLE SCALE AND C) COMBINED STRODTBECK-SROLE SCALES 271 Factor I Mastery (items 1,2,3) FIGURE 8 MEANS COMPARISONS OF TWO FACTORS OF STRODTBECK 'V* SCALE FOR 3 CULTURES Navajo Pueblo Spanish Factor 2 Independence (items 4,5,6) 272 273 and the Spanish-Americans have probably absorbed Anglo values on kinship obligations in recent years. All of these speculations need more confirmation other than the non-randomized samples provided this investigator from his field work. Table 19 punctuates this discussion for the three groups. Notice, however, that significance drops slightly on the combined scales. This point will be returned to shortly. In Table 20, the mastery items are not significant, but notice that the combined Spanish-Navajo obscures dif ferences, a point related to the lower significance for the combined scale. The extreme scores of both of these groups tend to fall close to the mean for the Pueblos. Strangely enough, the San Felipe, a Pueblo from which biased sampling is suspected, deviates from the other measures markedly. The 15 interviews which were not ob tained in this Pueblo, it is suspected, represent more conservative tradition. Table 21 represents the rank order for the 5 Pueblo on the Srole and Strodtbeck subscales, total and combined. At this stage the mystery among the various pre dictor variables thickened. There was no clear-cut tenden cy among the 5 Pueblos to line up on all variables. The confusing array of data comes partly from three major ‘TABLE 19 SIGNIFICANCE LEVELS FOR MEAN SCORES ACROSS THREE CULTURES ON COMBINED STRODBECK-SROLE SCALE ITEMS, SUB-SCALES AND ESSENTIAL STRODBECK FACTORS Factor 1 Mastery (items 1, 2, 3) Factor 2 Independence (items 4, 5, 6) Strodbeck Subtest (items 1-8) Srole Subtest (plus item 3 when 3 is agree) (items 3, 9-12) Strodbeck-Srole Combined Score (full scale) N A X 1.19 1.62 3.86 2.73 6.15 V A. H S.D. 1.17 0.99 1.89 1.44 2.06 0 P . * U X 1.87 ' 2.04 5.11 1.71 6.34 E B L S.D. 1.02 0.92 1.75 1.30 2.08 0 S P A X 1.88 2.42 5.40 2,04 7.08 . N I S S.D. 1.19 0.86 1.79 1.43 1.64 H F's 6.41 9.61 10.46 7.46 3.21 Significance Significant Significant Significant Significant Significant . S t Probability Statements P.^.01 P.<.01 P.<..01 P. ^ . 0 1 P. <.05 n r r - n --------------------------- W 4=- T A B L E 20 SIGNIFICANCE LEVELS FOR MEAN SCORES ACROSS FIVE (5) PUEBLO SUB-GROUPS (AND NAVAJO-SPANISH COMBINED) ON COMBINED STRODBECK-SROLE SCALE ITEMS: SUB-SCALES AND ESSENTIAL STRODBECK FACTORS Factor 1 Mastery (items 1, 2, 3) Factor 2 Independence (items 4, 5, 6) Strodbeck Subtest (items 1-8) Srole Subtest (plus item 3 when 3 is agree) (items 3, 9-12) Strodbeck-Srole Combined Score (full scale) Santa Aha X 1.50 2.50 5.75 2.00 7.00 S.D. 1.29 1.00 2.06 1.41 2.00 San Felipe X 2.58 1.75 5.50 1.42 6.67 S.D. 0.79 0.45 1.00 1.24 1.15 S Santo Domingo X 1.52 1.43 3.76 1.33 4.62 S.D. 0.93 0.93 1.55 1.06 1.77 Sandia X 1.80 2.60 5.60 1.40 6.20 S.D. 1.30 0.54 1.81 1.14 0.84 Cochiti X 1.92 2.92 6.54 2.62 8.69 S.D. 0.95 0.28 0.96 1.44 0.63 Navaho & Spanish X 1.53 2.00 4.62 2.39 6.61 S.D. 1.22 1.01 1.99 1.47 1.91 F's 2.05 5.08 4.75 3.30 9.02 Significance & Probability Statements Not Significant P.>.05 S ignificant P.^L-Ol Significant P . ^ . 0 1 Significant p X . oi Significant p X . oi Note: Navaho & Spanish-American cultural groups are combined. 275 TABLE 21 RANK ORDERING OF SCORES FOR FIVE (5) PUEBLO SUB-GROUPS ON COMBINED STRODBECK-SROLE SCALE ITEMS, SUB-SCALES AND ESSENTIAL STRODBECK FACTORS Subcultures Factor 1 Master (items 1, 2, 3) Factor 2 Independence (items 4, 5, 6) Strodbeck Subtest (items 1-8) Srole Subtest Plus item 3 when 3 is agree (items 3, 9-12) Strodbeck-Srole combined Scale (full scale) Santa Ana 6 3 2 2 2 San Felipe 1 5 4 4 3 Santo Domingo 5 6 6 6 6 Sandia 3 2 3 5 5 Cochiti 2 1 1 1 1 * Navaho & Spanish 4 4 5 2 4 *Navaho & Spanish scores have been combined for subcultures r o 277 sources, it is suspected. Each of these will be discussed as we proceed. Before we embark on this, however, several hypothe ses "hang fire, " and the answers to them give us more in formation, if less clarity. IIHO,9.— The rank order (rho) correlation between the Srole and Strodtbeck was near zero for the 7 groups. The null hypothesis for rank relationships among these groups holds. This is partly explained by the fact that Navajo are high on anomie, but very low on mastery and in dependence. IIHO,10.— A significant correlation between these two scales, however, exists for Pueblos only. The null is rejected at the .05 percent level. For the sake of brevity and economy, let us say that the null hypotheses state for IIHO,11 to IIHO,44 com prising 17 rank order correlations for the seven groups and 17 for the five groups of Pueblo were all tested. Of these 32 hypotheses, all but 10 relationships failed to reject a hypothesis of zero correlation, H0:r.=0. These 10 are discussed afterwards. IIHO,21-22.— Rank order p. was significant for the 5 Pueblos at the .01 level. A definite relationship exists such that the group ranks correspond perfectly. The null is rejected. O.M. and the Strodtbeck are associated for 2 7 8 Pueblo. This was not the case for all seven groups, but with the 7 the null Is also rejected (p< .0 5). IIHO,14.— The null was rejected. The Pueblo groups ranked consistently on the C.I.S. territorial (occup.- assoc.) subscale and the Strodtbeck scale. This did not hold for the larger ranking sample. Do the values obtained from closer association with other cultural groups inscribe Promethianism on Pueblo groups (p < .05)? IIHO,18.— The null was rejected for rank orders among the 5 Pueblo only on the C.I.S. territorial (educ.- recrea.) subscale and the Strodtbeck (p< .05), but not so for the larger group (HO,17--P> •05). IIHO,19.--The null was rejected for the C.I.S. edu cational level subscale and the Strodtbeck for the 7 size group but not for the 5 Pueblo groups (p<.05). IIHO,24.--Among the 5 Pueblo groups the null was rejected for the rank correspondence on the O.M. and the Srole (p < .05). IIHO,25.— The language subscale on the C.I.S. sig nificantly correlated in rank correspondence with the O.M. for the seven group size, thus rejecting the null hypothe sis (p < .0 5)• IIHO,29.--The null was rejected for the overall group of 7 cultures for rank correspondence between the O.M. and the C.I.S. Temporal-future subscale (p<.05).' But the null held for the smaller Pueblo groups (H0:p>.05). IIHO,33.— For the seven groups the O.M. and the C.I.S. educational level were significantly rank correlated at (p< .0^), but HO*.p> .05 held for the smaller size 5 Pueblo groups. In addition to these rank correlations (rho), ten Pearson r.'s were obtained to see to what extent some of the instruments were associated. The following are the results and significance levels for the Srole-Anomie Scale and the Strodtbeck "V" Scale. IIHO,45 Spanish-American r.=-.445 p<.01 IIHO, 46 Pueblo r.= .019 p>.05N.S. IIHO, 47 Navajo r.=-.290 p<.05 IIHO,48 All 3 cultures r,=-.301 p<.05 Here we see that there are two significantly nega tive correlations between the two measures for Spanish and Navajo, while a low and not significant positive correla tion exists for the Pueblo. The null is rejected for IIHO,45* 47^ and 48. It is retained for the IIHO,46 hy pothesis. At this juncture we see that a common sense rela tionship exists for the Srole-Strodtbeck being negatively correlated. Mastery and independence do go with low anomie. But the fact there is a slight positive trend for the total Pueblo sample, though far from significant, gives some mild support to the fact that a .01 level of 280 significance obtains by ranking the cultures. The large N-size of the more traditional Pueblos could mask the ag gregate differences that could accrue in each separate Pueblo, because a greater proportion of, let us say, Co- chiti and Santana, could have high anomie scores. Their S.D.'s are larger in Table 20. We are not concerned with the overall linear re lationship (obviously negative, as it would be in our society), but seek to explain the high anomic groups: Navajo, Cochiti, and Santana. The most anomic group is the Navajo, and yet the significant negative correlation for that group probably reflects high anomie and low mastery and independence. The Spanish have the highest mean score c? the three groups on the Strodtbeck (high mastery and independ ence) but are also high on anomie, yet not so high as the Navajo or the Cochiti. Their profile would seem to ap proximate what one would expect of the larger social norms compared to the 6 Amerindian groups. A Pearson r. for the Srole Scale and the Overall Modernity (O.M.) tested the following null hypotheses. IIHO,49 Spanish-American r.= .18 p>.05 IIHO, 50 Pueblo r.= .46 pc.Ol IIHO,51 Navajo r.=-.ll p>.05 N.S. Another strand of logic is woven. The relation ship between having higher scores on attitudes, behavioral 2 8 1 Information, and information related to proto-assimilation correlates very highly with anomie for Pueblo, but N.S. obtains for the other two groups. If the correlations taken nominally are symmetrically related inversely with the first three hypotheses, then IIHO,49-50 are retained as (H0:r.=0). The last link in the chain is from three Pearson correlations between the Strodtbeck "V" Scale and the O.M. for: IIHO,52 Spanish-American r.=-.01 p >.05 N.S. IIHO, 53 Pueblo r.= .72 pc.01 IIHO,54 Navajo r.= .17 p>.05 N.S. The null hypothesis holds for HO,52-54 such that (H0:r.=0) and is rejected for HO,53 at the .01 level. The evidence accumulated so far is that significant rank-order correlations obtain for 5 Pueblos on: 1) the Srole and Strodtbeck, 2) the Strodtbeck and O.M., and 3) the Srole and O.M. Pearson product-moment correlations are signifi cant on Pueblos for: 4) O.M. and Srole, and 5) O.M. and Strodtbeck. Although these relationships do not give us con clusive results, there is a suspicion that among the tight- knit Pueblo groups those individual Pueblos which are break ing with the ancient traditions may be experiencing not 282 only a communal lack of normative consenses, but are faced with externally derived dlssensus. Only among these Pueblos do we see anomie go hand- in-hand with proto-assimilational attitudes, high mastery and independence scores, and relative higher indices of acculturation. That all of these measures are related as predictors and are overall significantly correlated across the total population sample, and yet for particular groups show contradictory evidence, is most intriguing. The three explanations offered here are: 1. The safest would be that these scales were not consistently objective or reliable among the groups, especially the Pueblos, 2. The distortions occur because of large "N"-size group differences which result in regression effects because certain criterion groups have ex treme scores. 3. Each culture may be quite separate in terms of acculturation and assimilation, and more careful study of these differences is warranted. The merit of such a study may be to add to an understanding of the theoretical differences between acculturation and assimilation. Table 23 shows rank comparisons for the five Pu eblo cultures. If we compared all the correct and incor- 283 TABLE 22 T SCORES, PERCENTILES, I.Q.'S, AND MEAN M.A.'S OF THREE CULTURAL GROUPS AND COMBINED GROUP (based on national norms) * T SCORES ** PERCENTILES T fciles SCALES *** Navajc Span Amer Pue blo Navajc Span Amer Pue blo 6 Total Group 1. ITPA4- Auditory Vocal Automatic 20 33 24 .1 4 .5 25 .6 2. Visdal Decoding 44 49 51 27 46 54 48 hi 3. Motor Encoding 38 41 41 12 18 18 40 16 4. Aud.-Vocal Association 20 25 20 .1 .6 .1 20 .1 5. Visual Motor Sequencing 47 42 52 38 21 58 hi 38 6. Vocal Encoding 34 37 36 5 10 8 36 8 7. Aud.-Vocal Sequencing 34 37 40 5 10 16 37 10 8. Visual Motor Association 42 45 45 21 31 31 44 27 9. Auditory Decoding 27 48 37 1 42 10 37 10 10. ITPA: Full Scale 20 28 26 .1 2 .8 22 .3 Caldwell^ 3 Pers-Social Responsiveness <34 46 <34 < 5 34 < 5 34 5 2. Assoc. Vocabulary 35 44 39 7 27 13 39 13 3. Cone. Activation-Numerical 41 45 42 18 30 22 42 22 4. Cone. Activation-Sensory 37 41 41 10 17 17 39 13 5. Caldwell, TOTAL 35 42 38 7 2 0 12 38 12 3 Peabody Pic. Voc. Test 1. Total 31 46 39 3 35 13 39 13 2. I.Q. Scores^ 68 94 81 81 O J , 1 ------ Mental Age Equivalent^ 3-10 5-6 4-7 4-7 * T-scores have mean of 50 and standard deviation of 10. ** Percentiles indicate the percentage of individuals scoring below certain levels, that is, making below a certain score. «■** N = Navaho; S = Spanish-American; P = Pueblo Indian. ^ Age norms of ITPA (Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Ability) are 6-3 to 6-9 years. 2 Caldwell is preschool achievement test. Middle Class norms used. Lower class norms are available also. 3 Peabody norms are on age group 5-6 to 6-5 years. 4 I.Q. scores are derived from raw scores, TOTAL score. PPVT IQ Scores are very similar to Wechsler and Binet I.Q. scores. PPVT I.Q.s are perhaps a couple of points higher than Wechsler I.Q.s. PPVT correlates higher with Wechsler Full Scale and Verbal- scales than performance scales. In fact, it correlates higher with verbal scales than full scale. PPVT correlates better with Wechsler than Binet. (Although I.Q. scores are shown in "percentiles" column, the scores are obviously not percentiles.) PPVT I.Q.' scale is based upon an arbitrary mean of 100 and a standard deviation of 15 for each age level. 5 Mental Age Equivalents are presented in years and months. Age range of children in Laboratory sample is 6-0 to 6-9 years approximately. Mental Age Equivalents are based upon PPVT Total Scores. ^ Total group T and Percentiles are presented here. All subjects from three cultural groups are included (N=160). Total group scores may be taker, to indicate the "average youngster in the target population of SWCEL." TABLE 23 COMPARISONS OF 5 PUEBLOS ON FOUR SOCIO-GULTURAL MEASURES SUBCULTURAL GROUPS PREDICTOR SCALES (Concepts Measured) PUEBLO GROUPS C.I.S. (ACCULT.) O.M. (ASSIM.) SROLE (ANOMIE) STROD. (MASTERY & INDEPNT.) OVERALL RANK TYPE I-IV EXPLANATION OF RANK & TYPE COCHITI 1 1 1 I 1 I Most acculturated, assimilated & highest aliena tion. The marginal culture. High norm conflict (external) SANTA ANA 2 2 2 2 2 II Consistently moving in the direction of the I Type. Norm conflict (external) SANDIA 3 3 4 3 3 III A stable population. Value conflicts minimal SAN FELIPE 5 4 3 4 4 IV Traditional, but anomie represents norm conflicts (internal), increased suicide 6c reactive behavior SANTO DOMINGO 4 5 5 5 5 V Most stable traditional group, slightly higher acculturation than IV. May reflect more con sensus on norms ro 00 4=- rect placements with a one-tailed Chi-Square hypothesis that the correct placement is greater than chance* it would be significant at the .05 level. In this table we have set about constructing a typology through grounded research* i.e.* which serendipitously the data suggests. Originally our exploratory hypothesis was that marginality occurs at some hypothetical point in a continuum of assimilation. At some location on a theoretical line* groups or individu als would perceive a severe value conflict. For the Amer indian it was supposed that as the old values of harmony with nature and closeness to family decreased* then aliena tion would set in. There are tentative clues to this for our rank ordered Pueblo group. But such a crude typology is only suggestive of what would appear to be a need for a more in-depth study of the sources of conflicts for mem bers of these groups. In. concluding our discussion of Research Question II* it might be safe to say that there was good discriminant* concurrent* and predictive validity to the measures for some criterion variables. III. The third general research question consisted of two parts. The first part was related to answering whether or not the Cultural Information Scale (C.I.S.) could be developed as an instrument to measure acculturation across cultural groups and within groups. In the construction of an instrument at least three research problems present themselves. The first of these is to determine if the 2 8 6 instrument is objective. Objectivity is a special problem when it becomes necessary to translate questions from one language to another. This was the case in the present study, because the questions had to be translated into four languages— Navajo, Spanish, Tiwa, and Keresan. Be cause of limitations of time and money, only one language translation study was made. Navajo is probably as dissimilar from English as any language we can imagine. Besides this, it was the language of a group who were probably less familiar with English than were any of the other groups in the study. Evidence for this is illustrated in Table 10. The Navajo group has the lowest mean language scores of the three major cultures. The results of the translation study, described in detail in the previous chapter, were obtained by correlat ing the degree of agreement for the translators with the original English questionnaire. The obtained correlation coefficient was .7 2, which was significant at the .01 level for the sample size of the items taken from the C.I.S., O.M., Srole, and Strodtbeck scales. Actually, a correla tion of .91 was reached for the smaller sample size of 15 items from the C.I.S. scale. This was also significant at the .01 level. Thus, there is a reasonable amount of con fidence that the translators did not deviate significantly from the original English language version. 287 One interesting observation from this study was that the items on the Srole and Strodtbeck scales had the lowest degree of translation accuracy. This is explainable to some extent by the supposition that these questions were generally on a more abstract., ambiguous, and philosophic level. Three Navajo informants related that the English future tense, which we differentiate by probable and ab solute inflections, cannot be adequately represented in Navajo. In addition, vague and speculative questions seem not to be an everyday occurrence among Navajo people. Speculative questions about the future seem almost ludicrous to some Navajo. They appear to live in the pres ent, and are concerned with concrete situations if they are more tradition-oriented. The language itself does not treat future tense with the precision of English, and is arrived at usually through circumlocution. Some of the ambiguous results obtained from our Strodtbeck and Srole scales could in part be explained by their weaker objectivity for some peoples less familiar with English, although one must confess that among the Pueblos, the results are even less clear-cut. This too may be explained by the possibility of greater bimodal language distribution among these five groups of Pueblo. Some are quite sophisticated with English, and others may be monolingual— knowing only their own tongue. 2 8 8 The isolated Navajo, even when he has learned English, may have a more restricted code in general. If we could imagine a curved distribution comparing the Navajo and various Pueblos, we might find bimodality for Pueblos and positive skewing for the Navajos. A far more refined set of language measurements would be required to survey this problem. If we have reasonable confidence in the reliability translation for the experimental instrument, C.I.S., we can move from the question of objectivity to the more conven tional concern about the scale's reliability in terms of the extent to which the items intercorrelate. Two statistical techniques were applied. The first step was to run a Pearson r. for each of the three major groups and all groups combined using the split-half tech nique. In order to do this, an odd-even selection of both the 3-point and 5-point items was put in dichotomous cate gories at random for each subscale. The unadjusted cor relation was then "plugged" into the Spearman-Brown formula for correction. The results were: Navajo .928 pc.Ol Pueblo .953 p <.01 Spanish .924 p <.01 Combined .948 p<.01 All of these reliability coefficients were significant at the .01 level. 289 This was especially gratifying since reliability can be decreased by too many scaled numerical refinements. These results gave us a consistent instrument for the populations studied. Naturally a test-retest relia bility coefficient would have to be obtained for future research purposes, although, assuming strong group dif ferences among our three major cultures, and generally our results have confirmed this, the test reliability did hold up for the disparate groups. The third question in the development of this in strument deals with the validity of it. Again our results tend to support the notion that five kinds of validity criteria were met. In the results already obtained and discussed under the first two major research questions, we find the answers to these questions of validity. At the risk of redundancy, the evidence to support our validation processes is examined here under each of our five types of validity. 1. Face validity This weaker kind of validation depends largely upon logical or intuitive judgments on the part of the experi menter. If one were to scrutinize the selection of items in the C.I.S., a strong case could be made that they ac tually get at the essential meanings sought after. Items were selected from field-work hunches. For example, certain questions are precisely geared for groups and 2 9 0 provide alternate equivalences for other groups such as do religious and social items for Pueblo and Spanish. The items seemed to fit. 2. Content validity The content validity of the test is demonstrated by a scrutiny of the items as to how the separate variables form a composite picture, in this case, of acculturation. Do these items then stand for a representation of the com posite variable parameters? It is obvious that any sub variable could become more refined. For example, language as an indice of acculturation could be a better calibrated sample of the acculturation construct. When the 9 sub- structed subscales of the C.I.S, measure significant mean differences among the three cultures, they do so in 8 out of 9 subscales in the same direction. All but one (temporal value orientation) significantly separate group means. This moves us toward discrimination validity. Essentially, however, the main question is that with content validity the items are logically relevant. Secondly, what is left out of our sample of an accultura- tional composite criterion? When one operationalizes he somewhat arbitrarily delimits his definition. The weakness of such a scale would be proportionate to the lack of other better item samples of what we mean by the composite con cept. Such are the potential risks or rewards of research decision-making. 291 3. Concurrent validity^ Does the C.I.S. correspond to other measures of prediction? Evidence is ample for this to be the case. a. On the intercorrelational matrix Table k, the C.I.S. correlates at the .01 percent level or higher with the Wolf, O.M., and combined Strodt- beck-Srole scales, the Wolf Scale correlation with C.I.S. being the highest. b. Another contribution to the concurrent validity of the scale lay in the several significant correlations its subscales had with other pre dictor variables. For all seven, groups of cultures used as criterion groups, and using rank order (rho) correlation for the rank of each group on subscales of the C.I.S. with the O.M. and Strodtbeck scales, four subscales of the C.I.S. reached .05 significance level with the Strodtbeck and three subscales met the .05 criterion level with the O.M. Scale. The fact that not all of the subscales did meet the .05 level, and yet were correlated in a positive direction, indicates also that no one subscale was a sufficient indicator of our acculturation construct. Concurrent validity is not distinguished as marked ly different in meaning from concomitant validity. 292 4. Predictive validity Perhaps the usefulness of an instrument to predict for some outside criterion measure is its best endorsement, and is firmly based upon a mathematical linear regression model. Although the Wolf Scale was the best prediction of learning style in terms of higher scores on it and the criterion measures, the C.I.S. predicted better than the O.M. Scale on all 13 criterion measures, and on 9 out of 13 criterion measures against the Strodtbeck-Srole scale. The fact that the scale predicted better on the auditory-vocal association subscale indicates that it may be tapping something more sensitively than the Wolf Scale in the language area. 5. Construct validity If the C.I.S. has construct validity, it is con strued to be a test of some variable, acculturation, to explain a body of data. In this case, could the accultura tion level of parents actually explain the differential performance of the first-grade children? Thus, the construct validity of C.I.S. rests upon the notion that acculturation, an abstraction in anthro pology, can be indirectly measured through this test. Ac culturation is not just a "convenient fiction." The fact that acculturation and assimilation are intimately related is supported by the high correlations between the value scales of the Strodtbeck and Srole, and by the proto-as- 293 similational measure of attitudes and informational sophis tication represented by the O.M. Scale. C.I.S. correlates highest with the Wolf, and yet accounts for variances on some predictions significantly greater than the Wolf alone. Thus a brief and simple measure of acculturational face variables relates highly with a scale that measures in great and lengthy detail home environmental process char acteristics. For pragmatic purposes the C.I.S. took one-third the interview time the Wolf did. This economic asset could probably be further maximized, if we could trust the very high reliability coefficient to reduce the size of the scale. Interview time would then be cut to approximately one-sixth of the time required to administer the Wolf. 6. Discriminate validity The total C.I.S. discriminates significantly between the three major cultural groups matched at the .01 level. The O.M., the Strodtbeck, and Srole could not significantly differentiate among these groups (see Table 5). Similarly, among the nine C.I.S. subscales, all but the temporal value orientation subscale differentiated sig nificantly across the three major cultures. Among the elusive Pueblo, the C.I.S. significantly discriminated among five groups on five subscales, which is interesting in view of the supposed cultural similarities among these people. 294 The general Impression one gets Is that for these particular groups in our pluralistic society, the C.I.S. holds promise for the future as an instrument, if external validity studies can be carried out subsequent to this investigation. One intriguing question might be that the C.I.S. could be tested as a predictive instrument for other groups of Spanish-speaking and Amerindian peoples in the nation. At the present level of development, however, claims of generalizable utility would be premature and in cautious . The second part of the question to be answered for Research Question III was to see if two opposite approaches in scale construction could find some commonality. Taking an axiomatic approach, this investigator explicated the concept of culture presented in Hall's theory or model of culture based upon his P.M.S. and a map of culture composed of certain of the cells in the matrix. The two-dimensional model had to be bisected by a third plane in order to visu alize some of the dimensions for the C.I.S. Instrument. Sixteen subscales were constructed consisting of items purportedly indices of each of these dimensions from the model. In this form the scale was administered. After the data was collected and before it was treated, these cells were substructed to reduce the property-space to fewer basic dimensions. 295 On the ensuing tests of validity the C.I.S. proved to have reasonable predictive powers for a new instrument. It also discriminated groups or cultures, except for some subscales. Starting from the other end, we could hypothesize that the items in the scale had no systematic rationale, but rather were random Items selected by chance or intui tion. The factor program produced a correlational matrix with unities in the diagonal of this matrix to indicate the degree to which an item correlates with itself. (in large N(N-l) correlational matrices triangulation through 2 can reduce the matrix with additional programming. The present number of items was "just under the wire" for the available program.) The factor analysis could: a. serve to determine if a smaller set of items or variables could stand for the total set without too much information loss. b. possibly reduce the number of items which do not load on any factor significantly. c. attempt to distinguish independent variables. This is usually done in social science using a varimax rotation solution from an orthogonal reference frame in order to account for independent factor loadings. Table 24 contains the unrotated factors from a principal-axes method of factor analysis. TABLE 24 UNROTATED FACTOR MATRIX* ITEMS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ■ 9 10 h2 Lang spoken at home 60776 -55555 23370 -14298 11550 03133 11760 -13933 05670 02420 80444 Mother - home lang 61706 -59328 21280 -16656 09715 02987 06999 -14245 10619 00595 85248 Mother - lang outside home 52505 -37557 36573 11860 06812 -01074 08272 08520 31863 -14727 70663 Father - lang at home 66469 -15962 06367 -37355 38749 -09241 -21791 02102 13282 -01227 83529 Father - lang outside home 62311 09100 -06450 -27914 51166 -20038 -17103 -02729 04777 02233 81342 Child - home lang 654Q1 -54493 17582 -05457 11523 06548 18268 -10606 -08316 -03593 83014 CM: 14 — outside home lang 66235 -40141 11296 03278 14377 08947 17358 -17341 -13630 -11311 73392 Father * s occupation 66816 24924 -18815 -29198 15035 -11329 -21498 -04096 -11960 -12529 74255 Mother's occupation 28753 -22971 32020 20046 -32500 -32231 -16457 22175 -04749 19635 60473 Media available in home 67926 02653 -03913 16000 -25051 -02707 12023 -18031 25545 07878 67115 Transportation vehicles 63224 07060 -01054 -07714 -25129 -06870 -28986 -08304 -05487 11666 58617 Time measures 03227 12250 -07578 11382 -00773 05833 -35730 -22839 60449 49089 8 2 4 4 1 Books in the home 57777 -06730 12407 -08628 -19769 -20726 06547 13213 -10589 26486 54633 Plumbing 63240 08601. -12987 09768 -20657 03525 -14508 -29631 -33529 -02594 69958 Art objects 53752 16505 -09201 21224 -10633 -08228 -22814 -31228 -01849 05885 54113 Furniture 49652 18929 -08514 27489 -28392 -11096 -15974 -35878 07173 -32808 72512 Room person ratio 31634 -24458 23528 20829 -12244 44735 -37209 -01938 -11730 -12509 64198 Periodical 1iterature 49735 -16075 18147 -06102 -22735 -06549 -11822 -02027 09773 -30977 48573 Appliances 68639 24034 -21099 23917 -06913 -07466 00500 -23428 -01051 -04554 69790 Mother's educational level 65420 04077 25103 03433 -04792 -13657 23958 08448 -04173 14025 60072 Father's educational level 68233 14164 06233 -33398 16036 -21819 -09457 15981 -16002 11836 74848 Moth forml assoc with other ethnic gps 50782 24244 53500 -03395 02764 05678 -00460 04170 -10157 06871 62482 Fath forml assoc with other ethnic gps 50182 47317 30640 -08926 11332 41708 -03804 08675 12029 -04430 78977 Ranking of fath's organizations 4209 3 52365 30537 -01714 05911 42942 -07776 14369 09660 -06340 77286 Mother's occ assoc with other ethnics 12429 -06987 41095 38618 -21532 -36856 -05412 33506 17944 02054 66835 Father's occ assoc with other ethnics 58020 20073 - 35066 -23351 13155 -16031 -04294 21205 25989 -14582 73305 Moth's educ assoc wth other ethnic gps 59040 -21171 -28810 07058 -29749 34141 06135 30030 -05249 12797 79951 Fath's educ assoc wth other ethnic gps 6648S 01423 -41501 -26 2 6 7 -13812 0889 5 -07319 2.3413 -02250 03002 77208 Number of places visited 3 3029 51701 2674u 2 7201 09444 -09504 20013 -06785 - 11894 08378 61696 Territ of moth-fath formal assoc 42001 52893 34557 0649 5 04763 24926 03968 15262 01308 -02899 67009 Territ of informal assoc 53511 25485 -27370 17293 -01868 -03196 17788 12320 -04722 10864 51833 Territ of moth-fath occup 41847 29790 -23296 -01688 -04805 -36213 33325 08444 17942 -22388 65236 Territ of moth-fath recr 41037 26333 01079 21174 -04289 -01297 26302 06221 15777 -28800 46559 Mother's educ territ 53014 -22257 -41105 15897 -22095 29204 20651 19931 -02018 13311 75942 Father's educ territ 70363 -13102 -36549 -13798 -02394 14932 -11253 20463 -03259 -01405 74354 Parent att to child lrng 21444 -20825 -19869 70100 50191 -03607 -18486 17496 -05735 -03571 94279 Time value orientation 24245 -20206 -20847 70123 48273 -04483 -20072 17593 -06636 -04364 94738 Exploit mater manip ivl •72033 -11258 -15941 01032 -24406 -02752 13047 -10972 -01408 04920 64937 Fut plan freq 43628 2° 187 11425 09915 30442 -08591 18047 -17422 -33331 2 77.02 64648 Fut plan ratio 13944 -00844 -20917 11568 31834 24266 41368 -25232 24829 17965 56560 % of Variance accounted for by each factor * Dec i ma1s omi tted. 28-6 8.3 i 6.2 5.8 5.0 3.0 3.5 3.2 3.0 2.5 70.0 ro TO OT 297 The principal axis solution is obtained by computing the eigenvalues for the original matrix of correlations. Each eigenvalue has an eigenvector. Table 25 loadings were determined by taking the square root of the eigenvalue for a particular factor and multiplying it by the associated elements of the eigenvector. The "stop" criterion was used when eigenvalues of extracted factors became less than 1.0. Ten principal-axes factors were thus extracted. The communalities follow the 10 factors, and accounted for 71.07 percent of the total variance represented by the 40 items in the C.I.S. These factors were then rotated to the varimax criterion. This tends to reduce a large general factor from a cluster of items. See Table 25, and compare the reduction of loadings on the first factor. The (fac tors) columns are simplified as well as are the rows across the 10 factors. Table 26 contains the items and important factors with which certain items are associated as loadings. This rotation system provides an objective standard for selecting the independent factor loading items. Unless independence for these factors is achieved, the same prob lem exists as is found in multiple regression problems, namely, the higher the intercorrelatedness of the items, the less easy it is to make statements about how these items confirm or deny the substantive value of the axio- matically derived model, just as in regression analysis, when high predictor intercorrelations make it difficult TABLE 25 ROTATED FACTOR MATRIX* ITEMS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 h2 Lang spoken at home 85520 -00620 04648 -00287 -06642 14560 -18758 -07146 02281 06650 80442 Mother - home lang 87364 -03235 05436 -01078 -07457 15339 -21421 -08559 05549 -00182 85246 Mother - lang outside home 70152 20871 -18549 16267 -27304 04114 -04805 -02002 09090 -15113 70661 Father - lang at home 50606 14500 00876 06176 -00192 04349 -73429 -04847 10360 -01010 83527 Father - lang outside home 28039 14870 -10684 16107 09067 -02505 -78346 -10673 09117 18150 81339 Child - home lang 83943 00769 02594 08011 -03727 22980 -14534 -11710 -12082 12122 83011 Child - outside home lang 73557 06892 -01734 14836 05186 20152 -13050 -23638 -16580 14857 73390 Father's occupation 08691 19875 -09704 -01582 07420 16469 -70344 -37661 -09826 08281 74253 Mother's occupation 20107 -03191 07610 03048 -72325 10993 00719 -12026 03203 07636 60472 Media available in home 34589 16394 -31296 -03910 -13192 32744 -04856 -46199 27252 10227 67113 Transportation vehicles 15269 14973 08385 -11105 -24962 28131 -35302 -48874 10618 06967 58615 Time measures -09755 04017 08817 02882 -02108 -01570 -05014 -12601 88469 -05378 82439 Books in the home 28332 07324 -06103 -14092 -40238 32085 -25071 -14488 01007 29714 54631 Plumbing 15568 11094 09140 01223 -00567 29353 -18133 -68676 -13305 21373 69955 Art objects 08458 11677 -02575 11499 -07131 11665 -18089 -63142 17846 15650 54111 Furniture 08951 12967 -24562 06474 -06551 03163 -03402 -78537 01105 -11120 72510 Room person ratio 31354 31761 44683 20087 -09812 18356 10225 -28427 -05955 -25245 64196 Periodical literature 40096 14284 -10433 -08567 -24823 08100 -16554 -33705 -10845 -25567 48571 Appliances 11900 17811 -28359 15632 01917 25814 -20169 -62453 07441 20947 69787 Mother's educational level 38865 28457 -23277 -03935 -30145 21666 -16796 -14366 -02276 35464 60070 Father's educational level 21152 22421 -05642 -07621 -19480 17928 -69023 -11240 -08481 27986 74845 Moth forml assoc with other ethnic gps 27007 59313 03478 -08895 -26493 -04170 -16978 -13531 -05237 26358 62480 Fath forml assoc with other ethnic gps 10193 83169 -04027 -05556 08500 10735 -21353 -10455 08138 03242 78975 Ranking of fath's organizations -01007 85072 -02181 -02455 03854 10710 -14557 -10357 05510 -00555 77284 Mother's occ assoc with other ethnics 09316 10528 -19553 17878 -73747 -08561 14583 01418 06421 -03991 66833 Father's occ assoc with other ethnics 04330 11936 -42946 04650 03704 29548 -63666 -12621 08212 -11668 73303 Moth's educ assoc wth other ethnic gps 23132 11715 01421 06523 -08531 83522 -05262 -13334 -01148 -04729 79948 Fath's educ assoc wth other ethnic gps 09977 07295 -10677 -07014 00886 66044 -51026 -20144 -02279 -05229 77205 Number of places visited -06038 47433 -25882 10897 -11780 -10193 01951 -23235 -02027 47999 61694 Territ of moth-fath formal assoc -01189 77526 -12110 -00290 -07579 06076 -10169 -10563 -01589 15183 67007 Territ of informal assoc -02741 17604 -32284 15542 -02043 43491 -18761 -23269 01983 28230 51831 Territ of moth-fath occup -00572 04409 -71322 -04814 -04789 14004 -25991 -19395 -07311 08666 65234 Territ of moth-fath recr 10381 33757 -50658 10626 -02190 12020 00781 -22528 -08418 -00421 46558 Mother's educ territ 22517 -00390 -11372 13632 04259 80919 02696 -13470 02230 03447 75940 Father's educ territ 24454 07576 -03588 10725 02918 62871 -46637 -21000 -03206 -08021 74352 Parent att to child lrng 09123 -04307 -00829 95633 -04181 08018 -03889 -05892 02536 06441 94277 Time value orientation 08890 -04110- -01016 95407 -05606 09647 -05560 -08916 01763 06005 94736 Exploit mater manip lvl 38070 02374 -19292 -07051 -08851 46838 -17014 -42791 02623 14631 64905 Fut plan freq 10822 25959 -03844 12841 05686 -00144 -20718 -18482 -04916 68313 64646 Fut plan ratio 23407 03865 -24832 14361 48450 12965 11920 07276 30748 24780 56558 7 = . of Variance accounted for by each factor * Decimals omitted. 12.3 8.4 4.6 6.1 4.9 8.8 12.0 8.6 2.9 3.9 71.07 ■ 1 TABLE 26 THE TEN ROTATED FACTORS AND FACTOR LOADINGS FOR ITEMS ON THE CULTURAL INFORMATION INDEX (CIS) Items Factor Number. Factor Loading (1) What language is spoken most in your home? I .86 (2) What language do you (i.e. the mothet) speak mostly in your home? I .87 (3) What language do you (i.e. the mother) speak mostly outside of your home? I .70 (4) What language does the father speak mostly in your home? I .51 (6) What language does the child (name him) speak mostly in your home? I .84 (7) What language does the child (name him) speak mostly outside of the home? I .74 (9) What kind of work does the mother (do you) do? V -.72 (10) Do you have the following things in your home? VI .33 (11) Automobile and or truck VI .28 (13) Books: 5 or more adult books or 1 encyclopedia set 1-4 adult and or childrens books X .30 (20) What grade did the child's mother (you) complete in school? X .35 (22) Do you (Mother) belong to any clubs, or organizations with; Other Indian people only, Spanish American people, Anglo or white people II .59 (23) Does (father) belong to any Clubs, Fraternities, or Organizations with Other Indian people only, Spanish-American people, Anglo or white people II .83 (24) Is the group to which (the child's father) belongs Political or business, Vocational, Cultural, Social, Religious II .85 (25) (Mother) On your job do you work with, or for, or sell to: Other Indian people only, Spanish-American people also, Anglo or white people V -.74 (31) Do you or your husband have friends or relatives: VI X .43 .28 (34) Did (the child's mother) have schooling: VI .81 (35) Did (your husband) have his schooling; VI .63 (36) Which is the best way for your child to learn most things? IV .96 (37) The best things that happen in life; IV .95 (38) How many machines can you (operate) (use) VI .47 (39) Could you tell me some things you definitely are planning to do in the future. X .68 (40) Could you tell me when you plan to do; V IX .48 .31 ro v£> VO 3 0 0 for a smaller predictor subset to account for a substantial amount of the variance. If we examine Table 25, we can make some statements about the 10 factors and compare them with what is found in the substructed Hall model. Factor I shows high loadings for the first seven language items, especially in the mother-child interaction. The father's language in the home is moderately weighted on Hall's language dimension. Also, media weighs moderate ly high here. Factor II Is characterized by a high loading for father on Hall's Territorial (assoc.-occup.) and associa- tional (occupational). Mother's Territorial (assoc.) item is moderately weighed. Thus, a kind of "bread winner" ob tains. Compare with VII. Factor III combined various factors and has polar ized loadings. It is not readily interpretable. It does load moderately on room-person ratio (under Exploitational artifacts). Factor IV.— This attitudinal item combined a learn ing indice and time-value orientation. Future time as better, and allowing a child to learn on his own seem to be related. This is difficult to interpret without further study. Factor V loads negatively on mother's level of occupation and associational (occupational). Future Plan- 301 ning Is the highest loading on this factor (temporal-future orientation). Factor VI.— Father's Territorial (educational) loads highest here. Moderate loadings are Exploitational (arti facts). This Is also most heavily weighted by another exploitation item--no. 3 8. It would seem., then* that arti facts form the main loading cluster for factor VI, when, coupled with father's educational level. Perhaps this can mean that the higher the father's education, the more this relates to increased consumer goods and increased vocation al skills for the mother who can afford sewing machines, etc. Factor VII seems to be a polarization in its nega tive weighting the "breadwinner" loadings In factor I. Here we have the low-status male effects. Factor VIII.— This has negative loadings on three exploitational items. This, too, is polarized from other common loadings; it seems to have an underlying material poverty context, and would represent the opposite in suc cessful exploitational (artifact) activities. Factor IX seems to be a unique factor from the 2 items related to time, Temporal (future-orientation) and time measures which would be subsumed under Exploitational (artifacts). What Hall would call a technical level of handling time may underlie both of these items. 3 0 2 Factor X,--Mother's education and books in the home weigh lightly as components of this factor, but again the temporal (future orientation) dimension is loaded here. The mother's education may underscore the importance of media (books) and time consciousness. It might be said that this factor-derived model does not do injustice to Hall's model. Language weights heavily as a clear-cut factor which, when taken with tempo ral, educational, exploitational, and certain associational items, tends to confirm or validate that items from those parameters on the Hall substructed model related learning, time, exploitation and especially language which contribute as common factors on the test. The factor analysis technique does provide some clues for further test construction and refinement. The communality (h2) of a subtest is what gives it the chance to correlate with other tests. After all, the heavy load ing of language factors on factor I might be what is large ly responsible for the high test correlation on language- related I.T.P.A. subtests. But what else? The next step in the factor analysis routine is to check for error sources in items 36 and 37. Specific factors should be further analyzed along with the major common factors. With improved computer programs now available for our staff, larger factor studies could be made among predictor vari ables, and between our predictor and criterion variables. 303 The reduced (24) items from the factor rotation could be field-tested for reliability. Items which did not dis criminate as well as others for the cultural groups could be re-examined and refined more. Summary There were actually three global questions examined in this chapter. I. The Multiple-R equations indicated that there were definitely significant relationships between the socio cultural variable measures and the criterion variables of children's performance. The Wolf Scale seemed to be the best predictor for the dependent measures; however, the new C.I.S. instrument predicted better than the other two independent variables. It also contributed to a significant amount of the variance for the Wolf Scale, perhaps suggestive of tapping something additional. Taken together, these two scales on the average demonstrated that the other tests did not con tribute significantly to the predictive variance over the Wolf and C.I.S. II. All of the predictor tests were capable of dis criminating among the ethnic groups in this study. It was felt that there was a certain concommitancy between the acculturational and assimilative measures, but the rela tionship was not monotonic. These related, but not equal, 304 constructs were compared along many points, and were found to be indicative of different social and cultural phenomena because of inverse and uncorrelated as well as significant ly correlated interrelationships for the different cultural groups. III. The development of the C.I.S. was such that it was submitted to various tests of objectivity, reliability, and six kinds of validity. It was found to have some promising possibilities as an instrument of acculturation predictive of learning styles. And, finally, a hypothetico-deductive system for developing this test was supplemented by a factor analysis, or empirical study. G-enerally, neither of these two ap proaches did violence to the other. Both techniques can reduce property-space on an instrument, but for the size of the C.I.S. and its com paratively short administrative time, along with its good reliability making possible the use of a split-half form; the factor analysis technique could be best applied to "teasing out" the specific inter-predictor relationships, as well as the relationship between the dependent and independent variables. In the next chapter are included conclusions and recommendations based upon this study. CHAPTER VI CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS We can conclude from the results reported in the previous chapter that by and large the research questions raised in our introductory chapter were adequately studied in this report. It is not that each question was analyzed and un derstood to the same extent as were other questions. For every broad question posed in this study, sev eral specific questions were raised, many of which were stated in terms of statistically testable hypotheses. These hypotheses were formulated in order to take each global question, reduce it to meaningful statements, and apply critical empirical tests to these more rigorously posed research statements. The entire study derived its theoretical rationale from four major concepts: culture, acculturation, assimilation, and learning style. Let us examine these concepts in terms of what we have learned from the three major research questions and their more rigorous component hypotheses. Culture.--This was our most abstract concept. We set about trying to take this somewhat ambiguous concept 305 and explicate it through a system of refined statements taken from E. T. Hall's original and fascinating, if not lucid, description of what culture is understood to be. This explication process could perhaps do injustice to the theorist's original formulation because of certain liber ties taken with the meanings implicit in his terminology. Should this explication be unfair to its author, the fault lies in the manner in which explication was accomplished by the present investigator. In the past some anthropolo gists have been fascinated with trying to list those cul tural dimensions or attributes that could be considered universal to all men. At times such universals were en- snarled in ethnocentric biases, or because they were often normative statements about people within and across cul tures, they could not be supported from empirical evidence that specified as to how many people, under what circum stances, for what reasons either conform or do not to these universal behavioral patterns associated with culture. The ten Primary Message Systems (P.M.S.) could be construed as so much old wine in. new bottles. Nevertheless, these P.M.S. seem to have a quality that can make a framework, albeit a loose and osmotic net, which can provide the di mensions from the cells in its matrix by which many areas of cultural behavior can be studied. In turn, these cells can suggest parameters for item samples, and can suggest as well the subscales to house sets of these items. Prom this process of developing the scale we are assured that these dimensions would have indices (arrived at from the item construction) for each component in the system. Fur thermore, each dimension could provide for a range of be havioral variations for people samples on that dimension. This way normative standards as quantified scores could set for each dimension in the entire system a criterion by which more than one culture could be compared and under stood. Thus, culture as a concept could be made operation al. The limitations of rigorous methods of quantification, although they provide precise measures of comparisons, do lose some of the rich and holistic meaning associated with the concept. This, of course, is the fate of the other three concepts in the study. Finally, the dimensions of the system could not only be substructed for practical purposes, but also could reinforce the idea that certain P.M.S. may underlie several of the ostensible dimensions of the system. We found that learning, language, exploi tational, associational, and temporal factors provided the basic dimensions of our scale. Acculturation.— Once we had a means of placing our response indices into some kind of ordinal relationship, we could then compare across and within cultures in terms of this greater or less-than relationship for each subset, or the total scale. It was posited that higher scores would be monotonlcally related to a continuum position 3 0 8 closer to the dominant society. Each substructed subset would then provide a gauge for each indice of acculturation. For example, we might assume, and Table 23 seems to bear this out to a limited extent, that territorial-associational indices which get at interaction between Amerindians and whites might precede artifact exchanges and educational activities closer to the white man’s pattern. As these groups acquire language and certain artifacts, especially media, they become aware of modern attitudes and values. It was striking how, for at least some Pueblo groups, this resulted in a certain marginal attitudinal framework, be cause as these people were exposed to intercultural con flict resulting from success, anomie increased. To be acculturated would be to have more success in the public schools which are rigidly culture-bound if not hide-bound. Our acculturation scale was significantly predictive of linguistic and psychological criterion, measures of per formance. The C.I.S. Scale as a predictor could be said to have a relationship with criterion variables such that for a certain incremental unit on the predictor scale the prob ability was high that a certain Incremental change would be predicted on the criterion measures. The best predictor for success was the Wolf Scale. This scale was doubtlessly weighed with items that would tap those acculturational in dices of familial interaction, language, and use of media 309 which would most approximate successful criterion groups in the dominant society. With these two measures of acculturation a high degree of the predictive variance was accounted for., such that the other scales did not add much to prediction. Assimilation.— However, the fact remains that these other scales correlated enough with criteria measures to tap some source of the variance. In addition., these scales were related to the acculturation measures. This brings up the problem discussed earlier as to what the relation ship is between acculturation and assimilation. From our correlations we could say that they were related. On the series of rank order correlations for criterion groups (i.e., Pueblos, etc.), these measures related on the whole quite highly with each other. Some of these interrelation ships suggest the possibility that for certain cultures, probably rapidly assimilating, formally traditional, homogeneous groups, the reactive effect, or retrogressive effect takes place. YJith Promethian environmental mastery, modern attitudes and values, come the isolation and mean inglessness which characterize the gesellshaft society. In some instances some Pueblos have joined the "alienation club" as they have turned their backs on the traditional ways. Learning styles.— The most disappointing part of the research was the fact that the obvious was explicated. 310 The language biases tended to discriminate against the Amerindian child. There is nothing new in this except for the solace one could take in the fact that our instruments could differentiate consistently between the groups studied. That Amerindians fared better than Spanish in one or two items in which language syntactic sophistication was less important only supports the studies reported earlier in Chapter III., namely that on "non-verbal" performance tasks the Amerindian fares better. What was concluded about learning styles was that if they are posited as mean group difference score compos ites, they are predicted from measures of acculturation and assimilation. This fact underlies the rationale for this study. We may conclude with respect to the three major research questions that instruments could be devised that could predict learning from a cultural baseline, and both predictor and criterion measures could substantially dis criminate the three major cultures studied. The third of these questions had to do with whether or not an instrument measuring acculturation could be de vised. In this preliminary study the C.I.S. was found to be reasonably objective, reliable, and met six validity criteria. The more complex question concluding our inquiry was whether or not the instrument derived from an axiomatic- deductive process, based upon postulates from Hall's P.M.S., 311 could confirm or deny the utility of the model by means of validating it against factor-derived dimensions. Even though some of the factors were ambiguous and difficult to interpret, it was still fairly clear that the main dimensions of the P.M.S., Language, Exploitation, Learning, and Territorial-Association and Occupation dimen sions were confirmed among the common factors from the varimax rotated solution. Recommendations for research.— A multitude of statistical measures could yet be applied to our data bank from this study. When better programs are available to us it would be worthwhile to factor the entire set of pre dictors with the entire set of criterion measures to de termine what clusters of items from all instruments would load together. Similarly, a canonical analysis of pre dictor and criterion variables could be made. This would give us in the first solution a composite criterion, as well as a matrix of regression weights for the predictors (combining elements of both factor and multiple regression methods). The second solution would yield the reverse, so that the criterion measures would be assigned regression weights. These could then yield regression equations for more precise predictions between the two sets. Also needed is a refinement in the predictor meas ures to pick up what accounts for those few criterion score reversals on visual and gesturing items from the I.T.P.A. 312 This could probably best be built into the C.I.S. because of its relatively easier and shorter time of administration than the more powerful Wolf instrument. Certain related P.M.S. dimensions such as temporal and child-learning meas ures could further be explored. We are still not clear on how these children learn in their environment, and to just what they attend. Bisexual learning dimensions for chil dren to link learning and sex roles could also be further studied. The most fascinating puzzle of all has to do with the postulation of alienation effects when they relate to other assimilation and acculturation measures. The first step in such a study would be to make more careful observa tions through field work using participant observation techniques among the criterion groups, especially Cochiti and Santa Ana. Such studies could yield valuable insights in order to devise better measures of the dynamics of this problem, and (of course) to study the effects of these ambivalent values on how children from marginal parents learn to learn, and what styles characterize their learning. Recommendations for application.— So far we are not concerned if the school classroom system is amenable to curriculum innovation which would maximize the oppor tunities of these children who, even though they would score low on verbal tests, do have certain strengths upon 313 which they can build. The tendency for Navajo and Pueblo children,, even though their backgrounds are deficient in rich media opportunities, seems to be to have good "see brains." This distal sense organ and its motorically re lated modalities should be considered by curriculum builders to the fullest extent to enhance the learning of all the basic primary grade skills. For example, we suspect that such spatial abilities as the Amerindian cultures tend to foster could be capitalized upon to give us more Amerindian mathematicians, engineers, and architects. Finally, we come to the more philosophical meanings of this study. Ironically, one trained to study social problems has great reluctance to produce prescriptions for the culturally diverse child. Perhaps it is enough to raise a few questions. Do we want to make these children over in our own image? Do we want to minimize our influence upon them so they can maintain their own cultural integrity? We often hear stated pragmatically that we should educate them so that they can negotiate the system. Many of us work under that assumption, but it does imply that we can give culturally divergent children the advantages of the system without also harming them. We have never done this very successfully in the past. A few hours before this writing, a man, Dr. Martin Luther King, was brutally assassinated. He represented 314 those lofty virtues of racial brotherhood we so cynically banter about in our confrontations with our minority groups of Amerindians and Spanish-Americans. Social despair and alienation seem to be plaguing our society. What can we actually offer to those who for millenia have lived in harmony with nature* and who had never taken the Promethian challenge which in our own social version is harnessed to technology and dehumaniza tion? BIBLIOGRAPHY 315 r BIBLIOGRAPHY Books 1. Arnold, Thurman W. The Folklore of Capitalism. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1962. 2. 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Osgood, C. E. Contemporary Approaches to Cognition. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 19577 61. Piaget, Jean. Language and Thought of the Child. New York: Harcour't, Brace, & World, 192b. 62. Reisman, David, et al. The Lonely Crowd. New Haven: Yale University P'ressl 1950. 6 3. Riessman, Frank. The Culturally Deprived Child. New York: Harper & Sow, 1952. 64. Rozeboom, William W. Foundations of the Theory of Prediction. Homewood, 111.: The Dorsey Press, 19557 6 5. Schapiro, Meyer. "Style." Anthropology Today. Edited by Sol Tax. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1 9 6 2. 66. Segall, M. H. ; Campbell, D. T.; and Hirskovitz, M. J. The Influence of Culture on Visual Perception. New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 19557 6 7. Shannon, Lyle W., and Shannon, Magdoline. "The As similation of Migrants to Cities." Urban Research 321 and Policy Planning. Edited by Leo F. Schore and Henry Fagln. Beverly Hills: Sage Pub., 19 6 7. 68. Shepherd, Clovis R. Small Groups: Some Sociological Perspectives. 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American Anthro pologist, xxxix (1937), 316-327. 8 5. Becker, Howard S. "What Do They Really Learn at Col lege?" Transaction, I (May, 1964), 14-17- 86. Cline, Marion. "Some Problems of Education in the Spanish Villages of Northern New Mexico." Mimeo graphed excerpt from prepublication article. 8 7. Colby, Benjamin N. "Behavioral Redundancy." J. Be havioral Science, III (1958), 317-322. 88. DuBois, Cora. "The Dominant Value Profile of American Culture." American Anthropologist, LVII (December, 1955), 1232-1239. 8 9. Duncan, D. B. "Multiple Range and Multiple 1 F' Tests." Biometrics, XI (1955)* 1-42. 90. Dunn, L. M., et al. "Peabody Picture Vocabulary Test Performance of Trainable Mentally Retarded Chil dren." American Journal Ment. Defic., LXV (1961), 448-452. 91. Goldschmidt, Walter, and Edgerton, Robert B. "A Picture Technique for the Study of Values." Amer- ican Anthropologist, LXIII (1961), 26-45. 323 92. Friedman., Norman L. 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Shepardson, Mary. "Value Theory In the Prediction of Political Behavior, the Navajo Case." American Anthropologist, LXIV (1 9 6 2), 742-750. Sigel, Irving, and Karp, Joan M. "Psychoeducational Appraisal of Disadvantaged Children." Review of Educ. Research, XXXV (1 9 6 5), 401-412. Smith, David H. "A Parsimonious Definition of 'Group': Toward Conceptual Clarity and Scientific Utility." Sociological Inquiry, XXXVII (Spring, 1 9 6 7), 141-1574 Smith, David H., and Inkles, Alex. "The O.M. Scale: A Comparative Socio-Psychological Measure of In dividual Modernity." Sociometry, XXIX (December, 1966), 353-377. Srole, Leo. "Social Integration and Certain Corol laries: An Exploratory Study." Amer. Soc. Rev., XXI (December, 1956), 709-716. Unpublished Materials Birdwhistell, Ray L. "Introduction to Kinesics." Louisville: University of Kentucky Press, 1952. Available through Univ. Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Mich. Brim, Orville G., Jr. "Sociology and the Field of Education." 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J. ; Olson, J. L., et al. Selected Studies on the I.T.P.A. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 196 3. Smith, David H., and Inkles, Alex. A Complete Version of the Overall Modernity Questionnaire. Washington, D.C.: Library of Congress Document 9133. Yaca, Nick C. "Editorial." El Grito, I (Fall, 1 9 6 7), 4. Yogt, Evon T. "The Acculturation of American Indians." The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, CCCXI (1957j. Other Sources Burger, Henry G. "Facilitating Directed Cultural Change by Strategically Designing Chain Reactions." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan. Feldman, Bernard. "Psycholinguistic Theory and the Empirical Validity of the ITPA." Unpublished pa per, University of Southern California, i9 6 0. (Mimeograph available from the author.) Romano, Octavio. "Aspects of Rio Grande Pueblo Cul tural Stability." Unpublished M.A. dissertation, University of New Mexico, 1954. Spindler, George. "Psychocultural Adaptation." Pa per presented at the Rice University Symposium, October, 1 9 6 6. Wolf, Richard. "The Measurement of Environments." Prepublication xerox copy, 1964. A P P E N D I X E S 326 APPENDIX A CULTURAL INFORMATION INDEX--FORM A 327 APPENDIX A SOUTHWESTERN COOPERATIVE EDUCATIONAL LABORATORY, INC. 117 Richmond Drive N.E. Albuquerque, New Mexico 87106 CULTURAL INFORMATION INDEX - FORM A Name of Mother being Interviewed Name of Her Ciii I< 1 in Study: School Attended by Child: Age of Mother: Age of Father Community: 1 n I : c rv iewt ■ r ' s S t a t emeut: What we want is to do everything possible to help your child in school. You can help too. If you can give us some information, we will be able to plan a better school program. The things we are going to ask you will be kept strictly confidential. We want to protect your privacy, and we don't want to try into your personal life unnecessarily. If you think that a question is not a good one to answer, we will respect your right not to answer it. We do want to get all of the help you can give us. Then, we can work together to do the best things for your child in school. Do you have any questions or comments? (Pause) Shall we begin? Q. 1. What language is spoken most in your home? A: 1. Response Category We i ght i ng (3) Score a. English Spoken Only b. Native Language plus some English ( 2) c. Native Language and, or other Non-English Languages ( 1) 328 Page 2 Q: 2, What language you (I.e. fcbe oofher) speak mostiy in youx home? A: 2. Response Category Weighting Score a. English Spoken Only (3) b. Native Language plus some English (2) c. Native Language and, or other Non-English Language (1) -— — Q: 3. What language do you (i.e. the mother) speak mostly outside of your home? A: 3. Response Category Weighting Score a. English Spoken Only (3) b. Native Language plus some English (2) c. Native Language and, or other Non-English Language (1) □ Q: 4. What language does the father speak mostly in your home? A: 4. Response Category Weighting Score a. English Spoken Only (3) b. Native Language plus some English (2) c. Native Language and, or other Non-English Language (1) □ 329 Page 3 Q: 5. Whiit language does the (child's) father speak mostly outside of your home? A: 5. Response Category Weighting Score a. English Spoken Only (3) b. Native Language plus some English (2) c. Native Language and, or other Non-English Language (1) □ Q: 5. What language does the child (name him) speak mostly in your home? A: 6. Response Category Weighting Score a. English Spoken Only (3) b. Native Language plus some English (2) c. Native Language and, or other Non-English Language (1) □ Q: 7. What language does the child (name him) speak mostly outside of the home? A: 7. Response. Category Weighting Score a. English Spoken Only (3) b. Native Language plus some English (2) c. Native Language and, or other Non-English Language (1) □ Page 4 Q. 8. What kind of work does the (child's) father do? (Interviewer: If response is unclear, ask to describe or explain what he does). A. 8. Response Category Weigh ting, Score a. Professional, Technical & kindred workers, Business Managers, Officials to Proprietors, Non-farm Managers, Large Farm Owners, Managers (5) b. Clerical & Salesworkers, Skilled Craftsmen & kindred workers, Foreman, Small Business (4) c. Skilled Laborer !, Operatives, Owns or manages farms, Rancheros, Herds, Flocks etc. Small self- employed, Merchant-Craftsmen (Silversmiths etc.) (3) d. Unskilled Laborers, Services, Domestic workers, Farmhands, Unpaid family workers, Herders, Laborers in mines etc.Housewives Seasonal farm laborers. (2) e. Unemployed, or Sporadic employment (Non-Seasonal) (1) 331 Page 5 (does the mother) Q. 9. What kind of work ( do you ) do? (If unclear, probe.) A. 9. Response Category Weighting a. Professional, Technical & kindred workers, Business Managers, Officials to Proprietors, Non-farm Managers, Large Farm Owners, Managers (5) b. Clerical & Salesworkers, Skilled Craftsmen & kindred workers, Foremen, Small Business (4) c. Skilled Laborers, Operatives Owns or manages farms, Rancheros, Herds, Flocks etc. Small self- employed, Merchant-Craftsmen (Silversmiths etc.) (3) d. Unskilled Laborers, Services, Domestic workers, Farmhands, Unpaid family workers, Herders, Laborers in mines etc. Seasonal farm laborers. (2) e. Unemployed, or Sporadic em ploym ent (Non-Seasonal) (J) Score □ 3 3 2 Page 6 DIRECTIONS: Question 10 requires skilled observation and extreme tact. Try to gather the information for some of the following artifacts by observing first hand. If this does not work, then ask------- Q. ](). Do you have the following things Ju your home? (Check: + YES, or N = NO for each item) A. 10. (1) TV___________________ (2) Radio_____ (3) Telephone (4) Record Player Response Category Weighting Score r. TV, radio, phone (5) II. TV, phone (4) h i . Radio, plus phone or record player (3) Question IV. Radio only, or phone only (2) No. 10A V. No media (1) 10b. Automobile Mid or Truck Response Category Weighting Score b. I. Two cars and/or trucks (3) II. One motor vehicle Question (car or truck) (2) No. 10b III. No motor vehicle (1) 10c. 1. Clock 2. Calendar Response Category Weighting Score c. I. Clock, calandar (3) II. Calendar (2) Question I I III.. None (1) No. 10c I ----1 333 Page 7 lOd. Books: 5 or more adult books or 1 encyclopedia set 1 - 4 adult and or childrens books Response Category Weighting Score d. I. Five or more adult books or one encyclopedia set (3) II. Less than five adult ____ books, or children's Question and/or school books (2) No. lOd ____ III. No books (1) lOe, Plumbing: Indoor bathroom and Water Tap Water Tap only___________________ No Indoor Plumbing Response Category Weighting Score e. I. Plumbing Indoor bathroom and water tap (3) ----- II. Water tap only (2) Question III. No Indoor plumbing (1) No. lOe _____ JOJ. Art: (Make Observation: Credit Anglo art only, even If objects arc in "poor" taste). Response Category Weighting Score f. Art Objects: I. Anglo-aesthetic pictures, photos or art objects (3) II. Anglo-religious pictures, or art calendars only (2) ■ ----- . III. No anglo-art objects (e.g. Question Indian pottery, jewelry, (i) No. lOf I I Santos. 334 Page H lOg. Furniture: (Make observation, and question age of furniture only if necessary.) Response Category Weighting Score g. Furniture: I. Modern, middle class taste with living room 3 pieces or more (3) IT. Old Anglo, 25 years or more (3 pieces plus) (2) III. Old torn, patched or make- Question I I shift, boxes, orange-crates (1)_______________________________ No. lOg I__ * lOh. Room-Verson Ratio: (Make observation on number of household rooms and question number only if necessary.) (1) How many rooms altogether are there in your household? _____________ (2) How many persons live most of the time in your household? ____________ Response Category Weighting Score h. (Room Verson ratio) Number of rooms + (R)+Number of persons_ (P)R/P ratio = I. 2:00 and up (3) 11. 1:00 -- 1:99 (2) Question III. below 1:00 (1) No. lOh □ 101. Periodical 1 iterat'ure: (1) Do you get daily purchased (not throw-away shopping newspapers) Newspapers in Fnglish? (2) Do you get some magazines or comic books? Interviewers List: Response Category Weighting a. Daily purchased, dnglish papers plus map.s ft or comic books (3) b. No Newspapers but mags & or comic or religious tracts (2) c. No printed media (1) Question No. lOi Score □ 335 Page 9 10j. Appliances: Do yon Dave (If respondent has electricity, try to observe if there are any electric appliances; if not observable, then ask.) (1) A Refrigerator _____________ (2) ice box_______________________________ (3) Stove (what kind e.g. Natl, gas, butane, coal, oil,wood (4) Clothes Washer If yes, gas operated_ (5) Electric Toaster____ Response Category j. Appliances: I. 3 Major Appliances II. Refrigerator or Ice Box only III. No Electric Appliances nor gas operated washer Weighting (3) ( 2) (1) Score Question No. 10j A. 11. ( You Q. 11. Education What grade did (the child's mother^ complete in school? Response Category 1). Education 11.) (Mother) 13 and up Grade 12 9 - 11 B 0 - / Weighting (5) Score (4) O) (2) (I) Qursl ioti Q:D I I 336 Page 10 Q. 12. What grade did (the child's father) complete in school? A. 12. Response Category Weighting ,) (Father) 13 and up (5) Grade 1 1 12 (4) I I 9 - 11 (3) I I 8 (2) Question I I 0 - 7 (1) Q:D 12 Score □ Association Q. 13. Do you (Mother) belong to any clubs, or rrganizations with: Other Indian people only____________________ Spanish American people______________________ Anglo or white people________________________ A. 13. List: Response Category E. Association 13.) Mother Club) Anglo White Spanish-American Indian only Weighting (3) ( 2) (1) Score Quest No. Q stion I Q: 13 1 ____ 1 337 Page l j l Q. 14a. Does (father) belong to any Clubs, Fraternities, or Organizations with: Other Indian People only _____________________ Spanish-American people____________________________ Anglo or White people Response Category Anglo-White Spanish-American Indian only NOTE: INTERVIEWER MUST NOT PRY INTO INDIAN RELIGIOUS OR CULTURAL SOCIETIES. JUST DETERMINE MEMBERSHIP OR NON-MEMBERSHIP. Q. 14b. Is the group to which (the child's father) belongs Political or business Vocational Cultural,, Social, Religious______________________ U> UJ 00 Response Category Weighting Score Political-business (3) Vocational (2) Question Cultural, Social, Religious (1) No. 14b Total Score: 14a + 14b = DIRECT IONS: IF MOTHER WORKS, ASK Q.15; IK SHE DOES NOT, SKTl’ TO Q.H>. Q. 15. (Mother) On your job do you work with, or for, or sell to: (Specify) Other Indian people only With________ For_______Sell to_______ Spanish-AiiierLean people also With_________For Sell, to_______ Anglo or white people_____________ With_________For_______Sell to_______ Response Category Weighting Score Anglo-tyhite (3) Spanish American (2) Question Indian Only (1.) No. Q.15 Weighting Score (3) ( 2) Question I I (1) No. 14a__j ___1 Page 12 Q. 16, Does (the father of the school child) on his job work with or for: A. 16. Other Indian people only_________________ Spanish-American people also____________ Anglo-white people also_________________ Response Category 16. Father, job: White Spanish Indian only Weighting (3) ( 2) ( 1) Score Question No. 16 ( You ) (your) Q. 17. Did (The Mother of the child) in (her ) schooling have classes most of the time with: (Check one) A. 17. Indian People only_ Spanish-American people also Anglo or White people also___ Response Category Anglo/White Spanish-American Indian only Weighting (3) ( 2) ( 1) Score Q. 18. Did (the father of the child) in his schooling have classes most of the u ime w i th: A. 18. Indian people only_ Spanish-American people also Anglo-white people also______ Response Category Anglo/White Spanish-American Indian only Weighting (3) (2) ( 1) Score □ 339 Page 13 Q. 19. How many different places did you travel to the past month? A. 19. (Interviewer List:) _____________________________ ___________________ Response Category Weighting Score 4 or more (3) 1 to 3 (2) 0 (1) □ ( Do you.. ) Q. 20. (Does the Mother) and/or the husband belong to clubs or organizations in: A. 20. This community only_ Other (non-urban) communities, or reservation_ In the city__________________________________________ Response Category Weighting Score In City (3) Non-urban communities, reservation (2) Own community only (!) Other non-urban communities, or reservations In the city_________________________________________ In City (3) Other non-urban communities (2) Own community only (1) □ Response Category Weighting Score □ u> O Q. 2L. Do you or your husband have friends or relatives: A. 21. In this community only_________________________________ Page 14 Q. 22. l)o you or your husband now have, or did you have jobs in: A. 22 This community only_______________________________________________ In other non-urban communities, reservations_________________ In the city_________________________________________________________ Response Category Weighting Score In city (3) Other non-urban communities (2) Own community only (1) Q. 23. Do you or your husband find ways to have fun and good times: (Check one) A. 23. In this community only_________________________________________________________ In other non-urban communities____________________________________________ In the city________________________________________________________________________ Response Category Weight ing Score In city (3) Other non-urban communities (2) w Own community only (1) □ Q, 24. Did (the child's mother) have schooling: (Check one) A, 24. In a BIA school only_____________________________ - In a public school in another town_____________ In a public school in the city___________________ Response Category Weighting Score City Public School (3) Other town public school (2) In a BIA school only (1) □ Page 15 Q. 25. Did (your husband) have his schooling: (Check one) A. 2'i. In . ’ i IIIA (iiliool only_____________________ In public school in another town________ In a public school in the city___________ Response Category Weighting City, Public School (3) Other town, Public School (2) In BIA School only (1) q 26. Which is the best way for your child to learn most things? A. 26. By listening and watching adults________________ By trying to do just what adults do____________ By finding out about things by himself________ ** DO NOT SCORE Q. 26 Comparative data will determine scoring. Go on to Q. 27 Q. 27. The best things that happen in life: (Check one) A. 27. Were a long time ago.__________________________________ Are happening these days, now________________________ Will happen a long time ahead from now_____________ ** DO NOT SCORE: Go on to G. 28 Score □ ) (Check one) Sit£ Page 16 Q. 28. Now let's talk about machines. They are tools that use power and not just muscles — electricity, steam, gasoline, or so on. Typical machines are sewing machines, the automobile, the tractor, the electric typewriter. Now, how many machines can you (operate)? ( use ) A. 28. Interviewer check below: None, one, or two - - - - J j Three, four or five . . . | j Six or more ------ □ Response Category Weightins Score □ Six or more (3) 3 to Five (2) Two or less (1) Q. 29A. Could you tell me some things you definately are planning to do in the future? (IF RESPONDENT DOESN'T GIVE INFORMATION, OR IF FUTURE CONCEPT IS UNCLEAR, CITE SOME POSSIBLE EXAMPLES SUCH AS: "FOR EXAMPLE, SOME PEOPLE PLAN TO BUY SOME MORE SHEEP, OR WANT TO PLANT SOME CORN, OR DIP SOME SHEEP, PERHAPS BUY A NEW "PICK-UP" TRUCK— GO TO THE FAIR, VISIT SOME RELATIVES, VISIT SOME KIDS AT SCHOOL.) Can you think of some things you are planning to do? A. 29A (Interviewer List): 1.___________________________ 2. ____________________________ J. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8 . Page 17 INTERVIEWER: (AFTER RESPONDENT GIVES YOU ALL HE CAN THINK OF WITHOUT UNNECESSARY PAUSES OR DELAYS, THEN READ THESE ANSWERS BACK AND ASK HIM:) Q. 2915. Could you tell me when you plan to do: A. 29B. (WRITE--TIME, DATES, OR WHATEVER) 1.___________________________________ 2 .______________________________________________________________ 3. (DIRECTIONS: AFTER THE INTERVIEW, PLEASE ADD UP ALL TIMES BY DAY UNITS AND GET AN AVERAGE TIME THAT THE RESPONDENT PLANS AHEAD.) Total Number of Time In Day Total Number of Plans 344 APPENDIX B COMBINED STRODTBECK-SROLE SCALE 3^5 APPENDIX B Page 18 COMBINED STRODBECK-SROLE SCALE Agree and Disagree I’lease put an A (Agree or a 1) (Disagree.) next to each item l.elow: II respondent seems unclear about meanings such as "disagree" say: "Do not agree" or "Do not believe". (A) Agree or (D) Disagree 1. Planning only makes a person unhappy since your plans hardly ever work out anyway. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 2, When a man is born, the success he's going to have is already in the cards, so he might os well accept it and not tight against it. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 3. Nowadays, with world conditions the way they are, the wise person lives for today and lets tomorrow take care of itself. 4, Even when teenagers get married, their main loyalty still belongs to their fathers and mothers. 5. When the time comes for a boy to take a job, he should stay near his parents, even if it means giving up a good job opportunity. 6. Nothing in life is worth the sacrifice of moving away from your parents. 7. The best kind of job to have is one where you are part of an organization all working together even if you don't get individual credit. 8, It's silly for a teenager t:o put money Into a car when the money could be used to get started in business or for an education. 9. There's little use writing to public officials because often they aren't really interested in the problems of the average man. ......... 10. In spile ol wlial some people say, tin- lot ol the average man is getting worse, not better. ______________ 11. It's hardly fair to bring children into the world with the way things look in the future. ______________ 12. These days a person doesn't really know whom he can count on. APPENDIX C MINIMUM SCALE OF INDIVIDUAL MODERNITY * 347 APPENDIX C Page 19 DIRECTIONS FOR INTERVIEWER: THE FOLLOWING SET OF QUESTIONS ARE DESIGNED SO THAT THE RESPONDENT'S ANSWER SHOULD FIT BEST INTO ONE, OR POSSIBLY MORE OF THE RESPONSE CATEGORIES INDICATED. TRY TO HAVE THE RESPONDENT FIT HIS ANSWER TO THE APPROPRIATE RESPONSE CATEGORY. IF THE RESPONSE IS FAR OUT OF LINE WITH THESE CATEGORIES, THEN RECORD THE RESPONSE UNDER THE "OTHER" CATEGORY WHICH FOLLOWS EACH SET OF CATEGORICAL RESPONSES ACCOMPANYING EACH NUMBERED QUESTION. « 3 4 8 Page 20 Minimum Scale of Individual Modernity A. Purely Attitudinal Items 1. Have you ever (thought over much) gotten so highly concerned (involved) regarding some public issue (such as............... ) that you really ■wanted to do something about it? 1. Frequently__________ 2. Few_times________________3. Never 4. Other__________________ 2. If schooling is freely available (if there were no kinds of obstacles) how much schooling (reading and writing) do you think children (the son) of people like yourself should have? 3, Two twelve-year old boys took time out from their work in the corn (rice) fields. They were trying to figure out a way to grow the same amount of corn (rice) with fewer hours of work. 1. The father of one boy said: That is a good thing to think about. Tell me your thoughts about how we should change our ways of growing corn (rice)." ?. Thi' father of the other boy .said: "The way to grow corn (rice) is the way we have always done It, Talk about change will waste time but not help!" Which father said the wiser words? 4. What should most qualify a man to hold high office? 1. Coming from (right, distinguished or high) family background 2. Devotion ot the old and (revered) time-honored ways 3. Being the most popular among the people 4. High education and special knowledge 5. Other 6\j£ Page 2i Willeh i r. most import;int for the future of (thin country)? I. The hard work of the people 2. Good planning on the part of the government 3. God's help 4. Good luck 5. Other 6. Learned men (scholars, scientists) in the universities are studying such things as what determines whether a baby is a boy or girl and how it is that a seed turns into a plant. Do you think that these investigations (studies) are: 1. All very good (beneficial) 2. All somewhat good (beneficial) 3. All somewhat harmful 4. All very harmful 5. Other 1. Sumr\pyople say that it is necessary for a man and his wife to limit Llie number of children to be born so tiny can take bcLter care ol those they do have (already have). 2. Others .say that it is wrong lor a man and wile purposely (voluntarily) to limit the number of children to be born. Which of these opinions do you agree with more? 8. Which one of these (following) kinds of news interests you most? I. World events (happenings in other countries) The nation (in the U.S.A.) I. 'four home town (or village) 4. Sports 5. Keligious (or tribal, cultural) events (ceremonies) or festivals 6. Other 350 l-age 22 9. ]f you were to meet a person who lives in another country a long way off (thousands of kilometers away), could you understand his way of thinking? 1. Yes 2.No 10. Do you think a man can be truly good without having any religion at all? 1. Yes 2.No Behavior-•Information Items 11. Do you belong to any organization (associations, clubs), such as, for example, social clubs, unions, church organizations, political groups, or other groups? If "Yes," what are the names of all the organizations you belong to? 12. i Would you tell me what are the biggest problems you see facing (your country)? 13. Where is (in what country is the city of) Washington/Moscow'; (Scored correct or incorrect) 351 Page 23 14. Ilow often do you (usually) get news and information from newspapers? 1. Everyday_______________________ 2. Few times a week_____________ 3. Occasionally (rarely)_______ 4. Never__________________________ 5. Other ATTITUDINAL ITEMS Interviewer: Here are some more items that we would like you to answer. Please tell us what you think about each item. Just tell me, if you will, how you feel about each of the following things. For example, a question might be "How do you like to travel?" (Get an answer.) 15. (FOR AMERICAN INDIAN RESPONDENTS.) Tf your child becomes very sick, to whom would you go for help to cure him? (Check) ( ) A medicine man, who has religious ascribed status. ( ) A healer in the local community (no religious title). ( ) A person who practices witchcraft. ( ) A Catholic padre, or protcstant minister. ( ) A white-man medical doctor (licensed M.D.) ( ) Other (FOR SPANISH-AMERICAN RESPONDENTS.) If your child becomes very sick, to whom would you go for help to cure him? (Check all items indicated by respondent.) ( ) A medico, i.e. a curandcro (a) ( ) A bruja, i.e. witch ( ) A Catholic padre or protcstant minister. ( ) A medical doctor (licensed M.D.) ( ) Other 16. When a girl finishes school what should she do? ( ) Marry right away. ( ) Work at home for awhile, then marry. ( ) Get a job outside the home for awhile, then marry. ( ) Other 3 5 2 » I Page 24 17. Who should decide how big a family should be? 1 ( ) Father. ( ) Mother. ( ) Both Father and Mother. ( ) The community knows the right size. ( ) Size of faml Ly is m l by nature, not people. ( ) Other 18. When a person grows too old to work, who should help him get enough food and other things he needs to live? ( ) His family and/or kinfolks. ( ) Some welfare agency. ( ) Some families in the community who know of the problem. ( ) I think he should have saved and stored enough for himself. ( ) I don't know for sure. ( ) Other 19. Where does a boy learn most about truth? ( ) Old people. ( ) Books and school. ( ) Both of the above. ( ) Other 20. Ilow do yoo Leei about growing old? ( ) I look forward to growing old; 1 want to. ( ) I don't care. ( ) I don't like to think about growing old. ( ) Other response (e.g. indifference, etc.) 21. What is the most important thing about a person with whom you work at a job? ( ) A friendly, easy-to-get-along with, person. ( ) An important and respected (status) person; someone with influence. ( ) Someone, who does his job right; always knows what lie is doing all the time. ( ) Other 353 Page 25 22. Which of the following do you listen to most? ( ) A political party (Democrat or Republican). ( ) Patron or boss; (tribal council for Indians) ( ) Church, or religious leader. ( ) Other 23. Which is more important for a man's happiness? ( ) Owning many, many.- things. ( ) Having a good heart ( ) lie well-liked by others; having many friends. ( ) Having important dreams or thoughts. ( ) Being in harmony with nature, with plants, animals, etc. ( ) Other 24. What a man is or becomes depends upon: ( ) Himself and his own efforts; what he does. ( ) Things that happen to him that he cannot know about ahead of time. ( ) Other 25. Who should be the head of the family? Who should make the important decisions? ( ) Husband ( ) Wife ( ) Both husband and wife, ( ) Other. 26. When a woman gets married, she should be loyal to, or feel an obligation to: ( ) Her husband mostly. ( ) The family she was born in mostly. ( ) Other. Page 26 27. If you could buy all the things you wanted, would you be willing to move away from, and live apart frcm, your own people around here? ( ) Yes ( ) No ( ) Maybe ( ) Other I Would you prefer to live in: ( ) The city ( ) The country ( ) Other 29. If women do the same work as men, their pay should be: ( ) Same as men. ( ) Less than men ( ) Other 30a. If you already hrJ boy and girl children, and you were going to have another child, would you like to have a boy child or a girl child? ( ) lioy ( ) f’irl ( ) Other 30j. Would your hus and want a boy or girl child? ( ) Boy ( ) Girl { ) Other 31. When a girl over Li years of age goes out with a young man, should some older person be there too? ( ) No ( ) Yes ( ) Other 355 1 ’ age 27 32. When young people want to got married, should the couple decide themselves, or should the families decide? ( ) Young people decide ( ) rami lies decide ( ) Oilier response: (Meuse indie,ale) _ ______ ____ U ) Ui O a NOTb: Words in parenthesis are alternative phrasing for aid in translation. In every case the items should be adapted to make sense in the particular culture. APPENDIX D S.W.C.E.L. PARENT INTERVIEW 357 APPENDIX D SOUTHWESTERN COOPERATIVE EDUCATIONAL LABORATORY, INC, Parent Interview Richard M. Wolf USC SWCEL Revision 9/67 Statement of Purpose: This is a study of differences in home backgrounds of first year elementary school children. We are trying to get an estimate of the variety of home situations in your community. The reason for this is to have the schools take this kind of information into account in planning educational programs. Thus, this study is for research purposes to aid in peaching your child more effectively, We guarantee that we won't give this personal information, as such, to the school! Please answer as best you can. 1. How many children do you have? What are their ages? Sexes? In what grades are they? In what schools? Note: If not in school, determine □ whether employed and/or separated from the family. Note, record infor mation on opposite side. Pointing out the Subject: We are going to talk about your first grade child Iname him). We will probably be referring to the others on occasion, but our discussion will be mainly about . . . (name). 2. How is he doing in school? In which subject do you think he will do best? In which do you think he will do worst? 4. How has he/she done in school so far? What grades would you like him to get? What grades do you expect he will get? Best Worst 3. What subject do you think he will improve in? Most Least Expect Satisfy 5. How; do your other children generally do in school? □ 358 2 6. Wh#t organizations or clubs, if any, do you belong to (PTA, Church, Political, ate.)? Does your child know what you do in these organizations? Yes No How? 7. What are your favorite recreation pastimes? Your husband's? What recreational activities do you and your family engage in on weekends “H together? What places have you visited on weekends during the past six months? Why? 8. Do you usually plan your weekends and vacations ahead of time? How often? Who makes the plans? 9. Where have you, as a family, traveled during the past two years? Why were these places chosen? What specific activities take up most of your time at these places? □ 10. What newspapers and/or magazines do you subscribe to? So you encourage your child to read them? If so, how? Do you discuss the articles or stories in them in his presence? (Give examples). Does your child ever participate in these discussions--vs. listening? 11. Does your child takn any lessons--musical, dance, academic subject? If so, what? How long has he taken these? How did he get started in — i this area? 359 3 12. What hobbles, if any, does your child have? How long has he been interested What seemed to get him started in this area? (Note parent initiation) 13. What kinds of toys, games, books, pamphlets, etc., have you bought for your child in the past two years? (Include birthdays and holidays) Give examples. 14. Does your child have a library card? If so, how long has he had it? How did he come to get this card? (Note parent initiation) □ Do you remember the first few times he went to the library? Did anyone accompany him? Who? What kind of books have you encouraged him to read? Where else does he obtain reading material? Do you still read to him? Does he read to you? How often? 15. What appliances do you permit him to operate? How long have you allowed this? in this? 16. Do you ask your child problems related to school subjects that he is required to answer or solve on his own? Give examples. 360 4 17. Does your child have a desk of his own? If not, where does he study? What kinds of supplies are available for him to work with? (Observe) paste compass ruler paper protractor crayons paints others (specify) 18. Do you have a dictionary in your home? If so, what kind? Does your child have a dictionary of his own? If so, what kind? Where are they kept? How often does your child use the dictionary? How often do you? _ When the child uses the dictionary, at whose initiation--his or yours? What other ways does your child have of learning new words? School, relatives, etc. Home dictionary: Yes No Child's dictionary: Yes No "Y" or "N" 19. Do you have an encyclopedia in your home? If so, when did you get it? Why? Do you buy yearbooks to accompany the encyclopedia? — Where is it usually kept? How often do you use it? How often does your child use it? U ) "Y1 ' or "N" 20. Do you have an almanac or fact book? If so, when was it purchased? Who uses it? When? □ What other sources of reading material does your child have available to locate answers to his questions--library, friends, etc.? 21. Do you have any workbooks or other kinds of learning materials which you use to help your child in his learning? □ What other steps, if any, do you take to insure that your child keeps up in his school work? 5 22. Does your child receive homework? Do you help him with these assignments? How much time do you find to work with him on these assignments per week? □ How much time do you and your husband spend providing direct help to your child in his school learning on weekdays? On weekends? Also ask for preschool and primary grades. 23. How often do you and your husband discuss your child's progress in school? What generally results from such discussions? 24. Have you had any experience in teaching? What? Your husband? 25. When does your child usually eat dinner on weekdays? Who eats with him? Who does most of the talking at the dinner table? About what? 2b. At what other times are you together as a family on weekdays? What are some of the things you do together at these times? 27. What are some of the activities your husband engages in with the child on weekdays?' On weekends? r t 362 6 28, Are there any adults outside of you and your husband that your child is particularly friendly with? If so, what does he seem to like about them? □ What do you see as this person's special qualities? How often does your child see them? What does he do when he's with them? 29. Did any other adults live with you when your child was young? If so, who? How long did they live with you? What was the age of the child when they □ left? (Note: If the child was close to them, ask the following questions) How much schooling did they have? How would you rate their use of language? 30. Did you have a job outside the home when your child was younger? If so, who took care of the child? □ 31. Did you read books When did you stop? □ Hours About how many hours a week does he usually watch TV? What are his favorite programs? Do you approve of them? If not, what do you do about them? \ 33. What are your favorite TV programs? Did you recommend that your child watch any particular programs in the past week? If so, which ones? | j Did you discuss any programs with him after watching them? to him when he was younger? If so, when did you start? How regularly did you read to him? 363 □ 34. How would you describe your child's language usage? Do you help him Co increase his vocabulary? If so, how? How have you helped him to acquire appropriate use of words and sentences? Are you still helping him in these respects? If so, how? □ 35. How much would you estimate you correct him in his speech? ex. use of "ain't" etc. How particular are you about your child's speech? Are there particular speechihabits of his that you are working on to improve? Give examples, if so. Earlier? □ □ □ 36. Do you speak any language other than English in the home? If so, which one? Does the child also speak this language? 37. How much schooling do you wish your child to receive? 38. How much schooling do you expect your child to receive? 39. What is the minimum level of education that you think your child must receive? 40. Do you have any ideas about the kind of work you would like to see your child do when he grows up? Do you have any ideas about the kind of work you would not like your child to do? □ □ 41. How does your husband feel about the kind of work he's doing? Is this the kind of work he always wanted to do? 42. How do you feel, in general, about the accomplishments of your family? How far have you been’ able to accomplish the aspirations or plans with which both of you started your family life? 364 8 43. How important has education been in achieving these goals? I Hqw nmch importance is educacion going to have in the life of your child? Would his future status be radically affected if he does not attain the level of education you wish him to attain? 44, What is the educational level of some of your close friends and relatives? 45. Have you met with your child's present teacher? If so, when? Why? A Poes the teacher usually initiate parent-teacher conferences? If you ask for a meeting, ior what purpose? What other ways, if any, are you in contact with the school? Do you know your child's best ,fric;.cs in the neighborhood and school Do you approve of them? How would you rate these children in tbdr Do you help your child in choosing his friends,? If so, how? 47. Do you have your child read biographies of groat people? It so., whose? 45. Do,any of their children go to college or have they? Are there any who did not attend college? Are there any who did not complete high school? i ' j biographies if Did you hug, kiss or speak approving*-. to your -chilu in r!, e pust few days? if so, for what reason*Y 365 9 49. What are some of the activities and accomplishments of your child that you praise and approve of? How do you do this? What things do you find you have to scold him for? □ 50. Have you thought about what kind of high school program you want your child to enroll in? If so, which one? Why? □ 51. How often does the school give out report cards? Who usually signs it? Do both parents see it? In what ways do you use the report card? 52. Do you discuss his school grades with him? j j What particular things do you discuss with him? □ 53. Do you have college plans for him? If so, what have you done to financially prepare for this? In what other ways, if any, do you prepare him for the attainment of educational goals? (e.g., acquaint him with colleges, telling him. about what people learn in college, etc.). □ 54. About how often do you ask your child how well he is doing in school? What particular things do you ask him? 55. Do you know what textbooks he uses in different subjects in school? Do you know at the beginning of the school year what things he will be studying during the year, in each subject? If so, how do you find this out? (Note: get specifip topics, not subjects, e.g., reading) 366 10 56. How much time do you think a child in first grade should devote to his studies outside of school each day? r 57. Is there any regular amount of time you .iuVe your child study each day? How regularly is it followed? 58. Does he help you in the routine housework? If so, what responsibilities does he have? How punctually does he carry them out? 59. Is the housework distributed among .the’ members of the family? if so, who did the planning for such assignments? How regularly are these assignments followed? What factors, if any, come in the way of carrying out such plans? 60. How would you rate your child's habit of completing his work on time, r.ot leaving a problem undone, correcting his mistakes, etc? How did he acquire these habits? □ 61. Do you ever have to change your own ptans for the sake of your child's school work? If so, what kinds of plans have you had to change? 62. Have you had to sacrifice any of your major needs or desires such as buying a new car, giving up a job, etc. for the present and/ or future education of your child? If so, what did you give up? What were the immediate consequesces? 63. Are you taking any courses or involved in a hobby? If so, wham? Kow did you get involved in this? How are you doing it-formally or informally? Did you study any subjects or have a hobby du.. che pas: tow years? If so, what? 367 APPENDIX E THE INTERRELATIONSHIP^ AMONG COCHITI PUEBLO SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND CEREMONIAL COMPONENTS 368 APPENDIX E THE INTERRELATIONSHIPS AMONG COCHITI PUEBLO SOCIAL, POLITICAL, AND CEREMONIAL COMPONENTS Non-Medicine Societies Women's Society (Ceremonial grainday for the Cacique Thundercloud Society, (female membership)/ Medicine Societies Flint Soc. Head (Cacique) Giant Society Head hl'Kame Society Head Ku-sha li Soc Shru'tzi S^c --.v- Kwerana Soc. The Ka1tsina Druokners a c n CULT Society heads appoint Major Officers Annually Political or secular War Captain and Lieutenant Governor and Lieutenant / - / - Fiscale and, / A. - / Lt. 'Councils of Principals Composed of all past and present major officers l • ’ appointed) . {annually v I by I |Council j ^6 alguacilitosj^ — Kiva head Mayorli and Various Assistants TURQUOISE KIVA sho1 ante males females J>Kiva head Majorli and Various Assistants males DA'NT PUMPKIN KIVA females Moieties have social, political and religious significance Sacristan and Assistant Secretary Brand Inspector Fence Rider Ditch Rider Six fiscalltos (Selected annually by their predecessors) The Santo Domingo Tribe Clans antelope bear, fire cottonwood coyote pumpkin etc. Outcasts I t or so exist at I Santo Domingo? Social NOTE: It is believed that the Santo Domingo organization is fairly close to this structure. Figure adopted from Appendix 17— Lange, Charles, Cochiti A New Mexico Pueblo, Past and Present. (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1959) U> VO
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Thiel, Richard Henry
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An Analysis Of Socio-Cultural Factors And Performance Of Primary Grade Children
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