University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Robert Todd Lincoln In Politics And Diplomacy

(USC Thesis Other)

Robert Todd Lincoln In Politics And Diplomacy

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content ROBERT TODD LINCOLN IN POLITICS
41© DIPLOMACY
by
John Samuel Goff
4 Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(History)
June i960
UNIVERSITY O F S O U T H E R N CALIFORNIA
GRADUATE SC H O O L
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES 7. C ALIFOR NIA
p h 0 H- J ^ iy- i / X
This dissertation, written by
Joh n S . G o ff
under the direction of h.X.§...Dissertation Com
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by the Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y
. dT ,... / . L . . i . ; . . . - * .........’ r-.-.W : ...
Date June . . . 1 9 . 6 Q...........
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
lairman
^ -— « yj
I cl'itys 4
iii
1
10
1+5
39
127
163
199
235
266
296
326
TABIE OF CONTENTS
Preface ..................................
Introduction ...........................
The Early Years in Springfield
The Activities of Mr. Lincoln's Eldest
Son . 0 ........................
Harvard, The Array, Tragedy and Its
Aftermath ........................
The Young Lawyer in Chicago .
Secretary of War ........................
Chicago, 1385-1889 ....................
Minister to Great Britain, 1889-1893
A Citizen of Chicago Once More .
Years of Retirement, 1911-1926 . . .
Bibliography ...........................
ii
PKBFA.CE
This study of Robert Todd Lincoln is the result of
some four years of work on the part of the writer, with
particular attention being paid to it during the past two.
In that time countless individuals have contributed to the
study and without the help of many it could not have been
written. The writer must acknowledge his debt of grati
tude to all those who have helped him. It is not possi
ble to mention each individually but among many others,
special thanks must go to: Professor Kooker, and Pro
fessors Bowman, Caldwell, Christol, and Rowland who make
up the dissertation committee; Professor Wayne C. Temple
of Lincoln Memorial University, who provided the writer
with certain newspaper leads for the period 1360-1365;
Mr. F. M. Lefforge of Amarillo, Texas; Mr. Harry J.
Dunbaugh of Isham, Lincoln and Beale, Chicago; the
staffs of the Detroit, Michigan, Flint, Michigan, Chicago,
and New York Public Libraries; the staffs of the libraries
at the University of Michigan, Princeton University, and
West Texas State College; to my wife, Jean L. Goff, who
assisted in the proofreading; to my former secretary,
Miss Lugenia Hubbard, who typed notes and did copy work,
iii
and to her successor, Miss Jo Ann Byrd, who has worked on
typing the manuscript; to Mr. Tom W. Langston, of West
Texas State College, who typed the final copy; and to the
chairman of my department, Dr. Lowell H. Harrison, for
his many suggestions and help.
Canyon, Texas
A.pril 13, I96O
John S. Goff
INTRODUCTION
ROBERT T. LINCOLN
The first thirty-three Presidents of the United
States have collectively fathered between sixty and
seventy sons<>^ These Presidential sons have had vastly
different and varied careers. Several of them were great
disappointments to their sires; others have led important
lives in their own right. Of these sons, almost no one
would dispute the fact that John Quincy Adams, son of the
second President, was the -i ost distinguished. However,
there would then be some dispute as to whose name should
rank next. Some might suggest President Taft's son, the
late Senator from Ohio; some, President Taylor's son,
Richard, a distinguished soldier; some, President
Garfield's son, James R., a prominent Progressive
leader of the early twentieth century; while others
might suggest the sons of Franklin D. Roosevelt or
of Herbert Hoover. Almost certainly the name of Abraham
Lincoln's eldest offspring would be mentioned, for
Robert T. Lincoln was an important individual, and
in many respects unique among the Presidential issue.
■**J. J. Perling, Presidents' Sons (New York, 19*+7) °
2
Without doubt, Robert T. Lincoln was subjected to
more publicity as the son of his father than were any of
the others, for Abraham Lincoln has been the subject of
more interest than any other Chief Executive. The Lincoln
legend is seemingly unending and everdeveloping. With the
passage of each year is seen the production of books, sto
ries, plays, and articles dealing with the life and times
of the sixteenth President of the United States. In addi
tion to items directly dealing with the President, there
are efforts directed at his associates, his enemies, his
friends, and his family. In particular, the true story of
the marriage of Abraham and Mary Lincoln has finally been
well told, thus ending many misconceptions and fallacies
2
about the relationship.
However, throughout all of this, one member of the .
Lincoln family has been ignored and that is Robert T.
Lincoln. To be sure, the work titled Lincoln1s Sons ap
peared recently, but it made no attempt to investigate
thoroughly the life of Robert T. Lincoln and almost en
tirely avoided his public career.^ This lack of published
material pertaining to Robert T. Lincoln is all the more
2Ruth Painter Randall, Mary Lincoln. Biography of a
Marriage (Boston, 1953)•
^Ruth Painter Randall, Lincoln*s Sons (Boston, 1955)*
3
amazing when one considers the impressive public career
which he had. Certainly as a cabinet officer, diplomat,
and prominent businessman, he is worthy of such a study.
It is a point of interesting speculation to ponder why the
younger Lincoln has been ignored. Several answers can
be given. It is axiomatic that a biographer's chief tools
are the letters and other manuscripts of his subject.
There is no collection of Robert T. Lincoln manuscripts,
although deceptively the papers belonging to his father
which he gave to the Library of Congress are known as
the Robert Todd Lincoln Papers. Instead those of his
letters and other manuscripts which have survived are
widely scattered and when collected, many are found to
concern only routine matters and hence are of little value
to the biographer. Perhaps one day the Robert T. Lincoln
papers will be found, although according to David C.
Mearns of the Library of Congress "there is a rather
if
persistent rumor that he destroyed them." This dis
tinguished scholar believes that "if they survive, they
5
are probably in his old home at Manchester, Vermont."
If this be true, they are in the custody of Lincoln's
granddaughter, who, like her brother and cousin, does
L l
David C. Mearns to the writer, May 6, 1955•
^Ibid.
not answer correspondence relative to her distinguished
ancestors. Mrs. Ruth Painter Randall adds a comment on
the situation by noting that Robert T. Lincoln "definitely
6
did not want anyone writing about him. ..."
It may be that biographers, at least those princi
pally interested in Lincolniana, have avoided Robert T.
Lincoln because he does not fit into the Lincoln legend.
The late Ida Tarbell said of him that he was "all Todd,"
implying that he was not a part of the story of Abraham
Lincoln. It is true, for example, that physically, at
least at first glance, Robert T. Lincoln resembled his
mother more than his father. He was not so tall as the
President and was inclined to be stocky. Frequently he
is described as being "short and stocky" although those
who knew him deny this and describe him as being of me
dium height. It is in his mature and later years that
the younger Lincoln came more to resemble his father in
appearance.
Robert T. Lincoln has always suffered at the hands
of writers, particularly his father's biographers. In
evitably he is compared to the Great Emancipator and al
ways unfavorably. There is no escaping the fact that
there will always be a "Lincoln major" and a "Lincoln
^Ruth Painter Randall to the writer, May 21, 1955.
5
minor, 1 1 but the comparison is not entirely fair. How well
would Abraham Lincoln today be remembered if he had been
President of the United States, not in the period, 1861 to
1865, but say, in the period his son served as Secretary
of War, l8 8l to 1 8 8 5? Albert J. Beveridge, who produced
a monumental life of Abraham Lincoln, once wrote relative
to his subject, “...it is already clear that the Lincoln
of youth, early and middle manhood showed few signs of
7
the Lincoln of the second inaugural. 1 1 The same writer
also once observed:
The cold fact is that not one faint
glimmer appears in his whole life, at least
before his Cooper Union speech, which so
much as suggests the radiance of the last
two years.®
Any attempt to compare Abraham and Robert T. Lincoln im
mediately raises many problems. To be sure their per
sonalities, physical appearances, and the like may be
compared and contrasted. However, these men lived in
different worlds. One ended his career as the other
began his.
Albert J. Beveridge to Edward Charming, Decem
ber 19, 1923, in Claude G. Bowers, Beveridge and the
Progressive Era (Cambridge, 1 9 2 3), p.
Albert J. Beveridge to Ferris Greenslet, Febru
ary 2, 1 9 2^, ibid.. p. 5 6 6.
6
The life which Robert T. Lincoln was forced to lead
as the son of his father was not an easy one. In addi
tion to the ever-present comparison to his sire, he found
himself in the uncomfortable position of being criticized
for any apparent attempt to capitalize upon his father's
name, while at the same time if he attempted to avoid the
public gaze he was snobbish, cold, aloof, and aristo
cratic. Robert T. Lincoln's life was essentially a tragic
one in many ways. Measured in terms of material success
it was a great accomplishment, but in terms of personal
living he was forced to bear much anguish. One by one
he saw his brothers die in infancy or childhood, his fa
ther cut down by an assassin's bullet, and his mother be
come tragically insane before her demise. It is impossi
ble to calculate the effect on Lincoln of the death of his
only son just as the boy was approaching manhood. A phy
sician who thoroughly investigated the Lincoln family has
written of Roberts
I hold the opinion that Robert Lincoln
was sensitive— in fact, supersensitive; that
he was emotional— quite over emotional under
certain influences. . . . There was much in
life that gave him pain. . . . While his per
sonality was somewhat abnormal, the trials to
which he was subjected never even threatened o
to push him beyond the limits of his endurance.
9
W. A. Evans, Mrs. Abraham Lincoln (New York, 1932),
P* 53-
7
There are few persons living today who had extensive
personal acquaintance with Robert T. Lincoln. Those who
remember him thought well of him. Recorded commentaries
about him are rlmost all favorable. Typical of these is
Mrs. Henry Adams' remark to the effect that Lincoln was
10
"a quiet, gentlemanly, attractive man." Indeed the
writer has had some difficulty in turning up unfavor
able opinions of Robert T. Lincoln. Without doubt the
most damaging one was the remark of Carter H. Harrison,
Junior, once Mayor of Chicago, who wrotes
Robert T. Lincoln . . . was a man of
mediocre attainments, puffed up with pride
almost to the exploding point by the bril
liance of his parentage, who, left to his
own devices, never would have risen above
the ranks or the commonplace.11
The purpose of this study is to explore the life
and career of Robert Todd Lincoln and to do so, not as
.the son of his father, but as an individual in his own
right. The public career of Robert T. Lincoln lasted
over sixty-five years, for from about i860 on, he was
constantly in the public eye. His public life divides
Mrs. Henry Adams to her father, Dr. Robert W„
Hooper, February 20, l88l, in Ward Thoron, editor. The
Letters of Mrs. Henry Adams 1865-1883 (Boston, 1987)»
p. 2 6 9.
^"Carter H„ Harrison, Stormy Years. The Autobi-
biographv of Carter H. Harrison (Indianapolis. 1935),
p. 2 7 6.
8
itself into convenient periods. First, from i860 to 1865,
the years at the White House and the years of the Civil
War. The American public considered Robert Lincoln pub
lic property from the moment his father was nominated for
the Presidency. He was constantly under the surveillance
of that agent of the public— the nation's press— and it
was often unkind. The war years were difficult but it
has been said that although "some people inevitably called
him proud and affected . . . he conducted himself sensibly
during a prolonged ordeal of popular attention and
12
flattery."
The period 1865 to l88l saw the establishment
of Robert T. Lincoln in his chosen profession— law— and
his rise in that profession. He was no figurehead in
his law firm but a hard-working, able member of the busi
ness and was respected by his fellows. During the four
years, l8 8l to 1 8 8 5, Lincoln served well as a member of
the Garfield and Arthur cabinets and presided over the
War Department with much success. The following four
years found him again in Chicago, while the period 1889
to 1893 saw his service in the field of diplomacy. How
ever, as was the case with Lincoln's service as Secretary
12
Margaret Leech, Reveille in Washington. 1860-1865
(New York, 19*fl), p. M-l.
9
of War, his period of service as Minister to England was
one of calm with few if any serious problems to be solved.
When the former diplomat returned home in 1 8 9 3, his career
entered a new phase. No longer was he associated with his
firm in the practice of law, but now became a businessman
and presided over the Pullman Corporation as well as being
a part of the management of other firms. The active ca
reer of Robert T. Lincoln somewhat ended with his retire
ment in 1 9 1 1, but he continued until his death to be a
figure of importance.
This study of Lincoln has made use of whatever orig
inal manuscripts can be found and in addition has been
based upon numerous secondary works. A major part of the
study relies upon newspaper sources which form a principal
and previously untapped body of material on Robert T.
Lincoln. The life of Robert T. Lincoln covered the long
period from the days of Manifest Destiny to the period
of the Nineteen Twenties. Many great issues were before
the nation during his long career, and he was a part of
the history of this nation both as the son of his illus
trious father and as an important person in his own right.
It is in this latter role principally that this study
shall attempt to portray the career of Robert Todd
Lincoln.
CHAPTER I
THE EARLY YEARS IN SPRINGFIELD
Abraham Lincoln, sixteenth President of the United
States, is perhaps the best known and most widely dis
cussed individual in all of United States history. It
will therefore suffice to review only a few facts con
cerning him. He was the son of Thomas Lincoln (1778-
1851), a descendant of Samuel Lincoln who came from
England in the 1630's, settled at Salem and Hingham,
Massachusetts, and had eleven children.^" Thomas Lincoln,
a semi-literate carpenter and farmer, was a member of
that branch of the family which had, after living for
a time in Berks County, Pennsylvania, settled in
2
Rockingham County, Virginia, where Thomas was born.
When the President's father was a boy of six, the
family pushed on to Kentucky where the head of the
• 3
family was killed by the Indians in 178^. Thomas
Lincoln's wife, whom he married on June 12, 1 8 0 6,
^John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Abraham Lincoln,
a History (10 vols., New York, 1 9 0 9), I, 2.
^"Autobiography of Abraham Lincoln," MSS in Li
brary of Congress, as quoted in David C. Mearns, The
Lincoln Papers (2 vols., Garden City, 19M3), I, 1*+1.
3
Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln. I, 21.
was Nancy Hanks (c. 178^-1 8 1 8). She was descended from
Thomas Hanks who migrated from England to Virginia in
16^^-. Her mother was Lucy, or Lucey Hanks, but her pa
ternity is open to doubt. It has been said that Nancy was
illegitimate although her mother was later married to
) +
Henry Sparrow. To Thomas and Nancy Lincoln were born
5
three children. The eldest, Sarah, was born February 10,
1 8 0 7, married to Aaron Grigsby on August 2, 1 8 2 6, and died
6
January 20, 1 8 2 8. The second child was Abraham, born
February 12, 1 8 0 9, and the youngest was Thomas, about whom
7
little is known other than that he died in infancy.
The story of Abraham Lincoln's early life is well
known. It is, for example, common knowledge that his fam
ily took him from his birthplace in Kentucky first to
Indiana and then in March, 1 8 3 0, to Illinois; that his
mother died when he was nine and that it was his step
mother, Sarah Bush Johnston Lincoln, who had a great
^or a summary of the various schools of thought
regarding the background of Nancy Hanks see Louis A.
Warren, Lincoln's Parentage and Childhood (New York,
1 9 2 6), pp. 17-37.
^Sarah Lincoln was generally known as "Sally" ac
cording to a statement of Nat Grigsby, brother of her
husband, given to William H. Herndon, as quoted in Emanuel
Hertz, The Hidden Lincoln (New York, 1938), pp. 353-357*
^Warren, Lincoln's Parentage and Childhood, p. l*+0.
7Ibid., pp. 15^-1 5 5.
12
influence upon him; and that he split rails, helped
clear land for farming, operated a general store which
soon went bankrupt. After serving in the Black Hawk
War he made his choice between learning blacksmithing
and learning law, and chose the latter.- While study
ing law he served in the Illinois State Legislature and
in 1 8 3 6 he was licensed to practice his profession.
Abraham Lincoln had lived in many places before even
tually settling in Springfield, Illinois, in April of
1 8 3 7, where he was to remain until the spring of 1 8 6 1.
He had been a junior partner in two firms before becom
ing the senior member of the firm of Lincoln and Herndon
8
in 1 8^+.
Mary Todd Lincoln, mother of the subject of this
study, had quite a different background. She was born
in Lexington, Kentucky, December 13> 1 8 1 8, the daugh
ter of Robert Smith Todd and Eliza (Parker) Todd of
Lexington. "The family was a prominent and influen
tial one, with ancestors of distinguished record in
o
the American Revolution." In 1825, Mary's mother died
o
The biographies of Abraham Lincoln, all with the
same general outline of his life as presented here,
are seemingly limitless. The best recent short lire
is Benjamin P. Thomas, Abraham Lincoln (New York, 1952).
%uth Painter Randall, Mary Lincoln. Biography of a
Marriage (Boston, 1953)? P* 20.
13
in childbirth leaving six young children. Mary Todd was
educated in the tradition of her time at a private acad
emy in Lexington which was attended by the children of
the leading families of the area. In the fall of 1 8 3 9,
Mary, now a young lady of twenty-one, went to make her
home with her sister who was Mrs. Ninian Wirt Edwards of
Springfield, Illinois.'1 '^ Mrs. Edwards' husband was the
son of Governor Ninian Edwards of Illinois, and their home
was the "center of the aristocratic 'Edwards clique' and
all distinguished visitors to the town • • . found their
way up the gentle slope to the house on the hill where
11
hospitality was on a lavish, old-fashioned scale."
It becomes obvious even at first glance that Abraham
Lincoln and Mary Todd came from entirely different back
grounds. One might even observe that they had very lit
tle in common. How then did they meet and eventually
marry? No one knows exactly how or when they first met.
It is suggested that they first became acquainted at a
12
cotillion at the Edwards home. At any rate during the
winter of 1 8 3 9-18^0, the two began seeing one another
10Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. *f.
i:LIbid., p. 5.
•^Katherine Helm, Mary. Wife of Lincoln (New York,
1 9 2 8), pp. 71-75.
1>
13
regularly. With the passage of time it became evident
that Mr. Lincoln was paying "court" to Miss Todd. Of
course there were other suitors, including, legend has
it, Stephen A. Douglas. Further tradition indicates that
Mr. Lincoln, proper Victorian that he was, wrote to the
young lady's father asking for permission to "pay his ad
dress" to the gentleman's daughter. Mr. Todd promptly
wrote, so the story goes, to Ninian Edwards to inquire
llf
of this Mr. Lincoln. About the end of the year l8*t0,
15
the couple was engaged. Then something happened— the
famed "broken engagement." It is not relevant to this
study to delve into the story of the couple's problems
at this time. Indeed the story has already been fully
16
told and all evidence weighed. In time they were rec
onciled and the association renewed. On the evening of
November l8*+ 2, at the Edwards Mansion, Abraham Lincoln
and Mary Todd were married. A few days later the groom
13
Statement of Mrs. Ninian W. Edwards to William H.
Herndon, undated, in the Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of
Congress. Printed in Hertz, Hidden Lincoln, pp. 373-376.
ll+Bandall, Marv Lincoln, p. 17•
•^Statement of Mrs. Ninian W. Edwards to William H.
Herndon, Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of Congress, printed
in Hertz, Hidden Lincoln, pp. 373-376.
^Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. 36-51.
in a letter to a friend wrote: "Nothing new here, except
17
my marrying, which to me, is matter of profound wonder."
Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln lived in the Globe Tavern in
Springfield during the first year of their marriage. At
this time the couple had to be extremely careful of money,
and they could not yet afford a home of their own. During
the year I8V 3, Lincoln wrote several interesting letters
to his friend Joshua Fry Speed of Kentucky in which he
discussed his new life. Regarding their living quarters,
he told Speed: "We are not keeping house; but boarding
at the Globe Tavern, which is very well kept by a widow
18
lady of the name of Beck." In the same sentence he men
tions that their board was only four dollars per week.
Evidently Speed had already written Lincoln to inquire
about the prospect of there being an addition to the fam
ily, for as early as March, I8V 3, Lincoln was writing:
"About the prospects of your having a namesake at our
19
house, cant £ 1 2.7 say, yet." Certainly by that time
17
Abraham Lincoln to Samuel D. Marshall, November 11,
l8^+2* Roy P. Basler, editor, The Collected Works of
Abraham Lincoln (8 vols., New Brunswick, 1953), I, 30^-
3 0 Hereinafter cited as Basler, Collected Works.
■^Abraham Lincoln to Joshua F. Speed, May 18, 181*3.
Ibid.. I, 323-325.
■^Abraham Lincoln to Joshua F. Speed, May 21 *, l8**3.
Ibid.. I, 319.
the Lincolns knew of the impending arrival, but perhaps
the father-to-be was merely indicating the obvious fact
that the baby might be a girl and there would be no Joshua
Lincoln. However, perhaps he was just hedging on the name
even if it were a boy. It is possible that Mary Lincoln
did not care for the name. In the late spring of 184-3,
Speed wanted the Lincolns to visit in Kentucky but Abraham
Lincoln declined giving as one of his reasons, "those
20
'coming events.1" "We are but two, as yet," wrote the
21
father-to-be on July 26, 184-3. The baby was born in
the Globe Tavern on August 1, 184-3. It was a boy and he
was named Robert Todd Lincoln for his maternal grand-
22
father. Fortunately for the mother's peace of mind
the father was In town when the child was born. How
ever, frequently he was away "on circuit" practicing his
profession. For example, he was absent from Springfield
from April 5 to May 5 of the year in which Robert was
Abraham Lincoln to Joshua F. Speed, May 18, 184-3.
Basler, Collected Works. I, 232-25.
21
Abraham Lincoln to Joshua F. Speed, July 26, 184-3.
Ibid.. I, 328.
22Despite the tendency of his father's biographers to
use the three names as if to emphasize the Todd back
ground, Robert apparently never used the full name. He
was always Robert T. Lincoln or R. T. Lincoln.
17
23
born. Mrs. Lincoln's latest biographer feels it strange
that Mary was not taken to the Edwards Mansion or to the
home of one of her other sisters then living in Spring
field, but suggests that possibly there was still resent
ment over the fact that Mary may have married against her
2b
family's wishes. Robert Todd Lincoln was thus born into
somewhat humble circumstances although certainly not simi
lar to the surroundings into which his father was born.
The gentleman for whom the infant was named, Robert S.
Todd, came up from Lexington to bestow his best wishes
on his little namesake. Robert Lincoln later, in com
menting on how he was named, stated, "I was named for my
maternal grandfather . . . and not for any connection
25
with any Lincoln bearing the name." The evidence seems
to indicate that Mr. Todd felt differently toward his son-
in-law than did other members of the family. Well
aware of the fact that the Lincolns were not well off
23
Harry E. Pratt, Lincoln. lffl+O-lffi+bg Being the
Dav-bv-Dav Activities of Abraham Lincoln from January 1,
18HO to December 31. l8%> (Springfield, 1939), PP»
171-17F.
2b
Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. 8 2.
25
Robert T. Lincoln to Ida Tarbell, August 6, 1920,
Allegheny College Library.
18
financially, he on several occasions advanced them
money. It is estimated that during the decade of
the iSJ+O's, Lincoln’s law practice yielded him ahout
$1,500 to $2,000 per year.2^ In addition to the nor
mal expenses connected with raising a family, Lincoln
was, at this time, still attempting to pay off debts
he had incurred in an earlier period.
Concerning the early life of Robert T. Lincoln,
it has been said that he had a generally normal child-
2 8
hood. Fellow guests at the Globe Tavern recalled
the first few weeks in the life of Robert Todd Lincoln.
“Mrs. Lincoln had no nurse for herself or the baby.
Whether this was due to poverty or more probably to
the great difficulty of securing domestic help, I do
not know," wrote a woman who was six years old at the
time or Robert's birth. She was Sophie, the daughter
of Mr. and Mrs. Albert Taylor Bledsoe, and recorded that
2^[Jpon the death of Mr. Todd it was found that the
amounts totaled $1,157*50» William H. Townsend, Lincoln
and His Wife's Home Town (Indianapolis, 1929)> P» 90.
27
Harry E. Pratt, The Personal Finances of Abraham
Lincoln (Springfield, 19*+3)> pp. I1 * and 84-85.
So wrote the late Harry E. Pratt in a review of
Ruth Painter Randall's Lincoln1s Sons. The review was
contained in the Saturday Review of Literature (Janu
ary 2 6, 1956), pp. 26-27«
19
her mother went every day to Mrs. Lincoln's room and
washed and dressed the baby. Young Sophie later recalled:
I was very fond of babies, and took on
myself the post of amateur nurse. I remem
ber well how I used to lug this rather large
baby about to my great delight, often drag
ging him through a hole in the fence between
the tavern grounds and an adjacent empty lot,
and laying him down in the high grass, where
he contentedly lay awake or asleep, as the
case might be. I have often since that time
wondered how Mrs. Lincoln could have trusted
a particularly small six year old with this
charge. . . .29
In the fall of l8*+ 3, the Lincolns changed their resi
dence from the Globe Tavern to a small frame house located
at 21*+ South Fourth Street in Springfield.^ There they
spent a part of one winter and in January of 18*+*+, Abraham
Lincoln purchased a house located at the corner of Eighth
and Jackson Streets. In May the three Lincolns moved into
the home where they were to live for the next sixteen
31
years and where Robert was to be raised. Ultimately
the Lincoln family included four sons, although the sec
ond boy died before the arrival of the third. The three
29
Quoted in Pratt, Personal Finances of Abraham
Lincoln, p. 8*+.
•30
There is a sketch of this "cottage1 1 contained
in W. A. Evans, Mrs. Abraham Lincoln. A Study of Her
Personality and Her Influence on Lincoln ( ’ New York,
1932), P. 1357"
31
Pratt, Personal Finances of Abraham Lincoln, p. 6 3.
20
children younger than Robert were: Edward Baker Lincoln,
born March 1, 181+6; William Wallace Lincoln, born Decem-
32
bar 21, 1850; and Thomas, born April V, 1853• "Little
Eddie," as he was known within the family, died Febru-
33
ary 1, 1 8 5 0.
The Lincoln residence on Eighth Street in Spring
field, which one day Robert Lincoln would give to the
State of Illinois as a public monument, bore little re
semblance to its present state when the family first oc
cupied it. It could not even compare with the grandeur
of the Edwards home. When the Lincolns moved in, it was
a rather small story-and-a-half dwelling. Over the years
it was expanded and grew as the needs of the family grew.
The house was located near Mr. Lincoln's law office. Many
people have left their recollections of the family in
Springfield in the 181+0's and 1 8 5 0's, and it is from these
memoirs, plus letters written by members of the fgmily it
self, that a picture is formed of Robert Lincoln in his
early years.
In October of 181+6, Robert's father was again writ
ing to Joshua Speed, this time to tell him of the arrival
^Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln. I, 200.
33
Randall, Eferv Lincoln, p. 1*+1.
21
of another child. His comments respecting his first
born are interesting:
Bob is 'short and low,' and, I expect,
always will be. He talks very plainly— al
most as plainly as any body. He is quite
smart enough. I sometimes fear he is one
of the little rare-ripe sort, that are^h.
smarter at about five than ever after.*5
This oft quoted letter is unusual and many have wondered
about its meaning. Is it indicative of a lack of warmth
toward the child on the father's part? Certain of Abraham
Lincoln's biographers have thought it to be. Or was it
rather simply a proud parent rather than boasting too much
and Joking about a first born son of whom he had already
said that “He is quite smart enough." Only Abraham
Lincoln could answer this and any inference drawn from
the statement is pure guesswork. The letter continues
with the observation that “Bob has a great deal of that
sort of mischief that is the offspring of much animal
spirits." Lincoln was evidently writing to Speed from
his law office for he next reveals that his son engaged
in the childish sport of running away from home.
Since I began this letter, a messenger
came to tell me. Bob was lost; but by the
time I reached the house, his mother had
found him, and had him whiped /sic7 — and,
by now, very likely he is run away again.
ok
J Abraham Lincoln to Joshua F. Speed, October 22,
18^6, Basler, Collected Works. I, 389-391*
22
Apparently young Robert's running away from home was a
relatively common occurrence. At least it happened often
enough that a neighbor of the Lincolns could recall on
several occasions, Mrs. Lincoln's dashing out to the front
of the house and screaming "Bobbie's lost I Bobbie's
35
lost J» '
The home life of the Lincolns has received much
attention from historians. The first of these was
William H. Herndon who painted such a bad picture of
that home life that only recently has the more accu
rate story been told. As Herndon put it, "Mr. and
Mrs. Lincoln never lived a harmonious life."^ Rel
ative to the house on Eighth Street, he observed Lincoln
"exercised no government at all over his household. His
children did much as they pleased. Many of their antics
he approved, but he restrained them in nothing. He never
reproved them or gave them a frown." It cannot be de
nied that the day-to-day life of the Abraham Lincolns of
^Randall, Mkry Lincoln, p. 1 1 8.
3^William H. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, November 19,
1885, Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of Congress. Copy in the
possession of the writer.
•37
William H. Herndon, Life of Lincoln (Angle edition,
New York, 1930), p. 3*+*+-
23
38
Springfield was far from quiet. Mary Lincoln was
undeniably nervous and suffered from temper tantrums
and was given to outbursts which shattered the nor
mal calm of family living. For example, Mrs. Lincoln
was at times unable to cope with the problems that
raising an active normal boy created. On one occa
sion, "Bobbie," playing in the yard, got into the lime
box which was a necessary item in the days of outside
toilets, and put some of the lime into his mouth. Mary
Lincoln begam screaming "Bobbie will die 1 Bobbie will
die I" This continued until a neighbor rushed over and
39
washed out the child's mouth. In the words of Mrs.
Lincoln's biographer, "she was a nervous, over anxious
*+ 0
mother." In short, she was an individual who had great
difficulty in coping with many of life's smaller prob
lems, and later when faced with some great problems en
tirely broke down.
Yet it cannot be denied that living with Abraham
Lincoln did not help produce these outbursts. Lincoln
38
Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. 97-113j while sympa
thetic to Mrs. Lincoln, concludes that at some points
Herndon's view of the Lincoln household was reasonably
correct.
3 9Ibid., p. 1 1 8.
liQ
Ibid.. p. 118.
2b
was moody, somewhat absent-minded, and given to
melancholia. All this was coupled with a tendency
to ignore, at times, the niceties of polite soci
ety which were so important to Mary Lincoln. On
many occasions he would be late to dinner which would
^1
cause a mild outburst from his wife. He also had a
habit of greeting the ladies of Springfield when they
called at the front door dressed in his shirt-sleeves
b2
rather than properly attired in a coat. In short,
both parents of Robert Lincoln were what would be called
today "personality problems." Yet all evidence points
to the fact that Abraham and Mary Lincoln were extremely
devoted to each other from the beginning of their rela
tionship to the day of their respective deaths. They
needed one another. Lincoln served as a restraining
force on his flighty wife, while she, albeit by "nag
ging" at times, spurred him on.
Once settled into their permanent home in Spring
field, family living drifted into a routine. Usually
the Lincolns had a servant girl, although in Illinois
in the lS^O's servants were difficult to hire and made
difficult to keep by Mary's temper. Mr. Lincoln, in
^Helm, Marv. Wife of Lincoln, p. 112.
Herndon, Life of Lincoln, p. 3b$.
25
addition to his law practice, had chores to do around the
house. He chopped the wood to keep the winter fires going
and little Robert worked alongside chopping the kindling
l+-a
wood. Also, unlike many men of his period, he took a
hand with the raising of the children when not away from
home "riding the circuit." In his role of a parent,
Lincoln anticipated more modern developments in child
rearing. "Spare the rod and spoil the child," preva
lent in the l8 0 0's, was not his motto; rather it was
the more progressive "Spare the rod for you may warp
the child's personality." In i860, the President-elect
wrote to a friend concerning Robert who was about to
enter college, "He promises well, considering we never
1 +1* .
controlled him much." In short, the Lincoln chil
dren did as they pleased at all times. Not everyone
in Springfield agreed with Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln's meth
ods of child raising. In fact, few did and there were
raised eyebrows over the situation. William H. Herndon,
Lincoln's well-known law partner, took an extremely dim
view of the rearing of the little "brats." Yet Mr.
Herndon was forced to admit that the rearing was not
U-3
Octavia Roberts, Lincoln in Illinois (Boston,
1918), p. 72.
^Lincoln to A. C. Henry, July *+, i860, Basler,
Collected Works T IV, 81-82.
26
due to a lack of interest in the children. Referring to
his senior partner and the partner's children, Herndon
noteds "He loved what they loved and hated what they
hated." Mr. Herndon, who from time to time chine face
to face with the problem of the activities of the Lincoln
children, observed: "I have felt many & many a time that
I wanted to wring their little necks and yet out of re-
spect for Lincoln I kept my mouth shut." Undoubtedly
Herndon had company in his wish to "wring their little
necks," but all of Springfield came to know that Lincoln
U-7
"worshipped his children." '
What bothered Mr. Herndon most of all was Lincoln's
Sunday morning habit of baby sitting with the children
at the law office while Mrs. Lincoln attended church. To
be sure, the office of Lincoln and Herndon was probably
always far from being spotlessly clean, but the Lincoln
sons could make chaos out of confusion. Robert and his
brothers could find many things with which to entertain
^^William H. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, February 18,
1 8 8 7, Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of Congress. Copy in the
possession of the writer.
^^/illiam H. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, November 1 9,
1885, Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of Congress. Copy in the
possession of the writer.
^William H. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, February 18,
1 8 8 7, Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of Congress. Copy in tne
possession of the writer.
27
themselves. There were books to pull from the shelves
to the floor; papers and ink to mix in the proper pro
portion, and pen points which when coupled with pen hold-
lf8
ers made excellent darts for throwing at the wall. One
can feel sympathy with Mr. Herndon and his desire to
''wring the necks of those brats and pitch them out of
lfQ
the windows," and also understand his frustration when
he noted, "...yet out of respect for Lincoln I kept my
50
mouth shut."
From the many neighbors of the Lincoln family have
come testimonials as to the relationship between Mr.
Lincoln and his children. James Gourley, a near neigh
bor, long afterward recalled that "Lincoln would take
his children and would walk out on the Rail way in the
country— would talk to them— explain things carefully
— particularly. He was kind— tender and affectionate
51
to his children— very-very." Robert Lincoln once said
^^Herndon, Life of Lincoln, p. 3^+*
^^v/illiam H. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, January 8,
1886, Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of Congress. Copy in
the possession of the writer.
^^William h. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, November 19>
1 8 8 5, Herndon-Weik MSS, Library of Congress. Copy in
the possession of the writer.
^Statement of James Gourley to William Herndon,
Hertz, Hidden Lincoln, pp. 382-381 **
28
that his father, “who wanted to he known for a genius of
accuracy," demonstrated his amazing memory when the two
were out driving in a carriage.
Driving toward Springfield . . . he
recalled he had surveyed the neighborhood
they were driving through. He stopped the
buggy several times, and each time, with a
chuckle, asked Bob to go into the woods and
at a certain distance find a blazed tree,
which he had more than twenty years ago
marked as a survey corner. 1And he never
made a mistake,1 said Bob.^
The Chicago attorney and biographer of David Davis,
Willard L. King, has observed*
Robert Lincoln had many characteris
tics of his father. He was scrupulously
careful, a quality that I have always at
tributed in his father to his early sur
veying experience. Robert Lincoln also
had the same love of precision. . . .5^
Apparently he learned his lesson well. Mr. Lincoln
himself once said to his wife:
It is my pleasure that my children
are free, happy and unrestrained by pa
rental tyranny. Love is the chain whereby
to bind a child to its parents.55
52
Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln, the Prairie Years
(2 vols., New York, 1926), II, 2^9.
53
Ibid.
•^Willard L. King to the writer, June 6, 195^0
^Randall, Marv Lincoln, p. 101.
29
Robert was just past four when the Lincolns went to
Washington where Mr. Lincoln, in December of 181*7, took
his seat as a Congressman from Illinois. The boy him
self describes his memories of that period beginning with
the observations
I followed the usual pursuits of
infancy and childhood • . • until I was
four years old, when I was taken by my
parents to Washington, D. C., my father
being at that time a member of the House
of Representatives. Of my life in Wash»6
ington my recollections are very faint.'
The Lincolns1 journey from Springfield to Washington was
made by way of Lexington, Kentucky, with a three-week
stopover there for a visit with the Todds. Their mode
of travel was by stage coach, then boat and finally by
58
rail from Frankfort to Lexington. Young "Bobbie" may
not have had any recollections of the trip, but it pro
duced an incident long remembered in the family. Unknown
to Congressman-elect Lincoln and his family, a nephew of
Mrs. Lincoln's stepmother traveled from Frankfort to
Lexington on the same train. The gentleman got off the
^^Robert T. Lincoln, manuscript autobiography in the
Harvard University Archives. Copy in the possession of
the writer.
^Helm, Mary. Wife of Lincoln, pp. 99-102.
5^Wayne C. Temple, "Mary Todd Lincoln's Travels,"
Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society. LII
(Spring, 19^97, pp. lBo-lBl.
30
train at the same time as did the Lincolns but arrived
at the Todd home first. Once there he began to complain
loudly about his train ride. The trouble, it seems, was
that “There were two lively youngsters on board who kept
the whole train in a turmoil, and their long-legged fa
ther, instead of spanking the brats, looked pleased as
Punch and aided and abetted the older one in mischief."
Just then he looked out of the window and cried, “Good
Lord, there they are now." The Lincolns were arriving
and Mrs. Todd's nephew made a quick exit and naturally
was never introduced to the long-legged father who aided
and abetted his eldest son, Robert T. Lincoln, in
59
mischief.
In Washington the Lincolns lived at Mrs. Sprigg's
boarding house just a short distance from the Capitol.
The two lively children must have made life very in
teresting for the other boarders. A young physician
then beginning his practice in Washington and who was
a boarder at Mrs. Sprigg's at this time remembered that
Robert was “a bright boy" who "seemed to have his own
H60
way."
^Helm, Mary. Wife of Lincoln, pp. 101-102.
^Samuel C. Busey, Personal Reminiscences and Rec
ollections (Washington, 1395)> P* 2fcL
31
Mrs. Lincoln, Robert, and Edward remained only three
months in Washington, for by the spring of l8*f 8 they were
61
back in Lexington with the Todds. There exist five let
ters that passed between Abraham and Mary Lincoln during
this period of separation. They contain several refer
ences to the children. In one dated April 1 6, l8*f 8, Con
gressman Lincoln refers to a dream he has had about
"Bobby." It must have been an unpleasant dream for
he sayss "I did not get rid of the impression of that
foolish dream about dear Bobby til I got your letter
written the same day. What did he and Eddy think of
the little letters father sent them?" The conclusion
of this letter reads, "Dont let the blessed fel-
62
lows forget father." Mrs. Lincoln's reply contains
much of the doings of the children. On the day she wrote
her letter, Robert "in his wanderings" had found in the
yard "a little kitten, your hobby. The child brought
the animal into the house but his step-grandmother, the
second Mrs. Todd, disliked it and had it put out of the
^-Paul M. Angle and Earl S. Miers, The Living Lincoln
(New Brunswick, 1955)> P» 96.
^2Abraham Lincoln to Mary Lincoln, April 16, 18M3,
Basler, Collected Works. I, b65-k66.
^^Referring to Lincoln's habit of bringing home stray
animals. See Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. 111.
32
house with "Ed-screaming & protesting loudly against the
6U-
proceedings." In another letter, dated June 12, Lincoln
mentioned how he missed his family and also that "Every
65
body here wants to see our dear Bohby." Evidently
Mr. Lincoln had been telling everyone he met about his
eldest son. In the last letter of the series dated
July 2, 181+8, Lincoln, by now very lonely for his fam
ily, mentions that he had hoped to have his family with
him before now but that Mary should stay at her father's
as long as she pleases and concludes with "Kiss and love
66
the dear rascals. Affectionately, A. Lincoln."
Sometime during the summer or fall of 131+8, the
Lincolns returned to Springfield, but apparently left
Robert to spend the winter in Lexington. The only ex
isting evidence of this is Robert's own statement to
the effect that "I lived with my Grandfather at Lexington,
67
Ky.," during the winter of 181+8-181+9. Ruth Painter
Randall in her work, Lincoln1s Sons, believes that Robert
61+
Mary Lincoln to Abraham Lincoln, May, 181+8, as
quoted in Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. 111.
^Abraham Lincoln to Mary Todd Lincoln, June 12,
181+8, Basler, Collected Works. I, 1* - 77-^7 8.
6 6Ibid.. I, 1+ 9 5-I+ 9 6.
^Robert T. Lincoln, Manuscript Autobiography.
33
was profoundly Influenced by his visit even though he was
68
only five years old at the time. She implies that he
found a deep sense of kinship with his mother’s family
and that he took on Todd manners and ways to the extent
of being out of sympathy with his father and his father’s
early struggles. However, the late Harry E. Pratt, a
Lincoln authority, once severely criticized this line
of reasoning. He noted that even the fact of a visit
that winter is an “unsupported statement," and believed
that Mrs. Randall had substituted “pseudo-psychoanalysis"
69
for research.
Even admitting that the visit did take place, by the
summer of 18^9, Robert was back home. The following win
ter Robert's brother "Eddie" died on February 1, 18^0.
Robert, by now an alert boy of seven, must have felt the
loss of the little boy. The death of “Eddie" would have
special meaning for "Bobbie." In a way, it cut him off
from close sibling associations. Dr. W. A. Evans, a phy
sician who explored the personality of Mrs. Lincoln and
her family, noted;
6%luth Painter Randall, Lincoln1s Sons (Boston,
1955)» PP» 26-28.
^Harry E. Pratt, Review of the book, Lincoln1s
Sons, by Ruth Painter Randall, Saturday Review of Lit
erature (January 26, 1 9 5 6), pp. 26-27*
3^
Had it not been for the death of
Edward at four years, the children would
have been close enough in age to have
made effective the education and social
value of fraternal contacts and influ
ences, without being so close as to over
tax the mother’s time and energy. As it
was, Robert was too old to exercise much
influence on the lives of Willie and Tad,
nor did they help him much. In the group
ing of the children in their activities,
we find Willie and Tad in close and con
stant association, while Robert stood
apart. Those men with whom I have talked
of their Lincoln associations have re
ferred to themselves as playmates of
Robert or playmates of Willie and Tad,
but never as playmates of Robert and
the younger boys. Had Edward lived,
he would have bridged the gap.7°
It was just before Christmas in the same year that Edward
died that the third Lincoln son, William Wallace, was
born. Partially in order to take the family's mind off
their bereavement and partially for business reasons,
the Lincolns again travelled to Lexington in the sum-
71
mer of 1851. Robert again became acquainted with the
host of Todd relatives.
By this time Robert had already begun his formal
education. He was, by all accounts, a bright, even pre
cocious child; he knew what was going on in the world
about him. Mr. Lincoln's friend, David Davis, reported
^Bvans, Mrs. Abraham Lincoln, pp. 137-138.
Mary. Wife of Lincoln, pp. 102-106.
35
to his wife, about this time, that Lincoln had told him,
that Robert had heard discussion of a murder case in
Boston and that “Bobbie'1 was aware of the fate of the
convicted murderer. In fact, the boy was keeping count
of the days “that Dr. Webster had to live & Thursday he
said that Thursday was the last night he had to live.
Rather singular that the event should so mark itself
72
. . . on a child of seven years." The facts of Robert's
schooling are somewhat obscure. He, himself, recalled:
"I have a dim recollection of being under the slipper-
73
guardianship of a Schoolmistress until 1 8 5 0.“ Then,
for the next three years, he was in attendance at an
7 1 1 -
academy operated by a Mr. Esterbrook. There is a tra
dition to the effect that when Robert Lincoln was learn
ing Latin at this time his father studied along with him
75
and the two declined nouns together.
It appears that at this time Robert had a slight
physical handicap. Seemingly he was cross-eyed, a con
dition which was later corrected, but while he was so
72Randall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 32.
73R0bert T. Lincoln, Manuscript Autobiography.
^'Randall, Mary Lincoln* p. 155.
36
afflicted his school mates bestowed upon him the
76
uncomplimentary name of "Cockeye. 1 1
One imagines that school occupied as small a
part in Robert's life as he could possibly manage.
Outside of the classroom there were many things of
interest to the growing child. Springfield abounded
in animals, for example, and the Lincolns had their
share of family pets. On one occasion Bobbie was bit
ten by what was thought to be a mad dog, and the neces
sary medical precautions were taken. The possibility
of hydrophobia could be alleviated, it was then believed,
by the use of a "mad-stone," a special type of stone which
when applied to the wound was supposed to draw off the
poison. "Mad-stones" were very rare; indeed, the near
est one was in Terre Haute, Indiana, but as Robert's aunt,
Mrs. Frances Wallace, later recalled, father and son Jour-
77
neyed to Indiana where "Bobbie" was "cured." This epi
sode did not diminish Robert's interest in canines for an
other story tells of the time when Robert and his friends
decided to put on a trained dog show for the enjoyment of
the neighborhood children. This involved teaching the
dogs to stand on their hind legs and growl like lions.
^Mearns, The Lincoln Papers. I, 5«
^Herndon, Life of Lincoln, p. 352.
37
The animals refused to co-operate so the boys tied their
front legs up to the rafters of the shed in which the show
was to be held. By now Mr. Lincoln had heard of the situ
ation— undoubtedly the animals themselves sounded the
alarm— and came to investigate. He arrived with a bar-
78
rel stave in hand and the boys fled. On other occa
sions Robert and a friend would harness a dog to what
was probably a child's wagon and let the animal provide
motive power for the vehicle. There is also evidence
of an attempt to use cats for the same purpose, but this
79
did not work out too well.
The Lincoln sons took turns in attempting to get
their father away from the office when the dinner hour
arrived. Once one of the boys had been sent on the er
rand, and in this particular instance it is not clear
exactly which son it was who was sent to bring home the
head of the household. Generally it is identified as
Robert. Lincoln was playing chess with Judge Samuel H.
Treat in the offices of Lincoln and Herndon, when his
son arrived to tell him dinner was ready. The engrossed
chess player promised to come at once. Minutes passed
and no Lincoln. Again the boy went back and this time
7%andall, Lincoln's Sons, pp. U-3-Mf.
^%ertz, Hidden Lincoln, pp. 382-38* * - .
38
succeeded in getting his father home. He walked over to
the chess board and kicked it into the air, thus effec
tively ending the chess game i Judge Treat was surprised
that his partner took no action against the child but
merely observed: “Well, Judge, I reckon we'll have to
80
finish this game some other time.1 1 Another day, when
evidently it was Tad who had been sent to bring father
home, the two were walking past a hotel when they encoun
tered Lincoln's friend George T. M. Davis. Mr. Lincoln
and Mr. Davis began to talk, and a few minutes later
Robert Lincoln came down the street and joined the group.
Robert and Tad were discussing something when Lincoln
turned and said: "Tad, show Mr. Davis the knife I bought
you yesterday." To Davis, Lincoln remarked that it was
Tad's first knife and quite an event in the youngster's
life. Tad looked embarrassed and his father asked: "You
haven't lost your knife, have you?" "No, but I ain't got
any." "What has become of it?" asked the by now suspi
cious father. Tad then blurted out the story. Tad had
been induced by his older brother to trade the knife for
some candy Robert had and the knife was now the property
of Robert. Mr. Lincoln pointed out that the candy was
worth only one-third the value of that for which it had
^Sandburg, Prairie Years. II, 280-281.
been traded and Robert, handing the knife back to Tad,
agreed that it had not been a fair trade. Yet Abraham
Lincoln knew that this would not entirely solve the prob
lem for Tad could not return the candy he had already
eaten. The solution was reached by Mr. Lincoln provid
ing Tad with a coin with which he could buy Robert the
candy he owed him. The incident ended with the boys rush-
81
ing off to the candy store.
The Lincoln family of Springfield was very much a
self-contained family, although there were friends and
relatives in abundance. The latter category it must be
noted was made up almost entirely of Todds and families
on the mother's side. There were no other Lincolns in
Springfield. Robert's grandfather, Thomas Lincoln, was
alive until 1 8 5 1, and his step-grandmother until 1 8 6 9,
but there is no evidence to indicate that Robert ever
saw either of them. Abraham Lincoln had other relatives
either by blood or through his father's second marriage,
but these were not important in the scheme of things.
"The Coles County'* relatives, as they have been called,
were constantly beseeching Lincoln for aid and needing
him to get them out of their assorted troubles, but only
one Amanda Hanks, daughter of Lincoln's cousin Dennis
^Randall, Lincoln's Sons, pp. 33-31 * - .
Uo
Hanks, stayed with the Lincolns and that was for only a
82
short period. Mary Lincoln's relatives were much more
the sort to belong in polite society. As has been noted,
Robert had several aunts and uncles by marriage living in
Springfield. Yet of all the relatives outside the imme
diate family circle, the one to whom Robert was closest
was the lovely and charming Emelie Todd, "Little Sister"
as Abraham Lincoln called her and "Aunt Emelie" as Robert
always called her. Emelie Todd Helm was but seven years
older than Robert. Their relationship, which began with
Robert's first visit to Lexington in 18^7, was to last
83
until Robert's death seventy-nine years later. The
Lincolns, as noted, had already made two visits to the
Todd home when Emelie first visited them in Springfield
in l85J +-l855- The young girl was more like an older sis
ter to Robert than an aunt. They passed hours together
playing checkers. When they went out driving in the car
riage Robert was, "Aunt Emelie" recorded in her diary,
8M-
very careful to help them in and out of the carriage.
Mary Lincoln was teaching her son to be mannerly,
^Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. 127-138.
^3nAunt Emelie" would outlive Robert, dying at
ninety-three, February 20, 1930. See New York Times.
February 21, 1930, p. 19j col. 3«
81+
Helm, Mary, Wife of Lincoln, p. 103•
*fl
something that all those who met him in later life would
note as a distinguishing characteristic of Robert T.
Lincoln,
Mrs. Lincoln was also introducing her children to
good literature, which on at least one occasion Robert
put to practical play use. After a session of Sir Walter
Scott's writings, Robert went out to play knight with an
other boy. The two “knights" were engaging in jousting
and Emelie heard Robert grandly proclaim* “This rock
shall fly from its firm base as soon as I." Mrs,
Lincoln also made certain that her sons learned other
social graces. Robert and his cousin, John Stuart, Jr.,
86
were taught dancing by a local dancing master.
Young Robert Lincoln was also learning to be useful
around the house. It has already been noted that he
helped his father chop wood for the house. In addi
tion, the records of the stores in Springfield where
the Lincolns traded, frequently carried notations of
purchases made "per son,/' “per Bob," or, as he grew
older, "per Robert." Occasionally the items he pur
chased at the stores were for himself, such as the “1
8^Hertz, Hidden Iiin&ala, p» 1 0 8.
88John T. Stuart to Elizabeth J. Stuart, January 13,
1 8 5 6, as quoted in Pratt, Personal Finances of Abraham
Lincoln, p. 97*
k-2
Pocket Knife, per Bob," with a price of $1,25, bought on
August 22, 1859} at C. M. & S. Smith, local merchants;
but more often he took home sugar, pepper, candles, and
87
the like. '
Yet like all older sons, Robert was forced to assume
the role of baby sitter for Willie and Tad on occasions.
At least once the plans did not come off as anticipated.
Mr. Dubois, the Illinois State auditor, was entertaining
at an evening reception. Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln were in
vited, and Robert had been commissioned to stay at home
with the children. A neighbor girl, Ardelia Wheelock, fa
miliarly known as "Delie," was helping Mrs. Lincoln dress.
Willie and Tad came home from a candy pull, and were
"smeared with molasses candy from head to foot." They
demanded to know what \*as about to happen. Mrs. Lincoln
explained but firmly informed the two that they were to
stay home with their brother, "whereupon the two boys set
up a cry." Just then their father came upon the scene and
was told the reason for the racket. "This will never do"
was Lincoln's observation. "Mary, if you will let the
87
These records are found in Pratt, Personal Finances
of Abraham Lincoln, pp. 1^-5-161. The pocket knife is men
tioned on p. 1 5 9*
**3
boys go, I will take care of them.1 1 Mrs. Lincoln
protested that this was not a place for children,
but Mr. Lincoln, with by now the boys attentive and
on his side of the argument, promised: "I will take
them around the back way, and they can stay in the
kitchen." Just one problem, the molasses candy, re
mained. Robert and "Delie" Wheelock hastily washed
and dressed Willie and Tad. The haste was such that
Tad got his trousers on backwards which produced wails
of "I can't walk good." Mr. Lincoln gathered up his
two sons and proceeded to the Dubois, followed a bit
later by Mrs. Lincoln escorted by Robert. By way of
postscript it should be noted that Mr. Lincoln's plans
to put Willie and Tad in the kitchen went awry, and the
Dubois reception entertained not only Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln
but Mr. Robert Lincoln, and Masters William and Thomas
88
Lincoln.
By 1 8 5 8, Robert's childhood was over and he was ready
for a serious education. If his childhood may be summa
rized in a short sentence, it would seem to be something
to the effect that from all accounts Robert Lincoln's
^Philip W. Ayres, "Lincoln as a Neighbor," the rec
ollections of his mother Ardelia Wheelock Ayres. Review
of Reviews. Vol. LVII, Number 2 (February, 1918), pp.
TF3-18f'.'
early years were normal and apparently happy, making
allowances for his mother's periods of temper and not
unlike thousands of other boys who grew up in the calm,
peaceful unhurried lB^+O's and early 1850's. He was alert,
bright, and likable by all accounts that have survived to
this day.
CHAPTER II
THE ACTIVITIES OF MR. LINCOLN'S EIDEST SON
In the 1 8 5 0's, Springfield, Illinois, was possessed
of an institution of higher learning which bore the lofty
title "Illinois State University." This was a private
school in no way connected with the University of Illinois
or any state supported college. It later became Concordia
College, a theological seminary. However, at the time,
Illinois State University could hardly have been classi
fied as a university or even a college. Rather it was a
preparatory school. It opened its doors to its first stu
dents in April, 18^2, and the following year, Robert T.
Lincoln, then aged ten, was enrolled. As Lincoln himself
later described the institutions "This 'University' had,
I believe, four instructors, Dr. W. M. Reynolds being the
1
President." All four were ministers and the curriculum
was strictly classical. Concerning the quality of in
struction, Robert observed that "the government was very
easy, and we did just what pleased us, study consuming
2
only a very small portion of our time." Eventually he
came to realize that he was wasting his time and "that
^Robert To Lincoln manuscript autobiography in the
Harvard University Archives» Copy in the possession of
the writer.
2Ibid.
b6
3
I never could get an education in that way. ..."
The years at the Springfield school did produce at
least one lasting effect on young Lincoln. This was in
the matter of a friendship he formed with John Hay, later
his father’s private secretary, one of Robert Lincoln's
successors as Minister to London, and Secretary of State.
Hay entered Illinois State University a year earlier than
Lincoln and their friendship formed in 1853 lasted until
Hay's death in 1905. It has been suggested that Hay, who
was nearly five years older than Lincoln, fulfilled the
role of older brother to Robert.
.After Robert and his family had realized the neces
sity of continuing his education elsewhere, a decision was
made that he should do so at Harvard College. The reason
for the selection of this particular institution is not
known although it has been the subject of considerable
speculation. Several possible explanations are offered.
John Hay had in the fall of 1855 gone east with the in
tention of entering Harvard although he eventually chose
%*or a brief history of the school see Paul M. Angle,
"Here I Have Lived." A History of Lincoln1s Springfield,
lH21^lF6^TSpringfield, 1935)? pp. 202-203.
William R. Thayer, The Life and Letters of John Hay
(2 vols., Boston, 1915), I, 20.
^Tyler Dennett, John Hay. From Poetry to Politics
(New York, 193*0, pp.“l?9^60o
b7
6
Brown University instead. Perhaps Robert chose Harvard
when his friend did. It has been suggested also that
Abraham Lincoln's "determination to give his eldest son
Robert the schooling he lacked," swung the decision to
Harvard, one of the best institutions of higher learn-
7
ing to be found in the United States. As a result
8
"Lincoln decided to send Bob to Harvard."
Accordingly, Robert Lincoln applied for admission
to the College for the fall of lS59> and set out for
9
the east in August. He carried with him a letter of
introduction from Senator Stephen A. Douglas who pre
sented the young man as the son of his friend Abraham
Lincoln "with whom I have lately been canvassing the
10
state of Illinois." In light of later history it
seems ironical that the letter came from Douglas but
^Thayer, John Hay. I, 22-23*
^Elwin L. Page, Abraham Lincoln in New Hampshire
(Boston, 1929)j P* 5*
8Ibid.. p. 8.
^Mary Todd Lincoln in a letter of August 2 8, l859>
mentions that "Bob, left for college, in Boston, a few
days since. ..." Quoted in Ruth Painter Randall,
Lincoln1s Sons (Boston, 1955)j P* 62.
^As quoted in J. Seymour Currey, Chicago: Its
History and Its Builders (5 vols., Chicago, 1912), II,
XT.
at that time the Senator was known throughout the entire
nation and, by contrast, it is said that at the time
Robert Lincoln entered Harvard, only one member of the
college faculty, James Russell Lowell, had ever heard
11
the name, Abraham Lincoln. Young Lincoln arrived at
Harvard and took the entrance examinations for admit
tance. That the education he had received in Springfield
was woefully deficient is indicated by the fact that of
the sixteen entrance examinations he took, he failed in
12
fifteen of them. Five years later Robert recalled his
horrible experience. “On being examined I had the honor
to receive a fabulous number of conditions which precluded
my admission.“ He had met defeat but “I was resolved not
to retire beaten, and acting under the advice of President
Walker, 'of Harvard,' I entered the well-known Academy of
Exeter, N. H."^
The correspondence that must have passed between the
unhappy and probably homesick Robert and his parents is
not available to read, but one may guess at its contents.
A year later one of Robert's friends, George Latham of
■^Edward Everett Hale, James Russell Lowell and His
Friends (Boston, 1 8 9 9), pp. 200-202.
l^David C. Mearns, The Lincoln Papers (2 vols.,
Garden City, New York, 19^), I, 6.
•^■^Robert T. Lincoln, manuscript autobiography.
b9
Springfield, found himself in a similar position and
Abraham Lincoln, then busy campaigning for the Pres
idency, took time out to write the boy. The letter,
which may well have been almost a duplicate of one to
Robert, reads
I have scarcely felt greater pain in
my life than on learning yesterday from
Bob's letter, that you had failed to
enter Harvard University. As yet there
is very little in it, if you will allow
no feeling of discouragement to seize,
and prey upon you. It is a certain truth,
that you can enter, and graduate in,
Harvard University; and having made the
attempt, you must succeed in it. "Must"
is the word.
I know not how to aid you, save in
the assurance of one of mature age, and
much severe experience, that you can not
fail, if you resolutely determine, that
you will not.
The President of the institution,
can scarcely be other than a kind man;
and doubtless he would grant you an in
terview, and point out the readiest way
to remove, or overcome, the obstacles
which have thwarted you.
In your temporary failure there is
no evidence that you may not yet be a
better scholar, and a more successful
man in the great struggle of life, than
many others, who have entered college
more easily.
Again I say let no feeling of dis
couragement prey upon you and in the end
50
1* +
you are sure to succeed.
Robert Lincoln followed President Walker's advice
and in the fall of 1 8 5 9> entered the famous preparatory
school Phillips Exeter Academy. Again in the young man's
own words, "I went to Exeter, hoping to enter the Class
preparing to enter College, the next July, as Sophomores.
The worthy Principal, Dr. Soule, soon convinced me of the
vanity of my aspirations and I was obliged to enter the
Sub-Freshman Class.The Academy had first opened its
doors in April of 1 7 8 3, and since that time had been a
notable institution.^ Two of its most famous students
were Daniel Webster and Lewis Cass. The dominant fig
ure of the academy from 1838 until 1 8 7 2 was the "worthy
Principal" Gideon Lane Soule, a Bowdoin graduate and for
merly Professor of Ancient Languages. It has been said
Abraham Lincoln to George C. Latham, July 22, i860,
as found in Roy P. Basler, editor, Collected Works of
Abraham Lincoln (8 vols.. New Brunswick, New Jersey77
hereinafter cited as Basler, Collected Works. IV, 8 7.
15
Robert T. Lincoln manuscript autobiography.
Lincoln was actually in the senior class at Phillips,
but it was "Sub-Freshman" in regard to college. The
class above this one, which he had hoped to enter,
actually did the work of college freshmen and were
given credit for such when they transferred to an
other school.
■^Laurence M. Crosbie, The Phillips Exeter Acad
emy. A History (Norwood, Massachusetts, 1 9 2 3), p. 3!?*
51
that "as a teacher Dr. Soule was neither original nor
17
progressive." The entire school reflected an air of
stagnant tradition and although reforms were on their
way, their realization would not be until much later.
The Academy "was still characterized by devotion to the
classics, Greek and Latin, with just a smattering of
18
mathematics and a little history. ..."
When Robert Lincoln arrived at Phillips, the school
19
was small. He enrolled September 15, 1859, but there
remains no record of the subjects he took nor the grades
20
he received. The bulk of the students lived in Abbot
Hall, a dormitory which was in use after the mid-l850's.
However, for one reason or another, Lincoln did not live
in Abbot. Perhaps the hall was filled or perhaps he de
sired more freedom than he would have been permitted had
he lived on campus. For a time he visited at the Exeter
17
Crosbie, Phillips Exeter Academy, p. 91 **
1 8Ibid., p. 1 1 1.
19
No exact enrollment figures are available for 1859-
1860, but the next year Exeter had a total of 151 stu
dents, ibid., p. 9 8.
2^A11 records prior to the year 1873 were destroyed
by fire. Gertrude E. Starks. Alumni Secretary, The
Phillips Exeter Academy, to the writer, July 1, 195^.
52
21
home of Amos Tuck, a friend of his father. Then he took
up permanent residence as a roomer at the home of Mr. and
Mrs. Samuel B. Clarke, whose address in Exeter is said to
22
have been 7 Pleasant Street, not far from the campus.
Here Lincoln shared a room with his friend George Latham.
Abraham Lincoln paid his son's tuition which amounted to
twenty-four dollars per year, plus board and room. If
Robert had boarded on campus, the cost is estimated to
have been $1 .3 0 to $1 .5 0 per week, but it cost more to
live in private homes. Here the cost was from $2.25 up-
23
wards. The financial records of Abraham Lincoln indi
cate that from time to time he sent Robert checks or .money
orders to cover his expenses and to give him extra spend-
2b
ing money.
Students at the Academy in the l850's were treated
as children, not as young men. At opening day each year,
Dr. Soule would announce to the assembled student body
that "the Academy has no rules— until they are broken."
OT
Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire, p. 9 8.
Q Q
Gertrude E. Starks to the writer, July 1, 1958.
2^Crosbie, Phillips Exeter Academy, p. 202*
pit
Harry E. Pratt, Personal Finances of Abraham
Lincoln (Springfield, 19^3).
Then he would continues "But there is one rule I wish
to make; whoever crosses the threshold of a billiard sa
loon, crosses the threshold of the Academy for the last
25
time." Without doubt this caused countless students
to go out of curiosity where they would never have gone
had the matter not been raised. One important reform had
been brought to the campus the year before Robert arrived.
No longer did the students have to do their studying out
side of class under the watchful eye of an instructor, but
they could now work in their own rooms. However, they
must be in their rooms by seven P. M. although it is not
recorded if the Clarkes made Lincoln and Latham adhere
to this rule.^
Robert Lincoln settled into the routine of Academy
life. He was now on his own and no longer under the fam
ily roof. He made new friends easily and was very well
liked by his fellow students as well as the townspeople
of Exeter. One of his classmates, Marshall S. Snow, later
President of Washington University, St. Louis, Missouri,
later recalled that he was a "very popular young fellow,
a gentleman in every sense of the word" and "... very
25
Crosbie, Phillips Exeter Academy, p. 95*
2^Ibid.. pp. 9 8-9 9o
5^
27
popular with the girls of the town," There still exists
in Exeter the legend of Robert Lincoln taking part in stu
dents * pranks during the year of his residence at the
school. The story has two different versions but they
are similar except for one detail. The boys, includ
ing Robert, went through the town unhinging and carry
ing off the fence gates of the homes in the town. The
group was apprehended and called to justice. One ver
sion of the story is that they were taken before the local
justice of the peace while the other indicates that it was
28
before Dr. Soule. In both versions it is said that the
name of Robert Lincoln was excluded from the list of cul
prits because of the prominence of his father. However,
Robert insisted upon no such immunity and took his pun
ishment with the rest.
Despite the occasional respites from duty, Robert
later thought of his year at Exeter as "devoid of excite-
29
ment, and full of hard work." It was a profitable year
27
Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 6.
28
Ibid., pp. 6-7, states the group went before the
Justice"""oiF"the Peace. An unidentified clipping in the
Harvard University Archives, copy in the possession of
the writer, claims they were taken to Dr. Soule.
29
Robert T. Lincoln manuscript autobiography.
55
and enabled him to enter Harvard in the fall of i860.
This year was an exciting one for Robert for an important
reason. The Lincolns were most anxious to visit their
son, and while Mrs. Lincoln was too occupied with the
rearing of her two smaller boys to make the trip, there
was a good chance that Mr. Lincoln might be able to go.
For a time financial reasons prevented the trip, but late
in 1859 he made his plans to leave Springfield early the
following year. He had received an offer to make a speech
in New York for which he would be paid the sum of two hun
dred dollars plus expenses. The result of his trip to New
York was in part his famed Cooper Union Speech, delivered
February 27, i860, which is said by many to have made
Lincoln well enough known in the East that he was able
to win the Presidency later in the year.^ However, the
address was merely a by-product of Lincoln’s desire to
see his boy. The trip "appealed to the father, not the
■}1
politician. . . After the Cooper Union speech,
Mr. Lincoln traveled north toward Exeter. He arrived
in the town, from Providence, Rhode Island, on
^Benjamin P. Thomas, Abraham Lincoln (New York,
1 9 5 2), pp. 2 0 1-2 0^.
^Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire, p. 7»
56
32
February 2 9, i8 6 0, probably on the h-:27 P. M. train.
The day before Robert Lincoln had received a letter from
George W. Benn, a Republican leader of Dover, New
Hampshire, inquiring about the possibility of Abraham
Lincoln speaking at Dover. Benn did not know Robert's
first name and so addressed him as “To ------- Lincoln,
33
son of A. Lincoln." How ironical this is in light of
Robert's later life for he was destined always to be,
Lincoln, son of A. Lincoln. Despite the limited ad
dress, the letter was received and young Lincoln an
swered it as follows:
Exeter, February 28
Dear Sir:— Your letter did not reach
me until this evening. Mr. Lincoln is to
speak in Providence, R. I. this evening,
and will be here as soon as possible after
that— probably to-morrow afternoon. I will
give him your letter as soon as he arrives
and he will answer it for himself, though I
have no doubt he will be happy to comply
with your kind invitation should his time
permit.
Yours truly,
31+
R. T. Lincoln
^ Paul M. Angle, Lincoln l85*t-l86l. Being the Day-by.
Day Activities of Abraham Lincoln from January 1. 185*+ to
March M-. 1861 (Springfield. 1933). p. 322.
^3page, Lincoln in New Hampshire, p. 26.
3**Robert T. Lincoln to George W. Benn, February 2 8,
i8 6 0, as contained in ibid.. p. 2 7«
57
Robert probably met his father at the station, and
it is presumed that Mr. Lincoln spent the night with his
son in the boys1 quarters. Early the next morning,
March 1, the father and son, together with George Latham,
35
set out for Concord. ' The trip was short and when they
arrived they were taken to their hotel which was next
door to the place where Lincoln was to speak.^ The ad
dress was made at hb'y as scheduled, and later the party
went to the local courthouse where Judge Asa Fowler de
clared a recess in court proceedings so that Frederick
Smyth, a local Republican leader, could introduce '■Lincoln
and his son to the judge and members of the bar who were
•*7
present. 1 1 Following the Concord appearance, the party
went on to Manchester, New Hampshire, where Lincoln again
spoke. The three visitors then checked into the City
Hotel where they spent the night, returning to Exeter
the next day. Abraham Lincoln then went to Dover to ful
fill the engagement mentioned previously, but it is be-
lieved that the boys did not accompany him. The next
35
Angle, Lincoln, Day-by-Day, p. 322.
Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire. p. 30.
3 7Ibid.. p. 3 2.
^Angle, Lincoln. Day-by-Day. p. 322.
day Mr. Lincoln was back in Exeter and this and the
following day, Sunday, March were about the only
time that he had with Robert.
Although it has been noted that "during his days
in Exeter, Lincoln was seen much in Robert's company,"
still their schedule was so busy as to leave little
39
time for them to relax. Sunday morning they attended
the "Second Church of the New Parish," of which the
Reverend Orpheus T. Lanphear was the pastor. After
the service, father and son walked back to Robert's
lodgings and in the evening he had a group of friends
in for the purpose of meeting his father. "Into the
chatter Lincoln entered with true boy-like spirit."
In the course of the conversation, Robert remarked that
one of the boys present, Henry Cluskey, played the
banjo. "Does he?," asked Lincoln and inquired where
the instrument was. Soon the banjo was brought from
Cluskey's room with the owner indicating that he would
have brought it with him but he thought that Mr. Lincoln
would not care for it. Cluskey then gave an impromptu
concert after which Mr. Lincoln "with unaffected pleasure"
Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire, p. 112.
I lQ
Ibid.. p. 113.
59
*+1
said, "Robert, you ought to have one."
While the potential presidential candidate was in
Exeter he spoke on Saturday evening before an audience
composed of townspeople and the faculty and students of
the Academy. A local figure, Judge Underwood, made a
speech of introduction, but wrote one who was there: "I
confess I heard none of it, nor did those of my friends
who sat near me." Instead the boys were intently watch
ing Mr. Lincoln, "tall, lank, awkward; dressed in a loose,
ill-fitting, black frock coat, with black trousers, ill
fitting and somewhat baggy at the knees." They were much
disappointed in the gentleman's appearance and whispered
to one another: "Isn't it too bad Bob's father is so
homely? Don't you feel sorry for him?" The same ob
server then said that after Underwood had finished his
speech Lincoln was presented to the group.
He rose slowly, untangled those long
legs from their contact with the rounds of
the chair, drew himself up to his full
height of six feet, four inches, and began
his speech. Not ten minutes had passed
before his uncouth appearance was abso
lutely forgotten by us boys, and, I be
lieve, by all of that large audience. . . .
There was no more pity for our friend Bob;
l+l
Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire. p. 113*
1+p
The recollections of Marshall S. Snow as found in
Crosbie, Phillips Exeter Academy, pp. 257-258*
60
we were proud of his father. . . . J
All too soon the visit came to a close and early Monday
morning, Lincoln boarded the train for Hartford, Con
necticut, and began the last week of his New England
L lIl
tour. Robert now resumed his studies after an ex
citing few days.
The year i860 continued to be an exciting one for
the Lincolns, and the family was drawn more and more
into the public gaze. On May 16, i860, the Republican
National Convention met in Chicago and on the third bal
lot, nominated Robert’s father for the presidency. Hours
later the news reached Exeter and a friend of the younger
Lincoln, Albert Blair, upon hearing it, ran to find the
one who would be most interested in it. Blair found "Bob"
"in a bowling alley much frequented by him," where he was
calmly engaged in a game.
Blair flourished the paper and yelled,
"Bob, your father got iti" "Goodl," said
Bob, slapping his hip. "I will have to
write home for a check before he spends
all of his money in the campaign. 5
kq
The recollections of Marshall S. Snow as found in
Crosbie, Phillips Exeter Academy. pp. 257-258.
^Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire, p. 11^, and Angle,
Lincoln. Day-by-Day. p. 322*
1^5
Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire. p. 13^«
Still the nomination brought its serious conse
quences, Not only Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln, but their sons
as well, were now considered by the public to be at
least semi-public property. Their lives took on a more
public aspect, and they were constantly being called
upon to make popular appearances. Robert Lincoln liked
this not at all. As much as possible he attempted to
shrink from this demand although occasionally he had some
difficulty in accomplishing this. The election in Novem
ber only served to heighten the situation. Now Mr.
Lincoln was President-elect. Early in December, i860,
Robert inquired of his mother: "Aint you beginning to
get a little tired of this constant uproar?" Writ
ing again from Exeter he reported that he and his friend
Dick Meconkey "have been in a constant round of dissipa
tion since we came. ..." "Dissipation" included "din
ner at Miss Gale's," and a large party given by an old
friend of the Lincolns, Amos Tuck. Still Robert had some
thing to complain about. He had already written his fa
ther about an individual who had apparently been trying to
use the son to gain political influence with Mr. Lincoln.
^^Robert T. Lincoln to Mary T. Lincoln, December 2,
i860, as quoted in Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire, pp.
22-23. Lincoln's use of "aint" was not due to lack of
knowledge but is in line with the joking nature of the
letter.
62
He capped the climax lately. There
was a Republican levee and supper at
Cambridge, to which I was invited— I
did not go for I anticipated what really
happened.
I was sitting in my room about 9^
when two boys came up and handed me an
admission ticket in the back of which
this fellow had written, asking me to
come over as they were calling for me.
— I wrote him a note excusing myself.
He must be the biggest fool in the world
not to know that I did not want to go
over, when if I did, I would be expected
to make a speech 1 Just phancy my phelinks
mounted on the rostrum, holding "a vast
sea of human faces1 1 & c.
The letter concluded, with reference to the sea of human
faces: "I stop overwhelmed. Yours affectionaly R. T.
1+7
Lincoln. 1 1 The uproar of which Robert claimed did not
soon stop, for it had barely begun.
Robert Lincoln's visit to Exeter, New Hampshire,
late in i860, took place some weeks after he entered
Harvard in September of that year. This was an impor
tant as well as exciting period in the life of the young
man. He was at last safely in the college of his choice;
his father in November became President-elect; the Civil
War was almost at hand; and the Lincolns, early in 1861
were preparing to embark for Washington and their new
life. There were many preparations to be made. Mrs.
Lincoln decided to go to New York on a shopping
h.7
'Page, Lincoln in New Hampshire, pp. 22-23.
expedition, and Robert joined her there. It was
reported that while in the metropolis young Lincoln
visited "the Stock Exchange, Treasurer's office and
other public places, where he was kindly received and
shown the various objects of interest which might please
*+9
the young gentleman from the 'Far West. "* Mother and
50
son left New York for home on January 2b, 1861, and ar
rived in Springfield the evening of the next day where
51
they were met by the President-elect. The Springfield
press now reported that "’Bob,1 who is out on vacation
furlough from Cambridge, is in robust health, and meets
with a cordial welcome home, from his old associates and
friends."^2
In February the family's plans were complete and they
were ready to start for their new home. On the evening of
the sixth of the month, they gave a final reception for
their friends. One who was present described it as the
^ New York Herald. January 23, 1861, p. 8, col. *+.
l ibido It is interesting to note that the New York
press then considered Illinois a part of the "Far West."
5°Ibid.. January 2b, 1861, p. 8, col. 5-
51
Angle, Lincoln. Day-by-Day, p. 3 8 9.
^ Illinois State Journal. January 28, 1861, p. 3»
col* 2.
ek
biggest crowd she had ever seen assembled in a private
home. This same guest noted that Robert Lincoln was very-
much in evidence, and "While I was standing near Mr. L.
he came up, and in his humorous style, gave his hand to
his father, saying: 'Good evening Mr, Lincoln 11 In reply
53
his father gave him a gentle slap in the face."
On the morning of February 11, 1861, nearly all of
Springfield was gathered at the Great Western Railroad
depot. A special train waited to take the President-elect
and his party to Washington. Slowly, Abraham Lincoln ac
companied by his eldest son and a group of friends walked
through the crowd and boarded the train. As he stood on
the back platform of the last car, Mr. Lincoln turned and
looked out over the crowd assembled that morning and bade
them farewell. In one of his most touching utterances he
spoke of his past life and of the uncertain future that
5 1+
lay ahead. The train started and the journey had begun.
Mrs. Lincoln and the two younger boys left Springfield
later in the same day and were reunited with the others
at Indianapolis the next day. The trip was a serious af
fair, but Robert has been described as "probably the
^Mrs, James Conkling to her son, Clinton, Febru
ary 12, 1861. as quoted in Ruth Painter Randall, Mary
Lincoln (Boston, 1953)> p. 195-
^See Basler, Collected Works. IV, 190-191, for the
text of the speech.
65
55
happiest and most carefree member of the party." ^
However, there was one aspect of the situation that
did not please him. He was frequently called upon,
as were the other members of his family, to say a
word or two to the assembled crowds that lined the
railroad tracks. By this time the eldest Lincoln
56
son had acquired a nickname, "The Prince of Rails."
Only the year before the Prince of Wales, later
Edward VII of England, had visited the United States
and it was logical that the eldest son of the "rail-
splitter" should be so called in the press. At
Indianapolis, the crowd called for the "Prince,"
but Robert only responded with a wave of the hand.
Mr. Lincoln, wanting to relieve the boy1s embar
rassment, told the crowd that "his boy, Bob, hadn't
57
got in the way of making speeches."
When the party reached Cincinnati, Robert Lincoln
was honored at a banquet given him by fifty young men
of the city. It was held the evening of February 12,
55
Helen Nicolay, Lincoln1s Secretary. A Biography
of John G. Nicolay (New York, 195-9)» p. °3«
56
Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 8.
^ Cincinnati Daily Commercial. February 13, 1861,
as quoted in Randall. Mary Lincoln, p. 201.
66
1861, and the food was plentiful and good. "The volley
of corks that flew for a time reminded one of hostile op
erations." Yet when there came the inevitable call for a
58
speech, the guest of honor politely declined. On
through Ohio went the special train, and then into west
ern Pennsylvania* From that state, the party went north
into New York. At Albany the President-elect made another
of his numerous speeches, and when the Lincolns reboarded
the train to go to New York City, Robert rode part of the
59
distance in the locomotive cab.
Somewhere along the trip, an event of potentially
great calamity took place. Throughout most of the trip
Mr* Lincoln had constantly been in possession of a grip
sack which contained his inaugural address. However, at
one point he turned it over to Robert for safekeeping,
but neglected to tell the boy the precious contents of
6o
the case. Later when Mr. Lincoln asked for its return
58
Cincinnati Gazette, as quoted in Carl Sandburg,
Abraham Lincoln. The War Years vols., New York, 1939),
I, M-3.
59
Sandburg, War Years. I, 5*+»
^There is no agreement upon the place where the in
cident occurred. Sandburg, War Years. I, 7^> indicates
it was at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania. Ben: Perley Poore,
Perley's Reminiscences (Philadelphia, 1886), II. 65-67,
concurs, as do other sources. Nicolay, Lincoln's Secre
tary. 63-6^+, infers that it was Indianapolis.
67
his son casually reported that he had given it to a porter
and let him take it to the hotel. Accounts of Mr.
Lincoln's reaction to this vary. One witness, Ward H.
Lamon, who later came to have an intense dislike for
Robert T. Lincoln, claimed that the President-elect lost
61
his temper for the first time on the trip. Another
source, the writer of which was told of the incident by
Robert Lincoln himself, states quoting Robert, "Father
62
did not scold." Abraham Lincoln immediately ran to the
hotel baggage room and began searching for the lost arti
cle, undoubtedly meanwhile thinking of the results of the
address falling into the wrong hands. Any newspaper would
have given much to have an advance copy of the speech. At
last the gripsack was found, unopened, and the owner "car
ried the bag back to his room, handed it once more to his
son, told him what it contained, and added, "Now you keep
iti"
As the travelers went farther south, the receptions
they received changed. There were rumors of a plan to as
sassinate Mr. Lincoln at Baltimore, and those in charge of
his safety removed him from the train and sped him to
^Sandburg, War Years. I, 7l +-75.
^2Nicolay, Lincoln's Secretary, p. 6 5.
63Ibid.
68
6M-
Washington by another special train. When Lincoln was
separated from his family, Mrs. Lincoln became very
alarmed and fearful of her husband's safety. To Robert
fell the task of calming his mother as much as it was
possible to do so, and he also took over the task of at
tempting to keep up the spirits of the remainder of the
party. "To counteract the depression, Bob Lincoln had
led the party in a rendition of 'The Star-Spangled Ban-
65
ner1 as the cars crossed the Maryland line." The brief
stay in Baltimore had been trying for all members of the
party. Groups of "plug-uglies" hurled epithets at Mrs.
Lincoln, and John Hay slammed a carriage door in the face
66
of one man who tried to force his way into her carriage.
At the same time "a rough pressed his face against a win
dow, leered at Robert Lincoln, and asked 'How's your old
man?' Robert, who was calmly smoking a cigar at the time,
67
declined to answer."
6^4*
Norma B. Cuthbert, Lincoln and the Baltimore Plot.
1861 (San Marino, California: The Huntington Library,
19^-9), is the most recent account of the incident.
^Margaret Leech. Reveille in Washington (New York,
1 9M), P. 37.
^^Robert S. Harper, Lincoln and the Press (New York,
1951), P. 88.
67 ibid.
The Lincolns were safely reunited on the afternoon
of February 23, 1861, and were soon settled in their
hotel. The following days were busy ones for the head
of the family, but exactly how the rest of the family
occupied themselves is not recorded. One can only guess
that Robert probably was busy becoming acquainted with
the capital city, for this was his first visit there since
as a small boy he had been there during his father's brief
service in Congress. He had at least one close friend
with him, John Hay, who was to be the President's assist
ant secretary throughout the next four years. March *+
brought the inauguration with Mrs. Lincoln and the boys
in attendance. This was the first of many such scenes
that Robert would watch.
During the years 1861 to 1865, Robert Lincoln was
not only a student at Harvard, but he was also a public
68
figure. The young man was subjected to almost constant
attention from the press and the population in general.
This was a difficult position for him to be in, especially
since he had already come to dislike publicity. At this
early time, a familiar popular notion of the President's
son was beginning to form. If he held himself aloof from
^Lincoln's activities at Harvard will be covered in
the succeeding - chapter of this study.
70
the prying gaze of the public, he was haughty and
snobbish; if he gave any appearance of capitaliz
ing on his position as the son of the Chief Exec
utive, he was criticized for that. Steadfastly he
adhered, as he would adhere for the next sixty-five
years, to the former position, and while "some in
evitably called him proud and affected," yet "he con
ducted himself sensibly during a prolonged ordeal of
popular attention and flattery." Before the inau
guration rumors were invented that were not favorable
to him, and the press felt it necessary to comment:
He is a young man of fine abilities
and much dignity of character. The re
ports in various papers intimating that
his course of life is what is popularly
denominated "fast," are strictly errone
ous, and no less painful to him than to
his excellent parents, to whom he has
ever been a dutiful and affectionate son.
College occupied the bulk of Robert Lincoln's time
during the four years beginning in 1861, but there were
frequent vacations away from Harvard and the press was
ever careful to chronicle these. Under the dateline of
March 1861, it was reported that "Bob, the Prince of
Rails, starts for Cambridge to-morrow. He is sick of
^Leech, Reveille in Washington, p. U-l.
■^Harper, Lincoln and the Press, p. 86, quoting the
New York Tribune.
71
71
Washington and glad to get back to his college.'* In
the middle part of May, "Bob" had a visitor. Mrs.
Lincoln, then beginning the sometimes aimless wander
ing that was to mark her later life, arrived in Boston on
the morning of May 18. She was honored in the city by a
reception arranged by Senator Charles Sumner and held in
72
the Revere House. Robert was, of course, present. The
First Lady's visit was a short one, and two days later she
73
arrived back in New York. By the end of May, Robert
himself was back in Washington. On the afternoon of
May 31> he, John G. Nicolay, the President's principal
secretary, and John Hay, went for a horseback ride into
Virginia. Their destination was Arlington House, recently
abandoned by the Robert E. Lee family. Nicolay later re
ported that
...in the garden we found an old negro at
work, who was born at Mt. Vernon before
General Washington's death. We asked him
many questions— delighted him with intro
ducing Bob the President's son, in whom
the old darkey expressed a lively inter
est— and further pleased him with a gift
^New York Herald. March 1861, p. 1, col. 6.
^S/ayne C. Temple, "Mary Todd Lincoln's Travels,"
Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society. LII
(Spring, 19^9), PP* 18^-185.
73Ibid.
72
7b
of small change.
By now of course the hostilities of the Civil War
had begun, but Washington social life continued as though
no such things were happening. August 3, 1861, saw the
giving of a formal state dinner to the visiting Prince
Napoleon of France, and Robert Lincoln was among the
twenty-seven guests at what was described as a most bril-
75
liant affair. A few days later Robert left Washington
and went to New York were it was reported he arrived at
the Metropolitan Hotel, August 13. Senator Charles Sumner
arrived at the hotel from Washington on the same day, but
76
it is not known if the two made the trip together.
Robert's trip may have been made for the purpose of ar
ranging a vacation for his mother at Long Branch, New
Jersey, for she came north a few days after Robert ar-
77
rived in New York.
With the coming of fall, young Lincoln returned to
Harvard and his studies. Although early in November,
7b
John G. Nicolay to Therena Bates, later Mrs.
Nicolay, May 31, 1861, as quoted in Nicolay, Lincoln1s
Secretary, p. 106.
75
New York Herald. August 5j 1861, p. 1, col. 1-2.
^^New York Tribune, August 1*+, 1861, p. 3, col.
^Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. 2b^-2b5.
73
78
Mrs. Lincoln again visited him in Boston. At Christmas
Robert was home again to spend the holidays with his par-
79
ents in the Executive Mansion. There is some evidence
to indicate that, at about this time, the young man may
have tried his hand at some pressure politics. The story
is that a citizen of Cambridge, Massachusetts, talked
Robert into writing to his father a letter of recommenda
tion for the man who desired the city postmastership.
The reply that Lincoln received from his father is said
to have been to the effect that: "If you do not attend
to your studies and let matters such as you write about
80
alone, I will take you away from college." Further,
it is said that "’Bob' carried this letter in his pocket,
and on many occasion afterward, when other aspirants to
office importuned him for assistance, it served him a
8l
good turn." The incident may well have happened but
there is no documentation for it, other than in the mem
oirs of an acquaintance of Robert Lincoln's who penned
7%ew York Herald. November 5» 1861, p. 1, col. 2.
Mrs. Lincoln left Washington, November U-, 1861.
^^Randall, Lincoln1s Sons, p. 126.
®^Henry S. Huidekoper, Personal Notes and Reminis
cences of Lincoln (Philadelphia* 189&), P*
8libid.
7^
his recollections of the incident long afterward. Neither
the letter from Robert nor the one he received in reply is
known to exist.
The foregoing story sounds less plausible in light of
another similar incident that is known to have taken
place. Robert had a young friend, Henry M. Rogers, who
was interested in seeing military service after he had
graduated from Harvard. Again the actual letter to the
President does not exist, but reference to it is found
in Rogers' memoirs and in a letter written by President
Lincoln to his Secretary of the Navy, October 27, 1862,
in which he says he is enclosing "Bob's" original let-
82
ter in behalf of his friend. As a result of the in
cident, Henry M. Rogers was appointed an assistant pay-
83
master in the United States Navy. An interesting
sidelight of the happening is that Rogers mentioned
that Robert Lincoln called his father "The Great Ty
coon," a nickname also used by the two Presidential
Qb
secretaries Nicolay and Hay.
8?
See Henry M. Rogers, Memories of Ninety Years
(Boston, 1928), p. 6 9. and Abraham Lincoln to Gideon
Welles, October 27, 1862, as found in Basler, Collected
Works. V, WO.
^Basler, Collected Works. V, *f 8o.
^^ogers, Memories, p. 6 9.
15
The year 1862 was one of trial both for the Union
and the North, but also for the Lincoln family person
ally. In February, ’ ’ Willie" Lincoln, the son then liv
ing who was next in age to Robert, became ill. Robert
came down from Cambridge and, like his parents, waited
at the bedside of the lovable boy. All medical efforts
were to no avail and the child died February 20, 1862.
They buried Willie Lincoln on a day
of great wind, that tore the roofs off
houses and slashed the flags to ribbons.
The father drove, unseeing, through the
wreckage in a carriage with Robert and
the two Illinois Senators, Trumbull and
Browning. Mrs. Lincoln was too ill to
attend the funeral services.
Indeed Mary Lincoln was prostrated with grief, and while
the President bore his sadness with more calm, the sense
of the loss was no less keen. With the funeral over,
Robert must return to his studies. However, before he
left he wrote his aunt, Elizabeth Todd Edwards, implor
ing her to come to Washington and stay with his mother,
86
which she did. Either at this time, or at some later
date, an entry was made in the Lincoln Bible recording
the death of William Wallace Lincoln. It is in the hand
85
Leech, Reveille in Washington, pp. 129-130.
^^Randall, Lincoln1s Sons, pp. 133-13^.
76
8 7
of Robert Lincoln,
When ultimately the summer of 1862 arrived, Robert's
vacation at home was understandably welcomed with more
than usual eagerness for now there were living only the
eldest and the youngest of the four Lincoln sons. Late
in May, Mrs. Lincoln reported to an old neighbor in
Springfield that “Robert will be home from Cambridge
88
in about 6 weeks and will spend his vacation with us."
Early in July, to escape the turmoil and heat of
Washington, the President left the White House and
took up residence in the Anderson Cottage at the
Soldiers' Home near the capital, where he and his
family passed most of the slimmer. On July 8, Abraham
Lincoln telegraphed back to Washington, asking John G.
Nicolay to borrow two hundred and eighty dollars for
him and to then send it to Robert, noting "I forgot to
89
send it before leaving." Probably not all this money
was intended for "Bob" for on July 9» Mrs. Lincoln, ac
companied by Tad and servants, arrived in New York and
87Sandburg, War Years. II, 218-219-
88>fery Lincoln to Mrs. John C. Sprigg, May 29, 1862,
as found in Carl Sandburg and Paul M. Angle, Mary Lincoln.
Wife and Widow (New York, 1932), p. 217.
^Abraham Lincoln to John G. Nicolay, July 8, 1862,
as found in Basler, Collected Works, V, 3 0 9.
stopped at the Metropolitan Hotel. "Robert Lincoln joined
90
her there on the evening of July 10." The main purpose
of this trip was to see the tourist attractions of the
city, and no doubt was designed to make the party for
get its recent grief.
The Lincolns at once began their holiday. At noon
on July 1^, the three members of the family boarded the
revenue cutter J. C. Winants. and sailed for Flushing Bay.
...There they were received aboard the
Great Eastern by Captain Walter Paton
of the Royal Navy; they later paid a
call on the steamer City of New York,
where they had lunch.91
The next day, Mrs. Lincoln again boarded the J. C_. Winants
for another tour but this time Robert did not accompany
her, for instead he remained the guest of Colonel Frank E.
Howe on Staten Island.^ Early on the morning of July 16,
the vacation over, the family entered a private railroad
car attached to the regular train between Washington and
Jersey City, New Jersey, and started back home. J
90
'Ibid.
Temple,"Mary Lincoln's Travels," p. 1 8 5.
91,
9 2Ibid., p. 1 8 6.
9 3Ibid.
78
Toward the end of July, 1861, Robert Lincoln was
involved in an incident which created a minor mystery,
unsolved to this day. President Lincoln on July 28 penned
a note to Secretary of War Stanton saying “please put Bob
in the way to find where John Reed of Co. C., 11' Mass. may
91 *
be found." On the back of the communication, Stanton
wrote that Robert should be furnished with this informa
tion. The implication is strong that Robert found Pri
vate Reed, but his purpose in seeking him is unexplained.
The unusual factor in the episode is that exactly three
months from the date of the President's letter, John Reed
deserted from the service, a year after he had enlisted
95
from Cambridge, Massachusetts.
"Bob'1 did not long remain in Washington that summer
for by the evening of August 18, he was back in New York
and registered at the Metropolitan Hotel, where he was
96
joined by his mother two days later. As fall ap
proached, the young man returned to his studies and
97
his mother continued her travels with Tad.
^Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton, July 2 8,
1862, as found in Basler, Collected Works. V, 3*7»
9^Ibid.
9^New York Herald, August 20, 1862, p. 8, col. 6.
^Temple, “Mary Lincoln's Travels," p. 1 8 7.
During the winter of 1862-1863, the Harvard student
made at least one visit to Washington* He was reported
as again staying at the Metropolitan in New York on Jan
uary 16, 1863, and he then went on to the Executive Man-
98
sion. The highlight of his visit this time, although
he apparently flatly declined to take part in it, was a
Presidential reception tendered to the famous midget "Gen
eral" Tom Thumb and his recent bride. It is said that
Mrs. Lincoln suggested that her eldest son might come
downstairs and see the visitors, provided he had noth
ing better to do than remain in his room. His reply was,
"No, Mother, I do not propose to assist in entertaining
Tom Thumb. I - t y notions of duty, perhaps are somewhat dif-
99
ferent from yours." The First Lady's biographer notes
that "the superior young man from Harvard missed a unique
and unforgettable scene . . ."by not being in attendance
when the tall Chief Executive received the two little
100
people.
When the summer of 1863 arrived, the Lincolns made
their usual move out to the Soldiers' Home. Robert, as
was his custom, joined them there as soon as his vacation
9^New York Herald. January 16, 1 8 6 3, p. 2, col. *+-5
^^Elizabeth Keckley, Behind the Scenes (New York,
1868), p. 6.
lOORandall, Mary Lincoln. p. 320.
80
began. However, in this instance before he arrived, his
mother, on the morning of July 2, was hurt in a carriage
accident. The President, knowing that the papers would
report the incident, and wanting his son.to know the truth
regarding it, telegraphed this report of the accident:
"Don't be uneasy. Your mother very slightly hurt by her
101
fall." This telegram expressed Mrs. Lincoln's true
condition as then known, but within a few days, it be
came evident that her injuries were far more serious than
were at first known and now Mr. Lincoln telegraphed the
simple message: "Come to Washington."102 This was sent
to New York City where Robert was stopping for the moment.
When no immediate reply was received, another telegram,
more anxious in tone, was sent. "Why do I hear no more
103
of you?" was its anxious message. It should be noted
that the Chief Executive was under the greatest possible
pressure at this time. His beloved wife was ill, the cru
cial battle of Gettysburg had just been fought, and Robert
was in New York where there were serious draft riots.
^■01Abraham Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln, July 2,
1863, as found in Basler, Collected. Works. VI, 31^*
■^^Abraham Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln, July 11,
1863, as found in ibid.. VI, 323*
10^Abraham Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln, July I1 * - ,
1 8 6 3, as found in ibid., VI, 327-
Robert Lincoln arrived in Washington either on the
fourteenth or on the fifteenth of July, to find his
10l+
mother somewhat better, but his father deep in de
spair. Following the Gettysburg campaign, Lee and the
Confederate forces were blocked in their retreat into
Virginia by the flooded Potomac River. The President
ordered General Meade to attack at this point, but Meade
inexcusably procrastinated, the river subsided, and Lee
escaped on July 13. A day or two later, Robert, upon
going to his father's room, found him "in tears, with
head bowed upon his arms resting on the table at which
he sat." The son asked, "Why, what is the matter, fa
ther?" to which the great man replied, boy, I have
just learned that at a council of war, of Meade and his
Generals, it has been determined not to pursue Lee, and
now the opportune chance of ending this bitter struggle
10 5
is lost." Robert later confided this information to
his friend John Hay, who noted in his diary that "Robert
Lincoln says the President is grieved silently but deeply
about the escape of Lee."^^
^^However, even two years later, Robert would tell
his Aunt Emelie that his mother had not yet fully recov
ered from her injuries. See Katherine Helm, Mary. Wife
2£ Lincoln (New York, 1928), p. 250.
iO^Sandburg, War Years. II, 35*+»
10Thayer, John Hav. I, 193-19^«
A question that logically presents itself at this
point is, to what extent was Robert Lincoln involved in
the affairs of government during this period? Did his
father confide in him regarding matters of state? The
answer appears to be that while the young man did fre
quently have access to information of a confidential na
ture, he took no active part in the affairs of government.
Occasionally he acted as a messenger to his father. For
example, when in February of 1861, William H. Seward sent
his son, Frederick, to see the President-elect and to warn
him of an assassination plot, the younger Seward arrived
in Philadelphia and found Lincoln surrounded at his hotel
by well-wishers. The messenger sought out Robert Lincoln
to tell him of his mission. Frederick Seward later re
called that he "met and greeted me with courteous warmth,"
but then turned the visitor over to Ward H. Lamon, the
bodyguard and friend of Lincoln, who in turn arranged for
107
him to see the President-elect. Later when the
Lincolns arrived in Washington, the prominent New York
merchant, William E. Dodge, gave up his suite at Willard’s
Hotel to the party, and "young Bob Lincoln had knocked at
the door of his room and taken him to Lincoln for a
'^'Frederick W. Seward, Reminiscences of a War-Time
Statesman and Diplomat (New York, 1916), pp« 135-138.
83
108
greeting and thanks."
Occasionally Robert was the confidant of his father.
For example, there was the instance of the period when
there was particular ill will against Secretary Seward
in the Senate. Lincoln suspected that Secretary of the
Treasury Salmon P. Chase was at the bottom of it. The
matter came to a head when several Senators, including
Trumbull of Illinois, came to the President and claimed
that Seward, in a cabinet meeting, had made remarks to
the effect that secessionists and extreme antislavery men
had both worked in the same direction; namely, to bring
on war. Lincoln called an evening cabinet meeting and,
with the Senators present, asked each Secretary to re
count what had actually been said by Seward. Chase was
on the spot and backed down. This secret session was
known to Robert Lincoln, for he later recounted the story
109
to Helen Nicolay, daughter of John G. Nicolay.
In the case of the famous Pomeroy Circular, Robert
was directly involved. The President had refused to read
the contents of the document, but his son was fully aware
of its intent and meaning. After the item was made pub
lic, Secretary Chase offered to resign, but the President
1 0®Sandburg, War Years. I, 8 9.
10^Nicolay, Lincoln1s Secretary, pp. 158-159*
81+
drafted a note to him in which he stated that political
considerations were not involved in whether or not Chase
should resign and that the Secretary should consider only
the public welfare in the matter. Mr. Lincoln showed this
letter to his son before he sent it, and Robert “...asked
in surprise if he had not seen the circular. Mr. Lincoln
stopped him almost sternly, saying that a good many people
had tried to tell him something he did not wish to
110
hear. . . .“ In later recalling the incident, the
younger Lincoln stated that, "Thereupon, I called a
111
messenger and the note was sent."
During the summer of 1 8 6 3, while the Harvard stu
dent was at home, he had the opportunity to accompany
his father to see a demonstration of a new rifle. The
inventor, Christopher M. Spencer, had brought the new
device, a repeating model, to Washington. One after
noon the President, Spencer, Robert Lincoln, and a War
Department expert, started off to test the rifle near
the Washington monument. On the way, the group stopped
and the President sent his son to get Secretary of War
Stanton. In a few minutes Bob was back to report that
Stanton was too busy to go, and therefore the party of
^^Nicolay, Lincoln1s Secretary, pp. 1 8 8-1 8 9.
111Ibid.
85
112
four continued on the way to the test site.
As has been noted., Robert Lincoln arrived in
Washington around the middle of July in 1863, He
then went to Fortress Monroe in Virginia on July 26,
traveling by gunboat with a party including the Seward
113
family, but three days later started back to New
York to be with his mother, then making her first trip
Ilk
after her fall. The principal reason for their trav
els into the North was said to be the oppressive heat of
Washington which greatly bothered Mrs. Lincoln. Their
destination was the White Mountains in New Hampshire,
then very much in vogue as a summer resort. John Hay,
in his diary, suggests that Mr. Robert Lincoln may have
been bothered by something other than the heat at this
time. Hay noted that “Bob is so shattered by the wed
ding" of a much-admired lady “that he rushed madly off
115
to sympathize with nature in her sternest aspects."
The identity of the lady in question is a complete
mystery.
112
Sandburg, War Years. I, 2 9h.
^ ^ New York Herald. July 29, 1863, p, *+, col, 5»
ll^f
Abraham Lincoln to Mary T. Lincoln, July 2 8,
1863, as found in Basler, Collected Works. VI, 353*
"^^Dennett, John Hay, pp. 75-76.
By the latter part of September, Mrs. Lincoln was
XI 6
back in New York and Robert had gone back to Harvard.
Shortly thereafter the First Lady returned to the Execu
tive Mansion. In October of 1863, Robert was evidently
ill for the President telegraphed hims “Your letter makes
us uneasy about your health. Telegraph us how you are.
117
If you think it would help you, make us a visit. 1 1
Whatever the nature of the malady, it must not have
been serious and soon Robert was fully recovered.
By January of 186*+, he was writing a typical col
lege boy's letter to his father in which he requested
money. The President wrote in reply, “I send your
draft to-day. How are you now? Answer by telegraph
nQ
at once." A week later another Presidential mes
sage advised Bob that: "There is a good deal of small
pox here. Your friends ljiust judge for themselves whether
119
they ought to come or not."
■ j - I A
Abraham Lincoln to Mary T. Lincoln, September 20,
1863, as found in Basler, Collected Works. VI, ^ 6 9.
^■^Abraham Lincoln to Robert T» Lincoln, October 11,
1863, as found in Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. 327* Curi
ously it is not found in Basler. Collected Works.
■^•^Abraham Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln, January 11,
186*+, as found in Basler, Collected Works, VII, 121.
■^•^Abraham Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln, January 19»
1861 *, as found in Basler, Collected Works. VII, 137*
The academic year 1863-186H- was Robert Lincoln's
senior year at Harvard and an exciting time for him. As
June approached, Mrs. Lincoln went to New York again on
one of her periodic wanderings. There Robert joined her
and the two came back to Washington on the morning of
July 2, and proceeded directly to the Soldiers' Home,
where they "occupied, for the first time this season,
the President's summer apartments at the Old Soldiers'
120
Home." That same evening Robert accompanied his fa
ther to the Capitol where the latter signed bills dur-
121
ing a night session of Congress. No sooner had the
Lincolns returned to the summer home than a wave of fear
swept the area regarding a possible Confederate invasion.
At first the War Department seemed unconcerned about this
threat to the first family, but on the evening of July
"...Mr. Stanton sent a carriage out to the Soldiers' Home,
with positive orders that the President and his family
122
should return to the White House." They arrived back
at the mansion well after midnight, so John Hay noted,
120New York Herald. July 3? 1861 * - , p. 5j col. 1.
121
Ibid.
122
Leech, Reveille in Washington, p. 337»
88
12 " 3
he having been awakened by Robert going to his room. ^
Later in the month of July, 186*+, Robert Lincoln was
graduated from Harvard. Obviously it was impossible for
the weary President to go to Cambridge to see this event
in his son's life, but Mrs. Lincoln was present. Com
mencement day, July 20, was described as "very warm,"
and the crowd assembled on the college grounds heard
the great orator, Edward Everett, make the principal
12* +
address.
123
Leech, Reveille in Washington, p. 337-
ipif
New York Herald. July 21, lS^, p. 1, col. 6,
CHAPTER III
HARVARD, THE ARMY, TRAGEDY, AND ITS AFTERMATH
Thus far, this study has concerned itself with Robert
Lincoln in the period l86l to 186^, only within the realm
of his activities outside of his school work. It must be
remembered that all during this period he was enrolled at
Harvard College and his travels and vacations took up only
a small part of his time. As has already been noted,
Robert T. Lincoln entered college as a freshman in the
fall of i860. Harvard was one of the better colleges
in the United States, but by contrast to later stand
ards it was little more than a second- or third-rate
high school. Perhaps no one has summed up Harvard of
this early day better than did Henry Adams when he ob-
1
served that it "taught little, and that little ill."
Yet he was willing to concede that it did have the sav
ing grace of leaving "the mind open, free from bias,
2
ignorant of facts, but docile." The Harvard of i860
and 1861 was nearly a decade away from the revolution
brought to it by Charles W. Eliot. The then-prevailing
Sienry Adams, The Education of Henry Adams (Popu
lar Edition; Boston, 1927), p.
2Ibid.
90
philosophy was that college men were children and, as
such, it was necessary to pay much more attention to dis
cipline and the like than to the actual process of
learning.
A member of Robert Lincoln1 s own class of 1864,
Professor George H. Palmer, some fifty years after
their graduation looked back at the Harvard he had
known and characterized it thus:
Harvard University, when our Class
entered it, was an advanced high school,
with only 8 9 6 students and forty teach
ers in all its departments. Excepting a
single study in the Junior, and another
in the Senior year, all our work was pre
scribed and therefore elementary. Greek
and Latin were required for three years,
Mathematics for two. There was no in
struction in English literature, nor
could any modern language count for a
degree, although a year's work on Anglo-
Saxon was demanded of us all. There was
but one course in History, one in Phi
losophy, three in text-book Science, and
half a course in Economics. The oppor
tunities for writing English were about
the same as those for writing Latin. Few
lectures were given, and to only two or
three of our instructors did it occur
that it was possible to interest us in
our studies.3
The elective system being yet some years in the
future, Robert Lincoln settled down to work on the re
quired courses. In his first year, 1860-1861, he
^Harvard College, Class of 1864. Secretary1 s
Report. Number 8, 1864-1914- (Boston. 1914), p. loO.
studied composition, Greek, Latin, mathematics, elocution,
and in the first term religious instruction, while in the
second, it was replaced by history. In his sophomore
year, 1861-1862, the subjects taken were Greek, Latin,
mathematics, rhetoric and themes, chemistry, and elocu
tion, the latter subject being included in the first term,
but replaced by botany in the second. The junior year,
1 8 6 2-1 8 6 3, brought with it the privilege of taking one
elective which was French, studied both terms. The regu
lar courses were Greek, Latin, physics, chemistry (first
term only), declamations (first term only), themes (first
term only), and rhetoric (second term only). The course
of study for Lincoln's final year, 1863-186*+, was history,
physics, forensics, philosophy, political economy, and the
If
one elective, which, this time, was Italian.
The grading system of the time was an elaborate point
method based on both scholarship and deportment. Thus a
student could earn points by good classroom performance,
only to have them taken away by some minor infringement of
the established rules of conduct. The class of 186*+
**From the records of Harvard College. Kimball C.
Elkins, Senior Assistant in the Harvard Archives, to the
writer, July 2 8, 1958*
^See Mark DeWolfe Howe, Justice Holmes. The Shaping
Years. l8*+l-l870 (Cambridge, 1957)»pp. 36-37* Holmes
was a contemporary of Lincoln at Harvard.
92
contained ninety-nine men who graduated,, In his senior
year, Lincoln was tied with two others for thirtieth po
sition in the class, with a merit ranking of 7 9> based on
a scale of one hundred. In standing, over the entire four
years, he was tied with one other man for thirty-second
position with a mark of 6 9, also on a scale of one hun-
£
dred. Thus it is evident that Robert Lincoln was some
what above the average, but by no means the most success
ful in the class.
In addition to the many hours spent in the classroom,
there were other aspects of college life. During at least
his freshman year, young Lincoln boarded in what was said
7
to be a private home. Other sources indicate that he had
rooms at ‘ ’Pasco's, corner of Main & Linden Sts. , 1 1 in
8
Cambridge. Here he met and formed firm friendships.
One of his comrades of this period recalled this:
One of the most vivid recollections
of those days is that of young Lincoln,
as he hied with nimble and elastic step
across the college campus, the shrewd,
good-natured glance of his eye, the quick
^Harvard College, Class of 186U-. Secretary's Report.
Number 6. 186^-1889 (Boston, 1 8 8 9), p. 179»
7
Henry S. Huidekoper, Personal Notes and Reminis
cences of Lincoln (Philadelphia, 1 8 9b), p. 5*
^Mearns. Tho Lincoln Papers (2 vols.. New York,
19^5), I, 8.
93
and abrupt nod to right and left as he
greeted passing friends, his cheery voice
as he hailed some crony or another with q
some odd nick-name of his own fresh coinage.
Even at Harvard, he was the President's son but probably
that factor counted for less in Cambridge than it would
anywhere else. Even then Harvard was very accustomed to
having as students the sons of the most prominent. Speak
ing of Robert, it has been noted that "of course his par
entage gave him celebrity, . . . but it was a very insig
nificant factor in determining his essential importance."10
Another acquaintance remembered that he
...was a sturdy, whole-souled, modest
fellow, of strong affections and friend
ships, and to his closer friends he was
without reserve and delightfully entertaining.
Lincoln, while at Harvard, was a member of the famed
Hasty Pudding Club, and "on Friday nights during junior
and senior years Bob was one of the choicest spirits at
12
the meetings. . . ." He took part in the plays put on
^Unidentified newspaper clipping^ titled "The New
War Secretary," in the Harvard University Archives; copy
in the possession of the writer. The article was evi
dently written by one who knew Robert Lincoln at this
time.
10Ibid.
■^^Huidekoper, Personal Notes, p. 5*
12Clipping "The New War Secretary."
by this group, "and to this day tradition speaketh loud
■under the Cambridge elms of how Lincoln used to enact the
villainy of 'Old Daddy Wylie,' in Hardwicke's 'Bachelor
of Arts,' or illustrated the swinging passion of that
_ _ 13
cruel parient /sic7 'Russet,' in the 'Jealous Wife.’"
For all their frivolity, Harvard students of the period
1861 to 186^ could not forget that there was a bitter
war in progress. Many joined the service, but many more
remained in school until they finished their studies.
Those who were yet civilians participated in military
activities, of a sort, fort
The lawns of Harvard College became
drill grounds. Officers of the Cadet
Corps of Boston took charge of the United
States Arsenal, with undergraduates for
enlisted men. A competent French drill-
master, named Salignac, • . . had his
school, and between recitations and in
physic /sic7 and astronomy. Professor
------------ took a hand at military
instruction with more spirit than would
be evidenced by the command he once gave:
"G-e-n-t-l-e-m-ern, would you please
A-D-V-A-N-C-E I"14-
The supposition is strong that Robert Lincoln took part
in these activities, for he had had some previous mili
tary experience as a member of the Springfield Cadets,
13
Clipping "The New War Secretary."
llx
Huidekoper, Personal Notes, p. 6.
95
15
in the capacity of , , l *-th Corporal."
The Class of 186U- at Harvard was by no means the most
distinguished group ever to go forth from the institution.
In fact, few of the ninety-nine graduates of that year be
came well known, and undoubtedly the name of Robert T.
Lincoln was by far the most famous of the group. After
graduation, Lincoln continued his interest in his alma
mater. The class of which he was a member held its or
ganizational meeting in the Music Hall at Harvard, Jan-
16
uary 1*+, 1861 } - , at seven in the evening. The following
morning the group elected class officers, and Robert T.
Lincoln was one of three making up the Class Day Commit-
17
tee. After graduation the group held yearly meetings,
but since Lincoln's residence was in Chicago, he was able
to attend only a few of the annual reunions. He is re
corded as having been present at the conclave held in the
Music Hall, Cambridge, in July of 1867, and attended the
two hundred and fiftieth anniversary celebration of
Harvard in 1 8 8 7. Other than that, he attended the class
1955), PP. 59-60.
■^Ruth Painter Randall, Lincoln's Sons (Boston
^Harvard College, Class of 186^-. Secretary1 s Re
port. Number 6, l86Lt--lo89. p. 175*
96
meeting held in the latter part of June 190*+.
Probably no other American university has a stronger
tradition of alumni support than does Harvard. As early
as 1866, the Class of 186*+ was asked to begin its contri
butions to the University, and in this instance the class
fund was for the purpose of erecting an alumni hall.
Robert T. Lincoln was among those giving to that proj-
19
ect. As the years passed, members of the group be
came more endowed with worldly goods and Lincoln was
certainly one of the more fortunate. It is known that
he frequently made contributions to many worthy causes,
but usually remained an anonymous donor. However, late
in his life one of his more generous contributions be
came known. It was reported that he had in 1918 given
to Harvard, then engaged in an attempt to raise its en
dowment substantially, the sum of twenty thousand dol
lars in securities. Oddly enough, the story was head-
20
lined, "'Tad' Lincoln Gives Harvard $20,000.“
Immediately following the Harvard commencement in
July of 186^, Robert Lincoln and his friend John Hay went
l%or meetings in 1 8 6 7 and 1 8 8 7. see Class of l86*f.
Secretary1s Report. Number 8, pp. I60-I6 9.
-*-9rbid.. Number 2 (Boston, 1 8 6 7), p. 55»
20Unidentified clipping, dated March 25, 1918, in
the Harvard University Archives. Copy in the possession
of the writer.
97
to the seaside resort of Long Branch, New Jersey, for a
vacation. There Mrs. Lincoln joined them. As usual the
press was much interested in the President's eldest son
and a commentary ran thus i
He Robert T. Lincoln/ does everything
very well, but avoids doing anything ex
traordinary. He doesn't talk much; he
doesn't dance differently from other peo
ple; he isn't odd, outre nor strange in
any way. . . . In short, he is only Mr.
Robert Lincoln. . . . He does nothing
whatever to attract attention, and shows
by every gentlemanly way how much he dis
likes this fulsome sort of admiration,
but it comes all the same. . . . Mr. Robert
is happier when smoking a pipe, student
fashion, and doing his share in a good laugh
than among all the doings of the Branch.^1
Later in the month of August, Mrs. Lincoln traveled to
Manchester, Vermont, the town where her son would later
build his summer home. It was reported that the First
Lady, Robert, and Tad left New York August 15, "for
22
Saratoga," and yet three days later, Robert was stay-
23
ing at the Astor House in New York City. On August 31,
the President telegraphed his wife to the effect that "Bob
not here yet," but there is no indication as to where he
21
New York Herald, as quoted in Margaret Leech,
Reveille in Washington (New York, 19^1), p* 292»
22New York Herald. August 16, 186*+, p. col. 5«
2^Ibid.. August 18, 186*+, p. b9 col. 5»
98
pi+
might be. At any rate, the young man was in Washington
early in September for on September 8, Mr. Lincoln re
ported that "Bob left Sunday afternoon. Said he did not
25
know whether he should see you." The presumption is
that Bob v/as on his way back to Harvard where in the fall
he would enter the Law School.
The summer of 186*+ made necessary a decision as to
Robert Lincoln's future. For some time there had been
considerable discussion by the public of the fact that
while other men's sons were engaged in fighting this most
terrible of wars, the President's son remained in college.
It v/as believed that now that Robert had graduated he
would immediately enter the service. For example, the
Chicago Journal in July reported that "it is rumored that
Mr. Robert Todd Lincoln, the President's son, on gradua
tion from Harvard College, will immediately enter the army
as a private." During this period, Robert talked with
his father about his future, for he once told a friends
^Abraham Lincoln to Mary T. Lincoln, August 31,
186^, as found in Roy P. Basler, editor, The Collected
Works of Abraham Lincoln (8 vols., New Brunswick, New
JerseyTT hereinafter cited as Basler, Collected Works,
VII, 526.
2^Ibid. , VII, 5^.
2^Chicago Journal. July 15, l86*f, as quoted in Carl
Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln, The War Years vols., New
York, 1939), II,'^17.
99
I returned from college in lQ^ and
one day I saw my father for a few minutes.
He said, "Son, what are you going to do
now?1 1 I said, "As long as you object to
my joining the army, I am going back to
Harvard, to study law." "If you do, 1 1
said my father, "you should learn more
than I ever did but you will never have
so good a time."2?
In recalling the incident, the younger Lincoln observed:
"That is the only advice I had from my father as to my
. i 28
career."
One cannot escape the question, why did the Pres
ident object to his son's joining the army? This raises
issues for which there is no final answer, but only a
strong supposition. All authorities agree that Robert
Lincoln was no coward nor shirker; he wanted to do his
29
duty and get into the war. Abraham Lincoln apparently
had no unusually strong feeling against such a venture
for he had once enjoyed the role of citizen-soldier in
the Black Hawk War. Yet, the mother of the young man un
doubtedly felt quite to the contrary. Emelie Todd Helm,
half sister of Mrs. Lincoln, visiting the Executive Man
sion in 1 8 6 3, confided to her diary her sister's fears.
2?Sandburg, War Years. Ill, ^16-^17.
2 8Ibid., III, *+17.
^Typical of these sources is Elizabeth Keckley, Be
hind the Scenes (New York, 1868), p. 1 1 9. Mrs. Keckley
indicates Robert had wanted to enter the service for some
time.
100
"She is frightened about Robert going to the Army," wrote
30
Mrs, Helm. When the President attempted to discuss the
matter with his wife her reply was: "Of course, Mr.
Lincoln, I know that Robert's plea to go into the Army
is manly and noble and I want him to go, but oh, I am
31
so frightened he may never come back to us." It seems
logical, therefore, to infer that it was Mrs. Lincoln
who kept Robert out of the army at this time. Only one
other explanation of the situation has been offered. It
was once suggested that Mr. Lincoln himself kept him out
of the army for fear of the consequences if he were to
32
fall into enemy hands.
When the occasion warranted, Mary Lincoln took full
responsibility for her son's continued status as a civil
ian. While Mrs. Helm was visiting at the Executive Man
sion she recorded a clash between Senator Harris of New
York, General Sickles, and Mrs. Lincoln. The two men
called at the Executive Mansion and upon encountering
the First Lady, the Senator rudely demanded, "Why isn’t
Robert in the Army? He is old enough and strong enough
^Katherine Helm, Mary. Wife of Lincoln (New York,
1928), p. 2 27.
31Ibid.
^Unsigned sketch, "Robert Todd Lincoln," National
Encyclopedia of American Biography (1931)? XVI, !?9-60.
101
to serve his country. He should have gone to the front
some time ago.1 1 The fact that this matter did not in any
conceivable way concern the gentleman from New York did
not enter into the mind of that public servant. Mrs.
Lincoln worked hard to maintain her self control and to
her credit she did.
Robert is making his preparations
now to enter the Army, Senator Harris;
he is not a shirker as you seem to imply
for he has been anxious to go for a long
time. If fault there be, it is mine. I
have insisted that he should stay in col
lege a little longer as I think an edu
cated man can serve his country with more
intelligent purpose than an ignoramus.
Senator Harris now dropped the subject and departed.
Thus it was that Robert Lincoln entered Harvard Law
3lf
School where he enrolled September 7, l86*+. He was in
residence there only a few months, and the facts known
concerning his stay are meager. At this time no marks
were kept, and no record was made of the courses attended
I'd
by students. Once again it was Lincoln's fate to be in
a learning situation where change and modernization were
long overdue, but still in the future. The Law School was
3^The entire incident is found in Helm, Mary. Wife of
Lincoln, pp. 229-230.
3^George A. Strait, Assistant Librarian, Harvard Uni
versity, to the writer, May 11, 1959*
35Ibid.
102
in a rather unfortunate condition in the middle l860's;
it would be several more years before Christopher C.
Langdell would be called to head the school and to revo
lutionize legal training not only at Harvard, but through-
out the nation. At this time in its development, the
School was still operated as it had been since its found
ing. Not only was there no record made of a student's
participation in class, but there was no system of writ
ten examinations for candidates for law degrees. The
American Law Review in October, 1 8 7 0, openly criticized
the system by stating that "for a long time, the condi
tion of the Harvard Law School has been almost a dis-
17
grace to the Commonwealth of Massachusetts."
The Harvard Law Faculty in 1861 * and 1 8 6 5 consisted
of three men, Theophilus Parsons, Joel Parker, and Emory
Washburn. Parker had once been Chief Justice of New
Hampshire, Washburn was a former Governor of Massa
chusetts, and Parsons was the son of a one-time Attorney
^^For a brief sketch of Langdell, see Samuel
Williston, "Christopher Columbus Langdell," Diction
ary of American Biography. X (1933)> 585-586.
37as quoted in Howe, Justice Holmes« p. 203. Howe
believes that the author of the statement was Oliver
Wendell Holmes, Jr., who had only recently completed
a not too fruitful period at the Law School.
103
* 5 ft
General of the United States. Each was in his own
right considered an able teacher but teaching methods
were very outmoded. A student went, or did not go, to
classes as he saw fit. "Lectures began at eleven and
39
ended at one." Assignments were made but there was
no way whereby the professor could determine if they had
been done. Perhaps more useful to the students were the
moot courts organized either by the faculty or set up by
the students themselves. One writer asserts that Robert
Lincoln took part in the proceedings of the Marshall Club,
one of the important student organizations, and that there
Ifl
he argued cases with Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. How
ever, confirmation of this is not to be found elsewhere.
Another incident involving Lincoln is known to have
taken place. In January, 1865, Professor Parker, a person
" 3 f t
For sketches of these men see Charles Fairman,
"Joel Parker," Dictionary of American Biography. XIV
(193*+), 273-27*+: and Zechariah Chafee, Jr., "Emory
Washburn," Dictionary of American Biography. XIX (1939)>
ifi*.9_i+50.
^Samuel F. Batchelder, "Old Times at the Law
School," Atlantic Monthly. XC (November, 1902), p. 651.
^ o r a discussion of this see Howe, Justice Holmes,
p. 190.
^See Catherine Drinker Bowen, Yankee from Olympus
(Boston, 19^5), p. 208 for this statement. Although bas-
ically a historical novel, this work is considered fac
tually accurate.
10k
who held strong strict-constructionist views of the
Federal Constitution, denounced President Lincoln's
use of his war powers in class lecture, while Robert
lf2
sat in the classroom listening. One presumes that
Professor Parker must have been aware of the presence
of the Chief Executive's son.
It would seem that the few months Robert T. Lincoln
spent at the Harvard Law School had little influence upon
him. Probably he was not pleased with the education he
was receiving there, for although he left Harvard to enter
the army, there was nothing to prevent him from returning
after the war. Instead, as will be discussed later, he
entered a Chicago law office for the purpose of contin
uing his studies. In later years, Lincoln did occasion
ally take an interest in the affairs of the Law School.
For example, in November of 1 8 8 6, he was elected, along
with Rutherford B. Hayes and William M. Evarts, a vice
*+3
president of the Harvard Law School Alumni Association.
The exact reason why Robert Lincoln left the school
at the time he did is not known. On January 19, 1865,
President Lincoln wrote the following letter:
^^owe, Justice Holmes, p. 186.
1+3
Chicago Tribune. November 6, 1 8 8 6, p. 1, col. 7-
105
Lieut. General Grant:
Please read and answer this letter
as though I was not President, but only
a friend. W f c r son, now in his twenty sec
ond year, having graduated at Harvard,
wishes to see something of the war be
fore it ends. I do not wish to put him
in the ranks, nor yet to give him a com
mission, to which those who have already
served long, are better entitled, and bet
ter qualified to hold. Could he, without
embarrassment to you, or detriment to the
service, go into your Military family with
some nominal rank, I, and not the public,
furnishing his necessary means? If no,
say so without the least hesitation, be
cause I am as anxious, and as deeply in
terested, that you shall not be encumbered
as you can be yourself. Yours truly,
Mf
A. Lincoln
Two days later the General replied to the effect that:
Your favor of this date in relation
to your son serving in some Military ca
pacity is received. I will be most happy
to have him in my Military family in the
manner you propose. The nominal rank
given him is immaterial, but I would sug
gest that of Capt. as I have three staff
officers now, of considerable service, in
no higher grade. Indeed I have one offi
cer with only the rank of Lieut, who has
been in the service from the beginning of
the war. This however will make no dif
ference and I would still say give the
rank of Capt. Please excuse my writing
on a half sheet. I had no resource bu±
to take the blank half of your letter.4"?
^Abraham Lincoln to Ulysses S. Grant, January 19,
1865, as found in Basler, Collected Works. VIII, 223.
^Ulysses S. Grant to Abraham Lincoln, January 21,
1865, as found in ibid., VIII, 223-22*f.
106
At last on February 11, 1865, Robert T. Lincoln entered
the army for on that date he was appointed captain and
1+6
assistant adjutant general of Volunteers. His commis
sion was signed by his father and Secretary of War Stanton
bl
on February 17. General Grant persuaded his commander-
in-chief to abandon his idea that Robert should be paid by
the President himself, 1 1 saying that it was due to the
young man that he should be regularly commissioned, and
put on an equal footing with other officers of the same
b8
grade."
Young Lincoln's war record was no more distinguished
than had been that of his father many years before in the
Black Hawk War. He left Washington to join Grant in
Virginia and was well received. Another member of Grant's
staff later recalled that:
The new acquisition to the company
at headquarters soon became exceedingly
popular. He had inherited many of the
genial traits of his father, and entered
heartily into all the social pastimes at
headquarters. He was always ready to per
form his share of hard work, and never ex
pected to be treated differently from any
other officer on account of his being the
^ Ibid.« p. 22b.
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 12.
^^Horace Porter, Campaigning With Grant (New York,
1897), P. 388.
107
son of the Chief Executive of the nation.
Captain Lincoln's work as an army officer seems to have
consisted primarily of escorting visitors here and there.
For example, in March of 1865, the distinguished finan
cier, Jay Cooke and his family, visited General Grant at
his headquarters. Robert T. Lincoln was assigned the task
of accompanying Mr. Cooke on a tour of the front.J Later
in the month, General Ord, who was a high ranking member
of the Grant staff, assigned Robert to escort two ladies
on a flag-of-truce boat to the Confederate lines near
Petersburg. The Captain upon boarding the ship exclaimed
in astonishment: "Well, if it isn't my Aunt Emelie 1"
Mrs. Helm, the widow of a Confederate general, was most
happy to see her nephew and the two caught up on recent
51
family news.
On Saturday, March 1865, Abraham Lincoln was in
augurated President of the United States for a second
time. All his immediate family was present to witness
the ceremony as his son, the Captain, was on leave. That
evening the inaugural ball was held in the Patent Office
** 9Ibid., p. 3 8 9.
5°Ellis p. Oberholtzer, Jay Cooke. Financier of the
Civil War (Philadelphia, 1907)?I, ^95*
^"Helm, Mary. Wife of Lincoln, p. 250.
108
Building and it was a grand affair, Washington, with the
end of the war in sight, was beginning to shed its cloak
of somberness and to begin to shine once again as a great
nation's capital. At half past ten, the military band
struck up "Hail to the Chief" and the President and Mrs.
Lincoln appeared. Robert Lincoln was already there "in
52
uniform" and with a special young lady. On his arm was
the daughter of Senator James Harlan of Iowa. Mary Eunice
Harlan, three years younger than Robert Lincoln, was by
all accounts a most attractive and charming young lady.
Educated at Madame Smith's French School in Washington,
she was poised and gracious and it was said, "played the
harp divinely." Exactly when the couple first met is
not known, but it could have been at any time after the
Lincolns came to Washington for the Harlans had been there
since 1855• They would be married in 1868, but as early
as the summer of 1865 there were rumors in the press that
5lf
this would take place. The inaugural was a great suc
cess, at least to all but the President, who was so worn
out by it that the next day he was confined to his bed
52An extended account of the ceremonies appears in
the New York Herald. March 5, 1865, p. 1, col. 3.
53Julia Taft Bayne, Tad Lincoln's Father (Boston,
1931), P. 6if.
^Chicago Times. August 19, 1865, p. col. 1.
109
55
from exhaustion.
The ceremonies over, Captain Lincoln returned to
duty. Later in the month of March he received this tel
egram from the President: "We now think of starting to
56
you about One P.M. Thursday. Dont make public." Prob
ably Robert already knew of the impending visit for the
day before, Lincoln had informed General Grant that he
57
was coming. Accompanying Mr. Lincoln were Mrs. Lincoln,
Tad Lincoln, and the family of Senator Harlan, including
58
Miss Mary Harlan. The visit was social as well as of
ficial. By this time, the war was almost over. Robert
Lincoln participated in the engagement which involved the
59
evacuation of Petersburg, Virginia, by the Confederates. '
a 60
This was accomplished the night of April 2-3, 1865.
The Lincolns and the Harlans, the Captain excepted,
returned to Washington on April 9* On that same historic
day, Lee surrendered at Appomattox and Robert T. Lincoln
55Leech, Reveille in Washington, p. 373*
^Abraham Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln, March 21,
1865, in Basler, Collected Works. VIII, 3 6 9.
^Abraham Lincoln to Ulysses S. Grant, March 20,
1865, ibid.. VIII, 3 6 7.
5®Lloyd Lewis, Myths After Lincoln (New York, 19^1),
P* 13 •
59Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 12.
60James G. Randall. The Civil War and Reconstruction
(Boston, 1937), P. 679.
110
6l
was there to witness the event. Immediately after the
surrender, Grant, with Robert Lincoln started for
Washington where they arrived early on April I1 *, in
time for Grant to participate in a cabinet meeting.
Robert went immediately to the Executive Mansion where
62
he was early enough to have breakfast with his father.
It is said that the son had with him a late picture of
Robert E. Lee and the President, upon looking at it,
mused: "It is a good face; it is the face of a noble,
63
brave man. I am glad that the war is over at last."
Thereupon the conversation turned to the future, and
his father commented:
Well, my son, you have returned
safely from the front. The war is now
closed and we will soon live in peace
with the brave men who have been fight
ing against us. I trust, that an era
of good feeling has returned and that
henceforth, we shall live in harmony
together.
It seems highly likely that at this breakfast meeting,
Robert Lincoln was invited to accompany his parents to
2 L * i
Maarns, Lincoln Papers. I, 12-13.
62New York Herald. April 17, 1865, p. 1, col„ 6.
Keckley, Behind the Scenes, p. 135*
^Francis Fisher Browne, The Every-Day Life of
Abraham Lincoln (Chicago, 191*4-), p* 5$2.
Ill
the theater that evening. However, the fact remains that
he did not go.
That evening, April l*f, 1865, saw the tragic shoot
ing of Robert Lincoln's father. One wonders why he did
not accompany his parents to see "Our American Cousin."
Perhaps he was tired. What might have happened had he
gone? llany years later, after the death of Robert T.
Lincoln, one of his friends, Nicholas Murray Butler of
Columbia University, stated in print that Robert never
could forgive himself for not going with his father and
mother. Butler said:
Robert's argument was that had he
gone to the theatre with his father and
mother, he, being the youngest member of
the party would have been in the back of
the box and, therefore, Booth would have
had to deal with him before he could have
shot the President. On this rather fan
tastic ground Robert Lincoln based his
sad reflection that had he gone to see
Our American Cousin, his great father's
life, would not have come to so tragic an
end.65
If this statement of Butler's be true, it does not mat
ter whether or not Robert Lincoln could have prevented
the assassination, but only the fact that he believed it
to be so, is important. One wonders how many times in
his long life did this man ponder his decision to remain
65
^Nicholas M. Butler, "Lincoln and Son," Saturday
Evening Post (February 11, 1939) > P« 6*f.
at the Executive Mansion that evening.
Robert Lincoln and John Hay were talking in the
Executive Mansion that spring night; some suggest they
were studying Spanish at the time. Suddenly they were
startled by a crowd surging toward the Executive Mansion
with the dreadful news that the President had been shot.
The pair “ran downstairs. Finding a carriage at the door,
they entered it and drove to Tenth Street."^7 At one
point their way was blocked by soldiers. The President's
son in anguish, cried, “It's my father 1 father I I'm
68
Robert Lincoln." When Hay and Lincoln entered the lit
tle room where the President lay, they saw one of the
tragic scenes in United States history. On the bed lay
the dying Abraham Lincoln surrounded by officials of gov
ernment and his friends. Throughout the long night, as
life ebbed, Robert Lincoln stood at the bedside; at in
tervals he wept upon the shoulder of Senator Charles
S u m n e r .^ Mary Todd Lincoln was by now in a state of
^Tyler Dennett, John Hay, From Poe try to Politics
(New York, 1931+)» p. 3^
^TWilliam R. Thayer, The Life and Letters of John
Hay (2 vols., Boston, 1915)V 1» 219-220.
Jim Bishop, The Day Lincoln Was Shot (New York,
1955), P. 225.
69j0hn T. Morse, editor, The Diary of Gideon Welles
(3 vols., Boston, 1911), II, 288.
113
near collapse. At one point when her anguish became
almost too much for her, Robert knelt and "crouched be
fore her, rubbing her hand in his and murmuring: 'Mother,
70
please put your trust in God and all will be well,'" at
tempting to console the grief stricken woman. However,
nothing that either Robert or Tad could do gave her com
fort. At 7*22 A. M., April 15, 1865, the end came.
Robert T. Lincoln was no longer the son of the Pres-
71
ident of the United States.
There is supreme irony in the fact that Abraham
Lincoln was murdered by John Wilkes Booth, for some
72
time during the war years the life of Robert T. Lincoln
was saved by John Wilkes Booth's brother Edwin. As
Lincoln later described it:
...I started from New York to Washington
taking at Jersey City a midnight train.
Standing in the station having a sleep
ing car, the stone platform was level
with the car platform on which stood a
conductor selling berth tickets to a
^Bishop, Pay Lincoln Was Shot, p. 237*
^Hereafter in this study, when the name Lincoln
alone is used, it will be in reference to Robert T.
Lincoln and not to his father.
^Lincoln recalled the incident took place in 1863
or 186*+ and this seems the most likely date. See Robert T.
Lincoln to Emelie Todd Helm, as quoted in Helm, Mary, Wife
of Lincoln, pp. 251-252. However, Eleanor Ruggles, Prince
of Players. Edwin Booth (New York, 1953), P» 171, states
that it was in
lib
line of passengers who stood leaning
against the side of the car. The line
made quite a little crowd of which I
was one. Suddenly the train began to
move and by the motion and crowding of
my neighbors I was screwed off my feet,
which dropped into the slot between the
car and the platform— not very far but
the situation was very dangerous. A man
seized my collar and jerked me with great
vigor out of the slot and onto my feet,
on the platform. Moving to thank him I
easily recognized Edwin Booth, having
often seen him on the stage.73
It is said that this fact gave the great Edwin Booth some
comfort in the troubled times that followed his brother's
7b
insane action.
In Lincoln's moment of trial he turned to David
Davis, the man of whom he would later write: "Upon my
father's death I went to Judge Davis as a second fa-
75
ther and this he was to me until his death." He wired
Davis asking him to come to Washington immediately and
take charge of the late President's affairs. A Presi
dent of the United States who dies in office remains the
property of the public until he is accorded the last
rites, and so it was with Abraham Lincoln. The family
^Helm, Mary. Wife of Lincoln, pp. 251-252.
71+Ruggles, Edwin Booth, p. 201.
75
Robert T. Lincoln to Thomas Dent, September 12,
1919, as quoted in Harry E. Pratt, The Personal Finances
of Abraham Lincoln (Springfield, 19^3)? P• Ibl•
115
was forced to share their dead with the nation. In this
instance, the widow was in no condition to withstand the
ordeal of a state funeral and therefore this responsibil
ity devolved upon the sons. Twenty-one year old Robert
Lincoln was now the head of the family, and he partici
pated in the extensive discussion of the funeral arrange
ments. Edwin M. Stanton, virtually dictator of the coun
try in the hours following the assassination, took an
active part in the proceedings. However, it was Mrs.
Lincoln who had the final say in deciding that her hus-
76
band would be buried in Springfield.
The President died on Saturday and the following
Wednesday, the State Funeral took place in the great East
Room of the Executive Mansion. At the appointed hour,
the mourners took their assigned places. President Andrew
Johnson stood facing the middle of the coffin; General
Grant was seated alone at the head, while the two Lincoln
sons, together with a few Todd relatives, sat at the
77
foot. Following the services, the casket was taken
to the Capitol to wait until Friday when the journey
to Springfield would begin. The long, tedious trip lasted
?6Ruth Painter Randall, Mary Lincoln (Boston, 1953)*
P. 387.
^Leech, Reveille in Washington, pp. UOO-^OS, and
Lewis, Myths After Lincoln, pp. 111-112, contain accounts
of the funeral.
116
78
from April 21 to May 3. Robert Lincoln remained in
Washington until May 1, when he started for Illinois for
79
the final services. While in Springfield he was the
80
house guest of John T. Stuart. During all this period,
Mrs. Lincoln remained at the Executive Mansion in deep
mourning broken only when she was able to rouse herself
long enough to take part in a dispute over the exact place
where the late President was to rest. The funeral serv
ices at the State House were to be over at eleven in the
morning, and it was not until 10:30 A. M. that Robert got
the final word from his mother that Springfield's Oak
Ridge Cemetery was to be his father's final place of
8l
repose.
It was not until May 22 that a "feeble, black-clad
Mary Lincoln walked for the last time down the Execu
tive Mansion stairs of stately memories and was driven
82
to the station to take the train to Chicago." There
?®Lewis, Mvths After Lincoln, pp. 115-130, contains
a detailed account of the trip.
^ Illinois State Journal (Springfield), May 3, 1865,
p. 2, col. b,
^Ibid., May *+, 1865, p. 2, col. 1.
O '!
- ‘ • Chicago Tribune as quoted in Lewis, Myths After
Lincoln, p. 2 6 3.
^Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. 389.
117
had been much discussion over where the widow would now
reside. The final decision was in favor of Chicago, and
accordingly the family boarded the six o'clock evening
train from Washington to Chicago, arriving in the lat
ter city at noon May 2*+, where they took up rooms at the
83
Tremont House.
When the soldier in command of the guard of honor
at the temporary tomb of Abraham Lincoln locked the vault
and turned the key over to Captain Lincoln, an important
turning point in the young man's life had arrived. He was
now on his own and responsible for an ailing i^ther and
young brother. Without question he truly mourned the
death of his father, but almost immediately persons began
to question his relationship with his father. That-ques
tioning continues today, for of recent date, Ruth Painter
Randall, in writing on the Lincoln family, has raised im
portant questions about Robert and the President. At one
point she makes this observations
There were undoubtedly times when
father and son found a congenial topic
to talk about, but true sustained com
panionship between them apparently could
not be achieved. This sometimes happens
between a father and son of marked per
sonalities— it is not necessarily the
^See the New York Herald. May 23, 1865, p« 1, col.
6, for the departure of the Lincolns and the Chicago
Times. May 25, 1865, p. 3, col. for their arrival
in Chicago.
118
fault of either. There may also be inherent
in the relation of father and son certain
possibilities of antagonism. In spite of
Mr. Lincoln's parental pride and affection
and Robert's sense of filial obligation,
they seem to have been too different in
make-up for either to feel essential kin
ship with the other. There are cases of
incompatibility where the chemistries of
two personalities simply will not mix.^
It would seem that Mrs. Randall here misses the essential
point that it is next to impossible for the historian to
chronicle satisfactorily the intimate relationship between
two individuals, particularly in the absence of almost any
documentation which would have bearing upon that relation
ship. However, on the basis of a good bit of gossip and
hear-say evidence, Mrs. Randall concludes that "Lincoln's
remarks about Robert are characterized by a curious re
straint which seems strange coming from one who gave out
an all-embracing parental affection to young people in
85
general." Evidence of this "curious restraint" is, for
example, Abraham Lincoln's statement in a letter saying
that Robert "promises very well, considering we never con-
86 „
trolled him much." Yet, is this not more of a comment
on Abraham Lincoln and his methods of child rearing than
S^andall, Lincoln's Sons, pp. 152-153.
^Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. 269-270.
Q /r
Abraham Lincoln to Anson G. Henry, July *+, i860,
in Basler, Collected Works. TV, 81-82.
119
on the son? Mrs. Randall further comments on the fact
that, supposedly, Robert Lincoln "did not know his fa-
87
ther very well." This particular matter refers to a
letter in which Robert was asked questions about his fa
ther's political career. However, the facts seem to in
dicate that Robert left home to attend school Just as he
was arriving at an age when he would be interested in po
litical affairs and thus he had little opportunity to be
come familiar with the elder Lincoln's career.
Of course, there is evidence of occasional flareups
within the Lincoln family. The best known was related by
the artist, Carpenter, who, while staying at the White
House in 1862, remembered the time Robert burst into John
Hay's room and exclaimed, "Well I have just had a great
88
row with the President of the United States." This row
involved Tad, who, as usual, had gotten away with some
thing for which he should have been punished. What could
be more natural than an elder brother being frustrated
because a doting parent would not correct a younger child?
^Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. 270. Curiously this con
clusion is based on Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, but
this volume and page in Mearns do not support such a
statement. Instead it helps to explain why Robert Lincoln
had only a limited knowledge of details of his father's
career.
B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House with
Abraham Lincoln (New York, 1866), p. 300.
120
On the other hand, there are many examples of Abraham
Lincoln's fondness for his eldest son. Noah Brooks re
called that the President once, in referring to Tad's
backwardness, said: "Let him run. There's time enough
yet for him to learn his letters and get poky. Bob was
just such a little rascal, and novr he is a very decent
89
boy. 1 1 It would seem best to conclude that between
Abraham Lincoln and his son Robert there existed the
normal father and son relationship, and to attempt to
prove the contrary is impossible on the basis of exist
ing materials having a bearing upon the subject.
Except for the tragic circumstances under which the
Lincolns left the Executive Mansion, without doubt, Robert
Lincoln was not unhappy with the fact that he was no
longer the son of the President of the United States.
Evidently, Lincoln never in his lifetime came to ap
preciate the glare of publicity. Now at last he could
escape the nation's frequently hostile press. It had
in the past four years called him a coward, a war prof
iteer, a shirker, and the like. These comments had
started almost at the time of the outbreak of the Civil
War. When that conflict began, men poured from the
classroom into uniform. Indeed the class of 186*+ at
89
Randall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 123.
121
Harvard produced some forty members of the armed forces,
90
of whom six were killed in action. However, for four
years Lincoln was not a member of that group that entered
the service. With the passage of time, the clamor for him
to be, became more and more vocal. In the election of
186^-, Robert Lincoln even figured as a minor campaign
issue. There was a publication titled "The Lincoln Cat
echism: A Guide to the Presidential Election of 186*+:
wherein the Eccentricities and Beauties of Despotism are
Fully Set Forth," which was published in New York. This
pamphlet set forth questions and answers, one of which
was "Who is Master Bob Lincoln?" to which the answer given
was "A lucky boy, yet in his teens, who has been so happy
as to obtain shares in Government contracts by which he
91
has realized $300,000. ..." In similar vein, anti
administration journals such as the Chicago Times would
print such items as the one to the effect that "The Pres
ident's son, 'Bob,' as he is called, a lad of some twenty
summers, has made half a million dollars in government
92
contracts." As the Lincoln scholar, Carl Sandburg
J. Perling, President's Sons (New York, 19^7)>
p. 1 3 8. This work is extremely hostile to Robert T.
Lincoln and should be read with caution and realiza
tion of its bias.
^Sandburg, The War Years. II, 2 6 7-2 6 8.
9^Chicago Times, as quoted in ibid., II, 132-13^-•
122
observes:
That was the item entire. How or
where the President's son spent his time
or his money, or in what particular field
of contracts he might have made $5 0 0?0 0 0,
could not be told without at once confus
ing any political reader whose sympathies
already inclined him to believe that the
President was corrupt as well as des
potic. . . . Surrounding one viciously
false item with strictly correct facts
about fire, murder, hog and corn ship
ments, disasters at sea, they could snare
the careless average reader into accept
ing the false item and spreading it by
word of mouth.
Perhaps the most bitter newspaper item of them all
appeared first in the Philadelphia Age, and was then re
printed in the Columbus, Ohio, Crisis. It was an edito
rial titled, "Cheap Sympathy," and dealt with the famous
Bixby Letter. The essay ran:
Our readers will remember the letter
of President Lincoln to Mrs. Bixby, con
doling with her on the loss of her five
sons in this war. He speaks of the "sol
emn pride that must be hers, at having
laid so costly a sacrifice upon the altar
of freedom." This kind of sympathy is
cheap, and easily manufacturedj and when
one reflects that the man who is osten
tatiously shedding his tears over the re
mains of Mrs. Bixby's five sons, has two
sons who are old enough to be laid upon
the "altar," but whom he keeps at home
in luxury, we can easily understand the
hypocrisy of all this sympathy for the
poor bereaved widow. Why is it, we ask,
that Mr. Lincoln's sons should be kept
93 .
Sandburg, The War Years, II, 132-13*+•
123
from the dangers of the field, while the
sons of the laboring man are to be hur
ried into the harvest of death at the
front? .Are the sons of the rail-splitter
porcelain, and these others common clay?
Or is it that Mr, Robert Lincoln, the
young gentleman whose face is so famil
iar at watering places and billiard-rooms
in the metropolis, has taken his younger
brother into the speculation of cultivat
ing cotton on Island Number Ten, through
the agency of slave labor, and they can't
be spared from their businesses?'
Obviously Robert was the target of persons who lost no
opportunity to hit at the President by any means possi
ble. The other son referred to in the editorial was of
course Tad, then eleven years old, and perhaps not so old
as the writer had imagined.
Now, however, all this lying had ended, and yet there
were many problems remaining to be faced. There was the
immediate problem of making a home for Mrs. Lincoln and
Tad. Chicago had already been decided upon, for Mrs.
Lincoln would not hear of returning to Springfield. May
of 1 8 6 5 found the Lincolns at the Tremont House, but on
the last day of that month, they moved to less preten-
95
tious quarters in the Chicago suburb of Hyde Park. ^ The
^Columbus (Ohio) Crisis. December 16, 186^, as
quoted in Sandburg, The War Years. II, 667-668.
9*W. A. Evans, Mrs. Abraham Lincoln. A Study of
Her Personality and Her Influence on Lincoln (New York,
1932), p. 186.
12b
reason for the move was that Mrs. Lincoln was convinced
of her poverty, while the true facts indicate quite the
opposite situation. Robert Lincoln was said to have been
9 6
extremely unhappy in Hyde Park. Indeed he had good rea
son for being gloomy as his mother was clearly beginning
to show signs of the emotional instability that would
eventually lead to the tragic insanity trial. At about
this time, Lincoln was confiding to Mary Harlan that "it
is very hard to deal with one who is sane on all subjects
97
but one." That one subject was, of course, money.
Another problem that Lincoln faced was the matter of
settling his father's estate. As has been mentioned, on
the morning of Abraham Lincoln's death, David Davis was
summoned to Washington. Robert T. Lincoln's telegram said
simplys
Hon. David Davis
Associate Justice Sup. Court
Bloomington, 111.
Please come at once to Washington &
take charge of my father's affairs-
Answer
98
R. T. Lincoln
9%eckley, Behind the Scenes, p. 211.
^Robert T. Lincoln to *&ry Harlan, as found in Carl
Sandburg and Paul M. Angle, Mary Lincoln. Wife and Widow
(New York, 1932), p. 133.
^Robert T. Lincoln to David Davis, April 15, 1865,
as found in Pratt. Personal Finances of Abraham Lincoln,
p. 1 3 3. ---------------------
President Lincoln had left no will, and therefore his
eldest son and his widow wrote to the judge of the
Sangamon County Court, Springfield, Illinois, request
ing that David Davis he appointed administrator of the
99
estate. On June 16, 1865, the court so ordered.
Mr. Justice Davis, assisted by Robert Lincoln, there
upon began the task of compiling and accounting for
the various parts of the estate. The myth is still
abroad that Abraham Lincoln died a poor man; he did
not. After all claims on the estate had been paid and
the residue was settled on the heirs, each of the three
received $3 6,9 9 1.5^ . " 1 ‘00 Much credit is due to Davis for
his able handling of the estate for under his administra
tion it grew from the actual $83,31+3*70, which the Presi
dent had left, to the amount of $110,97^*62, which was the
101
amount finally distributed. In addition, this good man
handled all matters connected with administration of the
estate at his own expense and incurred no fees in this
connection whatsoever. Certainly he was entitled to at
least his expenses which were of no inconsiderable amount.
•^Pratt, Personal Finances of Abraham Lincoln, pp.
133-131 +*
1 0 0Ibid.. p. lHO.
101Ibid., p. 1*H.
126
Both he and Lincoln traveled here and there in connection
with the settlement. For example, the pair was reported
as being in Springfield “on business" connected with the
102
“estate of the late President," in June of 1865.
It is evident that Robert Lincoln would never have
to worry about poverty. .At twenty-two he was worth nearly
twenty-seven thousand dollars. Upon the death of his
brother in I87I, he received half of the $3 5 9750 which
the boy had. Finally, upon the death of Mary Todd Lincoln
in 1 8 8 2, her only surviving son was administrator of her
estate, as well as sole heir. She left $81+,035»'L<^ Thus
Lincoln received three inheritances worth a total of
$1 3 8,901.5b. This amount, though small by comparison
to the over three million dollars Robert left when he
died in 1 9 2 6, was nevertheless considerable and gave
him an excellent start in life.
102
Illinois State Journal (Springfield), June l1 *,
1 8 6 5, p. 3> col. 3.
-^3pratt, Personal Finances of Abraham Lincoln.
p . 1 8 5 .
CHAPTER IV
THE YOUNG LAWYER IN CHICAGO
It has been said that had Abraham Lincoln lived to
retire from the Presidency, he and his son Robert would
have become law partners in Springfield.'1 ’ Instead, Robert
Lincoln found himself on his own. For reasons that he
considered valid, he did not return to complete his course
at the Harvard Law School but took up residence in
Chicago. On June 10, 1865, he resigned his eommis-
2
sion in the United States Army. Soon thereafter he
entered the law office of Scammon, McCagg and Fuller,
located on Lake Street. The head of the firm, Jonathan
Young Scammon (I8 1 2-I8 9 0), was a distinguished Chicago
3
attorney. His partners were E. B. McCagg and Samuel W.
h
Fuller. Here Lincoln studied for over a year learning
^Albert A. Woldman, Lawyer Lincoln (Boston, 1938),
P. 337.
2Mearns, The Lincoln Papers (2 vols., Garden City,
New York, 19H-8), I, V?.
^For a sketch of Scammon and the firm see John Moses
and Joseph Kirkland, editors, History of Chicago (2 vols.,
Chicago, 1895), II, 58-59.
duller is sometimes confused with Melville Weston
Fuller, later Lincoln's friend and Chief Justice of the
United States. For example, see W. A. Evans, Mrs. Abraham
Lincoln. A Study of Her Personality and Her Influence on
Lincoln (New York, 1932), p. 188.
128
his profession. Meanwhile, he had a room in the building
5
of Crosby's Opera House where he made his residence. One
history of the city of Chicago indicates that Lincoln was
also a student at the Law School of the University of
Chicago, but this is denied by one who knew him very
6
well.
On February 25, 1867, Robert T. Lincoln was ad-
7
mitted to the Illinois Bar. He then formed a part
nership with Charles T. Scammon, the son of Jonathan
Young Scammon, which was located at No. 1 Marine Bank
Building, Chicago, and which was known as Scammon &
8
Lincoln. Some time before Lincoln began his law prac
tice, he resumed living with his mother and Tad in a
home the former had purchased at 375 West Washington
in the city. This arrangement continued until about
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, *f7.
^The source of this report is J. Seymour Currey,
Chicago: Its History and Its Builders (5 vols., Chicago,
1 9 1 2),II. 18. Mr. Harry J. Dunbaugh, retired head of
the law firm of Isham, Lincoln and Beale, Chicago, de
nied this in an interview with the writer, July 1 3, 1959-
?The law license of Robert T. Lincoln is now the
property of Mr. James T. Hickey, of the Illinois State
Historical Library, Springfield. Mr. Hickey to the
writer, July 22, 1958.
Ruth Painter Randall, Lincoln's Sons (Boston,
1955), P. 2b6.
129
May 1, 1 8 6 7, when Mrs. Lincoln moved again and Robert
9
again lived alone at the Tremont House„
The firm of Scammon and Lincoln did quite well from
the beginning, for after only a few months of practice,
Lincoln could report to David Davis that "My business as
it is running now, does not fall short of supporting
me. . . .',10 However, as always there were problems.
The senior partner of the firm was waging a losing bat
tle with the bottle. He was forced to go east and seek
a cure for his troubles. Lincoln, in a "quandry" be
cause of, as he put it, his dislike of "personal trou
ble," wrote to Justice Davis hinting that he might end
the partnership.^^ This he did, although the exact date
of the demise of the firm is not known.
During this time Lincoln's mind was not entirely upon
his career. As has already been noted, as early as the
summer of 1 8 6 5, it was reported that he was to be married
to Mary Harlan. Had not the tragedy of the spring of 1865
taken place, perhaps they would have been wed by this
time. However, they must have had some understanding
^Evans, Mrs. Abraham Lincoln, p. 1 8 9.
^°Robert T. Lincoln to David Davis, as quoted in
Randall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 2^6.
i:LIbid.. pp. 2^f6-2^7.
130
between them that eventually they would be married. On
occasion, Robert's name had been linked with other women.
It is said that he was once interested in the daughter of
Senator John P. Hale of New Hampshire. Another admirer
of this same lady was an actor by the name of John Wilkes
12
Booth. After 1865, Lincoln and Miss Harlan saw less of
one another than they had previously, but Robert made oe-
13
casional visits to Washington.
The parents of the pair were all in agreement in that
they favored the match. Mary Todd Lincoln, writing of her
future daughter-in-law, spoke of her as a "young lady, who
lb
is so charming & whom I love so much." Still the exact
date of the marriage remained in doubt until a Washington
newspaper of September 21, 1868, carried the following
item: "Robert Lincoln, son the late President, it
is rumored, will be married this fall to a daughter of
^2Lloyd Lewis, Myths After Lincoln (New York, 19^1),
p. 168.
^"^For example, in the summer of 1 8 6 7, Lincoln sat in
on the Surrat Trial in Washington, accompanied by Con
gressman Judd of Illinois. Chicago Times. June 26, 1 8 6 7,
p. 7» col. 1. It goes without saying that he saw Miss
Harlan during his visit, and very probably this was the
purpose of the trip.
Mary Lincoln to Mrs. White, August 19, 1 8 6 8, as
found in Carl Sandburg and Paul M. Angle, Mary Lincoln.
Wife and Widow (New York, 1932), p. 2 8 5.
131
15
Senator Harlan."
At this time the wedding was hut a few days in the
future, and therefore either the final arrangements for
it were not complete, or more likely, the press simply
had not been informed of them. Three days after the first
announcement, the same paper reported that the marriage
1 fk
would take place immediately. On the evening of Sep
tember 2by 1868, Robert Todd Lincoln and Mary Eunice
Harlan were married at the home of the bride’s parents,
30^ H Street, with Bishop Matthew Simpson of the Meth
odist Episcopal Church officiating. The accounts of
the event noted that:
Owing to the sad circumstances connected
with the death of President Lincoln in this
city, now nearly four years ago, it was de
termined by the families of both the bride
and groom that the ostentatious displays
customary on such occasions should be
avoided.- ‘ -7
Approximately thirty-five guests were present. The in
vited began to arrive at the Harlan home at about half
past seven in the evening and they included: Secretary
of the Treasury and Mrs. Hugh McCulloch with their daugh
ter; Secretary of the Navy and Mrs. Gideon Welles and
^^Evening Star (Washington, D. C.), September 21,
1 8 6 8, p. 1, col. 3.
•^Ibid.. September 2*+, 1 8 6 8, p. 1, col. 2.
17lbid., September 26, 1868, p. 1, col. 3«
132
their son, Scigar T. Welles, the latter a close friend of
* 1 ^
the groom; Mrs. Edwin M. Stanton and her son Edwin, Jr.;
19
and Senator Alexander Ramsey of Minnesota. Shortly
after eight, the bridal couple entered the parlor, which
was described as "tastefully decorated with rare flow
ers," and took their places before Bishop Simpson in the
center of the room. Mary Harlan was gowned in white silk
and satin, "plain," but "exceedingly tasteful and rich."
By contrast, nearby stood Mrs. Abraham Lincoln in deep
mourning attire. After the ceremony was concluded, the
party was served a supper, and for an hour and a half they
chatted before leaving the Harlan home.
The next day, Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln left Washington
for New York in a car attached to the 12*30 train. They
were accompanied by Mrs. Abraham Lincoln and Tad, who went
as far as Baltimore and then on October 1, sailed for
Europe, and by Edgar Welles and Edwin M. Stanton, Jr.
"Mr. J. H. Wormley, Jr., accompanied the party to New
20
York as caterer." The young couple spent at least part
1®Edwin M. Stanton was absent from Washington and
speaking in Ohio, or presumably he would have been in
attendance. See Evening Star (Washington, D. C.), Oc
tober 6, 1 8 6 8, p. 1, col. 3»
■^%or a full description of the guests, their attire
and the like see ibid., September 26, 1 8 6 8, p. 1, col. 3*
^ Ibid., September 25, 1868, p. 1, col. 2.
133
of their honeymoon at the Hoffman House in New York City,
21
where they were reported to be staying early in October,
After two weeks there, they returned to Washington to stay
22
a few days with the Harlans. Then, on October 19* they
left “for Chicago, where Mr. Lincoln is permanently and
23
successfully engaged in the legal profession."
Robert T. Lincoln was now a permanent resident of
Chicago, which was to be his home from 1865 to 1911* with
certain periods of living elsewhere. Chicago of the post-
Civil War was the ever-growing, bustling, hard-working
city so celebrated in song and story. The population was
growing rapidly at this time and continued to do so. Of
no small consequence was the immigrant for “during the
seventies and eighties," Chicago “had been a principal
beachhead for the suddenly rising flood of immigration
2^Evening Star (Washington, D. C.), October 3* 1868,
p. 1, col. 2.
22Ibid., October 20, 1868, p. 1, col. 2.
2^Ibid. Robert Lincoln was most fortunate in his
choice of a wife. He and Mary Harlan were to live to
gether happily for nearly fifty-eight years, the marriage
ending with the death of the husband. By all accounts
the union was free from the troubles that had marred the
marriage of Abraham and Mary Lincoln. Mary Harlan Lincoln
was a friendly and charming personality who was a great
help to her husband. Robert and Mary Lincoln had three
children* Mary, born October 15, 1868; Abraham, born Au
gust 1^, 1 8 7 3; and Jessie Harlan, born November 6, 1 8 7 5.
See Harvard College, Class of lS&f, Secretary1s Report.
Number 8, l86I f-191^~ (Boston, 191*+), p. 98.
13*+
2k
from Europe.l ' The boom period in Chicago saw the rise
of a great many fortunes; it also saw the new wealth reach
out for culture and the trappings of respectability. Typ
ical of this was the establishment in 1869 of the Chicago
25
Club* This organization was formed by the younger ris
ing men of the city and today is still recognized as per
haps the leading club of its type in the area. Robert T.
Lincoln was a charter member of the Chicago Club, and in
26
later years served as its president. In its early days,
it has been said that:
Here a guest might see Marshall
Field, George Pullman, N. K. Fairbank,
John Crerar and T. B. Blackstone din
ing together or playing poker at the
“millionaire's table"— which might more
accurately have been called that of the
multimillionaires.27
In a sense, Lincoln belonged to the new Chicago, for
not too long after his taking up residence in the city,
the old town was destroyed by the great fire of October,
1 8 7 1. This conflagration was instrumental in paving the
2l+Emmett Dedmon, Fabulous Chicago (New York, 1953),
p. 1W.
2^For a history of the club see Caroline Kirkland,
Chicago Yesterdays, A Sheaf of Reminiscences (Chicago,
1919),pp. 2 0 1-2 1$.
2 6Ibid., pp. 203 and 2 1 1.
^Dedmon, Chicago, p. 121.
135
way for the new great metropolis that came into existence.
Lincoln was in the city at the time of the fire but there
is no record as to what, if anything, he lost in the de
struction, other than that certain of his father's papers
28
perished. John Hay was visiting Lincoln at the time,
and together they did what they could to help their
friends. Lincoln's friend and mentor, Jonathan Young
Scammon, was away from his home at the time and Lincoln
and Hay called on Mrs. Scammon to offer their help. At
that time it looked as though the Scammon residence was
not in great danger, and Lincoln advised the lady of the
house to remain calm and not to remove any of the house
hold goods since in the event that they were damaged,
their removal would cause possible complications with
the insurance company that insured them. Mrs. Scammon
eventually disregarded this adyice and fled with what
she could take with her, leaving the home and the re-
29
mainder of its furnishings to be consumed by the fire.
Sometime in 1872 Robert T. Lincoln formed a new law
partnership. The exact date of the beginning of this
firm, Isham and Lincoln, is not known. One source
pO
Robert T. Lincoln to H. S. Horne, January *+,
1 8 7 3. The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Copy
in the possession of the writer.
^ Chicago Yesterdays, pp. 219-220.
136
suggests it was February of 1 8 7 2;^ another indicates that
it was later in the year, for during the summer Lincoln
and his family took a tour of Europe and were away from
31
Chicago for several months. Lincoln's new law partner
was Edward Swift Isham ( 1 8 3 6-1 9 0 2), a native of
Bennington, Vermont, and a graduate of Williams
^2
College in Massachusetts. Isham was somewhat
older and more experienced in the legal profes
sion, and therefore he became the senior partner
of the firm. Lincoln and Isham were very congen
ial and maintained excellent relations. Lincoln fre
quently spent time at Isham‘s summer home in Manchester,
Vermont, and later built a home of his own there. Fif
teen years after the founding of the partnership, the firm
became Isham, Lincoln and Beale, which it remains today
for it is still one of the most prominent legal firms of
Chicago. The third partner was William Gerrish Beale
30
John M. Palmer, editor. The Bench and Bar of
Illinois (2 vols., Chicago, I0 9 9), II, 390.
3*4iarvard College, Class of l8 6*+. Secretary1 s Report.
Number 8, l86if-12lJ+ (Boston, 19l3f), p. 9 7. Mr. Harry J.
Dunbaugh of Isham, Lincoln and Beale, in an interview
July 13) 1959) told the writer that the date of found
ing of the firm remains uncertain.
^‘ Tor a sketch of Isham, see The Inter Ocean? His
tory of the City of Chicago, Its Men and Institutions
(Chicago, 1900), pp. 363-36^*
137
(185H—1923), a native of Winthrop, Maine, and a graduate
33
of Bowdoin College. Isham and Lincoln was at first lo
cated at 32 Portland Block, but much later moved to 72
West Adams Street, where it today occupies the entire sev
enteenth floor of the Consolidated Edison Building.
Both Isham and Lincoln brought into their new firm an
already established practice and from the beginning the
firm prospered. While much of the firm's business came
from Chicago and Cook County, still as early as 187^ Isham
and Lincoln were doing business of an out-of-state nature.
Evidence of this is the fact that on January 22, of that
year, Robert T. Lincoln wrote a client in Newburgh, New
3I+
York, advising him relative to land matters. As time
passed, the firm took on more and more the aspect of a
counseling law firm, but in the early period, the bulk
35
of the work was of a trial nature. Robert T. Lincoln,
who was an excellent and able attorney, did his share of
the work. Isham was more often concerned with the ac
tual presentation of the case, but Lincoln usually
33p0r a sketch of Beale, see the unsigned article,
"William Gerrish Beale," National Cyclopedia of American
Biography. XX (1929), 2 8 9-2 9 0.
■^^obert T. Lincoln to Darwin W. Esmond, January 22,
1 8 7!+, original in the possession of the writer.
-^Interview with Mr. Harry J. Dunbaugh, July 13,
1959.
138
36
prepared the case. So long as the latter remained a
member of the firm, he was unusually hard-working and put
in long hours building up the firm's practice. In time
Isham and Lincoln had cases that ranged from local mat
ters to cases that came before the Supreme Court of the
37
United States. The firm represented a number of famous
clients including the Pullman Company, Commonwealth Edison
Company, Chicago Elevated Railways, and Marshall Field and
^ O
Company.- 3 It also drew the wills of Walter L. Newberry,
Marshall Field, and Joseph Medill of the Chicago Trib-
39
une. Lincoln was personally responsible for the
Newberry matter and also personally handled the lit
igation that followed in the courts when the will was
contested. This case involved some five million dol
lars and was most complicated, but eventually resulted
in the establishment of the noted Newberry Library in
Chicago. It was said that Lincoln's handling of the
•^Statement of Mr. Dunbaugh, July 13, 1959*
■^Mr. Dunbaugh states that probably Lincoln never
appeared before the Supreme Court for Isham appeared in
such cases.
3®"William Gerrish Beale," National Cyclopedia of
American Biography. XX (1929), 289-290.
^ Ibid.. and Hulburd Dunlevy, "Robert Todd Lincoln,"
Green Bag. I, Number 8 (August, I089), 322.
matter was a "marvel of ingenuity."
139
Robert T. Lincoln was a very respected member of the
Chicago bar. A contemporary in discussing his abilities
stated that:
He inspires one immediately with
perfect faith in his uprightness and
honesty. The result of this is seen
in the perfect confidence placed in him
by his clients, and also in the great
consideration and weight given to his
statements by the courts. He is not
only scrupulously accurate and just in
all his doings and statements, but his
whole moral sense is so keen that the
slightest irregularity on the part of
others meets with the severest condemnation.
Almost inevitably, Lincoln's abilities as a lawyer were
compared to those of his father, and it was noted that
he had much of the same humor that had characterized the
elder Lincoln. For examples
Not very long ago in trying a suit,
Mr. Lincoln addressed the defendant,
Mr. Windet,— a man who was hopelessly
insolvent, but given to great schemes
about which he did a great deal of talk
ing. Mr. Lincoln pronounced the defend
ant's name with the accent on the first
syllable. The gentleman corrected him,
saying, "Mr. Windet. if you please sir,
Mr. Windet," accenting the last syllable.
Mr. Lincoln replied very quietly* "I beg
your pardon, sir 5 but I think that I am
kr>
Dunlevy, Robert T. Lincoln, p. 322.
^Ibid., p. 3 2 2.
lUO
to be excused for not knowing whether to^p
associate more of wind or debt with you„ ^
Also comparisons have been made in a different regard.
It is frequently noted that Robert Lincoln was a corpo
ration lawyer, while the popular notion is that the elder
Lincoln was always defending the "common people." This
ignores the fact that Abraham Lincoln might also be clas
sified as a railroad and corporation attorney, for he was
retained in the decade of the l850's by the Illinois Cen
tral, and Lincoln and Herndon also did business with other
sizable firms. The junior partner of Isham and Lincoln
was already, at the age of thirty, a leader of the bar of
Chicago, and therefore when on T / r ay 27, 18 71 *, the Chicago
Bar Association was formed, he took an active part in its
organization.
Although professionally Lincoln was prospering, he
was faced in the 1 8 7 0’s with family problems that caused
him much sadness and grief. Three Lincolns had left the
White House in May of 1865, but in 1 8 7 1, their number was
^^Dunlevy, Robert T. Lincoln, p. 322.
^Benjamin p. Thomas, Abraham Lincoln (New York,
1952), pp. 156-158, discusses Abraham Lincoln's law prac
tice in the l850's. On pp. 157-158, he states: "In ad
dition to Lincoln's railroad business, he handled cases
for other types of corporations: banks, insurance compa
nies, gas companies, large mercantile and manufacturing
concerns."
^Currey, Chisaga, II, 319-320.
ibl
reduced to two. Thomas Lincoln, or Tad as he was
popularly known, had in the period following the death
of the President been his mother's constant companion.
In May of 1 8 7 1, the boy, by now a young man in his
late teens, fell ill. At first there was hope for
his recovery, but as the weeks passed, that hope van
ished and Thomas Lincoln died in Chicago, July 15,
1371. Robert Lincoln was crushed and Mary Todd
Lincoln prostrated once again by the event. The brother
took charge of the funeral preparations, and the serv
ices were held at his home, with burial following in
k A
Springfield. A decade later, Lincoln, writing to
Isaac N. Arnold, spoke of his feeling for his brother:
Poor Tad was a good boy and extra
ordinary affectionate and firm in his
friendships; . . . He was only eight
een when he died but he was so manly
and self reliant that I had the bright
est hopes for his future.^7
Following the death of Tad, Mrs. Abraham Lincoln
remained in a pitiful state. She was now unable to
^Katherine Helm, The True Story of Mary. Wife
of Lincoln (New York, 19^), pp. 293-295.
^ u t h Painter Randall. Mary Lincoln. Biography
o f a Marriage (Boston, 1953;> p. 42^.
^Robert T. Lincoln to Isaac N. Arnold, March 2 8,
l88l. Chicago Historical Society Collections.
cope with life’s problems. Never a completely normal
personality, the tragic loss of her husband and three
of her sons left her shattered. For some time, her ec
centricities had been common knowledge and paraded be
fore the general public in the newspapers. There had
been, for example, the celebrated incident of Mrs.
Lincoln, believing herself poverty stricken, putting
her old clothes on sale in New York. This: inci
dent alone, according to Mary Lincoln, caused Robert
Lincoln to behave "like a maniac," and almost caused
*+9
him to threaten to take his own life. For some
time the question of his mother's future had been
discussed and Robert Lincoln, writing to Mary Harlan
before their marriage, had said: "I have no doubt
that a great many good and amiable people wonder why
I do not take charge of her affairs and keep them
straight. . . ." At the same time he predicted: "...I
am likely to have a good deal of trouble in the fu-
50
ture. . . ." Mrs. Lincoln's troubles were complicated
jjP
See Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. If08-if22.
Mary Todd Lincoln to Elizabeth Keckley, as found
in Sandburg and Angle, Mary Lincoln, p. 131*
50
Robert T. Lincoln to Mary Harlan, as found in
Sandburg and Angle, *fe.ry Lincoln, p. 133-
1**3
by the fact that she was engaged in a running feud, this
time supported by her son, with William H. Herndon, self-
appointed authority on Abraham Lincoln. Herndon at this
time was raising, among other issues, the question as to
whether or not Abraham Lincoln's parents had ever been
married. Mrs. Lincoln, good Victorian that she was, was
horrified at the thought that her husband might have been
illegitimate, and even when evidence to the contrary was
found, Herndon continued his accusations and would not be
silenced. Then, too, there was the Ann Rutledge episode
to further unhinge poor Mary Lincoln, but this incident
will be dealt with later in this study.
After the death of Tad, Mrs. Lincoln continued the
wanderings that had so characterized her life after 1861.
The year 1 8 7 5 brought a crisis in her troubled mind. In
March of that year, she was in Florida, when she was
seized by the hallucination that her only surviving son
was dying. She at once telegraphed Robert's physician,
Dr. Ralph N. Isham, in Chicago to the effect that: "Mfcr
belief is that my son is ill; telegraph. I start for
51
Chicago tomorrow." Dr. Isham, who was the uncle of
Lincoln's law partner, immediately upon receipt of this
^Mary T. Lincoln to Ralph N. Isham, March 12, 1 8 7 5,
as found in Sandburg and Angle, Mary Lincoln, p. 307*
strange message, contacted Robert Lincoln who in turn
wired his mother to the effect that he was in perfect
health. Mrs. Lincoln did not wait long enough to re
ceive his message, but now sent the following to her son
dearly beloved son, Robert T.
Lincoln— Rouse yourself and live for
your mother; you are all I have; from
this hour all I have is yours# I pray
every night that you may be spared to
your mother.52
It is not difficult to understand how a mentally ill
woman, who had lost three sons already, could imagine
that her only surviving child might also be dying. She
arrived in Chicago, March 15? 1875? and refusing to stay
at Lincoln's home, went instead to the Grand Pacific
53
Hotel. Her son must have instantly recognized her
state of mind, for refusing to let her remain alone,
he took a room next to her and watched over the poor
woman. On c>ne occasion, she attempted to leave her
room without being properly dressed, and when Robert
attempted to restrain her she screamed, "You are going
to murder me." At other times her hallucinations re
turned. She believed a fire would destroy Chicago, and
it must be remembered that four years earlier, one had,
^2Mary T. Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln, as found
in Sandburg and Angle, Mary Lincoln, p. 307•
53
Sandburg and Angle, Mary Lincoln, p. 308.
li+5
but her son's home would be the only house in the city
5l+
untouched by the flames.
The situation was further complicated by the fact
that at this time Mary Lincoln had on her person fifty-
seven thousand dollars in cash and securities, and her
long-standing mania for buying things was worse than ever.
Recently she had purchased $772.03 worth of sashes, rib
bons, ties, pointe lace, silk handkerchiefs, gloves," and
the like, and then went on to buy "three watches for $1+ 5 0,
jewelry costing $7 0 0, a bolt of silk, $200 worth of soaps
55
and perfumes." Then the demented woman, "though having
no house of her own and refusing to live at her son's
house," proceeded to buy "lace curtains" valued at over
56
five hundred dollars. It goes without saying that a
mentally disturbed woman given to wanderings about a large
city with large sums of money in her possession is in dan
ger indeed. For temporary protection, Robert Lincoln
hired a man to guard his mother, without her knowledge,
when she went out. For her permanent safety, some other
solution would have to be found.
Sandburg and Angle, frkry Lincoln, p. 309
^ Ibid.. p. 3 0 9.
^6Ibid.. p. 3 0 9.
lA6
Lincoln consulted David Davis and his mother's
favorite cousin, John Todd Stuart. Both gave advice,
but clearly the decision was with the son. "Robert
Lincoln took the only possible course," he requested
57
an insanity hearing. This was the only method whereby
Mary Lincoln could be restrained from possible self-
injury, and, more important, the only method whereby
she could receive medical treatment. However, one can
well imagine the effect that such a decision had on
Robert T. Lincoln. At this time, few approached men
tal and physical illness in the same light. To most,
"insanity" was a dreaded word, something to be hidden
and never discussed. Lincoln, always sensitive to the
public gaze, would now have to go through a trial which
involved a figure in which the public was much interested
— the widow of the sixteenth President of the United
States.
On May 18, 1 8 7 5, Dr. Ralph N. Isham penned the fol
lowing! "I hereby certify that I have examined Mrs. Mary
Lincoln— widow— and that I am of the opinion that she is
58
insane and a fit subject for hospital treatment." The
following day, Ayer and Coles, attorneys for Robert T.
^Sandburg and Angle, Mary Lincoln, pp. 305-306.
58Ibid.. p. 1^3.
1^7
Lincoln, filed with Cook County Court a petition for an
insanity hearing. It was held the same afternoon, and a
series of witnesses told of Mrs. Lincoln's strange behav
ior as she sat and listened and watched.
Robert T. Lincoln, the petitioner
then took the witness stand. His face
was pale; his eyes bore evidence that
he had been weeping, and his whole man
ner was such as to affect all present.
His mother looked upon him benignly.59
He told his story, beginning with the day his mother first
imagined that he was ill and related that he had not been
sick in a decade. He recounted the later trouble he had
had with his mother, and mentioned that his mother had
told someone he had attempted to poison her. Twice he
broke down and cried in court. When Lincoln finished his
testimony, the jury deliberated only a few minutes and
returned a verdict of insanity. The court then ordered
Mrs. Lincoln committed to an institution and appointed
her son conservator of her estate. Mary Todd Lincoln,
in disbelief, turned to her only living child and said,
"0 Robert, to think that my son would have ever done
60
this." In her tortured mind, he had betrayed her and
that night she attempted suicide, only to be frustrated
(to
•^Sandburg and Angle, Mary Lincoln, p. 307*
^°Randall, Lincoln1s Sons, p. 287.
I*f8
in the attempt and taken to a private sanitarium where
she received excellent care and treatment.
The nation had watched with interest these proceed
ings and while many doubtless remembered Mrs. Lincoln's
sometimes strange behavior during the White House years,
others probably saw the trial as Robert Lincoln's method
of getting his aged mother "put away" so that he could
obtain her estate. Such tactics were not ■unknown in nine
teenth century America. Even members of the man's own
family did not understand. Through it all, Lincoln kept
silence except to a few close friends. Mrs. Sally Orne,
a close friend of l^try Lincoln, wrote to him to inquire
of Mrs. Lincoln. Robert replied that he and his mother
were "on the best of terms," which was certainly stretch
ing the truth, and went on to describe the care she was
now receiving. He concluded that he had had no alterna-
62
tive but to take the action which he had done.
Mary Todd Lincoln, confined to an institution, now
had a purpose in life,— to obtain her release. After four
months in the sanitarium, she was released and was taken
to the Edwards' Mansion in Springfield where she lived
^-Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. *+32-^35.
^Robert T. Lincoln to Mrs. J. H. Orne as found in
Helm, Mary. Wife of Lincoln, p. 295.
l*+9
quietly. Thirteen months after the first trial had found
her insane, a second proceeding found her sane and the
court ordered her estate restored to her. A physician,
who had carefully studied her case, concluded that she
had the same degree of irrationality at the second trial
AO
that she had at the first. Immediately, Mrs. Lincoln
directed a bitter letter to "Robert T. Lincoln," which
ordered the return of all her possessions in these terms:
"...Send me all that I have written for, you have tried
your game of robbery long enough." She concluded, "You
have injured yourself, not me, by your wicked conduct.
6*+
Mrs. A. Lincoln." Mother and son were now completely
separated and remained so for several years. It was not
until May of l88l that they were at least somewhat rec
onciled when one Sunday Lincoln, accompanied by his daugh
ter Mary, namesake of Mary Todd Lincoln, called at the
65
Edwards Mansion. A little over a year later, Mrs.
Abraham Lincoln died on July 16, 1882; she had at last
found rest.
63
Evans, Mrs. Abraham Lincoln, p. 226.
6^+
Mary Todd Lincoln to Robert T. Lincoln as quoted
in Randall, Mary Lincoln, p. *+3^.
^Randall, Lincoln1s Sons, p. 298•
150
The significance of the mental troubles of Mary
Lincoln, in so far as this study is concerned, lies in
the effect that they had on Bobert T. Lincoln. As
David C. Mearns has written, Lincoln had "the instincts
of a recluse and the destiny of an exhibitionist."^
To Lincoln this was another of the personal tragedies
that would ever plague him throughout his long life.
He never forgot the trials and his mother's condition.
Throughout the remainder of his life, he worked in an
attempt to blot out the record of "the distressing men-
67
tal disorder of my mother." It is said that for many
years he employed Henry E. Barker, of Barker's art and
secondhand book store in Springfield, to collect for him
letters which revealed the sad condition of Mary Lincoln's
68
mind. He then destroyed what he could get. Eventually
he came to realize the futility of it, for while "Hundreds
of them have been kindly sent to me for destruction . . .
69
I am quite sure that there exist still other hundreds."
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 72.
^Robert T. Lincoln to LeGrand Van Valkenburgh,
May 26, 1913> as quoted in ibid., I, 130.
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 130.
^Robert T. Lincoln to LeGrand Van Valkenburgh,
May 26, 1913, as found in ibid.. I, 130.
151
This was Lincoln's comment in the year 1913, forty-one
years after the death of his mother.
In present-day thinking, Lincoln would be termed
overly sensitive, but it must be remembered that he lived
in an earlier age when only the most enlightened were
able to think of mental and physical ills within the same
frame of reference. Of some comfort to him might have
been the Illinois State Journal, which Robert T. Lincoln
may have read:
The whole business is a most painful
one, but justice to Secretary Lincoln and
other friends of Mrs. Lincoln demands
that the truth should now be told. The
fact is, that while Mrs. Lincoln is, un
doubtedly, physically and mentally ill,
she is a hypochondriac as to her healtn n§
and a monomaniac on the subject of money.
Some years later, Adam Badeau perhaps summed up the sit
uation better than anyone else when he wrote in the press,
regarding the first insanity trial:
It was a great relief to me to learn
it, and doubtless the disclosure of the
secret which her son must have long sus
pected— though, like the Spartan boy, he
cloaked his pain— was to him a sort of
terrible satisfaction. It vindicated
his conduct; it told for him what he
had concealed; it proved him a worthy
son of that great father who also bore
his fate so heroically. . . • The rev
elation . . . redeemed the unfortunate
7°Illinois State Journal. November 26, l88l, as
quoted in Sandburg and Angle, Mary Lincoln, p. 3l8.
152
woman herself from the odium for which
she was not responsible.71
Another problem, which in some ways had bearing upon
the matter just discussed, troubled Robert Lincoln at this
time. Abraham Lincoln, from the moment of his death, was
well on the way to becoming the most popular figure in
United States history. Almost from that moment, his son
was plagued by would-be biographers and writers. He had
in his possession the papers and letters of the Presi
dent and would retain them until very near to the time
of his own death. Evidently the first person to bring
up the subject of a Lincoln biography after the death of
the President was Professor Francis James Child, of
Harvard, who was not interested in the project him
self, but on behalf of Charles Eliot Norton. In late
April, 1865, Lincoln wrote in reply to Child's letter
that while he had great respect for Norton, who "is
well known to me as a cultivated scholar and gentle
man," although he did not know him personally very well,
still the important fact was that:
It will be impossible, however, for
the complete work which Mr. Norton con
templates to be written for a number of
years, exactly how long it is impossible
to say because there are no doubt many
^Adam Badeau writing in the Chicago Tribune. Janu
ary 17, 1 8 8 7, p. 10, col. 1-2.
153
documents (I myself know of several)
which are necessary to the history hut np
which would he damaging to men now living.'
Although this letter stopped Norton in his projected
writing, it did not stop others. There were countless
items being written about the late President and the
hulk of them were worthless. At about this time an
other would-be biographer started work. He was William H.
Herndon.
It has been said that the death of Abraham Lincoln
73
“was the most important event in Herndon's life." He
at once began to collect material concerning his late law
partner, whom he had known only as a Springfield lawyer,
and never as the great President of the United States.
Herndon's methods were, to say the least, questionable;
however, a debt of gratitude is owed to this man, for
without his efforts much concerning Lincoln would have
been lost. For example, Herndon traveled here and there
interviewing persons who had known Abraham Lincoln. In
addition to his proposed life of the President, Herndon
began to lecture in public. In November, 1866, he first
raised the issue of Ann Rutledge, Abraham Lincoln's lost
?2Robert T. Lincoln to Francis James Child, April 27,
1865, as quoted in Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, kjo
^David Donald, Lincoln's Herndon (New York, l*?1 ^ ) ,
p. 1 6 7.
15^
7b
love. Surprisingly enough, the widow took the matter
in stride, convinced as she was that she was really the
75
only one whom her husband had loved. Robert T. Lincoln
did not take the matter in such good grace. "Mr. William
H. Herndon is making an ass of himself," was his comment
76
to David Davis.
In order to understand the relationship between
Robert Lincoln and Herndon, it is necessary to go back
to Lincoln's college days at Harvard. During that time,
Herndon had written to the student "absurd pseudo-
philosophical letters," which the latter thought in-
77
sane. Herndon was hurt and in judging his fellow
men, operated on the principle of liking those who
liked him and hating those who hated him. Immedi
ately after the death of the President, there was a
period of calm, even after Herndon had first started
7b
This was done in a lecture titled, "A. Lincoln-
Miss Ann Rutledge, New Salem-Pioneering, and the poem
called 'Immortality'— or Oh 1 Why should the Spirit of
Mortal be Proud," first delivered November 16, 1866.
See Donald, Lincoln1s Herndon, p. 230.
7%andall, Mary Lincoln, pp. UoO-^+Ol.
^^Robert T. Lincoln to David Davis, November 19»
1866, as quoted in Donald, Lincoln's Herndon, p. 230.
"^Robert t. Lincoln to C. L. Conkling, December 17»
1917, as quoted in ibid.
to work. Robert Lincoln in June of 1866 had told him:
"Even when I differ with anyone in his views of my fa
ther1 s character &c. unless it were something flagrantly
78
wrong, I would not discuss the subject. 1 1 Then Herndon
evidently began to press for permission to look at let
ters and papers of the President. In September of 1866,
Mary Lincoln met Herndon in Springfield and they discussed
several matters relative to Herndon’s work. The interview
got off to a bad start for Herndon had been drinking, a by
no means uncommon occurrence, and this revolted Mrs.
79
Lincoln. A few weeks later, Robert Lincoln made ref
erence to this meeting when he told Herndon, "I spoke
to my mother • . . and she says she had a talk with you
on the subject when at Springfield and that her letters
80
are of too private a nature to go out of her hands."
.After the specter of Ann Rutledge was raised, Lincoln
himself went to Springfield in December, i8 6 0, to talk
personally with the one who had conjured up the story.
In remembering the meeting twenty years later, Herndon
7 8
Robert T. Lincoln to William H. Herndon, June 8,
1866, as quoted in Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, H-9*
79
Randall, Mary Lincoln, pp. 395-398, has an account
of the meeting.
fin
Robert T. Lincoln to William H. Herndon, October 1,
1866, as quoted in Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, m-9-50.
156
said he wrote: 111 think Boh wanted to fight, but I kept
my temper and he couldn’t fight, because he had no one to
81
fight with." Of course nothing was accomplished by dis
cussing the matter.
Belatedly Lincoln's oldest son appealed
to Herndon's better nature. "All I ask," he
begged, after returning to Chicago from his
fruitless mission, "is that nothing may be
published by you, which after careful con
sideration will seem apt to cause pain to
my father's family, which I am sure you do
not wish to do." "I hope you will con
sider this matter, carefully, Dear Mr
Herndon," he entreated, "for once done
there is no undoing.
By now it was obvious that Herndon could expect no help
from the Lincolns in his work, but he continued his col
lecting, writing, and lecturing none the less. The pa
pers of the late President remained in the hands of the
family until Robert Lincoln saw fit to permit use being
made of them. To be sure there were many other attempts
made to secure their use, and during this time Ward H.
83
Lamon made an effort to obtain them, but failed.
William H. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, undated, but
about 1888, as quoted in Donald, Lincoln1s Herndon, p.
2 3 0.
^ Ibid.. p* 231, quoting in part, Robert T. Lincoln
to William H. Herndon, December 13, and 2*+, 1 8 6 6.
^See Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I. 55-65, £°v chap
ter Particular Friend," dealing with Ward H. Lamon and
his life of Abraham Lincoln.
157
Although Lincoln was concerned with matters that had
their basis in the past, still he was active in the pres
ent and had his own career to think about. Nothing could
be more logical than the fact that the son of Abraham
Lincoln would be constantly drawn into the political
realm, willing or not. From the very start of his res
idence in Chicago, Lincoln, if unwilling to take part
in politics himself, was very much aware of events that
were taking place around him. For example, in the sum
mer and fall of 1866, Chicago saw a bitter struggle for
the office of mayor. Lincoln, writing to Justice Davis,
noted:
There is a deal ofpolitical excitement
here and I hope Mr. J Johnson/ will not give
any room for trouble by a stirrup speech.
The fight between Wentworth and Judd is oc
cupying the wire pullers and is somewhat
bitter. The Tribune is going so far in its
denunciation of Wentworth that it will have
hard work if he is nominated.^
One wonders when Lincoln first gave thought to the fact
that he would inevitably be drawn into politics. It must
have been not long after he arrived in Chicago, for in the
late eighteen sixties, John G. Nicolay, writing to John
Hay to return a letter the latter had received from
Lincoln, said:
^Robert T. Lincoln to David Davis, September
1866, Chicago Historical Society.
158
I send back Bob's letter, which is
certainly characteristic and shows the
latent power of observation and compar
ison which is evidently in the blood.
He still looks at politics through a
reflecting medium— perhaps I should say
an opaque one,— either making him inca
pable of arriving at a true estimate.
Politics is a thing a laisser ou a prendre,
but by no means to be despised, either in
its nobler or baser relations to the times
we live in. Nobody had a clearer percep
tion of that point than his father. A lit
tle more age and experience will probably
enable Bob to see it as well.°?
The time in which Lincoln was then living was the
reconstruction period— the triumph of the radical Repub
licans over all that his father had stood for. There fol
lowed the Grant era with its corruption which was merely
typical of what was going on all over the nation.
Throughout his long life, Lincoln was a strong Re
publican in politics and indeed never once wavered
in his support of the party. However, it is sur
prising that his actual views on many of the great
questions of his time are unknown, as, for example,
where did he stand on the issue of reconstruction?
One might presume that he would be a follower of
those who attempted to implement his late father's
plan for rebuilding the union and yet there is no
John G. Nicolay to John Hay, undated but about
1 8 6 8, as quoted in Helen Nicolay, Lincoln's Secretary.
A Biography of John G. Nicolay (New York, 19^8), p. 253•
159
record of this. It is generally presumed that he was a
"stalwart" Republican and a supporter of Grant in the
86
1 8 7 0*s. This idea was popular in the press of the time.
However, the truth is that at least as of 187^, he was not
a champion of Grant, for in a previously unknown letter,
Lincoln wrote to Gideon Welles after the elections of No
vember of that year and said:
I wish that I could be as satisfied
with the elections as you are. I am not
interested in Grant and if I were satis
fied the result was merely his overthrow
there would be little cause for grief.
You and I will yet pay taxes to compen
sate for the loss of slaves— I am afraid.
If the effect of the elections shall be
to divorce the Republican party from
Grant and name a patriotic Union man
President in *76 there will none re
joice more than I.°7
Lincoln took no active part in the campaign of 1 8 7 6,
but it may be presumed that he supported Hayes. Indeed
Hayes not only met his qualifications for a good Pres
ident, but the two were on good terms. John Hay remarked
to Lincoln: "I saw the President in Washington. The only
thing of any importance he talked about was you. You
For example, see the sketch of Lincoln in the
Chicago Tribune. January 11, 1 8 8 7, p. 3, col. 2.
87
Robert T. Lincoln to Gideon Welles, November 2b,
1 8 7^, Letter book 1, page 820, office files of Isham,
Lincoln and Beale, Chicago, Illinois. Used through the
courtesy of Mr. Harry J. Dunbaugh.
160
88
evidently made a great impression on His Excellency."
By this time, Lincoln was active enough in political mat
ters to write to the Secretary of State urging the ap
pointment of George Schneider of Chicago as Minister to
Switzerland and to note that: "His appointment would
reflect great credit on the government and I can only
89
hope that it may be made."
It was in April of 1 8 7 6 that Robert Lincoln first
formally entered the political realm in the sense that
he himself was a candidate for public office. He was
then elected a supervisor of the town of South Chicago.
This suburb of the large metropolis had been for some
time under the control of a "gang of robbers," who prac
ticed fraud and corruption by voting "themselves enor-
90
mous salaries for doing nothing."' Lincoln spent about
a year helping to clean up the situation, and so success
ful were his efforts that a decade later the press could
say that he had "put the affairs of the town in good
shape, and since then not a dollar of taxes has been
John Hay to Robert T. Lincoln, February l*f, 1 8 7 8,
as found in William R. Thayer, Life and Letters of John
Hay (2 vols*, Boston, 1915;, II, 20-21.
^Robert T. Lincoln to William M. Evarts, March 12,
1 8 7 7, Chicago Historical Society.
^ Chicago Tribune. January 11, 1887, p. 3, col. 2.
i
161
91
levied for town purposes." Unfortunately the records
of South Chicago, which was annexed to Chicago in 1 8 8 9,
have disappeared and therefore little more is known re-
92
garding this aspect of Lincoln's career.
As the Presidential election of 1880 approached,
Lincoln became active in behalf of the third term at
tempt of Grant. There is nothing known that would ex
plain his change of mind from his position of six years
earlier, Lincoln was a delegate to the Illinois State
Republican Convention of 1880 held in Springfield and was
chosen a delegate to the Republican National Convention.
However, this honor he declined and gave his place instead
98
to Stephen A. Douglas, Junior, In November of 1880,
Robert T. Lincoln was chosen by the voters of Illinois
a presidential elector pledged to James A. Garfield and
Chester A. Arthur. His total vote state-wide was 318*037
9I+
which was the highest vote received by an elector.
^ Chicago Tribune. January 11, 1 8 8 7, p. 3» col, 2.
^^Elizabeth Baughman, Reference Librarian, Chicago
Historical Society, to the writer. May 2*f. 195°, and
Blanche McLaughlin, Branch Librarian, South Shore Branch
of the Chicago Public Library, to the writer June 10,
1958.
93chicago Tribune. January 11, 1 8 8 7, p. 3» col, 2,
9*+a. T. Andreas, History of Chicago (3 vols., Chicago,
1 8 8 6), III, 8 5 2.
162
The following year, Garfield would call the thirty-
seven year old Lincoln to Washington and he would thus
leave behind, for four years, the city where he had made
a name for himself and where it would be said: "Not alone
for the sake of his beloved father, but for his own worth,
is Mr, Lincoln esteemed and honored by his associates, his
95
clients and his friends."
^Andreas, History of Chicago. II, *+ 6 9.
CHAPTER V
SECRETARY OF WAR
In November of 1880, the Republican nominee for
President of the United States, James A. Garfield, was
elected over his Democratic rival, Winfield S. Hancock,
and on March *+, l38l, he was inaugurated. His cabinet
was composed of the followings James G. Blaine, Secre
tary of State; William Windom, Secretary of the Treas
ury; Robert T. Lincoln, Secretary of War; Wayne MacVeagh,
Attorney General; Thomas L. James, Postmaster General;
William H. Hunt, Secretary of the Navy; and Samuel J.
Kirkwood, Secretary of the Interior. The Senate con
firmed these appointments March 5> l8 8l, and the offi
cers took their respective oaths of office.^"
The selection of Lincoln as Secretary of War has
an interesting background; several have taken credit
for it. Garfield upon his election found himself in
the difficult position of attempting to conciliate the
various factions of the Republican party. After all,
he had been a dark-horse candidate after the convention
Biographical Director of the American Congress.
±77b-19k9 (Washington. 194-9). p. 22.
164
2
was thoroughly deadlocked. At this time, one faction of
the party was led "by James G. Blaine who became Secretary
of State. It would be wise for Garfield to make an ap
pointment from within the other Republican faction— that
which had supported Grant. Not long after the election,
Joseph Medill of the Chicago Tribune met with Garfield.
This was November 16, 1880. The editor was on friendly
terms with Senator John A. Logan of Illinois who had been
one of the strongest Grant supporters earlier that summer.
Medill told Garfield that Logan did not wish any position
in the Cabinet but that it would be good to appoint some
member of the Grant faction to that group. Garfield was
most friendly with his caller, and it is possible that the
two then may have mentioned the name of Lincoln, as he had
been a Grant man in the pre-convention days.^
There was, however, a rumor to the effect that Grant
did not wish Lincoln made Secretary of War. In order to
squelch the idea, Grant had his associate Adam Badeau
write to Robert T. Lincoln telling him that there was
no truth in the story, that Grant would be happy to see
Lincoln Secretary of War and that the letter might be
^Matthew Josephson, The Politicos. 1865-1896 (New
York, 1938), pp. 2 8 1-2 8 7.
3Robert G. Caldwell, James Garfield. Party Chief
tain (New York, 1931)j P« 318.
made public if Lincoln so desired* Later in the year,
December 29, 1880, to be exact, Garfield had another
caller who wished to discuss Cabinet appointments. This
was Senator J. Donald Cameron of Pennsylvania, Republi
can boss of that state. Cameron also suggested the name
of Robert T. Lincoln for a post and evidently Garfield
agreed with him.^ Shelby M. Cullom of Illinois, first
Governor and later Senator from that state, in his mem
oirs took credit for the appointment of Lincoln. He said
After General Garfield was elected
to the Presidency, but before his inau
guration, I determined that I would urge
upon him the appointment of Mr. Robert T.
Lincoln as a member of his cabinet. . . .
With this purpose in view, I visited
Garfield at his home in Mentor. . . •
I at once told him the mission on which
I had come. We had quite a long talk,
at the end of which he announced that
he would appoint Mr. Lincoln his Sec
retary of War.®
Cullom undoubtedly believed that he had been responsible
for the appointment, but Garfield's biographer says:
By February, R. T. Lincoln was def
initely selected as a cabinet member from
Illinois, especially after Logan in the
^Adam Badeau writing in the Chicago Tribune. March 6
1 8 8 7, p. 1 8, col. 3-4-.
^Theodore C. Smith, The Life and Letters of James
Abram Garfield (2 vols., New Haven, 192!?!), IT,T062o
^Shelby M. Cullom, Fifty Years of Public Service
(Chicago, 1911), pp. 12*+-125.
166
interview of February 11, had approved
his name. S. M. Cullom . . . takes credit
for suggesting the name to Garfield on
February 15 and inducing him to promise
to appoint him, but the journal (kept by
Garfield) shows that he had been suggested
by Cameron on December 29? was on the Jan
uary 16 slate and had been approved by
Logan, all before Cullom arrived.7
On the whole, the new cabinet was well received
although potentially it contained some built-in prob
lems. For example, James G. Blaine was pushing the ap
pointment of William E. Chandler as Solicitor General
and Garfield made the nomination. Lincoln, upon call
ing on Attorney General ^acVeagh, who would be Chandler's
superior, found him ready to resign if Chandler took of
fice. The Secretary of War thereupon arranged for
Chandler to decline the office and thus keep the cab
inet intact.^
The appointment of Robert T. Lincoln was gen
erally well received although the press could comment:
The personal history of the new
secretary of war is a brief one? ex
cept in so far as it falls within that
of his father, the martyr President.9
^Smith, James A. Garfield. II, 1080.
8Ibid.. II, 1150.
^Unidentified clipping from a Boston, Massachusetts,
newspaper, l8 8l, in the Harvard University Archives. Copy
in the possession of the writer.
167
Indeed Lincoln was but thirty-seven years of age, very
young to hold such a position.. Up to this time his name
had usually appeared in some connection with that of his
father. However, there had been a few exceptions. Dur
ing the campaign of 1 8 7 6, Lincoln had in late September
of that year been a speaker at "the great Republican mass
meeting at the Tippecanoe Battle Ground, near La Fayette,
Indiana . . . and this was duly reported in the na
tion's press.^ Three years later, Robert T. Lincoln was
again in the news when he appeared before a special Board
of Inquiry, appointed by President Hayes, to investigate
the celebrated case of General Fitz John Porter, a prob
lem which Lincoln would later have to deal with as Secre
tary of war.^^ Finally, in the summer of 1 8 8 0, Lincoln
had presided over a giant Grant rally in Chicago which
12
was prominently mentioned across the country. However,
except for the foregoing matters, the country had heard
little of Robert T. Lincoln in his own right.
^ Illinois State Journal (Springfield), September 2 8,
1 8 7 6, p. 1, col. 1.
Otto Eisenschiml, The Celebrated Case of Fitz John
Porter (Indianapolis, 1950)> pp. 238-239*
■^^Unidentified clipping from a Boston, Massachusetts,
newspaper, l88l, in the Harvard University Archives. Copy
in the possession of the writer.
168
Lincoln soon settled down to his work as Secretary
and at this time his appearance was described as:
A very good looking man, indeed, who
just misses the right to be called hand
some, having none of the gauntness of the
martyr President, just passing from the
roundness of limb that belongs to young
and lusty manhood to the fullness of mid
dle age5 a white-skinned, blue-eyed,
brown-bearded man, who seems to have
more forehead when he tries to make a
chimney-pot hat stay on his head than
when it is off— larger headed than the
President, or I believe, any other man,
and possessing more vitality than any
two of them. He looks you straight in
the face, speaks promptly and decisevely
in a strong voice, which has a remarka
ble huskiness of tone— it almost crack
les, and if you heard it a good distance
away and had never heard it before, you
would know that it belonged to a strong,
positive, efficient nature. He walks
with a vigorous and rapid stride, and
seems at all times to have a surplus of
physical strength. He is 5 feet 10 inches
high, and weighs fully 190 pounds, which
will gradually increase to 200 as he grows
older.^3
Relative to the Secretary of War's work methods and his
office routine, it was said:
In his office he sits most of the
time, wheeling when he talks, generally
to the left, so that his right arm rests
on the handsomely-carved boarder of the
mahogany. His guests sit at the end of
the desk rather than at the opposite
side. As he wheels in his chair he faces
^Unidentified newspaper clipping, dated June 1,
1 8 8 3, in the Harvard University Archives. Copy in the
possession of the writer.
169
the corner of the room where sits Col. Barr,
his military secretary. His private Secre
tary, Mr. Sweet, and a subordinate clerk are
stenographers, to whom he dictates most of
his letters. The official day begins with
interviews with senators, members, and the
heads of bureaus or departments. Twice a
week there is a cabinet meeting at noon to
take him away from his desk. When at his
desk he tries to devote the afternoon to
the dispatch of business, and the last
hour of the day, whether it ends at *+ o’clock
or 6 o'clock, as is more often the case, is
devoted to an examination of the papers which
the chief clerk brings in his pocket.
When the Lincolns arrived in Washington, they rented
a house on Massachusetts Avenue, just east of the Thomas
15
circle. The three Lincoln children arrived with them
and soon made themselves at home. Mary, the eldest, and
Abraham II, called Jack by all, played at the White House
X6
with the younger Garfield children. Secretary Lincoln
was in excellent health, but it appears that Mrs. Lincoln
was ill during this period, but gradually recovered her
17
health. She was described as:
...a slight, regular featured, delicate
faced lady, with very dark brown eyes.
^Unidentified newspaper clipping, dated June 1,
1883, in the Harvard University Archives. Copy in the
possession of the writer.
•^Chicago Tribune« May 31? 188*+, p. 1*+, col. 2-k.
■^Abram Garfield, son of the President, to the
writer, June 1*+, 195^0
•^Chicago Tribune. May 31 ? 188*+, p. 13? col. 2-1 +o
She is very simple and gracious in her
manners. Her receptions this winter
have been very popular, because Mrs,
Lincoln appears to understand the work
of making her guests comfortable.1°
Lincoln had a work-room fitted up on the second floor of
his home, and it was said, spent many evenings there,
"with a box of Henry Clay cigars at his elbow, for he
is an almost incessant smoker, running over the papers
19
from the department and the news of the day."
The Garfield administration had barely settled in
normal routine when, on July 2, l88l, the President was
shot by a disappointed office seeker as he stood in the
20
Washington railroad station. It was Robert T. Lincoln
who first sent for Dr. D. W. Bliss of Washington to at
tend the President, and Garfield later kept the physi-
21
cian on in charge of the case. At first the extent
of the danger to the Chief Executive was not known, but
on the day of the shooting, the cabinet notified Vice
President Arthur that he should be prepared to take the
•^Chicago Tribune. May 31, 1 88!+, p. 1 3, colo 2-k.
1 9Ibid.
^Smith, James A. Garfield. II, 1179-1201, contains
a long detailed account of the shooting and continues the
story to the death of Garfield, September 19» l88l.
21Caldwell, Garfield. Party Chieftain, p. 353•
171
oath of office as President in the event of Garfield's
22
death. There then followed the long ordeal of watch
ing at the bedside of the dying man. Garfield lingered
from July 2 to September 19, l8 8l, and was eventually
taken from Washington to Elberon, near Long Branch, New
Jersey, where it was felt the climate would be benefi
cial. On the surface, during this period the Federal
government functioned as it normally did, but actually
almost nothing was done. Garfield fretted over this,
and it was arranged that each cabinet member would have
interviews with the President, and by prearrangement
each "assured him that there was nothing calling for
23
his action and that all things were going well."
Lincoln saw the President in this regard not long be
fore his death.
When the end came, Arthur took the oath of of
fice as President at his New York City home and the
Arthur administration began. The next day after
Garfield's death, Secretary of War Lincoln issued
the following order:
With profound sorrow the Secretary
of War announces to the .Army that James A.
Garfield, President of the United States,
2 2Smith, James A. Garfield. II, 1179-1180.
23Ibid.. II, 1195-
172
died at Elberon, N. J., at twenty-five
minutes before 11 in tne evening of Sep
tember 1 9j l88l.
The great grief which is felt by the
nation at the untimely death of the Pres
ident will be especially felt by the Army,
in whose service he bore so distinguished
a part during the War of the Rebellion,
In him the Army has lost a beloved Com
mander in Chief, friend, and former comrade.
Proper honors will be paid to the mem
ory of the late Chief Magistrate of the na
tion at headquarters of each military de
partment and division and at each military
station.
The General of the Army will give the
necessary instructions for carrying this
order into effect.
2b
Robt. T. Lincoln, Secretary of War.
That same day Lincoln sent another order to the Army an
nouncing that Arthur had now entered upon the duties of
25"
President. On September 22, l88l, Arthur again took
the oath in Washington, D. C., with this one administered
in the Capitol, by Chief Justice Waite in the presence of
the Cabinet and several other persons.
ph.
General Orders, No. 71, The Secretary of War, Sep
tember 20, l8 8l, as contained in the Messages and Papers
of the Presidents (20 vols., Washington, I0 9 7), X, ^605-
£6b£T~
^General Orders, No. 72, The Secretary of War, Sep
tember 20, l88l, as found in Messages and Papers of the
Presidents. X, l f606-J +607.
2^Messages and Papers of the Presidents. X, U-615.
173
Garfield was accorded an impressive state funeral,
recalling to many, and no doubt to Robert Lincoln in par
ticular, the ceremonies of his own father some years be
fore. Lincoln took an active part in making the arrange
ments for the Garfield services, and together with Secre
tary of the Navy Hunt issued the final orders for the
27
procession in Washington. Later the martyred chief
executive was buried in Ohio, his home state.
When the Arthur administration began, it was said
28
that Lincoln had little acquaintance with his new chief.
The Secretary of War, as well as the other cabinet offi
cers, submitted their resignations as is customary in such
instances. Over a period of a few months, Arthur removed
each Secretary, except Lincoln. Blaine was succeeded by
Frederick T. Frelinghuysen, and Windom first by Charles J.
Folger, then Walter Q. Gresham, and finally Hugh
McCulloch, the latter having served as a member of
the Lincoln and Johnson cabinets many years before.
Secretary of the Navy Hunt was replaced by William E.
Chandler; Secretary of the Interior Kirkwood by Henry M.
Teller; Postmaster General James first by Timothy 0.
27
Messages and Papers of the Presidents. X, ^611-
*+612.
2^Chicago Tribune. November 19, 1886, p. 2, col. 2.
17^
Howe, then by Walter Q. Gresham, and finally by Frank
Hatton; and Attorney General MacVeagh by Benjamin H.
Brewster. It has been said that the Arthur Cabinet
was, on the whole, 1 1 a respectable one,"2^ and one which
"worked together in harmonious and friendly fashion,
30
diverse as were their tastes and characteristics."
In some respects, it seems strange that Lincoln
did not follow his fellow associates into retirement,
but as time passed it became clear that he and the new
President had high regard for one another. Still, there
is some evidence that Arthur hesitated in regard to keep
ing Lincoln. Mrs. James G. Blaine wrote that it was Jan
uary, 1882, before "Arthur has at last asked Lincoln to
31
remain." A few days later, she wrote, undoubtedly with
some bitterness: "Hunt and Delano /sic7 and Lincoln are
still in his cabinet, but I think he would be better
pleased to have them where your Father /James G. Blaine7
29
Hugh McCulloch, Men and Measures of Half a Cen
tury (New York, 1900), p. .
30
Leon Burr Richardson, William E. Chandler. Re
publican (New York, 19*+0), p. 335*
31
Mrs. James G. Blaine to her son Walker Blaine,
January, 1882, as found in Harriet S. Blaine Beale,
editor, Letters of Mrs. James G. Blaine (2 vols., New
York, 1 9 0 8), I, 2B2I2B 3.
175
32
is." This may have been Mrs. Blaine's opinion but there
is no evidence to support it, nor actually is there any to
deny it; instead all that can be said is that Lincoln re
mained in office throughout Arthur1s term.
The War Department over which Lincoln presided, l88l-
1885, had charge of a United States Army that was compara
tively small and had little to do. Most of the Army's
work was caused by the occasional Indian uprisings on the
frontier. For example, the Secretary reported in his an
nual statement for 1 8 8 2, that during the past year the
Army had been called upon to deal with Apache uprisings
33
in Arizona and southwestern New Mexico, The .Army was
small at this time numbering only 2 5 ,0 0 0 as fixed by
31+
law. The commanding general of the army was William T.
Sherman until late in 1883 when he was succeeded by Gen-
35
eral Philip Sheridan, and many of the officers and men
32MrsV James G. Blaine to her son, Walker Blaine,
January 17, 1^82, as found in Beale, Letters, I, 288-290.
Mrs. Blaine's reference to Delano is completely unex
plained for it had been six years since Columbus Delano
left the Grant cabinet as Secretary of the Interior.
^ Annual Report of the Secretary of War. November l*f,
1 8 8 2, contained in House of Representatives, Executive
Documents, 2nd Session, ^-7th Congress (*+ vols., Washing -
ton, D. C., 1882), I, lii.
3I+
y Ibid.. I, iv.
-^Messages and Papers of the Presidents. XI, *+753•
176
were likewise veterans of the Civil War. In fact, in many
ways the Army of l88l-l885 operated much as it had during
the war of twenty years before. It was old fashioned and
in need of modernization, and it was these problems that
Lincoln attempted to correct during his tenure.
The weapons in use by the Army needed modernization
and Lincoln, together with President Arthur, pushed for
necessary changes.Congress in 1883 passed a law en
abling the realization of some of the desired moderniza-
tion and Lincoln moved ahead with it.~" Lincoln and
Arthur also favored the idea of assisting state mili
tias, bringing them up to date, and starting a plan
whereby Federal officers would work with each mili
tia upon its request, to instruct it in the ways of
. 3 O
modern warfare.
With the foregoing and other problems, Lincoln
worked to make himself thoroughly familiar with army
affairs. He made occasional inspection tours to look
^ Annual Report of the Secretary of War. Novem
ber 1*+, I8 8 2, I, xix, and Annual Report of the Pres- '
ident, December *+, 1 8 8 3, Messages and Papers of the
Presidents. XI, by66~h7o7•
37Annual Report of the President, December 1, 183^-,
Messages and Papers of the Presidents. XI, ^8 3 2.
3® Annual Report of the Secretary of War, Novem
ber l1 * - , 1 8 8 2, I, v-vi.
177
into matters in person. For example, in the spring of
1 8 81 * - , the Secretary, together with Adjutant-General Drum
and Judge Advocate Barr, visited Fort Leavenworth in
Kansaso Sometimes the trips involved speaking en
gagements such as the one to Hartford, Connecticut, in
June of l8 8l where Lincoln, accompanied by General
Sherman, attended a reunion of the Army of the Potomac.
In this instance, the occasion was enlivened by the
presence of Mark Twain who returned on the same train
with Sherman and Lincoln. The noted humorist joined
the official party unannounced and became involved in
a mock argument with the other two. Sherman asked Twain
if he expected to pay extra fare for riding with him and
the Secretary. Twain said he hadn't expected to pay any
fare, whereupon Sherman said: "Oh you don't. Then you'll
work your way." The General dressed the writer in his
military coat and hat and at the next station pushed him
out onto the platform to speak where a puzzled audience
was first amazed and then amused at the incident. This
routine was continued throughout the trip with Lincoln
sometimes joining the two others in brief speeches to
39
Illinois State Journal (Springfield), May 30, l88l,
p. U-, col. 3.
kO
trainside crowds.
The great hulk of the work of Secretary of War was
of a very routine type, as is indicated by Lincoln's cor
respondence for this period. Typical of many letters is
one to the great "War Governor" of New York, E. D. Morgan,
in which Lincoln promises to put before the President the
matter of the promotion of a Lieutenant Sawyer to the rank
1+1
of Captain. Again in another letter to the same person,
Lincoln agrees to consider the application of a Captain
1+2
Andrews as Paymaster of the Army. Typical also is
Lincoln's letter of May 13j 1 8 8 3, to Colonel R. B. Latham,
Lincoln, Illinois, in which the Secretary regrets that
there is now no vacancy in the Quartermaster's Depart
ment and therefore he cannot appoint a Lieutenant Beck
**3
to a position.
1+ 0
Albert B. Paine, >ferk Twain, a Biography (3 vols.,
New York, 1912), I, 720-721, contains an account of the
incident and leaves the impression that possibly Lincoln
too may have donned the military uniform.
^Robert T. Lincoln to E. D. Morgan, October 2*+,
l8 8l. The New York State Library. Copy in the posses
sion of the writer.
^Robert T. Lincoln to E. D. Morgan, July 7, 1882.
The New York State Library. Copy in the possession of
the writer.
^^Robert T. Lincoln to Col. R. B. Latham, May 1 3,
1 8 8 3, Lincoln College Library, Lincoln, Illinois. Copy
in the possession of the writer.
179
A considerable amount of Lincoln's time when he first
took over his post was occupied with making changes in the
office of the Secretary of War itself. For a number of
years, in fact for the most part since the service of
Edwin M. Stanton, the Secretaries had been men with lit
tle knowledge of departmental affairs and they generally
1+1+
tended to let the department run itself.
Under the carelessness, the indifference
and laziness of preceding Secretaries of War,
the office of Chief Clerk became one of great
importance. Crosby, an alert, active-minded
man, who was Chief Clerk under Belknap, was a
man who had very strong political influence
back of him. For a number of. years he was
practically Secretary of War.4-?
Soon after Lincoln entered upon his duties, Crosby left
his office as did a number of other long-time office hold-
*+6
ers who had outlived their time. Of a peculiar nature
was the problem of army officers who were on "special" or
"detached" service and assigned to posts within the War
Department. One such officer was said never to have seen
more than six weeks active duty with his regiment in over
twenty years service. Quietly, Lincoln went about
^ Chicago Tribune, May 31 > 188^-, p. 13, col. 2-b.
^ Ibid.
1 +6Ibid.
1+7 Ibid.
130
cleaning up such natters amid violent protests from the
kA
officers involved. For those civilian aides in the De
partment that Lincoln found competent, he pressed Congress
for a pay raise, and requested that more clerical help be
hired. He wrote: “From personal observation I am satis
fied that they deserve recognition for their faithful
service, and I earnestly recommend that the small in-
1^.0
crease may be appropriated. 1 1 In time, Lincoln's han
dling of the War Department earned him the respect of
all, and General Drum, the Adjutant-General, was quoted
as saying: “He is the best secretary of war we have had
50
since Jefferson Davis."
Occasionally Secretary of War Lincoln was forced to
deal with controversial issues. One of these was the case
51
of Fitz John Porter mentioned earlier. On January 10,
Chicago Tribune. August 29* 1835, p. 1, col. 5, Au
gust 31, 1835, p. 6, col. 3) and September ^f, 1835, p. *+,
c ol• 2•
^ Annual Report of the Secretary of War, November l1 *,
1832, pp. xxiv-xxv.
^^Unidentified newspaper clipping, June 1, 1 8 8 3, in
the Harvard University Archives. Copy in the possession
of the writer.
^Eisenschiml, Fitz John Porter. is a full, although
biased in favor of Porter, account of the episode» A more
accurate but shorter account is Oliver L. Spaulding, Jr.,
“Fitz John Porter," Dictionary of American Biography
(1935), xv, 9 0-9 1.
181
1863, Porter, than a major-general of volunteers, was
court-martialed for refusing to obey the orders of Gen
eral Pope, his superior officer, at the second battle
of Manassas. He was convicted and sentenced "to be cash
iered and to be forever disqualified from holding any of
fice of trust or profit under the Government of the United
States." ^ 2 On January 21, 1863, President Lincoln con
firmed the trial and approved the sentence. Over the
years the case had attracted much attention. Modern re
search has indicated that "Porter did nothing wrong at
Manassas," and that he was not guilty of the charges
against him.^ President Hayes in 1878 ordered an in
vestigation of the case, and at that time Robert T.
Lincoln appeared as a witness to uphold the sentence
<1+
against Porter. When the investigation was com
pleted the matter was placed before Lincoln and his
superior, President Arthur. Although it is presumed
that Lincoln was convinced of the justness of the first
trial, the second trial found Porter not guilty of the
•^Messages and Papers of the Presidents. XV, V712.
T. Harry Williams, Lincoln and His Generals (New
York, 1952), p. 163.
^Eisenschiml, Fitz John Porter« pp. 238-239*
182
charges against him. Therefore on May 1882, the
President used his constitutional powers to grant to
55
the officer a full pardon.
Another matter with which Lincoln was occupied
was the matter of the famous Greely expedition and as
an aftermath of it, another court-martial, this time
of General W. B. Hazen, There is no full and complete
account of the Greely expedition, although one is pres-
56
ently being written.J This was "...entirely an enter-
57
prise of the War Department." In the late eighteen-
seventies, ten nations had agreed to establish a circum-
polar chain of posts in the Arctic for the purpose of
meteorological and magnetic observations. Of the four
teen stations to be established, one at Lady Franklin
Bay in Grinnell Land, under the command of Lieutenant
A. W. Greely, was located the farthest north. Greely
and twenty-five men reached the designated point in
55
Messages and Papers of the Presidents. XI, ^-712.
56
J Alden Todd, a freelance writer of Chevy Chase,
Maryland, is so engaged at present. Mr. Todd to the
writer, July l1 *, 1959*
^Richardson, William E. Chandler. pp. 326-327.
This work, pp. 326-33^-, and Adolphus W. Greely, Rem-
iscences of Adventure and Service (New York, 1927), pp.
120-151? contain the best accounts of the expedition
and it is from them that the facts used here are taken.
183
August, l88l, with supplies to last them three years.
However, the party was to remain only two years and in
the summer of 1 8 8 2, more supplies would be sent, al
though if this failed the group would still be in no
danger.
When in due time relief ships were sent north,
they failed to reach the explorers and by the fall
of 1 8 8 3, the situation was critical. A cry went up
to send out another ship, but all Arctic experts said
that this would be impossible because of the approach
of winter. In his annual report as Secretary of War,
November 15, 1 8 8 3, Lincoln noted that he and Secretary
of Navy Chandler had decided it was impossible to send
another expedition until the end of winter. However,
he concluded: "Lieutenant Greely's case is considered
58
by no means hopeless." On December 13? 1 8 8 3, Lincoln
called upon Secretary Chandler to aid in the rescue of
the stranded men, and President Arthur set up a joint
59
Army-Navy Board to plan operations for the future."
When Spring came, and while Congress debated the prob
lem, the Navy took charge of the operation. The reason
-^Memorandum, dated September 19, 1 8 8 3, included
in the Annual Report of the Secretary of War. November 15,
1 8 8 3 (*+ vols., Washington, D. C., 18o4-T7 I? 22-23.
^Richardson, William E. Chandler, p. 328.
for this was that “...the measures which were finally
adopted," were not of the nature "...to call into play
the type of experience peculiar to the Army, while they
60
were within the direct province of the Navy." It is
said that Lincoln was convinced "of the hopelessness of
rescue and was sure that all the Greely party must have
already perished,"^ although his memorandum of Septem
ber^, 1 8 8 3, belies this. After much delay, Greely and
the few living members of the party were rescued as star
vation was imminent. After making the rescue it was dis
covered that Greely had on July 6, lSS1 * - , ordered one Pri
vate C. B. Henry shot, and when Greely returned to the
United States he requested a court of inquiry into the
matter. He was told that Lincoln declined to order such
an action, for "the Secretary of War entertains no doubt
of the necessity and the entire propriety of your ac-
tion. ..." However, before making such a statement,
the Secretary had thoroughly investigated the evidence
which consisted of diaries kept by several members of the
63
expedition.
^Richardson, William E. Chandler. p. 3 2 8.
6lIbid.
^Greely, Reminiscences. p. 1^6.
63Ibid.
18*
The aftermath of the Greely expedition was a
celebrated public controversy which led, ultimately,
to the court-martial of an officer of the War De
partment. As has been mentioned, there was discus
sion of whether or not another relief ship should
have been sent north in September of 1 8 8 3. The Sec
retary of War took the stand that it was impossible
to do so and to send such an expedition would only
invite further disaster. The Chief Signal Officer
of the Army, General William B. Hazen, who had been
largely responsible for the organization of the Greely
mission, took the opposite view. In fact, it has been
said that "Hazen never forgave Secretary Lincoln for
6k-
his inaction. ..." The General gave voice to his
opinion to such an extent that Secretary Lincoln in his
annual report in 1 8 8^, stated that he felt Hazen's ac
tivities constituted:
...an intrusion of an official opinion
. . . into an official jurisdiction be
yond his own, and his dictum upon the
exercise of a superior responsibility
which he was not invited to share are
extraordinary in their time and place,
and are hardly excusable even under
whatever . . . irritation may have been
^Frederic L. Paxson, "William Babcock Hazen," Dic
tionary of American Biography. VIII (1932), *f78-Hy9.
186
65
CclUS6Cl* • • •
Lincoln's statement was in large part caused by the
fact that General Hazen, in his own annual report in l88*f,
discussed at some length the matter of the Arctic expedi-
66
tion. Perhaps the most significant part of his lengthy
discourse was the statements
I therefore trust that this whole
matter . . • will be deemed worthy of a
thorough investigation by Congress— a
body that will perform its duty? and
stand above the suspicion of being swayed
by partisan considerations.
In short, Hazen was calling for Congress to investigate
his superior, the Secretary of War, and strongly implied
that if it did its duty it would place the blame for the
entire matter on Robert T. Lincoln. On the surface it
may appear that Hazen might be a deliberate trouble-maker,
but such is not the case for he has been described as "a
conscientious professional officer . . . but a person
who spoke and "wrote rather freely on controversial
65
Annual Re port of the Secretary of War, Novem
ber 21. l88V, contained in House of Representatives
Executive Documents, 2nd session, MBth Congress (** vols.,
Washington, D. C., 1885), I, 25.
^ Annual Report of the Chief Signal Officer. 1881 *, a
part of the Annual Report of the Secretary o f War, con
tained in House of Representatives, 2nd Session,' 48th Con
gress (*+ vols., Washington, D. C., 1885), IV, 14--21.
67Ibid., p. 18.
187
68
matters. ..." Indeed, there is no evidence of ill
will between the two but rather only a matter of an hon
est difference of opinion.
In essence, Hazen maintained that after the wreck
of the relief ship in the middle of September, there was
still time to send another expedition. Lincoln argued
to the contrary and he could quote in defense of his po
sition several Navy officers. For example, Commander
Wildes said: "To charter another foreign ship with for
eign crew for this duty to go north at this late season
69
would simply invite fresh disaster." The issue of a
foreign ship was raised by the fact that no United States
ship was then available. Winfield S. Schley reported that
the winter of 1 8 8 3 was the most severe in thirty years and
concluded: "Under the circumstances any vessel attempting
this navigation would have come to grief, if she had not
70
been totally lost." He concurred with Lincoln in not
sending out another expedition. For himself, the Secre
tary of War noted that while he deplored the terrible loss
'bf life incurred by the . . • expedition, has never seen
^Paxson, William B. Hazen. p. V 7 9.
^Statement of Wildes as quoted in the Annual Report
of the Secretary of War, November 21, 188^, p. 2 3.
"^Statement of Schley as quoted in the Annual Report
of the Secretary of War. November 21, 1 8 8U-, p. 2*+.
188
reason to doubt the propriety of these conclusions
71
reached by the Secretary of the Navy and himself."
Following publication of the report by Lincoln
criticizing him, General Hazen wrote a letter to the
head of the War Department discussing the matter, but
the letter was returned to him with a warning to keep
it private. This he did not do; instead on March 2,
1 8 8 5, Hazen told the whole story of the letter to a
reporter and the matter was published the same day in
the Washington Evening Star. In the newspaper account,
Hazen said he had written Secretary Lincoln blaming him
for the loss of life in the Greely party, and he further
stated that it was a straightforward discussion of the
72
matter with evidence to back up his statements. This
brought the matter to a head for Lincoln had warned the
officer'that if he remained silent the matter would be
forgotten but if he continued his efforts in behalf of
an investigation, it would constitute "a breach of mil-
73
itary discipline which could not be overlooked. . . ."
^ Annual Report of the Secretary of War. November 21,
1 8 8*+, p7 25.
' Evening Star (Washington, D. C.), March 2, 1 8 8 5,
p • 3 > c8Trrr
^ Ibid.. March 12, 18S5, p. 3» col. 6.
189
On March 3> 1^85, President Arthur ordered Hazen to
consider himself under arrest and to be suspended from
7b
duty. The following day the names of those who would
sit on the court-martial to try Hazen were announced.
They included such famous persons as Winfield S. Hancock
who was to preside, General John M. Schofield, and Gen-
75
eral 0. 0. Howard. The court-martial was to begin just
as the new President, Grover Cleveland, was about to as
sume office, and it was rumored that Cleveland might dis-
76
solve the court-martial but such was not the case. On
March 8, Lincoln filed the charges against Hazen and the
77
trial opened March 11.
The court-martial caused some editorial comment in
the press and the Chicago Tribune, invariably loyal to
Lincoln, noted that:
At last the Chief Signal Officer of
the Army, Brig. Gen. W. B. Hazen, has
been ordered court-martialed. It is a
tardy order, but better late than never.
If ever an officer deserved to be court-
martialed for infraction of army disci
pline and for disrespect to his superiors
7**Evening Star (Washington, D. C.), March 3, 1 8 8 5,
p. 5j col. 7.
^Ibid., March *+, 1 8 8 5, p. 1, col. 6.
^Ibid., March 7> 1 8 8 5, p. 1, col. * 4 - .
77chicago Tribune« March 8, 1885. p. 10, col. 5» and
Washington Evening Star. March 11, 1 8 8 5, p. 1, col. 6.
190
it is Gen. Hazen. . . . His persistence
in giving vent to his personal pique and
official ignorance has been properly re
buked. It is bigh time that it should be
checked. . . .7°
The trial began with the accused pleading not guilty to
79
the charges against him. Day after day testimony was
relative to the case, and the trial hinged not on the
issue of whether or not Hazen had openly criticized
Lincoln and thus violated military rules of conduct,
but upon the issue of the failure to send another re-
80
lief ship to Greely. On March 20, 1 8 8 5, the defense
rested and the prosecution summed up its position. The
8l
same day the trial ended. The verdict, which was
guilty, was not immediately announced officially.
Lincoln's successor as Secretary of War, William C.
Endicott, received the record of the trial on March 30,
but before acting upon it left for his home in
78
Chicago Tribune. March 5j 1 8 8 5, p. col.
79
Washington Evening Star. March 11, 1 8 8 5, p. 1,
col. 6.
fin
An account of the trial, together with much sup
plementary material, is found in T. J. Mackey, The Hazen
Court-Martial (New York, 1 8 8 5). Mackey defended Hazen
before the court-martial and attempts to prove in pririt
what he could not prove before the tribunal.
^Washington Evening Star. March 20, 1885, p. 1,
col.
191
82
Massachusetts on an extended trip. Therefore, it was
April 17, 1835, before President Cleveland confirmed the
verdict and publicly reprimanded General Hazen. He noted
the General's long service in the army and stated that the
accused:
...has been adjudged guilty of indulging
in unwarranted and captious criticism of
his superior officer, the Secretary of
War, thereby setting a pernicious exam
ple subversive of discipline. . . . Sub
ordination is necessarily the principal
duty of a soldier, whatever his grade
may be.°3
Hazen's punishment was limited to a public rebuke,
and he was allowed to resume his duties which he contin-
81+
ued until his death in 1 8 8 7. It was reported that the
General was happy over the outcome of the trial for he
85
felt that his position had been vindicated. For his
part, Lincoln kept completely silent even in the face of
a rumor that he had stacked the court-martial against
Hazen. In this regard the Washington Evening Star re
ported: "The published intimation that Secretary Lincoln
^Washington Evening Star. March 3 0, 1 8 8 5, p* 1,
col. 3.
®3j4ackey, Hazel Court-Martial. p. 280.
^Paxson, "William B. Hazen," p. V 7 9.
^^Washington Evening Star. April 18, 1885, p. 1,
col,
192
packed the Hazen court is refuted by the fact that the
President personally selected the members of the court
8 ^
and Mr. Lincoln had nothing to do with it." The en
tire matter was soon forgotten and disappeared from the
press and public mind.
During the Garfield and Arthur administrations,
Lincoln had little time for rest and relaxation. Some
times, however, he combined a business trip with a va
cation. For example, in October, 1382, Lincoln and his
colleague Secretary of the Navy Chandler left Washington
and joined President Arthur at his home in New York, and
%
then the same afternoon set out for Massachusetts where
they were present at the centennial anniversary of the
birth of Daniel Webster.^ A much longer trip, and one
with political overtones, took place the following sum
mer. It began with President Arthur and his cabinet of
ficers, Folger, Lincoln, and Gresham, being present on
July 31) 1833, to open the Southern Exposition held in
88
Louisville, Kentucky. From Kentucky the President and
Lincoln went west and were joined by General Sheridan,
Senator Vest of Missouri, and several others. Their
86Wa shington Evening Star. March 30, 1885, p<> 1,
col. 3.
^George F. Howe, Chester A. Arthur. A Q.uarter-
Century of Machine Politics (New York, 193*+), P« 177.
88Ibid.. p. 2^7.
193
destination was Yellowstone Park and they went by way of
Chicago. The party left for Wyoming on August 3? and it
was not until September 4- that they returned to Chicago.
Arthur's health was not good but he returned from the trip
89
much rested and relaxed. The tour had political impli
cations because of the forthcoming elections of 188M-, and
the assumption that Arthur would be a candidate for re-
election. His triumphal return to Chicago had all the
trappings of a political junket.
Chester Arthur had made a good President much to the
surprise of everyone and the Republicans owed him renomi
nation. Yet there was a sizable group within the party
that would not support this. Until the time of the Re
publican convention, the party's nominee was in doubt.
Lincoln's friend John Hay wrote to a friend in Europe:
Next year is still absolutely in the
air. Arthur is gaining: Lincoln is much
talked about; Sherman will have Ohio; and
there is a new quiet boom for Blaine.
But it is anybody's race as yet and. in
view of the uncertainty of the event
the candidates themselves hardly know
whether they want the nomination.90
Howe, Chester A. Arthur, pp. 2l f7-21 +7, contains a
detailed account of the trip.
John Hay to Levi P. Morton, August 17, 1 8 8 3.
Morton Papers, New York Public Library. Copy in the
possession of the writer.
lyb
The name of Robert Lincoln had first been mentioned for
President in 1880, although he had then barely attained
the minimum age for the office prescribed in the Consti-
91
tution. By l88*+, however, he had grown in stature and
there was a modest boom in his behalf. Hay, writing in
January, 188*+, again ran down the list of prospective can
didates and noted that there was: 1 1 ...Bob Lincoln, who
has no organized following but a strong though diffused
sentiment for him— greatly to his annoyance as he is
92
heartily for Arthur."
It is evident that Lincoln was not interested in
the nomination, not alone for his own reasons, but out
of loyalty for his chief whom he heartily supported for
a second term. Even with .Arthur out of the way, there
was still another in Lincoln's way, and that was John A.
Logan of Illinois who strongly desired the nomination.
In Illinois during the pre-convention politicking,
Lincoln's name was used by those who were attempt
ing to hurt Logan's chance and the Secretary of War,
realizing this, wrote a public letter to his friend
Swett in Chicago in which he said he refused to let
^^Ruth Painter Randall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 295.
^2John Hay to Levi P* Morton, January 199 1 88*+, as
quoted in Robert McElroy, Levi Parsons Morton (New York,
1930), p. 155.
195
his name be used in connection with either the presiden-
9 0
tial or vice-*presidential nomination. Even this by no
means stilled the clamor.
In l88*f Lincoln had the support of some strangely
divergent groups for the nomination. William E. Chandler,
the old line Grant supporter, favored Lincoln's nomina-
91+
tion. On the other hand, such independent young Repub
licans as Henry Cabot Lodge and Theodore Roosevelt were
for him, while at the same time harboring an intense ha-
95
tred for Chandler and his group. ' Lincoln had strong
newspaper support from the New York Times, but at the same
time Joseph Pulitzer's World opposed him as merely being
96
the son of his father.
If Lincoln were not to receive the Presidential nom
ination, then there were many supporting him for second
place. That sage viewer of the political scene, Carl
^ Chicago Tribune. May 3l» 188*+, p. 13, col. 2-k.
^Unidentified newspaper clipping, June 1, 1 8 8 3, in
the Harvard University Archives. Copy in the possession
of the writer.
John A. Garraty, Henry Cabot Lodge. A Biography
(New York, 1953), P« 7°-
96
New York World. May 10, 1 8 8^-, as quoted in J. J.
Perling, Presidents1 Sons (New York, 19*+7), PP* l^-l1^-*
196
Schurz, wrote to John A. Logan whom he knew coveted the
second place on the ticket;
To judge from what I see and hear,
and from the expressions of sentiment
which float through the press, there is
in the Republican ranks an almost unan
imous voice in favor of nominating Lincoln
for the Vice-Presidency.97
When the convention finally met, Blaine received the nom
ination for Chief Executive and Logan for the Vice Presi
dency. It took four ballots to nominate Blaine and on
each Lincoln had token votes. On the first ballot he re
ceived four votes; on the second, one; on the third,
eight; and on the last, two. Logan was virtually the
unanimous choice of the party in the balloting for Vice
President. The boom that had existed in Lincoln's be-
98
half had completely disappeared. Lincoln, together
with several others, was at the Executive Mansion when
word of Blaine's selection was received, and although
later Arthur came to resent his failure to win renom
ination, he at once telegraphed the candidate his "hearty
Carl Schurz to John A. Logan, February 29, l88*f,
as found in Frederic Bancroft, editor. Speeches. Corre
spondence and Political Papers of Carl SchurzTTo vols.,
New York, 1913), IV, 19^-W.
^^Frank A. Flower, History of the Republican Party
(Springfield, Illinois, ItfB^f), pp. 372-375-
197
99
supporto* 1 The suspense of the convention proceedings
over, the President and Secretary Lincoln left Washington
100
the next week for an inspection tour of West Point.
The nomination of Blaine was an unwise move on the part
of the Republicans for it split the party and paved the
way for the election of Cleveland. Until March 1885,
.Arthur continued to occupy the White House with almost
universal respect from the general public. Lincoln and
the other cabinet officers, too, continued their work
until the inauguration of Cleveland. On February 25,
1 8 8 5, the Arthur administration held a farewell recep
tion with all its members present, although contrary
to usual practice, Mrs. Lincoln “did not receive, 1 1 and
it is not clear even if she was present, although the
101
Secretary was. When Cleveland succeeded Arthur,
Lincoln's public service was over and he prepared to
return to his home.
There was general agreement that Lincoln had done
an admirable task in his work as Secretary of War. He
had brought good sound administration to the department,
^%owe, Chester A. Arthur, p. 265.
1 0 0Ibid., p. 265.
1^ Chicago Tribune. March 1, 1 8 8 5, p. 3, col. 2»
198
he had put the public welfare before party consideration,
and he could take pleasure in hearing the press say:
Secretary Lincoln undoubtedly received
his appointment through his family position,
but the appointment has proved to be one of
the best that could have been made. Mr.
Lincoln stands today solely upon his own
merits, and if he ever is to receive pro
motion in the public service he will pre
fer to owe this promotion to his record.
^ 2Chicago Tribune, May 31 j l88*f, p. 13, col. 2-b
CHAPTER VI
CHICAGO, 1885-1889
On March 7, 1885, Lincoln turned his duties as
Secretary of War over to William C. Endicott, whom
Cleveland had appointed as his head of the Depart
ment. The ex-Secretary did not immediately leave
Washington after the inauguration. When he did, it
was without his family and for only a few days. Late
in March, General Anson Steger of Chicago died and
Lincoln, in company with Senator John A. Logan, at
once left for that city to attend the funeral. They
arrived March 28 on a morning train.After serving
as a pallbearer at the funeral, Lincoln returned to
Washington. In June of 1 8 8 5, the press reported that
"Ex Secy. Lincoln and family have gone to Fortress
• 2
Monroe," presumably for a vacation.
The Virginia trip was of short duration for the
Chicago Tribune of June 3, 1 8 8 5, reported that Lincoln
"has returned to Chicago and will resume the practice
^Chicago Tribune. March 27. 1885. n. 9. col. 2, and
March 2 5 7 1 8 8 5; P. 8, col. 1.
2Ibid.. March 29, 1 8 8 5, p. 11, col. 6.
^Ibid.. June 23, 1885, p. 3, col. 5.
200
of his profession 1 just as though nothing had hap-
1+
pened.'" The Lincolns' life in Chicago now soon fell
into a routine. They made frequent trips to Mount
Pleasant, Iowa, to visit Mrs. Lincoln's father, James
Harlan.-* They took up residence near Lincoln Park in
Chicago where they had as near neighbors such men as
Potter Palmer, and Franklin MacVeagh, later to be Sec-
6
retary of the Treasury under Taft. Lincoln resumed
his law practice with the firm, prosperous and enlarged
by the addition of William G. Beale, which has already
been noted.
Mr. and Mrs. Robert T. Lincoln were much sought after
participants in Chicago society affairs in this period.
Typical of their activities was their attendance at a huge
Golden Wedding party held in the summer of 1 8 8 5 in honor
Chicago Tribune. July 3, 1 8 8 5, p. *+, col. 1.
5
R. Gerald McMurtry, The Harlan-Lincoln Tradition at
Iowa Wesleyan College (Mount Pleasant, Iowa, 1959)? P» !&•
^In 1887, Lincoln appeared before the Park Board of
Chicago to ask permission for himself, MacVeagh, Palmer,
and others to light their residences with electricity, it
being necessary to string the wires across the park
grounds. The Board was reported as insisting that they
also light the edge of the Park in return for this priv
ilege. No record has been found as to the eventual
outcome of the dispute. See Chicago Tribune. Febru
ary 1 6, 1 8 8 7, p. 8, col. 1.
of Judge and Mrs. John D. Caton, pioneer Illinois
7
residents; their attendance at a "brilliant" re
ception given by Mr. and Mrs. George M. Pullman at
8
their home the evening of February 2, 1886; and
their acting as manager and patroness of the "Sec
ond Annual Chicago Charity Ball," held February 25,
9
1886, for the benefit of two Chicago hospitals.
Along this same line, Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln were
part of a group described as the "most fashion
able audience that ever gathered in Chicago," which
witnessed a benefit performance of "The Rivals,"
performed by the Histrionic Club at the Madison
Street Comedy Theatre in February of 1 8 8 7.^ The
Lincolns were a part of the elite of Chicago so
ciety and counted as their friends the families
of George M. Pullman, Potter Palmer, Marshall Field,
and others who made up the list of the most promi
nent families of the city.
7
Chicago Tribune. July 29, 1 8 8 5, p. 2, col. 7*
g
Ibid., February 3, 1886, p. 1, col. 6.
9lbid.* February 7, 1886, p. 2, col. 3 and Febru
ary 26, l8§6, p. 2, col. 2. The ball was held the eve
ning of February 25, 1886.
^ Ibid.. February 22, 1887, p. 2, col. 3«
Frequently there were "stag" social functions which
Lincoln attended. Grover Cleveland in 1885 appointed a
prominent Chicago resident, Lambert Tree, Minister to
Belgium. Lincoln, together with Potter Palmer, Lyman J.
Gage, who was later to be McKinley's Secretary of the
Treasury, Iyman Trumbull, General John M. Schofield, and
others gave Tree a farewell banquet held at the Palmer
11
House. In the spring of 1886, General Schofield was
transferred to a new post and a banquet was tendered him
at the Calumet Club. Lincoln was there and spoke for
about five minutes, praising the departing general and
12
welcoming his successor General Terry. The great writer,
James Russell Lowell, visited Chicago in February, 1 8 8 7,
and Lincoln was present when he spoke at the Central Music
13
Hall. The local Harvard Club honored the visitor at the
banquet held the evening of February 2k at the Hotel
Richelieu. The next day, the press reported that "Next
lb
to Mr. Lowell sat the Hon. Robert T. Lincoln. . .
^ Chicago Tribune. August 20, 1 8 8 5, p. 2, col. 1.
1 2Ibid.. April 11, 1 8 8 6, p. 13, col. 2-3-
^ Ibid.. February 23, 1 8 8 7, p. 9, col. 1-h. Lowell
aroused a storm of protest by speaking on a literary topic
instead of the political subject that had been announced.
See ibid.. and following.
lIfIbid.. February 25, 1887, p. 3, col. 1-3*
203
Some occasions in which Lincoln took part in this
period were not so cheerful as those just mentioned. Fre
quently he was in attendance at the funeral of some friend
or associate. In fact, Lincoln's associates were gener
ally older than himself, and therefore he eventually was
left as almost the sole survivor of a past generation.
Sometimes a relative died, as was the situation in the
summer of 1 8 8 5, when Lincoln went to Springfield to be
present at the last rites of C. M. Smith, the husband of
his mother's sister."^ The year 1886 saw the passing of
three persons who had been very close to Lincoln— David
Davis, Chester Alan Arthur, and John A. Logan. Justice
Davis, whom Lincoln called his “second father," died
June 2 6, 1 8 8 6, at his home in Bloomington, Illinois,
and to the family was sent this telegram:
Chicago June 27— Please convey to all of
Judge Davis1 family my sincere sympathy
in a loss which affects me closely. I
will be at the funeral.
1 A
Robert T. Lincoln
Accordingly, the former Secretary of War, together with
Judge Walter Q. Gresham and Senator Logan, left Chicago
the morning of the twenty-eighth and arrived in
^ Chicago Tribune, July 30, 1 8 8 5, p. 8, col. 1.
Ibid., June 28, 1886, p. 1, col. *+.
20^
Bloomington in time for the funeral which was held
June 29 . 17
In November of the same year Lincoln's former
chief, Chester A. Arthur, died after a long illness.
Immediately, Lincoln telegraphed his condolences to
the family, and on November 18 he and Judge Greshman
— the latter also having been a member of the Arthur
18
cabinet— boarded the afternoon train for New York.
Before leaving, the former Secretary of War gave this
statement regarding his late Chief:
My acquaintance with him really
began with my official connection. Not
only did I learn to respect him most
highly, but to have a great personal
affection for him. It always seemed
to me that he overcame in an admirable
manner the difficulties surrounding him
when he became President. While an earn
est Republican, he was above all a patri
otic citizen, and I know of no act in
which he did not have at least the pub
lic interest. I think it is universally
conceded that, as far as he was actually
responsible, he was able and dignified.
He was a President of whom the country -.q
is proud and for whom it may well mourn. y
The Arthur funeral was held at the ex-President's home
in New York City, with burial following in Albany Rural
•^Chicago Tribune. June 29, 1 8 8 6, p. 3, col. 1, and
June 30, 1886, p. 1, col. 3.
Ibid., November 195 1886, p. 2, col. 1.
•* -9rbid.. November I9j 1886, p. 2, col. 2.
205
Cemetery.2^
The final member of this triumvirate to die in 1886
was Senator John A. Logan of Illinois, and his passing
created special problems for Lincoln. Logan was reported
ill around Christmas and Lincoln, hearing these reports,
telegraphed the Senator's family in Washington:
Chicago, December 26— We are deeply grieved
by the morning's reports, but hope we may
have news of the General's improvement.
Robert T. Lincoln21
No improvement was forthcoming, and the newspapers of De
cember 27 announced the passing of "Black Jack," as the
Senator was popularly known. At once Lincoln gave a
statement to the press in which he praised the deceased
22
and spoke of him as a long-time friend and associate.
John A. Logan is today remembered, if at all, as a third-
rate party hack who owed much of his success to a con
stant "waving of the bloody shirt." However, in his day
he was very popular, especially with Union veterans'
groups. Upon his demise, Chicago Republican leaders
gathered together and decided upon a memorial meet
ing in honor of Logan to be held the evening of
^ Chicago Tribune. November 23, 1886, p. 2, col. 6-7.
2^-Ibid., December 27, 1886, p. 2, col. 2.
22Ibid.. December 27, 1886, p. 1, col. 1-7 •
206
December 30, 1886. Robert T. Lincoln was called upon to
be the principal speaker and presiding officer of the
gathering. He accepted and at the appointed hour de
livered a lengthy eulogy of the late Senator.^
Some time later, the Illinois Legislature author
ized the building of a statue of Logan. Lincoln, to
gether with Melville W. Fuller, John M. Palmer, and oth
ers, served on the Logan Monument Committee. In consul
tation with the widow, the group selected a site in
Jackson Park, requested additional money contributions,
and commissioned the sculptor Saint-Gaudens to do the
statue. Saint-Gaudens took a very long time to complete
2b
the memorial so that it was not dedicated until 1 9 0 3*
At the very moment that Logan was being eulogized
and praised throughout Illinois as a most successful dead
politician, successful living politicians were occupied
with other problems. Who would take Logan's place in the
Senate? The Illinois State Legislature contained a Re
publican majority in both houses so that it was a fore
gone conclusion that the successor would be a member of
23
Chicago Tribune. December 31, 1886, p. 1, col. 7.
2b
Ibid., February 26, 1 8 8 7, p. 1, col. 6, and
June 19, I&8 7, p. 2, col. 5» See also Mrs. John A.
Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier1s Wife. An Auto
biography (New York. 1913), p. *+32.
207
that party. The Chicago Tribune, always friendly to
Lincoln, in the same edition which reported the ex-
Secretary's speech to the meeting held December 30»
printed in the "letters to the editor" column an in
teresting item signed only "P. B. K." It suggested
Lincoln as the logical man for the vacant seat.
He is a man who I believe to be
fully equal to the responsibilities of
the office and could represent the ideas
of today in a way that would be an honor
to our State. He has acquitted himself
of one high office in our Government with
distinction and honor. Let us have him
again. 25
However, Lincoln was by no means the only, or even the
principal, candidate to fill the vacancy. Almost a dozen
men were under serious consideration and they included
former Governor Hamilton, Governor Oglesby, Joseph G.
Cannon, then in the House of Representatives, and
Charles B. Farwell of Chicago.
The Senatorial contest created a good bit of
excitement, not only in Illinois, but in other states
as well. For example, the Omaha Bee observed that;
The name of Robert Lincoln has not
been prominently mentioned as a possible
candidate for the United States Senate to
succeed Gen. Logan, and he may not desire
^ Chicago Tribune. December 31* 1886, p. 3, col. 5«
2^Ibid.. January 1, 1887, p. 1, col. 2-6.
208
the honor. But we are disposed to think
if the selection of the Republicans of
Illinois Legislature should fall to him,
the country would applaud the choice.2?
At the same time the Denver Republican felt that: "The
Illinois Legislature cannot do better than elect Robert
Lincoln to fill the vacancy in the United States Senate
28
caused by the death of Gen. Logan." Within Illinois,
the Chicago Tribune ran a series of biographical sketches
of the prominent candidates and in the one on Lincoln, it
was stated that he was "a man of vigor, ability, and ex
ecutive sense, and is known for his good judgment and un
affected modesty. Besides, he is energetic and loves to
work.
There is no indication anywhere as to how Mr. Lincoln
himself felt about being discussed as a Senatorial possi
bility. He evidently did nothing that would indicate in
terest in the matter, and it may be presumed that he was
not interested in the post. At any rate, the Republican
members of the Legislature decided in caucus held Janu
ary 13, 1 8 8 7, to present as their candidate, Charles B.
2"7Omaha Bee, as quoted in ibid.. January 7> 1 8 8 7,
p. 2, col. 2.
2^Denver Republican, as quoted in Chicago Tribune.
January 9, 1 8 8 7, p. 6, col• 6.
29chicago Tribune. January 11, 1887, p. 3, col. 2.
209
30
Farwell of Chicago. Five days later, Farwell was
31
formally elected Senator and the matter was closed.
In the period 1885-I8 8 9, Robert T. Lincoln was much
concerned with Chicago affairs. Part of the activities
were of a non-political nature and involved the estab
lishment of two of the great libraries of the city.
Lincoln was a member of the original board of trus
tees of the Newberry Library, and, as such, attended
their meetings regularly. For example, he and his
fellow trustees met the evening of July 8, 1 8 8 7, at
the home of E. W. Blatchford to discuss their duties
32
and to plan the location of the new library. When
the wealthy John Crerar died, his will indicated that
"the following named friends of mine" will act as the
board of directors of the proposed Crerar Library, and
Lincoln was included in the list, along with Marshall
Field and others.^
On the local political level, Robert T. Lincoln was
most active during this period. He returned home from
3Qchicago Tribune, January l^f, 1 8 8 7, p. 1, col. 7j
and p. 2, col. 1.
31lbid., January 19? 1 8 8 7, p. 1, col. 7, and p. 2,
col. 1.
32iMd., July 9, 1887, p. 2, col. 5.
33John Moses and Joseph Kirkland, editors. History of
Chicago (2 vols., Chicago, 1 895)5 II, l*+2 and 213-214-.
Washington to find the city of Chicago firmly in the
control of the Democrats and dominated by the able mayor,
Carter H. Harrison, usually designated as ' ‘the elder" to
distinguish him from his son who also later served as
mayor. Harrison, though a man of great ability, was well
31 * -
within the tradition of the big-city bosses. He had
first been elected mayor in 1 8 7 9, and was reelected in
l88l, 1 8 8 3, and 1 8 8 5, although in the latter race he was
35
nearly unseated by the Republican candidate. After the
I885 contest, the Republicans began working for the adop
tion of new election laws, which they undoubtedly felt
would help their cause. It was in this campaign that
Lincoln took an active part. The Young Republican Club
of Chicago held a mass meeting at the Central Music Hall
the evening of October 31> 1 8 8 5, for the purpose of get
ting support for the new election laws. The announcement
of the meeting said that it "should be attended by all
citizens who have at heart the interests of the Repub-
36
lican party and reform in the Election law." When the
appointed hour for the conclave to'begin had arrived,
^Claudius 0. Johnson, Carter Henry Harrison I
(Chicago, 1 9 2 8), pp. 2 68-2 8 7.
35Ibid., p. 2 8 8, contains election returns from
1 8 7 9, 1H8 1 7 1 8 8 3, and 1 8 8 5.
•^Chicago Tribune. October 31, 1885, p. *+, col. 2.
211
because of a "driving rain" there was a much smaller crowd
present than had been expected. Robert T. Lincoln was
chosen chairman of the meeting and he delivered one of
the principal speeches. "He felt that we were at one of
37
the crises of our municipal life. . . Lincoln pre
sented the idea that national party principles and plat
forms had little to do with municipal affairs, but at the
same time concluded that it was a good idea to support the
Republican party in this instance, and help elect the Re
publican candidates for City Commissioner. The election
was held November 1885, and the new election lavs were
approved, while at the same time the Republicans scored
• 3 O
gains in the city government.
When in the spring of 1887 the Republicans had an
other chance at the mayor's office, Lincoln was again ac
tive. This time Carter Harrison suddenly withdrew from
the race, leaving the Democrats without a candidate to
represent them. On I'ferch 23, 1 8 8 7, a "Grand Republican
Mass Meeting" was held in the evening, and Lincoln was
selected by the Committee on Arrangements to be a Vice
President of the group. 3 9 With Harrison out of the way,
^ Chicago Tribune. November 1, 1 8 8 5, p. 12, col. ^-5»
Ibid., November *+, 1 8 8 5, p. 5? col. 1.
39Ibid., March 2 3, 1 8 8 7, p. 2, col. 5-6.
212
John A. Roche, the Republican nominee, handily won the
Lt@
contest, only to be defeated two years later by another
ifl
Democrat* Some weeks later another election was held,
this one for municipal judges. Once again on the evening
of June 1 8 8 7, the Central Music Hall was the site of a
Republican rally, and Lincoln spoke long and ably for his
b2
party and its candidates.
While Robert T. Lincoln was active in municipal af
fairs, his name was being prominently mentioned in quite
another area. As early as the Spring of 1 8 8 6, Lincoln
was brought forth as a candidate for President in 1 8 8 8.
A Negro journal in Atlanta, Georgia, aware of the magic
in the name Lincoln, suggested that the Republican party
could not do better than to choose the man from Illinois
as its standard-bearer. J Several days later a Chicago
reporter asked Mr. Lincoln how he felt about the matter.
The reply was straightforward. He observed that "the ed
itor knows more about that," meaning the paper's state
ment that there was great clamor for Lincoln's nomination,
^ Chicago Tribune, April 6, 1 8 8 7, p. 1, col. 1-6.
^Johnson, Carter Harrison, p. 2 8 9.
^ Chicago Tribune. June 5? 1 8 8 7, p. 10, col. 2-*K
**3Atlanta Defiance, as quoted in ibid., April 13,
1 8 8 6, p. 2 9, col. 2.
213
especially among the Negro population, “than I do." Then
to clear up any possible misunderstanding about his course
in the future, the former Secretary of War, said: "I'm
entirely out of public life. I attend strictly to my pri
vate business and have no time, nor if I had time, any in-
clination to discuss public matters." The interview
took place in Louisville, Kentucky, where Lincoln was on
business. The reporter next mentioned to him the matter
of the "fishing vacation," which “Mr. Lincoln is accus
tomed to take about the first of June. ..." Before an
answer could be made, someone in Lincoln's party inter
rupted with the thought that President Cleveland's usual
summer fishing trip was being cancelled that year because
of his forthcoming marriage on June 2 to Miss Frances
Folsom.
"Cleveland couldn't catch a bass
anyhow," said one of Mr. Lincoln's com
panions. "I don't know about that," re
plied the genial ex-Secretary. "Cleveland
has been pretty successful at catching any
thing he wants. I think he could catch a
bass if he wanted it."^5
Thus with humor, Lincoln had been able to turn away fur
ther questions about his possible candidacy. However,
this by no means ended the matter, for from early In 1 8 8 7
^ Chicago Tribune. April 28, 1886, p. 3, col.
^Ibid.
21* f
on, the forthcoming Presidential election was discussed
frequently.
During the Illinois senatorial contest the Buffalo
Courier ran an editorial in which Lincoln was discussed
not only as a possible senator but as a possible Presi
dent. It noted that in 1881 * certain individuals and news
papers— in the latter group, the New York Times was spe
cifically named— had favored Lincoln. However, at that
time both Arthur and Logan had stood in the way of
Lincoln's candidacy. Now Arthur and Logan were dead.
By the latter's death not only has a
seat in the Senate been vacated but also
room has been made for a new aspirant to
the Republican Presidential nomination.
That as such Mr. Lincoln would have gle-
ments of strength no one would deny.^°
There followed the usual reference to the "illustrious
name which he bears," and while acknowledging that his
official record had not been long and outstanding, still
b-7
his "political record is calculated to strengthen him."
The latter statement was probably a reference to Lincoln's
efforts in behalf of Grant's third-term attempt in l880.
Later in January, 1 8 8 7, the Knoxville, Tennessee,
Times took up the cry and put forth Lincoln as its
^Buffalo Courier, as quoted in ibid., January 1,
1 8 8 7, p. 1, oolTTl
^Ibid.
kQ
favorite candidate. It was joined by the Atlanta
National which, with considerable candor, noted that:
Prom the mountains to the seaboard,
every colored man, woman and child would
leave an old-time camp meeting shouting
for Abraham Lincoln's great, worthy, and
illustrious son. With Robert Lincoln as
the nominee we will go into the fight
with an unbroken front, a united party.
Some elements in the press were warm but not overly en
thusiastic to the idea of Lincoln as a nominee. The
Rutland, Vermont, Herald favored him but acknowledged
that "The principal objections likely to be raised
against Robert Lincoln are that he is young,has not
been in Congress, is not especially noted save as the
50
son of an illustrious father. ..." A most sensi
ble appraisal of Lincoln came from a mugwump journal,
the Springfield, Massachusetts, Republican, when it said:
"He is an honored son of an honored sire," and then went
on to state:
In the absence of deep-rooted and
exciting issues, such as called forth a
master like the elder Lincoln, the son
belongs to the class of men who seem
1 + 8
Knoxville Times, as quoted in Chicago Tribune.
January 24, 1887» P» 2, col. 1.
^ Atlanta National, as quoted in J. J. Per ling,
Presidents ' Sons (New York. l9*+7), p* l1 ^.
^^Rutland Herald. February 6, 1 8 8 7, as quoted in
Perling, Presidents' Sons, p. lMf.
216
best fitted to the office of President
in more tranquil times— not men who have
been longest identified with the strug-
bles and triumphs of the party in the
past, not the giants of past warfare,
but younger men of judicial mold, of
liberal convictions as to the improve
ment of public administration and the
reform of abuses and sympathetic with 5 -1
every section of a Union truly restored.
Further, in referring to Lincoln, the editorial noted:
He made the best Secretary of War of
all who have recently held the position.
He knew no party lines in administration,
and served only his country. His service
was recognized broadly by the people of
all parties. In his own party no faction
claimed him as its exclusive possession.
His personal independence, integrity, and
sincere devotion to administrative reform
would, if he were nominated, place an em
barrassing assortment of attractions be
fore the independent and mugwump vote
which elected Mr. Cleveland.
The Republican concluded that Robert T. Lincoln was the
man to reunite the Republican party after its disastrous
split in 188^-.
Still other voices were raised in discussion of this
potential presidential nominee. Another mugwump journal,
the Boston Herald, considered the former Secretary of War
"a sensible gentleman . . . ," and "yet we hardly see
enough in his record to warrant the singling him out as
•^•Springfield Republican, as quoted in Chicago
Tribune. July 23, 1887, p. 12, col. h.
^2lbid.
217
C T ' J
a Candidate for the Presidency." The Herald thought
that Lincoln probably would agree with them for it seemed
as though he had no such aspirations, and yet it wondered
about the source of his popularity and found that the
feeling of people that he should be considered for pres
ident is genuine and could be worse directed. It
concluded:
We are not disposed to accept Mr. Robert
T. Lincoln as a great man, or as one fitted
to be President beyond many others, because
he is the son of his father, but the great
dignity he exhibited in office, and the ab
sence of obtrusive ambition he has shown
out of it, afford an agreeable indication
that he would make a sensible and patri
otic President.?^-
Some papers were violently hostile to the notion of
Lincoln as a candidate; one of these was the Omaha,
Nebraska, Republican which came out with this statement:
It is curious how some papers hang
on to the name of young Lincoln in dis
cussing Presidential possibilities. There
is more sentiment than sense in the sug
gestion. There are a hundred men in Omaha
his superior. He is simply a cipher in
the name. When Abraham Lincoln died the
ciphers in his family were left without a
figure to the front.55
^ Boston Herald, as quoted in Chicago Tribune.
July 23, 1 p. 12, col. b.
5b
Ibid.
55Omaha Republican. February 13, 1 8 8 7, as quoted
in Perling, Presidents1 Sons. p. lM+„
218
In the midst of all this discussion Lincoln was again
interviewed as to his plans for the future. He first dis
missed the notion that he might run for Vice President by
saying, 1 1 1 simply could not accept the nomination to the
Vice Presidency." He continued:
To take any office at all would be a
great sacrifice to my business interests.
As to being a candidate for the Presi
dency, I regret the use of my name in
connection with any public office what
ever. It seems difficult for the aver
age American to understand that it is
possible for anyone not to desire the
Presidency, but I most certainly do not.
I have seen enough of the inside of Wash
ington official life to have lost all in
terest in it.
The Presidential office is but a
gilded prison. Its cares and worries
outweigh the honor which surrounds the
position. . . .5°
Much the same thing had already been spoken for Lincoln a
month and a half earlier when the Chicago Tribune said ed
itorially that Lincoln disliked public life and preferred
to remain in Chicago with his law practice. Yet it did
not discount the idea that in the case of a deadlocked
convention, Lincoln might be drafted against his wishes,
and felt that the party "would make no mistake in taking
him up and once more doing battle under the leadership
-^Illinois State Journal (Springfield), August 31,
1 8 8 7, as quoted in Perling, Presidents1 Sons, p. 1^5•
219
57
of Lincoln."
An interesting story has been circulated relative to
the 1888 nomination, which may or may not be true. It was
not reported until some forty years later, and then only
in the memoirs of a newspaperman. He claimed that before
the 1888 convention certain party leaders, not otherwise
identified, considered a ticket made up of Robert T.
Lincoln for President, and Frederick D. Grant, the son
of the general, for Vice President. It was to be called
a "father's son" ticket, and would have presented "names
to conjure withl" The journalist claimed that the plan
ended when Grant was defeated for election as New York
58
Secretary of State.J Commenting on the story, Grant's
son, Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, III, sayss
I can only say that I have no recol
lection of Mr. Robert Lincoln and my fa
ther ? General Frederick Dent Grant, being
candidates for the Presidency and Vice
Presidency, respectively in 1 8 8 8. . . .
I was present in Chicago at the time of
the Republican Convention, and although
only a lad of seven, I was much inter
ested and personally an enthusiastic
backer of Judge Gresham. I am sure that,
if there had been any serious considera
tion of a Lincoln-Grant ticket, I would
have been for it and remembered it.
57
Chicago Tribune. Ju}.y 16, 1 8 8 7, p, U-, col. 3.
58
Henry L. Stoddard, As_ I_ Knew Them (New York,
1927), P. 157.
220
Of course people were often saying
to my Father that he should try for the
Presidency^ hut he never believed that
he should.59
The race for the Republican nomination was wide open in
1888. Indicative of this was the Chicago Inter Ocean's
question "Who Will it be?" The answer was "God only
knows" and was arrived at by arranging the names of twelve
men in this manners
Gresham
AllisOn
Depew
CullOm
Blaine
ALger
Jerr£ Rusk
ForaKer
LincolN
Sherman^
It would seem logical to conclude that Lincoln was far
better qualified, or at least no less qualified and able,
than many others who were actively seeking the Republican
^Ulysses S. Grant, III, to the writer, June 25,
1958.
^Chicago Inter Ocean. June 22, 1 8 8 7. as quoted in
Leland L. Sage, William Boyd Allison. A Study in Prac
tical Politics (Iowa City, Iowa, 1 9^0), p. 207* The can
didates are Walter Q. Gresham, William B. Allison.
Chauncey M. Depew, Shelby M. Cullom, James G. Blaine,
Russell A. Alger, Jeremiah M. Rusk, Joseph B. Foraker,
Robert T. Lincoln, Benjamin Harrison, Joseph R. Hawley,
and John Sherman.
HarrisOn
Hawley
221
nomination. Up until the very day of the nomination of
Benjamin Harrison as the party's standard-bearer,
Lincoln's name was still being discussed. Through
out it all, however, he steadfastly refused to do
anything that would bring him the nomination. He
simply was not interested.
Instead, Lincoln was occupied with quite a dif
ferent matter. He was building himself a new home
in Chicago, located at 60 Lake Shore Drive in the so-
61
called "Gold Coast'1 area of the city. The home was
a three-story, red brick building with limestone trim;
it had twenty rooms, "with a reception hall paneled in
oak and a parlor in mahogany." When the family moved
into it in 1 8 8 7, the master of the house wrote to his
friend John G. Nicolay: "We are now getting really set
tled after six years of vagabondizing— nothing but the
sheriff or the undertaker shall ever move us. Mrs.
Lincoln has recovered her heath & we are all very happy.
f \\
Later the street was renumbered and it became
123^- N. Lake Shore Drive. New York Times. January 18,
1959 > P» * + * * • » col. 8. This reference mistakenly states
that the home was built in 1 8 9 3. It was not and this
is verified by the Chicago Tribune. July 16, 1 8 8 7, p.
b, col. 3.
^ New York Times. January 18, 1959? P» col. 8.
^Robert T. Lincoln to John G. Nicolay, as quoted
in Randall, Lincoln's Sons, pp. 305-306.
222
As a matter of fact, it was neither the sheriff nor the
undertaker who eventually caused the family to move, but
instead their decision many years later to take up resi
dence in Washington, D. C. The Mansion at 60 Lake Shore
Drive fell upon evil days and later, like so many other
buildings in the area, it became a rooming house, and then
early in 1959 > fell victim to the wrecking crew and Varn
er
ished from the scene.
For the most part, Robert T. Lincoln's political ac
tivities in the period lS05 to 1889 have a partisan tone,
but on at least one occasion he crossed party lines to
help a friend. Following the death of Chief Justice
Morrison R. Waite in 1838, it was rumored that Pres
ident Cleveland was considering the Chicago attorney,
Melville W. Fuller, for the vacancy. Lincoln had known
Fuller for many years, and, at the suggestion of mutual
friends, Lincoln wrote to the President urging the ap-
6S
pointment. It was made, but at once there began a fight
over confirmation of the nominee. Charges were brought
that Fuller had been a Copperhead during the Civil War,
but Robert T. Lincoln, Lyman Trumbull, and others vigor
ously denied the charge. Eventually Fuller received
^New York Times. January 1 8, 1959? P- *+^> col. 8.
^^Willard L. King, Melville Weston Fuller (New York
1950), p. 116.
223
confirmation, and Lincoln was among those paying tribute
to the new Chief Justice at a banquet held in his honor
just prior to his departure from Chicago to take up his
new duties.^ On one other occasion, Lincoln helped to
honor another Democrat, Grover Cleveland, when the Pres
ident came to Chicago in 1 8 8 7. The visit was considered
67
a nonpolitical thing and hence Lincoln's service. '
After the presidential nominations were made in 1 8 8 8,
instead of remaining home and doing battle for his party,
Lincoln quietly left Chicago with his family and spent the
68
summer traveling in Europe. This was the second such
trip he had made, the other one being the longer tour of
summer and fall of 1 8 7 2.
In the decade of the eighteen-eighties, Robert T.
Lincoln was occupied occasionally with another major proj
ect. He had come to realize that eventually a life of his
father should be published. Accordingly, he had author
ized John G. Nicolay and John Hay to undertake the task
which reached its culmination in the publication of
^King, Melville Weston Fuller, p. 108.
67
Chicago Tribune. July 2*+, 1 8 8 7, p. 9, col. *f,
and King, Melville Weston Fuller, p. 9 8.
Harvard College, Class of 186*4-, Secretary!s Re
port. Number 8, l86*4--191*4- (Boston. 191*4-). p p . 97-98.
22k
Abraham Lincoln: A History. The life appeared first in a
magazine, The Century, where it ran serially from Novem-
69
ber, 1886, to February, 1 8 9 0, and was then published in
70
book form. The story of the beginning of the work goes
back to the Civil War years when Nicolay and Hay were
Abraham Lincoln’s secretaries. Exactly when they first
conceived the idea of the massive opus is unknown, but
in November of 1 8 7 2, Nicolay, then marshal of the United
States Supreme Court, wrote to Hay:
I am convinced that we ought to be
at work on our Lincoln, you might as well
be putting in your time collecting mate
rial as not. I don’t think the time for
publication has come? but the time for
preparation is slipping away. ' 1
It was not long after this that work was begun in earnest
72
either in late 1872 or early 1 8 7 3. Robert T. Lincoln
turned over to the pair the bulk of his father's papers,
and they were in effect given a monopoly on the Lincoln
69
David C. Mearns, The Lincoln Papers (2 vols.,
Garden City, New York, 19^8)j I, 8 0.
70
' John G. Nicolay and John Hay. Abraham Lincoln.
A History (10 vols., New York, 1 8 9 0).
71
’ John G. Nicolay to John Hay as quoted in Mearns,
Lincoln Papers, I, 6 7.
^Tyler Dennett, John Hay. From Poetry to Politics
(New York, 1931 *) ? p. 13*+»
225
73
record. There would be no competing works so far as
Robert Lincoln was concerned. In return for this, Lincoln
required but one thing— he would have the right to review
the work before publication. This right of review has
evoked considerable discussion. Probably no formal con
tract existed between the writers and the subject's son,
but it is clear that some sort of understanding did. For
example, Hay wrote to "Dear Bob," in January, 1 8 8 5, rela
tive to the first chapters of the work*
I need not tell you that every line
has been written in a spirit of reverence
and regard. Still you may find here and
there words or sentences which do not
suit you. I write now to request that
you will read with a pencil in your hand
and strike out everything to which you
object. I will adopt your view in all
cases, whether I agree with it or not,
but I cannot help hoping you will find
nothing objectionable.'*'
William H. Herndon heard about the Nicolay and Hay efforts
and once again he and Robert Lincoln were feuding.
Herndon wrote that the authors were "afraid of Bob;
he gives them materials and they in their turn play
7-3
'JMearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 71*
^John Hay to Robert T. Lincoln. January 27? 1 8 8 5,
as found in William R. Thayer, The Life and Letters of
John Hay (2 vols., Boston, 1915)? I? 2l f-25. Mearns,
Lincoln Papers. I, 75? contains the same letter but
with the date 1884 instead of 1 8 8 5.
226
75
hush." Herndon's biographer refers to the work as
"Authorized by Robert Todd Lincoln, filio-pietistic in
nZl
tone, and arch-Republican in politics. . . ." With
out doubt much of this latter statement is true and yet
was not as it was because of Robert T. Lincoln, but be
cause of the character of John G. Nicolay and John Hay.
Nicolay's daughter, many years later, wrote:
Tfy father, John Hay, Robert Lincoln,
and Judge David Davis— whose opinion had
great weight with the President's son—
were of one mind concerning Mr. Lincoln's
greatness, but they did not always see
eye to eye on the best use to be made of
the documents. Even so, there is no evi
dence to uphold a statement made, from
time to time, to the effect that Robert
Lincoln persistently "edited" the Hay-
Nicolay biography.<<
The same woman has concluded that Nicolay and Hay were
"'Lincoln men all the time,' but from conviction, not com-
78
pulsion." David C. Mearns, of the Library of Congress,
has examined the surviving portion of the Nicolay and Hay
7^David Donald, Lincoln1s Herndon (New York, 19^8),
p. 352.
76Ibid.. p. 3 1 1.
77
''Helen Nicolay. Lincoln1s Secretary. A Biography
of John G. Nicolay (New York, l9*+9)> P» 2yb7
78Ibid., p. 303.
22 7
work and concludes that the changes made in it principally
"relate to the shiftlessness of Abraham Lincoln's father
or to the less glamorous aspects of the prairie civiliza-
79
tion in which he lived." Relative to the charge of cen
sorship, Mearns declares*
In other words, it could hardly be said,
on the basis of a single instance, that
Robert Lincoln had purged his father's pa
pers. . . . Nevertheless, future critics
would abuse him. . . . This would be un
fair; he was more proficient as an editor
than as an addicted censor. 80
From time to time, Lincoln was drawn into the re
search for the biography. In February of 1 8 7 8, Hay wrote
to him requesting that he try and obtain from Edgar, T.
8l
Welles, the diary of his father, Gideon Welles* A dec
ade later, for the writing of the biography involved some
sixteen years, Nicolay wrote to Lincoln asking him to
check with the Chicago Historical Society and see if they
had files of the old Sangamo Journal. He needed the issue
of January 27, 1 8 3 7, which contained a speech delivered by
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 76. Only the first four
chapters of Volume I still exist in original manuscript
form.
8 0Ibid., I, 76.
John Hay to Robert T. Lincoln, February l1 *, 1 8 7 8,
as found in Thayer, John Hay, II, 20-21.
82
Abraham Lincoln,
228
Following a partial publication of the life of
Abraham Lincoln, for the parts dealing with military
history were omitted in the serial form, the ten-volume
book appeared in the summer and fall of 1 8 9 0.^ jt was
dedicated to Robert T. Lincoln, and being pleased, he
wrote to Nicolays
As you and Colonel Hay have now
brought your great work to a most suc
cessful conclusion by the publication
of your life of my father, I hope and
request that you will supplement it by
collecting, editing, and publishing the
speeches, letters, state papers, and mis
cellaneous writings of my father. You
and Colonel Hay have my consent and au
thority to obtain for yourselves such pro
tection by copyright, or otherwise, in
respect to the whole or any part of such
a collection, as I might for any reason
be entitled to have. ^
It goes without saying that the gift of the potential roy
alties from the biography, as well as the later works of
Abraham Lincoln, represented no small sum.
At approximately the same time that the Nicolay and
Hay work appeared, another life of Abraham Lincoln of much
importance was published. It was authored by William H.
8^John G. Nicolay to Robert T. Lincoln, May *+, 1 8 8 7.
Chicago Historical Society.
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 8 5.
8lfIbid., I, 85-86.
229
Herndon. Throughout the years after 1865, Herndon had
gone about his business of collecting material dealing
with the life of the sixteenth President of the United
85
States. In 1889 the first edition of his work appeared.
This work presented quite a different picture of Abraham
Lincoln than did the Hay and Nicolay biography, and in
many ways it was a more truthful portrait. However, even
Herndon sometimes held back material which Lincoln would
not like, for in 1888 he wrote to one who was also in
terested in the late President:
When you cone back to Boston, I will
write to you and will then send you some
important notes which I drew up solely
for my own satisfaction. I hope that
they will assist you; when they come
to hand, copy and send back to me. Give
any person copies of the notes with the
understanding that they, nor the facts
in them, are not to be published for
years. You may do the same with any
or all of my letters. Robert Lincoln
is living and the publication of them
or the facts of them would offend “Bob,"
who religiouslyhates me for telling
naked truths about his noble father.
"Bob" came from Chicago once raging to
be somehow satisfied. He had some extra
fool advisers in Chicago, nice, dainty,
finical kid-gloved asses who loved smooth
literature with no admixture of truth in
85
Although the work has had numerous editions, the
best is said to be the Paul M. Angle edition (New York,
1930).
230
86
it, no robust truth.
Herndon's biography was published by the firm of
Belford, Clarke & Company, and "from the day his book
was published, Herndon received dozens of letters com
plaining that no copies of Herndon1s Lincoln could be
8 7
obtained in any of the book stores." To complicate
matters, in September, 1 8 8 9, the publishing firm went
into bankruptcy after having printed only fifteen hun-
88
dred sets of the work. Many would have been content
to rage against the publisher, but not Herndon; he blamed
it all on Robert T. Lincoln. In January, 1 8 8 9, Herndon
already had the idea that Lincoln was attempting to sup
press the work and wrote to his literary collaborator
Jesse W. Weik: "What do you think of Bob's acts? I'll
tell you what I think, I think he's a d d fool. He
has the insane rage of his mother without the sense of
89
his father. Robert Lincoln is 'a wretch' of a man."
^William H. Herndon to Truman H. Bartlett, Novem
ber 10, 1888, as found in Emanuel Hertz, The Hidden
Lincoln (New York, 1938), pp. 221-222.
87
Donald, Lincoln's Herndon, p. 335.
8 8Ibid., p. 3 3 5.
8b
7William H. Herndon to Jesse W. Weik, January 15,
1 8 8 9, as found in Hertz, Hidden Lincoln, pp. 221-222.
231
After Lincoln went to England in 1 8 8 9, Herndon's
friend, Truman H. Bartlett, then in Paris, attempted to
buy a set of the Herndon biography and was "told by the
booksellers that the President's son . . . had purchased
90
and destroyed every copy of the small English edition. 1 1
Furious, Herndon wrote to Bartlett:
Your letter dated the 17th ult., was
duly received, for which I thank you. I
fear what you say about Robert Lincoln is
true; he has his mother's insane temper
without his father's discretion. I have
a tender feeling for the man, first, be
cause of the "boy," and, secondly, on ac
count of his father: and yet I must say
that Bob is a "little wee bit of a man."
I am sorry that he did as you were in
formed he did. It is just like Bob, how
ever. A book cannot be put down by such
methods. Such acts will, if known, add
to the sale of the Life of Lincoln, the
sale of anj book. ? 1
Relative to the charge of suppression, Herndon's biogra
pher says: "There is no doubt that Robert Todd Lincoln
found the Herndon-Weik biography objectionable, but I have
found no evidence to show that he tried to suppress it,
92
either in England or in America." Instead, "the fault
^Donald, Lincoln's Herndon, p. 335 j referring to a
letter to William H. Herndon from Truman H. Bartlett.
^William H. Herndon to Truman H. Bartlett, Decem
ber 20, 1 8 8 9, as quoted in Hertz, Hidden Lincoln, pp. 2Mf-
2^-5.
^^onald, Lincoln' s Herndon, p. 335*
232
lay square with his ^rferndon's7 publishers. Belford,
Clarke & Company had no standing in the publishing world
— no agents, no list of authors, no outlets. The firm
was not equipped to distribute Herndon's book."7
After going into bankruptcy, the publishing firm was
reorganized but Charles Scribner's Sons purchased the
plates for the biography from Belford, Clarke & Company
and planned a new edition. At this point Herndon died
March 18, 1891, believing that Scribner's would shortly
publish a new edition. It was now that Lincoln did def
initely enter the picture. The publishing firm informed
Jesse W. Weik, who took over the Herndon work, that "with
sincere reluctance," they were goin^ to drop the biogra-
9*+
phy from their publication schedule. A Chicago journal
ist, Horace White, wrote Weik that the reason for this was
that Robert T. Lincoln had objected to the head of the
firm, Charles Scribner, and that the firm "did not wish
to be instrumental in putting out a book that was objec-
95
tionable to the son of the subject of the work." In
93
Donald, Lincoln's Herndon, p. 335*
gl+
Charles Scribner's Sons to Jesse W. Weik, Oc
tober 1, 1891, as quoted in Donald, Lincoln1s Herndon,
p. 3*+l.
^Horace White to Jesse W. Weik, October 6, 1891,
as quoted in Donald, Lincoln's Herndon, pp. 3^1-3^2.
1
233
order to make the book acceptable to Lincoln, Scribner
felt that such extensive changes would have to be made
as to "spoil it or seriously impair its selling quali-
96
ties. 1 1 However, in 1 8 9 2, Weik secured a contract from
97
D. Appleton and Company and a new edition was published.
In some respects it seems unfortunate that Lincoln
bothered himself at all with the matter of the Herndon
work for certainly there was room for various interpre
tations of the life of Abraham Lincoln. However, at the
time the son, without doubt, felt justified in objecting
to the work. Robert Lincoln was essentially a good Vic
torian with the moral code that that term implies, and
he felt Herndon guilty of acts which he should not have
committed. Herndon raised issues that he should not have
raisedj for example, the question of Abraham Lincoln's
legitimacy, and the question of whether or not the Pres
ident was a Christian. Herndon felt that since his law
partner had never joined a church, that automatically made
him a nonbeliever, regardless of his personal views.
Throughout all this controversy it must not be forgot
ten that this is not the only instance of a biographer
being involved in difficulty with a family over the
9^Donald, Lincoln's Herndon, pp. 3l +l-31 +2.
97Ibid., p. 3^- 2.
23^
subject of a study. This is merely one of the more
celebrated affairs. Yet there is no question that
Robert T. Lincoln was a good hater when he wanted to
be, and he wanted to be in this instance.
4
CHAPTER VII
MINISTER TO GREAT BRITAIN, 1839-1892
Benjamin Harrison succeeded Grover Cleveland as
President of the United States on March 1 8 8 9, and
immediately set about the task of making appointments
to the various offices which the President is required
to fill. Appointments to foreign missions were, and,
to some extent, today still are, used to pay off polit
ical debts and to reward figures who have rendered serv
ice, frequently of a monetary nature, to the victorious
political party. Shortly after his inauguration, Harrison
secretly began to sound out "several western senators," in
regard to appointing a minister to London. Word of this
leaked out and it was rumored that the man to be appointed
was Robert T. Lincoln of Illinois, Regarding the story,
John C, New of Indiana, newly appointed U. S. Consul-
General at London, had saids
What blanked nonsense. There is not
a word of truth in it. Such an appoint
ment is impossible. Harrison has got
more sense. Lincoln is a good fellow,
but he represents nothing politically,
and the appointment is too big a one to
be thrown away. If the English mission
is to be given to Illinois, Bob Hitt will
be the man. His appointment is not
236
improbable.'*'
The next day the appointment of Lincoln was announced.
The entire country was taken by surprise, as was the nom
inee himself. A reporter called at the offices of Isham,
Lincoln and Beale, to interview Mr. Lincoln and was told;
1 1 It is news to me. I have never heard a word about it."
He went on to say that he had not been a candidate for
any office, "I have not yet officially been informed of
2
it and have no other information than that you bring me."
When he did receive official notice, Lincoln indicated
his willingness to accept the place and the press noted
that he could well afford to do so since "he has become
one of the wealthiest . . . lawyers" in Chicago, partic
ularly because of his connections with the Pullman
Company.
Lincoln's appointment caused some disappoint
ments, even among his closest friends. John Hay had
wanted the position and felt that had John Sherman
won the Republican Presidential nomination in 1888,
Unidentified Boston, Massachusetts, newspaper
clipping, dated March 27% 1 8 8 9, in the Harvard Uni
versity .Archives. Copy m the possession of the writer.
^Ruth Painter Randall, Lincoln1s Sons (Boston,
1955), P. 306.
237
3
he would have had it. Former Secretary of State
William M. Evarts had been rumored as the possible
new minister, and now he too was disappointed. At
the same time others were expressing joy over the nom
ination. Theodore Roosevelt wrote to Henry Cabot Lodge:
5
"The appointment of Lincoln is admirable.u Another dis
appointed diplomat, John A. Kasson of Iowa, grudgingly
noted:
The great places have been filled;
Robert T. Lincoln goes to England. . . .
Lincoln to England and Frederick Grant
to Austria are largely made on account
of public admiration and gratitude for
the service of two eminent Presidents,
their fathers. But Mr. Lincoln adds,
as Grant does not, some personal qual
ification and experience.®
3
Tyler Dennett, John Hay. From Poetry to Politics
(New York, 193*+), P» 172. At this time Hay was given the
task of convincing Whitelaw Reid that he should accept
the position of Minister to France, for Lincoln was to
have the English post. Reid accepted Paris. See p. 173»
L.
Chester L. Barrows, William M. Evarts, Lawyer. Dip
lomat. Statesman (Chapel Hill, 19*+^), P»
5
Theodore Roosevelt to Henry Cabot Lodge, March 27,
1889, as found in Selections from the Corre spondence of
Theodore Roosevelt and Henry Cabot Lodge (2 vols.. New
York, 19250, I, 7!?»
^Edward Younger, John A. Kasson, Politics and Diplo
macy from Lincoln to McKinley (Iowa City, Iowa, 1955"),
p. 353.
238
The press of the nation was entirely unrestrained in its
praise of the new Minister to London. The New York Her
ald stated: "A more fortunate and satisfactory selection
on all accounts than Mr. Robert Lincoln . . . could not
have been made, 1 1 while the New York Sun proclaimed: 1 1 The
appointment . . . will be popular in this country, and we
dare say it will give satisfaction to the mass of English
men. He is likely to prove a better minister than we have
7
had in England since the late Charles Francis Adams."
The Chicago News joined in with its belief that Lincoln
was thoroughly competent to discharge the duties of the
office, while the Chicago Tribune predicted that Lincoln
g
"will win his spurs in diplomacy with brilliant success."
The appointment was viewed as entirely the decision
of President Harrison, acting on his own initiative, with
out consulting his Secretary of State and was said to em
phasize "the fact that he controls his own administra
tion," and is not bossed by the Secretary of State,
7
New York Herald and New York Sun as quoted m an
unidentified newspaper clipping, March 28, 1 8 8 9, in the
Harvard University Archives. Copy in the possession of
the writer.
Q
Chicago News and Chicago Tribune as quoted in an
unidentified newspaper clipping, March 2 8, 1 8 8 9, in the
Harvard University Archives. Copy in the possession of
the writer.
239
9
James G. Blaine. It is certain that the nomination was
made without first consulting the two Senators from
Illinois, Shelby M. Cullom and Charles B. Farwell, and
as a result nearly involved the invoking of the time-
10
honored tradition of "Senatorial courtesy." Secre
tary of State Blaine had called upon Cullom and Farwell
to discuss the new minister to England, and the two Sen
ators had suggested the name of John N. Jewett of
11
Chicago. One can imagine the surprise of the pair
when Harrison called them a few days later to an
nounce the appointment of Lincoln. "Farwell was
extremely angry, and wanted to fight the nomina-
12
tion.“ However, Cullom talked him out of it al
though he too was hurt by not being consulted on
the matter. On April 15? Lincoln took the oath as
minister and on the same day from Chicago informed
Secretary of State Blaines
9
Unidentified newspaper clipping, March 27,
1 8 8 9. Harvard University Archives. Copy in the pos
session of the writer.
10
Shelby M. Cullom, Fifty Years of Public Serv
ice (Chicago, 1911), p. 126'.
1 1Ibid.
12Ibid.
2* 4-0
I shall at once upon my arrival In
London request an audience of Her Maj
esty the Queen for the purpose of pre
senting my predecessor's letters of re
call and my own letters of credence. I
need not assure you that my best efforts
will be used to maintain the good rela
tions which now exist between the two
countries, and to discharge the duties
which may devolve upon me in a manner
satisfactory to the President and hon
orable and useful to the country.- * - 3
Lincoln set about the task of preparing to leave and
sailed May 15} 1 8 8 9.^ With him went Mrs. Lincoln and
their three children, Mary, Abraham, and Jessie. Henry
Adams, writing at this time to an English friend, said:
"Our new minister to London, who is known familiarly here
as Bob Lincoln, will, I hope, be liked. He is a good fel
low, rather heavy, but pleasant and sufficiently intelli-
15"
gent." Adams could not help mentioning that: "Unless
Hay himself were to have the place, Lincoln was as good a
man as was likely to be sent. . . . The new minister
^Robert T. Lincoln to James G. Blaine, April 15.
1 8 8 9, as found in Dispatches from U. S. Ministers to Great
Britain. Microfilm Roll 155 (National Archives), March 1 -
August 30, 1 8 8 9.
^Harvard College, Class of 186*4-« Secretary1 s Report.
Number 8, 186^-121]+ (Boston, I9TV), p. 9 8.
■^Henry Adams to Charles Milnes Gaskell, April 21,
1 8 8 9, as found in Worthington C. Ford, editor, Letters of
Henry Adams. 1358-1891 (Boston, 1930), p. 398.
l6Ibid.
2l+l
at first had his residence at 5 Cadogan Square, S. W. in
London although later he lived at 2 Cromwell Houses,
Lincoln and his party docked at Liverpool where
he was received by the Mayor of the city and taken by
him in his carriage to the station where the new min
ister took the train to London. On May 23, he was re
ceived by Lord Salisbury at the Foreign Office and two
days later was taken to Windsor Castle to present his
credentials to Queen Victoria. Minister Lincoln reported
that he told Her Majesty of "the desire of my country for
the prosperity of Great Britain," and that personally he
would spare no effort to cultivate friendly relations be
tween the United States and her nation. Later the two
chatted informally a few minutes before the Minister re-
lS
turned to London. He also met and dined with the great
17
In July of 1 8 8 9, Lincoln was writing on station
ery with the address 5 Cadogan Square, S. W. See
Robert T. Lincoln to "Tty dear Doctor," July 7, 1 8 8 9,
Chicago Historical Society. By early 1892 his resi
dence was 2 Cromwell Houses, S. W. See Robert T.
Lincoln to Mlirat Halstead, February 2 8, 1 8 9 2, His
torical and Philosophical Society of Ohio. Copy in
the possession of the writer.
-j O
Lincoln described his reception to Blaine in
a dispatch dated May 27, 1 8 8 9. Dispatches from U. S.
Ministers to Great Britain. Microfilm Roll 15^ (Na
tional Archives), March 1, 1 8 8 9-August 30, 1 8 8 9.
2b2
William E. Gladstone. Gladstone had indicated a desire
to meet Lincoln as soon as he arrived and this was ar
ranged. Throughout dinner Gladstone kept up a running
conversation, giving no one a chance to say anything,
and continued this monologue until he had to leave to
return to his home. On the way back fo London a com
panion asked the great man what he had thought of Mr.
Lincoln. The reply was "Mr. Lincoln is a charming per
sonality, but he does not seem to have much conversa-
19
tion." Lincoln evidently enjoyed his early days in
London. He wrote that he had gone through a Fourth of
July celebration, and functions for visiting foreign dig
nitaries shortly after his arrival, but had found time to
take two of his children, Mary and Jack, as Abraham was
20
generally known, to watch the boat rowing on the Thames.
The only son of Robert T. Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln II,
is rather a shadowy figure about whom little is known. He
was at this time a very well-liked, intelligent, and
charming boy just approaching maturity. One source in
dicates that he had a great love of the sea, and during
the years of the family's residence in Washington, Jack
• ^ C h a u n c e y Depew, ^ Memories of Eighty Years
(New York, 1924), p. 260.
20Robert T. Lincoln to "My dear Doctor," July 7?
1 8 8 9. Chicago Historical Society.
2^-3
liked nothing better than to travel on President Arthur’s
PI
yacht. In the autumn of 1 8 8 9, the boy was enjoying a
holiday in France when his parents received word that he
had blood poisoning in the arm. It was not until early
the next year that he was well enough to return to London,
and then quite suddenly became worse. Early one morning
in March, Lincoln was sitting in his home talking with
Henry White, First Secretary at the Legation, when his
daughter Mary rushed in and told her father, "Go upstairs
22
auickly." In ten minutes Lincoln came back down with
the news that his only son was dead. It was March 5?
I8 9O. The death of Jack has been called "the greatest
21
sorrow of Robert's life, 1 1 The Lincolns were pros
trate with grief and went blindly through the funeral
service for their son. Henry White wrote:
Mr. Lincoln asked me to go in the
carriage with him and the clergyman,
which of course I did, returning with
him alone. When we got to Kensington
Gardens I persuaded him to send away
the carriage and walk there, which he
2^Chicago Tribune. May 31, 1881 *, p. 13, col. 2-M-.
^An excellent account of the illness and death of
Abraham Lincoln II is found in Allan Nevins, Henry White.
Thirty Years of American Diplomacy (New York, 1930), pp.
72-73. Nevins refers to the boy as John Lincoln, due, of
course, to his nickname Jack.
2^Randall, Lincoln1s Sons, p. 308.
2Mf
2b
did for an hour and enjoyed it.
From many came condolences to the bereaved parents, and
Lincoln poured out his grief to John S. Nicolay,
...I must thank you for your note and
answer you that your sympathy is grate
fully felt. You can imagine that for
more than common reasons our boy's life
was very precious to us and as his char
acter & ability became year by year more
assured, I had good reason for setting no
limit in our hopes for him. Now that
there is nothing left but a memory, the
loss is very hard to bear,25
The influence of the death of his son on Robert T,
Lincoln is almost impossible to calculate. One by
one, he had seen his three brothers tragically die;
his father became the victim of a madman; his mother
lingered on, her mind clouded, until her passing; and
now his only son. Seemingly fate was intrigued with
the idea of seeing how much he could bear. Henry White
said that Lincoln told him his interest in his lav; and
business affairs "was for Jack's sake only, and to keep
p
the place open for him." Nov; there would never be an
other Lincoln in the Chicago firm of Isham, Lincoln and
Beale, for Robert was the last of the line.
^Nevins, Henry White, p. 72,
2^Robert T. Lincoln to John G. Nicolay, as quoted
in Randall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 308.
2%evins, Henry White, p. 72.
21 +5’
Thus Lincoln's years in London were clouded by
personal tragedy. The Christmas following the death
of Jack, the Lincolns returned home to spend it with
27
Senator Harlan, still living in Mount Pleasant, Iowa.
In attempting to forget his personal sorrow, Lincoln
plunged into his work on his return to London. He was
most fortunate in having a congenial staff to work with
him. Mention has already been made of Henry White, the
First Secretary of the Legation, who acted as charge"^
d'affaires in the absence of the minister. With White,
Lincoln enjoyed a life-long friendship that ended only
with the death of the latter. In 1891, a new Second
Secretary arrived in the person of young Larz Anderson,
son of Lincoln's old friend General Nicholas Longworth
28
Anderson of Cincinnati. One can imagine that the pres
ence of this young man somewhat cheered the Minister, and
in some ways he took the place of the dead Jack. Lincoln
thought highly of Larz Anderson and wrote to his father
that "after six months of intimate associations, both of
ficial and social, with your son, I am prepared to say
that he is one of the finest types of the American
2^Bandall, Lincoln's Sons, pp. 308-309.
08
Isabel Anderson, editor, Larz Anderson. Letters
and Journals of a Diplomat (New York, 19^0) , p. 69.
2b6
gentleman I have ever seen. He is a man to be proud
29
of."
Much of the work of the Minister and others at the
Legation was purely routine. A Legation in a foreign
land is generally a place around which swarm visiting
citizens, and so it was at London in this period. Lincoln
was constantly being called upon to look after distin
guished guests and this was a time consuming aspect of
his work. Many thought of this as being the Minister's
most important duty. For example, the noted attorney,
Joseph H. Choate, told his wife: "I have also written
to Mr. Lincoln that you would be in London, and would
30
not hesitate to call upon him if you needed any advice,"
In I89O, Mrs. John A. Logan visited England and noted that
the "Hon. Robert T. Lincoln was our American minister to
England, and it goes without saying that we had every con
sideration and enjoyed many invitations to social func-
•31
tions." Sometimes it was an important Congressman who
was in England, as was the case when Nelson Dingley, Jr.,
of Maine "through the courtesy of Minister Lincoln was
29Anderson, Larz Anderson, p. 6 9.
3°Edward S. Martin, The Life of Joseph Hodges Choate
(2 vols., New York, 1920), I,~1+2U.
3-^Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier *s
Wife. An Autobiography (New York, 1913!)? P«
enabled to hear the closing debates on the Home Rule bill
32
in the house of commons." Even members of the Presi
dent's own family (Larz Anderson called them the "Amer
ican Royalties") were at one time the responsibility of
the Legation. Anderson dutifully conducted Mrs. Harrison,
daughter-in-law of the President, and Mrs. McKee, his
33
daughter, through Westminster Abbey.
Many of the problems of the Minister had to do with
the nondistinguished visiting American, frequently one
in trouble. Anderson noted in his diary:
Another typical Legation incident
occurred a day or two ago. A young girl
called. . . . She had run away from home
. . . with an English actress who prom
ised her a stage career in London. The
actress fell sick soon after arriving,
died, and had just been buried, and the
girl was alone and penniless. . . . She
seemed to be telling the truth and looked
so like a New England girl that I was
sorry for her. I told the Minister and
he saw her, too, and promised to advance
her a passage home. She seemed grateful
and promised to go right away, though of
course it all remains doubtful till we
hear of her safe return.3^
There is no conclusion to the story, for Anderson never
mentioned what happened. Again in Anderson's words:
32Edward N. Dingley, The Life and Times of Nelson
Dinglev« Jr. (Kalamazoo, Michigan, 1902), p. 3^1»
33Anderson, Larz Anderson, pp. 73-7^*
3l+Ibid., p. 77.
Curious people sometimes haunt the
Legation. Yesterday, an elderly woman
insisted that she must see "President
Lincoln," and could not be convinced
that he had long since been dead.35
As the Lincolns gradually began to recover from the
death of their son, another family matter took place. On
September 2, 1 8 9 1, in London, their eldest daughter Mary
was married to Charles Isham, a New York lawyer.^ The
wedding created a great stir and Larz Anderson, bombarded
by "...the London reporters, who tried to find out every
detail of the alliance and wedding," had cause to grumble
that "neportorial cheek is as great here as in America.
The marriage was evidently a happy one and lasted until
38
the death of Isham in 1919• The Ishams had one son,
Lincoln Isham, born in New York on June 8, 1 8 9 2.^
Robert T. Lincoln was now regaining his spirits, and
spent Christmas of 1891 in England with the Henry
■^Anderson, Larz .Anderson, p. 75-
3*r. Gerald Me Mur try, The H ar 1 an- Line o In Tra
dition at. Iowa Wesleyan College <*Mt. Pleasant, Iowa,
1959), P. 157™
■^Anderson, Larz Anderson, p. 7°.
^McMurtry, Harlan-Lincoln-Tradition. p. 15«
39Ibid.
2^9
Whites, Larz Anderson, and other friends. The Second
Secretary noted that Lincoln was feeling better "and his
sunny disposition began to show itself again. It was
very enjoyable to see him happy and talking at a tremen-
LlA
dous rate. Ke insisted on sitting up till all hours."
The communications which passed between Lincoln and
the State Department are most revealing as to his work in
the period 1839 to 1 8 9 3. As has already been mentioned,
much of the Minister's work was routine. The Legation
was concerned with passports, and frequently problems
arose over special cases which would require Lincoln's
attention. Even so minor a matter as a request for more
passport blanks occasionally was the subject of a commu-
^1
nication from London to Washington. Next to the time
spent on passport matters, perhaps the most time-consum
ing task was that of extradition of fugitive criminals.
Frequently Lincoln would be requested to ask for the de
tention of Americans who had fled to England or, as was
sometimes the case, the reverse situation prevailed, and
he would request on behalf of the English government
^.Anderson, Larz Anderson, p. 8 8.
^■^Robert T. Lincoln to James G. Blaine, May 13,
1 8 9 1, as found in Dispatches from U. S. Ministers to
Great; Britain. Microfilm Roll, 159 (National Archives),
February 1 - May 30, 1 8 9 1.
250
detention of a British fugitive. On one occasion,
Robert T. Lincoln sternly lectured the State Depart
ment in regard to extradition. He had been requested
to have British authorities detain a New York forger
only to have the New York authorities decide later they
did not wish the criminal's return. When the matter
was over, Lincoln advised the State Department that it
had caused him some embarrassment which he hoped could
be avoided in the future by a more careful handling of
1+2
the problem.
Another purely routine but time-consuming duty of
the Minister was his letters to Washington in regard
to consular officials. All United States Consular ap
pointments in the entire British Empire were first cleared
through the London Legation, and the British government
also cleared all its American consuls through the same of
fice. On a descending scale of importance and time in
volved stood such matters as: claims by .American citizens
to property in the British Empire, the estates of deceased
Americans who had died abroad, and many other matters al
most too numerous to mention.
Lincoln to Blaine, August 10, 1 8 8 9, Dispatches.
Microfilm Roll 155> March 1 - August 30, I889T
A foreign legation functions as a listening post for
the nation which it represents, and Lincoln was sometimes
called upon to secure information for the State Depart
ment, For example, during Lincoln's tenure as Minister,
the McKinley Tariff Law was enacted which raised Ameri
can tariff duties to new heights. Secretary Blaine in
February, 1891, telegraphed Lincoln asking that he order
the Consul General and Consuls to investigate at once the
effect that the law had had on exports from England to the
United States. Blaine said; "Let it be done privately,
promptly and with accuracy." Immediately Lincoln con
tacted Consul General New and the survey was started.
Later in the same year, Blaine asked the Minister to
sound out the various members of the British cabinet
on their views relative to the bi-metalism controversy
then raging in the United States as well as in other
nations. Lincoln replied with a long communication in
which he reported what he had found by private talks
k-b
with various cabinet officials.
Another of the legation's duties connected with
its work as a listening post was the continuous flow
^Blaine to Lincoln, telegram, February 1, 1 8 9 1, Dis
patches. Microfilm Roll 159 > February 1 - May 3 0, 1 8 9 1.
^Lincoln to Blaine, August 11, 1 8 9 1, Dispatches.
Microfilm Roll 160, June 2 - October 30, 1 8 9 1.
252
of news items "back to the United States. Whenever the
Queen addressed Parliament, or a new budget was announced,
or figures relative to the size of the British Army or
Navy were made public, this information would be reported
promptly to Washington. Frequently, newspaper clippings
were sent. Still another type of function of the lega
tion was its work as a sort of information bureau for the
British government. During Lincoln's tenure as Minister,
preparations were started for the World's Fair to be held
in Chicago. In February, 1 8 9 1, Lincoln extended to Lord
Salisbury, British Foreign Minister, an invitation for the
British to participate in the exposition. ' Immediately a
problem arose as to whether United States contract labor
laws might bar foreign workers who might be employed by
the British to install their exhibits. In reply to Lord
Salisbury's questions, Lincoln could only say that he did
not think there would be any barrier, but he would consult
If A
Washington. There was a considerable delay in getting a
final answer, but at last Blaine telegraphed Lincoln con
firming the Minister's belief in the matter and the latter
^Lincoln to Blaine, February 1*+, 1 8 9 1, Dispatches.
Microfilm Roll 159, February 1 - May 30, 1 8 9 1.
^^Lincoln to Blaine, March 14-, 1 8 9 1, Dispatches.
Microfilm Roll 159, February 1 - May 30, 1891•
253
1+7
in turn, informed Salisbury. '
Frequently during his four years in England,
Robert T. Lincoln was called upon to represent his
government at official functions. On occasion he
spoke to various groups discussing a variety of is
sues. Typical was the time in September of 1 8 8 9,
when the Minister spoke to a group of “workingmen, ’1
and he later complained to the Secretary of State
that he had been misquoted in the press in regard
bQ
to his talk. Of all the chores that Lincoln per
formed as Minister, perhaps the most typical was his
involvement in some lengthy correspondence about a
picture by an unknown American artist, Mrs. William W.
1+7
Blaine to Lincoln, telegraph, May 8, 1 8 9 1, Dis
patches. Microfilm Roll 159, February 1 - May 30, 1 8 9 1.
Lincoln informed the British government on May 11,
Dispatches.
L.Q
Lincoln to Blaine, September 19, 1 8 8 9, Dispa.tch.es.
Microfilm Roll, 158, September 1 - December 3 1, I0CS 9.
Unlike most communications between the two which were
written either by Henry White or by another member of
the Legation staff, this communication was in Lincoln's
own hand. It was a long letter in which Lincoln men
tioned, among other things, his hope that soon the United
States government would adopt a policy of furnishing dip
lomats with homes in their respective countries. Lincoln
mentioned his own difficulty in finding suitable accommo
dations. The fact that Lincoln did not usually pen com
munications personally undoubtedly was of great help to
Blaine and the State Department for Robert T. Lincoln's
handwriting is almost impossible to read.
2$k
Carson. The incident not only illustrates the caliber of
work Lincoln was generally called upon to do, but also
shows how involved diplomatic proceedings can be0 In June
of 1891, Lincoln wrote James G. Blaine concerning Mrs,
Carson's picture which she wished to present to Queen
Victoria. Blaine had originally mentioned the subject
in the preceding January but as Lincoln explained, the
Queen had been traveling in France and he had not had an
opportunity to discuss the matter with her private sec-
1+9
retary, Sir Henry Ponsonby. x Now the Minister reported
that Sir Henry had at last told him that Victoria would
be delighted to have the gift. Mr. Lincoln next posed
the question as to whether the work of art should be given
directly to the Queen at Windsor Castle, or be sent to him
and then he would take the gift to Windsor. Ponsonby re
plied that it should be sent directly, adding: "As Mrs.
Carson is only a private person I think it would be mak
ing too much of her present if it were given through the
‘ J O
Minister." At this point, Blaine put in an objection
although why is not at all clear. Lincoln informed Sir
1+9
Lincoln to Blaine, June 20, 1891. Dispatches. Micro
film Roll 160, June 2 - October 30, 1891. includes copies
of all correspondence relative to the matter.
^Sir Henry Ponsonby to Robert T. Lincoln, June 3»
1 8 9 1, as included in Dispatches, ibid.
255
51
Henry and sent along the Secretary of State's letter.
Two days later the Britisher informed the Minister that
his first statement regarding presentation was only a pri
vate opinion, and perhaps he had best consult the Queen
52
again. After more delay came the reply that "the Queen
will be happy to receive you with the picture some day
53
after the 15th of July." At last the matter was set
tled, undoubtedly much to the relief of Robert T. Lincoln.
Shortly after Lincoln arrived in England a situation
arose which was the subject of a good many newspaper sto
ries and much discussion in this country. A Mrs. Florence
E. Maybrick, who was a citizen of the United States, was
convicted in British courts of having poisoned her hus
band. The death sentence was imposed. Her home in the
United States had been Portland, Maine, and several hun
dred citizens of this country who believed her innocent
petitioned Queen Victoria for clemency. Included among
51
Robert T. Lincoln to Sir Henry Ponsonby, June *+,
1 8 9 1, as included in Lincoln to Blaine, June 20, 1 8 9 1.
Dispatches. Microfilm Roll 160, June 2 - October 30, 1 8 9 1.
52
Sir Henry Ponsonby to Robert T. Lincoln, June 6,
1 8 9 1, as included in Lincoln to Blaine, June 20, 1 8 9 1.
Dispatches, ibid.
53
Sir Henry Ponsonby to Robert T. Lincoln, June 16,
1 8 9 1, as included in Lincoln to Blaine, June 20, 1 8 9 1.
Dispatches, ibid.
256
the group was Mrs. Benjamin Harrison, Mrs<> James G.
Blaine, and a journalist relative of the Blaines who
wrote under the pen name, "Gail Hamilton."^ Blaine
sent the petition to Lincoln with instructions to pre
sent it to Lord Salisbury.^ However, as Blaine in
formed the President, he was careful "to present no
request from the Government but simply transmitted the
wishes of a very large number of our Citizens.The
day before, Lincoln had sent a communication to Blaine,
who was vacationing at his home in Maine:
Had an interview with Lord Salisbury.
Authorized to express, for your private in
formation only? until public announcement
of final decision, his belief that death
sentence will not be executed.
57
Lincoln
The death sentence was reduced to life imprison
ment but this did not end the question. The clamor for
Albert T. Volwiler, The Correspondence Between
Benjamin Harrison and James G. Blaine. 1882-1893
(Philadelphia, 19^+0), n«» P* 77»
^Blaine to Lincoln, August 21, 1 8 8 9, ibid.. p. 7 8.
^James G. Blaine to Benjamin Harrison, August 23,
1 8 8 9, as found in Volwiler, Correspondence Between
Harrison and Blaine, p. 77 •
^Lincoln to Blaine, August 22, 1 8 8 9, Dispatches.
Microfilm Roll 155, March 1 - August 30, I8S9:The
communication would not have had time to reach Washington
when Blaine wrote to the President.
257
release of the woman continued, and at one point Lincoln
felt it necessary to tell Blaine that, contrary to pub-
58
lished reports, he had not joined in any such appeal.'
In May, 1 8 9 1, Lincoln, probably at the request of Blaine,
saw the British Home Secretary and discussed the case
with him. Lincoln reported that the Home Secretary was
convinced of Mrs. Maybrick's guilt and was of the opin
ion that if a mistake had been made in the case, it was
in not carrying out the death sentence. The Minister
concluded that he saw little hope of any release of the
prisoner as long as this particular Home Secretary re
mained in office.^ As the situation developed, it was
not until fifteen years after her original conviction that
60
Mrs. Maybrick finally was released.
In 1891 and 1 8 9 2, Lincoln was frequently occupied
with making arrangements for an international monetary
conference. The meeting was held as the result of the
great cry in the United States over the silver issue.
^Lincoln to Blaine, September 19, 1 8 8 9, Dispatches.
Microfilm Boll 158, September 1 - December 31, 1 8 0 9.
59
Lincoln to Blaine, May 16, 1 8 8 9, Dispatches.
Microfilm Boll 159, February 1 - May 30, 1 8 9 1.
o0Volwiler, Correspondence Be tween Blaine and
Harrison, ft. n., p. 77*
258
Blaine, as has previously been noted, asked the Minister
to sound out various British Cabinet members relative to
their views on the subject, which he did. Early in 1 8 9 2,
Lincoln again discussed the proposed conference with Lord
Salisbury and then proceeded to make arrangements for the
meeting.^ When in the fall of the same year the Minister
was in the United States on leave, he could tell the
press:
My personal relations with the British
Government have been very pleasant. There
is nothing connected with my official du
ties that I feel I can properly speak
about except the forthcoming Interna
tional Monetary Conference, in arrang
ing for which it has fallen to me to
have some share. . . ,° 2
The name of Robert T. Lincoln is associated with
two diplomatic situations of considerable importance.
One of these is the Bering Sea controversy. This mat
ter grew out of the possession by the United States of
the Pribilof Islands in the Bering Sea, which this na
tion had acquired as a part of the purchase of Russian
America in 1 8 6 7. The islands were the summer home and
breeding ground of a vast herd of fur seals. The United
^Lincoln to Blaine, January 27, 1 8 9 2, Dispatches.
Microfilm Roll, 161, November 2, 1891 - March 31, 1«92.
62
Randall, Lincoln1s Sons, pp. 309-310.
259
States licensed the taking of the valuable animals and to
this there was no objection. Trouble arose over the fact
that certain groups, particularly Canadians, began to cap
ture the seals when they left the territorial waters of
the United States. This involved killing the animals in
the sea and, instead of reducing the surplus male popu
lation of the polygamous seals which the United States
countenanced, it often resulted in the killing of females
with the result that it "caused the death of one depend
ent pup and one unborn."^ In time, this practice, if un
checked, might lead to the extinction of the entire herd.
Eventually the United States Treasury Department in
structed revenue cutters to seize Canadian ships on the
grounds that the United States maintained jurisdiction in
the Bering Sea regardless of the traditional three-mile
limit. When the offenders were taken to Sitka for trial,
a Federal Judge held that the Sea was mare clausum. In
the furor that followed, Secretary of State Blaine en
gaged in a verbal and written duel with the British Gov
ernment. Never did he hold to the reasoning that Bering
was a closed sea, but he argued that the taking of the
63
Julius W. Pratt, 4 History of United States For
eign Policy (Englewood Cliffs. New Jersey, 195^)? P« 357»
This work, pp. 355-359} contains a good summary of the
entire matter, and it is from this that the general ac
count and background here used are taken.
260
seals at sea was contrary to good practice and that in
this one regard, the United States jurisdiction extended
beyond the three-mile limit.
Lincoln, in London, was well aware of the furor; oc
casionally he sent to the State Department clippings from
aL l
British newspapers in regard to the dispute. In August
of I89O he became more involved in a most interesting way.
Blaine asked Lincoln to search British libraries and muse
ums for early maps of the Bering Sea area, for Blaine
wished to argue that the Russians, during their period
of ownership of the area, had exercised similar powers
to those which the United States was attempting to ex
ercise. On August 20, Lincoln replied that he would begin
an inquiry as to how the Bering Sea was regarded in early
mapso^ Three days later the Minister reported difficul-
66
ties. The Royal Geographical Society Library was closed
and would not immediately be reopened. Lincoln was afraid
to work in the House of Commons Library for fear that the
British would become aware of his official interest in the
Typical of these was a series of newspaper clip
pings sent to Blaine, July 19, 1 8 9 0. Lincoln to Blaine,
July 19, 1 8 9 0. Dispatches. Microfilm Roll 15 8, May 2 -
1 8 9 0 - January 30, I8 9I.
^Lincoln to Blaine, August 20, 1 8 9 0, Dispatches.ibid.
^Lincoln to Blaine, August 23, 1 8 9 0, Dispatches.
ibid.
261
matter. For. the moment, about all that could be done was
to have his private secretary, and future son-in-law,
Charles Isham, engaged in “working /the British7 Museum
discreetly.
In mid-September Lincoln made a report to the Sec
retary of State. Isham had at last been able to get
into the Royal Geographical Society, but the results
of that and other attempts at finding helpful material
were disappointing. Several pages of notes were trans
mitted to Washington, but Lincoln said he was amazed
that in most early British maps there were not even shown
68
any Russian possessions in the area of the Bering Sea.
The report must have disappointed Blaine as he undoubt
edly realized that while from a conservationist and hu
manitarian stand he was on solid ground, still his legal
reasoning was under international law and historical cir
cumstances were most weak. As the diplomatic historian
Julius Pratt has written: “After a prolonged diplomatic
wrangle the British and American governments on Febru
ary 2 9, 1392, agreed to submit the whole controversy to
^Lincoln to Blaine, August 23, I89O, Dispatches,
Microfilm Roll 158, May 2, 1890 - January 30, 1 8 9 1.
sQ
Lincoln to Blaine, September 13, 1890, Dispatches.
ibid.
262
arbitration." ' There now followed some additional
dispute over the United States' position that pend
ing a final settlement of the matter, this nation would
continue to enforce its rules concerning the seals, but
that if our position were found to be incorrect, we
would in no way be responsible for damages. This was
the subject of an editorial from the London Times, which
Lincoln sent to Blaine in March. The Times saw the Amer
ican stand as an example of "twisting the lion's tail"
70
for home political consumption. The court of arbitra
tion did not meet in Paris until February, 1 8 9 3, and
Lincoln took no further part in the proceedings. In
deed, when certain tangles developed over the matter
in the fall of 1 8 9 2, Lincoln was in the United States
and it fell to Henry White to straighten out the trou-
71
ble. The final outcome of the controversy was to up
hold virtually in entirety the British position in regard
to the taking of the seals.
The other significant diplomatic matter to which
Lincoln was a party was the celebrated Venezuelan boundary
^Pratt, United States Foreign Policy, p. 357.
^Lincoln to Blaine, March 2 6, 1 8 9 2. Dispatches.
Microfilm Boll 161, November 2, 1891 - March 31> 1892.
Lincoln enclosed the Times clipping dated March 25, 1 8 9 2.
^Nevins, Henry White. p. 70*
263
dispute.This case involved the disputed territory
which lay between Venezuela and British Guiana. For a
long time the issue was 'unimportant because the area was
remote and unoccupied, but when gold was discovered in
the region it became important. In 184-0 a British ex
plorer, Sir Robert Schomburgk, surveyed the area and sug
gested a settlement which the British, but not the
Venezuelans, accepted. At one time or another, each
party seemed willing to arbitrate but could never agree
on specifics for settlement. The United States was most
anxious to see arbitration achieved and to that end fre
quently offered its good offices. In May, 1 8 9 0, at
Blaine's request, Lincoln called on Lord Salisbury to
discuss the matter.73 A few weeks later, Lincoln told
Blaine that the Britisher had written him what amounted
to a polite refusal to the proposal. At this time England
and Venezuela had no diplomatic relations due to the fact
that the latter had broken them off. Lord Salisbury rea
soned that since Venezuela had broken off the relations,
there was no point in discussing the matter until that
72
'The account of the background of the controversy
is taken from Pratt, United States Foreign Policy, p. 3^7*
^Lincoln to Blaine, May 5? 1^90, Dispatches. Micro
film Roll 158, May 2, 1890 - January 30, 14S91.
261+
nation was ready to resume normal diplomatic inter-
71+
course.' In June Lincoln was again reporting to the
State Department on the controversy. This time he in
formed the Secretary that the Venezuelan agent in England,
Palido, had called and urged Lincoln to present him to
Lord Salisbury. Lincoln thought this useless but asked
Blaine his position in the matter. ^ Blaine promptly re
plied that Lincoln should try and get Palido in to see
Salisbury. This was arranged but nothing came of it.
From time to time the issue was again raised but by the
time Lincoln left office, the matter was still a stale
mate. It was not until 1895 that the matter came to a
head and involved the Cleveland administration and the
77
British in a serious wrangle.''
During Robert T. Lincoln's tenure as Minister to
England, a treaty second in importance only to the Bering
Sea matter was signed between Great Britain and the United
^Lincoln to Blaine, May 28, 1 8 9 0, Dispatches. Micro
film Roll 158, May 2, 1890 - January 30, 1 8 9 1.
^Lincoln to Blaine, telegram, June 17, 1 8 9 0, Dis
patches. ibid.
76
Blaine to Lincoln, telegram, June 20, 1 8 9 0, Dis
patches. ibid.
^Pratt, United States Foreign Policy, pp. 3^-7-351.
265
States. This was a new extradition treaty which was
largely a modernization of the long standing similar
treaty. The new arrangement was concluded at Washington
July 12, 1 8 8 9; ratifications were exchanged March 11,
1 8 9 0; and proclaimed in effect March 25, 1 8 9 0. It was
78
then published in both nations April 5j I89O.
78
Lincoln to Blaine, April 5» 1 8 9 0. Dispatches,
Microfilm Roll 157, January 1 - April 26, 1 8 9 0.
CHAPTER VIII
A CITIZEN OF CHICAGO ONCE MORE
As the election of 1892 approached, Lincoln was again
discussed as a potential candidate hut Harrison was easily
renominated, although with little enthusiasm. In the Re
publican convention, Lincoln received one vote for the
Presidential nomination.'*’ As the campaign began, the Min
ister felt obligated to come home and do some campaigning
2
which he did. He made Chicago his base of operations
and from there went on short trips to speak in behalf of
Harrison and the other Republican nomanies, For exam
ple, on November 1, 1 8 9 2, he wrote to Mrs. Potter Palmers
UI am leaving town today for a little speech making but
am to be here again next Friday morning. . . The
election a few days later brought disaster to the Repub
lican cause and returned Grover Cleveland to the White
House.
1
Charles A. Church, A History of the Republican Party
in Illinois. 18^-1912 (Rockford, Illinois,-1912), p. 171.
harvard College, Class of 186k-. Secretary1 s Report.
Number 8, l86j+-12lit (Boston, 191*+), p. 9 8.
^Robert T. Lincoln to Mrs. Potter Palmer, November 1,
1 8 9 2. Chicago Historical Society.
267
There was little left now for Lincoln to do but await
the appointment of a successor and to do what he could to
help Henry White and Larz Anderson retain their positions.
1+
The latter was k ept on as Second Secretary. In May of
l893> Lincoln talked with his successor, James 4. Bayard,
and attempted to arrange for Henry White to be retained,
but to no avail. White was succeeded as First Secretary
by James R. Roosevelt, elder half-brother of Franklin D.
6
Roosevelt. The succession of Lincoln by Bayard did bring
with it one long overdue change. Lincoln was the last
United States Minister to Great Britain. There had long
been sentiment for raising this chief diplomatic post from
a Legation to an Embassy, but nothing was done until 1 8 9 3.
The distinction was entirely ceremonial, but, as White
complained, Lincoln often was forced to stand in line at
functions until the Ambassadors of small insignificant
nations were received, and then he, the representative
7
of an important world power, would have his turn.
^Isabel Anderson, editor, Larz Anderson. Letters and
Journals of a Diplomat (New York, 19^2), p . 9 8.
■'Allan Nevins, Henry White. Thirty Years of American
Diplomacy (New York, 1930), p. 7^-
^Anderson, Larz Anderson, p. 9 8.
^Nevins, Henry White, pp. 6^-65, indicates White's
efforts to have the Minister raised to an Ambassador.
268
On the whole, the period of Lincoln's service as
Minister to England was one of calm, with little of great
importance taking place* Lincoln was well liked by the
English and his service was praised at home. Theodore
Roosevelt is said to have remarked that all United States
ministers to England have been pro-British except "Bob"
g
Lincoln. Speaking of this period, Prime Minister Asquith
wrote:
For twenty years and more before the
War /fiTorld War 1/ we had been very fortu
nate in the succession of eminent Ameri
cans whom the United States sent as their
representatives at the Court of St. James's,
whether the Republicans or the Democrats
were for the time being in power at Wash
ington. It was difficult to follow men like
Motley and Lowell; but it would be impossi
ble to find a more distinguished list of con
temporary names than those of Phelps, Robert
Lincoln, Bayard, John Hay, Joseph H. Choate,
Whitelaw Reid, and Walter Hines Page.°
H. C. Allen, in his work on Anglo-American relations,
speaks of the period I872-I898 as "The Quiet Years," and
notes that "Edmund J. Phelps (I885-I8 8 9) and Robert Todd
Lincoln (I88 9-I8 9 3) carried out their duties with effi
ciency but without ostentation, the latter indeed with
all the simplicity of his father, which to some extent
O
M. A. DeWolfe Howe, James Ford Rhodes. American His
torian (New York, 1 9 2 9), p. 121.
^The Earl of Oxford and Asquith, Memories and Reflec
tions. 1892-1927 (2 vols., Boston, 1 9 2 8), I, 331.
269
counteracted the flamboyance of his Secretary of State
Blaine.Although Lincoln's diplomatic career was over,
there is evidence that on occasion he was considered for
another appointment. When John Hay resigned the post of
Ambassador to England to become Secretary of State in
1 8 9 8, he reported to Whitelaw Reid that Lincoln was among
11
those being mentioned as possible new appointees. The
post, however, did not again go to the ex-Minister.
When Lincoln returned home to the United States per
manently, he did not resume his law practice and associa
tion with Isham, Lincoln and Beale, but instead "found
himself sufficiently occupied in the business affairs of
12
various companies in which he had an interest." Be
fore he returned to Chicago, he took a leisurely vaca
tion in New Hampshire. In July of 1 8 9 3, the New York
Tribune reported that Lincoln had taken a cottage for
the summer at Rye Beach, New Hampshire, and that this
^H. C. AJLlen, Great Britain and the United States
(New York, 1955), pp. 5l9-F20T
^John Hay to Whitelaw Reid, November 13, 1 8 9 8, as
found in William R. Thayer. The Life and Letters of John
Hay (2 vols., Boston, 1915), II, 19^-195•
12Harvard College, Class of 186*+. Secretary' s Report.
Number 8, 186^-191^). p. 9 8.
270
area had been a favorite of his since his days at
13
Exeter. Writing to a friend the former Minister
said: “Here we are settled down for the summer in
a 'cottage' which you can easily find & I hope you
llf
will find when you come to visit your daughter."
During the summer of 1 8 9 3, Lincoln visited his
alma mater and it conferred upon him an honorary Doc-
15
tor of Laws degree. He also spoke at the annual din
ner of the alumni and took occasion to review the recent
action of Governor John P. Altgeld of Illinois in pardon
ing the "anarchists" who had been involved in the Hay-
market riot of 1 8 8 6. Robert Lincoln stated:
This act of a demagogic governor
with a little temporary power, this slan
der upon justice, I must denounce. . . .
If I did not I would consider myself an
apostate to my own State of Illinois.
It is for you Harvard men to stand firm
in the midst of such dangers in the
republic.18
At this point, the verdict of history appears to have
• * ~ %ev York Tribune. July 1, 1393, p. 6, col. 5*
* 1 Ll .
Robert T. Lincoln to dear Mars ten," July H-,
1 8 9 3. New Hampshire Historical Society. Copy in the
possession of the writer.
^^Harvard College, Class of 186M-. Secretary' s Re
port. Number 8, 1 86^-191*+ (Boston, 1911*-), P« 9 8.
^■^Harry Barnard, "Eagle Forgotten, 1 1 The Life of John
Peter Altgeld (Indianapolis, 193o), p. 2*+ 8T
271
been on the side of Governor Altgeld and not Mr. Lincoln,
for those that Altgeld pardoned were without doubt not
guilty in the first place.
With his vacation over, Lincoln returned to his home
in Chicago and resumed work. As has been noted, he did
not return to his law firm but rather became associated
with various corporations of which the most important was
the Pullman Palace Car Company. It is probable that
Lincoln had been, in some ways, associated with Pullman
and its founder, George M. Pullman, for many years. As
early as 1 8 7 2, Lincoln had been able to help his old Army
comrade, General Horace Porter, obtain the post of New
17
York representative for the company. The former dip
lomat now became "Special Counsel" for the Pullman Com-
pany. In 1393, the company was, as it had been since
its founding, under the firm control of George M. Pullman.
Lincoln now became legal counsel for the corporation and
no sooner had he become associated with the firm than the
17
'Elsie Porter Mende, An American Soldier and Diplo
mat. Horace Porter (New York, 1927)? p* 123.
Lincoln's title indicates that he was assigned spe
cial tasks to perform for at the same time Pullman had a
"General Counsel," John S. Runnels. See Who Was Who in
America. 1897-194-2 (Chicago, 19^2), pp. 730 and 106 6.
272
most celebrated episode in its history, the great strike
of 189^-, began to unfold.
The key to George M. Pullman's thinking was his firm
and unswerving belief in paternalism when it came to deal
ing with his workers. Never was he convinced other than
that he knew what was best for his employees.^ Pullman,
somewhat of a humanitarian, had built a model town, named
of course for himself, in which many of his workers lived.
41though the town was well regarded by sociologists, it
was noted that its residents lived in fear and:
If they spoke of the Company, they
did so in a half-whisper, and with a fur
tive glance behind them very much "as a
Russian might mention the Czar." Every
one felt that he was spied upon, and that
an incautious word might lead to his dis- 20
charge and get his name upon the "blacklist."
In Hay of 189^ the Company dismissed a large number of
workmen and cut the wages of those remaining. However,
Pullman at the same time refused to lower rents in Pullman
^There are many accounts of the strike. Perhaps the
best is 41mont Lindsey, The Pullman Strike (Chicago,
19^2), pp. 19-35. Lindsey discusses at some length
Pullman, his background, and his belief in paternalism.
PO
Harry T. Peck, Twenty Years of the Republic (New
York, 1907)» p. 378. While Lindsey, Pullman Strike, is
the best detailed account of the Pullman matter, Peck's
work, pp. 375-3 8 8, has an excellent short discussion of
it.
or reduce prices of commodities sold in company stores.
He was approached by an employees 1 committee which re
quested wages be restored to their former level. Pullman
responded by discharging at least part of those who had
called upon him. The American Railway Union, led by
Eugene V. Debs, now entered the picture* Many, even
those who were far from being friends of labor, urged
Pullman to settle the matter by arbitration. The famed
Mark Hanna noted that "...a man who won't meet his men
21
half-way is a God-damn fool."
The company's answer to those urging arbitration was
22
"We have nothing to arbitrate." Beginning on June 26,
189*+, the 150,000 members of the American Railway Union
refused to handle Pullman cars. The great strike was on.
From the company's viewpoint it was in a very favorable
position for it must be remembered that the company did
not operate railroad facilities, but instead leased its
sleeping cars to numerous railroads. Thus Pullman was in
a position where the other companies would fight his bat
tle. A former President of the Chicago Great Western
Railroad, J. M. Eagan, became Chairman of the General
Managers Strike Committee. He was quoted as saying:
^Thomas Beer, Hanna (New York, 1929), pp. 132-133.
pp
Peck, Twenty Years of the Republic. p. 378.
27^
“■Mr. Pullman Is not considered in this controversy."2^
Indeed for some time the Pullman Company as well as its
founder remained silent, although earlier a statement
had been issued to the effect that the cut in wages had
oh.
been the result of the existing economic depression.
The fact that the “stock of the company was selling
above par; its dividends for the preceding year on a
capital of $3&j0 0 0 ,0 0 0 had been $2,5 2 0 ,0 0 0 . . .
25
apparently did not enter into the matter. '
4s the strike became more and more effective
the press quoted Mr. Pullman, who, with his family,
was vacationing at the fashionable seaside resort
of Elberon, New Jersey, as believing that the strike
2 6
would be broken in a week. It was not— and when
disorders broke out, Governor Altgeld of Illinois used
troops to maintain order. A . few days later, over the
vigorous protests of the Governor, Federal troops were
ordered into the area by President Cleveland. Still
Mr. Pullman remained silent for now not only were the
2^Chicago Tribune. June 29, 1 8 9*+, p. 1, col. 3*
2lfPeck, Twenty Years of the Republic, p. 377*
2^Ibid.. p. 3 7 7.
2^Chicago Tribune. July *f, 189!+, p. 8, col. 1.
275
railroads fighting his battle but so was the United States
Government. Criticism of Pullman became more pronounced.
Secretary of State Walter Q. Gresham told a reporter that
Pullman ought to resign the presidency of the company be-
27
cause of his attitude. Even the Chicago Tribune, which
had been perhaps the most violently antilabor newspaper in
Chicago, now ran an editorial titled “Mr. Pullman's Absurd
2 8
Stubbornness," in which it called for Pullman to act.
Within a few days, Pullman at last appeared in public
whereas he had previously refused to leave his vacation
retreat. On the morning of July 13, he, together with
Robert T. Lincoln, arrived in New York on an early train.
Reporters were on hand to question the pair, but neither
had much to say at that point. Lincoln ended the inter
view by saying to Pullman: “Shall we take a cab to the
29
Brevort House?" Pullman agreed and they crossed the
street as if to take a cab, but then dodged a few horse
cars and other moving vehicles, recrossed the street and
walked to the Murray Hill Hotel. After breakfast they
went to the Pullman offices where a conference was held
^ Chicago Tribune. July 11, 189!+, p. 1, col. 5-8.
28Ibid., July 11, 189^, p. 6, col. 2.
29Ibid., July lif, 189I+, p. 1, col. 7.
276
with General Horace Porter and John S. Runnells, the
latter a member of the company's legal staff. The re
sult of the meeting was a statement on the strike but
one which contained nothing new.3^
The strike was ultimately broken and gradually calm
returned to the city, but a great degree of bitterness
toward the company still existed. One aftermath of the
upheaval was the conspiracy trial of Eugene V. Debs which
began in Federal Court in January, 1 8 9 5. The noted
Clarence Darrow defended the labor leader, and during
the proceedings George M. Pullman was subpoenaed to tes
tify. A deputy marshall attempted to serve the business
man, but he went into hiding and did not return to Chicago
until after the proceedings had ended because of the
•22
illness of a juror. When Pullman did return, he ap
peared before Federal Judge Grosscup to explain his ab
sence. With him went Robert T. Lincoln, and the matter
“was quietly and amicably adjusted."
3QChicago Tribune. July 1^-, l891 +, p. 1, col. 7-
33-This trial is not to be confused with the contempt
trial which was a separate matter. Conviction was ob
tained in the contempt case and Debs sentence was upheld
by the United States Supreme Court. See In re_ Debs. 163
U. S. 537 ( 1 8 9 6).
32Lindsey, Pullman Strike. p. 303.
33Ibid.. p. 303.
2 77
Throughout the entire strike period the role which
Robert T. Lincoln played in the matter is a major ques
tion to which there is no answer. One may presume that
he was in agreement with Pullman's stand since he was
close to Pullman during this time. However, any such
idea is merely conjecture for none of Lincoln's corre
spondence or public utterances ever made reference to
the strike. Indeed only once is Lincoln known to have
written anything on the relationship between employer
and employee, and that was long after the Pullman Strike
However, this letter, written in 1907 to a friend, is a
most interesting commentary on the subject. Evidently
Lincoln was speaking against the background of the be
ginning of workmen's compensation laws and he wrote:
I may agree that the State must not
permit to starve a worthy man of the work
ing class, but I am not moralized up to
the point of thinking it right that if my
chauffeur at $ 90 per month who calls him
self skilled, is injured by his lack of
skill (not "carelessness") in his first
week. I may have to pay him $*+5 per month
for the rest of his life. It is true
that the accident has caused a loss, but
should I guiltless stand it all? If the
answer is that insurance is cheap, why
could not the employe pay this insurance
for himself, as I do for myself?3^
qlf
Robert T. Lincoln to Charles Louis Strobel, Novem
her l*f, 1907- Chicago Historical Society.
278
Robert T. Lincoln continued his work as special
counsel for the Pullman Company and also remained on
social terms with the Pullman family. In this latter
respect, Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln were among the guests at
the lavish wedding of George M. Pullman's daughter,
Florence, to Frank 0. Lowden, later Governor of Illinois
and prominent candidate for the 1920 Republican Presi-
35
dential nomination, which took place in April, 1 8 9 6.
Within a few months, on October 1 9, 1397? George M.
Pullman died suddenly.^ This event greatly changed
Robert T. Lincoln's life, and at the age of fifty-
three his career entered into a new phase. In the
days immediately following Pullman's death the name
of Robert Lincoln was prominently mentioned in the
press as a former friend and aide and possible suc
cessor to the deceased.
Lincoln was present at Pullman's funeral, and
the manner in which his friend was buried gave him
an idea regarding his own father's tomb. In view of
the hatred that the name of Pullman aroused in some
circles, the remains of the man were buried in a deep
I1 !
William T. Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. The
Life of Frank 0. Lowden (2 vols., Chicago, 1957), I, ^9»
^^Chicago Tribune. October 20, 1897, p. 1, col. 1.
279
concrete and steel vault to prevent any attempt at
stealing the body* Robert T. Lincoln was impressed
by the process and determined to have his father re
buried in the same manner. There had been several
attempts made at violating the tomb of Abraham Lincoln,
and the one attempt at such in 1 8 7 6 had nearly suc-
37
ceeded* In 1 8 9 9, the Lincoln tomb in Springfield
was rebuilt, and in February, 1901, Robert T. Lincoln
paid seven hundred dollars to have the President re
buried ten feet below the ground in a poured concrete
and steel vault.
When the will of George M. Pullman was read, it
was found that Robert T. Lincoln and Norman B. Ream had
39
been made executors of the estate. y The terms of the
will were most interesting and caused problems which it
took Lincoln and Ream a great deal of effort to solve.
The principal persons mentioned in the will were the widow
and two daughters. Mr. Pullman had two sons but since
both “had not fulfilled his hopes" for them, they were
3^Lloyd Lewis, Myths After Lincoln (New York, 19*+1) >
pp. 2 6 6-2 8 1.
3 8Ibid.. p. 2 8 7.
^Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 61 *.
cut off with but an annual life income of $3 ,0 0 0 per
year. The total amount of the estate was estimated
to have been about seventeen and one-half million dol
lars, although this was in 1 9 0 0, and it had grown in
4l
value to a great extent from what it had been in 1 8 9 6.
In addition to persons named in the will, $130,000 was
divided among several charities, including the Chicago
Historical Society, and one and a quarter million dol-
*+ 2
lars went to endow a "free manual training school."
The first problem which the executors faced was the de
sire of Mrs. Pullman and her daughters to provide more
generously for the two sons. This was accomplished in
43
1 8 9 9. Almost four years after the death of Pullman,
the estate was at last settled. Lincoln and Hearn re-
ceived $425,000 for their work as executors.
As soon as the death of George M. Pullman became
known, speculation started as to whom his successor might
l f ^Hut chin son, Lowden of Illinois, I, 6*+.
^•klhieago Inter-Ocean. December 27, 1900, as quoted
in ibid~ 1, 64.
^Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 64 „
**•3Ibid.. I, 64.
I4J4.
Chicago Inter-Ocean. December 27, 1900, as quoted
in ibid.. I. 64.
be. His son-in-law Lowden
...as de_ facto head of the family was
often mentioned in the press, both as
a contender for the position against
Lincoln and Ream and as their rival for
the control of the stock. Nothing in
the manuscript sources lends support to
these rumors. n?
In the same newspaper which announced the death of
Pullman, there was an article on the possible new heads
1 + 6
for the company which he had founded. Several names
were mentioned including Thomas II. Wickes, a Pullman Vice-
President, John S. Runnells, and Robert T. Lincoln. Spe
cial attention was paid to Lincoln who for once was not
referred to as the son of his father. It was noted that
Lincoln's law firm had "had close business relations with
the company /Pullman/ for a number of years, and the ex-
Secretary of War is familiar with its business in most of
^7
its details."
The Board of Directors of the Pullman Company was in
1397 made up of Marshall Field, 0. S. 4. Sprague, Norman
Williams, J. W. Doane, R. R. Reed, and H. C. Kulbert.
When George M. Pullman died, several of them were out
^Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 65.
Chicago Tribune. October 20, 1 8 9 7, p. 3, col.
1+7
Ibid., October 20, 1897, p. 3, col. *t.
282
of town and the Board did not hold a meeting to determine
the future of the company until almost the middle of No-
bQ
vember. When it did convene, its first action was to
set up a three-man Executive Committee composed of
Lincoln, Marshall Field, and K. C. Hulbert. Since
Lincoln was the only member of the group who could
devote his full efforts to management of the corpo
ration, he was designated as President pro-tempore
of Pullman and given power to sign documents and trans
act business normally handled by the permanent presi-
**9
dent. There was speculation as to whether the Board
would not name a railroad man as the eventual Presi
dent. Rumors were noted to the effect that Lincoln had
indicated that he would not consider the position on an
indefinite basis, and the Chicago Tribune said it could
authoritatively deny these
In 1901 Robert T. Lincoln became the permanent
President of the company. In 1893? the firm had ex
panded its operations by absorbing the Wagner Sleep-
51
ing Car Company. At about the same time the name
^ Chicago Tribune. November 12, 1 8 9 7, p. 5? col. 3.
**9Ibid.. November 12, 1 8 9 7, p. 5, col. 3.
^ Ibid.. November 12, 1897, p. 5? col. 3»
-^Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 0^-65.
283
of the corporation was changed from the Pullman Palace
crp
Car Company to simply the Pullman Company.^ Its oper
ations continued to he of a two-fold nature. Part cf the
business was concerned with the manufacture of the sleep
ing cars, while the firm also leased the cars to operat
ing railroads. Lincoln was to head the Pullman Company
until 1911? when he was succeeded by John 3. Runnells.
The firm's Board of Directors was ever-changing, and those
mentioned as serving in 1897 were eventually replaced by
such men as William. K. Vanderbilt, Frederick K.
53
Vanderbilt, J. Pierpont Morgan, and Frank 0. Lowden.
The Pullman Company underwent its greatest period
of growth during the period of Lincoln's tenure as its
president. Its gross revenue from its leased cars,
over the years, was as follows: $8,5 9 8 ,0 0 0 in 1 8 9 8;
$1 2,7 2 0 ,0 0 0 in 1 9 0 0; $2 1,7 7 2 ,0 0 0 in 190$; and $3 5,3 6 5 ,0 0 0
in 1910. Earnings after taxes from the same amounted to
$3 8 $ ,0 0 0 in 1 8 9 8; $$,3 2 1 ,0 0 0 in 1 9 0 0; $6,6$ 5 ,0 0 0 in 1 90$;
and $10,$13,000 in 1910. The other part of the business,
manufacturing, produced gross revenue as follows:
$1 0,3 6 8 ,0 0 0 in 1 8 9 8; $1 6,7 0 $ ,0 0 0 in 1 9 0 0; $2 2,8 3 8 ,0 0 0
52Unsigned article "Pullman, Inc.," Fortune. XVII,
Number 1 (January, 1 9 3 8), p. $5.
^Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 65.
28l f
in 190*+; while no figures for 1910 are available.
Earnings after taxes from manufacturing amounted to
$2,0 7 6 ,0 0 0 in 1 8 9 8; $2,3 0 3 ,0 0 0 in 1 9 0 0; $3,016,000
in 190^; and $8,8 9 9 ,0 0 0 in 1 9 1 0.^
Robert T. Lincoln plunged into his work as Pres
ident of the Pullman Company and found himself con
fronted with matters both large and small. While at
the same time he was making far-reaching decisions,
he was also concerned with such small details as mak
ing appointments to comparatively minor company posi
tions. For example, in 1902, Senator Joseph B. Foraker
was pressuring Lincoln to appoint a friend as company
agent in Baltimore. Lincoln replied to the Senator:
The considerations which govern a
matter of this kind are these: When a
vacancy occurs in one of our districts?
which is a rare event because of the lim
ited number of local employees, the se
lection to fill it is carefully made, and,
as a rule, is made in accordance with
civil service regulations which have been
in effect with us for many years; and un
less there may be adequate reasons to the
contrary, seniority in service is a con
trolling element. This policy is regarded
as an entirely equitable one to employees,
and furthermore our experience, has shown
that it operates as an incentive to growth
c r l f
All figures taken from "Pullman, Inc0," Fortune
(January, 1938), P» ^1-
285
55
in comprehensive district work.
1 .
Then just in case Foraker had not gotten the point,
Lincoln observed that the vacancy in question had al
ready been filled.
In connection with his work with Pullman, Lincoln
was frequently called upon to make inspection trips for
the company. When he did so, he traveled in his private
56
car the "Mayflower.“ Typical of these trips was one to
Charleston, South Carolina, in March, 1903. Word was re
ceived by the station master
...that the distinguished railway official
would arrive from Florida on his private
car. . . . Mr. Lincoln is making a tour of
the country and it will be gratifying to
Charlestonians to learn that he has de
cided to stop over in this city. At
present it is not known exactly how long
his visit will last but it is expected
that he will be urged upon to linger
here awhile.57
Of course Lincoln had his private car for his own per
sonal trips as well as company business. In the former
category, Charles G. Dawes noted in April, 1 8 9 9, that
he had returned from the Springfield funeral of former
^Robert T. Lincoln to Joseph B. Foraker, March 7»
1902. Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio.
Copy in the possession of the writer.
^^Unidentified newspaper clipping, Charleston,
8 . C.a 1 9 0 8, in the Harvard University Archives. Copy
in the possession of the writer.
57Ibid.
286
Governor Oglesby of Illinois, in the private car of
Robert T. Lincoln and he had had dinner on board with
58
Lincoln, Frank 0. Lowden, and others.
Mention has already been made of the fact that
in his will George M. Pullman directed that one and
a quarter million dollars be used to establish a man
ual training school. Since Robert T. Lincoln was not
only an executor of the Pullman will, but now the Pres
ident of the Pullman Company as well, he found himself
involved, along with several others, In preparations for
the establishment of the institution. According to the
terms of the will Lincoln, Frank 0. Lowden, Norman B.
Ream, "and four other men were to be its directors or
59
trustees." However, as to the exact nature of the
school, the will was silent. There was no "manual train
ing" school then in existence and hence no pattern for
the trustees to follow, and as a result the group soon
60
found itself in disagreement as to what they should do.
William R. Harper, President of the University of Chicago,
and others were called in to offer advice. In time, the
-^Bascom Timons, editor, Charles G. Dawes, a Journal
of the McKinley Years (Chicago, 1950), pp. 189-190.
^Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 65.
60Ibid., 65-66.
287
group turned much of the work of the establishment of the
school over to the secretary of the board of trustees,
Duane Doty, and let him proceed with plans for the
• 4- 6 1
project.
Doty discussed many facets of the proposed in
stitution with Robert T. Lincoln and insisted that
the term "manual training" should "not mean hand-work
only but a broad curriculum of technical or indus
trial education comparable with the best afforded
overseas." Before long Lincoln and the trustees
had arrived at the conclusion that the amount of money
provided for the school was inadequate and they must
wait for their resources to grow.^ In 1903 a site for
the school was purchased; in 191^ construction was
started; and in 1915 the school actually opened and
Ali
Pullman's wish was finally fulfilled.
4s one of the important business leaders of the
nation and one who had long been active in the political
^"Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 65.
^Duane Doty to Robert T. Lincoln, February 17, 22,
and 23, 1900, as quoted in ibid., I, 66.
Hutchinson, Lowden of Illinois. I, 67#
Ibid.. I, 67.
288
realm, Lincoln was still frequently called upon to speak
or take part in political campaigns. Late in 1896, a
Mr. T^son, who is not otherwise identified, had evidently
written to Lincoln asking him to deliver a speech on the
subject. Lincoln's reply was: “I do npt mind talking law
or politics but I am so good for nothing on an occasion of
the sort in hand that I am resolved never to try it
O
again," and therefore he declined the request. ' In
the midst of the Presidential campaign of 1896, Lincoln
consented to speak at ceremonies commemorating the thirty-
eighth anniversary of the Lincoln-Douglas Debates. The
meeting was held at Knox College, Galesburg, Illinois, and
featured not only Lincoln but Chauncey M. Depew and the
prominent Illinois statesman, John M. Palmer, then run
ning as the Gold-Democrat candidate for President.
Lincoln's part in the proceedings was short, but it
is noteworthy that this is probably the only time
in his life that he spoke about his father.
Robert T. Lincoln began: "On an occasion of
this peculiar significance it would suit me far bet
ter to be a listener . • . witnessing this demonstration
65
Robert T. Lincoln to Mr. Mason, November 30,
1896. Chicago Historical Society.
289
of respect for my father.The son pondered what his
father’s reaction would be to the fact that his memory
was to be honored so widely following his death. Then
he said: "I will give expression to but a few
thoughts."^7 Noting that the issues of 1858 had
long been decided, Lincoln said his father had
felt that those issues were the struggle between
right and wrong, and that no one could deny but
that right had triumphed.
This should give us confidence in
our battle against the evils of our own
times. Now, as then, there can be but
one supreme issue, that between right
and wrong. In our country there are
no ruling classes0 The right to di
rect public affairs belongs to the hum
blest as well as to the greatest. The
elections represent the judgments of
individual voters. Perhaps at times
one vote can destroy or make the coun
try's prosperity for thirty years. The
power of the people, by their judgments
expressed through the ballot box, to
shape their own destinies, sometimes
makes one tremble. But it is times of
dangerous critical moments, which bring
into action the high moral quality of
the citizenship of America. The peo
ple are always true. They are always
right, and I have an abiding faith they
Speech of the Honorable Robert T. Lincoln Made
at the Celebration of the 88th Anniversary of the Lincoln
Douglas Debates. Galesburg. Illinois. October £, I896
(New York, 1921;, pp. 1-3*
290
• -I -i • 6 8
will remain so.
On the surface this brief speech has meaning relative to
the subject's father, and the subject's faith in democ
racy, but its full meaning cannot be appreciated until
one realizes that Robert T. Lincoln was speaking against
the background of the hard-fought election of 1390, where
to him William McKinley was the "right" and William
Jennings Bryan, representing the Populist-Democrat cause
was wrong. In the end T ir. Lincoln's candidate won, and
he could retain his faith that the people were always
"right."
Four years after the Galesburg meeting, Lincoln again
took up the cause of the Republican party. In 1900 at
Danville, Illinois, he delivered what is said to have been
his last political speech. Lincoln arrived in Danville
without fanfare and went quietly to his hotel. When it
came time for the rally to start, the local Republican
leaders began to search for their speaker of the evening.
They found him having dinner with Mrs. Marie Vance, an
aged Negro woman who had once been a household servant
in the Lincoln home in Springfield when Robert was a
s Q
Speech of the Honorable Robert T. Lincoln Made
at the Celebration of the 38 th Anniversary of the Lincoln-
Douglas Debates. Galesburg. Illinois. October 2, l3'9o.
pp. 1-3.
291
child. The meal consisting of corn pone and bacon was
served to the President of the Pullman Company in the
modest home of the hostess. Mrs. Yance "undoubtedly found
him a most sympathetic, approachable, and entertaining
visitor," and very probably, "from that time on she re
ceived a substantial check from him every month. Robert
6q
was quietly generous to many who were in need." 7
At the same time that Robert T. Lincoln was elected
to his post in the Pullman Company, the Lincolns were also
in the news for quite another reason. Jessie Harlan
Lincoln, the younger daughter of Robert and Mary Lincoln
had spent much time in Mount Pleasant, Ioi^a, at the home
of her maternal grandfather, Senator Harlan. There she
had become acquainted with Warren W. Beckwith and the two
developed a mutual romantic interest, frowned upon by the
girl’s parents. Those who knew Beckwith, remember him as
the star football player of the Iowa Wesleyan College
70
team. He was moderately well-to-do, and the sort who
disappeared during the spring semester, but always was
71
on hand in the fall for football season. Jessie
^%tuth Painter Randall, Lincoln1s Sons (Boston,
1955), PP- 313-311 *.
^Interview with Mr. F. M. Lefforge, Amarillo,
Texas, a graduate of Iowa Wesleyan College, and a long
time friend of Beckwith.
^Statement of Mr. Lef forge.
292
Lincoln and Warren Beckwith, without \^arning, eloped and
were married in Wisconsin on November 10, l897.< ' 7^ Nearly
everyone was completely surprised. The next day the Iowa
Wesleyan team assembled for practice, and "everyone was
asking, 'Where is Warny?1 as he was our star halfback and
indispensable. . . The answer was found in the news
papers. Reporters descended upon Robert T. Lincoln and he
merely said: "There is no use denying it, my daughter is
7b
of age, and she married against my advice."
Three children were born to the Beckwiths: Mary,
born August 22, 1898; a stillborn child, born in 1901;
and Robert Lincoln Beckwith, born July 19, The
marriage ended in divorce in 1907? and Beckwith was quoted
in the press as saying that Robert Lincoln had always been
nice to him, but that Mary Harlan Lincoln "was always in-
76
terferring /sic7 in our marriage." Following the di
vorce Beckwith twice remarried; he died at his home in
California in 1955? at the age of 82, survived by his
?2r . Gerald McMUrtry, The Harlan-Lincoln Tradition
at Iowa Wesleyan College (Mount Pleasant, Iowa,' 1959)?
P. 15T"
^Statement of Mr. Lef forge.
^ Chicago Tribune. November 11, 1897, p. 1, col. 6„
75McMurtry, Harlan-Lincoln Tradition, pp. 10-11 and
15c
7%andall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 33*+•
293
77
widow and a son then in his twenties.
As the nineteenth century gave way to the twentieth,
Robert Lincoln was still being called upon to appear in
public. For example, in 1902 when Prince Henry of
Prussia, brother of the Emperor of Germany, visited
Chicago, Lincoln rode with him in an open carriage
to the statue of President Lincoln in the city, where
the visitor laid a wreath at the foot of the memo-
78
rial. Lincoln was absent, however, in February,
1909, when Theodore Roosevelt spoke at the dedica
tion of the so-called "Lincoln Cabin" located on what
was once the family farm in Kentucky. The Presi
dent's military aide thought he explained the rea
son for Lincoln's absence when he wrote:
...and if it be true, as I hear? that
Bob Lincoln, . . . does not relish the
perpetuation of this cabin, I cannot
blame him. The very thought of it, hav
ing seen it once, would make any member
of his family shudder, with horror. It
does not bear the stamp of poverty alone,
but degradation and uncleanliness.79
^Statement of Mr. Lefforge, who last visited the
Beckwiths in 19*+8.
^J. J. Perling, Presidents1 Sons (New York, 19*+7)»
p. 1^7.
^Archibald Butt to Mrs. Lewis F. Butt, February 1*+,
1 9 0 9, as found in Lawrence F. Abbott, editor, The Letters
of Archie Butt. Personal Aide to President Roosevelt
^Garden City, 192l 0 , pp.
29^
Later in the same year another gathering marked the
centennial of the birth of Abraham Lincoln, and at this
one Robert T. Lincoln was very much in evidence, although
quite ill at the time. This celebration was held in
Hodgenville, Kentucky, and the highlight of it was the
unveiling of a statue to the President. Lincoln evi
dently looked forward with eagerness to the occasion
for he wrote to one who was to accompany him: "I trust
that we shall all be in good trim, and have a pleasant
80
day.1 1 The day set was the thirty-first of May, and
Robert T. Lincoln, together with his Aunt, Mrs. Emelie
Todd Helm, and others, arrived in Hodgenville by his pri-
Q *i
vate railroad car. The principal orator of the day was
the famed newspaper editor, Henry Watterson, a long-time
friend of Robert T. Lincoln. During the course of the
proceedings, Lincoln became quite ill and had to be helped
off the platform and back to his private car. He was dis
appointed at not being able to see and do more and con
trary to the impression given by Major Butt, mentioned
earlier, he said he hoped soon to be able to see the old
Qq
Robert T. Lincoln to Logan Murray, May 21, 1909<
Princeton University Library.
8lIbid.
295
8?
Lincoln farm, and to see his father's birthplace.
When, two years later, another memorial to Abraham
Lincoln was dedicated in Kentucky, Robert T. Lincoln was
forced to decline an invitation to appear. This occasion
was the ceremony connected with the Speed Memorial to the
President, located at Frankfort. Early in November, 19U 5
Governor Willson of Kentucky wrote to Lincoln inviting
him, and the press announced that if he did come, he would
not take part in the ceremonies but simply be a specta
tor.^ The state of Lincoln's health, hovrever, was such
that he wrote to the Governor: "The occasion is one of
such peculiar interest to me that nothing could have kept
me from accepting your most kind invitation but absolute
8* t
necessity. 1 1 Lincoln added that although his health had
somewhat improved, still he was not yet recovered enough
to make the trip. When the crowd was gathered at
Frankfort, the Governor read Lincoln's letter to the crowd
which included President Taft, Henry Watterson, Governor
Woodrow Wilson of New Jersey, and other distinguished
* 8*
guests.
^Randall, Lincoln1s Sons, p. 335«
^ Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), Novem
ber 2, 19H> p* 7, col. 1.
^*Ibid.. November 9> 1911} P* col. 1„
8^Ibid., November 2, 1911} P« 7} col. 1.
CHAPTER IX
YEARS OF RETIREMENT, 1911-1926
In 1910 Robert T. Lincoln celebrated his sixty-
seventh birthday and was still very hard at work. In
fact, he was working too hard for his health was be
ginning to give way. As the winter of 1910 approached,
Lincoln leased for four months the "Atwood residence at
1300 Seventh Street northwest," Washington, D. C., and
for the first time since 1885 resided in the nation's cap
ital.’ * ’ The press at the time commented:
Whether he will retain a permanent
residence in Washington is not known.
Mr. Lincoln has visited Washington sev
eral times since he formerly resided
here, and often expressed a desire to
live a part of his time in this city.
His professional duties, however, pre
vented the gratification of his desires.
It Is believed that if the Washington
winter climate is found agreeable he
will purchase the Atwood residence and
with his family?will occupy it a part
of each winter.
It appears that sometime in this period, Lincoln suffered
a nervous breakdown although the exact date of it is in
Unidentified newspaper clipping, November 13, 1910,
in the Harvard University Archives. Copy in the posses
sion of the writer.
2Ibid.
297
3
doubt. At any rate, in May of 19H? he resigned as
President of the Pullman Company and became Chairman
L l
of the Boardo The state of his health was given as
his reason for retiring from active work. Slowly his
health began to improve once he was free from the strain
of heading the large corporation. In November of 1911
he was forced to decline an invitation to attend the un
veiling of the statue in the Lincoln Memorial Hall at
Hodgenville, Kentucky, and in so doing wrote to Governor
Willson of Kentucky:
I am greatly improved in health
since I gave up my work last spring,
but I can see that I must keep far away
from such a pleasant gathering as you
will have at Frankfort. I did not feel
able to leave here during the whole sum
mer, so that I did hot get to New York
to see the model of the statue.5
3see American Security & Trust Company and Mary H.
Lincoln. Executors. Estate of Robert Todd Lincoln. Peti
tioners Vs. Commissioner ofTnternal Revenue. 2h Reports
of the United States Board of Tax Appeals 335 (1931)* for
an excellent discussion of Lincoln's last years. After
his death his ;m.dow appealed the Federal Government's as
sessment of taxes and this produced an investigation of
Lincoln's life. The account mentions, p. 33&» that
"About ten years prior to his death, he had a nerv
ous breakdown, due to hard work, and retired from ac
tive business. ..." It was actually fifteen years
after he retired from active business that he diedo
^avid C. Mearns, The Lincoln Papers (2 vols., Garden
City, New York, 19^8), I, 9ZI
^Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), November 9>
1 9 1 1, p. 1, col. 1.
The Lincolns did not again return to their Chicago
home but sold 60 Lake Shore Drive and purchased a
Washington home. Lincoln wrote to a friends "Ify
residence there is 301^ N Street, in a part of Washington
which was formerly Georgetown. I live in a very old hous
which is interesting in various ways." Evidently,
Lincoln had used the winter of 1910 to go house-hunting,
and the home he purchased was a magnificent brick three-
story mansion built in the seventeen nineties. He took
a considerable pride in his home and in the history of
the area. In 1918, he wrote thanking a lady for a copy
of a history of Georgetown which interested him greatly.
He said, "I shall look up the original boundary stone in
our garden, which you speak of," and then regretfully
noted that he had had to cut down three very large old
7
oak trees which had died.
The Georgetown home was Lincoln’s winter residence
and with the coming of summer he always journeyed north
by his private railroad car to "Hildene," his equally
lovely estate near Manchester, Vermont. Here he also
^Robert T. Lincoln to William L. Shearer, as quoted
in Ruth Painter Randall, Lincoln1s Sons (Boston, 1955)>
PP. 317-318.
^Robert T. Lincoln to Miss Cordelia Jackson, Au
gust 3j 1918. Chicago Historical Society.
299
took an active interest in local affairs. He was a
trustee of the Mark Skinner Library, President of the
Ekwanok Country Club for many years, and "active in
8
local charities." After Robert Lincoln's retirement
he had much more time for golf, playing usually with
Robert M. Janney of Philadelphia, George H. Thacher of
Albany, and Horace G. Young of Albany. The group be-
9
came known as the "Lincoln Foursome." Nicholas Murray
Butler reported that Lincoln's "golf game was not of
10
the best . . . , but was good enough." Each year in
March, Lincoln's love of golf and good companionship
would take him to the Hotel Bon Air at Augusta, Georgia.
There he would be joined by several others, including
Warren G. Harding, Senator Hale of Maine, Senator
Hitchcock of Nebraska, Senator Brandegee of Connecticut,
Senator Salisbury of Delaware, Representative and
Speaker of the House Gillett of Massachusetts, and
Governor James M. Cox of Ohio. This group was known
as the "Little Mothers," and got its name from "a woman
who insisted that when the group came together, it was
o
New York Times. July 27, 1926, p. 1, col. 2.
9lbid.
10Nicholas Murray Butler, Across the Busy Years. Rec
ollections and Reflections (2 vols0, New York,' 1935) > Ij
poT
300
"T T
for the purpose of rocking the cradle of the universe." x
The "Little Mothers" played golf each day and then assem
bled at a table at ten in the evening for good talk. This
lasted until midnight. It was said that Robert T. Lincoln
"told interesting and often abusing stories of his
12
experiences."
All evidence indicates that Lincoln thoroughly en
joyed his years in retirement. He had a keen interest in
mathematics and in astronomy. At Hildene he had installed
13
an observatory which was described as "well equipped."
Lincoln had amassed a fortune and from time to time would
shut himself up in his library and go over his account
llx
books and take an inventory of his holdings. However,
even in retirement, Lincoln could not escape occasional
ventures into the public eye, much as he tried to do so.
In the bitter 1912 Presidential campaign, Lincoln
wrote a strongly worded letter to Theodore Roosevelt con
demning his use of the name of Abraham Lincoln to support
his "New Nationalism" policies."^ Robert T. Lincoln was
-^•Butler, Across the Busy Years. I, 379-330.
1 2Ibid.
^^New York Times. July 27, 1926, p. 1, col. 2.
1L.
Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 97*
^ Itew York Times. July 27, 1926, p. 1, col. 2.
301
a strong Taft supporter. Twelve years after the 1912
campaign was over, a story was told to the press that
involved Lincoln, Taft, and Roosevelt. In the 1912 Re
publican Convention sixty-six Negro delegates held a bal
ance of power between Taft and Roosevelt. Some of them
went to General James S. Clarkson of Iowa, regarded as a
friend of the Negro because years before he had been ac
tive in the underground railroad, and who was now asked
for advice as to how they should vote. At first Clarkson
had nothing to say, but on the morning that the Conven
tion was to nominate a presidential candidate, he had an
inspiration. He wrote a ten-page typed appeal addressed
to a Negro delegate-at-large from Georgia, Henry Lincoln
Johnson, in which he urged that: “You and your sixty-
five colleagues join in casting your votes for President
for Robert T. Lincoln, the son of the Emancipator and a
man fit in every requirement of ability and fidelity to
16
be President. . . The General's son, Grosvenor B.
Clarkson, who typed the letter at his father's orders,
took the letter to Theodore Roosevelt, who read it and
said: "This is an inspiration. Go to it as fast as you
17
can." Young Clarkson then attempted to see Henry
^ New York Times. June 1, 192*+, Part II, p. 1, col. 1.
1 7Ibid.
302
Lincoln Johnson but could not get into the convention hall
and hence the letter was never delivered. That morning
Taft was nominated with 561 votes, while Roosevelt had 107
votes and the support of 3M+ who refused to vote. Thus
Taft had 21 votes more than was needed. The assumption
was that the Negro delegates voted principally for Taft,
but had they had the letter, even if only half of them had
voted for Lincoln, Roosevelt would then have had the
nomination.
It was Grosvenor B. Clarkson, certainly a reli
able person, who later told the story, and he believed
that the letter could have prevented the renomination
of Taft. There was no thought actually of Lincoln win
ning, but he was merely being used to block Taft. When
the story was revealed, Lincoln was still living but made
no comment. Probably he had never before heard of the in-
cident. Grosvenor B. Clarkson is now dead, and the
story is not to be found in any other source but the New
York Times. and hence cannot be explored further.
Robert T. Lincoln's animosity toward Theodore
Roosevelt lasted on through the campaign of 1916. Dur
ing the election of that year the Philadelphia merchant,
■^Clarkson died January 23, 1937* See Who Was Who
in America. 1897-19^-2 (Chicago, 194-2), p. 227*
303
John Wanamaker, actively worked to bring the former
President and his Bull Moose supporters back into the
Republican fold and present behind Charles Evans Hughes
a united front against Woodrow Wilson, This was to be
done through a speech Roosevelt would make in behalf of
Hughes on the evening of November 3, 1916. The place
would be Cooper Union in New York City, and the rally
would invoke the spirit of Abraham Lincoln who many years
before had spoken there. Wanamaker telegraphed thirty
prominent Republican businessmen— some members of the Old
Guard, others mild Progressives— to join with him in in
viting Roosevelt. All but two accepted. Joseph H. Choate
said he could not sign. The other person refusing to take
part was Robert T. Lincoln, who said that there were "cir
cumstances that made it impossible for him to join in the
invitation."'*'^ Thus, when at the appointed time Theodore
Roosevelt spoke in the same room as had President Lincoln,
and used the same desk and chair that Lincoln had used,
Robert T. Lincoln was not among "The flower of Republi
canism in the East . . • , that witnessed the return of
20
Theodore Roosevelt to the Republican party."
^Herbert A. Gibbons, John Wanamaker (2 vols., New
York, 1926), II, 397-398.
20Ibid.
30b
Throughout Lincoln's years of retirement, as had
been the case for many years previous, Lincoln's mail
was exceptionally heavy. Frequently, he was asked ques
tions about his father or some phase of the President's
career. In general, he followed a policy of not speak
ing or writing for publication on the subject of his fa
ther. For example, in November, 1910, he wrote a typical
letter in which he said:
...I can only say that I have always been
careful to refrain from making any expres
sions concerning my father for publication;
and in responding to the inquiries, which
have been very many, similar to your orig
inal question, I have invariably asked that
my reply should be considered as personal
and confidential. I appreciate all that
you say on the subject^ but I would pre
fer not to make, in this instance, an ex
ception to my rule. 21
This does not mean that Lincoln refused all help to those
who were interested in his father's life, for he did not.
Frequently he would answer questions, almost always of a
factual, not of a subjective nature. Typical of this is
the help given Professor James Shouler who was working on
Abraham Lincoln's visit to Boston in 18U-Q. Robert T.
Lincoln wrote Shouler that his assistant, Mr. Sweet, had
gone through the Lincoln papers and found nothing that
Robert T. Lincoln to John W. Starr, Jr., Novem
ber 8, 1910. Lincoln Memorial University, Harrogate,
Tennessee. Copy in the possession of the writer.
22
would help the writer. Regarding Lincoln's help to
scholars, David C, Mearns has written:
What gives a special force of kind
ness to his many acts of willing and ear
nest co-operation is the knowledge that
nearly every question submitted to him
involved matters personally unfamiliar
and required, therefore, recourse to rec
ords and research.^3
Another type of letter that frequently came to
Lincoln was one requesting financial help. It is ru
mored that at one time or another, Lincoln gave finan
cial help to many who had fallen on evil days and always
did so anonymously. Typical of this type of correspond
ence is a letter to a man in St. Louis, Missouri, regard
ing a letter Lincoln had received from a distant relative,
Miss Margaret Ann Todd, who was in trouble. Lincoln wrote
that he was "enclosing a note to her in which I am sending
2^
a cheque for $100.00." Mr. Lincoln went on to say:
I have had such annoying experiences
in many matters of this kind that I am al
ways at a loss if I do not have somewhat
accurate knowledge as to just what it is
Robert T. Lincoln to James Shouler. October 22,
1908. Harvard College Library. Copy in the possession
of the writer.
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers, I, 9i +»
ok
Robert T. Lincoln to Daniel Breck, August 5* 19H»
Lincoln Memorial University? Harrogate, Tennessee. Copy
in the possession of the writer.
306
right to do in answering applications
such as she makes to me. I fancy, how
ever, that hers is not a case in which
I need have much misgiving. I do not
remember that I ever met her person
ally; at least if I did it must have
been when I was a small child. I know
nothing whatever of her characteris
tics, and as to whether she is reason
ably careful with money when she has
it. Of course I do not imagine that
she ever has had very much; but I have
known cases where women, however poor
they were, seemed utterly reckless in
their extravagances, comparatively speak
ing, with money in their pockets.
The letter concluded by asking that the gentleman to whom
it was written inform Lincoln "what I ought to do for her
in her trouble besides the little present I am today send-
V, M2 6
m g her."
It would be impossible to calculate the number of in
vitations to various functions, usually connected with
Abraham Lincoln, that Robert T. Lincoln was forced to turn
down. Typical of dozens is his letter of February 5,
1925, to Dr. John Wesley Hill which reads:
I beg to acknowledge receipt of your
kind invitation to be present at a lunch
eon to be given by the Trustees of Lincoln
Memorial University on Thursday February
12th at the New Willard Hotel, and regret
very much that the condition of my health
prevents me from accepting the same.
25
Robert T. Lincoln to Daniel Breck, August 5, 19H»
2 6Ibid.
307
With all good wishes for the success
of the occasion, believe me,
Sincerely,
27
Robert T. Lincoln
Sometimes the letters asked Lincoln to take a stand on
public issues and generally he refused. For example, when
asked his opinion on the subject of the bonus for veterans
of 'World War I, he replied, "...I beg that you will excuse
me from expressing any opinion at all with reference to
28
that matter."
In 1917} Lincoln was in the news because of a con
troversy regarding a statue of his father by George G.
Barnard. Some considered the statue a good work of art
29
but to Lincoln it was a “monstrosity.“ The Barnard
Lincoln, as it was called, was to have a replica of it
erected in London. Some called the statue the “stomach
ache1 1 Lincoln because the President's hands were “placed
over the middle of the torso in a way that suggests hidden
27
Robert T. Lincoln to John Wesley Hill, February 5 5
I9 2 5. Lincoln Memorial University, Harrogate, Tennessee.
Copy in the possession of the writer.
^^Robert T. Lincoln to S. C. C. Watkins, February 2*+,
192^. Yale University Library. Copy in the possession of
the writer.
2^Randall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 323•
308
30
woe." Robert T. Lincoln insisted that "I personally
never saw my father in such an attitude, that is to say,
31
with the hands crossed on the stomach." The contro
versy raged on both sides of the Atlantic and as Lincoln
put it: "There are so many good men working, and so vig
orously, against its going to Europe that I have not lost
hope of success, although the obstinacy of the London Com-
32
missioner will be very hard to overcome." In the end,
Robert T. Lincoln had his way in part; the Barnard replica
was placed in Manchester, England, while London erected a
replica of the Saint-Gaudens work.
Throughout the years under discussion, Lincoln was
mulling over another problem. What should he do with his
father's papers which were still in his possession? These
manuscripts were in his sole possession since he was the
only surviving heir of Abraham Lincoln. As early as 1882,
Lincoln was pressed to make a final disposition of the
30
Randall, Lincoln* s Sons, p. 323.
^Robert T. Lincoln to Truman H. Bartlett, Oc
tober 27, 1917. Bartlett Collection, Boston Univer
sity Library. Copy in the possession of the writer.
32Robert T. Lincoln to Truman H. Bartlett, No
vember 21, 1917. Bartlett Collection, Boston Univer
sity Library. Copy in the possession of the writer.
33
Randall, Lincoln's Sons, p. 323.
309
papers, but he then side-stepped the issue by saying that
he would be happy to do so, "if there was anything of suf-
ficient consequence to include in such a collection."
Around the turn of the century, Lincoln noted:
If my son was still alive, I should
probably leave the papers in his hands,
but as it is, I think it my duty to se
lect some depository for them, just what^
it will be I am not yet prepared to say.~i' >
As a practical matter, the-Abraham Lincoln papers had not
been in Robert Lincoln's hands for some time. After the
completion of the Nicolay and Hay work, they had remained
36
stored in Washington in the custody of the former. Fol
lowing Nicolay1s death in 1901, they were divided into two
lots: one group was stored in a bank vault in Washington,
while the other, composed of letters to the President, re
mained in the custody of Miss Helen Nicolay, until
Robert T. Lincoln arranged for them to be placed in
the vaults of the State Department under the care of
37
his friend, John Hay, then Secretary of State.
3*+Robert T. Lincoln to Albert D. Hager, Secretary of
the Chicago Historical Society, August 27, 1 8 8 2. Chicago
Historical Society.
■^Robert T. Lincoln to Herbert Putnam, Librarian of
Congress ^January, 19027? as quoted in Mearns, Lincoln
Papers. I, 90-91*
3^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 8 8-8 9.
37lbid.. I, 88-89.
310
The discussion of the final disposition of the
Abraham Lincoln papers continued for several years.
After Hay's death, Lincoln took direct charge of them
and kept them with him* When he went to "HLildene" in
the summer they traveled with him, and back again in
■ 3 O
the fall to Washington. The story of these papers
is a fascinating study which has been thoroughly ex
plored by David G. Mearns.39 Therefore, it will suf
fice here to review only the most essential features.
The Librarian of Congress and others put gentle pres
sure on Robert T. Lincoln to place his father's manu
scripts in the Library of Congress, and although he
procrastinated, ultimately he relented. On May 6, 1919>
a memorandum was sent to the Chief of the Mail Division,
Library of Congress, to this effect:
Please have the wagon call at Mr.
Robert T. Lincoln's house. 301*+ N Street,
N. W., for seven trunks of papers to be
delivered unopened to the Manuscript
Division.
The wagon should be there at nine
o'clock tomorrow. . . .^0
3^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 96-97-
3 9Ibid.. I, 8 9-1 0 9.
1+ 0Ibid., I, 100-101.
311
One might suppose that the transfer at last of the papers
would be a newsworthy item, but no public announcement was
*+1
made until 1 9 2 3, because of the conditions laid down by
Lincoln when he put the papers in the Library:
1. That the Papers are in the Library
is to be kept from the public.
2. One of the officials of the Library
is to examine and arrange them under
the direction of Mr. Lincoln.
3. The papers are to be consulted only
after permission has been granted by
Mr. Lincoln.^"2
The papers were to become public property in the event of
Lincoln's death.
In January, 1923, Robert T. Lincoln changed the con
ditions of his gift. He had drawn a document which con
tained the provision, lacking previously, that the Abraham
Lincoln papers were not to be subject to "official or pub
lic inspection or private view until after the expiration
IfT
of twenty-one years ( 2 1) from the date of my death." ^
This famous condition has been the subject of much dis
cussion and comment. It seems probable that it was im
posed because of trouble that Lincoln was having with “ '
I j - i
Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 105.
Ibid.. I, 101.
1 +3Ibid., I, 105.
312
another would-be biographer of his father. Robert T.
Lincoln's difficulties with such men did not end with
his row with Lamon or even with Herndon,, He continued
to regard the Kay and Nicolay work as definitive, al
though he occasionally welcomed works that dealt with
matters not covered in the ten-volume work. However,
it is known, for example, that Lincoln resented the fa-
mous life of his father by the Britisher Lord Charnwood.
Around the time of the first World War, it was suggested
that Charnwood ought to be made a Corresponding Member of
the Massachusetts Historical Society, but "someone re
ported Robert Lincoln had sneered at the Biography, be
cause Charnwood had repeated one of old 'Billy' Herndon's
stories of Lincoln."
In 1923? Lincoln's trouble was with the persistent
former Senator from Indiana, now turned historian, Albert
J. Beveridge. Following the success of his life of John
Marshall, Beveridge turned to Abraham Lincoln as his next
subject:
But at the very beginning he was to
encounter obstacles in his search for the
^Lord Charnwood, Abraham Lincoln (New York, 1916).
^^William R. Thayer to Henry Cabot Lodge, October
11, 1918, as quoted in Charles D. Kazen, editor, The Let
ters of William Roscoe Thayer (Boston, ±926), pp. 337-^59*
whole truth. Eager to examine the Lincoln
manuscripts in the possession of Robert T.
Lincoln, . . . he sent his request to the
latter. . . . There was no reply. Assum
ing the letter had miscarried, he wrote
again and sent it by special delivery,
and this brought a petulant refusal.^®
Whereupon Beveridge wrote that he was "willing to use
dynamite, or chloroform, soothing syrup, or quinine, co-
5+7
caine, or T. b. T. ..." to get hold of the papers.
This letter was written January 30? 1923, so that it is
evident Beveridge had been in touch with Lincoln just
before the latter changed the conditions of his gift to
the Library of Congress. There is no evidence that
Lincoln had anything in particular against the for
mer Senator, although certainly they were never on the
same side of the fence politically. However, the as
sumption persists that Lincoln changed the terms in order
to keep Albert J. Beveridge from ever using his father's
papers. During the next year and a half, Beveridge tried
by various ways to approach Lincoln, once through Nicholas
Murray Butler, and once through Lincoln's old friend,
Claude G. Bowers, Beveridge and the Progressive Era
(Cambridge, 1932), p. 5&3«
b7
.Albert J. Beveridge to Worthington C. Ford, Janu
ary 30, 1923, as quoted in ibid.. p. 563.
31^
1+8
Henry White» All such attempts resulted in failure and
Beveridge then gave up.
There are numerous legends concerning the Abraham
Lincoln papers which Robert T. Lincoln gave to the Li
brary of Congress. One of the more important of them
came to light in 1939 when Yicholas 'Airray Butler told
how he had saved the papers from, destruction. Butler
asserted that Horace G. Young, one of the "Lincoln Four
some," had called upon him with the distressing news that
Robert T. Lincoln was burning his father's papers. The
next day, Butler continued, he called upon Lincoln and
found him sitting in front of a wood fire with a trunk
standing nearby. Butler asked Lincoln if ho were going
somewhere and received a negative reply, whereupon he
asked point blank what the trunk was doing in the room.
"Well," said Lincoln quietly, "it
contains only some family papers which
I am going to burn."
"What are you going to do?" I saidj
in startled fashion. "Burn your family
papers i Why, Robert Lincoln, those pa
pers do not belong to you. Your father
has been the property of the nation for
fifty years, and those papers belong to
the nation. That you should destroy them
would be incredible.^9
^Bowers, Beveridge, op. 562-563, contain a detailed
account of Beveridge1s attempts to use the manuscripts.
^Butler, Across the Busy Years. I, 375-376.
315
Butler then stated that he and Lincoln discussed the
natter for an hour, and at last the latter said:
“All right, but no one must see them
while I live."
"Very well," I said. “Then deposit
them in the Library of Congress and fix a
date before which they shall, not be opened."
This story has been often repeated with minor changes in
detail, but it has one great flaw in it. Butler gave the
date of his conversation with Lincoln as August of 1923)
and as late as 191 +7, the year before his death, insisted
51
that the date was correct. However, as has already been
indicated, the Abraham Lincoln papers were placed in the
Library of Congress in 1919) four years before Butler
claimed he saved them.
This leaves unanswered the basic question of what
Nicholas ’ Air ray Butler saw Lincoln doing. Perhaps it
was his own private papers, for to date they have not
52
been found. Perhaps Lincoln was going through some
papers that he had not turned over to the Library of
^Butler, Across the Busy Years, I, 375-373.
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers« I, 127.
^This does not preclude the fact that Robert T.
Lincoln’s manuscripts do not exist, but to date they have
not been discovered. David C. Yearns to the writer,
May 6, 1955) states, relative to the papers: "...there
is a rather persistent rumor that he destroyed them."
316
53
Congress. There is no answer. Another natter, closely-
related to this, is the often posed question as to whether
or not Robert Lincoln destroyed part of his father's pa
pers. Again there is no final answer. His granddaughter
once saw him burn some papers, but whose they were is not
51 *
clear. The Abraham Lincoln papers in the Library of
Congress are primarily lacking in personal correspond-
55
ence to and from his family. Perhaps Robert Lincoln
destroyed some papers of this nature. Once, when pressed
for letters from his father, Lincoln answered that: "He
wrote me a few letters when I was in college, but unhap
pily I gave them away to begging autograph hunters at the
56
time."
On October 17, 1919> Robert T. Lincoln, taking cog
nizance of the fact that he was then in his middle
53
It is known that Lincoln kept some of his father's
papers, and it is quite possible that some are still in
family possession today. For example, Willard L. King,
author of a forthcoming life of David Davis, believes that
Abraham Lincoln kept a journal or diary which has not been
found. Possibly this is still in the custody of the fam
ily. Willard L. King to the writer, June 6, 195&«
qL.
J Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 130.
^Ibid., I, 130.
^^Robert T. Lincoln to Caroline Mcllvaine, Secretary
of the Chicago Historical Society, February 8, 1921o
Chicago Historical Society.
317
57
seventies, made his will. That same year he established
trust funds of approximately one million dollars for each
58
of his daughters. Changes were taking place within his
family circle. In 1919j Ihry Lincoln Isham became a widow
and in the same year her son Lincoln Isham married
59
Leahalma Correa. On June 22, 1915* at Manchester,
Lincoln's other daughter, Jessie, was married for a
second time. Her husband was Frank Edward Johnson,
an explorer, geographer, and diplomat.^0 This mar
riage also ended in divorce and she was married for
a third time on December 30, 1926, to Robert J. Randolph
of Washington, D. C.^"
By 1920, Lincoln's life had settled into a well-
regulated routine. His health was reasonably good, al
though he suffered from a chronic condition of the eye
lids, which required daily treatment, and although "an
57mo arns.. Lincoln Papers, I, 101.
5^Estate of Robert Todd Lincoln. 2k Reports of the
United States 3oard of Tax Appeals, 335*
5%*. Gerald McMirtry, The Harlan-Lincoln Tradition
at Iowa Wesleyan College (Mount Pleasant, Iowa, 1959)>
pp. 10-11.
^ Ibid.. pp. 10-11. and also see unsigned article
"The Lincoln Grandchildren," Lincoln Lore. Number l*+55
(May, 1959), pp. 3-^<.
^-Ibid., pp.
313
annoying condition," it in no way endangered his life.^
"His hearing was unusually acute, and although he wore
glasses, his eyesight was good and he was a constant
reader. He played golf until within two years of his
death," and then gave it up only because his physician
was fearful that he night fall on the rough rocky golf
course at Manchester.^ 4 typical day in the life of
Lincoln at this time has been described in this way:
lie took his breakfast in bed and
remained there until after his physi
cian's visit between 10 and 11 a.m. . . .
He then rose, dressed, and went to his
library, where he looked over his morn
ing mail and attended to his correspond
ence. . . . This occupied the time until
i.rhi was served at 1:30. . . .
«i r <■ ^ r* _ * J T ' J - -
luncheon and almost daily, unless the
weather prevented, went for a drive, saw
his friends at the country club, or made
calls on them. Returning home, he ei
ther rested or read until dinner, dined
with his family, joined them in the li
brary until 10 p.m. and then went to bed.
Ordinarily he read until 11 or, 12 o'clock
before turning out his light.
Lincoln had not entirely given up all business activi
ties, for at his death he was still a director of the
^ Estate of Robert Todd Lincoln. 2b Reports of th
United States Board of Tax Appeals, 333.
about half an hour after
63
Ibid.. p. 336.
&¥
Ibid.. p. 337
319
Continental and Comnercial Bank of Chicago, the Common
wealth Edison Company, also of Chicago, and the Pullman
Company.^
In the 1920's only occasionally was Lincoln in the
news. One major exception was the occasion of the ded
ication of the memorial to his father in Washington, This
took place on May 30, 1922, with both Robert T, and Mary
Harlan Lincoln present. William Howard Taft spoke of the
history of the building of the memorial; the President of
Tuskegee delivered an oration; Edwin Markham, the poet,
read "Lincoln, The ’Tan of the People"; and President
66
Warren G. Harding also spoke. It is said that after
i
this, whenever Robert Lincoln went out for a drive in
the capital,
...the itinerary always included a turn
around the temple on the Mall, and that
as the car approached the steps he would
call to the chauffer, "Stop the carriage,
stop the carriage iu and looking up at
Estate of Robert Todd Lincoln. 2h Reports of the
United States Board of Tax Appeals, 336.
See Allen C. Clark. Abraham Lincoln in the National
Capital (Washington, 1925;, PP» 171-172, for a discussion
of the ceremonies connected with the dedication of the
Lincoln Memorial. Keeping in mind Robert Lincoln's state
ment that there was a certain fatality connected with his
participation in presidential functions, it is ironical
that within a short time after the Lincoln Memorial cer
emony, Warren G. Harding died in August, 1923.
320
that luminous, brooding figure* he would
exclaim, "Isn’t it beautiful?"°7
Occasionally he still spoke out to defend his father's
memory. Twice in 1922 he denied that his father ever made
anti-Catholic utterances,' or had been anti-Catholic in
63
thought. Occasionally, too, Lincoln had distinguished
callers either in Vermont or in Washington. For exam
ple, in July of 19235 Governor klfred E. Smith of New
69
York called at "Hildene." 7 Later in the same year, David
Lloyd George, former Prime Minister of England, passed
through Vermont and his train stopped at Manchester.
Lincoln boarded the train and chatted a few minutes
70
with the distinguished Englishman,,
The year 1926 began as a year typical of the pe
riod of retirement in the life of Robert T. Lincoln.
Ke was present in February when his mother's portrait
71
was presented to the White House. In ‘ Nfe.rch and .April
^Mearns, Lincoln Papers. I, 108-109.
68New York Times. February 12, 1922, p. 10, col. 1,
and December 13, 1922, p. 3, col. 1.
69Ibid.. July 16, 1923, p. 5, col. 1.
7°Ibid.. October 7, 1923, P« 2, col. 2, and Frank
Owen. Tempestuous Journey, Lloyd George, His Life and
Times (New York, '19355, p. 559.------ -----------------
U ljew York Times. February 19, 1926, p. 38, col. 1.
Lincoln gave to his wife of fifty-seven years, over a
million and a quarter dollars in securities, consist
ing of stocks and bonds. The purpose of this transac-
72
tion was to cut down on his income tax. As summer
approached the Lincolns prepared to leave Washington
for Manchester, and left May 11, somewhat early for
73
them. Lincoln reported that the trip, made in the
7 1+
Pullman Gar "Advance" was "very comfortable indeed."
Upon arriving at "Hildene," life assumed its normal
routine. Lincoln took frequent drives, perhaps in
the Rolls-Royce automobile, which Mary Harlan Lincoln
75
had given him as a birthday present the previous August.
On Sunday, July 25, 1926, Lincoln took his usual au
tomobile ride, "dined with his family in good spirits,
and went upstairs with his valet and to bed, as usual.
The next morning when the butler went in with . . .
JSstate of Robert Todd Lincoln. 2b Reports of the
United States Board of Tax Appeals, 335-336.
73
Robert T. Lincoln to Clive Runnells, May 27, 1926.
Chicago Historical Society.
Ibid.
^ Estate of Robert Todd Lincoln. 2b Reports of the
United States Board of Tax Appeals, 335» Although the
car was normally garaged in Washington? it was not un
common for wealthy persons to have their car shipped or
driven from one residence to another.
322
76
breakfast, he found him in bed, dead." The family
physician at Manchester, Dr. C. M. Campbell, determined
that death was due to "cerebral hemorrhage induced by
arterio-sclerosis." Robert T. Lincoln had lived a life
just short of eighty-three years. The press at his pass
ing announced that he would be buried temporarily in
Vermont, but would later be taken to Springfield to lie
77
with his family, "at the convenience of his family." '
As it had been throughout his long life, Robert T.
Lincoln was remembered in death more as the son of his
father than as a person in his own right. One of the
best tributes to him came from the Rev; York Times, which
noted:
Though he refrained from public
appearances and studiously went out of
his way in his effort never to capi
talize the fact that he was the Eman
cipator's son, Mr. Lincoln was a warm
hearted, charming and lovable gentleman
of culture who had many close personal
friends in Washington. He was a de
lightful conversationalist, full of
anecdote, a trait probably inherited
from his father. Though second to none
in admiration of his great father so
many of the persons he met in life wanted
to talk with him about President Lincoln
that he early developed a reticence on
^Estate of Robert Todd Lincoln. 2b Reports of the
United States Board of Tax Appeals, p. 337*
77
New York Times. July 27, 192b, p. 1, col. 2o
323
78
that subject.
It was also noted that 1 1 in the death of Bobert Todd
Lincoln the nation's capital not only lost a distin
guished citizen hut one of her most picturesque res-
79
idents." Personal tributes poured in from many. Pres
ident Coolidge spoke of Lincoln as an "outstanding Ameri
can who had served his country well and helped advance
80
good business methods.1 * Other letters and telegrams
came from Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg, John Hays
Hammond, E. F. Carey, President of the Pullman Company,
81
and former Governor Frank 0. Lowden of Illinois,
Alfred E. Smith also spoke of his regard for Robert T,
Lincoln and of his regret at his passing because "of
82
my delightful associations with him."
At i00 P. M. the afternoon of July 28, the Rev
erend D. Cunningham Graham of the Congregational Church
of Manchester, conducted funeral services for Lincoln
at his beloved "Hildene." The press noted that there
?8New York Times, July 27, 1926, p. col,
7 9Ibid,
S°Ibido, July 28, 1926, p. 17, col, b.
81Ibid.
82Ibid.« July 27, 1926, * p. *+, col, 3«
32>+
had been no ostentation in bus life, and there vras none
at his funeral. The services were private and were at
tended only by the family and a few friends. Robert T.
Lincoln's grandsons, two of his attorneys and members of
the Isham family, carried his body from "Hildene" for the
last time, and it was borne to Dellwood Cemetery, located
near the gate of the es.tate. There he was laid to rest in
83
a vault to await removal to Illinois.
Robert T. Lincoln was never buried in the magnificent
Lincoln Tomb in Springfield where rest the others of his
family. Instead he was ultimately interred In Arlington
national Cemetery, Fort Meyer, Virginia. Abraham
Lincoln II was removed from Springfield and buried
8b
beside his father. Following the death of her hus
band, Mary Harlan Lincoln continued to live in Washington
and Manchester. Mary Lincoln Isham came to live with her
and had her own apartment within the large home in the
85
capital. On March 31? 1937? Robert Lincoln's widow died
in Washington at the age of ninety and was buried beside
^The account of the funeral is taken from New York
Times. July 29? 1926, p. 19, col. 3.
8b
Unsigned article, "The Lincoln Grandchildren,"
Lincoln Lore, Number 1^55 (May, 1959)? PP* 3-*^»
^^Edith Benham Helm, The Captains and the Kings
(New York, 195^)? P* 281 !.
I
325
him in Arlington.1 ^
Mary Lincoln Isham died in New York City, November
87
21, 1938, and Jessie Lincoln Randolph died January *+,
88
19^3, in Bennington, Vermont, Of the family of
Robert T. Lincoln, only three members today survive,
Lincoln Isham lives in Vermont; Mary Lincoln Beckwith,
who is unmarried, lives at "Hildene," while her brother,
Robert Lincoln Beckwith, who married Mrs. Hazel Holland
89
Wilson in 1927, resides in Washington, D. C, None of
Robert Lincoln's grandchildren have children of their
own, so that presumably the line will expire with the
death of the last of them, Mary Harlan Lincoln, before
her death in 1937, provided for this eventuality when
in her will she directed that the income of the estate
left by her husband, but not the principal, be distrib
uted to her heirs so long as they lived. Then:
If and when there came a time when
no issues by blood descent ^are living/7,
then the estate was to be divided equally
between the American Red Cross, the Christian
Science Church, and Iowa Wesleyan College.?0
^%ew York Times. April 1, 1937, P* 2*+, col. 2.
^Ibid., November 22, 193&, p. 23, col, 3«
^Ibido, January 6, 19^8, p. 23, col, 2.
^McMurtry, Harlan-Lincoln Tradition, pp. 10-11.
9°Ibid.. p. 18.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
MANUSCRIPTS
Allegheny College Library
Boston University Library
Chicago Historical Society
Harvard College Library
Harvard University Archives
Historical and Philosophical Society of Ohio
Historical Society of Pennsylvania
Library of Congress
Lincoln College Library
Lincoln Memorial University Library
New Hampshire Historical Society
New York Public Library
New York State Library
Princeton University Library
Yale University Library
Manuscripts dealing with the life of Robert T.
Lincoln are widely scattered. The above list of in- .
stitutions forms only a part of the places where such
items are to be found. Unfortunately, many groups of
Robert T. Lincoln letters and papers are of little value.
Of the collections consulted, perhaps the most valuable
327
materials are to be found in the Library of Congress
where there are important manuscripts although they are
scattered within the papers of several individuals. The
Chicago Historical Society also has a very important col
lection as does Harvard. The Boston University Collec
tion is limited and deals with principally only one mat
ter, which is the controversy over the statue of Abraham
Lincoln in the period of the first World War. A few
items of importance are to be found in the possession
of Lincoln Memorial University as well as Yale Univer
sity and the New York State Library. For the most part,
other groupings are small in number and, in some cases,
contain only one or two items. The total of known items
of correspondence from Robert T. Lincoln probably does
not exceed five hundred, and manuscripts which refer to
him form a somewhat smaller group.
GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS
National Archives. Dispatches fr.om U. S. Ministers to
Great Britain. Microfilm Rolls,~15'?-1o6 (1809-1893).
U. S. Board of Tax Appeals Reports. Vol. 2b (1931).
U. S. Congress. Biographical Directory of the American
Congress. 177b-19b9 (Washington: Government Printing
Office, 19W)T 2057 pp.
U. S. Congress. House. Executive Documents: Annual Re
port of the Secretary of War. 1331. b7th. Cong., 1st
sess.-TWashingtons Government Printing Office, 1882),
Vol. II, pp. 3-27.
328
U. S. Congress. House. Executive Documents: Annual
Report of the Secretary of War.~l.882. Cong.,
2nd sess. (Washington: Government Printing Office,
1883), Vol. I, pp. iii-xv.
U. S. Congress. House. Executive Documents t Annual
Report of the Secretary of War ."T 883. *f8th Cong.,
1st sess. (Washington: Government Printing Office,
1883), Vol. I, pp. 3-23.
U. S. Congress. House. Executive Documents: Annual
Report of the Secretary of War .~l88*+. ^th Cong.,
2nd sess. (Washington: Government Printing Office,
1835), Vol. I, pp. 3-27.
U. S. Congress. Messages and Papers of the Presidents
(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1897), X-XI.
NEWSPAPERS
Chicago Times. 1865-1867
Chicago Tribune. 1885-1897
Courier-Journal (Louisville, Kentucky), 1911
Evening Star (Washington, D. C.), 1868-I885
Illinois State Journal (Springfield, Illinois), l8ol-l88l
New York Herald. l861-l865
New York Times. 1912-1959
New York Tribune. 1868-I885
BOOKS
Abbott, Lawrence F., ed. The Letters of Archie Butt. Per
sonal Aide to President Roosevelt. Garden City,
N. Y.: Doubleday, Page, 1924-. 395 PP«
Adams, Henry. The Education of Henry Adams. popular
ed. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927* 517 PP»
Allen, H. C. Great Britain and the United States. New
York: St. Tfertin's Press, 19^* 102*+ pp.
329
Anderson, Isabel, ed. Larz Anderson. Letters and
Journals of a Diplomat. New Yorks Fleming H.
Bevell, 19rK). 072 pp.
Andreas, A. T. History of Chicago. Chicago: A. T.
Andreas, 188S7 3 vols.
Angle. Paul M. “Here I, Have Lived.1 1 A History of
Lincoln's Springfield. Springfield: The Abraham
Lincoln Association, 1935. 313 PP«
Angle, Paul M. Lincoln. l85L u-l861« Being the Day-by-
Day Activities of Abraham Lincoln from January 1,
l82+, to March 5?" 18 6l. Springfield; The Abraham
Lincoln Association, 1933. ^33 PP-
Angle, Paul M., and Earl S. Miers. The Living Lincoln.
New Brunswick, N. J.: Rutgers University Press,
1955. 673 PP.
Bancroft, Frederic, ed. Speeches. Correspondence and
Political Papers of Carl Schurz. New York: G. P.
Putnam's Sons, 1913* o”vols.
Barnard, Harry. "Eagle Forgotten.1 1 The Life of John
Peter Altgeld. Indianapolis and New Yorks Bobbs-
Merrill, 1938. ^96 pp.
Barrows, Chester L. William M. Evarts. Lawyer. Diplo
mat. Statesman. Chapel Hill: University of North
Carolina, 19^1. 587 PP-
Basler, Roy P., ed. The Collected Works of Abraham
Lincoln. New Brunswick, N. J. Rutgers Univer
sity Press, 1953* 8 vols.
Bayne, Julia Taft. Tad Lincoln1s Father. Boston:
Little, Brown, 1931. 206 pp.
Beale. Harriet S. Blaine, ed. Letters of Mrs. James G.
Blaine. New York: Duffield, 1908. 2 vols.
Beer, Thomas. Hanna. New York: Knopf, 1929* 325 PP*
Bishop, Jim. The Day Lincoln Was Shot. New York:
Harper, 195!?- 308 pp.
Bowen, Catherine Drinker. Yankee From Olympus. Boston:
Little, Brown, 19^5- ^85 pp.
330
Bowers, Claude G. Beveridge and the Progressive Bra.
Cambridge: Riverside Press, Houghton Mifflin, 1932.
610 pp.
Browne, Francis Fisher. The Bvery-Day Life of Abraham
Lincoln, , Chicago: Browne & Howell, 191r K 622 pp.
Busey, Samuel Clagetto Personal Reminiscences and Rec
ollections. Washington: n. p., 1695. 373 PP*
Butler, Nicholas Murray. Across the Busy Years. Recol
lections and Reflections. New York: Scribner's,
193!p. 2 vols.
Caldwell, Robert Granville. James A. Garfield. Party
Chieftain. New York: Dodd, Mead, 1931* One of
the American Political Leaders series, edited by
Allan Nevins. 3&3 PP*
Carpenter, F. B. Six Months at the White House With
Abraham Lincoln. New York: Hurd and Houghton, 1866.
3^9 PP.
Charnwood, Lord. Abraham Lincoln. New York: Henry
Holt, 1916. ^79 pp.
Chidsey, Donald Barr. The Gentleman from New York; A
Life of Roscoe Conkling. New Haven: Yale Univer
sity Press, 193T~‘ ^30 PP*
Church, Charles A. His tor?/- of the Republican Party in
Illinois. 185I+-I912. Rockford, 111.: Wilson Broth
ers, 1912. sH+B pp.
Clark, Allen C. Abraham Lincoln in the National Capital.
Washington: W. F. Roberts, 1925- 179 PP*
Colman, Edna M. Seventy-five Years of White House Gossip.
Garden City, N. Y. : Doubleday, Page, 192^7 33*+ PP*
Crosbie, Laurence M. The Phillips Exeter Academy. A His
tory. Norwood, Mass.: Plimpton Press, 1923*
"Printed for the Academy." 3^7 pp.
Cullom, Shelby M. Fifty Years of Public Service.
Chicago: A. C. McClurg, 1911* M-67 pp.
Currey, J. Seymour. Chicago: Its History and Its Build
ers. Chicago: S. J. Clark, 1912.5 vols.
331
Cuthbert, Norma B. Lincoln and the Baltimore Plot* 1861.
San Marino, Calif.: Huntington Library, 19^9- 181
pp.
Dawes, Charles G. A Journal of the McKinley Years.
Edited by Bascom M. Timons. Chicago: Lakeside
Press, 1950* h-58 pp.
Dedmon, Emmett. Fabulous Chicago. New York: Random
House, 1953. 359 pp.
Dennett, Tyler. John Hay, From Poetry to Politics.
New York: Dodd, T/ead, 193^. ^7o pp.
Depew, Chauncey M. Mj£ Memories of Eighty Years. New
York: Scribner's, 192h. *+17 PP*
Dingley, Edward N. The Life and Times_of Nelson Dingley,
Jr. Kalamazoo, Michigan: Ihling Brothers & Everard,
1 9 0 2. U-97 pp.
Donald, David. Lincoln1s Herndon. New York: Knopf,
191+3 . 392 pp.
Eisenschiml, Otto. The Celebrated Case of Fitz John
Porter. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1950. jr+h- pp.
Evans, W. A. Mrs. Abraham Lincoln, A Study of Her Per
sonality and Her Influence on Lincoln. New York:
Knopf, 1932. "3oh- pp.
Flower, Frank A. History of the Republican Party.
Springfield, 111.: Union Publishing Co., 1834.
623 pp.
Ford, Worthington C., ed. Letters of Henry Adams,
1 8 5 8-I8 9I. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1930. 552 pp.
Garratv. John A. Henry Cabot Lodge, A Biography. New
York: Knopf, 19^37 “W p p T ^ ~
Gernon, Blaine Brooks. The Lincolns in Chicago.
Chicago: Ancarthe, 193^-1 64- pp.
Gibbons, Herbert Adams. John Wanamaker. New York:
Harper, 1926. 2 vols.
Greely, Adolphus W. Reminiscences of Adventure and Serv
ice. New York: Scribner's, 1927. 358 pp.
332
Hale, Edward Everett. James Russell Lowell and His
Friends. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1 8 9 9. 303 pp.
Harper, Robert S. Lincoln and the Press. New York:
McGraw-Hill, 19 $1. ^18 pp.
Harrison, Garter H. Stormy Years. The Autobiography
of Carter H. Harrison. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill,
193^ 3ol PP.
Harvard College. Class of lSok. Secretary1 s Report. Num
ber 2, l86*+-l867. Boston: Printed for the Class,
T8F7. 129 pp.
Harvard College, Class of 186M-. Secretary * s Report. Num
ber 6, 18 6^— 1 8 8 9. Boston: Printed for the Class,
I5B9. 229 pp.
Harvard College, Class of l36*fr. Secretary1s Report. Num
ber 3_, l8oi +-1911 +. Boston: Printed for the Class,
I9T+. 198 pp.
Hazen, Charles D., ed. The Letters of William Roscoe
Thayer. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1 9 2 6. 4-^-1 pp.
Helm, Edith Benham. The Captains and the Kings. New
York: Putnam's, 195^+. 307 pp.
Helm, Katherine. The True Story of Mary. Wife of Lincoln.
New York: Harper, 1923. 309 pp.
Herndon, William H. Life of Lincoln. Angle ed. New
York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1930. 511 pp.
Hertz, Emanuel. The Hidden Lincoln. New York: Viking
Press, 1933. V6l pp.
Howe, George F. Chester A. Arthur, A Quarter-Centurv
of Machine Politics. New York: Dodd, Mead, 193^ •
307 PP.
Howe, M. A. De Wolfe. James Ford Rhodes. American His
torian. New York: D. Appleton, 1929* 378 pp.
Howe, Mark De Wolfe. Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes. The
Shaping Years. lS^l-lH^O. Cambridge: Belknap Press
of Harvard University Press, 1957. 330 pp.
333
Huidekoper, H. S. Personal Notes and Reminiscences of
Lincoln. Philadelphia: Bicking Print, I6 9 6. 20 pp.
Hutchinson, William T. Lovden of Illinois. The Life of
Frank 0. Lowden. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 1957* 2 vols.
Inter Ocean. History of the City of Chicago. Its Men
and Institutions. Chicago: Press of the Blakely
Printing Co., 1900. *+90 pp.
Johnson, Claudius 0. Carter Henry Harrison I_. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1923. 3O6 pp.
Josephson, Matthew. The Politicos. 1865-1896. New York:
Karcourt, Brace, 1938. 760 pp.
Keckley, Elizabeth. Behind the Scenes. New York: G. W.
Carleton, 1 8 6 8. 371 pp.
King, Willard L. Melville Weston Fuller. New York:
Macmillan, 195CK 38*+ pp.
Kirkland, Caroline. Chicago Yesterdays. A Sheaf of
Reminiscences. Chicago: Daughaday, 1919* 310 pp.
Leech, Margaret. Reveille in Washington. 1860-1865.
New York and London: Harper, 194-1 • 48"3' pp.
Lewis, Lloyd. Myths After Lincoln. New York: Readers
Club, 1941. 3o7 PP.
Lincoln, Robert T. Speech of the Honorable Robert T.
Lincoln Made at the Celebration of the 3 8th Anni
versary of the Lincoln-Douglas Debates. Galesburg.
Illinois. October Z., 1 8 9 6. New York: Privately
Printed for Charles T. White, 1921. 3 pp.
Lindsey, Almont. The Pullman Strike, , Chicago: Uni
versity of Chicago Press, 19^2. 385 pp.
Logan, Mrs. John A. Reminiscences of a Soldier1s Wife.
An Autobiography. New York: Charles Scribner1!!
Sons, 1 9 1 3. *+70 pp.
McCulloch, Hugh. Men and Measures of Half a Century.
New York: Scribner's, 1900. 5^+2 pp.
McElroy, Robert. Levi Parsons Morton. New Yorks
Putnam's, 1930* 3^0 pp.
Mackey, T. J. The Hazen Court-Martial. New York:
D. Van Nostrand, lbb^I 3o*t pp.
Me'-fur try, R. Gerald. The Harlan-Lincoln Tradition
at Iowa Wesleyan College. Mount Pleasant, Iowa:
Harlan-Lincoln Restoration Commission, 1959. 20 pp.
Martin, Edward 3. The Life of Joseph Hodges Choate.
New York: Scribner's, 1920. 2 vols.
Mearns, David C. The Lincoln Papers. Garden City,
N. Y.: Doubleday, 19^-b. 2 vols.
Mende, Elsie Porter. An American Soldier and Diplo
mat . Horace Porter. New York: Frederick A. Stokes,
192?. 390 pp.
Morse, John T., Jr., ed. Diary of Gideon Welles.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1911. 3 vols.
Moses, John, and Joseph Kirkland, eds. History of
Chicago. Chicago: Munsell, 1 8 9 5. 2 vols.
Nevins, Allan. Henry White, Thirty Years of American
Diplomacy. New York: Harper, 1930. 5l^ pp.
Nicolay, Helen. Lincoln's Secretary. A Biography of
John G. Nicolay. New York: Longmans, Green,
303 pp.
Nicolay, John G., and John Hay. Abraham Lincoln, a His
tory. New York: Century, 1909. 10 vols.
Oberholtzer, Ellis P. Jay Cooke. Financier of the Civil
War. Philadelphia: George W. Jacobs, 1907- 2 vols.
Owen, Frank, Tempestuous Journey. Lloyd George. His Life
and Times. New York: McGraw Hill, 195’ 5'. /S1 * pp.
Oxford and Asquith, The Earl of. Memories and Reflec
tions. 1852-1927. Boston: Little, Brown, 192b.
2 vols.
Page, Elwin L. Abraham Lincoln in New Hampshire.
Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1929. 165" PP«
335
Paine, Albert Bigelow. Mark Twain, a Biography. New
Yorks Harper, 1912. 3 vols.
Palmer, John M., ed. The Bench and Bar of Illinois.
Chicago; Lewis Publishing Co., 1 8 9 9. 2 vols.
Peck, Harry Thurston. Twenty Years of the Republic.
1885-1905. New York; Dodd, Mead, 1907. 811 pp.
Perling, J. J. Presidents1 Sons. New York; Odyssey
Press, 19^7. 5-51 pp.
Poore, Ben Perley. Perley1s Reminiscences. Philadelphia;
Hubbard Brothers'^ l88o. 2 vols.
Porter, Horace. Campaigning With Grant. New York; Cen
tury, 1 8 9 7. 55-3 pp.
Pratt, Harry E. Lincoln, 185-0-185-6; Being the Day-by-
Lincoln Association, 1939* 391 PP«
Pratt, Harry E. The Personal Finances of Abraham Lincoln.
Springfield; The Abraham Lincoln Association, 195-3.
198 PP.
Randall, James G. The Civil War and Reconstruction.
Boston; D. C. Heath, 1937. 959 PP*
Randall, Ruth Painter. Lincoln 1s Sons. Boston; Little,
Brown, 1955. 373 pp.
Randall, Ruth Painter. Mary Lincoln. Biography of a Mar
riage. Boston; Little, Brown, 19538555 PP»
Richardson, Leon Burr. William E. Chandler. Republican.
New York; Dodd, Mead"^ 19^+0. 758 pp•
Roberts, Octavia. Lincoln in Illinois. Boston;
Houghton Mifflin^ 1918. 119 PP-
Rogers, Henry Munroe. Memories of Ninety Years.
Boston; Houghton Mifflin, 19288 5-09 PP«
Roosevelt, Theodore, and Henry Cabot Lodge. Selections
from the Correspondence of Theodore Roosevelt and
Henry Cabot Lodge. 1685--191BT New Tork: Scribner 1 s,
1925. 2 vols.
1650. to December 31. 165-6. Springfield; Abraham
i
336
Ruggles, Eleanor. Prince of Players. Edwin Booth. New
York: W. W. Norton, 19!? 3^ W l pp.
Sage, Leland L. V/illiam Boyd Allison. A Study in Prac
tical Politics. Iowa City, Iowa: State Historical
Society of Iowa, 19^6. U-01 pp.
Sandburg, Carl. Abraham Lincoln. The Prairie Years. New
York: Harcourt, Brace, 192o. 2 vols.
Sandburg, Carl. Abraham Lincoln. The War Years. New
York: Harcourt, Brace, 1939- ^ vols.
Sandburg, Carl, and Paul Y. Angle. Mary Lincoln. Wife
and Widow. New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1932. 357 PP*
Sears, Lorenzo. John Hay. Author and Statesman. New
York: Dodd, ^ead, 1911 +3 1^0 pp.
Seward, Frederick W. Reminiscences of a War-Time States
man and Diplomat. New York and London: Putnam's,
1916. ^-39 pp.
Smith, Theodore Clarke. The Life and Letters of James
Abra.ro Garfield. New Haven: Yale University Press,
1925. 2 vols.
Stoddard, Henry L. As. X Knew Them. Presidents and Pol
itics From Grant to Coolidge. New York and London:
Harper, 1927Y ^71 pp*
Thayer, William Roscoe. The Life and Letters of John
Ilay. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 191!?•2 vols.
Thomas, Benjamin P. Abraham Lincoln. New York: Knopf,
1952. 5*+8 pp.
Thor on, Ward, ed. The Letters of Mrs. Henry Adams. 1865.-
l8cl^» Boston: Little, Brown, 1937T5^7 PP*
Timons, Bascom, ed. Charles G. Dawes: A Journal of the
McKinley Years. Chicago: Lakesiae Press, 19?0*
l f ' 5 ' 8 pp.
Townsend, V/illiam E. Lincoln and His Wife1s Home Town.
Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1929**+02 pp.
Volwiler, Albert T. The Correspondence Between Benjamin
Harrison and James G. Blaine. lB82-l893T"
337
Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 19*+0.
33> PP.
Wall, Joseph Frazier. Henry Watterson, Reconstruction
Rebels New York: Oxford University Press, 195&*
3o2 pp.
Warren, Louis A. Lincoln1s Parentage and Childhood. New
York: Century, 192b. 392 pp.
Who Was Who in America, 1397-19^2.
Chicago: A. N. Marquis, l$P+2• 139o pp.
Williams, T. Harry. Lincoln and His Generals. New York:
Grosset G: Dunlap, 1952. 363 pp.
Woldman, Albert A. Lawyer Lincoln. Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 193o. 3^7 PP.
Younger, Edward. John A. Kasson. Politics and Diplomacy
from Lincoln to McKinley. Iowa City, Iowa: State
Historical Society of Iowa, 1955* ^"50 PP*
ARTICLES
Ayres, Philip W. "Lincoln As a Neighbor," Review of Re
views . LVII, Number 2 (February, 191*), 183-18^7
Batchelder, Samuel F. "Old Times at the Law School,"
The Atlantic Monthly, XC (November, 1902), o*+2-o55.
Butler, Nicholas Murray. "Lincoln and Son," Saturday
Evening Post. February 11, 1939> PP* 23, o3-o6.
Dunlevy, Hulburd. "Robert Todd Lincoln," The Green
Bag. I, Number 8 (August, 1889), 321-323.
"Edwin Swift Isham," National Cyclopedia of American
Biography. VII (1897), 107-108.
Paxson, Frederic L. "William Babcock Hazen," Diction
ary of American Biography, VIII (1932), i +78-1 +79*
Pratt, Harry E. "Abe's Four," Saturday Review of Liter
ature . January 26, 1953, pp. 2o-27.
333
"Pullman, Inc.," Fortune. XVII, dumber 1 (January, 1933),
39-45, 94, 96, 93, 100, 102.
"Robert Todd Lincoln," National Cyclopedia of American
Biography, XXI (1931), 5’ 9-oO.
Spaulding, Oliver L., Jr. "Fitz John Porter," Diction
ary of American Biography, XV (1935), 90-91-
Temple, Wayne C. "Mary Todd Lincoln's Travels," Journal
of the Illinois State Historical Society. LII, Num
ber 1 (Spring, 1959), 130-194-.
"The Lincoln Grandchildren," Lincoln Lore. Number 14-55
(toy, 1959), 3-4-.
"William Gerrish Beale," National Cyclopedia of American
Biography. XX (1929), 2B9-290.

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

The Closer Union Movement In The British West Indies

PDF

The United States Navy In The Californias, 1840-1850

PDF

Richard Grenville: Third Duke Of Buckingham And Chandos: A Case Study Of The 19Th Century 'Amphibious' British Aristocrat

PDF

English Periodicals And The Democratic Movement: 1865-1885

PDF

The 1961 Mayoralty Election In Los Angeles: The Political Party In A Nonpartisan Election

PDF

California'S Assertion Of States: Rights: A History Of Jurisdictional Controversies With The Federal Government

PDF

Civil Rights And The Public Employee. An Analysis Of Legal Protections Available To Public Employees Dismissed Or Facing Dismissal

PDF

History Of Thoroughbred Racing In California

PDF

Relationships between selected teacher characteristics and student withdrawal from community college political science courses

PDF

American Colonial Libertarianism And The Advent Of The Federal Age

PDF

A History Of The Evangelical United Brethren Church In California 1849-1962

PDF

The Socialist Labor Party, 1890-1903

PDF

The Act Of Sovereignty In The Age Of Discovery

PDF

The Relationship Between The Development Of Strategic Nuclear Weapons Systems And Deterrence Doctrine In The Soviet Union And Communist China

PDF

The Role Of The California Community Colleges In The Education Of The Aged

PDF

Presidential Nominations In The Federal Era, 1788-1828

PDF

A Developing Pattern Of Unenumerated Individual Rights In The United States Constitution

PDF

Political Aspects Of State Coordination Of Higher Education: The Processof Influence

PDF

Political Development And Political Parties In Turkey

PDF

Representation Theory And Apportionment Models: A Study Of California Constituencies

Asset Metadata

Creator Goff, John Samuel (author)

Core Title Robert Todd Lincoln In Politics And Diplomacy

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program History

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Biography,OAI-PMH Harvest

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Kooker, Arthur R. (committee chair), Anderson, Totton J. (committee member), Bowman, Francis J. (committee member), Christol, Carl Q. (committee member), Rowland, Donald W. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-244167

Unique identifier UC11357992

Identifier 6103818.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-244167 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6103818.pdf

Dmrecord 244167

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Goff, John Samuel

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA