University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Money Makes The World Go 'Round: Mother-Custody Families And Downward Mobility

(USC Thesis Other)

Money Makes The World Go 'Round: Mother-Custody Families And Downward Mobility

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content INFORMATION TO USERS
This manuscript has been reproduced from the microfilm master. UMI
films the text directly from the original or copy submitted. Thus, some
thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter face, while others may be
from any type of computer printer.
The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the
copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality
illustrations and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins,
and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction.
In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete
manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if
unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate
the deletion.
Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by
sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand comer and
continuing from left to right in equal sections with small overlaps. Each
original is also photographed in one exposure and is included in reduced
form at the back of the book.
Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reproduced
xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6” x 9” black and white
photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations
appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI directly to
order.
UMI
A Bell & Howell Information Company
300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor MI 48106-1346 USA
313/761-4700 800/521-0600

MONEY MAKES THE WORLD GO 'ROUND:
MOTHER-CUSTODY FAMILIES AND DOWNWARD MOBILITY
by
Michelle Lee Milledge
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF ARTS
(Sociology)
August 1995
Copyright 1995
Michelle L. Milledge
UMI Number: 1378808
UMI Microform 1378808
Copyright 1996, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
This microform edition is protected against unauthorized
copying under Title 17, United States Code.
UMI
300 North Zeeb Road
Ann Arbor, Ml 48103
UNIVERSITY O F SOU TH ERN CALIFORNIA
T H E G RAD U A TE SC H O O L
U N IV E R SIT Y PA RK
LO S A N G E L E S. C A L IF O R N IA S 0 0 0 7
This thesis, written by
Michelle Lee Milledge
under the direction of h..f:?.....Thesis Committee,
and approved by all its members, has been pre
sented to and accepted by the Dean of The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Master of Arts, Sociology
Dtan
D a t e J 3 l 7 . . J l x . l ? l l
THESIS COMMITTEE
Dedication
To my mother for the gift of life,
To Vicki for sharing it,
And to Magnus for magically changing it.
May the force (of the angels) be with you
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Tim Biblarz for his enthusiastic manner
and outstanding teaching ability without which this project
would never have been possible.
Table of Contents
Section Page
Introduction 1
Literature Review 4
Hypotheses 11
Method 16
Analysis 20
Discussion 28
iv
List of Tables and Figures
Item Page
Table 1. 21
Table 2. 21
Table 3. 23
Table 4. 24
Figure 1. 26
Abstract
NSFH data on children aged 5-11 (n=262) and children aged
12-18 (n=268) from mother custody families was used to
examine the relationship between children's wellbeing and
parental income. Three income variables were used
including mother's income, father's income and the
difference between these two incomes. The variable for
income difference between mother and father was
hypothesized to represent the downward mobility commonly
experienced by all members of mother custody families.
Mother's income was found to have a strong, positive
relationship to child's wellbeing, while father's income
showed almost no relationship. The difference between
mother's and father's income was found to have a negative
impact on child's wellbeing regardless of mother's income
level.
vi
Introduction
Half of American children born in the last decade will
experience life in a single parent family (Bumpass 1984,
1990) and one-third will experience the divorce of their
parents (Mazur et al. 1992; Dawson 1991). Among the
effects of single parenthood on children are lower academic
achievement (Amato & Keith 1991), increased levels of
depression, stress, anxiety, aggression, and other
emotional and behavioral problems (Dawson 1991). Single
motherhood is often decried as the cause of these problems.
However, many of these same effects are typical of children
from low socio-economic backgrounds, particularly that of
low academic achievement (McLanahan & Sandefur 1994; Astone
& McLanahan 1991; Dawson 1991). The parallels found
between children from single parent and low income
households show the need for research that can separate out
the effects of family disruption and single parenthood
versus economic hardship upon children of these families.
In the United States, children of disrupted families
commonly reside with the mother (Amato & Keith 1991;
Hetherington and Camara 1984). This is due to the
traditional belief that mothers are inherently better at
parenting. . . However, mother-headed households are more
1
likely than others to be poor (McLanahan & Sandefur 1994;
Astone & McLanahan 1991? Garfinkel & McLanahan 1986) . In
his 1979 study on the effects of fathers not paying child
support, Chambers concluded that custodial parents need
eighty percent (80%) of the predivorce income to maintain
the family's standard of living. However, women, when
married, are estimated to contribute only twenty-two
percent (22%) of the average family's total income (U.S.
Bureau of the Census 1985) . The common net outcome of
divorce then'is to lessen the number of family members by
one and decrease the family budget by seventy-eight percent
(78%) .
This loss of income spells disaster for many mother
headed families. Currently, one half of mother-custody
families in the United States live beneath the government
established poverty line (Nelson 1993; McLanahan & Booth
1989) . The children in these families feel not only the
emotional stress of family disruption but also the effects
of downward mobility as they and their mothers are, in
effect, "declassed" (Nelson 1993; McLanahan & Booth 1989).
The present study is an examination of the effects of
income on the wellbeing of children in mother-custody
families. The first purpose of the study is to investigate
2
the effects of mother's and father's income on the
wellbeing of children who have experienced family
disruption. The second purpose is to determine whether
downward mobility, as measured by the difference between
the mother's and father's income, is related to child's
wellbeing.
3
Literature Review
Implications of Mother-Custody Arrangements
Income has been shown to be inversely related to
mother's life strains (Nelson 1993) and mothers with lower
socio-economic status have been found to have less positive
relationships with their children (Kline et al. 1991;
Holdnack 1992). Nelson (1993) asserts that income, more
than family configuration, determines family functioning
and affects children's self-esteem. Therefore, some of the
observed effects of single parenting on the parent-child
relationship may be caused by the low income status of
single mothers. For this reason, income must be taken into
account when studying the effects of mother-custody on
children's wellbeing (Nelson 1993).
Mother-custody preference greatly affects the
relationships that children of disrupted families have with
their fathers. Some studies show that children see non-
residential fathers rarely or not at all (Hetherington and
Camara 1984). In a study by Furstenberg and Nord (1985),
49% of the children in the sample had not seen their
outside parent in the last year. This is more likely to
happen in families of low socio-economic status
(Furstenberg & Nord 1985). For these children, divorce has
meant the loss of a parent which serves to increase the
importance of the custodial mother in the child's life
4
(Hetherington and Camara 1984). However, single mothers
are often over-worked, underpaid and unable to devote
adequate time to the tasks of parenting (McLanahan &
Sandefur, 1994; McLanahan 1988).
Children who do see their fathers are less likely to be
in poverty (Furstenberg & Nord 1985) . These fathers are
more likely to have greater amounts of discretionary income
at their disposal (Weitzman 1985). However, Wallerstein
and her colleagues (1986,1989) have found that fathers with
money are not likely to spend it on children who reside
with a former spouse. They find that child support is paid
with varying degrees of regularity by these fathers but
that the needs of these children outside of monthly child
support, such as college tuition, are not likely to be met
by fathers (Wallerstein & Corbin 1986) . This is true even
when fathers can spare money and would have provided for
higher education had the relationship to the mother
continued (Wallerstein & Corbin 1986).
Findings such as this which show permanent changes in
the nature of the relationship between fathers and children
may partially explain Furstenberg and Nord's (1985) finding
that frequent contact between children and non-residential
fathers has not been shown to increase feelings of
closeness with the father. Thus it seems that family
disruption may alter relationships between children and
outside parents as well as custodial parents, especially
5
where custodial parent's energy is directed away from
children and toward making ends meet.
Effects of Family Disruption on Children
Children from divorced families are more likely to be
subjected to inconsistent parenting (McLanahan & Sandefur
1994; Astone & McLanahan 1991; Hetherington & Camara 1984).
Studies show that in families where mothers feel they are
lacking an adequate support network, the parent-child
relationship is often more restrictive and harsh (McLanahan
& Sandefur 1994; Nelson 1993; Kline et al. 1991;
Hetherington & Camara 1984) . These mothers work longer
hours outside the home in order to support their children
and consequently have less time to supervise (Astone &
McLanahan 1991), discipline and encourage them. Due to the
increased difficulties single mothers face, their
disciplinary techniques are often inconsistent,
authoritarian and ineffectual when employed (McLanahan &
Sandefur 1994), especially with sons (Hetherington & Camara
1984) .
Children from single-parent families are less likely to
receive encouragement and attention in matters related to
education than are children from two-parent families
(McLanahan & Sandefur 1994; Astone & McLanahan 1991) .
These children are also more likely to repeat a grade, more
likely to be expelled from school and less likely to finish
6
high school (McLanahan & Sandefur 1994; Dawson 1991).
These findings may be due, in part, to diminished self
esteem in children of disrupted families. Alternatively,
these findings could be a function of lower educational
aspirations on the part of single parents, and less time
for supervision of children's school work (Astone &
McLanahan 1991). However, Astone and McLanahan (1991)
suggest that the low income levels of custodial mothers are
another reason that children from single parent families
have lower rates of high school graduation. In fact, they
claim that "income differences account for between 30 and
50 percent of the difference in high school graduation
among children from intact and non-intact families"
(p.309). Once again, this finding calls for control of
income in studies of the effects of family structure on
children.
In addition to the average decreased level of education
found in children from disrupted families (McLanahan &
Sandefur 1994), these children are found to have more
behavioral problems in and out of the classroom. Evidence
from two nationwide studies suggests that boys from
disrupted families exhibit more behavioral problems in
school (Dawson 1991) and experience more difficulty with
aggression and self control than do girls or children from
intact families (McLanahan & Sandefur 1994; Hetherington &
Camara 1984). Nelson (1993) has found that self-esteem is
7
negatively related to behavioral problems and positively
related to mother's income. Hence, these behaviors may, in
part, be due to low self-esteem found in children of
economically unstable, disrupted families.
Some research suggests that family structure and its
changes greatly affect children's health and wellbeing
[physical wholeness theory] (Dawson 1991), while other
research focuses on the effects of children's negative
perceptions of the family after disruption [psychological
wholeness theory] (Holdnack 1992). To the extent that
negative perceptions of the family exist, children may
experience declines in self-esteem (Holdnack 1992).
Physical wholeness theory is based on the belief that
optimum development of children takes place within intact
heterosexual unions, implying that they are naturally
better than non-traditional family arrangements.
Psychological wholeness theory, on the other hand,
concentrates on whether the child has negative feelings
about her/himself or finds inadequate support from her/his
traditional or non-traditional family arrangement. As
Dawson (1991) admits, a traditional two-parent family is no
guarantee of emotionally healthy relationships between its
members. Physical wholeness theory may be invalid because
it is based in heterosexist and traditional notions of the
"proper" configuration of the family. The theory
acknowledges neither the effects of external factors, such
8
as income, on the predominantly female population of single
parents, nor the possibility for healthy parent-child
relationships within non-traditional family structures.
Child's Gender and the Effects of Disruption
The effects of divorce on children may not be
generalizable across the genders (Shook and Jurich 1992).
One theoretical base for such research is Gilligan's (1982)
theory of developmental process for females and males.
Gilligan (1982) theorizes that while females derive a sense
of self worth from interpersonal relationships and
attachment to others, males are more likely to create their
identity through separating completely from their mothers
in an effort to become completely "independent" of her and
others. It follows then that female and male children
would be differentially affected by changes in family
configuration.
Another reason that children of different genders may
be affected differently by family disruption is that
fathers are more likely to stay in contact with sons than
daughters (Amato & Booth 1991; Hetherington & Camara 1984).
Fathers may also lend more financial support to sons during
childhood than to daughters. Wallerstein and Blakeslee
(1989) found fathers twice as likely to help boys with
college tuition than girls. This dimension of the effects
of family disruption on children needs further exploration.
9
Research has been better able to account for the
variance in the self-esteem of boys than that of girls
after divorce (Shook & Jurich 1992) . The relationship
between behavioral disorders and family conflict has been
found to be stronger for boys than for girls (Hetherington
& Camara 1984). This is not surprising when we learn that
boys have been found more likely to respond to lifestress
through under-control, which is easily detected, rather
than over-control which is commonly the response of girls
(McLanahan & Sandefur 1994; Hetherington & Camara 1984).
Two nationwide studies have found that boys show more
school related problems and difficulties in self-control
and aggression than do girls when both groups are from
disrupted families (Hetherington & Camara 1984).
These results suggest the need for further study of the
differential effects of family disruption upon the genders.
Traditional measures of self-esteem and wellbeing have
captured the under-control reaction typical of boys.
However, these measures have not included within their
scope the ability to measure the potential over-control
reaction that both McLanahan and Sandefur (1994) as well as
Hetherington and Camara (1984) find more common in girls.
10
Hypotheses
Women earn less money on average than men (Taeuber
1991; Marini 1989), and custody is more often awarded to
mothers than fathers (Amato & Booth 1991; Hetherington &
Camara 1984) . It follows that children of single parent
families will receive fewer of the benefits offered by
higher income than children of two-parent families. While
it seems clear that family disruption has an immediate
negative effect upon children's wellbeing, this is
compounded by the downward economic mobility of custodial
mothers. Understanding this, it is crucial to examine the
income of non-residential fathers as compared to custodial
mothers and whether the degree of this difference is
related to lower levels of wellbeing in children who have
experienced family disruption.
Many of the studies that have attempted to assess the
effects of family disruption on children's wellbeing have
failed to address the effects of income on family
functioning and the self-esteem of children. Where studies
have included income variables, they have been limited by
data on only one parent, most often the custodial parent.
The income levels of custodial parents have been examined
independent of previous, marital income levels. This is
problematic because the downward mobility experienced by
11
mother custody families after disruption may be a source of
diminished wellbeing for these children.
The present study, based on a recently collected,
nationally representative sample, extends current knowledge
in the area of income's effects on children's wellbeing
after family disruption. First, this study includes the
independent effects of both mother's and father's income on
children's wellbeing. This examination of the relationship
between income and child's wellbeing exposes the absolute
effect of custodial family and outside parent income level
on children's wellbeing. Second, this study examines
whether the difference between mother's and father's income
is related to child's wellbeing. This examination of the
difference between mother's and father's income exposes the
effect on child's wellbeing of the change in household
income that often accompanies disruption.
A variable that reflects the difference between
mother's and father's income in disrupted families has not
been used in past research. This variable is important
because it serves to reveal four possible sources for lower
wellbeing in children of disrupted families. First, this
measure is an indicator of the extent of downward mobility
that the mother-custody family has experienced as a result
of the loss of the father's income in the family budget.
Aside from the source of emotional trauma that family
disruption may create for children, the loss of income into
12
the family budget is often severe (Skolnik & Skolnik 1992;
Weitzman 1985). Nelson (1993) has found that income itself
is conducive to family functioning. Therefore, the loss of
income commonly experienced by mother-custody families
after disruption may be a source of continuous, long-term,
family stress in addition to the initial, emotional stress
of divorce or separation.
The difference in income levels for custodial mothers
and non-resident fathers has a second, potential effect on
children from disrupted families. Children raised by
custodial mothers often grow up in a lower socio-economic
class than they would have had disruption not occurred.
This is particularly true for children who experienced
disruption early in life. In the meantime, fathers have
commonly maintained or increased their socio-economic
standing in the time since disruption (Weitzman 1985).
Socio-economic standing is known to be associated with sets
of values (Skolnik & Skolnik 1992); it follows that members
of mother custody families may hold differing sets of
values than parents who continue to share a common socio
economic status. Children in single-parent families may
detect disparity in their parents value sets and this may
be a source of stress as they navigate their own path
through their parent's value systems--picking and choosing
from each.
13
Alternatively, children may continue to hold the values
absorbed while living at the higher socio-economic status.
Particularly for children who experienced disruption in the
teenage years, feelings of despair may develop when the
economic means are no longer available to achieve goals
already set such as a college degree (Wallerstein &
Blakeslee 1989; Wallerstein & Corbin 1986).
The difference between mother's and father's income may
affect children of disrupted families in a fourth way.
These children may interpret socio-economic difference as a
sign of rejection from the father. Where fathers have a
higher standard of living, children may view his
willingness to allow them to live at a lower level as a
sign of rejection. This type of social class difference
that children confront when visiting or thinking about
their outside fathers may serve to diminish children's
wellbeing.
I have formulated three hypotheses concerning the
relationship between children's wellbeing and mother
custody in cases of divorce and separation. The review of
the literature has shown that income plays a major role in
family functioning and in children's self-esteem.
Therefore I hypothesize that mother's and father's income
will be positively related to child's wellbeing.
Children included in this analysis share the socio
economic status of their mothers. According to rry first
14
hypothesis, children whose mothers earn more will show
higher levels of wellbeing. However, I hypothesize that
children from mother-custody families at every income level
will experience a decline in wellbeing as the difference
between mother's and father's income becomes greater. I
argue that family disruption is stressful for a child, but
that a concomitant drop in socio-economic status represents
another, different, source of stress for all members of
mother-custody families.
My third hypothesis is that boys' wellbeing will be
found to be lower than that of girls. This is because, as
stated above, girls usually react to changes in the family
structure by over control. Therefore, girls will not
exhibit behavior that is easily detected by asking
questions about children's behavior.
15
Method
Sample
My sample was drawn from The National Survey of
Families and Households (NSFH) conducted in 1987-88. This
dataset consists of a cross sectional survey of American
households. Based on a nationally representative sample,
the NSFH is one of the most recent collections of data on
the American family. Interviews were conducted between
March 1987 and May 1988. One primary respondent over the
age of 19 was chosen from each household. The original
dataset consisted of 9,643 such respondents. Double
samples of specific populations of interest including
single parents were added to the dataset resulting in a
final N of 13,017. Where children under eighteen years of
age resided in the home of the respondent, one focal child
was chosen at random. Respondents answered a myriad of
questions regarding this child's behavior, wellbeing and
overall adjustment (For additional information about the
NSFH see Sweet, Bumpass & Call 1988) . The sample used in
this analysis consists of divorced and separated female
respondents with residential children between the ages of
five and eighteen.
16
Measures
The dependent variables examined here are indicators of
a child's wellbeing and adjustment. The data on these
children were collected in interviews with custodial
mothers, and recorded in two age sets. The first consists
of children ages 5-11 years and the second of children 12-
18 years of age. The process of selecting custodial
mothers with at least one child living at home yielded
sample sizes of 262 and 268 for the 5-11 and 12-18 year old
age groups respectively.
Three dependent variables were selected as indicators
of child's wellbeing and adjustment. Custodial mothers
were asked to consider their children's attitudes and
behavior in the last three months. Mothers were asked to
respond to the following three questions: "Is (focal child)
fearful?", "Does (focal child) lose his/her temper
easily?", and "Does (focal child) seem sad?". Responses
were coded on a three point scale indicating whether the
statement was (1) not true, (2) sometimes true, or (3)
often true about the focal child.
While it might be preferable to obtain this information
directly from the child, children may have difficulty
answering these types of questions because they may not
have acquired the necessary judgment and self-reflection
skills. The data for these variables drawn from parental
report cover three distinct areas of a child's development
17
which in turn reflect a wide range of indicators of child's
wellbeing.
The five independent variables are custodial mother's
education, race and income as well as her ex-partner's
income and child's sex. The sex of the focal child is a
dummy variable (female=l). In order to emphasize the
social roles in the family, this variable will be referred
to as child's gender. Respondent's race was coded in dummy
variable form (Black=l, other=0). Respondent's education
was coded on a scale from one through seventeen
representing years of schooling completed.
The income of the respondent's ex-spouse was obtained
from the respondents themselves through a self administered
questionnaire. They were asked, "About how much income did
your husband/wife earn during the year before your
separation?". This variable was recoded so that the scores
represent $10,000 increments (see Table 2). It would have
been preferable to have gathered these data from the ex
partner himself. However, this is extremely difficult to
do in cases of separation and divorce since the negative
feelings that commonly result may preclude cooperation
between former partners.
Respondent's income was originally measured by the
dollar amount (rounded to the nearest dollar) indicated by
the respondent herself in response to the question, "What
was your approximate income last year?" This variable was
18
recoded on the same 7-point scale used for the income of
the ex-partner (see Table 2).
A scale of the difference between custodial mother and
outside father's income was created for the purposes of
statistical analysis. The income category for the
custodial mother was subtracted from that of the outside
father resulting in a 13 point scale of differential income
between parents.1
1 This interaction was modeled using several different configurations,
including a product term for income differential. All yielded similar
r e su lts.
19
Analysis
My goal is to determine whether mother's and father's
income, as well as the difference between these two
incomes, affect child's wellbeing, and whether these
effects differ by child's gender. The two samples
(henceforth in this order: 5-11 and 12-18 years) consisted
of 54.6% and 44.2% girls respectively.
Table 1 shows the frequency distributions for the three
dependent variables by age group. Child's sadness had a
mode of one (not true) and a median of two (sometimes true)
for the younger age group while both the median and mode on
this variable for the adolescents was a score of two
(sometimes true). Child's fearfulness also showed a mode
of one (not true) and a median of two (sometimes true) for
the younger age group while for the adolescents, the mode
and median were a score of one (not true). Child's tendency
to lose her/his temper showed a median and mode of two
(sometimes true) for both age groups.
20
T a b l e 1 . Frequency Distributions of Scores on
by Aqe of Child.
Dependent Variables
5-11 Years 12-18 Years
Dependent
Variables Score Freq. Percent ..Freg; i ... Percent
CHILD'S 1 125 47.7 112 41.8
SADNESS 2 115 43 .9 126 47.0
3 22 8.4 30 11.2
CHILD'S 1 120 45.8 143 53 .4
FEARFULNESS 2 116 44.3 99 36.9
3 26 9.9 26 9.7
CHILD'S TENDENCY 1 89 34.0 85 31.7
TO LOSE 2 118 45.0 114 42.5
HER/HIS TEMPER 3 55 21.0 69 25.7
On the categorical scale of income described in Table
2, the means for custodial mother's income were 1.5 and 1.7
respectively; average custodial mothers earn between
$10,000 and $20,000 per year. The income of fathers is
higher. Fathers in the two samples averaged 2.1 and 2.5 on
the categorical scale earning between $20,000 and $30,000
per year.
T a b l e 2 . Percentage Distribution of
Income by Age of Child.
Mother's and Father'3 Yearly
5-11 years 12-18 years
Dollar Amount Score Mom Dad Mom Dad
$0 0 21.8% 7.3% 19.0% 6.0%
$l-$9,999 1 30.9% 7.3% 26.9% 24.3%
$10,000-$19,999 2 27 .9% 26.3% 28.4% 24.6%
$20,000-$29,999 3 15.6% 21.0% 18.7% 16.8%
$30,000-$39,999 4 1.9% 8.8% 5.6% 16.0%
$40,000-$49,999 5 1.1% 2.3% 1.1% 6.7%
$501 000 or more 6 0.8% 4.6% 0.4% 5.6%
Mean Categorical Score--> 1.5 2.1 1.7 2.5
21
Both mothers and fathers show higher average incomes in
the adolescent group. This is to be expected since
typically these parents are older themselves, have had more
work experience and therefore are able to command higher
pay. It is also notable, although not surprising, that
fathers show an increase of .4 categories over mothers' .2
category increase across the two samples. This reflects
the fact that men not only earn more than women but also
increase their earnings over time at a more rapid pace than
do women (Taeuber 1991). Furthermore, the data on father's
income must be regarded as a conservative estimate of his
earnings at the time of the survey. The question, "About
how much income did your husband/wife earn during the year
before your separation?" refers to oast knowledge of the
outside father's income. In all likelihood, the father has
increased his earnings in the time that has elapsed since
the separation and, as suggested above, at a faster rate
than custodial mothers. This effect will be stronger in
the data for adolescent children since these fathers
potentially will have been separated from the custodial
mother for a longer period of time. This error in the
measurement of father's true income at the time of the
survey may be suppressing its own effects as well as the
effects of the income differential variable on the
dependent variables.
22
Table 3 presents the bivariate correlations between the
independent and dependent variables. Mother's income is
correlated with children's wellbeing across all dependent
variables in both age groups. Mother's income decreased
child's sadness, fearfulness and tendency to lose one's
temper for children in both age groups. Father's income is
correlated with fearfulness in both age groups. For younger
children, father's income serves to lower levels of fear
while for older children, it has the opposite effect.
T a b l e 3 . Pearson Correlations between Individual Dependent
Variables and Independent Variables by Aqe of Child.
Independent CHILD'S TENDENCY
Variables CHILD'S CHILD'S TO LOSE
SADNESS FEARFULNESS HER/HIS TEMPER
5-11 vears
N=262
MOTHER'S INCOME -.21** -.17** -.12**
FATHER'S INCOME - - -.11* —
INCOME DIFFERENTIAL .17** — —
CHILD'S GENDER — — —
12-18 years
N=268
MOTHER'S INCOME -.12** -.14** -.16**
FATHER'S INCOME — .17** --
INCOME DIFFERENTIAL .15** .25** .11*
CHILD'S GENDER .03* — .11*
(* .10>p>.05 ** p<.05)
The difference between mother's and father's income is
positively correlated with sadness in younger children.
For the adolescent group this variable is significantly
correlated with all dependent variables. Income difference
23
was shown to increase sadness, fearfulness and the tendency
to lose one's temper.
For the younger children, gender was found to be
uncorrelated with the dependent variables. However,
adolescent girls were found to be more prone to sadness and
more likely to lose their tempers than boys of the same
age.
T a b l e 4 . Regression Coefficients for Each Dependent Variable on
Income Related Independent Variables in Sets of Two by Age Group.
Independent
Variables
5-11 vears
MOTHER'S INCOME
INCOME DIFFERENTIAL
FATHER'S INCOME
INCOME DIFFERENTIAL
CHILD'S
SADNESS
CHILD'S
FEARFULNESS
CHILD'S TENDENCY
TO LOSE
HER/HIS TEMPER
-.06*
.06*
--
--
12-18 vears
MOTHER'S INCOME -.10** -.13** -.09**
INCOME DIFFERENTIAL — .07** —
FATHER'S INCOME — .07** --
INCOME DIFFERENTIAL .10** . 13** .09**
(* .10>p>.05 ** p<.05)
Note: Control variables (not shown) include mother's race.
Table 4 shows standardized beta coefficients derived
from twelve regressions for each age group. Separate
regressions were conducted for mother's income and father's
income with differential income, mother's education,
mother's race and child's gender. This was done because
income differential was a linear function of the two
variables from which it was created, mother's income and
24
father's income. Coefficients shown for mother's and
father's income were derived by regressing all independent
variables except income differential on each dependent
variable.
Mother's income decreased sadness (-.06) while
differential income increased sadness (.06) for children
ages 5-11. These same relationships were observed and were
stronger for adolescents * with mother's income more
effectively decreasing sadness (-.10) and income
differential more successfully increasing sadness (.10).
Child's fearfulness was decreased by mother's income
(-.13). Income differential increased child's fearfulness
both when regressed with mother's income and when regressed
with father's income (.07, .13).
Father's income increased levels of fear in adolescents
(.07). This finding contradicts my first hypothesis that
the benefits of income will boost children's wellbeing.
Due to the low economic status of mother-custody families,
this finding is difficult to interpret.
As with child's sadness, child's tendency to lose
her/his temper was decreased by mother's income (-.09) and
increased once again by income differential (.09).
25
Figure 1. Child's Fearfulness for Two Levels of Mother's
Income by Income Differential for the 12-18 Year Age Group.
6
$30,000 - $39,999
$1 - $9,999
Income Differential
Using the slopes reported in Table 4, Figure 1
illustrates the relationship between income differential
and child's fearfulness for two levels of mother's current
fearfulness is higher when the mother earns $l-$9,999 than
when the mother earns $30,000-$39,999; this is reflected by
the greater height of the lower income block in Figure 1.
This is the direct effect of mother's income on child's
wellbeing, showing that mother's income raises the base
level of wellbeing in children.
The degree to which the father's income differs from
the mother's is a source of increased fearfulness for
children. For each level of mother's income ($l-$9,999, or
income ($l-$9,999 and $30,000-$39, 999) . Child's
26
$30,000-$39,999), child's fearfulness increases as income
differential between mother and father increases. Although
only shown here for two levels of mother's income, this
effect is maintained throughout the range of possible
mother incomes, from poverty to upper middle class living.
Therefore, income differential has a negative effect on
child's wellbeing even where children in mother-custody
families are living well out of the range of poverty. This
is the relative effect that income differential has on
child's wellbeing. The fact that this relationship is
maintained regardless of mother's income suggests that
income differential represents some loss, whether in terms
of value consistency between parents, economics, or
confidence in the parent-child relationship that serves to
diminish children's wellbeing.
27
Discussion
This study examined the relationship between parental
incomes and child's wellbeing in cases of family
disruption. This analysis extends the growing body of
research on the impact of parental income on children's
wellbeing. By including a variable for the difference
between custodial-mother's and non-residential father's
income, the effect of downward socio-economic mobility on
children's wellbeing is examined.
Multiple regression revealed that, as expected,
mother's income had a positive impact on child's wellbeing.
For younger children, mother's income was shown to decrease
levels of sadness. For adolescents, mother's income
decreased levels of sadness, fearfulness and tendency to
lose one's temper.
Father's income was shown to increase levels of fear in
adolescents. This contradicts Nelson's (1993) theory as
well as r r t y first hypothesis that income itself aides in
family functioning. Further research in this area is
needed to determine exactly how father's income negatively
affects children of disrupted families.
28
The gap in income between mother and father was found
to be negatively related to child's wellbeing. For the
younger age group, it was found to increase child's sadness
while for the adolescents, it was found to increase child's
sadness, fearfulness and child's tendency to lose her/his
temper. The effects of income differential were more
negative for those in the adolescent group who are more
likely to understand money and its uses. When a father's
income leaves the family, children feel a drop in their
standard of living that is often drastic. Upon visitation,
children may also see that their father's lifestyle is more
comfortable than their mother's. Since these children live
with their mothers and share their mother's level of
comfort (or discomfort as is often the case) , they may
interpret their father's unwillingness to share money with
them and their mother as a sign of rejection. By virtue of
their young age and inexperience with money, children in
the 5-11 year age group are less likely to make this
interpretation.
The drop in standard of living experienced by women and
their children after family disruption serves to move them
down the socio-economic ladder. The effects of this drop in
socio-economic class manifest themselves most notably in
29
lower levels of both child wellbeing and high school
graduation for children of disrupted families (Amato &
Keith 1991) .
Mother-custody families are "declassed" by the socio
economic drop experienced as a result of the loss of the
father's income in the family budget. This is also a
source of diminished wellbeing for children from disrupted
families.
Children of these families grow up in a lower socio
economic class than their fathers. Since class is known to
be associated with sets of values (Skolnik & Skolnik 1992),
children from disrupted families may hold values different
than their non-residential parents. This, in fact, may be
a partial cause of the distant relationship between
children and outside fathers that is so common.
Alternatively, the desire to achieve goals set when the
economic resources available to the child were much greater
may diminish wellbeing and distance children from their
fathers.
Finally, these children may hold a set of values that
do not match either parent. Children from disrupted
families may be faced with the task of weaving a set of
values for themselves out of their parent's differing value
30
sets. For the child, the problem may not lie with either
parent's value set, but rather with the inconsistencies
between them and her/his current economic situation. The
task of making sense of these inconsistencies--creating a
set of values that incorporate both parents' values--may
create stress for a child resulting in lower wellbeing.
Four ideas for further research emerge. First, better
measures of non-residential father's income are desirable.
The measure used here was reflective of father's income at
the time of separation, however, this amount was likely to
be higher at the time of data collection. A more reliable
measure of father's income at the time of data collection
might show greater effects for the difference between
mother's and father's income on child's wellbeing. Second,
the length of time since separation must be taken into
account since the effects of father's income and the
difference between mother's and father's income may vary
over time. Third, although gender did not prove
significant here, variables that reflect girls' patterns of
reaction to family stress need to be identified and
employed in future research on family disruption and
child's wellbeing. Lastly, data measuring directly the
values of mothers, fathers and children from disrupted
31
families, and how these values covary with socio-economic
positions, would be useful. With variables measuring
values, we might further understand children's reaction to
changing socio-economic resources and inconsistent value
sets between parents after disruption.
32
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Amato, Paul R. and Alan Booth. "Consequences of Parental
Divorce and Marital Unhappiness for Adult Wellbeing."
Social Forces 69 (1991) 895-914.
Amato, Paul R. and Bruce Keith. "Parental Divorce and
Adult Well-being: A Meta-analysis . " Journal of
Marriage and the Family 53 (1991) 43-58.
Astone, Nan Marie and Sara S. McLanahan. "Family
Structure, Parental Practices and High School
Completion." American Sociological Review 56 (1991):
309-320.
Bumpass, Larry. "Children and Marital Disruption: A
Replication and Update." Demography 21 (1984): 71-82.
"What's Happening to the Family? Interactions
Between Demographic and Institutional Change."
Demography 27 (1990): 483-498.
Chambers, David. Making Fathers Pav: The Enforcement of
Child Support. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1979.
Dawson, Deborah A. "Family Structure and Children's Health
and Well-Being: Data from the 1988 National Health
Interview Survey on Child Health." Journal of Marriage
and the Family 53 (1991): 573-584.
Furstenberg, Frank F. and Christine Winquist Nord.
"Parenting Apart: Patterns of Childrearing After
Marital Disruption." Journal of Marriage and the
Family 47 (1985): 893-904.
Garfinkel, Irwin and Sara S. McLanahan. Single Mothers and
their Children: A New American Dilemma. Washington,
D.C.: The Urban Institute P, 1986.
Gilligan, Carol. In A Different Voice: Psychological
Theory and Women's Development. Cambridge: Harvard U
P, 1982.
Hetherington, E. Mavis and Kathleen A. Camara. "Families
in Transition: The Process of Dissolution." Review of
child Development Research 7 (1984): 398-431.
33
Holdnack, James A. "The Long-Term effects of Parental
Divorce on Family Relationships and the Effects on
Adult Children's Self-Concept." Journal of Divorce and
Remarriage 18 (1992): 137-155.
Kline, Marsha, Janet R. Johnston, and Jeanne M. Tschann.
"The Long Shadow of Marital Conflict: A Model of
Children's Postdivorce Adjustment." Journal of
Marriage and the Family 53 (1991): 297-309.
Marini, Margaret Mooney. "Sex Differences in Earnings in
the United States." Annual Review of Sociology 15
(1989): 343-380.
Mazur, Elizabeth, Sharlene A. Wolchik, and Irwin N.
Sandler. "Negative Cognitive Errors and Positive
Illusions for Negative Divorce Events: Predictors of
Children's Psychological Adjustment." Journal of
Abnormal Child Psychology 20 (1992): 523-542.
McLanahan, Sara and Gary Sandefur. Growing Un with a
Single Parent. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1994.
Nelson, Geoffrey. "Risk, Resistance, and Self-Esteem--A
Longitudinal study of Elementary school-aged Children
from Mother Custody and 2-Parent Families." Journal of
Divorce and Remarriage 19 (1993): 99-119.
Shook, Nancy J. and Joan Jurich. "Correlates of Self-
Esteem Among College Offspring from Divorced Families--
A Study of Gender-Based Differences." Journal of
Divorce and Remarriage 18 (1992): 157-176.
Skolnik, Arlene S. and Jerome H. Skolnik. Family in
Transition: ____Rethinking Marriage. Sexuality. Child
Rearing, and Family Organization. New York: Harper
Collins Publishers, 1992.
Sweet J., Bumpass, L.L. and Call, V. The Design and
Content of the NSFH (NSFH working paper #1). Madison:
U of Wisconsin, Center for Demography and Ecology,
1988.
Taeuber, Cynthia ed. Statistical Handbook on Women in
America. Phoenix: Oryx Press, 1991.
34
U.S. Bureau of the Census. Statistical Abstract of the
United States: 1985. Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1985.
Wallerstein, Judith S. and Sandra Blakeslee. Second
Chances: Men. Women, and Children A Decade after
Divorce. New York: Ticknor and Fields P, 1989.
Wallerstein, Judith S. and Shauna B. Corbin. "Father-Child
Relationships After Divorce: Child Support and
Educational Opportunity." Family Law Quarterly 20
(1986): 109-128.
Weitzman, Lenore J. The Divorce Revolution. New York:
The Free P, 1985.
35

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Health And Well-Being By Marital Status: The Effect Of Age, Sex, Income And Social Support. Study Of 1985 Gss Data

PDF

Violent environments and their effects on children

PDF

Cross-Sectional And Longitudinal Effects Of Parental Divorce On Parent-Adult Child In-Person Contact

PDF

Impression formation and attraction in computer -mediated communication

PDF

Determinants Of Neonatal And Postneonatal Mortality: The Case Of Malawi, 1992

PDF

The Emotional, Physiological, And Cognitive Reactions Of Boys And Girls From High-Conflict And Low-Conflict Homes To Simulated Marital Conflict

PDF

Familism, Suburbanization, And Residential Mobility In A Metropolis

PDF

An Exploratory Analysis Of Two Dimensions Of Family Separation

PDF

Personality And Interpersonal Factors Associated With The Duration Of Marriage Counseling

PDF

The Effects Of Generation, Religion, And Sex On The Relationship Of Family Vertical Solidarity And Mental Health In Lebanon

PDF

Interfaith family process and the negotiation of identity and difference

PDF

An Analysis Of Factors In The Family'S Withdrawal Of A Patient From A Hospital For The Mentally Retarded

PDF

Familial Role Typology, Accuracy Of Perception, And Mutual Needs Among Pre-Nuptial Partners

PDF

Perceptions and realities: women, equality and discriminatory barriers in Japanese society and workplace

PDF

A Sociological Approach To The Etiology Of Female Homosexuality And The Lesbian Social Scene

PDF

An Analysis Of The Positive And Negative Functions In The Contemporary Usage Of An Ancient Rite Of Passage

PDF

Assistive technology for clients with visual impairments of the Alaska Division of Vocation Rehabilitation: a qualitative evaluation

PDF

Using The Cayley-Hamilton Theorem To Solve Linear Systems Of Difference Equations

PDF

Status consistency and its effects on marital adjustment and stability

PDF

Personality Characteristics: Ideal And Perceived In Relation To Mate Selection

Asset Metadata

Creator Milledge, Michelle Lee (author)

Core Title Money Makes The World Go 'Round: Mother-Custody Families And Downward Mobility

Degree Master of Arts

Degree Program Sociology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, individual and family studies,sociology, public and social welfare,women's studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Biblarz, Timothy J. (committee chair), Ahrons, Constance R (committee member), Stoner, Madeleine R. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-10306

Unique identifier UC11357721

Identifier 1378808.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-10306 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 1378808-0.pdf

Dmrecord 10306

Document Type Thesis

Rights Milledge, Michelle Lee

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA