Close
About
FAQ
Home
Collections
Login
USC Login
Register
0
Selected
Invert selection
Deselect all
Deselect all
Click here to refresh results
Click here to refresh results
USC
/
Digital Library
/
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
/
Servius' Knowledge Of Juvenal: An Analysis Of The Juvenalian Quotations In Servius' Commentary On Vergil
(USC Thesis Other)
Servius' Knowledge Of Juvenal: An Analysis Of The Juvenalian Quotations In Servius' Commentary On Vergil
PDF
Download
Share
Open document
Flip pages
Contact Us
Contact Us
Copy asset link
Request this asset
Transcript (if available)
Content
SERVIUS' KNOWLEDGE OF JUVENAL: AN ANALYSIS OF THE JUVENALIAN QUOTATIONS IN SERVIUS' COMMENTARY ON VERGIL by John W endell Fendrick A D issertation P resen ted to the FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA In P artial F ulfillm ent of the R equirem ents for the D egree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY (C la ssics) August 1971 FENDRICK, John Wendell, 1944- SERVIUS' KNOWLEDGE OF JUVENAL: AN ANALYSIS | OF THE JUVENALIAN QUOTATIONS IN SERVIUS * ¥ COMMENTARY ON VERGIL. I 1971 f i University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1971 Language and Literature, classical University Microfilms, A X ER O X Com pany, Ann Arbor, Michigan THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED UNIVERSITY O F SO UTHERN CALIFORNIA THE GRADUATE SCHOOL UNIVERSITY PARK LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7 This dissertation, written by John W endell Fendrick.................... under the direction of h}.?..... Dissertation Com mittee, and approved by all its members, has been presented to and accepted by The Gradu ate School, in partial fulfillment of require ments of the degree of D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y D ate T.j DISSERTATION COMMITTEE Chairman PLEASE NOTE: Some Pages have i n d i s t i n c t p r i n t . Filmed as r e c e iv e d . UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS INTRODUCTION If one w ere to ask any student of world literatu re the nam es of outstanding w riters of sa tire that im m ediately occur to him , Juvenal would certain ly be one of the fir st resp o n ses. Even those who are un able to enjoy the biting and savage com m ents of the Roman sa tir ist in the original Latin can r e lish them in countless translations and im i tations. Sim ilarly, no c la ss ic a l curriculum can afford to be without a cou rse on Juvenal, for cen turies of scholarship have shown that he affords us not only p leasu re in h is poetry but indispensable inform a tion about Roman life and m anners in his attacks on so ciety and its ills . Yet, Juvenal did not always hold such a position of popularity or im portance. During h is lifetim e, Juvenal w as hardly recognized by h is con tem p oraries; only one, M artial, ever m entioned him . * For n early two cen turies after h is death the sa tir ist's w ritings rem ained virtu ally ignored and forgotten. F inally, in the fourth century a gradual r e awakening of in terest in Juvenal's poem s took place. The nature and ca u ses of this Juvenalian ren aissan ce are best understood in the con text of the litera ry and sch olarly activity of this period. The Roman Em pire in the fourth century produced very little l i terature of outstanding quality. One is hard put to lis t m ore than a few noteworthy liter a ry figu res in this century. Lactantius, 1 2 Prudentius, Jerom e, A m brose and A ugustine are perhaps the m ost significant among the C hristian authors, w hile A usonius, Claudian, Sym machus and Am m ianus rep resen t the bright ligh ts among the pagan w r ite rs. This dearth of liter a ry work resu lted from many factors, the m ost im portant of which w ere the growing disparity between the spoken and w ritten word (Latin w as now developing into the Rom ance languages and d ialects) and the stiflin g influence of rh etoric with its stock them es in the educational system . ^ Like the H ellen istic Age of Greek literatu re, sch olars of the late Em pire reacted m o stly to what ea rlier Latin w riters had accom plished in the Golden and Silver A g es. As one m ay e a sily su sp ect, th is kind of in tellectu al clim ate brought forward a host of c r itic s, com p ilers and com m entators. Scholars of th is age delighted in com posing gram m ars, epitom es, anthologies, flo rileg ia and com m entaries on their favorite c la ss ic a l authors. Nonius M arcellus, for exam ple, com posed h is De Com pendiosa D octrina which dealt with lexicograp hical, gram m atical and antiquarian top ics. Sim ilarly, C. V ictorinus w rote on m eter and com m ented on C icero. The steady production of gram m ars w as the grand accom plishm ent of C harisius and D iom edes. A elius Donatus put together a com m entary on the plays of T erence. Keen in terest in V ergil was reflected by the bulk of w ritten c riticism of h is p oem s. One v ery significan t work of th is type, the Saturnalia of 3 M acrobius, w as com posed in the la tter half of the fourth century. W ritten in the form of a dialogue, it cov ers a variety of subjects in cluding a great deal of V ergilian c riticism . The scen e of this dialogue is the hom e of the pagan Vettius A gorius Praetextatus. M ost of the O m ajor ch aracters in the Saturnalia w ere v ery lik ely rea l p erso n s, ° who w ere m em b ers of w ell known aristo cra tic fa m ilies and rep re sented the forem ost littera ti of the age. A few nam es that stand out are P raetextatus h im self, Sym m achus, Flavianus, the Albini and Servius, the fam ous V ergilian com m entator. It was in th is age of litera ry c r itic s, com p ilers and gram m arians that the rev iv a l of Juvenal's Satires occurred. It seem s to have begun early in the century, for Lactantius has at le a st one quotation in his Divinae Institu tiones.^ If we assu m e that the Scholia D anielis are based on a lo st work of Donatus, we have at le a st three referen ces to Juvenal in the m iddle of the fourth century. ® In the m iddle of the cen tury, M acrobius cited Juvenal in h is works at le a st three tim es. ® Further, the h istorian Am m ianus alluded to the s a tir ist's popularity in an often-quoted passage: quidam detestantes ut venena doctrinas Iuvenalem et M arium Maximum curiatore studio legunt, nulla volu- m ina p raeter haec in profundo otio contrectantes; quam ob causam non iudicoli e st n ostri. (28.4.14) Even m ore significant, perhaps, is the fact that the sch olia on the Satires w ere com posed at R o n e by som e sch olar w hose nam e m ay have been N icaeus and who m ay also have been a pupil of Servius. ^ It w as also about th is tim e that Servius was com posing h is com m en tary on V ergil in which we find num erous referen ces to Juvenal. In fact, m odern scholarship con sid ers Servius as the single m ost im portant force in "rediscovering" Juvenal and elevating him from the rank of neotericu s auctor, that is , a m odern w riter who w as not su it able for use in the sch ools, to that of an idoneus auctor, a c la ssic a l w riter who was suitable. ® Unfortunately, we know v ery little about Servius, w hose full nam e was M arius (or Maurus) Servius H onoratus. ® The few facts about h is life are these: he w as a pagan who lived at Rome som e tim e between A. D. 390 and 410. In addition to the com m entary on V ergil, a handful of other works bears h is nam e: Explanatio in Artem Donati, De F ina- lib u s, De Centum M etris and De M etris H oratii. ^ T hese works attest to Servius' in terests and activity, and, if we are to b eliev e h is friend M acrobius, he earned a reputation as an out standing sch olar and gram m arian. The author of the Saturnalia in tro duced Servius as one of the dram atis personae, and we find sev era l w arm tributes paid not only to h is friend's m odesty and gentle dispo sition but also to h is wide learning and talents as a teacher, critic and sch olar. That Servius w as indeed acknowledged as a fine scholar is shown by h is reputation and influence which continued and even in creased in 5 the la st cen tu ries of antiquity, throughout the Middle A ges and even into the R en aissan ce. Many later w riters and sch olars such as P riscia n , C assiod oru s, Isidore of S eville, P seudo-A cro (i. e . , the sch o lia st on H orace), R em egius of A uxerre and the th ree Vatican 19 m ythographers show a m arked indebtedness to him . The com m entary on V ergil, S erv iu s1 m ost significan t contribution to sch olarsh ip , deals with V erg il's Aeneid, E clogues and G eorgies in that order. This work was designed for school p u rp oses, for it s tr e s s e s gram m atical, rh etorical and sty listic points. The com m en tator, how ever, does not n eglect subject m atter. Many of his in ter pretations show insight and learning. He lends authority to his r e m arks by frequently citing such authors as Ennius, L ucilius, T erence, Sallust, C icero, V ergil h im self, H orace, Lucan, Statius and Juvenal. In fact, in the ca se of Juvenal (and to a le s s e r extent Lucan and Statius), Servius was the one resp on sib le for "rediscovering" or "po pularizing, " and thereby elevating, him to the rank of a standard school author. The sou rces for Servius' com m entary w ere chiefly Suetonius, Nonius and V errius F laccu s. He m ay v e ry w ell have b or rowed m ateria ls that w ere derived second or third hand from authors such as Cato, Nigidius and Hyginus. The com m entary com es down to u s in two form s, a longer and a shorter versio n . Only the shorter version was printed until in 1600 a Frenchm an named P ier re D aniel published the la rg er version , the so -c a lled Scholia D anielis or SD, which he considered to be the o r i ginal com m entary of Servius. Although the larger group of sch olia has sev era l points in com m on with the sm a ller one, it s till p o s s e s se s many qualities unique unto itse lf. A few exam ples w ill illu stra te the differences between the two. In the shorter v ersio n (S), the order of the w orks com m ented upon is A eneid, E clogues, G eorgies. A dif ferent sequence is followed in SD: E clogues, G eorgies, A eneid. ^ In SD the standard phrase used to refer to a preceding portion in the com m entary is ut supra dictum e st, w hereas S em ploys the personal ut supra dixim us. The com m entaries differ in the kinds of rem arks they contain. For instan ce, S has many m ore gram m atical com m ents than SD. SD, how ever, note m ore rh etorical and m ythological points. Further, SD frequently attempt to probe the deeper thoughts behind the various V ergilian p a ssa g es. Another difference between the two is that SD often nam e autho r itie s w hile S r efer s to them by the indifferent quidam. Still m ore significant is the fact that while SD include com paratively few quota tions from the three Silver Age poets, Lucan, Statius and Juvenal, ^ in S they are quoted frequently. As we have already noted, th ese authors, esp ecia lly Juvenal, did not becom e popular until the late fourth century after they w ere cited in these sch olia (S). This m atter, how ever, w ill be d iscu ssed at length later. For two and a half cen tu ries, sch olars accepted P ierre D aniel's assum ption that the larger com m entary w as indeed by Servius. F i nally, how ever, the glaring d ifferen ces between S and SD forced a re-a p p ra isa l of the situation. In 1881, Georg Thilo, in the p reface to the Thilo-H agen edition of Servius, m aintained that the shorter v e r sion of the com m entary w as the rea l Servius, w hile the Scholia D ani- e lis w ere la ter additions which w ere based upon the sam e so u rces as those used by Servius. The com bination of th ese additions was the work of som e E nglish or Irish sch olar in the seventh or eighth cen tury. This theory, then, reestab lish ed Servius as the author of the b riefer com m entary but left the Scholia D anielis m ore or le s s anony m ous. 1ft In 1911 Karl Barw ick proposed that the Z usatzscholien w ere not a m a ss of com m ents gathered from various ancient so u rces by som e unknown sch olar, but w ere a sin gle work embodying ch a ra cteristic traits and unity of sty le. It was now a question of finding an author for this la rg er com m entary. E. K. Rand and Paul W essner have suggested that the fou rth -cen tury gram m arian and com m entator, A elius Donatus, w as the author of th ese sch o lia . ^ This then w as the currently accepted theory. But A lbert H. T ravis published an a rticle in 1942 in which he com pared the style and diction of SD with the extant com m entary of Donatus on T erence; he hoped to estab lish Donatus even m ore firm ly as the author of SD. The resu lts of this study, how ever, pointed to a 8 significant gap betw een diction of the two w orks. H is conclusion, then, w as n e c e ssa r ily a m odification of Rand's and W essn er's theory. T ravis held that, because of the disparity betw een the sty le s of the two com m entaries, SD do not rep resen t the ip sissim a verba of Donatus. The substance m ay be Donatus, but the com m ents w ere r e shaped by som e later author. The effect of th ese th eories upon Servian sch olarship has been far reaching. A s long as sch olars felt that the Z usatzscholien w ere the work of Servius, Servius' reputation as a sch olar w as enhanced, sin ce the la rg er com m entary w as considered to be superior to the pi sm a ller one. Now that m odern sch olars have elim inated Servius as the author of SD and have established him as the author of the sm a ller com m entary alone, h is reputation has suffered to som e degree. At this point, then, a re-evalu ation of Servius is in order. One asp ect of this re-evalu ation should center around h is u se of authori tie s . That is , to what extent did Servius have at h is d isp osal fir s t hand inform ation about the authors whom he quoted? To what degree w as he relying upon handbooks, anthologies, or even h is m em ory? One approach to th is problem is to consider the citations of individual authors who appear in the Servian com m entary. This approach r e quires a gathering of a ll the citations of the author in question and exam ining each one in term s of how accu rately the citation is quoted and how aptly it is applied. A ll students of Servius' com m entary w ill read ily concede that Servius did indeed u se secondary m aterial at tim es without verification . H is citations are som etim es inaccurate, and he often failed to acknowledge h is sou rce. Thus a study such as has been described above would undoubtedly enable us to appraise m ore exactly Servius' knowledge and u se of a particular authority and to determ ine how reliab le h is com m entary is in term s of the w riters he quotes. In addition, such a study would afford a valuable insight into the state of scholarship and the Fortleben of a given author and h is text during this period. There is in the Servian com m entary ample m aterial for sev era l separate stu d ies. Each author whom Servius cite s frequently could form a b a sis of investigation. For instan ce, individual studies could be done on Servius' knowledge of L ucretius, Lucan, or Juvenal. In the case of L ucretius, for exam ple, Servius gen erally dem onstrates genuine resp ect for an in terest in him as a scien tist but w as not too sym pathetic with the Lucretian idea of m ortality. While he failed to recogn ize Lucretius' truly poetic endowment, he did acknowledge V er g il's indebtedness to the Epicurean poet. ^2 A clo ser look at Servius' knowledge of Lucretius would contribute much to expanding this in for m ation in addition to providing a greater knowledge of the text and its tradition. It would also give us m ore detailed inform ation on the g e n eral in terest in Lucretius under the late em pire. Lucan is also cited frequently by the com m entator. A study of 10 Serviu s1 knowledge of Lucan would, among other things, give us an insight into the state of Lucan's text at the tim e of Servius. A variant reading p reserv ed by the com m entator, for exam ple, would have to be considered by the textual c ritic in editing the text even if it w ere an in ferior one. Further, variants existin g as ea rly as Servius would be proof of greater circulation of the text and th erefore greater popularity of the author. For exam ple, in Lucan's B ellum C ivile (II. 37) Servius offers on two different o ccasion s the variant reading sum m a for m agna. 22 The sam e reading is also found in a few other Lucan m a nu scrip ts. Thus the readings p reserved in Servius lend support to the readings of the m anuscripts with which he is in agreem ent and m ust be taken into account by any editor of Lucan's poem . In addition, the variants which Servius rep orts afford us clu es as to the state of the text by the late fourth century and furnishes som e inform ation about the kinds of m anuscripts of Lucan that w ere circulating at the tim e of Servius. P articu larly in terestin g is the ca se of Juvenal who form s the b a sis for this study. The sa tir ist, enjoying little popularity during h is lifetim e, w as alm ost com pletely forgotten after h is death until Servius, by quoting him ex ten sively in h is com m entary, brought him to the attention of sch olars and introduced him into the tradition of the gram m arians. Servius th erefore p r e se r v es for us one of the e a rliest texts for the lin es cited. By investigating the Juvenalian referen ces 11 we shall be in a position to estim ate Servius' knowledge of the Satires and to glean evidence on the state of the Juvenalian text as Servius m ight have known it. The second part of th is dissertation rep resen ts the kind of study d escribed above. Each of the ninety Juvenalian citations found in Servius' com m entary has been reproduced in context. Each passage has been translated and provided with an an alysis of the pertinent points. In each instance an attempt has been m ade to judge the apt n ess of the referen ce and where p ossib le to indicate whether Servius' use of the Juvenalian quotation was based upon h is own reading of the Satires or som e secondary sou rce. F rom th is detailed study of ind i vidual p a ssa g es, som e in terestin g and im portant facts have em erged. They lead to certain general conclusions which can be b riefly sum m arized h ere. A s we have already pointed out, the S atires of Juvenal w ere grad ually becom ing m ore popular during the fourth century. Servius reflects th is general in terest by citing the sa tir ist at le a st ninety t im e s ^ in his com m entary on V ergil. T his number is significant in relationship to the number of tim es the com m entator cites other Latin w riters. F or instan ce, such standard authors as Cato, C atullus, M artial, Ovid, Pliny and Varro are referred to much le s s frequently than Juvenal, while H orace, C icero, Lucan and Statius appear as often or m ore often. Thus it is apparent that Servius does indeed 12 consider Juvenal an im portant and useful authority. T his point is further borne out by the fact that, in a great many in sta n ces, Servius appears to turn to Juvenal for p arallels where m ore standard or popular authors could have supplied equally good exam ples. F or in stan ce, at Aen. VI. 612 (no. 51 in the com m entary) Servius quotes Juvenal to support h is statem ent that the ancient Rom ans detested the term do m inus and p referred the designation pater p atriae. The lin e from Juvenal cited by Servius contains the la tter designation favorably applied to C icero. But Servius in this ca se could ea sily have quoted from C icero h im self or L ivy or even T acitu s, each of whom certain ly rep resen ts m ore authoritative so u rces for proof that the ancient Rom ans referred to their statesm en as patres patriae and not as dom ini. Some citations su ggest that Servius is stretching a point by quot ing the sa tir ist, for often the Juvenalian citation has v ery little to do with the m atter d irectly under d iscu ssio n . At Aen. III. 136 (no. 75), Servius rem arks that the Rom ans cu stom arily perform ed sa c r ific e s before weddings and the ploughing of field s and cites a phrase from Juvenal as an exam ple. But Juvenal's words refer to a sa cr ific e p e r form ed at the safe return of a friend from a voyage and have nothing to do with a m arriage or ploughing. Consequently, the Juvenalian referen ce does not rea lly illu stra te Servius' point. V ery often the com m entator volunteers inform ation which is at 13 b est only tangential to V erg il's w ords. But th is added inform ation gives Servius the opportunity to cite Juvenal. F or exam ple, at Aen. IV. 209 (no. 77), Servius attem pts to explain the p o ssib le m eanings of V erg il's w ords caecique ign es and gives three interpretation s. Juvenal is cited to provide a p arallel for the third alternative. When all is said and done, Juvenal's words do very little to illum inate V erg il's ph rase. Sim ilarly, at Aen. V . 122 (no. 3) the com m entator accounts for the word Centauro with its qualifier magna in the fe m i nine gender by pointing out that som e fem inine word in apposition to Centauro (in th is case navi) is understood and functions as the word m odified by magna. He cite s a p arallel from T erence eunuchum suam (sc. com oediam ). T his la tter exam ple should have been sufficient for Servius' pu rp oses, but he goes on to show that Juvenal did not follow this construction and w rote finitus O restes instead of finita (tragoed ia) O r e ste s. Juvenal's words in the la st an alysis have nothing to do with the V ergilian phrase. It m ust be adm itted, how ever, that all ex silen tio argum ents are dangerous. Who can say why Servius went out of his way to quote the Roman sa tir ist or any other author for that m atter? A ppearances can be deceiving and one m ay ea sily draw fa lse conclusions. Yet it is p erfectly in order to bring such notions to the attention of the read er and to allow him to make his own judgm ents. From what has been said, it is obvious that Servius shows greater 14 in terest in the Satires than is apparent in any of his p red ecesso rs or contem p oraries. In view of th is in terest, how ever, it m ay seem strange that the com m entator never d isc u sse s Juvenal as a w riter and r a rely p a sses open judgment on him . The only inform ation Servius offers concerning Juvenal is that he is a neotericu s auctor (Aen. II. 80, no. 20 and XI. 715, no. 21). O ccasionally the com m entator approves the s a tir is t’s style or usage by such phrases as "m eliu s ergo Iu ven alis" and "luvenalis bene dixit. " This peculiar silen ce becom es le s s bothersom e when we reflect that he only infrequently d iscu sses other authors whom he c ite s. This obvious in terest in Juvenal on the part of Servius seem s to resu lt from two situations. F ir st, S ervius, being a product of his age, quite naturally reflects the general in terest in the sa tir ist that was being felt during th is period. We have already touched upon this point in ea rlier pages. M ore particularly, Servius seem s to have been acquainted with a group of m en who w ere esp ecia lly in terested in Juvenal. That such a group actually existed is of cou rse proved by A m m ianus1 statem ent quoted e a rlier . We would not go too far astray in agreeing with Knoche who has su ggested ^ , that th is group included such w ell known aristo cra ts as Sym m achus, E ustathius, N icom achus, etc. It is su rely no m ere coincidence that the sam e nam es are a s signed to speakers in M acrobius' Saturnalia, a work in which Servius plays an im portant ro le. ^6 15 M acrobius h im self quotes Juvenal three tim es (Sat. III. 10. 2; Com m , in Somn. Scip. I. 8 .9 , I. 9. 2), and in each ca se he does so without nam ing the sa tir ist. T his o m ission su g g ests that M acrobius m ay have expected his read ers to make the proper identification. In any c a se, despite the fact that he quotes Juvenal only th ree tim e s, it is apparent that M acrobius w as acquainted with the S a tir e s. T his fact is m ost obvious in the single u se of Juvenal in the Saturnalia (III. 1 0 .1 - 2): Hie cum om nes concordi testim on io doctrinam et poetae et enarrantis aequarent, exclam at Euangelus diu se su ccu b u isse patientiae, nec ultra dissim ulandum quin in m edium detegat in scien tiae V irgilianae vulnera. 'et n o s ,1 inquit, 'manum feru lae aliquando subduxim us et nos cepim us pontifici iu ris auditum: et ex h is quae nobis nota sunt M aronem huius disciplinam iu ris n e s c is s e constabit. Hereupon all the others w ere unanimous in a ssertin g that V ergil and h is in terp reter, as m en of learning, w ere equally m atched. But Evangelus exclaim ed that he had long sin ce com e to the end of his patience and could no longer hide h is feelin gs nor refrain from d isclo sin g the sc a r s of ignorance on the body of V erg il's work. I too, he said , have at tim es "slipped m y hand from under the cane"; I too have attended lectu res on pontifical law , and, from what I know of th is law , I sh all estab lish V erg il's ignorance of its teaching. ^ The situation h ere, the tone, and even the em otion, is such that the Juvenalian line^S com es in alm ost as a m atter of cou rse. It w as undoubtedly his m em bership in M acrobius' group that fir st acquainted Servius with the Satires of Juvenal. T his acquaintance in tim e insp ired a sp ecia l in terest in the sa tir ist's sty le and subject 16 m atter, so that when he w rote h is com m entary on V erg il's p oem s, he naturally turned to the S atires on num erous o ccasion s for illu strative m aterial. The subject m atter, then, of the Satires constitutes the second reason for Servius' in terest in Juvenal, who had occasion to touch upon alm ost ev ery aspect of Roman life and culture. T hese poem s are a veritab le storehouse of inform ation, and naturally a com m enta tor lik e Servius found num erous advantages in referrin g to them . Indeed, we se e the sam e situation today. Such sch olars as F ried - laender and Carcopino in th eir works on Roman life and culture frequently turn to Juvenal's Satires for valuable inform ation, and M ayor's edition of Juvenal is notorious for having used the S atires as a convenient peg on which to hang a m yriad of details about c la ssic a l 9 Q antiquity. T h ese, then, are the reason s for the frequent appearance of Juvenal's nam e in Servius' com m entary. The effect of the many quo tations m ay be term ed alm ost a Juvenalian ren a issa n ce. For what b etter way to introduce an author to future generations than to quote h is works in texts designed for u se in the s c h o o l s ! ^ One im m ediate resu lt of Servius' efforts m ay be seen in the com m entary on the S atires attributed by som e to N icaeu s, who has been identified as a pupil of Serviu s. ^ It was not long before Juvenal ap peared in liter a ry w orks, for we find referen ces, a llu sion s, and even 17 quotations to the S atires in such authors as Claudian, Augustine, Prudentius, A usonius, A vienus, R utilius N am atianus, Sidonius, Sedulius, Cyprianus G allus, B oethius, M axim ianus and Isid ore. Up to th is point d iscu ssion has centered on the reason s for Servius' in terest in the S atires and the effect of th is in terest on others. But what about Servius h im self? To what extent did his in terest con tribute to h is knowledge of the poem s ? One indication of his general knowledge of the Satires is the fact that, with one exception, each Satire is quoted sev era l tim e s. ^ The exception is Satire XI, which appears but once in the com m entary. This is indeed strange since the Eleventh Satire is philosophical in tone and content and thus could be expected to appeal both to Servius and to h is a risto cra tic friends who w ere making a final defense on b e half of pagan philosophy and religion. ^3 An in terestin g exam ple of h is knowledge of one particular passage is h is five referen ces to the fir st thirteen lin es of Satire XII. It is , how ever, lik ely that h is in terest in antiquarian and religiou s m atters is being reflected , for th ese lin es d escrib e the perform ance of a sa cr ific e to celeb rate the safe return of a friend. Yet Juvenal's concern with relig io u s, so cia l and p olitical m atters form s but one aspect of S erv iu s' in terest in the S a tire s. Indeed, h is citations m ay be conveniently divided into three general categories according to the subject m atter they are m eant to explain or illu stra te. 18 The ca tegories are antiquarian, gram m atical or technical and litera ry . The la r g est number of citations (about forty) deals with an ti quarian or m iscellan eou s top ics such as Roman m ores and cu stom s, religiou s p ra ctices, h istory, law, geography and the lik e. The v a r i- OA ety of subjects covered can be illu stra ted by a number of exam p les. At Aen. I. 637 (no. 7) and Aen. I. 726 (no. 8), Juvenal is cited p r e sum ably to p arallel Roman fru gality in eating. The word uterumque at Aen. II. 20 (no. 27) prom pts Servius to d iscu ss various term s for "stom ach, " each with its own distin ctive m eaning, and then to cite words from Juvenal as an exam ple of one such term , ven ter. Many of th ese com m ents in which Juvenal provides striking p a rallels touch upon extrem ely in terestin g antiquarian points. F or instan ce, S erv iu s1 d iscu ssio n s of the hippom anes used as a love potion (Aen. IV. 516, no. 44) and the ancient b elief that b eavers castrated th em selv es when pur sued (G eorg. I. 58, no. 73) are typ ical ca ses in point. P articu larly intriguing is the com m ent at E el. III. 8 (no. 49) w here Servius m akes a fa lse distinction between hircus and hirquus. The form er, according to the com m entator, refers to goats as lu sty creatu res; the la tter to the "angles" of the ey es when one is engaged in bodily vice or sim ply an erotic le e r . Juvenal is cited here to provide an exam ple of the force of hirquus as Servius defines it. H istorical and religiou s th em es occasion sev era l referen ces from 19 Juvenal. At A e n .X . 13 (no. 63), Servius cites the sa tir ist as proof that Hannibal cleaved the rocks of the Alps when he cro ssed them to invade Italy. A referen ce to the w orship of Isis and O siris at Aen. IV. 609 (no. 42) cau ses Servius to introduce a lin e from Juvenal to illu s trate one of the ritu als perform ed in th is Egyptian cult. A ll th ese exam ples of S erv iu s1 penchant for d iscu ssin g antiquities reflec t the general sch olarly in terests of the age in which he lived . They also un derscore Juvenal's u sefu ln ess as an authority for th is kind of subject. The second general category*^ (about a third) contains th ose cita tion s which are introduced to exem plify som e point of gram m ar, language, m eter or to illu stra te the m eaning or etym ology of a p a rti cular word. For exam ple, at Aen. I. 215 (no. 5), Servius explains that inpleo governs either the ablative or genitive ca se. L ikew ise, the topic of sy n a eresis com es up at Aen. VI. 104 (no. 24). Servius points out here that nihil m ay be contracted to m l for m etrica l reason s and quotes an entire lin e from the Satires to dem onstrate th is point. S im ilarly, the term m onile at Aen. I. 654 (no. 12) is defined, and the Juvenalian quotation se r v e s as a p a ra llel for th is definition. When Servius explains in his preface to the A eneid (no. 1) that the title of the epic is derived from the name of the hero, A eneas, he quotes a phrase from Juvenal which contains the title of an epic, T heseid e, sim ila r ly derived from the h ero's nam e, T h eseu s. 20 What is significant about th is group of citations is the fact that Servius adm ired or at le a st thought enough of the sa tir ist to cite him as an acceptable m odel in m atters of gram m ar in contrast to the e a rlier gram m arians who in th eir con servatism p referred the " c la ssi cal" authors. In only two com m ents does Servius refer to Juvenal as n eotericu s, and never once does he quote the sa tir ist as an exam ple of an in correct or im proper lin g u istic usage as he does, for exam ple, in the case of H orace at Aen. H. 554 (no. 67). H ere he cen su res the older poet for w riting clunes as a fem inine noun instead of m asculine: "Horatius m ale, 'quod pulchrae d u n e s'. " The third body of citations (about twenty)*^ includes those r e fe r en ces from Juvenal which are brought in to explain or interpret a word, p h rase, thought or liter a ry technique em ployed by V ergil. Though th is category contains the sm a lle st portion of the citation s, it show s m ost clea rly the com m entator's knowledge of the S a tires. In th ese r eferen ces, it was e sse n tia l that Servius be fam iliar with the Juvenalian context in order to pluck out suitable p a r a lle ls. F or in stance, at G eorg. HI. 328 (no. 4) he explains V erg il's rumpent by the phrase nim io clam ore and then supports th is thought by quoting Ju venal: et assiduo ruptae lecto re colum nae. Juvenal's words to the effect that colum ns are shattered from the constant reading form a perfect p arallel for the V ergilian p assage which d escrib es the groves shattered by the e x c e ssiv e n oise of the crick ets. 21 In the preface to the E clogues (no. 10), Servius d isc u sse s V er g il's u se of liter a ry fig u res. In e sse n c e , he m aintains that V erg il's figu res often have m ore than one le v el of m eaning, p articu larly when he tak es them from T heocritu s. A s an exam ple of th is kind of te c h nique, he shows how Juvenal lent an added dim ension to V erg il's w ords A ctoris Aurunci spolium when he applied them to the m irro r which the em peror Otho carried with him . At Aen. IV. 214 (no. 25), Servius d escrib es a liter a ry technique em ployed by V ergil which he designates as iniuria a p erson a. In the p assage from the A eneid, A eneas is disparagingly referred to as another P a r is. To illu stra te this technique of n am e-callin g, Servius quite appropriately quotes a lin e from Juvenal w ere Dom itian is con tem ptuously called a calvus N ero. Each of th ese exam ples shows that Servius m ust have been thoroughly fam iliar with the Juvenalian p assage to se le c t and apply quotations so aptly. W hile this is gen erally true of the third category of citation s, there are a few referen ces which are baffling and m erit sp ecia l attention. In the com m ent to Aen. V. 179 (no. 29), Servius attem pts to cla rify the sen se of V erg il's words madidaque fluens in v este M enoetes by citing Juvenal's words et m ulto stilla r e t paenula nim bo. But the situations described in the two p a ssa g es are quite different. V ergil te lls how M enoetes, having been to sse d overboard, is soaking w et. Juvenal d escrib es one who is wet from being in the 22 rain. T here is no connection betw een the two p a ssa g es except the idea of w ater flowing from one's clothing. In any c a se , both the com m ent and the quotation are extrem ely vague. Another puzzling referen ce occu rs at G eorg. II. 498 (no. 61). H ere Servius offers two explanations for the phrase perituraque regn a: the kingdoms of the barbarians and those which face m any dangers b e cause of th eir m agnitude. Juvenal is referred to in connection with the second interpretation, presum ably as an exam ple of the kinds of danger a large em pire m ust fa ce. Juvenal's words are: ad generum C ereris sine caede et sanguine pauci descendunt r eg e s et sic c a m orte tyranni. This referen ce, how ever, is not apt. Juvenal is d iscu ssin g p e r sonal am bition: Why should a man asp ire to becom e a ruler when m ost kings and tyrants die a violent death? Servius' interpretation is concerned with governm ents, not individuals. The connection betw een Servius' rem ark and Juvenal's statem ent appears v ery slight. In c a se s such as th ese, we m ust assum e one of two things. E ither Servius failed to understand fully the force of Juvenal's words or he was d elib erately going out of his way to cite Juvenal even w here the situation did not n e c e ssa r ily warrant it. In term s of aptness and accuracy per s e , we m ay conclude from th is study that, in the m ajority of in stan ces, Servius quotes Juvenal appropriately and co rrectly . M ost of the apt citations stand com plete 23 in th em selv es. ^8 A typ ical exam ple occu rs at G eorg. II. 320 (no. 79): CANDIDA VENIT AVIS LONGIS INVISA COLUBRIS: Iuvenalis (XIV. 74-75), "serpente ciconia p u llo s/n u trit. " H ere the V ergilian lin e refer s to the stork which feeds its young on snakes. Juvenal's w ords afford an ex cellen t p a ra llel. Servius de m on strates by th is one referen ce that he not only understands V erg il's w ords but also knows th is p assage from the Satire, for Juvenal's statem ent is actually a v ery good explanation of V erg il's in v is a . oq S everal r efer en ce s, how ever, are given so incom plete that th eir force would be m issed u n less the read er knew the content of the p assage from which the citation w as lifted or at le a st had ready a c c e ss to Juvenal's p oem s. An illu stration of th is point is Servius' rem ark at Aen. IX, 495 (no. 64): QUANDO ALITER NEQUEO CRUDELEM ABRUMPERE VITAM: hinc tra x it colorem Iuvenalis (X. 255), "quod facinus dignum tarn longo ad m iserit aevo. " The com m entator su cceed s in providing in the Juvenalian referen ce a fine p a ra llel for the V ergilian p assage w here the m other of Euryalus is weeping over her son 's death and asks the gods to end her long and m isera b le life . Juvenal's words d escrib e a sim ila r scen e w here old N estor lam ents the lo s s of h is son, Antilochus, and asks the question, "What crim e have I com m itted to d eserve such a long life ? " While the sentim ent of the two p a ssa g es is the sam e, the citation from J u venal is too incom plete for a casual read er to capture its full im pact. 24 T his b revity, then, r a ise s the question: Did Servius intend h is com m entary for a s e le c t group of read ers who would be conversant enough with Juvenal's w ritings (and th ose of other authors for that m atter) to understand th ese incom plete referen ces? At any rate, th is see m s to be the ca se h ere. W hile m ost of the Juvenalian referen ces in th e Servian com m en ta ry are apt and accu rate, th ere s till rem ains a significan t number of citation s which are u n clear, ill-a p p lied , textu ally faulty and perhaps not understood by Servius h im self. ^ What, then, can be the reason for Servius' failu re as a sch olar and com m entator in th ese in sta n ces? C ertainly we cannot expect him or any com m entator to have m em o rized the works of all th ose authors whom he cites; that would be asking altogether too much of one m ind. Surely he, lik e m ost sch o la rs, was forced to r e ly upon other so u rces for inform ation and supportive evid en ce. Perhaps som e of th ese sou rces w ere faulty. We know that in antiquity notebooks called com m entarii or w ere u sed ex ten siv ely by rh eto rs, teach ers and pupils in the sch o o ls. P lutarch, for exam ple, r efer s to his own use of th ese notebooks (M or. 464F) which contained lis t s of quotations that he had m ade from h is wide reading. Could Servius have m ade h is own notebooks and in the p ro cess been guilty of a few lap su s s t y li? It is quite lik ely , in any c a se , that the com m entator availed h im self of various on gram m atical and antiquarian top ics instead of going straight to the 25 author whom he chose as h is a u t h o r i t y .P e r h a p s m any of Servius' m istak es are in stan ces of the com m on F lu ech tigk eitsfeh ler. P o ssib ly the com m entator o cca sion ally m isunderstood the Juvenalian text. Although th is is a rem ote p o ssib ility in view of Servius' in terest in Juvenal, it is s till a point to keep in m ind, esp ecia lly sin ce he at tim es m isunderstands V ergil w hose works are the subject of h is co m m entary. If Servius could o cca sion ally m isunderstand V ergil, he certain ly could have m isunderstood Juvenal. A few in stan ces of poor or faulty referen ces w ill illu stra te the various points m entioned above. At Aen. IV. 237 (no. 19), he rem arks upon V erg il's phrase haec sum m a e st which he co rrectly in terp rets to m ean "total, " "main points, " etc. Y et for a p a ra llel usage the com m entator strangely quotes Juvenal: in sum m a, non M aurus erat neque Sarm ata w here the word sum m a is part of a phrase m eaning "in short" or "to be b rief. " This curious m istak e is eith er the resu lt of Servius' faulty reading of the S atires or the u se of com m en taries, g lo ssa r ie s, gram m atical works or sim ila r secondary so u rces. Another exam ple of a poor referen ce to Juvenal occu rs at Aen. VIL 115 (no. 28). H ere Servius supplies m en sis as a synonym for V erg il's quadris. He a lso adds that quadra can also m ean fragm entum , a sm a ll p iece of cake and introduces a quotation from Juvenal to p arallel th is m eaning of quadra. But the word in the Juvenalian lin e c lea rly m eans "table, " not "cake. " Servius m ust have m isunderstood the 26 Juvenalian text. T his m isunderstanding m ay be due to either a v ery c a r e le ss reading of this p assage or a com plete ignorance of it. A v ery peculiar situation a r ise s at G eorg. IV. 231 (no. 47) w here Servius com m ents on the m eaning of the word m e s sis and g iv es fructus as a synonym . A s an agricultural term , fructus m eans "fruit, " "har v e st, " "produce, " etc. In m etaphorical u sage, it acquires the sen se of "gain" or "profit. " The sam e is tru e, of cou rse, of the word m e s s is . Servius then goes on to cite Juvenal who u se s m e s s is in the m etaphorical sen se (veram deprendere m e s s e m /s i lib e t) rather than in the agricultural sen se as V ergil does. W hile'Servius apparently reco g n izes the m etaphorical force of m e ssis in Juvenal's lin e, he seem s to have m issed its m eaning in the V ergilian text or v ice v e r s a . At any rate, Juvenal's words do not form a good p a ra llel for V ergil's thought. F in ally at A en.I. 726 (no. 90) a citation is included to illu strate that the syllab le lu in lucern a is short because it is derived from the G reek \vyvos, . S ervius, how ever, indicates that the referen ce is from Juvenal when it actually com es from P e r siu s. T his error m ay have resu lted from a slip of the pen. L ik ew ise, the com m entator m ay have reso rted to som e notebook or lis t of words (a work on etym olo g y ? ). If so , the error w as already th ere or Servius sim p ly m iscopied the co rrect source. In at le a st ten in sta n c e s,42 Servius' v ersio n of the text of the 27 Satires contains a variant reading not reported by the so -c a lle d b est m anuscripts of Juvenal. Som etim es Servius is the only source for the variant; at other tim es it is also reported by sev era l "vulgar" manu scrip ts. In the form er c a se , we m ay conclude that Servius is the source of the error and was quite p o ssib ly quoting from m em ory. A few exam ples w ill bear th is out. At A e n .X. 496 (no. 37), Servius quotes Juvenal (VI. 256), "balteus et tunicae et c r ista e . " A ll the m anuscripts read m anicae in place of tunicae. Sim ilarly at G eorg. II. 502 (no. 56), Servius cites Juvenal (IX. 84), "to llis enim et titu lis actorum spargere gaudes/argum enta v ir i. " Once again Servius' variant reading of titu lis in place of lib ris has no support from the m an uscripts. T hese two e rro rs are sim p le substitutions of words with p ractically the sam e m eaning as the accepted readings. Servius, then, rem em bering the lin es im p erfectly, subconsciously substituted synonym s that fit m etrica lly into the lin e and did not alter the sen se of the p assage. In th ose in stan ces where a variant reported by Servius is in agreem ent with sev era l vulgar m anuscripts, we m ay assum e that Servius' text of the S atires belonged to the sam e fam ily. A curious textual problem occurs in Servius' v ersio n s of Satire I. 2. In h is p r e face to the Aeneid (no. 1), he reports Juvenal's words: vexatus totien s rauci T heseide Codri; at Aen. XI. 458 (no. 2), vexatus totiens rauci T heseide Cordi. The second reading, C ordi, is adopted by m ost ed itors of the S a tires. The fir st variant, Codri, has support only from vulgar m anuscripts (P2RWA). T hese variants m ay be the resu lt of a scrib a l erro r in the tra n sm issio n of the text, but m ore probably they rep resen t ancient variants which existed before the tim e of S erviu s. E ither he or his source probably had a c c e ss to both of them and thus incorporated them into the text. The question, how ev er, m ust rem ain unanswered: Why does Codri appear in Aen. p raef. and Cordi in Aen. IX. 458 ? Another exam ple of textual variants reported by Servius m ay be observed at G eorg. II. 498- (no. 61). H ere the com m entator quotes Juvenal (X. 112-13): ad generum C ereris sin e caede et sanguine pauci descendunt reg es et sic c a m orte tyranni. In th is citation one m ay note two variants in the fir st line: et sanguine occu rs in place of the norm ally accepted ac vu ln ere. Only the m anuscripts designated by support the reading et, and<A > r e p r e sen ts readings com m only found in vulgar m an uscripts. The ca se of sanguine is sim ila r; it is found in J* (GUI) and S erviu s. Knoche shows in h is edition of Juvenal's Satires that in P , the so -c a lle d b est m anu scrip t, th ere is a g lo ss, sin e sanguine, by the words sic c a m orte at v e r se 113. Perhaps this accounts for the occu rrence of sanguine in the vulgar m anuscripts; one or m ore scr ib e s m erely substituted this reading for the co rrect vuln ere. Knoche b eliev es that this is an 29 ancient v a r ia n t^ already in the m anuscripts by the fourth century. The p resen ce of th ese variants h ere is proof that S erv iu s1 text of the S atires w as based upon so u rces which by m odern standards w ere in fe r io r. M oreover, the ex isten ce of variant readings presu pposes a w ider circulation of the text and th erefore greater popularity of the author. Thus we have evidence that Juvenal's S atires w ere m ore w idely circu lated and read than sch olars have gen erally thought. Perhaps Juvenal w as not so neglected after a ll. In conclusion, then, the follow ing statem ents can be made about Servius' knowledge of Juvenal. He was one of the fir st sch olars to show a keen in terest in the s a tir ist. T his fact is evinced by the ninety referen ces to him in h is com m entary. Servius' in terest in Juvenal cam e about as the resu lt of two factors: fir st, h is a ssociation with a c ir c le of sch o la rs (perhaps that of M acrobius) who knew and lik ed the sa tir ist and, secondly, the rich content of Juvenal's poem s which afforded a wealth of m aterial for the com m entator. T his in terest of Servius in Juvenal led to a corresponding knowledge of the S a tire s. H is first-h an d acquaintance with Juvenal's w ritings is attested to by the aptness of the vast m ajority of the refer en ce s. The fact, how ever, that th ere are som e inapt quotations and m istak es points stron gly in som e c a se s to Servius' occasion al use of secondary so u rces for his citations; in oth ers, to faulty m em ory or c a r e le ss n e s s. And fin ally, Servius rep resen ts the fir st significan t im petus to popularizing 30 Juvenal, for from the tim e of Servius to the p resen t day, the S atires have been read, studied, quoted and im itated without interruption. 31 NOTES 1. M art. 7. 24; 7. 91; 12. 8. 2. P. V. D avies, M acrobius, The Saturnalia (New York, 1969), p. 2. 3. D avies, op. c i t ., pp. 3-4. 4. Lactantius quotes Juvenal X. 365-66 in h is Divinae Institu- tion es III. 29. 5. W essner su ggests that there is a referen ce to Juvenal in Donatus' com m ent to lin e 825 of T eren ce's Eunuch, but there is no real support for th is opinion. 6. See M acrobius' com m entary on the Somnium Scipionis (I. 8. 9 and I. 9. 2) and Saturnalia (III. 10. 2) where Juvenal is cited. 7. Two Juvenalian m anuscripts, Laurentinus 34. 24 and L eid en sis 82 (Hall erron eou sly m entions three) contain the su b scrip tion! "L egi ego N icaeus Romae apud Servium m agistrum et em endavi.1 Since the sch o lia st on Juvenal is known to have com posed h is com m en tary at Rome som e tim e between A .D . 350 and 400, sch olars have tried to link the sch o lia st with the N icaeus of the subscription. See G. Highet, Juvenal the S atirist (New York, 1961), p. 186. 8. See P . W essn er's article on Servius in the R eal-E ncyclopaed ic der A ltertu m sw issen sch aft, ed. P auly-W issow a, II. 2, pp. 1834ff. 9. Ibid. 10. Ibid. 11. Servius appears frequently in the Saturnalia. His m odesty is referred to at I. 2.15; I. 4. 4; II. 2, 12; and e sp ecia lly VII. 1 1 .1 -1 0 w here his naturalis verecundia occasion s a d iscu ssion of why shyness cau ses blushing. His learning is praised by Sym m achus at I. 24. 8: qui p r isco s, ut m ea fert opinio, p raeceptores doctrina p raestat. At III. 1 8 .1 , Sym m achus m entions Servius' wide reading (crebra le c tio ), and at VII. 1 1 .2 , D isariu s m akes perhaps the stron gest statem ent of all: age, Servi, non solum adulescentium qui tibi aequaevi 32 sunt, sed senum quoque omnium d o c tissim e .......... T w ice Servius is called a liter a ry critic: at VI. 7. 2, it is Eustathius who speaks and at I. 24. 20, Avienus sty les him as the grea test of all liter a ry c ritics: modo m em in eritis a Servio nostro exigendum ut quidquid obscurum videbitur quasi litteratorum omnium longe m axim us palam faciat. It is again A vienus who c a lls Servius an expert in etym ology at VI. 9. 3: sed te percontor quasi ip siu s verborum naturae co n scisu m . Servius' ro le as a teach er is m entioned by C aecina at VI. 6.1: cotidie enim Romanae indoli enarrando eundem vatem , n e c e sse est habeat huius adnotationis scien tiam prom ptiorem . N aturally, th ese opinions reflec t M acrobius' regard for Servius, but the fact that such ex p ressio n s are assign ed to sev e r a l speakers who w ere th em selv es im portant figu res in the sch olarly com m unity is a good indication that Servius w as held in high esteem by many of h is colleagu es. 12. Again see W essn er's article on Servius in the R eal-E n cyclo- paedie der A ltertu m sw issen sch aft. 13. J. E. Sandys, A H istory of C la ssica l Scholarship, Vol. I (Cam bridge, 1906), p. 231. 14. T here is sign ifican ce in the order of V erg il's poem s co m m ented upon in SD. Since there is evidence that Donatus' com m entary on V ergil (no longer extant) treated V ergil's works in the sam e order, we have another point in favor of Donatean authorship. W essner in h is a rticle on Servius in the RE states: "Fur un sere Frage ist auch der Umstand bedeutsam , dass Donat, w ie eben der erhaltene R est sein es K om m entars lehrt, die Gedichte V ergils in derselb en R eihen- folge erk lart hat, w ie der V erfa sser des dem SD zugrundliegenden K om m entars. " 15. An exam ple is SD's com m ent at Aen. IV. 103: " . . . sciendum tam en in hac conventione A eneae atque Didonis ubique V ergilium in persona A eneae flam inem , in Didonis flam inicam p raesen tare. " 33 16. Incidentally, the fact that SD do not cite these authors nearly as frequently as Servius is evidence that the Z usatzscholien w ere com posed before S. because th ese authors ra rely appear in the gram m arians until the tim e of Servius and are quoted regu larly th ereafter. 17. G. Thilo and H. Hagen, S ervii G ram m atici Qui Feruntur in V erg ilii C arm ina C om m entarii, V ol. I (L eipzig, 1881-1902), x iii- xix. A ccording to T hilo, the sch o la r's name m ay have been A dam - nan. 18. K. Barw ick, "Zur Serviu sfrage, ” Philologus LXX (1911), 106. 19. E . K. Rand, "is D onatus's C om m entary on V ergil L ost?" CQ, 1916, pp. 158-64 and P . W essn er's a rticle on Servius in the RE. 20. A lbert H. T ravis, "Donatus and the Scholia D anielis: A S ty listic C om parison," HSCP, LIII (1942), 157-69. T ravis' study is based upon the sty les or diction of the gram m atical or philological com m ents in Donatus' com m entary on T eren ce, com pared with SD. He found that Donatus' language is m ore anim ated and personal than that of SD, e .g . SD u se the im personal sciendum , notandum, dictum e st w hereas Donatus u se s the p erson al vide, nota, dixim us, sed ego puto, etc. 21. W essn er, op. c it. p. 1838 sta te s, for exam ple, "an G elehr- sam keit is t DS dem S w eit uberlegen. 22. G. D. H adzits, L ucretius and H is Influence (New York, 1935), p. 230, n. 63. The entire section of this book deals with':the- g ram m arian s' role in transm itting the L ucretian text and in keeping the p oet's m em ory alive throughout the late E m pire. This d iscu ssion should indicate the value of the kind of study being described h ere. 23. The com plete lin e from the text of Lucan is: pacem magna sum m a tenent quam laetae C a esaris au res. Servius reads sum m a at Aen. I. 58 and VIII. 454. Another exam ple is at A en,X . 432 where Lucan IV. 781 is cited: constrinxit (Servius reads adstrinxit) gyros a c ie s. non arm a m ovendi. 24. W essn er, Knoche and Highet say that Servius cites Juvenal about 74 tim es in his com m entary. At le a st ninety Juvenalian quota tions are liste d in J . F , M ountford's and J. T . Schultz's Index Rerum et Nominum in Sckoliis S erv ii et A eli Donati Tractorum (New York, 1930), pp. 93-94. See W essn er, "Lucan, Statius und Juvenal b ei den 34 rom isch en G ram m atikern, " P hil. Woch. 49 (1929), 302: "W&hrend b ei Servius Lucan 119, Juvenal 74, und Statius 63 m al z itie rt w ird. . . I ' Knoche in H andschriftliche Grundlagen des Ju ven al-textes (L eipzig, 1940), p. 37 w r ite s, " . . . in s e in e n d .h . des Servius V ergilkom m en- taren begegnen 74 Zitate von V ersen oder Versstdlcken Ju ven als. . . H ighet, op. c i t ., p. 233; n. 1 follow s Knoche. 25. Knoche, Hands ch riftlich e, pp. 36-37. 26. See note 11 above. 27. D avies, op. c i t . , p. 220. 28. Sat. 1. 15 reads et nos ergo manum ferulae subduxim us, et n os. 29. See L . F ried laen d er, D arstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte R om s in der Z eit von August b is zum Ausgang der Antonine, V ol. IV. (L eipzig, 1910), p. 417 and J. Carcopino, D aily L ife in Ancient Rom e (Connecticut, 1940), p. 329. The in d ices of th ese two w orks point to the frequent u se of Juvenal by th ese two authors. See also John E . B. M ayor's com m entary on th irteen S atires of Juvenal, 2 v o ls ., pub lish ed at London in 1888. 30. It is to be rem em bered that, according to M acrobius (Sat. VI. 6 .1 ), Servius was a teach er of literatu re and undoubtedly com posed his com m entary on V ergil for his own students and th ose of other tea ch ers as w ell. 31. See note 7 above. 32. See the note (54) to com m ent 67 (A e n .II. 554) in the second part of th is d issertation . 33. See A. M om igliano, The C onflict betw een Paganism and C hristianity (Oxford, 1963), p. 9, 97 et p assim and S. D ill, Roman S ociety in the L ast Century of the W estern E m pire (C leveland, 1962), p. 26, n. 1 et p assim . 34. A total lis t of com m ents dealing with antiquarian m atters is given h ere. (For a fu ller d iscu ssio n of them sin gly, se e the com m en ta ry in the second section of this d isse r ta tio n .) The com m ents are n os. 6, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 26, 26, 32, 33, 35, 36, 41, 42, 43, 44, 48, 49, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 58, 59, 62, 63, 66, 69, 71, 73, 75, 76, 77, 81, 87 and 89. 35 35. The com m ents in th is category are nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 11, 12, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 28, 30, 34, 37, 38, 40, 46, 47, 54, 67, 68, 72, 78, 80, 82, 83 and 90. 36. It is in terestin g that in M acrobius1 Saturnalia (VI. 9. 3) Servius is p raised as an expert in etym ology. See also note 11 above. 37. The com m ents falling into th is category are n os. 4, 10, 17, 22, 25, 29, 31, 39, 45, 50, 57, 60(?), 61, 64, 65, 70, 74, 79, 84, 85, 86 and 88. 38. Included here are n os. 1, 2, 3, 4, 9, 10, 11, 12, 17, 18, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25, 26, 27, 30, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 46, 48, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 58, 59, 60, 63, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85 and 86. 39. Incom plete referen ces are nos. 13, 15, 35, 39, 41, 44, 45, 50, 53, 57, 62, 64, 66, 73, 87 and 88. 40. Inapt or extrem ely obscure referen ces are n os. 5, 6, 7, 8, 14, 16, 19, 28, 29, 34, 47, 61, 74, 75, 76, 77, 89 and 90. 41. Yet in the Saturnalia we find Servius p raised for his wide reading. See note 11 above. 42. Com m ents containing referen ces with textual variants are n os. 1, 2, 16, 33, 34, 37, 56, 59, 61 and 86. 43. See the note (50) to com m ent 61 (Georg. II. 498). COMMENTARY ON THE JUVENALIAN QUOTATIONS IN SERVIUS1 1. Aen. P raef. Titulus e st A en eis, derivativum nom en ab Aenea, ut a T heseo T h eseis. sic Iuvenalis (I. 2), "vexatus totiens rauci T heseide C odri. " The title is A en eis, a nam e derived from A eneas as T h eseis from T h eseu s. So Juvenal w rites (I. 2), "vexed so m any tim es by the T h eseis of the harsh -voiced Codrus. " Servius em ploys the quotation from Juvenal to provide an e x am ple of how the title of an epic poem is derived from the name of the hero. The referen ce, how ever, contains a textual variant: the Juvenalian text which Servius or h is sou rce used p o ssib ly read Codri, a reading which is found in the m anuscripts R, V and (f) . 3 It is pecu lia r , how ever, that th is sam e Juvenalian p assage is quoted in Aen. XI. 458 but has the reading Cordi which m ost m odern Juvenalian critics adopt. T h ese variants m ay be due to a scrib a l error in the tr a n sm is sion of the text, but Knoche thinks that th ese are ancient variants which existed b efore the branching off of the oj fam ily of manu scrip ts. 3 In other w ords, they existed before the tim e of Servius, anc he or h is sou rce probably had a c c e ss to both of them and thus in cor porated them into his text. The question, how ever, rem ains: why does Codri appear here and Cordi in A en. XI. 458? 36 37 It is rem arkable that Servius found the title of th is little known epic in Juvenal to illu stra te the derivation of the title A en eis. Since no other exam ple of such a w ord's being used in Latin litera tu re can be found to p a ra llel the title of V erg il's epic, Servius is to be com mended for knowing about, or at le a st locatin g, the one pertinent exam ple. 2. Aen. XI. 458 STAGNA LOQUACIA: hypallage: in quibus habitant cy cn ilo q u a ce s. 'rauci' autem tCi / est: nam modo canoros sig n ifica t, alias v o cis p essim ae: Iuvenalis (1.2), "rauci T heseide Cordi": sicu t venenum et de bono et de m alo d icitu r, ut odor bonus et m alus vocatur. TALKING POOLS: hypallage: in which the n oisy sw ans dw ell. Rauci ('h arsh-voiced') is neutral in its con notation: for som etim es it m eans m elodious; at other tim e s, it has a pejorative overtone: Juvenal says (1.2), "by the T h eseis of the h arsh -voiced (rauci) Cordus": just as venenum ('drug'; 'potion') can m ean som ething good or bad, or as an odor ('odor'; 'sm ell') can be good or bad. H ere Servius is explaining the com plim entary and pejorative connotations p o ssib le in the word raucus. He cites Juvenal to ex em plify the pejorative se n se to contrast the com plim entary u se of this word. 4 The assum ption that raucus is pejorative in Juvenal in d icates that Servius knew the context from which the citation was Lifted, and th erefore he knew the p assage and could point unerringly to it for T h e se is. (See the rem ark to the previous co m m en t.) Note the 38 textual m atter in the c a se of Cordi, See the com m ent to S erviu s, A en. I. P raef. 3. Aen. V.122 CENTAURO MAGNA: fem inini e st g en eris, si de navi d ica s, ut in eunuchum suam , cum com oediam di- ceret. Iuvenalis contra sen sit dicens (I. 6), "et in tergo necdum finitus O restes. " THE GREAT (SHIP) CENTAUR: is fem inine if you m ean a ship, as in eunuchum suam (his play, The E u nuch), when one refe r s to the com edy. ® Juvenal, how e v er, felt differently, saying (1.6), "and O restes w ritten on the back and s till unfinished. " Servius is illu stratin g the problem of gender in the ca se of a noun that is a title which stands in apposition to another noun under stood. In such a situation, a m odifying adjective agrees with the word that is understood, as in the case of Centauro (navi) magna and eunu chum (tragoediam ) suam . Juvenal is cited to show that the title its e lf m ay also determ ine the gender of a m odifying adjective: finitus O res t e s . T his citation is w ell chosen and clea rly illu stra tes the gram m a tica l point Servius is describing. 4. G eorg. IH. 328 RUMPENT ARBUSTA: nim io clam ore: Iuvenalis (1.13), "et assiduo ruptae lecto re colum nae. " P e r siu s (III. 9), "findor, ut A rcadiae pecuaria rudere d ica s. " 39 WILL SHATTER THE GROVES: from e x c e ssiv e shout ing: Juvenal (1.13), "and the colum ns shattered by constant recitation . " P e r siu s (III. 9), "I am shattered, so that you would think that A rcad ia's herds are braying. " Servius notes the unusual force of the verb rumpo and cites Juvenal's sim ila r u se of the word. Since the two u sages are alik e, the referen ce to Juvenal is apt and see m s to indicate that Servius w as fa m iliar with this part of the sa tire. 5. Aen. 1.215 INPLENTUR: inpleor duos casu s regit; dicim us enim et inpleor illiu s r e i, ut C icero (in V err. act, se c . III. 12. 31), "squaloris plenus ac pu lveris" et inpleor ilia r e , ut Iuvenalis (I. 32-33), "lectica Mathonis plena ip so. " ARE FILLED: 'inpleor' (I am filled ) governs two ca se s; we sa y 'I am full of that thing' (illiu s r e i), as C icero say s (in V err. act, s e c . III. 12.31), "full of dirt and dust" and 'I am filled with that thing' (ilia r e ), as Juvenal says (I. 32-33), "the litte r of Matho filled with h im self. " Servius illu stra tes the gram m atical point that verb s and adjec- i jtives denoting full and plenty take either the genitive or ablative c a se. i iCicero is quoted as an exam ple of the form er, Juvenal, the latter. N either referen ce, how ever, is a good one sin ce Servius u ses the ad jectival construction to explain the verbal one. Juvenal u se s the verb | jinpleo frequently. Had Servius r ea lly been fam iliar with the sa tir ist, j h e could have found sev era l exam ples of the verb inpleo with the 40 ablative c a se. 6 In fact, he could have found m ore suitable exam ples from C icero a lso . ^ In com m ents concerned with points of gram m ar such as th is one, it is quite p ossib le that Servius availed h im se lf of gram m atical handbooks for h is r e fer en ce s. T his could w ell be the c a se h ere. 6. Aen. IV. 77 LABENTE D IE: ad convivia retu lit pervigratum [pervagatum] est quia in usu non erant prandia, ut Iuvenalis (I. 49), "exul ab octava M arius bibit. " 'AT THE END OF THE DAY: she returned to the ban quet' is a general (pervagatum ) statem ent becau se pran dia (luncheons) w ere not the custom , as Juvenal w rites (I. 49), "Marius in ex ile drinks from the eighth hour. " Juvenal's words are cited as a kind of p arallel explanation for convivia eadem in the V ergilian lin e: nunc eadem labente die con v iv ia quaerit. H ere Dido returns to the scen e of "last night's" ban- j quet to se e and hear A eneas again. In the Juvenalian p a ssage, a c e r tain M arius seek s a banquet sooner than the norm al dinner hour. 8 i | T here is som e textual difficulty in th is com m ent. Hagen sup- ! jplies an em endation: Labente die convivia quaerit: ad convivia r e - l jcurrit p erv ig ilii gratia et quia. . . . T his y ield s sen se at le a st. jAnother p o ssib ility would be to read pervagatum instead of the im p o s sib le pervigratum . The translation included h ere r eflec ts this reading. 9 ____ _____________ 41 The quotation from Juvenal is not an apt one sin ce it proves nothing about convivia or prandia or anything e lse . A com petent sch o la r would have found a b etter referen ce for convivia and prandia; th ere are exam ples in the works of m ore standard authors. To be su re, this phrase from Juvenal does not illu stra te the V ergilian p a s sage u n less Servius is som ehow trying to link labente die with octava hora. Perhaps the fact that th ere is little connection between th ese two referen ces indicates further corruption in the Servian text. At any rate, th is com m ent lack s clarity. 7. Aen. 1.637 LUXU: modo abundantia, alib i luxuria. et notandum, quia affluentiam ubique ex teris gentibus dat, Rom anis fru- galitatem , qui et duobus tantum cib is utebantur et in a triis sedebant edentes: unde Iuvenalis (1.94), "quis fercu la sep - tem se c r e to cenavit avus?" et V ergiliu s (VII.176), "per- petuis so liti patres con sid ere m en sis. " IN LUXURY: m eans m erely 'in abundance'; elsew h ere luxuria has this m eaning. And it is worthy of note b e cause everyw here he attributes affluence to foreign peo p les, frugality to the Rom ans, who not only used to eat two m eals a day but a lso ate them sittin g in the atria, whence Juvenal says (I. 49), "What ancestor ate seven co u rses in p rivate?" And V ergil say s (VII. 176), "The e l d ers w ere wont to sit at the lin e of ta b les. " This is a v ery strange com m ent. In the fir st p lace, Servius is wrong about the m eaning of luxu. It m eans m ore than m ere "abun dance. " The whole p assage h ere is designed to show the un-Roman 42 (Servius is right about th is) splendor of D ido's palace and esp ecia lly the dining room . Then Servius d ig r e sse s: the Rom ans ate only two m eals a day and ate them in the atrium . But Juvenal's lin e dem on strates neither p oin t--n or the opposite of eith er point u n less sec r eto is to be con strued as the opposite of in a triis (the atrium was a public room of the house). M oreover, V erg il's en tire p assage in Book VII, from which v e r se 176 is taken, is in fact a v ery significant and clev er p a ra llel to the p assage in Book I which is under d iscu ssion : it a lso d escrib es the regal pomp and appointment of Latinus' palace and r e fe r s to the dining h all w here "long row s of eld ers sat. " It is difficult to se e how Servius ev er saw a reason for referrin g jto Juvenal. F urtherm ore, Servius' referen ce to Aen. VII. 176 is m is - i ' ' ! leading. Perhaps som ething has fallen out of the text betw een et and i i V erg iliu s, som ething as sim p le as contra or m ore lik ely sev era l j w ords to show that th is lin e is not unlike the p assage in Book I. i 8. Aen. I. 726 ATRIA: ut supra dixim us, tangit Romanam historiam ; nam ut ait Cato, "et in atrio et duobus fe r cu lis epula- bantur antiqui": unde ait Iuvenalis (I. 94), "quis fercu la sep tem secreto cenavit avus?" ATRIA (room s which contained the hearth): as I have indicated above refle c t Roman history; for as Cato^ sa y s,_______ 43 "the ancients used to dine not only in the atria but also ate only two m eals": hence Juvenal say s (1.94), "What ancestor ate seven co u rses in private?" Servius again p rovides background to ancient Roman eating h a b its. Cato is cited as an exam ple of the old Roman custom of dining m od estly in the atrium . The referen ce from Juvenal, how ever, does not explain anything about the atrium which is the point of th is com m ent. U n less the connection betw een Servius' rem ark and Juvenal's lin e is the contrast betw een in a triis and sec r eto , then, as in the p re vious com m ent (Aen. I. 637), Servius had little reason for citing Juvenal h ere. P o ssib ly he had a d iscu ssio n at hand, eith er h is own or another's, on the atrium or on Roman eating hab its. He sim p ly r e ferred to it tw ice in h is com m ents to two V ergilian p a ssa g es by citing the lin e from Juvenal which was included in th is d iscu ssio n . 9. Aen. V. 117 MOX ITALUS: subaudis 'futurus': ip se enim fam iliam M em m iorum constituit. et bene laudat fam ilias nobilium : nam a Sergesto S ergia fam ilia fuit, a Cloantho Cluentia, a Gya Gegania, cuius non facit m entionem . nob iles autem fam ilias a T roianis fu isse Iuvenalis ostendit, ut (I. 99-100), "iubet a praecone vocari ip sos T roiugenas. " SOON AN ITALIAN: you are to understand futurus ('about to be'): for he h im se lf established the fam ily of the M em m ii. And he rightly p r a ise s the fam ilies of the nobles: for from S erg estu s, the Sergian fam ily was d e s cended; from Cloanthus, the Cluentian fam ily; from G yas, the Geganian fam ily whom he does not m ention. That noble fa m ilies, how ever, w ere descended from the Trojans 44 Juvenal in d icates, as in (I. 99-100), "He bids the herald call the T rojan-descended th em selv es. " In th is rem ark Servius is at som e pains to prove the com m only accepted idea that the Romans in general and th eir nobility in p a rti cular claim ed to be descended from the T rojans. As proof of this b e lie f on the part of many Rom ans, one need only to think of the claim s of the Julian clan that they w ere descended from lu lu s. Indeed, this idea m ay have been a determ ining factor in V erg il's choice of them e for h is epic. The u se of the word A eneades in such p a ssa g es as L ucretius 1.1, Ovid's M etam orphoses XV. 682, 695, V erg il's Aeneid VII. 648 shows that this idea had found its way into litera tu re. And the sam e m ay be said of T roiugenae. T his word is not infrequently u sed, as Servius co rrectly o b serv es, to m ean Rom ans or Roman Inobles. H is referen ce to Juvenal is a co rrect one, for the sa tir ist i |uses the word th ree tim es (1.100; VIII. 181; XI. 95). In the fir st and j |third of th ese lin e s , the m eaning is certain ly "Roman nob les, " and it 'is v ery lik ely that it has the sam e m eaning in Satire VIII. But sin ce I jTroiugenae is often used to mean "T rojan-descended, " Servius shows ! |some knowledge of Juvenal's fir st sa tire when he reco g n izes this j m eaning of the word co rrectly h ere. 10. E el. P raefatio 45 - - e t aliquibus lo c is per allegoriam agat gratias A ugus- to v el a liis nobilibus, quorum favor e am is sum agrum r e - cepit. in qua r e tantum d issen tit a T heocrito: ille enim ubique sim p lex e st, h ie n e c essita te com pulsus aliquibus lo c is m iscet figu ras, quas perite plerum que etiam ex T heocriti versib u s facit, quos ab illo dictos constat e s s e sim p liciter. hoc autem fit poetica urbanitate: sic Iuvena lis (11.100), "Actoris Aurunci spolium"; nam V erg ilii versu m de h asta figu rate ad speculum tran stu lit. --an d elsew h ere he m ay u se allegory to thank Augustus or other nobles by w hose favor he recovered h is lo st farm . In this m atter only does he differ rom T heocritus who is alw ays uncom plicated. V erg il, how ever, is com pelled by n e c essity in sev era l p laces to compound h is figu res which he gen erally m akes quite sk illfu lly from the v e r se s of T h eocritu s, though th ese have clea rly been exp ressed in an uncom plicated m anner. M oreover, th is happens with poetic elegance A2 thus Juvenal sa y s (11.100), "spoil of Auruncan A ctor, " for he tra n sfers V erg il's v e r se which r efers to a spear and applies it fuguratively to a m irror. In th is p a ssa g e, Servius is com paring V ergil with T heocritus regarding their u se of liter a ry figu res. Servius ind icates that V ergil is m ore com plex w hereas T heocritus is alw ays uncom plicated; that is , th ere are often two or m ore le v e ls of m eaning in V erg il's liter a ry figu res w hile th ose o f T heocritus have only one le v e l of m eaning. j | Juvenal, then, is quoted as a p arallel for V erg il's c lev ern ess in !m ixing h is fig u res. For Juvenal's w ords are taken from V ergil (Aen. ! XII. 94) w here the spolium A ctoris r e fe r s to the spear which King i jTurnus captured from A ctor. Juvenal adds a dim ension by applying the figure to the m irror which Otho carried around with him . The fact that Servius m entions th is la st point ind icates that he understood 46 the context from which th is quotation was taken. 11. Aen. 1.180 SCOPtTLUMjid est speculam . et quando speculationem sign ificam us, gen eris est fem inini, ut (Aen. III. 239), "specula M isenus ab alta. " speculum autem , in quo nos intuem ur, gen eris e st neutri, ut Iuvenalis (11.103), "spe culum c iv ilis sarcin a b elli. " ROCK, that is , w atch-tow er. And when we m ean the act of watching, the.gender is fem inine as (Aen. III. 239), "M isenus from the lofty look-out" (sp ecu la). Speculum ('m irror'), in which we look at o u rselv es, is neuter, as Juvenal says (11.103), "a m irro r, the baggage of civ il war. " H ere Servius provides the term specula as a synonym for s c o - pulus. But he goes on to explain that the m eaning of this word depends upon its gender: as a fem inine noun, it refer s to a w atch-tow er; as a neuter noun, it r efer s to a m irror. It is in this connection that IJuvenal is cited. It is strange that Servius happened to pick th is par ticu lar p assage to illu stra te the m eaning of speculum . The phrase speculum c iv ilis sarcin a b e lli is adequate for illu stratin g h is point | sin ce the gender which determ ines the m eaning of this word is p er fectly obvious. S till, he could have found an exam ple th ree lin es ea rlier in the sa tire w here the m eaning of the word speculum is shown not only by the gender but a lso by the im m ediate context in which it I [appears: ille tenet speculum , pathici gestam en Othonis, / A ctoris I I Aurunci spolium , quo se ille videbat. 47 12. A en. I. 654 MONILE: ornam entum gutturis. quod et segm entum dicunt, ut Iuvenalis (11.124), "segm enta et longos habitus, " lic e t segm entatas v e ste s dicam us, ut ip se (VI. 89), "et segm entatis d o rm isset parvula cunis. " NECKLACE: an ornam ent for the neck which is also called a segm entum ('border') as Juvenal says (11.124), "borders and long garm ents" although we m ean bordered garm ents as Juvenal again says (VI. 89), "would have slep t in a bordered crad le. " Servius explains that m onile is a necklace which is a lso called a segm entum . Juvenal is quoted tw ice to provide an exam ple for the m eaning of segm entum . The word need not, as Servius im p lies, be restr ic ted to necklace; it can also r efer to a ruffle or border on clothing or other objects. The exam ples taken from Juvenal are c e r tainly apt. In fact, Servius has cited Juvenal's only u se of either s e g m enta or segm en tatus. 13. A en. V. 340 ORA PRIMA PATRUM:hoc est quod Iuvenalis (11.147) ait, "et omnibus ad podium spectantibus. " THE FACES OF THE SENATORS IN THE FIRST ROW: this is what Juvenal sa y s (11.147), "and (nobler than) the sp ectators seated at the balcony. " The phrase ora prim a patrum refer s to the fa ces of the sen ators who are seated in front, i. e . , in the low est tie r s of sea ts in the c ir cus. Servius hints at this m eaning by citing a p assage from Juvenal 48 which includes the term podium . The podium was a balustrade or b a l cony built around the am phitheater. From the podium, the m ost d is tinguished sp ectators watched the circu s perform ance. S erviu s, how ev er, apparently a ssu m es that the m eaning of podium would be under stood by the u ser of h is com m entary; for the Juvenalian quotation alone does not provide enough context to afford an insight into the m eaning of the term podium . The citation is appropriate, how ever, in light of the context from which it was drawn; for in the sa tire a certain G racchus is said to be of nobler birth (g en ero sio r) than the C apitolini, the M arcelli, the F abii and all the sp ectators in the balcony. T his, of cou rse, clea rly im p lies that th ose seated in the podium are nob les. Thus Juvenal's words form a v ery suitable p arallel for the V ergilian phrase. | 14. Aen. VI. 140 TELLURIS OPERTA: secundum eos qui dicunt inferos in m edio e s s e terrarum : quos Iuvenalis dicit putari sub te r r is , ut (11.149), " esse aliquos m anes et subterranea r e g n a ." THE COVERED PARTS OF THE EARTH;according to th ose who say that the shades of the dead are in the m id dle of the earth. Juvenal says (11.149) that they are thought to be under the earth: "that shades and underground kin g dom s do e x ist. " H ere Servius points out that som e (including V ergil) believed 49 that the underworld was located in the m iddle of the earth w hile others thought that it was situated under the earth. The Juvenalian phrase is cited to show that Juvenal belonged to the latter group. It see m s that the distinction indicated h ere by Servius is not clea rly borne out by Juvenal's words; i. e . , subterranea regna can include both th ose in the m iddle of the earth (intra te r ra m ) and th ose under the earth per s e . ^ The term subterranea in the p assage from Juvenal is am biguous, for it is im p ossib le to guess p r e cise ly w here Juvenal im agined the under world to be located . T herefore, th is citation is not rea lly to the point. 15. Aen. VI. 229 CIR CU MTU LIT: pur ga v it. antiquum verbum est. P lautus, "pro larvato te circum feram , "14 id est, pur- gabo: nam lu stratio a circum latione dicta est v el taedae vel sulph uris. Iuvenalis (11.157), "si qua darentur su l- phura cum ta ed is. " HAS ENCIRCLED, that is , 'has p u rified .' It is an old word. Plautus sa y s, 14 "I sh all en circle you as one b e w itched, " i. e . , I shall purify you; for purification (lu stra tio ) is so called from the en circlem en t with torch es or sulphur. Juvenal say s (11.157), "if any sulphur and torch es w ere to be given. " Servius is attem pting to explain the Roman p ractice of p u rifica tion or lu stratio which was the cerem onial act of carrying the lu stral ! su bstan ces (sulphur and torch es) around the place or thing to be pu ri fied. Juvenal is quoted to support Servius' explanation. But it seem s 50 that he ought to have included m ore of the quotation to make h is point clea rer: cuperent lu str a r i, s i qua darentur sulphura cum ta e d is. The citation, as Servius rep rod uces it, is v ery vague and incom plete. P e r - jhaps the com m entator w as usin g som e g lo ssa ry or handbook in which the citation was only p artially given or perhaps th is m ay be no m ore than a bit of c a r e le ssn e ss on Servius' part. In any c a se , it is strange that he did not include lu str a r i, which is akin to h is own synonym lustratio. 16. Aen. VI. 265 LOCA NOCTE SILENTIA LATE: aut hoc est quod supra ait 'um braeque s ile n t e s ,' aut vult osten d ere, e s s e partem mundi, in qua perpetuae sunt tenebrae. cum enim probatum sit quod legim u s (Iuvenalis 11.161), "et m inim a contentos nocte B ritannos, " sphaerae exigit ratio, ut e contrario sit reg io noctibus vacan s. PLACES BROADLY SILENT IN THE NIGHT: eith er this is becau se he says above 'silen t shades, ' or he w ish es to point out that th ere is a part of the world in which th ere is constant darkn ess. Since what we read has been a c cepted, nam ely (Juvenal 11.161), "and the B ritons content with the le a st amount of night, " the concept of the sphere demands that th ere be a region on the opposite sid e --o n e devoid of night. Servius o ffers two explanations for th is p assage: either V ergil is alluding to the underworld and is echoing th is thought from the um - [brae sile n te s in the previous lin e, or he is referrin g to the concept of i [antipodes and thus to that part of the world which is located on the 51 opposite sid e of the world (if conceived in the shape of a sphere) and is in a perpetual state of d arkness. In connection with this latter a lte r native, Juvenal is cited. It is curious, how ever, that Servius does not nam e Juvenal as the source for th is quotation as he does elsew h ere. M oreover, th ere is a sligh t textual m atter h ere. If the et before m i nim a is part of Juvenal's lin e, then Servius is rep orting a variant reading, for all the m anuscripts read a c . Y et, if et is Servius' own word, it m akes the sen tence awkward. T his quotation does v ery little to illum inate the V ergilian lin e or clarify the geography alluded to h ere, u n less Servius and Juvenal thought that B ritain was so rem ote that it w as located far to the north on the globe and thus received m ore light from the sun. If th is is the c a se, the quotation from Juvenal is appropriate. 17. G eorg. 11.469 SPELUNCAE VIVIQUE LACUSrid e st bona naturalia, non sicu t in urbibus, labore quaesita: unde Iuvenalis (III. 17), "et speluncas d issim ile s v e r is . " CAVES AND FRESH WATER LAKES, that is , natural boons, not th ose acquired through to il as in the c itie s, whence Juvenal sa y s (III. 17), "and caves unlike rea l ones. " ' Servius com m ents h ere upon a p assage in the G eorgies in which V ergil extols th ose who liv e clo se to nature and enjoy its b le ssin g s, pom e exam ples of which are fresh w ater lak es and natural caves. 52 Servius points out further that th ese natural boons are unlike th ose i ! bnan-made ones such as Juvenal m entions: et speluncas d issim ile s i - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - l y e r is . It is obvious that Servius was fam iliar with the context of the p a ssage from Juvenal in which the sa tir ist d escrib es the v alley of E geria, a section of Rom e near the southern end of Mt. C a e l i u s . ^ This site had been restored in the tim e of Juvenal in such a way that it was travestied and very unlike nature. 18. A en. II. 445 DOMORUM; v e te re s 'haec dom us1 ut m erito ablativus 'o' term inatus genetivum pluralem in 'rum 1 m itteret, ut 'bono bonorum 1 ; sed mutata postea declinatio e st, ut fhuius dom us1 faceret: quod cum ita even erit, ut ablativus in 'u' term inaretur, genetivum pluralem per lu f gem inat, ut 'ab hoc fructu, fructuum , 1 ita et 'domuum1: nam et Iuvenalis (III. 72), v isc e r a magnarum domuum ait, nos tam en de antiqua declinatione praesu m im u s, ut 'ab hac dom o, harum dom orum' d icam u s. OF HOUSES:the old w riters said haec domus with the ablative ending in o, thus making the genitive plural end in rum as bono bonorum . But later the declen sion changed so as to produce huius dom us. This resu lted in the ablative ending in u and caused the genitive plural to double the u as ab hoc fructu fructuum ; so also domuum, for Juvenal (III. 72) a lso sa y s, '‘ the v ita ls of great h o u ses'1 (magnarum dom orum ). Yet we follow the old declen sion so that we say ab hac domo harum dom orum . T his citation from Juvenal is one of th ree that appear in the i I Scholia D anielis or SD. In addition to this referen ce, SD cite Juvenal in com m ents to Aen. I. 96 (Juv. XV. 66) and Aen. IV. 228 (Juv. XV. 66). 53 T hese la st two are the sam e Juvenalian quotation cited in different p la ces. H ere SD explain in detail that domus can be declined as a second as w ell as a fourth declen sion noun. The form er is an older usage, the latter is la ter. V ergil probably used the archaic form for either poetical or m etrica l rea so n s. SD cite Juvenal to provide an exam ple of dom us declined as a noun of the fourth d eclen sion although Juvenal u se s dom us inflected as both second and fourth declen sion with no ap parent p referen ce for eith er. 18 At any rate, in a gram m atical com m ent such as th is, SD would not have n e c e ssa r ily been fam iliar with the sen se of the passage from which this citation com es. It is quite p o ssib le that the exam ple from Juvenal was lifted from som e gram m a tical m anual, esp ecia lly sin ce the question of the inflection of domus was a gram m atical point d iscu ssed from the tim e of Quintilian. 1^ 19. A en. IV. 237 HAEC SUMMA EST:id e st m ei praecepti collectio: hoc e st totum propter quod m itte r is, ut Iuvenalis (III. 79), "in sum m a, non Maurus erat neque Sarm ata. " THIS IS THE SUM TOTAL, i. e . , this is the sum m ary of m y command: this is the en tire reason for your being sen t, as Juvenal says (III. 79), "in short, he was neither a Moor nor a Sarm atian. " Servius h ere attem pts to explain V ergil's u se of sum m a in a 54 p a ssa g e w here it obviously m eans "total, " "main points, " e t c ., as the r e s t of the lin e clea rly show s: h ie n ostri nuntius e sto . Indeed, Servius show s that he understands V erg il's lin e when he paraphrases it with m ei praecepti co llectio . T his u se of sum m a is of cou rse not uncom m on. Many exam ples w ere available to Servius and one no farther away than A en. XII. 572: hoc caput, o civ es, haec b elli sum m a nefandi. or even A en. X. 70: Num puero sum m am b e lli, num cred ere m uros (sc. hortati sum us). Yet for a parallel usage Servius strangely turned to Juvenal, one author who did not u se sum m a in th is sen se . The word occurs six tim es in the S a tire s: in five (V.18; XI. 17; XIII. 74; XIV. 218, 323) it m eans a "sum of m oney. " In the sixth, cited by S ervius, it occu rs in the prepositional phrase in sum m a with the usual m eaning o f "in short, " "to be b rief, " or sim ply a synonym of denique. T his curious erro r, and it can be term ed nothing le s s , r a ise s problem s which m ust in the la st an alysis affect m ore than this one p a ssa g e. The point is that Servius' knowledge of Juvenal m ust resu lt from eith er h is own reading of the Satires or from u se of com m enta r ie s , gram m atical works and sim ila r secondary so u rces. If the fir st altern ative is true h ere, then we can only assu m e that Servius failed to understand the p assage which he has quoted. If the la tter alternative is 55 p referred , we m ust p lace the blam e on Servius' sou rce. 2® 20. Aen. II. 80 FINXIT VANUM tfallacem . et vanus est qui etiam sin e u tilitate m entitur, mendax qui tantum ad decipiendum . sane 'vanus' stultus apud idoneos non invenitur, ut2* ait Iuvenalis (III. 159), "sic libitum vano, qui nos distin xit, Othoni. " PRETENDED VAIN^deceitful. And a vain man is one who lie s without gain, a m endacious (mendax) one lie s m erely for the sake of deceiving. Indeed, vanus m eaning stultus (foolish) is not found among the idonei, a s 2- * - Juvenal says (III. 159), "thus it pleased the vain (foolish) Otho who assign ed to each of us our p la ces. " Servius d istin guishes between the m eanings of vanus and m en dax: the form er m eans 'deceitful toward on eself'; the la tter, 'de ceitful toward oth ers. ' Juvenal, how ever, is cited as an exam ple of the form er. A ccording to S ervius, th is particular usage of vanus is not found among the c la ssic a l authors (id on ei). Since Servius ranked Juvenal am ong the m odern authors (neoterici), it is fitting that he cite him as an exam ple of a n o n -c la ssic a l u sage. It is n e c essa ry to assum e that Servius understood the force of the Juvenalian p assage sin ce he has pinpointed this unusual m eaning of vanus. 21. Aen. XI. 715 VANE LIGUS: aut fallax, aut inaniter iactans: nam 'vanos' stultos p o sterio res d icere coeperunt. inde tr a c - tum e st etiam in n eo tericis: Iuvenalis (III. 159), "sic 56 libitum, vano, qui nos d istin xit, Othoni. " quid autem hoc 'vane' sig n ificet, sequentia dem onstrant, "frustraque anim is elate su p erb is. " VAIN LIGURIAN:or d eceitfu l, or stupidly boasting: for the la ter w r it e r s^2 begin to ca ll vanos foolish . H ence this usage w as also taken on among the n eo terics: Juve nal say s (III. 159), "thus it p leased the vain Otho who a s signed to each of us our p la ces. " What vane m eans in this context is shown by what follow s, "you, who are point - le s s ly elated in proud sp irit. " As in the previous com m ent, Servius rem ark s upon the m eaning of vanus. He lik ew ise ind icates that Juvenal's u se of the word to mean stultus is a trait of la ter w r it e r s ^ and one adopted by the n eo terics. Of co u rse, Servius had to understand the context surrounding the c i tation in order to arrive at th is particular m eaning of the word vanus. 22. G eorg. IV. 115 INRIGET IMBRESrid est aquas: Iuvenalis (III. 227), "in tenues plantas fa c ili diffunditur haustu. " SHALL POUR DOWN RAINS, that is , w aters: Juvenal (III. 227): "The fragile plants are sprinkled with w ater e a sily drawn. " Servius c ite s Juvenal in order to define V erg il's phrase in riget im b res. The referen ce is quite appropriate because V ergil does not r ea lly mean rain by the term im b res but rather w aters (aquas) which resu lt from man. (Both poets speak of w atering young plants. ) Juvenal's words prove what the sen se of im b res is in this particular 57 phrase from V erg il. Although aqua does not appear in Juvenal's lin e, the word haustu show s plainly the a rtificia l sou rce of the water used to irrig a te the garden. If Servius had included the previous lin e from Juvenal: hortulus hie puteusque b revis nec r e ste movendus / in tenues plantas fa c ili diffunditur haustu, the referen ce would be clea rer and bear a c lo se r affinity to the V ergilian lin es: ip se fera ces figat humo plantas et am icos inriget im b re s. S till, the citation is fa irly apt as it stands. 23. A en. 1.164 TUM SILVIS SCAENA CORUSCIS:'silvis co ru scis' hoc est silvarum coruscarum , id est crispantium , ut Iuvena lis (III. 254), "longa coru scat serra co veniente a b ies. " THEN A BACKGROUND OF SHIMMERING FORESTS : 'shim m ering fo r e sts, 1 that is , a background con sistin g of shim m ering fo r e sts, i . e . , of (trees) rapidly sv/aying, as Juvenal say s (III. 254), "a long log-sw ays on a cart as it com es along. " In dem onstrating the m eaning of the word co ru scu s, Servius in cludes an exam ple from Juvenal. Although the Juvenalian phrase con tains the verb coru sco w hereas the V ergilian passage contains the ad jectival form co ru scu s, the sen se of the two words rem ains the sam e. T herefore, th is citation is appropriately introduced by Servius. 58 24. Aen. VI. 104 NOVA MI FACIES: id est sp e c ie s, et sciendum pro nom en 'm ihi' numquam in syn a eresin v en ire, ne incipiat e s s e blandientis adverbium . et lic e t quidam huius lo c i nitantur exem plo, non procedit, v el quia unum e st, vel quia potest e s s e etiam blandientis adverbium . 'nihil' vero pro m etri n ecessita te cogitur: nam s i pars sequens ora- tion is a vocali inchoet, 'nihil' dicim us ut (11.402), "heu nihil in vitis fas quemquam fid ere divis": s i autem a con- sonante inchoet, 'nil' ponim us, ut Iuvenalis (IV. 22), "nil tale exp ectes: em it sib i. m ulta videm us. " FOR ME A NEW FACE: that is , appearance. And it m ust be noted that the pronoun m ihi never undergoes sy n a e r e sis, le s t it becom e an adverbium blandientis. 23 And although som e r ely on this p assage as an exam ple (of sy n a eresis in the ca se of m ih i), it does not follow , either because it is the only exam ple of it or because it is also an adverbium blandientis. N ihil, o f cou rse, is contrasted for m etrica l rea so n s: for, if the part follow ing a word begins with a vow el, we say nihil as (II. 402), " heu nihil in vitis fas quemquam fid ere d iv is" (alas, it is not right that anyone tru st in the gods when they are unwilling): if, how ever, (the part following) begins with a consonant, we w rite n il, as Juvenal does (IV. 22), "nil tale e x p e ctes: em it sib i. m ulta vid em u s" (you are to expect nothing of the sort: he buys [it] for h im self. We se e many things . . . )* Servius talks h ere about the phenomenon of sy n a e re sis. This d iscu ssio n is prompted by the occu rren ce of m i in place of m ihi in the V ergilian p a ssa g e. Servius argues that m ihi never undergoes sy n a e r e s is because it would be confused with m i as an adverbium blandien t is . He counters the argum ent of th ose who, on the strength of this p assage, m aintain that m ihi can undergo sy n a eresis by pointing out that th is passage is unique (?) in illu stratin g this particular u sage and 59 that it is also am biguous, i. e . , m i might be construed as an adver bium blandientis. Servius goes on to d iscu ss a true exam ple of s y n a e r e sis in the ca se of n ih il. It is in this connection that he quotes Juvenal. In th is passage nihil is contracted into nil for m etrical r ea so n s. The entire lin e is quoted to illu stra te the m etrica l accuracy. In th is com m ent, as in others of a gram m atical or tech n ical nature, it is difficult to determ ine whether Servius was fam iliar with Juvenal first-h and or quoted the lin e from som e handbook which illu strated such gram m atical or tech n ical points. 25. A en. IV. 214 PARIS: s im ilis Paridi: iniuria a persona, sic Iuvenalis (IV. 38), "et calvo serv iret Roma Neroni: pro- b ro sis nom inibus v e teres convicia dicebant, ut Sallustius (Hist, frag, in c. 52 K r .) tyrannumque et Cinnam m axim a voce appellans. et bene 'P a ris' quasi qui sustu lit pactam . PARIS: one lik e P a ris: n am e-callin g (injury from the person), thus Juvenal says (IV. 38), "and Rome was a slave to a bald N ero. " The ancients censured people by loathsom e n am e-callin g, as Sallust says (Hist, frag, in c. 52 K r .), "calling Cinna a tyrant in a loud v o ice. " And he (V ergil) ch ooses the nam e P a ris aptly as the one who carried off the woman who had been prom ised. Servius com m ents h ere upon the passage in Book IV of the Aeneid where Tarbus ca lls A eneas another P a r is, in th is c a se, a d e rogatory designation. Servius ca lls this technique iniuria a p e r s o n a ^ ; — _ _ i and g iv es two m ore exam ples of it from Juvenal [and Sallust. ] If one exam ines the context of the exam ple from Juvenal, it is clear that 60 Dom itian is being referred to. This is a perfect exam ple of iniuria a persona and is certain ly fitting enough to parallel th is technique as V ergil u se s it. It is obvious that Servius had to be fam iliar with the underlying m eaning of the p assage in order to have been able to select and apply this citation so aptly. 26. Aen. VI. 309 AUTUMNI FRIGORE PRIMO: extrem itatem vult o sten - d ere, quod ait Iuvenalis (IV. 56), "iam letifero cedente pruinis autumno": nam prim a eius pars fervet, ut (G eorg. III. 478-79), "totoque autumni incanduit aestu. " sane s c i endum, secundum Plinium folia autumnali tem pore ideo cadere, quia om nis tunc in arboribus um or a esta tis calore invenitur exhaustus. ergo 'cadun t,' non quia tunc sic c a r i incipiunt, sed quia tunc e is iam d eest um or. IN THE FIRST COLD OF AUTUMN: he w ishes to ind i cate the la tter part of autumn, a fact which Juvenal shows (IV. 56), "death-bearing autumn now yielding to the frosts" : for the fir st part of autumn is w arm , as V ergil says (G eorg. III. 478-79), "(a w retched season a ro se and) glowed with all of autumn's heat. " Indeed it m ust be noted that for this reason, according to P liny, the lea v es fall in the season of autumn because all the m oistu re in the tr e e s is then found drained away b ecau se of the heat of the sum m er. T h ere fore, "they fall, " not because they begin to dry up then, but because they are already devoid of m oistu re. The sen se of the V ergilian line: quam multa in s ilv is autumni frigore prim o lap sa cadunt folia is echoed by Juvenal's w ords: iam letifero cedente pruinis autumno. That is to say that the idea of death- bringing autumn in the Juvenalian p assage is p arallel or sym bolic of the falling of the le a v es in the lin e from V ergil. H ere both authors, 61 V ergil and Juvenal, as Servius m aintains, are referrin g to the late part of autumn which is characterized by cold and fro st. (Early autumn is still rather warm; a technical explanation by Pliny follow s. ) While the citation from Juvenal is m ore or le s s appropriate, th ere is no reason to presuppose that Servius had in mind or knew the broader passage from which th is quotation w as drawn. In fact, one wonders why he even felt the need to quote Juvenal at th is point; P lin y's exp la nation see m s sufficient for explaining the difference between the early and the late parts of autumn. 27. Aen. II. 20 UTERUMQUE: uterus e st m ulierum : nam praegnantis proprie e s t . quem modo ideo dixit, qui dicturus est (238), "feta a rm is. " alvus est quo defluunt so rd es, ut Sallustius (H ist, fra g . 1.42 K r .), "sim ulans sib i alvum purgari. " ven ter qui videtur, ut Iuvenalis (IV. 107), "Montani quoque venter adest abdomine tardus. " sane et in tragoedia de hoc equo legitur; hinc ergo h ie 'uterum' d ixit. AND THE STOMACH: uterus is used of women: for it is used properly of a woman who is pregnant. He th erefore has just said th is because he is about to say feta arm is (teem ing with arm s). A lvus r efer s to the p lace from which refu se flow s, as Sallust say s (H ist, frag. I. 42 K r .), "pre tending that h is stom ach is being purged1 '; venter r efer s to the v isib le stom ach, as Juvenal says (IV. 107), "the slu g gish paunch of Montanus a lso approaches. " Indeed in the tragedy concerning th is h o rse, is the word used. T h erefore, he says uterus h ere. The occu rrence of the word uterus in the V ergilian lin e caused Servius to com m ent upon the different term s for stom ach: uterus 62 r e fe r s to w om en, p articu larly pregnant ones; alvus d esignates the place where refu se is passed ; and venter is the term applied to the outwardly v isib le paunch. In connection with ven ter, an exam ple is brought in from Juvenal. In the passage referred to h ere, Juvenal d e scr ib e s one Montanus as having an ungainly paunch. ^ Since the quo tation is a p erfectly clear exam ple for the m eaning of venter which Servius w ishes to illu stra te, it is quite probable that Servius knew the biting sp irit of the p assage in order to have quoted from it so aptly. 28. Aen. VII. 115 QUADRIS: aut m en sis: et est autonom asia, nam supra 'orbem 1 dixit: aut 'quadris' fragm entis accip im u s, ut Iuvenalis (V. 2), "ut bona sum m a putes aliena viv ere qua dra. " SQUARES: either tab les: and this is a c a se of auto nom asia, for above he has said orbem : or we u se quadris for fragm en tis, as Juvenal say s (V. 2), "that you think it the g rea test thing to liv e on another's crum bs. "26 In explaining the u se of the word quadra, Servius states that jthere are two m eanings p o ssib le for the V ergilian passage: m ens a (table) or fragm entum (sm all p iece of cake). Servius then cites Juvenal to provide an exam ple of quadra with the latter m eaning. But |the term in the Juvenalian quotation m eans "table" and not "cake. " Since it is clear that Servius m isunderstood the m eaning of quadra in the Juvenalian text, we m ust conclude that he either did not know th is 63 portion of the sa tire or that h is knowledge of it was v ery su p erficial. 29. A en. V.179 IAM SENIOR MADIDAQUE F . I. V. M. : contra illud, quia occurrebat gubernatorem natandi peritum fu isse debere, addidit 'sen ior' et 'v este madida' et ideo 'gravis' m adida. 'fluens' autem 'in v este' id est cui v e stis fluebat: honeste locutus: Iuvenalis (V. 79), "et m ulto stilla r e t paenula nim bo. " NOW THE ELDERLY MENOETES IN A GARMENT SOAKING WET: against that, b ecau se it seem ed proper that a pilot ought to know how to sw im , he added sen ior (e l derly) and madida v este (soaking garm ent). . . . . . . Fluens in v e ste m eans "whose garm ent was dripping":he spoke properly: thus Juvenal sa y s (V. 79), "and h is cloak was dripping wet from much rain. " Servius attem pts to clarify in this rem ark V erg il's intention b e hind madidaque fluens in v este M enoetes. He quotes Juvenal as a parallel, but the situations d escrib ed in the two p a ssa g es are different. V ergil te lls how M enoetes, to ssed overboard, is soaking w et, w hereas Juvenal speaks of one who is wet from being in the rain. T here is no j gram m atical connection betw een V erg il's lin e and Juvenal's words; I both u se different constructions. Perhaps the idea of w ater flowing j from one's clothing is what Servius is trying to elucidate by citin g Juvenal. In any ca se, th is com m ent as w ell as the quotation are e x trem ely vague. It is th erefore difficult to judge whether Servius r ea lly j understood either p a ssa g e. 64 30. E el. VII. 26 RUMPANTUR UT ILIA: sicu t etiam in A eneide (VII. 499) dixim us 'hoc ile est' et 'haec ilia ' fa cit, unde etiam Iuvenalis ait (V. 135), "vis, frater, ab ip sis ilib u s? " nam M arullus m im eographus contem psit artem ad iocum m oven- dum et p arasito dixit, "tu ut H ector ab ilio numquam r e c e dis" . . . . (Aen. VII. 49) . . . cum de guloso d iceret, adlusit ad civ itatis nom en, nam 'ab ili' debuit d icere. SO THAT HIS LOINS BURST: a s we said in the Aeneid (VII. 499) h e w rites hoc ile (this flank) and haec ilia (these flanks) which Juvenal a lso does (V. 135), "do you w ish, b ro th er, a p iece from the flank (ip sis ilib u s)?" For M arul lu s, ^ the w riter of m im es, flouted the rule in order to m ake a joke and said to a p a ra site, "Like H ector you never retreat from Ilium (Aen. VII. 49)." Although he was speaking about food, he played on the nam e of the city, for he should have said ab ili. Servius points out h ere that ile , third declen sion _i-stem , is used reg u la rly in the plural with the sam e force as the sin gular. Juvenal is cited to support th is. Servius goes on to elaborate by d escrib in g a pun on th is word (ile v s . Ilium ) as told by a certain w riter of m im es nam ed M arullus. T his then g ives Servius the opportunity to show, by correcting M arullus, that ile would be ili in the ablative singular (nam ab ili debuit d icere). Juvenal is cited aptly as an exam ple of ile used I in the plural. But the exam ple from M arullus is r ea lly not an exam ple of th is gram m atical point. It see m s that the point h ere is the confu sion betw een ile as a second or third d eclen sion noun. In short, the 9 0 reason for including M arullus' pun is not v ery clea r. 65 31. Aen. IV. 33 NEC DULCES NATOS: propter lib er o s, quae fuit causa secundi m atrim onii, ut Iuvenalis (VI. 38), "sed placet U rsid io le x Julia, to lle r e dulcem cogitat hered em . 1 1 AND NO SWEET CHILDREN: on account of the children which w ere a reason for a favorable m arriage, as Juvenal says (VI. 38), "but the le x Julia appeals to U rsidius; he is planning to r a ise a sw eet h eir. " Juvenal is cited h ere to supply a p arallel for the V ergilian lin e which says in effect that it is a good thing to have children, and, th erefore, the m arriage of A eneas and Dido is certain ly a worthy goal. (In th is p assage from the A eneid, Anna is enum erating to Dido the b e n efits to be derived from a m arriage to A e n e a s.) The le x Julia m en tioned in the quotation from Juvenal r e fe r s to a law which encouraged m arriage. In th is p a ssa g e, U rsid ius favors the le x Julia because it would enhance the p o ssib ility of h is gaining an inheritance. 29 The connection betw een the V ergilian p assa g e and the Juvenalian citation is forced; the sp irit of the two p a ssa g es is different: V ergil is favoring m arriage, Juvenal is opposing it. This is a strange referen ce for Servius to drag in h ere. i 32. Aen. I. 654 MONILE: ornam entum gutturis, quod et segm entum dicunt, ut Iuvenalis (11.124), "et longos habitus" lic e t se g - m entatas v e ste s dicam us, ut ip se [Iuvenalis] (VI. 89), "et segm en tatis d o rm isset parvula cunis. " 66 (For a translation and com m ent on this p assage se e number 11 a b o v e .) 33. Aen. IV. 698 FLAVUM CRINEM: m atronis numquam flava coma dabatur sed nigra: unde Iuvenalis (VI. 120), "et nigro flavum crinem abscondente g a le r o ." huic ergo dat quasi turpi: v el quia in Catone (O rigines, frag. 114. P eter) l e - gitur de m atronarum crinibus, "flavo cin ere unctitabant ut ru tili e s s e n t ." BLONDE HAIR: black hair, never blonde, is attributed to m atrons: hence Juvenal says (VI. 120), "a black wig concealing her blonde hair. " He, th erefore, is referrin g to her as som eone base: or as we read in Cato (O rigines, frag. 114. P eter) about the hair of m atrons, "they used to dye it with pale ash es to make it auburn." In this com m ent, there is a textual problem to be considered. The text of the quotation from Juvenal, as Servius rep orts it, reads: et nigro flavum crinem abscondente galero which m eans "a black wig concealing her blonde h a ir ." The m anuscripts of Juvenal report: sed (et) nigrum flavo crin em abscondente galero: "a blonde wig concealing her black hair. " Juvenal's words then contradict the quotation as Servius reproduces it. The point of Servius' com m ent is to show that dark hair w as ch a ra cteristic of m atrons and blonde hair was typical of prostitu tes. ^0 jn the Juvenalian p assage, the referen ce is to M essalina who dons a blonde wig because she is acting as a prostitute. Servius appears to understand th is, but he reports Juvenal's words 67 in co rrectly so that they refute rather than support the point of his com m ent (which is , incidentally, only tangential to the V ergilian lin e ^ ). This sort of blunder on Servius' part m ight have been due to an im p er fect knowledge o f the Juvenalian text; or he could have copied it from an in ferior sou rce (though this reading does not seem to occur in other m anuscripts); or he m ight have copied or rem em bered it in co rrectly from a "correct" sou rce. L ikew ise, it could be an error of the copy is ts of Servius' text. T his transposition of endings (-o and -um ) is a com m on scrib al erro r. ^2 34. Aen. III. 518 CAELO CONSTARE SERENO: id est om nia videt habere caelum quae significent seren itatem . 'co n sta re' autem suppetere, ut Iuvenalis (VI. 166), "quis ferat uxorem , cui constant om nia?" TO CONSIST OF A SERENE SKY: i. e . , he s e e s that the sky has everything which m eans seren ity. C onstare, how ever, m eans 'to be at hand, ' as Juvenal says (VI. 166), "who would tolerate a w ife who had everything at her d isposal?" Servius attem pts to cla rify the m eaning of constare by citing suppetere as a synonym . He then quotes Juvenal as a further illu str a tion of constare m eaning "to be at hand" or "at one's d is p o s a l." Yet the V ergilian thought seem s to be "after he s e e s everything accords with a peaceful s k y ," w hile Juvenal's lin e m eans "who could endure a w ife in whom everything is p r e se n t," or "who is inflexible" or "to 68 whom everything is know n." M oreover, suppetere does not seem to be a good synonym for con stare. Notice also that the text of Servius has ferat, which is found in two m anuscripts of the S atires, in place of feret, the reading of m ost Juvenalian m anuscripts and the one adopted by m ost, if not all, modern texts. The difference is , of cou rse, slight, and in som e ways the sub junctive is m ore logical. We m ay th erefore have here an exam ple of Servius' quoting the sa tir ist from m em ory and another indication that tie did indeed have a fairly intim ate knowledge of the S atires. On the other hand, the Juvenalian p assage rea lly has little in common with V ergil's words or thoughts. T here seem s to be no good reason for this referen ce. Can we th erefore consider it one m ore case where Servius went out of his way to cite an author in whom he tiad a sp ecial in terest? 35. Aen. VI. 842 QUIS GRACCHI GENUS: Gracchus sed itio so s constat fu isse nobiles tam en genere: namque per Corneliam nepo- tes Scipionis A fricani fuerunt, unde Iuvenalis ad earn (VI. 170), "tolle tuum precor Hannibalem victum que Syphacem. " ergo Scipiones dicit per 'G racchi g e n u s.' duo autem fue runt: m aior A fricanus, A em ilianus qui obsidione Cartha- ginis ab Italia revocavit Hannibalem. WHO . . . THE CLAN OF THE GRACCHI: it is clear that the G racchi, though sed itious, w ere n everth eless noble by birth. For they w ere the grandsons by Cornelia of Scipio A fricanus. Hence Juvenal says to her (VI. 170), "Away with your Hannibal, I pray, and the vanquished Syphax. " T herefore, by per G racchi genus he m eans the Scipios. There w ere, how ever, two: the older Africanus 69 and the younger A em ilianus who, by b esiegin g Carthage, reca lled Hannibal from Italy. Servius explains who it is that V ergil alludes to by the design a tion G racchi gen u s. The two G racchi, T iberius and G aius, w ere grandsons of Scipio A fricanus through C ornelia. Servius, how ever, points out that V ergil is referrin g to the Scipios, not to the two r e fo rm ers. He supports this interpretation by citing Juvenal w here in an apostrophe he a d d resses C ornelia, the daughter of Scipio A fricanus. The fact that he c lea r ly understands who is add ressed in the words tolle tuum precor Hannibalem is strong proof that Servius knew the Juvenalian p a ssa g e, for the w ords by th em selv es do not identify C ornelia. Incidentally, Servius has erred on an h isto rica l point. It was the elder Scipio who forced the r ec a ll of Hannibal from Italy by besieging Carthage. Scipio A em ilianus was the one who destroyed Carthage in 146 B .C . 36. A en. XI. 537 NEQUE ENIM NOVUS ISTE DIANAE / VENIT AMOR: firm io res enim sunt antiquiores am icitiae: T erentius (And. III. 3, 6-7 = w . 538-39), "per am icitiam , quae coepta a parvulis cum aetate adcrevit sim ul, " Iuvenalis (VI. 214-15), " ille excludatur am icus, / iam sen ior, cuius barb am tua ianua vidit. " NOR DOES THAT LOVE COME NEW TO DIANA: older friendships are stronger: T erence sa y s (And. HI. 3, 6-7 = 70 w . 538-39), "by the friendship which began in youth and grew with age. " Juvenal say s (VI. 214-15), "that friend m ay be shut out, though now he is old, w hose beard your door s a w ." Servius com m ents upon the p assage in V ergil which d escrib es the affection of Diana for C am illa, and he goes on to rem ark that long standing friendships are stronger. To p a ra llel this sentim ent, he cites T erence and Juvenal. Each referen ce is a good one. The Juvenalian referen ce is to a p a ssage describing how a man m ay lo se a dear old friend because o f a dom ineering w ife. Since Servius c lea r ly knew the sp irit of th is p a ssa g e, we have another indication of his rea l knowledge of the S a tires. H is knowledge of the com ic p assage is equally obvious. Simo here a d d resses h is old friend C hrem es and begs him to allow his daughter to m arry Sim o's son. Servius, how ever, abridges one line and a lters two w ords in the second. The co rrect text is: per te deos oro et nostram am icitiam , C hrem es, quae incepta a p arvis cum aetate adcrevit sim ul. It looks as though Servius has once again quoted from m em ory. 37. Aen. X. 496 BALTEI: p otest et sy n a eresis e s s e 'b a lte i,1 p otest et hyperm etrus v ersu s; nam sequens a v o cali inchoat. b al- teus autem a num ero singulari m ascu lin i est tantum gen e ris: Iuvenalis (VI. 256), "balteus et tunicae et cristae" : in num ero v ero plurali et neutri: idem Iuvenalis (IV. Ill) "quotiens rum oribus ulciscuntur baltea. " 71 BELT: there can be both sy n a eresis b altei and a hyp er- m etric v e r se involved here; for the follow ing word begins with a vow el. B alteu s, how ever, when singular, is only m asculine in gender. Juvenal says (VI. 256), "a belt (b a l teu s) and tunics and plum es"; in the plural, it is neuter: again Juvenal say s (IX. Ill), "when by calum ny they avenge their beatings with the strap (b altea)." The occu rren ce of the word "b a ltei" in the V ergilian text prompted a com m ent by Servius on two points: the phenomenon of sy n a eresis or a hyperm etric lin e of v e r se and the gender of the word. The gender of balteus v a r ies according to its number: m asculine, when singular; neuter, when plural. Juvenal is quoted tw ice to ex em plify th is gram m atical point. The exam ples are certain ly clea r enough but they do not point to any knowledge on Servius' part of the context surrounding them . F urtherm ore, there is a textual m atter to be con sidered h ere. The m anuscripts at VI. 256 report m anicae in p lace of the tunic ae which Servius rea d s. Servius was probably quoting from m em ory, for h is reading has no support from the m anuscripts. 38. G eorg. 1 .207 . . . sane secundum artem 'haec ostrea' et 'hae ostrae' dicim us: nullum enim habet latinitas nom en an im alis, quod neutri sit g en eris, sicu t graece vo k \ v o s /< ■ < < lic e t et Horatius dixerit (Sat. II. 4. 33), "ostrea C irceis, M iseno oriuntur echini, " et Iuvenalis (VI. 302), "grandia quae m ed iis iam noctibus o strea m ordet": quos tam en p o s- sum us graece locutos accipere; ita enim dicunt Xo or'Cfe.oj kac zX o a T ^ u . 'o striferi' autem , quod ibi plurim um o s - treorum sit. 72 . . . certain ly according to gram m ar we say haec o strea (this oyster) and hae o strea e (these o y ste rs). Latin does not have a nam e for an anim al that is neuter in gen der as G reek does in To ff'n.voe tx rf yi x' L although H orace has said (Sat. II. 4. 33), "o strea C ir ce is, M iseno oriuntur ech in i" (o y sters grow at C ireceii, sea -u rch in s at M isenum ). And Juvenal says (VI. 302), "grandia quae m e - d iis iam noctibus o strea m ordet" (who eats giant o y sters in the m iddle of the night); yet we m ay assu m e they a r e s v speaking G reek. Thus they are saying t o o r X p > to ^ obxpeJL . O striferi is used h ere, how ever, b ecau se o y sters w ere v ery plentiful in that area. In this rem ark Servius d isc u sse s the word o strea or ostreum from which o str ife r i in the V ergilian lin e is derived. The crux of the d iscu ssio n is the gender of the word. Servius m aintains that Latin has no nam e for an anim al that is neuter as does Greek in to ktcos . H orace and Juvenal are cited as notable exceptions w here ostrea is used in the neuter. This Servius attributes to the influence of the Greek word To o<rtpzo\/ which is neuter. This whole d iscu ssio n is not v ery germ ane to the V ergilian lin e which prompted it. Further, a l though the quotation is com plete and clea r enough for the purpose of th is com m ent, it does not dem onstrate any rea l fa m ilia rity with Juvenal's text. 39. Aen. IV. 402 FORMICAE: ad studium r esp ic it conparatio hoc loco, non ad p erso n a s, et notandum cautelam exprim i per hanc conparationem . H oratius (Sat. 1.1.33), "parvula, nam ex - em plo est, m agni form ica la b oris. " Iuvenalis (VI. 361), "form ica tandem quidam expavere m agistra. " sane 73 'form ica1 dicta e st ab eo, quod ore ferat. ANTS: the sim ile r efer s to industry in th is p assage, not to people. ^3 And it m ust be noted that this sim ile e x p r e sse s secu rity. H orace says (Sat. 1.1.33), "for the little ant is an exam ple of great labor. " Juvenal says (VI. 361), "with the ant as teach er, som e have at la st feared. " In deed it is called an ant from the fact that it ca rr ie s crum bs in its mouth. Servius ind icates that this fam ous sim ile r e fe r s to industry and foresigh t and not to the people th em selv es. ^3 In the V ergilian p a s sage, the industry of the ant is shown, and H orace and Juvenal are cited to furnish sim ila r exam ples. The quotation from Juvenal, how ever, is not com plete and does not yield much sen se as Servius has cited it. He ought to have included frigusque fam em que of the p r e ceding lin e as objects of expavere so that h is exam ple might be clea rer. As in som e of the foregoing com m ents (e. g . , 10 and 15), significant parts are om itted. Perhaps h ere again Servius was presum ing the read er's fam iliarity with the p assage and th erefore did not se e any need to quote m ore com pletely. 40. Aen. VII. 247 SACERQUE TIARAS: pilleum Phrygium dicit. et s c i endum 'hie tiaras' per usurpationem dictum , nam 'haec tiara' dicitur: m eliu s ergo Iuvenalis (VI. 516), "et P h ry gia vestitu r bucca tia r a ." SACRED TIARA: he m eans a particular kind of P h ry gian hat. And one should r ea lize that hie tiaras is used im properly, for the exp ression is haec tiara. B etter 74 th erefore is Juvenal (VI. 516), "et Phrygia vestitu r bucca tiara" (and h is cheek is covered with a Phrygian tiara). Servius is defining tia r a s, a kind of Phrygian headgear, and points out that there are two form s of the word: tiara, a fem inine noun, and tia r a s, m asculin e. Juvenal is quoted as an exam ple of the word used in the fem inine form . The citation is apt for Servius' com m ent in that it is a p erfect exam ple for the gram m atical point he is illu strating. 41. E el. 1.33 EXIRET VICTIMA SAEPTIS: saepta proprie sunt loca in camp M artio in clu sa tabulatis, in quibus stans populus Romanus suffragia ferre consueverat. sed quoniam haec saepta sim ilia sunt ovilib us, duo haec invicem pro se po- nuntur, ut hoc loco saepta pro ovilibus posuit, item Luca- nus econtra (11.197), "et m isera e m aculavit ovilia Romae, " Iuvenalis (VI. 529), "antiguo quae proxim a surgit ovili. " THE SACRIFICIAL VICTIM WENT OUT FROM THE SHEEPFOLD: saepta refer properly to the p la ces in the Campus M artius which w ere en closed by boards. The Romans would stand in th ese en closu res and cast their v o tes. But because the saepta w ere sim ila r to the sh eep - folds (o v ilia ), the two term s are used interchangeably as in this p assage saepta is used for o v ilia . Lucan con trari w ise w rites (11.197), "and stained the p olls of wretched Rom e. " Juvenal says (VI. 529), "which stands next to the ancient p o lls ." T his com m ent deals with the m eaning of saepta, which according to Servius properly refer s to the polling booths in the Campus M artius, But sin ce the saepta resem b led ovilia, both words w ere used to refer 75 to either sheepfold or polling booth. Thus, in the V ergilian lin e, the saepta refer to the sheepfold. Servius quotes both Lucan and Juvenal who u se ovilia to refer to the polling booths. The quotation from Juvenal is given out of context, of course, and is not v e ry clea r. One could not divine this particular m eaning of ovile from th is citation alone. Servius had to be fam iliar with this whole sectio n of the sa tire in order to understand the co rrect m eaning of ovile in the context. This is the type of citation which could have been taken from som e V J T O /i-v /iM o ( . N otice that once again Servius m entions an alternate idea and c ite s Juvenal as an exam ple of this alternative. 42. Aen. IV. 609 ULULATA PER URBES: P roserpin am raptem a Dite patre C eres cum in cen sis faculis per orbem terrarum r e - quireret, per triv ia earn v e l quadrivia vocabat clam oribus. unde p erm ansit in eius sa c r is, ut c er tis diebus per com pita a m atronis exerceatu r ululatus, sicu t Isid is s a c r is , ubi est im itatio inventi O sirid is quern dilaniatum a Typhone eius fratre uxor Isis per totum orbem r eq u isisse narratur: Iuvenalis (VI. 534), "plangentis populi currit d eriso r Anubis. " SHOUTING THROUGH THE CITIES: when C eres was searching for P roserp in a, who had been carried off by father D is, throughout the whole world with lighted torch es, she used to cry out for her at the cro ssro a d s. T his p ra c tice rem ained a part of the ritual, so that on certain days m atrons go w ailing through the str e e ts. As in the c e r e m onies of Isis , there is a reenactm ent of the finding of O siris. Isis, his w ife, is said to have sought him through out the world after he had been dism em bered by his brother Typhon. Juvenal says (VI. 534), "Anubis runs along m ock ing the mourning p e o p le ." 76 In this rem ark, Servius d escrib es the r ite s of C eres and as a p a ra llel for them m entions th ose of Isis as w ell. He then brings in a referen ce from Juvenal which contains an allusion to Anubis. Isis, O siris and Anubis belong to a group of d eities w hose cult w as brought in from Egypt. Isis and O siris w ere represen ted both as brother and s is te r and husband and w ife, w hile Anubis w as the guardian and atten dant of I s is . He is norm ally depicted with the head of a jackal. ^ In the cerem on ies perform ed in honor of th ese d eities, the Isia c i w ore lin en garb and shaved their heads. At certain tim es of the year Isis w as supposed to be m ourning the lo s s of O siris; th is w as reenacted by the people who also mourned in sym pathy. The p riest of I sis , how ev er, cu stom arily w ore the head of a jackle in the street p ro cessio n s and laughed at the sim p licity of the people. ^5 The citation from Juvenal d escrib es this la st p ra ctice and is appropriately introduced. Servius w as v ery lik ely fam iliar with th is entire portion of the sa tire because he has quoted from it tw ice. In the preceding com m ent (E el. I. 33), the Juvenalian citation r efer s to the tem ple of Isis located near the polling booths in the Campus M artius. In this com m ent, Servius quotes Juvenal in connection with Isis and her cult. The fact that he quotes aptly from the sam e p assa g e of the sa tire on two different o c casion s would appear to indicate that he knew its content rather w ell. 77 43. Aen. IX. 705 FALARICA VENIT: de hoc telo legitu r quia e st ingens, torno factum , habens ferrum cubitale et rotunditatem de plumbo in modo sphaerae. in ipsa sum m itate dicitur etiam ignem habere adfixum, stuppa circum datum et p ice oblitum , incensum que aut vulnere hostem aut igne consu- m it, hoc autem telo pugnatur de turribus, quas falas d ici m anifestum est: unde et in circo falae dicuntur d ivision es inter euripum et m etas, quod ibi con stru ctis ad tem pus turribus, h is te lis pugnare edi solebat: Iuvenalis (VI. 590), "consulit ante falas delphinorumque co lu m n a s." ergo a fa lis dicta est falarica, sicu t a muro m u ralis. * — --- - j THE TAR-COVERED MISSILE CAME: th is weapon is m entioned because it is large, m ade by a lathe, con sistin g of a cubit of iron, being round and of lead in the m anner of a sphere. At its tip it is said to have fire attached and to be covered with oakum and sm eared with tar. It w as lighted and thus incapacitated the enem y either by the wound it caused or by the fir e . T his weapon w as used in com bat from tow ers which are known as fa la e. H ence, in the c ir cus the d ivision s betw een the ditch and the m ark ers w ere called falae because the tow ers constructed there, as c ir cum stances required, w ere the p la ces from which the battle (or contest) issu ed forth. Juvenal says (VI. 590), "she took counsel b efore the falae and the colum ns of the d olp h in s." T herefore, falarica is derived from fala as m u ralis from m urus. Servius elucidates the word falarica which refer s to a particular kind of weapon. It is derived from the word fala, a tower from which the falaricae w ere often hurled as weapons in battle. The falae also referred to the dividing posts -between the ditch (euripum ) and the turning p osts (m etae) in the circu s. It is in this connection that Juvenal is quoted to show this particular m eaning of the word fala. The quotation from Juvenal is aptly applied and stands com plete by 78 itse lf. It is fa irly obvious that the circu s is what Juvenal is referrin g to in this citation. The context of the Juvenalian p assage proves it. Servius w as, th erefore, m ost probably fam iliar with the context sin ce h is referen ce to Juvenal is quite suitable. 44. Aen. IV. 516 ET MATRI PRAEREPTUS AMOR: secundum Plinium qui dicit in naturali h istoria (VIII. 42. 66) pullos equinos habere in fronte quandam carnem quam eis statim natis adim it m ater: quam s i quis forte praeripuerit, odit pul- lum et lac ei denegat. Iuvenalis (VI. 616-17), "cui totam trem u li frontem C aesonia pulli / infudit. " et m erito s u s - picantur am orem c re a r i ex carne, sin e qua m ater non alit ex se creatum . AND THE LOVE SNATCHED BEFOREHAND BY THE MOTHER: according to Pliny who says in his Natural H istory (VIII. 42. 66) that baby foals have on their foreheads a certain p iece of flesh which the m other snatches from them im m ed iately upon birth: if anyone happens to snatch it away before the m other does, she rejects the foal and denies it m ilk. Juvenal says (VI. 616-17), "for whom C ae sonia poured an entire forehead of a tottering fo a l," and it w as rightly b elieved that love w as created from the flesh , without which the m other does not nourish what she has produced. ( / The referen ce h ere is to the iiriro^/e.s , a p iece of flesh which w as supposed to be found on the forehead of a foal at birth. Im m edi ately after the foal's birth the m other would bite off this p iece of flesh . The ancients considered it an aphrodisiac and often snatched it away to be used as a love charm . The quotation from Juvenal illu stra tes this p articular u se of the iir-rro/ w t s . 37 citation is probably 79 su fficien tly clea r if we are to assu m e that the nam e C aesonia and her connection with Caligula (N ero's uncle) w ere com m on knowledge and that Servius expected h is read ers to be acquainted with the sto ry of her driving Caligula mad by giving him a love potion. It is lik ely that Servius knew the gen eral context of this citation or, if he used another sou rce such as som e handbook, he made the sam e m ental connection that he expected of his rea d ers. The referen ce would have been clea rer had Servius included at le a st part of the previous line in his quotation: ut avunculus ille N eron is. It is indeed strange that Servius chose to cite th is particular lin e from Juvenal when he could have r e ferred to VI. 133: Hippomanes carm enque loquar coctumque venenum privignoque datum? (Why should I m ention hippom anes and charm s and poison given to a step -so n ? ) It is significan t that Servius found a p assage in Juvenal which r e fe r s to the proper m eaning of hippom anes without using the word and yet m isse s or at le a st fa ils to cite Juvenal's one u se of the word. And, in cidentally, the r e st of the p assage at VI. 133 shows that p assion is the subject. 45. Aen. VII. 581 NEQUE ENIM NOMEN AMATAE: Iuvenalis (VI. 617), "quae non faciet quod p rincip is uxor?" 80 AND THE NOT INSIGNIFICANT NAME OF AMATA: Juvenal says (VI. 617), "What wom en w ill not do what the w ife of the em peror does?" In the p assage of V ergil that Servius notes h ere, Am ata, w ife of King Latinus, is clam oring for war along with other m atrons against A eneas and the T rojans. B ecause of her p reem inence as queen, the oth ers follow suit. It is this thought that Servius apparently w ish es to p a ra llel by quoting Juvenal. In the Juvenalian quotation, the em p eror1 a w ife se ts the vogue for the r e st of the women. This com m ent contains only the Juvenalian line; th ere is no explanation of it or of the V ergilian p assa g e. The citation from the sa tir ist does not seem v ery helpful nor does the connection betw een V ergil and Juvenal in this in stance appear to be a c lo se one. Perhaps th is is another c a se w here Servius knew the p assage so w ell that he su b con sciou sly assum ed equa\ fa m iliarity in h is rea d ers. This is indeed a strangely ellip tica l r e feren ce and doubly so because of the absence of a ll d iscu ssion . 46. A en. IV. 98 MODUS: fin is: Iuvenalis (VII. 100), "nullo quippe modo m illesim a pagina s u r g it." END: lim it: Juvenal says (VII. 100), "Indeed with no end in sight the thousandth page com es in v ie w ." In this b rief com m ent, Servius gives a synonym for modus in the term fin is. He then quotes Juvenal as an exam ple of modus m eaning 81 "end" or "lim it. " The sen se of the quotation is quite obvious and su rely apt h ere. But it is peculiar that Servius drags in Juvenal sin ce th is m eaning of modus is a com m on one. Once again Servius cites Juvenal w here it see m s u n n ecessary to do so. This m ay be another e x am ple of the com m entator's attem pt at popularizing the little known sa tir ist. 47. G eorg. IV. 231 DUO TEMPORA MESSIS: id est fructus: Iuvenalis (VII. 112-13), "veram deprendere m essem / s i libet. " TWO HARVEST SEASONS: that is , fruits: Juvenal says (VII. 112-13), "if you want to learn their real gain. " Servius com m ents here on the m eaning of m e s sis in the V ergilian p assage and lis ts fructus as a synonym. A s an agricultural term fructus m eans "fruit," "harvest," "produce," etc. In m etapho rica l usage it acquires the sen se of "gain" or " p rofit." The sam e thing, of cou rse, happens with m e s s is , and Servius co rrectly reco g n izes the m etaphorical sen se of m e s sis in this passage of Juvenal. He would have done w ell to cite the sa tir ist for the m etaphorical sen se of fructus also at V. 14 and VIII. 6. On the other hand, this noted scholar seem s to have m isunder stood the V ergilian text, for m e s sis here m eans "crop. " There is no metaphor. Or has Servius m erely gone out of his way once again to u se 82 Juvenal? Is th is, then, another exam ple of Servius' sp ecia l in terest in the sa tirist? 48. A en. VI. 129 PAUCI QUOS AEQUUS AMAVIT IUPPITER: tria g e nera hominum dicit ad superos p o sse rem eare: quos d i- lig it Iuppiter, hoc est hos quos in ortu benignus siderum aspectus inradiat, Iuvenalis (VII. 194-96), "distat enim , quae / sid era te excipiant modo prim os incipientem / ed ere vagitus": quos prudentia sublevat, nam hoc e st (A en. VI. 130), "quos ardens evexit ad aethera v irtu s" : item r e lig io so s, quos a diis genitos dicit; consequens enim e st ut deorum suboles religionibu s vacet. FEW WHOM KINDLY JUPITER LOVED: he says there are three kinds of m en that can go to "heaven": those whom Jupiter lo v es, i. e . , those upon whom a favorable star arrangem ent shone at birth: Juvenal says (VII. 194-96), "for it m akes a difference which sta rs beheld you when you began to utter your fir st cries" ; those whom w is dom elev a tes, for th is is what is m eant by (A en. VI. 130), "whom burning virtue c a rr ie s to the heavens": also the religiou s who he sa y s are born of the gods. For it follow s that an offspring of the gods has tim e for relig io u s ob liga tion s. Servius, in h is interpretation of this p assage from V ergil, says that there are three c la ss e s of people who m ay ascend to heaven con trary to the general rule that no one can return from the shades: those whom Jupiter favors, i. e . , those born under the right stars; those who are prudent; and those who are religiou s (D iis gen iti). Juvenal is quoted as an illu stration of the fir st group, or, m ore p r e c ise ly , of Servius' explanation of this c la ss, i. e . , those influenced by 83 the sta r s. The citation is com plete and accurate and c e r t a in ly illu s trative of Servius' explanation. It is quite natural that a com m entator fam iliar with Juvenal should turn to the sa tir ist for a suitable p a ra llel in th is instan ce sin ce Juvenal often m entions the S to ic ^ idea that human affairs are influenced by the sta r s, e. g . , IX. 33 and XVI. 4, 5. It is curious that Servius did not include exam ples for the other two c la s s e s from such standard authors as H orace (Od. III. 3. 9) and V ergil (A en. 1. 286-87 and I. 259). Perhaps th is is further proof that Servius was indeed acquainted with Juvenal on the m atter of the stars' influ encing human fortune but had no ready p a ra llels for the other two groups, the prudent and the relig io u s. 49. E el. III. 8 TRANSVERSA TUENTIBUS HIRCIS: h irco s id est capros, lib idin osa constat e s s e anim alia: unde H oratius (Ep. X. 23-4), "libidinosus im m olabitur caper / et agna T em pesta- tib u s." quod etiam Plinius Secundus dicit, "hirci s i casu aliquo coeuntes vident, adeo indignantur, ut in eos paene im petum faciant. " hinc est 'tra n sv ersa tuentibus h ir c is ,' id e st v estram turpitudinem indignantibus. a lii hoc inpro- bant et legunt 'h irq u is'--h irq u i autem sunt oculorum anguli secundum Suetonium Tranquillum in v itiis corp o ra lib u s-- ut sit sen su s: novim us, qui te corruperint, hirquis tra n s v e rsa tuentibus, ut sit hypallage pro 'ocu lis in hirquos r e - t o r t is ,' quam rem so let libido p erficere: unde Iuvenalis (VII. 241), "oculosque in fine trem en tes, " P e r siu s (1.18), "patranti fractus o c e llo ." GOATS LOOKING ASKANCE: h ir c o s, i. e . , goats. They are said to be lu sty anim als, whence H orace (Ep. X. 23), "the lewd goat w ill be sa crificed to the Storm s. " Pliny Secundus a lso attests to th is. He sa y s, 39 "if m ale goats 84 by som e chance se e people copulating, they are so indig nant that they all but charge against them . H ence, tr a n s v e r sa tuentibus h ir c is , i. e . , indignant at your depravity. Others reject this reading and read h irq u is. H irquis, how ev er, refer to the corn ers of the eyes according to Sueto nius Tranquillus in h is "Bodily D efects" 4 0 --so that the sen se is: we know who has corrupted you with the corn ers of the ey es looking askance: so that in the hirquis reto rtis ("with the corn ers of the ey es turned back") there is hypal- lage for e y es. This effect is u su ally produced by lust: whence Juvenal say s (VII. 241), "and ey es trem bling at the ed g es," and P ersiu s (1.18), "distorted with languishing ey e." Servius endeavors to furnish an explanation for each of two v a riant readings in the V ergilian line: h ir c is and hirq u is. A ccording to the com m entator, th ese rep resen t two d istin ct words with different m eanings: h ircu s, a goat and hirquus, the angle of the ey es when one is engaged in bodily v ice. (Servius is apparently the only one who m akes th is d istin ctio n .) The V ergilian scholar draws upon H orace and P liny to support the statem ent that h irci (goats) are lewd anim als. Sim ilarly, he quotes Juvenal and P ersiu s as exam ples of h is unusual definition of hirquus. The citation s, how ever, of the two sa tir ists are too incom plete to function as obvious illu stration s of Servius' u se of hirquus; only the contexts o f th ese quotations m ake their m eaning clea r. Since Servius has cited Juvenal and P ersiu s aptly we m ust a s sum e that he knew the Satires su fficien tly w ell to pick th ese referen ces and apply them read ily in th is d iscu ssion . 85 50. Aen. XI. 267 PRIMA INTRA LIMINA: in ipso lim in e im p erii, id est, in lito re, quia secundum Hom erum , C lytaem nestra A ga- m em noni occu rrit ad litu s et illic eum susceptum cum adultero inter epulas inter em it: quod Iuvenalis tangit d i- cen s (VIII. 216-17), "quippe ille d eis auctoribus ultor / p atris erat c a e si m edia inter pocula. " JUST INSIDE HIS OWN THRESHOLD: on the v ery threshold of h is kingdom, i. e . , on the shore because, a c cording to H om er, C lytaem nestra m et Agam em non on the shore and, having intercepted him th ere, joined with the adulterer and slew him during the m eal. Juvenal touches upon this point when he (O restes) say s (VIII. 216), "inasm uch as he, at the behest of the gods, avenged h is father m u r- dured in h is cups. " In elucidating V erg il's referen ce to A gam em non's m urder at the hands of C lytaem nestra, Servius points out that V ergil w as following H om er's versio n . He then c ite s Juvenal because he alludes to the sam e story in h is sa tir e. Although the quotation is appropriately in troduced, it would n ev erth eless be c lea rer and m ore com plete had Servius included the previous line: par Agam em nonidae crim en , sed causa facit rem / d issim ile m (a crim e equal to that of A gam em non's son, but the reason m akes the c a se different). The nam e A gam em nonidae ind icates c lea r ly that ultor in the Juvenalian citation r e fe r s to O restes. When all is said and done, Juvenal's lin es have nothing to do with the phrase on which Servius is com m enting. Servius continues the original thought by adding further inform ation, and it is to the latter that Juvenal's lin es are a p a rallel. 86 51. Aen. VI. 612 QUIQUE ARMA SECUTI IMPIA NEC VERITI DOMINO- RUM FALLERE DEXTRAS: hoc loco videtur blandiri Augusto, . . . fecit p raeterea iniuriam Augusto v el C ae- s a r i s i eos 'dom inos' dixit, quod apud m a iores invidiosum fuit: n a m 'p a tr e s patriae' dicebantur, non ' dom ini': Iuvenalis (VIII. 244), "Roma patrem patriae C iceronem lib era d ix it." AND WHO TOOK UP IMPIOUS ARMS AND WERE NOT AFRAID TO BETRAY THE CONFIDENCE OF THEIR MAS TERS: in th is p a ssage he appears to be flattering Augustus. . . . M oreover, he has slighted Augustus or C aesar if he called them dom ini (m a sters), a word which was despised among the ancients: for they w ere called "fathers of their country," not " m a sters." Juvenal says (VIII. 244), "Free Rome called C icero the father of h is country. " Servius is at pains to cla rify what V ergil m eant by the words im pia arm a and dom inorum . In the ca se of the latter, he cites Juvenal to support h is a ssertio n that the term d o m im s ^ was loath som e to the ea rly Romans and that patres patriae w as the preferred designation. The quotation from Juvenal is a good referen ce sin ce the phrase patrem patriae i s favorably applied to C icero. Furtherm ore, th ese w ords com e from a portion of the Satire which treats of Roman h istory. Lines 237 to 244 in particular refer to late Republican h is tory and contain sev e r a l allu sion s to C aesar, C icero, Octavian, and the C ivil War. Since Servius d isc u sse s this period in Roman h istory in h is com m ent, it is ea sy to se e how the p assage from Juvenal might have occu rred to him . Yet it is su rely strange that the com m entator turned to Juvenal, a little known poet, for proof that Roman statesm en 87 w ere once called p atres patriae. Surely C icero h im self, or Livy, or even T acitus would have been a m ore authoritative sou rce. Can it be that Servius was d elib erately trying to show that Juvenal w as a worth w hile w riter, that he indeed was a poet who had som ething to sa y in an effective m anner? O therw ise, one is at a lo ss to understand this referen ce and se v e r a l others which have been investigated. 52. Aen. VIII. 474 ET MURUM CIRCUM SONAT ARMIS: et brevitatem sui ostendit im p erii et h ostilem n ecessita tem , ob quam se p e- nitus exarm are non poterat. 'amni' autem 'claudim ur Tusco' ideo dixit, quia ip se fuit Romani fin is im perii: Iuvenalis (VIII. 264-65), "et quae/im perii fines Tiberinum virgo natavit. " HE MAKES THE WALL RESOUND WITH THE CLASH OF ARMS: he indicates both the sm a lln ess of h is em pire and the urgency arisin g from the enem y on account of which he was unable to arm h im self inside (at hom e). ^ He has said, how ever, "we are shut off by the Tuscan riv er, " becau se this riv er its e lf was a boundary of the Roman em pire: Juvenal says (VIII. 264-65), "the m aiden who sw am a cro ss the Tiber, a boundary of the em pire. " Juvenal is quoted h ere by Servius to corroborate h is statem ent that the T uscus am nis (Tiber river) was one of the boundaries of the Roman im perium . The citation from the sa tir ist is aptly applied here: the referen ce is to C loelia who escaped from the E truscan king, Porsenna, by sw im m ing a cro ss the T iber. H ere Servius need not have been fam iliar with the context of this quotation sin ce the referen ce is 88 clea r enough as it stands. 53. A en. VIII. 342 ASYLUM RETULIT: postquam H ercules m igravit e te r - r is , nepotes eius tim en tes in sid ia s eorum quos avus ad- flixerat, Athenis sib i prim i asylum , hoc e st tem plum m iserico rd ia e, collocarunt unde nullus p o sset abduci, quod etiam Statius (Theb. XII. 497 s q q .) dicit, "ut H ercu- le o s fam a est fundasse nepotes. " ideo ergo ait (Aen. VIII. 342), "quod Romulus acer asylum retulit, " hoc e st, fecit ad im itationem A thenien sis asyli: quod ideo Romulus fecit, ut haberet advenas plures cum quibus conderet Romam. ergo 'retulit' aut restitu it aut nom inavit. Iuvenalis (VIII. 272-73), "et tam en ut longe rep etas longeque revolvas / nom en, ab infam i gentem deducis asylo. " ESTABLISHED HIS SANCTUARY: after H ercules d e parted from the earth, h is grandsons, fearing the treach ery of those whom their grandfather had injured, fir st set up a sanctuary at Athens for th em selv es. This is the tem ple of M ercy. From this place no one could be taken, a fact which Statius points out (Theb. XII. 497 f f . ), " th e.story is that the grandsons of H ercules founded it. " T herefore, he (V ergil) says (A en. VIII. 342), "the sanctuary which the keen Romulus established. " He did th is in im itation of the Athenian sanctuary: Romulus did th is so that he would have a number of stran gers with whom he could found Rom e. T herefore retulit (established) m eans either "reinstated" or "named."7 1 Juvenal says (VIII. 272-73), "and s till, no m atter how far back you trace your nam e and unroll (the book), you derive your fam ily tree from the notorious sanctuary. " Servius com m ents upon the word asylum and ex p la in s that Romulus established it in im itation of the Athenian asylum (which dated back traditionally to the tim e of H ercules' death) so that he could acquire people to join him in founding Rom e. At this point Servius c ite s Juvenal. The sa tir ist's referen ce is a slap at those who flaunt their noble lineage; the force of it is: if you go back far enough, you w ill find that your forebears w ere no m ore than m ere dregs and out ca sts from a ll parts of Italy, m en whom Romulus in his desperation received into h is asylum . One wonders why Servius did not include the r e st of the citation: m aiorum prim us, quisquis fuit ille , tuorum / aut pastor fuit aut illu s quod d icere nolo (the fir st of your an cestors, w hoever he w as, w as either a shepherd or som ething I p refer not to m ention). T his would lend greater cla rity to what he said ea rlier in h is com m ent: quod ideo Romulus fecit ut haberet advenas plu res cum quibus conderet Romam. It is also rem arkable that Servius chose to cite Juvenal h ere w here Livy (I. 8) would have furnished a far better referen ce. At any rate, the citation from Juvenal is w ell chosen and helpful in illu stratin g Servius' point concerning the asylum . 54. A. G eorg. HI. 360 CONCRESCUNT SUBITAE CURRENTI IN FLUMINE CRUSTAE : aquae congelascunt fluentes; notandum sane quia cum 'haec crusta' dicim us fem inino gen ere, lapidis aut lign i aut gelu partem significam us; cum vero 'crustum ' d icim us, edulium aliquid sign ificam u s, partem panis vel placentae: ip se in septim o (115), "orbem fatalis cru sti, " H oratius (Sat. 1.1.25), "dant cru stula blandi d octores, " Iuvenalis (IX. 5), "nos colaphum incutim us lam benti c r u s tula s e r v o ." B. Aen. VII. 115 FATALIS CRUSTI: . . . 'crustum ' autem et 'c r u s ta .' 90 n eu traliter dicim us de h is com edi possunt: H oratius (Sat. 1.1. 25), "ut p u eris olim dant cru stula blandi d octores, " Iuvenalis (IX. 5), "nos colaphum incutim us lam benti cru stu la serv o . " fam inino autem genere gragm enta dicim us, quae c o m e sse non possum us, ut concrescunt subitae in flum en cru stae. A. SUDDEN CHUNKS OF ICE FORM ON THE FLOWING STREAM: flowing w ater fr e ez es; one should note that when we say haec cru sta in the fem inine gender, we m ean a p iece of stone or wood or ice; when we sa y crustum , we mean som ething edible: a p iece of bread or cake. V ergil h im s e lf in the seventh book (Aen. VII. 115) sa y s, "the round of the fateful cak e." H orace say s (Sat. 1.1.25), "the coaxing tea ch ers give little p ie c es of cake. " Juvenal says (IX. 5), "we give a thrashing to the slave who lick s the cak es. " B. OF THE FATEFUL CAKE: . . . But there are two form s: crustum and cru sta. We u se th is word in the neuter gender when we speak of things which can be eaten: H orace say s (Sat. 1.1.25), "as the coaxing tea ch ers so m etim es give boys little p ie c es of cake. " Juvenal says (IX. 5), "we give a thrashing to the slave who lick s the cak es. " We u se the fem inine gender when we speak of fragm ents which we can not eat as (A en. VII. 115), "sudden chunks of ice form on the flowing stream . " In both of th ese com m ents Servius co rrectly explains that the m eaning of the word v a ries according to its gender: when it is neuter, it r efer s to som ething edible; when fem inine, som ething inedible. Juvenal and H orace are cited as exam ples of the form er m eaning. The citation s are illu stra tiv e of the gram m atical point which the com m en tator d e scrib es. T his com m ent is the sort that m ight w ell have been drawn from som e other com m entary or gram m atical handbook. It is noteworthy that Servius c ite s the sam e words of the sam e two sa tir ists on the sam e gram m atical topic in two different p la ces. T his, one may 91 conclude, is evidence that Servius did indeed r e ly on som e standard gram m atical d iscu ssio n for h is rem arks in th ese two com m ents. Of cou rse, it could also point to the fact that he w as intim ately acquainted with the texts of both p oets. 55. Aen. VIII. 638 CURIBUSQUE SEVERIS: m ire et m erito dixit 'se v e r is': cum enim filia s perdiderint C aeninenses, A ntem nates, C rustum ini et Sabini, c e te r is quiescentibus Sabini so li b ella sum pserunt intervenientibus postea triginta fem in is, iam en ix is, de illis quae raptae erant, pax facta est: ex quarum nom inibus curiae appellatae sunt, in com m unem etiam m u- lieru m honorem kalendae e is dictae sunt M artiae: H oratius (Od. III. 8.1), "M artiis caeleb s quid agam kalendis ?" Iuve n alis (IX. 53), "munera fem in eis tractat sec r eta kalendis. " nec enim aliter congruit M artias kalendas e s s e fem inarum , n isi quia, ut dixim us fem inae b ella sedarunt. AND THE AUSTERE CURES: adm irably and d eserved ly he has said "austere": for when the C aeninenses, A ntem n ates, Crustum ini and the Sabines lo st th eir daughters, the Sabines alone, w hile the r e st rem ained quiet, went to w ar. A fterw ards, thirty wom en, already pregnant, from among th ose who had been seized , intervened, and peace was e sta blished: the curiae w ere designated from th eir nam es. As an honor for the whole group of wom en, the Kalends w ere nam ed for them . H orace says (Od. III. 8.1), "What I as a bachelor do on the Kalends of M arch ." Juvenal say s (IX. 53), "he counts the se c r e t gifts received on fem inine Ka len ds. " O therw ise, it does not follow that the Kalends of March w ere M atron's Days if it w ere not, as we have said, because it w as the wom en who settled the w ars. Servius d ig r e sse s on the V ergilian phrase se v e r is Curibusque which refer s to the inhabitants of the Sabine town. C ures. He explains further that, in the war betw een the Sabines and the Rom ans, th irty 92 Sabine wom en, after being carried off by the enem y, m ade peace b e tw een the two nations. To com m em orate the valor of th ese wom en, a A O holiday w as added in th eir honor known as M atron's Day. Both H orace and Juvenal are quoted to dem onstrate that the Kalends of March w ere indeed dedicated to wom en. The two referen ces from the sa tir ists illu stra te th is fact. And yet, if Servius r ea lly wanted to give a good p a ra llel h ere, he could have at le a st referred to Ovid's F a sti III. 167-258 w here the background for th is particular v ersio n of the ho lid ay's origin is describ ed in detail. H ere is another instance of Servius' apparent p referen ce for Juvenal over a standard author who could have provided a far b etter referen ce. 56. G eorg. II. 502 POPULI TABULARIA: ubi actus publici continentur. sign ificat autem tem plum Saturni, in quo et aerarium fuerat et reponebantur acta, quae su scep tis lib e r is, faciebant pa- ren tes: Iuvenalis (IX. 84-5), "tollis enim et titu lis actorum sp argere gaudes / argum enta v ir i. " THE ARCHIVES OF THE PEOPLE: w here the public record s w ere kept. He m eans, how ever, the tem ple of Saturn in which both the treasu ry had been located and w here the reco rd s w ere placed, which the parents made when they acknowledged th eir children: Juvenal says (IX. 8 4 -5 ), "you acknowledge the children and rejo ice in spreading in the public record s the proofs of your manhood. " The topic of th is com m ent is the tabularia which w ere p laces w here various public record s such as senatus consult a, tabulae ■ 93 cen so ria e, r e g iste r s of births and deaths, nam es of those who a s sum ed the toga v ir ilis , etc. w ere kept. T here w ere sev e r a l tabularia at Rom e, and all of them w ere a ssociated with tem p les. ^4 Servius points out in th is rem ark that V erg il's w ords refer sp e c ific a lly to the Tabularium which w as part of the tem ple of Saturn, ^ and he further indicates that among the record s stored th ere w ere those m ade by parents when they had acknowledged the births of their children. It is this la st point that Servius w ish es to exem plify by quoting Juvenal, for the s a tir ist's w ords refer to child ren's births r e corded in the public arch ives. Servius' v ersio n of the citation from Juvenal contains the phrase titu lis actorum , a variant for Juvenal's lib ris actorum . It is difficult to su rm ise the reason for Servius' erro r, and it can be term ed no thing le s s sin ce Servius' text is the only one that reads titu lis. In fact, no p a ra llel for either lib ri or titu li can be found except in th ese two p a ssa g es. M ost referen ces to th ese record s say m erely acta, so m e tim es with som e such qualifying word as diurna, populi, u rb is, or C a e sa r is. W hatever the technical designation w as, the point rem ains that Servius has here m isquoted Juvenal. Since our inform ation on this subject is so scanty, we can only g u ess the reason for the com m entator's change. Perhaps he is quoting from m em ory and using titulus, a word which see m s to have com e into u se during the im p erial period. F urtherm ore, the connection betw een the V ergilian lin e and 94 that of Juvenal is ex trem ely tenuous, for once again Servius has v o lunteered inform ation and turned to the sa tir ist for a p arallel. 57. G eorg. II. 461 SI NON INGENTEM FORIBUS DOMUS ALTA SUPERBIS (MANE SALUTANTUM . . . VOMIT . . . UNDAM): ut etiam in laude fe c it Italiae, non solum vitam laudat ru sticam , sed etiam contrariam , id e st, urbanam vituperat. nam ista quae de urbibus dicit, opinabilia sunt bona, non v era sicut ru stica . multum enim in terest inter verum et opinatum m a lum seu bonum: unde Iuvenalis (X. 2), "pauci din oscere p o s- sunt vera bona. " IF A HOUSE LOFTY IN ITS PROUD PORTALS (DOES NOT POUR FORTH A HUGE WAVE OF MORNING VISITORS): as he has also done in h is p raise of Italy: he not only p ra ises the ru stic life but a lso cen su res the opposite, i. e . , city life; for those things which he m entions from the citie s are fan cied b le ssin g s, not rea l ones, as are ru stic b le ssin g s. For th ere is a great difference betw een a true good or ev il and a fancied one: hence Juvenal sa y s (X. 2), "few are able to distinguish true b le ssin g s. " Servius rem ark s not only upon V ergil's p ra ise of Italy but e s p ecia lly upon h is p ra ise of country life and contem pt for city life . The com m entator explains that V ergil con siders b lessin g s (bona) of the city fancied b le ssin g s, not true ones. He com m ents further that there is a great d ifferen ce betw een what see m s to be an ev il or b lessin g and what actually is . At th is point, he c ite s Juvenal fittingly enough: "few can distinguish true b le ssin g s. " But the citation would be m ore com plete and apt if the r e st of the thought had been included: atque illis multum d iv ersa (and their opp osites). This fits in p erfectly with the 95 tenor of the com m ent. Perhaps th is is another instance where the com m entator knew the Juvenalian p assage so w ell that he failed to se e the need to quote m ore fully. 58. E el. X. 27 SANGUINEIS EBULI BACCIS MINIOQUE RUBENTEM: ebulum genus e st herbae sam buco sim ile , 'minio' autem ideo, quia facie rubra pingitur Pan propter aeth eris sim ili- tudinem: aether autem est Iuppiter. unde etiam trium phan- te s, qui habent om nia Iovis insignia, sceptrum , palm atam -- unde ait Iuvenalis (X. 38), "in tunica Io v is" --, faciem quo- que de rubrica inlinunt in star co lo ris aetherii. RED WITH BLOOD STAINED BERRIES AND THE PUR PLE OF THE DWARF ELDER: dwarf elder is a kind of plant sim ila r to a harp. M oreover, "purple" is used b e cause Pan is painted red on account of the sim ila rity to the upper air. Hence, even those celebrating a triumph and who have a ll the insignia of Jupiter, the scep ter, the em broi dered tu nic--w hence Juvenal says (X. 38), "in the tunic of J u p iter" --sm ea r th eir faces with red to resem b le the heavenly color. The p assage from V ergil on which Servius com m ents d escrib es the purple dye extracted from the dwarf elder and used to paint the statues of rural d eities, in this ca se, Pan. C uriously enough, Servius sk ip s over the "red" Pan and fails to cite a p a rallel. For exam ple, Servius could have referred to Tibullus (1.1.17-18): Pom osisque ruber custos ponatur in hortis T erreat ut saeva falce Priapus aves. Although th ese lin es refer to Priapus, there was no reason for Servius not to quote them sin ce h is rem ark s touch upon the ancient custom of 96 painting the gods red. ^ Had th ese or sim ila r lin es appeared in Juvenal's S atires, Servius would su rely have quoted them h ere. Continuing h is d iscu ssio n of the color purple, Servius quite typ ically d ig r e sse s and includes a description of trium phantes who had their faces painted red and w ore the purple and gold tunic of Jupiter. On this latter point Servius r efer s to Juvenal. The citation from the sa tir ist provides a fair p a ra llel h ere, but su rely a m ore standard author such as Livy (XX. 7) or Lucan (IX. 176-77) could have furnished an equally good exam ple. This instance (as w ell as m any others which have been noted) of citing Juvenal w here referen ces from b etter known w riters w ere read ily available is a good exam ple of Servius' sp ecia l in terest in the sa tir ist. 59. G eorg. 11.506 SARRANO OSTRO: T yria purpura: quae enim nunc T yros dicitur, olim vocabatur a p isc e quodam, qui illic abundat, quern lingua sua sa r appellant: Iuvenalis (X. 38), "aut pictae Sarrana feren tem ex u m eris aulaea togae. " TYRIAN SCARLET: Tyrian purple: for what is now called T yre w as once nam ed after a certain fish that aboun ded in that region . In th eir own language they called it "sa r . " Juvenal says (X. 38), "or w earing from h is shoulders the elaborate Tyrian d ress of an em broidered toga. " Servius points out here that Sarra and Sarranus are older d e sig nations for T yros and T yrius resp ectiv ely and that T yre w as once called S a r r a ^ after a certain fish , sa r, which w as native to the area. 97 But Servius is wrong on th is point; the word sar is Phoenician for "rock. "48 a.s an exam ple, how ever, of Sarranus used in lieu of T y- riu s, Juvenal is cited quite appropriately. Servius' text stran gely reads aut w hereas all the Juvenalian m anuscripts rep ort et. The la tter is su rely co rrect, for aut yield s no sen se w hatever. Servius' knowledge of the text of the Satires (or that of his source) w as certain ly faulty at th is point. 60. Aen. IX. 628 CANDENTEM: candidum: Iuvenalis (X. 65-66), "due in C apitolia magnum / cretatum que bovem . " GLEAMING: white: Juvenal (X, 65-66), "lead a large and chalked bull to the C apitol. " In both p a ssa g es, the poets allude to sa c r ific ia l v ictim s, bulls colored w hite. V ergil u se s candentem to m ean white. Servius p ro vid es a synonym candidum and then c ite s Juvenal who u se s a third term , cretatum , to m ean the sam e thing. It is apparent that Servius w as fam iliar with the Juvenalian p a ssa g e. O therw ise, he would not have known that the situation w as sim ila r in both p a ssa g es. In effect, he points out that V ergil u se s candentem m eaning candidum because the bull w as cretatum . W hether V ergil m eant th is or not is b esid e the point; Servius obviously interpreted it this way and had a p arallel ready to hand. 98 61. G eorg. 11.498 NON RES ROMANAE PERITURAQUE REGNA: regna s c ilic e t barbarorum ; nam duo dicit: rusticum nec Rom a- num im perium m ovet, id e st ad am bitum cogit, nec barba rorum regna peritura: non enim Romano m ale dixit im p erio. lic e t a lii dictum hoc velint g en erali ven ire sententia, quod om nis magnitudo im p erii p ericu lis subiacet, unde etiam Iuvenalis ait (X. 112-13), "ad generum C ereris sine caede et sanguine pauci / descendunt reg es et sic c a m orte tyranni. " NOT THE ROMAN EMPIRE AND KINGDOMS DESTINED TO PALL: nam ely, the kingdom s of the barbarians; for he m entions two: neither the Roman em pire m oves the farm er, i. e . , fo rces him to p o litica l activity, nor the kingdom s of the barbarians which are destined to perish : for he does not speak ill of the Roman em pire, though others want this to be spoken in accordance with the gen eral sen tentia, i. e . , that the whole m agnitude of the em pire subjects it to dan g e rs, whence Juvenal says {X. 112-13), "To C eres' so n -in - law few kings descend without a bloody m urder and few tyrants by a b lo o d less death. " Servius offers two interpretations of the V ergilian phrase p e r i- turaque regna: the kingdom s of the barbarians and those which face m any dangers because of their m agnitude. The com m entator r efer s to Juvenal in connection with the latter interpretation. T his referen ce, how ever, does not appear v ery apt. Juvenal is d iscu ssin g p ersonal ambition: why should a m an asp ire to becom e a ruler when m ost kings and tyrants die a violent death? Servius' interpretation is concerned with governm ents, not individuals. The connection, th erefore, b e tw een Servius' explanation and Juvenal's argum ent is v ery tenuous. D oes th is not appear as s till another exam ple of Servius' drawing the sa tir ist into the d iscu ssion at the slig h test excu se? 99 Two variant readings ex ist in Servius' quotation of Juvenal's lin e et occu rs in p lace of ac and sanguine in place of vuln ere. Only the m anuscripts designated b y c f l and Servius contain the word et. Since Sh rep resen ts readings com m only found in vulgata, ^ the evidence m akes it probable that ac is the co rrect reading. The ca se of sanguine is sim ila r . T his variant rep la ces vulnere (found in P, the so -c a lled "best m anuscript") in r (G U 1) and Servius. Knoche show s that in P th ere is a g lo ss, sin e sanguine, by the words sic c a m orte at v e r se 113. Perhaps th is accounts for the occu rren ce of sanguine in the vulgar m a n u scripts; one or m ore scr ib e s sim p ly substituted th is reading for the co rrect v u ln ere. In any c a se, this variant, according to Knoche, is an ancient one and w as already in the m anuscripts by the fourth c en tu ry .^ 1 We m ay th erefore conclude that th ese variants are added proof that the com m entator's text of the Satires w as based upon so u rces which, by m odern standards, w ere in ferior. 62. Aen. XI. 9 TELAQUE TRUNCA VTRI: id est praefracta; ita enim in trop aeis poni consueverunt: Juvenalis (X. 134-36), "et fracta de c a ssid e buccula pendens / et curtum tem one iugum v ic - taeque trirem is / aplustre. " THE MAN'S BROKEN SPEARS: that is , with their tip s broken off, for thus they w ere cu stom arily placed among the trop h ies. Juvenal says (X. 134-36), "and a cheek -strap hanging from a broken helm et and a yoke with its pole m issin g and the fla g -sta ff of a conquered galley. " 100 The com m entator alludes to the ancient p ractice of gathering trophies from the sp o ils of war and cite s Juvenal's referen ce to this custom . But the quotation from Juvenal, as Servius reproduces it, is incom plete. The previous line: B ellorum exuviae truncis adfixa tr o - p aeis (sp oils of war . . . fastened as trophies upon tree stum ps) con tains the g ist of the citation and the crux of the com m ent. Servius would have m ade h is referen ce much clea rer had he added th ese words Perhaps S erviu s1 techniques as com m entator w ere faulty in th is and sim ila r instan ces; or could it be that he presum ed a fa irly c lo se a c quaintance with the Satires on the part of his read ers ? The quotation here is oth erw ise w ell chosen. 63. A en. X. 13 ALPES INMITTET APERTAS: em phasis est; non enim dixit 'per A lpes inm ittet exercitum '; sed 'ip sa s A lp e s ,' quas patefecit non sib i tantum sed omnibus gentibus, quae secundum Catonem et Livium m uri v ice tuebantur Italiam : quas Hannibal post b ella H ispaniae, quae XVII annis con- fecit, ante exu stas aceto infuso rupit: Iuvenalis (X. 153), "et m ontem rupit aceto. " denique loca ip sa quae rupit, Poeninae A lpes vocantur. SHALL THREATEN THE OPENED ALPS (AGAINST ROME): this is em phasis; for he does not sa y "shall send in an arm y through the Alps"; but "the v ery A lps them s e lv e s, " which Carthage opened not only for itse lf but for all p eop les. The A lps, according to Cato5* and Livy, ^ safe-guarded Italy in place of a w all. Hannibal, after he had concluded the Spanish w ars which lasted 17 y ea rs, broke open the A lps by heating the rocks and pouring vinegar over them . Juvenal says (X. 153), "and broke the mountain with vinegar. " In short, the v ery p laces he broke are called 101 Punic A lps. Servius in sists here that V ergil is alluding to Hannibal's cleaving the rocks of the A lps by pouring hot vinegar upon them . A s testim on y to this feat of Hannibal, he cite s words from Juvenal which touch upon this v ery point. The referen ce is aptly selected but once again is in com plete; he would su rely have done better to include the fir st two words of the line: diducit scopulos (he sp lits rock s). This d iscu ssion provides us with another exam ple of Servius' unusual pred ilection for the sa tir ist. L ivy's d escription would certain ly have been far m ore authoritative. In fact, an excerpt from Book XXI. 35. 8-9 is m ore in keeping with the com m entator's gen eral rem arks: Hannibal in prom unturio quodam, unde longe ac late prospectus erat, co n sistere iu s s is m ilitibu s Italiam ostendat subiectosque A lpinis montibus Circum pada- nos Cam pos, m oeniasque eos turn transcen dere non Italiae modo sed etiam urbis Rom anae. (Hannibal ord ers the so ld iers to halt on a certain p ro m ontory which afforded a broad and distant view and shows them Italy and the plains around the Po lie at the foot of the A lps and say s that they w ere now c r o s sing the w alls not of Italy alone but even of the Roman city its e lf. ) It is quite lik ely that Servius had this or som e sim ila r p assage in mind. If he wanted a succint exp ressio n to include in h is com m ent, the under lined portion above would certain ly have suited h is purpose. M oreover, it would have also furnished a far better p a ra llel for his interpretation of V erg il's words than the Juvenalian ph rase. 102 64. Aen. IX. 495 (497) QUANDO ALITER NEQUEO CRUDEL EM ABRUMPERE VITAM: hinc traxit ilium colorem Iuvenalis (X. 255), "quod facinus dignum tam longo ad m iserit aevo. " SINCE I CAN BREAK OFF CRUEL LIFE IN NO OTHER WAY: from this p a ssage Juvenal adopts the tone of h is lin e at X. 55, "what crim e has he com m itted to d eserve such a long l i f e . " T he'com m entator attem pts to provide in the Juvenalian citation a p a ra llel for the V ergilian p assa g e w here the m other of Euryalus is weeping over her son 's death and asks the gods to end her long and un happy life. Juvenal's words d escrib e a sim ila r scen e w here old N estor, lam enting the lo s s of h is son, A ntilochus, asks the question: "What crim e have I com m itted to d eserv e such a long life? " While the sentim ent of both p a ssa g es is the sam e, the citation from Juvenal is too b rief for a casu al reader to capture its full im pact. This brevity, of cou rse, probably resu lts from the fact that Servius is sim ply in d i cating that V erg il's words inspired this particular lin e of Juvenal. T his, then, provides us with another indication not only that Servius was thoroughly fam iliar with the Satires h im self but also that he e x pected h is read ers to know the contents of th ese poem s in an age when Juvenal see m s to have been forgotten. 65. A en. 1 .1 TROIAE: T roia regio e st A sia e, Ilium civ ita s Troiae; 103 plerum que tam en usurpant poetae et pro civitate v e l r e g i- onem v e l provinciam ponunt, ut Iuvenalis (X. 266), "et flam m is A siam ferroque cadentem . " OP TROY: T roy is a region of A sia. Ilium is the city of Troy. G enerally, how ever, the poets substitute and in p lace of the city w rite either the region or the province, as Juvenal does (X. 266), "and A sia perish ing by fire and sword. " V ergil r ea lly m eant T roia in the opening line of the Aeneid as the phrase ab o ris clea rly show s, and Servius' w ords, e sp ecia lly tam en, seem to indicate that the com m entator understood th is. Yet, alm ost u n n ecessa rily he points out that poets frequently m ake su b sti tutions, i. e . , u se synecdoche, and w rite A sia or T roia for Ilium . As an exam ple of th is he quotes a Juvenalian phrase w here A siam is used for Ilium . The referen ce is a good one, and Servius obviously knew the whole p assage; yet the aptness of the referen ce can be apparent only to one who has the sam e fam iliarity with the context, for the words th em selv es do not show the rea l m eaning of A sia m . T here is , how ever, another problem here and one for which no certain answ er is p o ssib le. We have frequently said that Servius r e veals a good knowledge of Juvenal and can unerringly point to an apt p arallel in the S atires. Yet there are m any p laces w here he m ight have cited Juvenal and does not. For exam ple, at Aen. n . 554 ff. V ergil sum s up his description of P riam 's death with th ese w ords: Haec fin is P riam i fatorum; hie exitus ilium Sorte tu lit, T roiam incensam et prolaps a videntem 104 P ergam a, tot quondam populis terrisq u e superbum R egnatorem A sia e. V ergil has plainly used T roiam in p lace of Ilium , and Servius acknow led g es it. Yet he stran gely sa y s only TROIAM INCENSAM: pro Ilium . No referen ce to Juvenal h ere, and th is despite the fact that the sa tir ist w as in h is m ind. In the com m ent to the p revious lin e, h is d iscu ssio n is concerned with the gender of fin is, and he r efer s to Juvenal XI. 164 (see below , num ber 67). Thus we are led inevitably to the question "why did Servius go out of h is way to quote Juvenal in h is com m ent to A en. 1 .1 but w as silen t when he cam e to a p assage which not only could be p aralleled by Juvenal X. 266 but m ay even have been the sou rce of the s a tir ist's thought?" 66. A en. I. 346 OMINIBUS: auguriis: et secundum Rom anos locutus est, qui n ih il n isi captatis faciebant augu riis, et praecipue nuptias. Lucanus (II. 371), "contentique auspice Bruto. " Iuvenalis (X. 336), "veniet cum signatoribus auspex. " IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE OMENS: auguries. And he has spoken in accordance with the custom of the Romans who would do nothing u n less auguries w ere token, and p a r ticu la rly in the ca se of w eddings. Lucan says (II. 371), "and content with Brutus as so o th sa y e r ." Juvenal says (X. 336), "the sooth sayer and w itn esses w ill com e. " A ccording to Servius, the Rom ans would not act until om ens and auguries had been consulted and interpreted. The citation from Juvenal is introduced to exem plify th is Roman p ra ctice. Since the 105 s a tir ist's words com e from a p assage w here a wedding is the subject, the quotation is certain ly to the point even through the citation is too incom plete to show th is. Once again Servius dem onstrates intim ate knowledge of Juvenal's contexts w here the actual words quoted do not (cf. num ber 65 above). Incidentally, the lin e taken from Lucan is from a section of h is epic w here M arcia, the form er w ife of Cato the Younger (he had given her as a w ife to H ortensius), returns after the death of H ortensius to be reunited with Cato. He a g rees, and it is a sim ple wedding with only Brutus as w itn ess. Servius was probably as fam iliar with the p a ssage from Lucan as with that of Juvenal. 67. A en. 11.554 HAEC FINIS: ut 'dies' s i tem pus longum sign ificat, g e n eris fem inini e st. et om nia Latina nom ina sim p licia , a verbo non venientia, 'nis' syllaba term inata m asculina sunt: inanim a propter 'c a n is': sim p liciter propter 'bipennis': a verbo non venientia propter 'f in is .1 ergo 'clu n is' Iuvenalis (XI. 164) bene dixit, "trem ulo descendant clune puellae. " H oratius (I. 2. 89) m ale, "quod pulchrae clunes. " THIS WAS THE END: like d ies, if it m eans a long tim e, it is fem inine. And all Latin w ords which are inanim ate, sim p le, not derived from verb s and term inated by the s y l lable -n is are m asculine: inanim ate, sim p le, and not de rived from verb s because such w ords as canis (which is ani m ate), bipennis (which is a compound) and fin is (which is derived from a verb) are all exceptions to this rule. T h ere fore, clunis w as used co rrectly by Juvenal (XI. 164), "the g ir ls sink with swaying buttocks. " H orace says in co rrect ly II. 2. 89), "beautiful buttocks. " 106 The com m entator d isc u sse s a gram m atical point concerning nouns ending in the syllab le -n is: all Latin nouns with this term ination that are sim p le, inanim ate, and not derived from v erb s, are m ascu lin e . 53 Servius g ives clunis as an exam ple of such a noun and then c ite s Juvenal's co rrect u se of the term and H orace's in correct u se of it. The referen ce from Juvenal illu stra tes Servius1 point and is th ere fore apt. But gram m atical d iscu ssion such as this one and sev era l others which have already been noted (cf. number 65 above) m ay e a sily have been lifted com pletely or in part from other sou rces such as gram m atical V j r o . Strangely, th is is the only citation from Satire XI that appears in Servius' com m entary. Perhaps he did not find this Satire to h is liking and th erefore did not cite it as fr e quently as he did the oth ers. This is the only Satire which appears to I 54. have been alm ost com p letely neglected by Servius. 68. E el. HI. 76 PHYLLIDA MITTE MIHI: am icam com m unem causa natalis d iei . . . . sane 'natalis' apud m aiores plenum fuit, lic e t p o sterita s 'natalis dies' coeperit: nam cum Horatius dixerit (E p ist. II. 2. 210), "natalis grate num e- r a s ," Iuvenalis ait (XII. 1), "natali, C orvine, die m ihi dulcior haec lu x ." SEND PHYLLIS TO ME: a m istr e ss shared for the sake of h is birthday . . . . Indeed natalis w as the com plete exp ressio n among the older w riters though the later w riters began using natalis dies: for, w hile H orace said (E pist. II. 2. 210), "you count your birthdays thankfully, " 107 Juvenal says (XII. 1), "today is m ore pleasant than m y birthday, C o rv in u s." Servius touches upon a usage that distin gu ish es the idonei auc- to res from the n eo terici au cto res. A ccording to Servius the c la ss ic a l authors used n atalis alone to m ean "birthday, " but the m odern w riters alw ays included the word d ie s . W hile it is true that the c la ssic a l w riters used this word as a noun, many exam ples of its u se as an ad jectiv e with dies can be found in the w ritings of C icero, H orace and Ovid. Thus the so -c a lle d older w riters used it in both s e n se s. Ap parently Servius failed to r ea lize that either usage was standard among the e a rlier w riters w hereas the str ic tly adjectival exp ressio n w as com m oner among la ter w riters such as Juvenal. In any c a se , the citation from the sa tir ist affords a good exam ple of natalis with dies in a la ter w riter. On this point, then, Servius knew Juvenal w ell enough to locate th is exam ple and include it in h is d iscu ssio n . Inci dentally, this referen ce is one of five that Servius takes from this rather sm a ll portion (13 lin es) of Satire XII. Indeed, th ese lin es seem to constitute a favorite p assage of the com m entator. 69. A en. 11.134 VINCULA RUPI: atque solutae sunt hostiae; nam piacu- lum e st in sa cr ific io aliquid e s s e religatum : unde e st (IV. 518), "unum exuta pedem v in c lis, in v e ste recin cta, " item (III. 370-71), "vittasque r eso lv it / sa cra ti cap itis. " ergo vincula relig io n is in telleg e, ut (VIII. 651), "et v in clis 108 innaret C loelia r u p tis," s c ilic e t foederis; nec enim obsides umquam ligantur. sed huic expositioni illud occu rrit, unde is te ligatus fu erit, quia eum T roiani non ligarunt; ultro enim se obtulerat. unde e st intellegendum a G raecis m a- g is ligatum ante tem pus sa cr ific ii; nam consuetudo ilia quam supra dixim us erat in ip so tem pore sacrificioru m . ante enim lig a ri et Iuvenalis docet, dicens (XII. 5), "sed procul extensum petulans quatit h ostia funem. " I BROKE THE CHAINS: but the v ictim s w ere released ; for in a sa cr ific e , it is a sin for anything to be tied. Hence, th ere is the statem ent (IV. 518), "having one foot unbound, in an ungirded garm ent"; lik ew ise (III. 370-71), "he loosened the bonds from h is con secrated head. " T herefore, under stand "the bonds of religiou s duty" as (VIII. 651) as "and af ter she had broken her bonds, C loelia swam . . . , " that is , "bonds of a pact"; for h ostages are never bound. But the question a r ise s throughout this p assage why the man had been bound because the Trojans did not bind him; he offered h im s e lf up voluntarily. From th is one m ust understand that he w as bound by the G reeks som etim e before the sa crifice; for that w as the custom we m entioned above at the v ery tim e of sa c r ific e s. This binding ahead of tim e Juvenal attests when he says (XII. 5), "but the sprightly victim shakes the far-extended r o p e ." In this lengthy com m ent, Servius d isc u sse s the p ractice of binding the victim for sa cr ific e . In the p assage from the A eneid, Sinon d ecla res that he has broken the fetters with which he had been bound as a sa c r ific ia l victim . Servius m akes the point that it w as con sid ered a sin to perform the sa cr ific e w hile the victim was s till tied. The ancient custom w as to fetter the anim als to be sa crificed so that they would not run away. (Chickens and other birds w ere caged for the sam e r e a so n ;) Then when the actual ritual w as perform ed, the anim al was freed of its bonds, coaxed up to the altar and struck down 109 before it sen sed what w as happening. The referen ce from Juvenal de scr ib e s the anim al awaiting the m om ent of sa cr ific e and, th erefore, s till bound. Since th is is the point of Servius' d iscu ssion , the citation from the sa tir ist is p erfectly apt. It is difficult to se e , how ever, what th is referen ce from Juvenal has to do with Greek sa cr ific ia l ritu a ls. Perhaps to Servius Greek and Roman relig io u s custom s w ere indistinguishable. 70. A en. IX. 625 CAPUT CUM MATRE FERENTEM: aequalem m atri, nondum patri: Iuvenalis (XII. 8-9), "quern iam pudet ubera m atris / ducere, qui vexat nascen t! robora co rn u ." CARRYING HIS HEAD AS HIGH AS HIS MOTHER'S: equal to h is m other, not yet to h is father: Juvenal says (XII. 8-9), "he is already asham ed to take his m other's m ilk, and he attacks the oak tree with his growing horns. " The V ergilian p assage d escrib es a young bull which is equal to its m other in s iz e , i. e . , not yet fully grown. Servius c ite s a sim ila r d escription of a young bullock by Juvenal. The citation is v ery appro priate and actually se r v e s as a kind of explanation for V ergil's w ords. The referen ce is p erfectly clear and com plete as it stands. 71. A en. III. 21 MACTABAM IN LITORE TAURUM: contra rationem Iovi taurum sa crifica t, adeo ut hinc putetur subsecutum e s s e prodigium . ubique enim Iovi iuvencum legim u s 110 im m olatum , ut (IX. 627, 629), "statuam ante aras aurata fronte iuvencum , / iam cornu petat, et pedibus qui spargat harenam"; item Iuvenalis (XII. 9), "qui vexat nascen ti robo- ra cornu": nam in v ictim is etiam aetas e st consideranda. I SACRIFICED A BULL ON THE SHORE: He sa c r ific e s a bull to Jupiter contrary to the norm al procedure. This act is so unusual that it is thought that a prodigy has ensued. For everyw here we read that a young bullock was sa crificed to Jupiter as (IX. 624, 629), "I sh all place a young bullock before your a lte r s--o n e with a gilded forehead who is already butting with h is horns and sca tters the sand with h is feet"; lik ew ise Juvenal say s (XII. 9), "who attacks the oak tree with h is growing horns. " For in the ca se of v ictim s age m ust be taken into account. On this lin e from the A eneid, M acrobius (Sat. III. 10) rem arks that it w as contrary to Roman religiou s practice to sa cr ific e a bull to Jupiter and that V ergil intended this inform ality to foreshadow the d isastrou s consequences of the forthcom ing undertaking. Servius is obviously following M acrobius' interpretation of V erg il's w ords h ere, but he volun teers inform ation which tends to qualify Macrobius* a s s e r tion that bulls w ere not sa crificed to Jupiter. In e sse n c e , the com m entator im p lies that full-grow n bulls (tauri) w ere not acceptable v ic tim s for the king of the gods but that young ones (iuvenci and vitu li) w ere quite suitable. As proof, he cite s V ergil and Juvenal quite ap propriately, for the referen ces from th ese two poets c lea rly d escrib e young bullocks as acceptable sa c r ific ia l victim s to Jupiter. The c ita tion from Juvenal, how ever, would be m ore in lin e with Servius' r e m arks if he had added the preceding words: I l l quippe ferox vitulus tem p lis m aturus et arae spargendusque m ero . . . (Indeed a frisk y calf old enough for the tem p les and altar and sprinkled with wine . . .) They d escrib e the age of the anim al far better than the lin es which Servius has added. It is in terestin g also that two lin es la ter in the sam e poem Juvenal rep resen ts the m ain character, C atullus, as w ishing he had a fat, elegant bull (tau ru s) instead of a ca lf to sa c r ific e to Jupiter. The fact that the m erchant is too callous to rea lize the inappropriateness of such a victim in this instance m ay w ell indicate the s a tir ist's subtlety at delineating the inept character of the man. 72. A en. VIII. 106 TEPIDUSQUE CRUOR: fru stra quidam cruorem pecorum , sanguinem hom inum volunt: nam Iuvenalis ait (XII. 13-14), "sanguis / ir e t et a magno cervix ferienda m agistro, " V ergilius (IV. 687), "atque atros siccabat v este cru o res. " AND WARM GORE: for som e try to interpret cruor as belonging to b ea sts and sanguis to hum ans—in vain, for Juvenal says (XII. 13-14), "but h is blood m arch es along as w ell as h is neck which is destined to be struck by the great p riest. " V ergil says (IV. 687), "and dried the dark blood with her gow n ." Servius quotes Juvenal aptly to refute the contention of som e who in sist that cruor is used ex clu siv ely of anim als and sanguis of hum ans, for in the lin e from the sa tir ist sanguis r efer s to the blood of a bull. 112 M ore accu rately, cruor r e fe r s to the gore that flow s from a wound; sanguis is the general term for blood. Both of the exam ples which Servius c ite s follow th is distinction. Incidentally, cruor does not ap pear at all in the S atires. T here are two varient readings in the lin e quoted from Juvenal: magno and m agistro are read in place of the gen erally accepted grandi and m in istro . Since Servius is the only source for the form er readings, we m ust conclude that they are in co rrect. T his, once again, is evidence that Servius' text of the Satires w as of an in ferior nature. 73. G eorg. 1 .58 VIROSAQUE PONTUS CASTOREA: fib ri55 ca n es56 sunt Pontici, quorum teston es apti sunt m edicam inibu s: propter quos ubi se sen serin t req uiri, eos secant, de h is C icero (Pro Scauro frag. 7. IV. O r .), "redimunt se ea parte corp oris, propter quam m axim e expetuntur, " Iuvenalis (XII. 34), "qui s e eunuchum ip se facit, cupiens evadere damno te s tic u li." C astores autem a castrando dicti sunt. PONTUS (SENDS) THE STINKING CASTOR DRUGS: b e a v e r s ^ are the d ogs56 of Pontus, w hose te s tic le s are suitable for m ed icin es. When the b eavers sen se that they are being sought for th eir te s tic le s , they castrate them s e lv e s . C icero sa y s (P ro Scauro frag. 7. IV. O r .), "they save th em selv es by m eans of that part of th eir body for which they are m o stly sought. " Juvenal says (XII. 34), "who m akes h im self a eunuch by the lo s s of a te s tic le in h is d e sir e to escap e. " M oreover, they are called c a sto res from being castrated. The beaver, according to Servius, is said to castrate itse lf when pursued. Both Juvenal and C icero are appropriately drawn upon 113 to support this point. But the citation from Juvenal would be clea rer and m ore com plete had the com m entator included the two preceding w ords: im itatus ca sto ra . Again Servius could have found referen ces from better known authors than Juvenal. ^ This is another instance of h is seem in g p redilection for the sa tir ist. 74. A en. X. 693 PRODIT IN AEQUOR: extenditur: hinc Iuvenalis (XII. 77-78), "quae pelago occurrunt m edio longeque r elin - quunt / Italiam . " JUTS INTO THE SEA: is extended: hence Juvenal says (XII. 77-78), "which m eet the m iddle of the ocean and leave Italy far behind. " The w ords prodit in aequor are part of a sim ile w here an attack (in battle) of the w arrior M ezentius is likened to a huge cliff jutting into the sea . Servius g ives extenditur as a synonym for prodit in this context. He then cite s Juvenal as a p arallel. In the p assage from the sa tir ist, there is no sim ile; instead, an actual geographical lo ca le is describ ed . Why Servius bothered to cite Juvenal here is quite p e r plexing. N either prodit nor extenditur appears in the referen ce from the sa tir ist. A ctually, it see m s that Servius failed to understand V erg il's full meaning: prodeo is used of so ld iers in battle; cf. Lucan VII. 231: Inde, tru ces G alli, solitum p rod istis in hostem . 114 (Then, fie r ce G auls, you attack your fam iliar f o e .) and C aesar B. C. III. 86: quo firm iore anim o in proelium prodeatis (that you m ay go into battle with firm er spirit) Thus, it is su rely this m ilita ry m eaning of the word that caused V ergil to u se prodit h ere, for its u se in describing the p h ysical p ro jection of an object is very rare indeed. In fact, no r ea lly good pa r a lle l can be found. The c lo se st perhaps is concerned with a p ro jecting part of a body: Ovid M et. VIII. 808: auxerat articulos m a c ie s, genuumque tumebat orb is, et im m odico prodibant tubere ta li. (Thinness has in creased the siz e of her join ts, and the knob of her knees sw elled , and her ankles stuck out in an e x c e ssiv e lu m p .) The word is also used of plants: Ovid F a sti 1.154: prodit et in sum m um sem in is herba solum (and the foliage of the seed juts to the su rface of the soil) The citation from Juvenal as Servius rep orts it is extrem ely vague. Only the context, which d escrib es the Tyrrhenian lighthouse and the breakw aters extending far into the sea , offers any kind of p a ra llel for the u se of prodit in the V ergilian ph rase, and a weak one at that. This is sim p ly another c a se of the com m entator's quoting Juvenal when th ere rea lly w as no reason to do so. 115 75. Aen. III. 136 OPERATA IUVENTUS: p erfecit sa cr ific ia propter conu bia et novas sed es, quia apud v e te re s neque uxor duci neque ager ara ri sin e sa c r ific iis p era ctis poterat, ut alibi (Georg. I. 339), "laetis operatus in h erb is, " item Iuvenalis (XII. 92), "et m atutinis operatur festa lu cern is. " YOUNG PEO PLE WERE BUSY: perform ed s a c r ific e s for m arriages and new abodes because among the ancients a w ife could not be m arried nor a field be ploughed without s a c r ific e s, as elsew h ere (G eorg. I. 339), "having sa crificed on the fer tile grass" ; lik ew ise Juvenal says (XII. 92), "and perform s relig io u s fe stiv itie s with ea rly lighted lam ps. " H ere Servius points out that is w as custom ary for the ancient Romans to perform s a c r ific e s before weddings and the cultivation of field s. A citation from Juvenal is included to illu stra te th is. But the citation com es from a p assage which d escrib es the return of a ship, not a wedding or the ploughing of a field. It is quite clea r that Servius was unaware of the occasion for the festiv itie s in this section of the sa tire, and th erefore the citation is hardly appropriate. 59 One won ders why Servius felt the n e c e ssity of quoting Juvenal at all. Is this m erely another exam ple of Servius' eagern ess to u se Juvenal as often as p o ssib le? If th is is the c a se, then it is v e ry surp risin g that he never d isc u sse s Juvenal or p a sse s judgment on h is poem s. 76. Aen. VI. 431 SINE SORTE: sin e iud icio. traxit autem hoc ex m ore Romano: non enim audiebantur causae n isi per sortem 116 ordinatae. nam tem pore quo causae agebantur conveniebant o m n es—unde et 'concilium ' a it--e t ex sorte dierum ordinem accipiebant, quo post diem tricesim u m suas causas exeque- rentur: unde e st 'urnam m o v e t.' Iuvenalis (XIII. 4), "gratia fa lla ci p raetoris v ic er it urna. " WITHOUT LOT: without judgment. He takes th is, how ever, from a Roman custom : for c a se s w ere not heard e x cept as arranged in order by lot. For, at the tim e when c a se s w ere tried , everyone assem b led --h en ce he says "coun c il. " And they took the order of the days by lot. In th is o r der they com pleted the c a se s within thirty days. Hence the phrase "he m oves the urn. " Juvenal says (XIII. 4), "although the favor of the judge with his corrupt urn wins out. " The phrase from the Aeneid on which Servius com m ents is a leg a l exp ression which refer s to the method of determ ining the order in which leg a l c a se s w ere heard, i. e . , by lot. A fter a b rief explanation of this procedure, Servius turns to Juvenal for an exam ple. Apparent ly, he thinks the s a tir ist's words m erely refer to the ballot before the praetor to determ ine the order in which the c a se s w ere to be tried. But the context of the citation m akes it clea r that influence with the ^ourt o fficia ls secu res not only a change in tim e of tria l but an acquit tal as w ell. The usual interpretation of Juvenal's words is that they refer either to the balloting for the nam es of the judges (iu d ices s e le c - ti) before a crim inal: ca se w as heard or to the urn in which the judges |n the p raetor's court placed their votes. At any rate, the citation from Juvenal is not rea lly a good p arallel in this instance because its m eaning is not clea r enough to illu strate the illeg a lity of altering the tim e of tria l. M oreover, Servius ought to have added the preceding 117 part of the quotation: im proba quam vis. The word im proba q u alifies gratia and is esse n tia l to the thought behind th is citation as w ell as the sentim ent im plied in the V ergilian ph rase. Once again it see m s that Servius expected h is read ers to grasp the full sen se o f Juvenal's words even though the has quoted them incom pletely. 77. Aen. IV. 209 CAECIQUE IGNES: non quia non videntur, sed quorum origo non apparet. an quorum rationem ignorantes tim e - m u s: a lii enim de ventis dicunt fie r i, a lii de nubibus, a lii de aBre fulm en. IN NUBIBUS: ac s i d icer et, non ex te fiunt; s i enim errant, tuo non reguntur im p erio. Iuvenalis (XIII. 225- 226), "non quasi fortuitus nec ventorum rabie / sed iratus cadat in terra s et iud icet ig n is. " AND BLIND FIRES: not because they are in v isib le but rather fir e s w hose origin is not obvious; or it is fir e s about which we know nothing and th erefore fear them . For som e say lightning originates from clouds; oth ers say from air. IN THE CLOUDS: as if he w ere saying, "They do not com e from you, for if they err, they are not controlled by your command. " Juvenal says (XIII. 225-26), "not as though by chance or by the raging winds, but as if by wrath fire fa lls on earth and judges. " Servius elucidates the m eaning behind the phrase caecique ig n e s. This phrase r efer s to the origin of thunder and not to the fact that it is in visib le. Servius lis ts three th eories concerning its origin: it o r ig i nates in the clouds, in the wind, or in the air. If c a ec i m eans "blind" in the sen se of "by chance" and "random ," then the ign es would not be under Jupiter's control. A s a p a ra llel for th is thought, Juvenal 118 is quoted. The sen se of the p assage from Juvenal is that even though thunder does indeed act blindly, the m an with a guilty con scien ce b e lie v e s that it is the m anifestation of the judgment of the gods. The thought behind V erg il's w ords is that thunder and lightning do em anate from Jupiter. Thus it see m s that Servius m isunderstood the force of the lin es from the sa tir ist which contradict the sentim ent of the V ergilian p a ssa g e. T h erefore th is referen ce is not apt. 78. Aen. -VI. 179 ITUR: 'eo' e b rev is est, 'itur' i longa invenitur. ergo quia hoc verbum breve e st in origine et in declinatione fit longum , ideo certa eius natura nec in tem poribus nec in p ar- tic ip iis invenitur: nam cum 'itur' longa sit, 'iturus' b rev is invenitur, ut (680), "superumque in lum en itu ras. " m ulti tam en tem ptant dicentes 'itur' propter 'e o ,' quae prim a v erb i origo e st, per diphthongon scrib i debere: quod non procedit, quia diphthongos sem per longa est, ' i ’ autem et produci p otest et co rrip i. hinc e st quod 'fortuitus' i et p ro- ducit et corripit: Iuvenalis (XIII. 225-26), "non quasi fortu itus nec ventorum rabie, sed / iratus cadat in terra s et iu - dicet ig n is, " contra H oratius (Od. 11.15.17), "nec fortuitum sp ern ere cesp item le g e s sinebant. " THEY GO: in eo, the "e" is short; in itu r, "i" is found long. T herefore, sin ce th is word is short in its origin and and b ecom es long in its inflection, its quality is certain neither in the ten ses nor in the p a rticip les. For though itur is long, iturus is short as (VI. 680), "superum que in 6^ lum en itu ra s" (destined to enter the daylight above). Many, how ev er, attem pt to explain this by saying that itur should be w ritten as a diphthong because of eo which is b a sica lly the root of the word. T his does not work because a diphthong is alw ays long; "i" can be either lengthened or shortened. This is why in fortuitus the "i" can be either long or short: Juve nal says (XII. 225-26), "non quasi fortuitus nec ventorum r a bie sed / iratus cadat in te r ra s et iudicet ignis" (not as 119 though by chance or by the raging winds, but as if by wrath fire fa lls on earth and judges). But H orace says (Od. II. 15.17), "nec fortuitum spernere cesp item / le g es sinebant" (and the law s did not perm it one to spurn the chance turf). The changing quantity of the vow el "i" in the various form s of the verb eo prom pts a lengthy gram m atical d iscu ssion , the sum of which is that "i" is long in som e form s, short in oth ers. Servius goes on to sa y that many think the "i" should be w ritten as a diphthong, but, sin ce diphthongs are alw ays long and "i" can be either long or short, this theory w ill not hold. To illu strate the varying quantity of the "i, " Servius takes as an exam ple the word fortuitus which he seem s to b e liev e is a compound of forte and - itu s, and he cites Juvenal and H orace, each of whom u se s the word but scan s it differently. The c i tation from Juvenal is apt, but Servius quotes two com plete lin es of the text where one would su rely have been sufficient. This is rather peculiar because the com m entator frequently quotes too little from a particular p assage. Since Servius also quotes this sam e p assage in his com m ent on A en. IV. 209 exactly as he does here, it would seem v ery lik ely that he w as particularly w ell acquainted with th ese lin es. But on the other hand, it is en tirely p o ssib le that the com m en tator availed h im self of other sou rces for this and sim ila r referen ces. While Servius w as probably w ell acquainted with Juvenal's S atires, he occasion ally seem s to have resorted to notebooks or older com m en ta ries for inform ation and p a rallels on gram m atical and orthographical 120 m atters. 79. G eorg. II. 320 CANDIDA VENIT AVIS LONGIS INVISA COLUBRIS: Iuvenalis (XIV. 74-5), "serpente cicon ia pullos / nutrit. " THE WHITE BIRD HOSTILE TO THE LONG SNAKES ARRIVED: Juvenal say s (XIV. 74-5), "the stork nou rishes its young with a serpent. " The referen ce in the V ergilian line is to the stork which feed s its young on snakes. The quotation from Juvenal fu rnish es an e x c e l lent p arallel. Servius shows by this one referen ce that he not only understands the V ergilian line but also knows this p a ssage from the Satire. In effect, Juvenal's statem ent explains V erg il's in visa. 80. Aen. II. 610 TRIDENTI: om nia in 'ns' exeuntia aut p articip ia sunt, aut nom ina. sed s i p articip ia sunt, ablativum et in 'i' et in 'e' mittunt pro nostro arbitrio: Iuvenalis (XV. 81), "nec ardenti decoxit aeno, " contra (XIV. 118), "sem perque a r- dente camino": s i vero nomina fuerint, om ni modo in 'e' exeunt, s i autem eadem sint et nom ina et particip ia, ut "am ans, " cum nom ina fuerint, om ni modo in 'e' mittunt; cum particip ia, licen ter utim ur. ergo quia 'tridens' no m en e st, 'tridente' debuit dicere: ad novitatem adfectavit, nulla cogente n ecessita te. WITH HIS TRIDENT: all words ending in -n s are either p articip les or nouns. But if they are p a rticip les, they have the ablative endings both -e and - i according to our choicer Juvenal says (XV. 81), "nec ardenti decoxit aeno" (and did not cook it in a boiling pot). On the other hand, he says (XIV. 118), "sem perque ardente camino" (the forge ever 121 burning): If they are indeed nouns, they always end in -e . If the word is both participle and noun, as am ans, it always ends in -e when it is used as a noun. When used as a p a r ticip le, we u se either ending freely . T herefore, sin ce t r i- dens is a noun, he ought to have said tridente, but he strove for a novel e ffe c t--h e was not forced to do so of n e c essity . The occu rren ce of the word tridenti in the V ergilian text leads Servius to a gram m atical d iscu ssio n on w ords ending with -n s. The com m entator explains that the presen t particip le m ay have the ablative ending -e or -_i, and it is th is point that the referen ce from Juvenal is m eant to illu stra te, for Juvenal u ses the particip le ardens with both endings in the ablative singular. It is worthy of notice, how ever, that Servius erred on th is point of gram m ar: when a particip le is used as an adjective, -j l is the usual term ination; when the verbal force is in effect, ~e is the norm al ending. T here are of course exceptions, but Juvenal follow s th is rule in both p a ssa g es cited h ere. Further, Servius once m ore turns to Juvenal, an unknown and neglected poet, for exam ples of a gram m atical usage which any standard author could have provided. 81. Aen. IX. 611 FULGENTI MURICE: purpura, hanc autem vitio et de- d ecori apud m aiores fu isse constat: Iuvenalis (XIV. 187-88), "peregrina ignotaque nobis / ad scelu s atque nefas quae- cumque e st, purpura ducit. " OF GLEAMING PURPLE: sca r le t. It is known that this w as considered among the ancients as a sign of v ice and 122 d isgrace: Juvenal says (XIV. 187-88), "purple raim ent, w hatever it is , foreign and unknown to u s, leads to crim e and s in ." Servius rem arks that the ancient Romans detested the influence of foreign luxury which m urex and purpura rep resen ted . To support th is statem ent he draws upon Juvenal v ery aptly for a p a ra llel, for the w ords of the sa tir ist ex p ress this attitude o f the ea rly Romans quite lucidly. In fact, the entire p assage from which this quotation com es d escrib es an ancient Roman preaching this sentim ent. Hence we m ay conclude that Servius knew th ese lin es rather w ell sin ce he has quoted them so appropriately. 82. Aen. V. 52 URBE MYCENE: G raece dixit: unde singularem num e- rum posuit. 'M ycene' autem sic u t'T h e b e ': Iuvenalis (XV. 6), "atque vetus Thebe centum iacet obruta p ortis, " ut sit 'M ycene M y cen es,' ut 'Agave A g a v e s.' potest et ex- inde Latinam fe c iss e declinationem , ut sit 'haec Mycena huius M ycen ae,' ut 'Fidena. ' et e st p erip h rasis 'urbe M ycen ae,' id est M ycenis, ut ( 1 . 247), "urbem Patavi. " IN THE CITY OF MYCENE: he says it in Greek: hence, he u se s the singular num ber. M ycene is lik e Thebe. Ju venal says (XV. 6), "atque vetus Thebe centum iacet obruta p o r tis" (and ancient hundred-gated Thebes lie s in ruins) so that it is declined M ycene, M ycenes lik e A gave, A gaves. He could then have used the Latin declension here so that it would be haec M ycena, huius M ycenae like Fidena. And th ere is a perip h rasis: urbe M ycenae (in the city of My cenae), i. e . , M ycenis (at M ycenae) as in 1 . 247, "urbem Patavi" (the city of Padua). 123 This com m ent is strange. Servius rem ark s upon V ergil's use of M ycene and points out that the word is w ritten as a Greek noun and th erefore is put into the singular. A referen ce from Juvenal correctly illu stra tes this usage by the word Thebe. (Both of th ese citie s are r e gularly plural nouns in L a tin .) Servius then p roceed s to explain that G reek nam es such as M ycene m ay be declined either as Greek or as Latin fir st declen sion nouns. Again M ycena is given as one exam ple. From th is, then, he is able to explain the gram m atical form of My cena in the phrase urbe M ycenae, V ergil's v ery words given at the beginning of th is com m ent; only the sp ellin g has been altered. Several problem s a r ise at this point. In quoting the V ergilian words upon which he com m ents, Servius w rites M ycene as a Greek nom inative which m akes no sen se w hatever in the phrase from the poet (though other m anuscripts of Servius report M ycenae which is the standard reading in m ost texts of V ergil). If Servius m eant M ycene, then the citation from Juvenal is a norm al and lik ely referen ce, but this reading would then conflict with the co rrect text of V ergil which r e ports M ycenae. If we emend the text so that V erg il's words are a c curately given, then the question a r ise s why Servius bothered to drag in Juvenal to illu strate M ycene when V ergil has w ritten Mycenae and thereby com plicated the issu e by using a referen ce containing a com p letely different word, Thebe. If this explanation is p referred , then we have one m ore exam ple of Servius' turning to Juvenal at the 124 slig h test provocation, 83. Aen. VI. 773 URBEMQUE FIDENAM: 'Fidenae' dicuntur, ut 'Thebae'; sed dixit ut Iuvenalis (XV. 6), "atque vetu s Thebe centum ia cet obruta portis": nam varietate studet. unde etiam ait (776), "P om etios, " cum dicatur num ero singulari Pom etia. AND THE CITY FIDENA: Fidenae is used as Thebae. But he say s it as Juvenal (XV. 6), "atque vetus Thebe cen tum ia cet obruta p o r tis" (and ancient hundred-gated Thebes lie s in ruins): for he d e sir e s variety. Hence he also says (776) P om etios although P om etia is used in the singular. This com m ent is sim ila r to the previous one. Servius says that Fidenae m ay also be used in the singular for the sake of variety. Again he c ite s Juvenal (XV. 6) to provide a p a ra llel exam ple in Thebae which the sa tir ist u se s in the singular. As in the preceding com m ent, this referen ce is appropriate. Servius, how ever, could e a sily have found exam ples of Fidenae its e lf (instead of Thebae) in at le a st two other authors: Silius Italicus XV. 91 and T acitus Ann. IV. 62. It is also in terestin g that he did not m ention V erg il's unusual scan sion of Fidena: the "i" is norm ally long, but here it is scanned short. 84. Aen. I. 96 FORTISSIME GENTIS: . . . sane quaeritur, cur D iom edem fortissim u m dixerit, cum post A chillem et A iacem ip se sit tertiu s, unde et Sallustius ait (H ist, frag. III. 32. K r .), "primum G raecorum A chillem . " m ulti di- cunt ideo fortissim u m , quia iuxta Homerum et Venerem 125 vulneravit et M artem . a lii ad g en tem referu n t, quod A - c h illes T h essalu s fuit, A iax G raecus, D iom edes Danaus. m ulti ad excusationem A eneae volunt fortissim u m dictum , a quo eum constat e ss e percu ssum , ut Iuvenalis (XV. 66), "vel quo Tydides p ercu ssit pondere coxam A eneae. " O BRAVEST OF THE RACE: of cou rse one asks why he m entions D iom edes as the bravest, sin ce he is third after A ch illes and Ajax; hence even Sallust say s (H ist, frag. III. 32. K r .), "A chilles, forem ost among the G reeks. " Many say he w as the b ravest b ecau se in Hom er he wounded both Venus and M ars. O thers refer to his nationality sin ce A ch illes w as a T hessalian; Ajax, a Greek; D iom edes, a Danaan. Many, as an excu se for A eneas, want him to be called the bravest for it is agreed that A eneas w as wounded by him , as Juvenal says (XV. 66), "or the weight with which the son of Tydeus struck the hip of A eneas. " Servius lis ts th ree reason s why D iom edes is considered the bravest of the G reeks: because in Homer he wounded both Venus and M ars; because of h is ra ce (he w as a Danaan); and because it w as he who struck A eneas on the hip with a rock. SD quote Juvenal as sup port for th is la st reason. Since the sa tir ist's w ords refer to D io- m edes' striking A eneas with a rock, they m ay be considered an ap propriate citation. But a good com m entator would have turned to H om er's Iliad V. 302-310, the actual sou rce for the incident. Inciden tally, this Juvenalian quotation is one of three found in the Scholia D an ielis. P . W essner, how ever, points out the p o ssib ility that this citation m ay have fallen out of the original Servian text and w as later added. But if it truly rep resen ts the words of SD, then we have evidence that Juvenal w as not altogether unknown to gram m arians and 126 com m entators before Servius. 85. Aen. IV. 228 GRAIUMQUE IDEO BIS VINDICAT ARMIS: a lii dicunt 'b is 1 sem el a D iom edis singulari certam ine, in quo a D io m ede p ercu ssu s est saxo: Iuvenalis (XV. 66), "vel quo Tydides p ercu ssit pondere coxam A en eae: et item in e x c i- dio, sicu t legim u s (II. 632), "descendo ac ducente deo" et (II. 664), "hoc erat alm a p aren s. " RESCUES TWICE FROM THE ARMS OF THE GREEKS: som e sa y "tw ice" --on ce from a sin gle com bat with D io m edes in which D iom edes struck him with a rock: Juvenal says (XV. 66), "or the weight with which the son of Tydeus struck the hip of A eneas. " And again in the destruction (of the city) as we read (II. 632), "I descend, the god leading m e, " and (II. 664), "was it for th is, O loving parent?" The sam e quotation from Juvenal that appeared in the previous com m ent is introduced h ere again by SD as a referen ce to one of A en ea s’ two esca p es from the G reeks. The quotation is aptly em ployed. But as in the preceding com m ent, H om er, Iliad V. 312 f f . ; XX. 325 would have furnished m ore suitable r eferen ces. (See the preceding co m m en t.) 86. Georg. II. 539-40 NECDUM / IN POSIT OS DURIS CREPITARE INCUDI- BUS ENSES: Iuvenalis (XV. 168), "nescirent p rim i gladios extundere fabri. " NOT YET (HAD THEY HEARD) THE SWORDS, PLACED ON THE HARSH ANVILS, RING OUT: Juvenal says (XV. 168), "the fir st artisan s did not know how to forge sw ords. " 127 The p assage from V ergil refers to the Golden Age when Saturn ruled the world and weapons w ere not yet forged upon the anvils. The sen se of Juvenal's w ords, i. e . , that the fir st artisan s did not know how to m ake sw ords, functions as a fine p a ra llel to the V ergilian lin e. fifi But V erg il's contem porary Tibullus could have provided a much better and m ore obvious p arallel: I. 3, 35-50, esp ecia lly 47-48. T here are also two textual variants in Servius' v ersio n of the citation from Juvenal: n esciren t appears in place of the n escierin t and extun - dere in place of extendere. Both th ese readings are found only in vu l- fi7 gar m anuscripts. Since Servius here and elsew h ere has seem ed to u se the readings of inferior m anuscripts, we m ust conclude that th ese readings rep resen t ancient variants which crept into the tradition b e fore the late fourth century. T his, then, m ay be s till m ore evidence that Juvenal's m anuscripts enjoyed w ider circulation in the Em pire than is gen erally accepted to be the ca se, and this fact in turn lends support to the thought that the sa tir ist w as not com pletely neglected. 87. A en. X. 564 TACITIS REGNAVIT AMYCLIS: . . . Lacones itaque is ti cum secundum Pythagorean! sectam a caede omnium anim alium abstinerent--unde Iuvenalis (XV. 173-74), "cunc- tis anim alibus abstinuit qui / tamquam h om in e" --et ex v icin is paludibus natas serp en tes occid ere nefas putarent, ab iisd em interem pti sunt: unde A m yclas tacitas dicit, id e st Pythagoreas: nam Pythagorica virtus e st quinquennale silentium . 128 AND REIGNED IN SILENT AMYCLAE: and so, sin ce the L acones, in accordance with the Pythagorean sect, ab stained from the flesh of all an im als--w h en ce Juvenal says (XV. 173-74), "who abstained from all anim als as though they w ere hum an"--and thought that it w as wrong to k ill the snakes which sprang from the neighboring m arsh es, they w ere killed by th ese serp en ts: hence, he says "silent A m yclae, " i. e . , Pythagorean: for the fiv e-y ea r silen ce w as a Pythagorean virtu e. Servius adds inform ation on the town A m yclae located south of Sparta. It was inhabited by a group of people known as the L acones. T hese people w ere m em b ers of the Pythagorean sec t and th erefore ab stained from eating m eat. Juvenal is cited because h is lin es contain a referen ce to Pythagoras as one who avoided eating the flesh of all anim als. H ence, the connection with the L acones. Servius w as m ost lik ely fam iliar with the context of this citation sin ce it is not certain to whom or what the rela tiv e qui in the Juvenalian p assage r e fe r s un le s s one has a c c e ss to the fu ller text. If Servius had included the p r e ceding word, P ythagoras, the quotation would be p erfectly clea r. As was the ca se in sev e r a l of the previous com m ents, the com m entator could have found many better known authors who could have supplied m ore suitable p a ra llels. 88. Aen. 1.16 SAMO: sic Iuvenalis (XVI. 6), "et Sarnia genetrix quae delectatur harena. " 129 SAMOS: thus Juvenal says (XVI. 6), "and h is mother who delights in the sand of S a m o s." The island of Sam os w as the site of the H eraeum or tem ple of H era (Juno) as illu strated by the V ergilian p assage. Juvenal is quoted to u n derscore the connection between Samos and Juno. It is not very obvious from the citation who genetrix is . The previous line identifies genetrix as "mother of M ars" or Juno. Servius probably knew the p a s sage from which he took this quotation. But again it is curious that he did not include m ore in the citation to make his allusion m ore obvious. Furtherm ore, the com m entator could have found c la ssic a l authors as so u rces for such a referen ce. This m ust certain ly point to h is unique in terest in the sa tir ist. 89. A en. 11.102 UNO ORDINE: uno reatu. et e st de antigua tractum scien tia , quia in ordinem dicebantur causae propter m u lti- tudinem v e l tumultum festinantum , cum erat annus litium . Iuvenalis (XVI. 42), "expectandus erit qui lite s inchoet an n u s." IN THE SAME CLASS: sam e guilt. And it is taken from ancient lo re sin ce c a se s w ere pleaded in order because of the m ultitude or confusion of those rushing whenever it w as the year of litigation s. Juvenal says (XVI. 42), "the year w ill have to be awaited which begins the litig a tio n s." Servius appears to be explaining the m eaning of the word or dine in the V ergilian lin e. He states that it is taken over from ancient 130 learning because c a se s w ere heard according to a particular order because o f the onslaught whenever the "year of litigations" began, i. e . , the part of the year when leg a l b u sin ess was transacted . Juvenal is quoted by the com m entator to serv e as a p a ra llel for the annus l i - tium . Duff, in h is com m entary to the Satires of Juvenal (p. 456, n. 42), sta tes that Servius is the only authority for this phrase (annus litiu m ). Frankly, th is com m ent m akes little sen se. M oreover, Servius' d iscu ssion around the m eaning of the word or dine has nothing to do with its force in the V ergilian p assage. (In the phrase from V ergil, or dine appears to m ean "ilk, " "kind, " "sort, " e t c .) Servius seem s no have m isunderstood V ergil's lin e. Perhaps he w as m isled by sum ite poenas in lin e 103. In any ca se, it is difficult to see any reason for his citing Juvenal in th is com m ent. Perhaps this is another exam ple of the com m entator's peculiar d esire to cite Juvenal as often as p ossib le. 90. . A en. I. 726 LYCHNI: G raeco serm one usus e st, ne v ile aliquid in- troferret. a lychno autem lucerna dicta est, unde et b revis 'lu, ' ut Iuvenalis, "dispositae pinquem nebulam vom uere lucernae. " LAMPS: he has used Greek so that he does not interject anything cheap. Lucerna is derived from lych n os, whence the syllable lu is short as Juvenal sa y s, "disp ositae pin quem nebulam vom uere lu cern ae" (The lam ps, arranged at in tervals, spat forth a thick cloud of sm oke). The citation introduced in th is com m ent is m eant to illu stra te that the fir st syllab le lu of lucerna is short because it is derived from the G reek A^/o.5 . S erviu s, how ever, indicates that the referen ce com es from Juvenal when it is actually from P ersiu s (V. 181). This erro r m ay have resu lted from a slip of the pen, i. e . , he knew the lin e was from a sa tir e, and sa tire m ade him think of Juvenal. S im ilarly, he m ay have reso rted to som e notebook or lis t of words (a work on etym ology?). If so , the erro r was eith er alread y th ere or S erviu s, for the reason m entioned above, w rote Juvenal instead of P e r siu s. NOTES 132 1. The procedure in this section of this study is to reproduce the com m ent from Servius which contains the citation from Juvenal, fo l lowed by an E nglish translation of the com m ent. This is in turn fo l low ed by rem arks concerning the aptness of the Juvenalian quotation. In the ca se of each com m ent, an attempt has been m ade to evaluate Servius' knowledge of the Juvenalian text. O ccasionally w ords or p h rases occur in the com m ents which rep resen t the Scholia D anielis (hereafter referred to as SD); th ese have been underlined. 2. That is , according to the edition by W. V. Clausen (1959). Knoche lis ts m anuscripts P^ R W SL SERV. Aen. I. pr. 4, 2 Th. as the ones which contain the reading Codri. 3. For a detailed d iscu ssio n of th ese variant readings se e U. Knoche, D ie U berlieferung Juvenals (B erlin, 1926), p. 69 and Hand- sch riftlich e Grundlagen des Juvenaltextes (L eipzig, 1940), p. 302. 4. T his is an exam ple of a com m on technique em ployed by Servius: he often attem pts to explain a point or phrase by giving the opposite of it, and it is th is opposite idea that prom pts the com m en tator to .cite another author's words (such as Juvenal's) as a p ara llel. 5. Servius' text is perplexing h ere. The phrase ut in eunuchum suam , cum com oediam d iceret yield s little sen se. For exam ple: To what (or whom) does suam refer? What is the subject of d ic e r e t? What lo g ic is there in the fact that the im p erfect subjunctive, d iceret, follow s the p resen t subjunctive die a s ? Perhaps a sim ple addition of T erentius after ut m ight su ffice, though the exp ression is s till strange and the force of d iceret uncertain. 6. For u se s of inpleo with the ablative ca se in Juvenal, see Sat. II. 58, II. 96, VI. 310, IX. 56, XIV. 288 and esp ecia lly V. 74-5. 7. For instance, an exam ple of inpleor with the genitive m ay be found in C icero Ad Fam . 9.18. 4. 8. A ccording to J. D. Duff, D. Iunii Iuvenalis Saturae XIV (Cam bridge, 1966), p. 121, the ninth hour w as the norm al dinner hour. In the Juvenalian p assa g e, M arius in ex ile com es ea rly to dinner so that he can spend m ore tim e at the p leasu res of the table. 133 9. The w ords containing this textual problem are from SD. They m erely paraphrase the sen se of the V ergilian words and are rea lly not cru cial to the com m ent per s e . 10. C icero Ad Fam . VII. 30.1, M artial VIII. 68 are a few exam p le s. See also S erviu s1 com m ent to A en. I. 726 w here Cato is cited to show that the ancients ate only two m ea ls. We m ay conclude that C ato's rem ark r e fe r s to the tim e before the prandium cam e into u se. It is strange that Servius does not include this referen ce (or a sim ila r one) in h is rem ark to Aen. IV. 77. 11. This quotation of Cato is taken as fragm ent 119 of the O rigi- n es in Hermann P e te r 's H istoricoru m Romanorum R eliquiae. V ol. I, p. 93. 12. The phrase hoc autem fit p oetica urbanitate is rather cryptic. Perhaps hoc refer s to the idea ex p ressed in the w ords m isc et fig u ra s. Let us exam ine Juvenal's line: he takes the v ery w ords of V ergil (as V ergil apparently had done with T heocritus) and by giving them a dif ferent setting changes (or at le a st adds) to their original m eaning. U rbanitas can also m ean " w it," " clev ern ess, " etc. Can Serviu s, then, m ean that the kind of thing which V ergil did with T heocritus is so m e tim es done for a hum orous or clev er effect? 13. See the com m ent to A en. VI. 265 (below). The concept of antipodes seem s to play a role h ere. The underworld, according to th is idea, would be located on the opposite sid e of the earth, covered by constant darkness. See also Servius on G eorg. 1. 243; Aen. VI.532; VIII. 671. 14. This Plautine fragm ent is listed among the so -c a lle d incerta fragm enta by W. M. Lindsay (OCT) as 169. Servius is our only source. T here is , how ever, at le a st one other referen ce in Plautus which is just as effective: Amphitryon 776. 15. See S .B . P latner, "Caelius Mons" and "C am enae," in A Topographical D ictionary of Ancient Rome (London, 1929), pp. 88-9. 16. J .D . Duff, op. c it. , p. 138. 17. On SD and Donatus see A .H . T ravis, "Donatus and the Scholia D anielis: A S tylistic C om parison," HSCP, LIII (1942), 157-69. Modern sch olars b eliev e that the com m entary of SD w as based upon a lo st work by Donatus. If th is is the ca se , we m ay conclude that Juve nal was not unknown to Donatus sin ce quotations from the Satires______ 134 appear at le a st th ree tim es in SD. W essner b eliev es that the com m ent on lin e 825 of the Eunuch in Donatus' com m entary on T erence contains a referen ce to Juvenal, but the authenticity of this citation is highly dubious. 18. Domus in Juvenal: domus in nom inative (2nd or 4th d eclen sion): 1.7; III. 10, 187, 212, 224, 261; V. 66; VI. 114; VII. 41, 184; VIII. 100; X. 299; XI. 99, 171; XIII. 160; XIV. 310; domus in genitive (4th de clension): /III. 113/; VI. 85, 228, 486; X. 244, 342; XIII. 130; XIV. 259; domum in accu sative (2nd or 4th declension): IV. 40; XI. 191; XII. 87; XIV. 69, 148, 282; domo in ablative (2nd declension): VI. Ol; XIII. 206; dom i in locative (2nd declension): 1.120; 11.84; III. 165; VI. 152, 357, 465; X. 65; XI. 117; XII. 10, 119; XIII. 57; domuum in genitive (4th de clension): III. 72; dom ibus in dative (4th declension): III. 303; VI. 607; VIII. 233; dom os in accu sative (2nd declension): VI. 3, 225, 312; X. 7; XV. 153; dom ibus in ablative (4th declension): IX. 80. 19. Quint. I. 6. 5; Donatus A rs (GL. IV. 378. 30 f f . ); Servius Com m entary on Donatus (GL. IV. 434. 22). 20. T his situation is further com plicated by the com m ent of the sch o lia st to th is p assage in Juvenal: 1. In sum m a /non M aurus/: ad postrem um . ut V er- g iliu s (Aen. IV. 237), 'haec sum m a e s t . ' 2. Ad ultim um , omne ut iam dicam . Again, the w riter of this com m ent c lea rly understands the Juvenalian sen se but in co rrectly cite s the V ergilian p assage as a p ara llel. Is it, th erefore, p o ssib le that the scholiast to Juvenal, whether his nam e be N icaeu s (see the "Introduction" to this study) or not, followed Servius in com paring A en. IV. 237 and Sat. III. 79? U nless we are to assum e a com m on so u rce--a n d a faulty one at th a t--su ch see m s to be the ca se. 21. It see m s as though som ething has fallen from the text h ere. One is hard put to tran slate ut after invenitur. Som e phrase linking Juvenal with the n eo terici m ust have been dropped. Com pare th is com m ent with the one to A en. XI. 715 w here the sam e point is d is cu ssed . The phrase m ight have read som ething lik e this: sane 'vanus' stultus apud idoneos non invenitur sed apud n eo tericos ita ut Iuvenalis, etc. 22. We m ay note that Servius adds the word p o sterio res in this d iscu ssio n w here it did not appear in h is com m ent to A en. II. 80 in 135 which the sam e word vanus is sim ila r ly d iscu ssed . It is not a lto gether certain from what Servius say s here whether he equates p o s- te r io re s and neote r ic i or whether he con sid ers the latter m erely a segm ent of the form er. It is lik ely that p o sterio res refer s to the forerunners of the n eo terici sin ce Servius does sa y that the p o ste r i o res begin to use vanus for stultus, a usage which is then followed by the n eo terics. 23. No exact p a ra llel can be found for this gram m atical e x p res sion. From the context of this p assage, it is clea r that the adver- bium blandientis r e fe r s to the vocative, m ascu lin e, singular form of the p o sse ssiv e adjective m eus, m i. Some fa irly clo se p a ra llels m ay be found in Donatus' com m entary on T erence, e. g . , Phorm io 254: MI PATRUE SALVE: 'mi' vim blandim enti habet, nam significat m eus. See a lso H ec. 585. 3, 824; Ad. 289. Servius, how ever, seem s to have erred in saying that m ihi never adm its sy n a e re sis. T here are exam ples of m i in place of m ihi in the p oets, e. g . , Catullus V. 7. 24. Iniuria a person a is probably a technical term of rhetoric, but no other exam ple of the exp ressio n can be found. The Thesaurus cite s only Serviu s. Yet the technique is not an uncommon one, and one's mind im m ed iately turns to such p a ssa g es as C icero's Pro Caelio (VIII. 8) w here the orator c a lls Clodia the Palatina M edea. 25. N otice, how ever, the u se of venter in Juvenal V. 6: ventre nihil novi frugalius; hoc tam en ipsum / d e fe c isse puta, quod inani su f- ficit alvo. 26. Servius' interpretation of quadra in the Juvenalian lin e is in co rrect. The word clea rly m eans m ens a (table), not fragm enta (crum bs). 27. M arullus w as a m im e-w riter of som e distinction during the tim e of M arcus A urelius and Lucius V erus. See M. Schanz, G esch i- chte der R dm ischen L iteratur, VIII. 3 (Munich, 1925), pp. 46-7, 230. 28. The m eaning of ilia in the V ergilian passage has a m etapho r ica l significarice, i . e . , Cordus' sid es (ilia) are bursting with envy. In Juvenal's lin e, how ever, ilibus r efers to m eat at a banquet. S im i la rly , the pun of M arullus d escrib es a p arasite at dinner who never retrea ts from the m eat, ill. Perhaps it w as the sim ila rity of the con tent of th ese two referen ces that led Servius to include M arullus' pun. 136 29. The lex Julia de m aritandis ordinibus prom ulgated by A ugus tus in 18 B. C. and supplem ented in 9 B. C. by the le x Papia Poppaea accorded im portant p riv ileg es to m arried person s and restricted the power of ch ild less and unm arried persons to inherit property. 30. Cf. the rem ark of the sch oliast on Juvenal: FLA VO . . . GALERO: rotundum m u lieb ris capitis tegum entum in modum galeae factum (dicit), quo utebantur m er etr ic e s. ideo 'flavo1: nigro nam crine m atronae utebantur. Hence the blonde w ig w as a kind of "badge of o ffic e ." 31. Incidentally, V ergil d escrib es D ido's hair for the fir st tim e at IV. 590: flaventisque a b sc issa com as, after her love for A eneas has been consum m ated. The second referen ce is here. 32. Com m only referred to as "anagram m atism . " 33. Servius' distinction between person s and industry in this sim ile seem s at fir st glance decidedly forced. Yet C icero (De O ra- tore 14. 53) says: Qui idem ita m oderantur ut rerum , ut personarum dignitates ferunt (Those who thus manage in the sam e way as the im portance of facts and p erson s d irect). In other w ords, persona is used in contrast to inanim ate things (or actions) and refer s to anim ate things. Thus, we m ay suppose that Servius m eans that the referen ce h ere is to the attitude of the people, not the people th em selv es. On the su rface, this seem s to be a s illy com m ent, but apparently there has been much c r itic ism (see com m entaries on this sim ile) of V ergil's com parison of ants and m en. Hence Servius' com m ent indicates that there w as probably c riticism on this sim ile in antiquity also. M acro- bius, how ever, does not d iscu ss the sim ile. 34. W. Smith, "Anubis, " A C la ssica l D ictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, Mythology, and Geography (New York, 1894), p. 82, 35. J. D. Duff, op. c it. , p. 255, note to line 534. 36. C. Anthon, "C ircus, " D ictionary of Greek and Roman A nti quities (New York, 1878), p. 254. 37. Cf. the sch o lia st on Juvenal VI. 616: 'pulli' mox sc ilic e t nati equini, cui in fronte pilleum v e l p ellicu la erepta praestat am orem . ut V ergilius (Aen. IV. 515), "quaeritur et n ascen tis equi de fronte rev u l- sus et m atri praereptus am or. " 137 38. G. G. R am say, Juvenal and P e r siu s (Cam bridge, M a ss., 1965), p. 153 n. 4 and J .D . Duff, op. e it. , p. 291, note to lin e 195. 39. A ccording to the T hesaurus, th is fragm ent is not contained ir. P lin y's Natural H istory. Servius is our only sou rce. 40. See C. L. Roth, e d ., C. Suetoni T ranquilli Quae Supersunt Omnia (L eipzig, 1904), p. 302. De V itiis C orporalibus is m entioned as a lo st work of Suetonius. 41. It w as the Roman em peror Dom itian who fir st assum ed the title dom inus et deus. See A. E. R. Boak, A H istory of Rome to 565 A. D . (New York, 1957), p. 307 and Thomas W. A frica, The Ancient World (Boston, 1969), p. 398. 42. The m eaning of penitus in this p a ssa g e is not at all obvious. The standard m eanings ("deep within, " "thoroughly, " e t c .) do not seem to yield much sen se . "At home" or "inside the w alls" seem s to be the force of this word h ere. 43. A ccording to J. G. F razer, Publii Ovidii N asonis Fastorum L ibri Sex, Vol. Ill (London, 1929), pp. 4 8 -9 , the festiv a l of M atrons (the M atronalia) w as celebrated on the fir st of M arch either in honor of the Sabine wom en or because of the tem ple of Juno Lucina, the pa- tronn ess of wom en in travail,w hich was dedicated on that day. 44. C. Anthon, "Tabularium, " op. c it. , p. 945. 45. S. B. P latner, "Saturnus, A edes, " op. c it. pp. 463-65. 46. On the cerem on ial use of red to paint the fa ces of d eities on holidays and other sp ecia l o ccasion s, se e Pliny, H. N . 33, 11; Arnob. 6,10; and V erg. E el. 6 .2 2 . 47. G ellius XIV. 6. 4 m entions T yros, form erly Sarra, among citie s which had changed th eir nam es. 48. J. E. B. Mayor, T hirteen Satires of Juvenal, Vol. II (London, 1888), p. 78. 49. U. Knoche, e d ., D. Iunius Juvenalis Saturae (Munich, 1950), p. x i d esignates J% as "gem einsam e L esart der Vulgata. " 50. U. Knoche, H and schriftliche, p. 176; 302. 138 51. The referen ce from Cato is listed as Frag. 85 in P eter (p. 81) w here Servius is the only source. 52. The referen ce from Livy is m ost probably XXI. 35. 8-9. Servius is m erely paraphrasing h ere. 53. Although this rule is not found per se in standard gram m ars, m ost exam ples liste d conform to this rule. 54. The number of tim es Servius quotes from each of the Satires is as follow s: I (7), II (7), III (6), IV (4), V (4), VI (16), VII (4), VIII (5), IX (5), X (10), XI (1), XII (8), XII (3), XIV (3), XV (5), XVI (2). SD cite Juvenal once from the third Satire and tw ice from the fifteenth. The subject m atter of Satire XI is philosophical and the sort of thing that could e a sily have appealed to such m en as M acrobius, Sym m achus and Servius. This sa tire, in fact, with its appeal to m o ra lity and good sen se, rep resen ts the thoughts of the older Juvenal who m ust certain ly have found favor with the m o ra lists of Servius' day, whether they w ere C hristian or pagan. H ence it is strange in deed that the com m entator alm ost ign ores this sa tire. Since the one quotation from th is poem deals with a point of gram m ar, and as we have indicated in sev era l p la ces, gram m atical handbooks might ea sily have been the sou rce for Servius' exam ples on such m atters, it is p o ssib le that Servius m ay not have had acquaintance with this Satire at all. In any ca se , the reason for h is apparent n eglect of this poem is far from obvious. 55. Fiber is a late Latin word for ca sto r. Cf. the sch o lia st on Juvenal: castorem bebrum dicit /G erm an: Biber; English: b ea v er/, qui cum vid erit se obsideri et non p o sse evadere, testicu lo s suos m o r- su avulsos proicit: in telligit enim ob hanc rem p o sse capi, quia ad m edicam ina valde sunt n e c e ssa r ii. 56. Servius is the only one apparently who r efers to b eavers as "dogs of Pontus. " At le a st this is the only referen ce to th is design a tion for b eavers given in the T hesaurus. 57. Apparently this b elief was w idespread in antiquity. See J. E. B. M ayor, op. c it ., V ol. II, p. 229. 58. M ayor, ibid. 59. Cf. the sch o lia st on Juvenal: sa crifica t inde. ut V ergilius (G eorg. I. 339): "laetis operatus in h erb is. " It is strange that the 139 com m entator did not refer to th is p assage in V ergil instead of citing Juvenal. V erg il's words d escrib e sa c r ific e s to C eres in the spring, the tim e of ploughing and sowing. 60. J .D . Duff, op. c i t ., pp. 393-94, note to lin e 4. L. F ried - laender, D. Junii Juvenalis L ibri V (L eipzig, 1895), p. 525. 61. For a sim ila r d iscu ssion of the sam e three origin s of lig h t ning, cf. /P lu ta rch / De P la citis Philosophorum , Book III, Chapter 3. 62. We should note that the referen ce from Juvenal is reported as part Servius and part SD. Since th is sam e quotation is given in tact by Servius in the subsequent com m ent, it seem s quite p o ssib le that the w ords non quasi fortuitus at Aen. IV. 209 rep resen t a later ad dition rather than, as Thilo-H agen report, the original words of SD. P. W essner, in "Lucan, Statius und Juvenal b ei den rBm ischen G ram - m atikern, " P h il. Woch. 49 (1929), p. 302, thinks that such is the c a se at Aen. VI. 773 with the nam e Iuvenalis: "ErgEnzende TEtigkeit zeigt sich auch Aen. VI. 773, wo die H ss FC der S. Sch. den Nam en Iuve n a lis hinzufUgen, den Servius an der entsprechenden Stelle Aen. V. 52 gibt (auf nachtrMgliche Zufilgung w eist v ielleich t hin, dass Iuvenalis in FC vor dem ut steh t). " If such is the ca se at Aen. VI. 773, it m ay also be true at Aen. IV. 209. 63. SD report the text of V ergil incorrectly: superum que in lu m en ituras should read superum que ad lum en itu ras. 64. Cf. B. L. G ilder sleev e and G. Lodge, Latin Gram m ar (Lon don, 1968), p. 42, no. 83. 65. For a d iscu ssion of th ese two p a ssa g es se e W essner, op. c i t ., p. 302. 66. Tibullus w as at le a st known to Servius, for the com m entator r efer s to him tw ice. At G eorg. 1.19, we have: UNCIQUE PUER MONSTRATOR ARATRI: a lii T rip- tolem um , a lii O sirim volunt: quod m agis verum e st, ut dicit P ropertius v e l T ibullus. T his is a referen ce to Tibullus I. 7. 29 ff. The only other p o ssib le r e feren ce is at Aen. VII. 378 w here Servius says: TURBO: Catullus 'hoc turben' dicit, ut 'hoc carm en, fu lm en .' est autem 'hie turbo' . . . . 140 Since Catullus (64.107) has turbo in the m ascu lin e, this is either a fa lse referen ce or an erro r. The index (J. F. Mountford and J. T. Schultz, Index Rerum et Nominum in Scholiis et A elii Donati T racto- rum . New York, 1930) c ite s Tibullus here (but also ca lls this r e fe r ence a fragm ent of C atullus). The one u se of turbo in Tibullus is at I. 5. 3: Namque agor ut per plana citus so la verb ere turben quern c ele r adsueta v ersa t ab arte puer. Thus Tibullus too (as quern shows) considered the word m asculine. 67. N esciren t: J l and Servius G eorg. 11.539; extundere: and Servius G eorg. II. 539. See K noche's edition of the S a tires. 68. See J. E. B. M ayor, op. c i t ., pp. 396-97 for such p a ra llels. 69. Mayor, op. c i t . , p. 402. BIBLIOGRAPHY Anthon, C harles. D ictionary of Greek and Roman A ntiquities. New York, 1878. Bury, J. B . , H. M. Gwatkin et a l. , eds. The Cam bridge M edieval H istory. Vol. I. Cam bridge, 1911. B utler, H. E. M arcus Fabius Q uintilianus. 4 V ols. Cam bridge, M a ss., 1961-66. Carcopino, Jerom e. D aily Life in Ancient R om e. Connecticut, 1940. C lausen, W. V ., ed. A. P e r si F lacci et D. Iuni Iuvenalis Saturae. Oxford, 1959. Conington, John and Henry N ettleship. The Works of V ergil. 3 V ols. London, 1898. D avies, P erciv a l V. M acrobius: The Saturnalia. New York, 1969. D ill, Sam uel. Roman Society in the Last Century of the W estern E m pire. Cleveland, 1962. Duff, J. D. D. Iuni Iuvenalis Saturae XIV. Cam bridge, 1966. F razer, J .G . P ublii Ovidii N asonis Fastorum L ibri Sex. Vol. III. London, 1929. Friedlaender, Ludwig. D arstellungen aus der Sittengeschichte Rom s in der Z eit von August b is zum Ausgang der Antonine. 4 V ols. L eipzig, 1910. ______________. D. Junii Juvenalis Saturarum L ibri V. L eipzig, 1895. H adzits, G .D . Lucretius and H is Influence. New York, 1935. H all, F. W. A Companion to C la ssica l T ex ts. Oxford, 1913. Highet, G ilbert. Juvenal the S a tirist. New York, 1961. Housman, A. E. D. Iunii Iuvenalis Saturae. Cam bridge, 1956. 141 142 Housman, A. E ., ed. M arcus Annaeus Lucanus, B elli C ivilis L ibri Decern. C am bridge, M a ss ., 1950. K eil, Henry. G ram m atici Latini. 6 V ols. L eipzig, 1857. K elling, L. and A. Suskin. Index Verborum Iuvenalis. North C arolina, 1951. Knoche, U lrich. D ie Rbm ische Satire. GBttingen, 1957. ______________ . Die U eberlieferung Juvenals. B erlin, 1926. , ed. D. Iunius Iuvenalis Saturae. Munich, 1950. ______________ . H andschriftliche Grundlagen des Juvenaltextes. L eipzig, 1940. Lot, Ferdinand. The End of the Ancient World and the Beginnings of the Middle A g e s. New York, 1961. Mayor, John E. B. T hirteen Satires of Juvenal with a C om m entary. 2 V ols. London, 1888. M om igliano, Arnaldo. The Conflict between P eganism and C h ris tian ity. Oxford, 1963. Mountford, J. F. and J. T. Schultz. Index Rerum et Nominum in Scholiis et A e lii Donati T ractorum . New York, 1930. P age, T. E. The Aeneid of V ergil, Books I-V I. London, 1957. ______________. The Aeneid of V ergil, Books VII-XII. London, 1959. . P . V erg ili M aronis B ucolica et G eorgica. London, 19637 P latner, Sam uel B. and Thom as Ashby. A Topographical D ictionary of Ancient R om e. London, 1929. R am say, G. G. Juvenal and P e r siu s. Cam bridge, M a ss., 1965. Rand, E. K. "Is Donatus1 s C om m entary on V ergil L ost?" CQ, 1916, pp. 158-64. 143 Sandys, J. E. A H istory of C la ssica l Scholarship. Vol. I. C am bridge, 1921. Schanz, Martin and C. H osius. G eschichte der RBmischen L iteratur. Vol. VIII. Munich, 1925. Smith, W illiam . A C la ssica l D ictionary of G reek and Roman B io graphy, M ythology, and Geography. New York, 1894. Teuffel, W. S. H istory of Roman L iterature. Vol. II. London, 1900. Thesaurus Linguae Latinae. L eipzig, 1900 ff. Thilo, G eorg and Hermann Hagen. S ervii in V erg ilii Carm ina Com- m entarli. 3 V ols. L eipzig, 1878. Thompson, H. J. "Lucan, Statius and Juvenal in the Early C e n tu r ie s,1 CQ XXII (1928), 24-27. T ravis, A lbert H. "Donatus and the Scholia D anielis: A Stylistic C om parison," HSCP LIII (1942), 157-69. W essner, Paul, ed. A eli Donati Commentum T eren ti. 3 V ols. Leipzig, 1905. ______________. "Lucan, Statius und Juvenal bei den rBm ischen G ram m atikern ," Phil. Woch. 49 (1929), 296-303, 328-35. ______________. Scholia in Iuvenalem V etustiora. Stuttgart, 1967. ______________. "Servius, " in R eal-E ncyclopaedie der cla ssisch en A ltertum sw issenshaft, ed. Pauly-W issow a. Stuttgart, 1923. Wright, F. A. and T.A. Sinclair. A H istory of Later Latin L iterature. London, 1931.
Linked assets
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
Conceptually similar
PDF
An Analysis Of Antithesis As A Basis Of Epic Rhetorical Patterns
PDF
A Descriptive Analysis Of The Gascon Dialect Spoken At Donzac (Tarn-Et-Garonne), France
PDF
Existentialism In The Theater Of Alfonso Sastre
PDF
Tibullus I: Theme And Technique: "Di Tibi Divitias Dederunt"
PDF
Alfred Of Sareshel'S Commentary On The 'Metheora' Of Aristotle. (Latin Text)
PDF
The Proteges Of Lancelot: A Study Of Malory'S Characterization Of Lancelot In The 'Morte Darthur'
PDF
Theological And Dramatic Concepts Of The End Of Man In The Middle Ages
PDF
The Patriot In Exile: A Study Of Heinrich Mann'S Political Journalistic Activity 1933-1950
PDF
Plutarch On The Glory Of The Athenians: A Reassessment
PDF
Rhetoric And Fancy As A Basis For Narrative In The Novels Of Jean Giraudoux
PDF
Agrippa D'Aubigne'S Les 'Tragiques': The Conquest Of Profaned Time
PDF
Narrative And Lyric Originality In The Old French Versions Of "La Vie De Saint Eustache"
PDF
Minnedienst Und Ehe In Wolfram Von Eschenbachs Parzival; Aufgezeigt An Folgenden Paaren: Gahmuret - Herzeloyde (Belakane); Orilus - Jeschute; Parzival - Kondwiramurs (Kunneware, Liasse); Gawan -...
PDF
Fulk Of Neuilly
PDF
Main Trends In The Contemporary Colombian Novel, 1953-1967
PDF
Albert Camus And The Kingdom Of Nature
PDF
The 'Quomodo' Manuscript: Historical Introduction, Translation, And Critical Apparatus
PDF
Studies In The Influence Of The 'Commedia Dell'Arte' On English Drama: 1605-1800
PDF
The Theme Of Communication In The "Essais" Of Montaigne
PDF
A Commentary To Philo Byblius' 'Phoenician History'
Asset Metadata
Creator
Fendrick, John Wendell
(author)
Core Title
Servius' Knowledge Of Juvenal: An Analysis Of The Juvenalian Quotations In Servius' Commentary On Vergil
Degree
Doctor of Philosophy
Degree Program
Classics
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
literature, classical,OAI-PMH Harvest
Language
English
Contributor
Digitized by ProQuest
(provenance)
Advisor
O'Neil, Edward N. (
committee chair
), Berkey, Max Leslie, Jr. (
committee member
), Stokes, Lynn C. (
committee member
)
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-548903
Unique identifier
UC11363091
Identifier
7206049.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-548903 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
7206049
Dmrecord
548903
Document Type
Dissertation
Rights
Fendrick, John Wendell
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA
Tags
literature, classical