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Cross-Sectional And Longitudinal Effects Of Parental Divorce On Parent-Adult Child In-Person Contact

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Cross-Sectional And Longitudinal Effects Of Parental Divorce On Parent-Adult Child In-Person Contact

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Cross-Sectional and Longitudinal Effects
of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child
In-Person Contact
by
Alexander Bucur
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Fullfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
MASTER OF.SCIENCE
(Applied Demography)
May 1996
UMI Number: 1380440
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Copyright 1996, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.
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U NIVER SITY O F SO U TH ER N C A LIFO R N IA
T H E GRADUATE SCHOOL
U N IV E R S IT Y PARK
LOS A N G ELES, C A LIF O R N IA 0 0 0 0 7
This thesis, written by
under the direction of k± a Thesis Committee,
and approved by all its members, has been pre
sented to and accepted by the Dean of The
Graduate School, in partial fulfillm ent of the
requirements fo r the degree of
.JtoSJfiJ:.-<5£..S<;iSILQea „5pc;iologx„X A E B lied..D em ography)
Dean
£ ate March 25, 1996
_______
THESIS COMMITTEE
Chairm an
ABSTRACT
The goal of this study is to elucidate, cross-sectionally and
longitudinally, if parental divorce explains the frequency of contact between
parents and their adult children. A sample of parent-child dyads from U.S.C.
Longitudinal Study of Families was analyzed with additive models using OLS
regression.
This study hypothesizes that (1) parent-adult child in-person contact
is reduced by parental divorce; (2) parent-child previous contact positively
affects later parent-child contact; (3) parent-child affection is positively
related to parent-adult child in-person contact; and (4) the gender of either
side of the in-person contact is related to the frequency of contact.
The hypotheses are only partially verified. The results display the
complex relationships between divorce, the frequency of parent-child in-
person contact, the gender of those involved, and the effects of the changes
in parent-child relationships. Parent-adult child physical distance, child's
gender, and previous contact have consistenly predicted parent-child
contact.
Table of Contents
1. Introduction...................................................................................................1
2. Background .................................................................................................3
2.1 Parental divorce and parent-child contact.........................................3
2.2 Other modifiers of parent-child contact.... .......................................... 5
2.2.1 Effects of marital indicators on parent-child contact...............5
2.2.2 Parent-child affection and parental divorce .........................6
2.2.3 The link between affection and contact of parents and
children............................................................................. 6
2.2.4 The effects of change in parent-child affection and distance
on parent-child contact...................................................... 7
2.2.5 Socio-demographic factors and parent-child contact........... 8
2.3 An improved approach to analyze effects of parental divorce on
parent-child contact....................................................................10
4. Hypotheses ..................................................................................... 12
5. The sample and its construction..................................................................14
5.1 General description of the survey .................................................. 14
5.2 The construction of parent-child dyads............................................. 14
6. Measures...................................................................................................16
6.1 Dependent variables (see the appendix for more descriptives of these
measures)................................................................................. 16
6.2 Independent variables (see the appendix for more descriptives of
these measures)........................................................................17
7. Procedure.......................................................................................22
8. Theoretical models..................................................................................... 22
9. Findings .....................................................................................................24
10. Conclusion ...............................................................................................29
References.....................................................................................................34
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
1. Introduction
Exchanges between adult family members of different generations have
become a central focus of family relations research. Frequency of contact, social
support, affection, and geographical distance between parents and adult children
are just a few of the dimensions that have been investigated. Recently, increasing
attention has been given to the impact of parental divorce on family exchange.
Divorce results in changes in family functioning and interaction, which, in turn,
require adjustments from all family members. Research has shown that divorce
results in both short-term and protracted behavioral and psychological changes in
family members of all ages. (Amato & Booth, 1991; Amato & Keith, 1991; Cooney
& Uhlenberg, 1990; Umberson, 1992; Lawton, Silverstein, & Bengtson, 1994b)
The complex aspects of the web of family relations are not independent of
each other. Studies have shown that affection and contact are linked, and that they
condition the flow of social support (Bengtson & Roberts, 1991; Silverstein, Parrot,
& Bengtson, in press; White, 1992). Physical distance and geographical mobility
impinge on levels of contact and social support (Crimmins & Ingegneri, 1990;
Lawton, Silverstein, & Bengtson, 1994a). Exchange of social support between
parents and children depends on the quality of parent-child relations (Cooney &
Uhlenberg, 1990; Silverstein, Parrot, & Bengtson, 1995). Overall, influences on any
of the dimensions of intergenerational exchange have, at least, indirect effects on
other measures of such exchanges.
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
Most research of the effects of divorce on families is based on parental
divorce that occurs when children are young in order to determine the
consequences for children’s well-being and in parent-child relations. These studies
have found that many aspects of children’s well-being are affected by divorce. For
example, Sandefur, McLanahan, & Wojtkiewicz (1992) found that the probability of
high-school graduation is highly reduced when children have divorced parents.
Similarly, parent-child relations, like contact and affection, are reduced when a
family experiences divorce (Amato & Keith, 1991).
Somewhat limited research has been done on the effects of parental divorce
on parent-adult child relations. For example, contact between divorced parents and
their adult children is less than that between married parents and their adult children
(Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Crimmins & Ingegneri, 1990). However, neither
analyses takes into account children’s age at the time of divorce. Hence, the
findings may reflect the long-term consequences of parental divorce that occurred
before children's adulthood, parental divorce that occurred after children moved out
of the parental household, or both.
Very little research has focused on the effects of parental divorce when
children are out of the parental home at the time of divorce. This study examines
such effects, as well as the effects of the changes in parent-child relationship across
time. The issues considered are multiple. First, does divorce actually produce the
differences in parent-child contact observed in other analyses of married versus
2
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
divorced parents, or is parent-adult child contact actually lower before divorce? If
parental divorce is proven to introduce the differences in contact with children
between married and divorced parents, then how does the change come about?
Are effects of parental divorce due to changes in family structure, or are they due
to changes in family processes?
This study presents an analysis that addresses these questions. It uses a
panel study from the University of Southern California Longitudinal Study of
Families to measure the relationship between marital disruption, parent-child
contact, and parent-child affection. The longitudinal methodology associates
changes in parent-child relations with changes in parents’ marital status in order to
untangle causality questions.
2. Background
2.1 Parental divorce and parent-child contact
The association between parental divorce and the reduction of parent-child
contact is one of the most consistent results in analyses of family relations. A meta
analysis by Amato & Keith (1991) found that research on families with young
children, with teenagers, or with adult children describes parental divorce as a
complex modifier of parent-child contact.
Nationally representative samples show powerful disruption in contact of
parents with their children. Many children have little contact with their divorced
3
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
parents (Furstenberg, Peterson, Nord, &ZilI, 1983; Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988; Cooney
& Uhlenberg, 1990; Crimmins & Ingegneri, 1990). Furstenberg et al. (1983) found
that about a third of the divorced fathers have no contact with their children.
Crimmins & Ingegneri (1990) found that divorced parents see their children only
64% as often as other parents. Cooney & Uhlenberg (1990) found that ever
divorced fathers have 40% less chances than married fathers to have at least
weekly contact with their children.
Most small area samples found less disruption after divorce. Booth & Amato
(1994) found that the effects of parental divorce do not predict a decrease in parent-
child contact. A similar conclusion is found by Maccoby & Mnookin (1992) and by
Wallerstein & Kelly (1980). Nevertheless, these findings change when analyses
allow for the effects of divorce to develop by measuring outcomes at a later time.
Longitudinal analysis by both Maccoby & Mnookin (1992) and Wallerstein &
Blakeslee (1990) found that parent-child contact decreased over time. The
implication is that changes in family structure created by divorce appear to settle,
and, yet, the effects of divorce continue to decrease parent-child contact over time.
In ail the above studies parental divorce occurs either when children are
young or its timing is not specified. The parent-child contact was measured either
when children were young or young adults. As mentioned earlier, only limited
research exists on the effects of divorce on adult children. Nonetheless, the
research points to a continuous decrease of parent-child contact into older age.
4
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
In an analysis of contact of older fathers (aged 59 to 70) with adult children, Cooney
& Uhlenberg (1990) found that, when compared with married fathers, divorced
fathers have highly reduced chances of contact their children. Crimmins &
Ingegneri’s (1990) analysis of older parents displays similar effects of divorce on
parent-child contact.
2.2 Other modifiers of parent-child contact
2.2.1 Effects of marital indicators on parent-child contact
The causality issue of the relation between parental divorce and parent-child
contact is important. Marital indicators previous to divorce can provide an insight
to causal effects, however there is little knowledge about the relation between
marital indicators and parent-child contact. Only very recently Booth & Amato
(1994) published such an analysis, based on the three wave panel study of "Marital
Instability Over the Life Course” (Booth, Johnson, White and Edwards, 1991). The
analysis controlled for marital problems before divorce, and it found that measures
of parents' marital problems predict weaker relations between parents and children
later in life. If marital problems result in divorce, then the parent-child relations
weaken further. Fathers have more pronounced decreases in contact than mothers.
The study by Booth & Amato (1994) brings new insight into causality issues
of parent-child relations, but some riddles in the analysis lend to less than
conclusive results. The explanatory power of the models is limited (only about 5%
5
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
of variance is explained). The change in parent-child relations from before to after
the divorce is not measured because parent-chiid relations before divorce are not
measured. Such measures would be necessary to untangle the effects of divorce
from existing family problems.
2.2.2 Parent-child affection and parental divorce
Two recent studies have investigated the relation of affection between
parents and children to parental divorce at two different stages of children’s life
course: young adults (Cooney, 1994) and adults (Lawton, Silverstein, & Bengtson,
1994a). The findings of these two studies appear to be consistent. Parent-child
affection is strained by parental divorce. The closeness between parents and
children changes as a result of the breakup of the family; however, the effects are
different for the two parents. Divorced fathers report less affection in their relations
with their children after divorce, where mother-child affection is less disrupted by
mothers’ divorce.
2.2.3 The link between affection and contact of parents and children
Affection and contact between parents and children are correlated.
Bengtson & Roberts (1991) have shown that higher affectual solidarity was related
to higher associational solidarity. Silverstein, Parrot, & Bengtson (1995) showed
that higher previous levels of affection increased the frequency of contact between
6
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
parents and children. Lawton, Silverstein, & Bengtson (1994b) showed that
parental divorce decreased frequency of contact (associational solidarity), and that
affectual solidarity acted as a mediator of such outcomes. Effects of parental
divorce are similar on both affection and contact for mothers, but not for fathers
(Cooney, 1994). These studies point to the fact that parental divorce is closely
related to levels of parent-child affection and contact. Causality issues are not
completely answered since the measurements of contact and affection in these
studies did not allow for longitudinal analysis. Contact and affection previous to
divorce need to be controlled in order to extract the true effects of divorce.
2.2.4 The effects of change in parent-child affection and distance on parent-child
contact
Besides the effect of previous levels of affection or distance on the parent-
child contact, the change in affection or distance between parents and children
affects the parent-chiid contact. For example, an increase in parent-child physical
distance or a decrease in parent-child affection reduce the parent-child contact.
Similarly, a decrease in parent-child physical distance or an increase in parent-child
affection elevate parent-child contact (Lawton, Silverstein, & Bengtson, 1994b).
In his analysis of family ties in later life Kulis (1991) argues that in analyses
of change one needs to distinguish between the increase and the decrease in the
variable of interest. The reasoning is based on the threshold effects and the
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
different social values associated with increase versus decrease in the variable. In
the case of parent-child contact the different levels of mother-child and father-child
introduce threshold levels which in turn affect the possibility of change.
Simultaneously, the changes in affection or physical distance are expected to act
differently for mother versus fathers (Rossi & Rossi, 1991; Lawton, Silverstein, &
Bengtson, 1994ab).
2.2.5 Socio-demographic factors and parent-child contact
From a nationally representative sample of older parents and adult children,
Cooney & Uhlenberg (1990) found that fathers’ age does not predict contact with
children when controlling for divorce and education. In a more comprehensive
analysis, Crimmins & Ingegneri (1990) found a similar non-effect by parent’s age on
the parent-child contact. These findings are in contradiction with the findings of
Rossi & Rossi (1990), who found that older parents have closer contact with their
children. As for children, in intact families adolescent children report less contact
with parents, but the trend is reversed as the parents age (Rossi & Rossi, 1990).
For disrupted families the trend is different. In adolescence the noncustodial parent
has less contact, and as the children age the contact decreases even more.
(Dudley, 1991b; Seltzer & Bianchi, 1988).
The gender of parents and children does not have consistent effects on
contact. Research shows that divorced fathers have less contact with their children
8
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
than fathers from intact families (Cooney, 1994; Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Dudley
1991b). Daughters are less intimate with their divorced fathers (Cooney, 1994).
However, for other studies gender appears to have little effect on parent-chiid
relations (Crimmins & Ingegneri, 1990).
Parents’ education does not have consistent effects on parent-child contact.
Some studies has found that education predicts contact with children from either
intact or disrupted families. Highly educated parents have more contact with their
children (Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990; Furstenberg, et al., 1983; Seltzer & Bianchi,
1988). Seltzer & Bianchi (1988) imply that higher education results in higher
compliance to societal norms. Furstenberg et al. (1983) believe that higher
education increases material resources, which in turn maintain higher levels of
interaction between parents and children. On the other hand, the study by
Crimmins & Ingegneri (1990) found that parent’s education decreases chances of
parent-child contact. It is implied that higher education creates less-family centered
interactions, which, in turn, increases the physical distance between children and
parents.
Overall, the literature review presents the following picture of parent-adult
child contact. Parental divorce decreases parent-child contact. Parental divorce is
inversely correlated to parent-child affection. Affection and contact between parents
and children are positively correlated. In most of the studies the effects of divorce
9
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
are lasting effects from parental divorce that occurred before children's adulthood.
Issues of causality and of direction of change between divorce and parent-chiid
contact are not completely clarified by previous analyses.
2.3 An improved approach to analyze, effects of parental divorce on parent-child
contact
The following section presents an approach that focuses on solving issues
of parental divorce for adult children, as well as issues of causality and change. I
describe the settings for appropriate analysis, and the concepts required for
understanding the effects of divorce.
An appropriate study should analyze dyadic structures (parent-child) cross-
sectionally, at a least two points in time, for any correlation between parental
divorce and parent-child contact. Then, a parallel longitudinal analysis should clarify
causal effects by describing how the event of divorce modifies parent-child contact.
To distinguish the effects of parental divorce, these effects are defined as structural
and procedural effects. Divorce creates a new structure in the family, and it
modifies existing family processes; therefore, structural and procedural effects
should be unveiled by the analysis.
Structural effects are the influences of parental divorce that are observable
after controlling for the effects of family processes. By family processes I refer here
to parent-child contact and parent-child affection. This study controls for previous
10
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
levels of contact and affection and for their changes. The types of family
arrangement that result after parental divorce generate the structural effects. For
example, parents' physical distance to their children affects the structure of the
family. The parents have fewer constraints for living close to the children and to
each other. Simultaneously, since parents are living apart, children have to make
an effort to contact parents who are not in the same household. Children’s own
families plus children’s other duties create time constraints. All these possibilities
have a diminishing effect, a structural one, on parent-chiid contact.
As parents and children develop new patterns of contact after divorce,
structuring effects may not fully account for the total outcome of parental divorce.
Procedural effects are the differences between total and structural effects of
parental divorce. In terms of path analysis, they are the indirect effects of parental
divorce on parent-child contact by the way of family processes. After controlling for
previous levels of solidarity, if the effects of parental divorce diminish but the
amount decreased is significant, one can conclude that procedural effects of
parental divorce exist. Procedural forces change the family processes like
association or affection. Parents proceed with their family related activities in a
much different way after divorce. Previous studies showed that changes in affection
correlate with many types of intergenerational family relations. If the affection for
children decreases due to parental divorce, then the outcomes of parental divorce
will decrease in the models when controlling for affection. This study will attempt
11
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
to explain how parental divorce modifies affection, and how affection changes family
processes.
Many studies of the linkages between parents and children have used
solidarity as the term to define parent-child bonds. Different types of solidarity have
been considered (structural, associational, affectual, consensual, functional and
normative) as the underlying dimensions of overall parent-child intergenerational
ties (Bengtson and Schrader, 1986; Roberts, Richards, and Bengtson, 1991;
Lawton, Silverstein and Bengtson, 1994b). Many previous analyses have focused
only on the relation between affection and contact when they analyzed the effects
of divorce on family relations. This study attempts to clarify causal issues of the
findings in these studies by using a longitudinal analysis. For these reasons, I
limited my analysis only to the relation of affectual and associational solidarity to
parental divorce. Affectual solidarity measures feelings of parent-child emotional
closeness, while associational solidarity measures parent-child contact.
4. Hypotheses
From the findings of the studies mentioned above, I have derived a set of
four hypotheses on the effects of divorce on parent-child contact. Tests of these
hypotheses will not have the limitations encountered by previous researchers.
12
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
Hypothesis one: Overall effects o f divorce. Parental divorce diminishes
frequency of parent-chiid contact. The effect of divorce on parent-adult child
contact decreases over time.
Hypothesis two: Effects of divorce when controlling for previous contact
between parent and child. Previous contact positively affects later parent-
chiid contact, and parental divorce continues to affect negatively parent-chiid
contact.
Hypothesis three: Effects o f divorce when controlling for change in parent-
chiid affection. Affectual solidarity is related to associational solidarity. Both
affectual solidarity and increase in levels of affectual solidarity between the
two times have a positive affect on parent-chiid contact, where decrease in
levels of affectual solidarity between the two times has a negative affect on
parent-child contact.
Hypothesis four. Gender, a mediator o f effects o f divorce on contact.
Divorced fathers will have less contact with their children than divorced
mothers. The divorced versus married mothers difference will be less than
the one for fathers. Mothers, both married and divorced, will be closer to
their daughters than to their sons.
13
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
5. The sample and its construction
5.1 General description of the sun/ey.
The data for this project uses waves one and three of the University of
Southern California Longitudinal Study of Families. The study began in 1971 as a
cross-sectional survey of three generation families of grandparents (G1), parent
(G2), and grandchildren aged 16 to 26 (G3). The initial sample began with 328
families consisting of 2,044 members aged 16-91. The investigators randomly
sampled families and their members from 840,000 individuals belonging to an HMO
based in the metropolitan Los Angeles area. The sample pool was mostly white,
economically stable, middle and working class families (see Bengtson, 1975). A
70% response rate was obtained in 1971. The sun/ey became a longitudinal study
of inter- and intra-generational familial relations with the follow-up data collected in
1988, 1991, and 1994. For the later waves of data, respondents had to be
members of the families surveyed in the first wave. Addition of new respondents
was limited to those that became associated with families due to marriage or
adoption. The sample size decreased over time because of attrition.
5.2 The construction of parent-child dyads.
An analysis of change requires at least two points in time. For longitudinal
analysis of intergenerational exchanges dyadic structures need to be used in order
to make sure that the change reported refers to the same parent-chiid relation cross
14
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
time. I constructed parent-child dyads using only the second and the third
generation. The parents (G2s) and children (G3s) chosen have participated at two
times of analysis, wave one (1971) and wave three (1988). At time one (1971) 1528
possible respondents were available for this study with 702 parents and 827
children. At time three (1988) 1305 possible respondents replied with 569 parents
and 739 children. Due to the dyadic construction of the sample I had to drop many
children and parents when either one had not participated at both times. I limited
the sample to only parents that never-divorced in 1988 or divorced between 1971
and 1988. I excluded widowed and separated parents, which represented only a
very small percentage of parents.
As in the case of any other family panel study, a sample can be biased by the
fact that in families with large number of children the same parent appears many
times in parent-child dyads. To remedy such bias, I constrainted the dyads for this
study to only between parents and their study children. Study children are children
who were chosen in 1971 by the survey investigators, and their status as study-
children was maintained for the following waves. Parents’ relations to their study-
child are considered to be representative of parent’s relations to their other children.
In accord with the study’s focus on the effects of divorce on parent-adult child
relations, from all the possible parent-child dyads I retained those in which children
did not live with their parents in 1971. None of the children resided with their
parents in 1988. The resulting sample contains 192 dyads in 1971 and 167 dyads
15
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
in 1988. They consist of 109 mothers, 83 fathers, 101 daughters and 91 sons. In
1971 the parents are 31 to 56 with a mean age of 45, and the children are 16 to 26
with a mean age of 20. About 18% of parents are divorced in 1971 and 28% in
1988 . On the average, parents educational attainment is between "high-school or
vocational school" and "some college or specialized school.” Children have a little
higher educational attainment (more than "some college and specialized school").
Important to mention here is the fact that average parental education
decreases from 1971 to 1988. This is due to the effects of attrition and dyadic
construction of the sample, in general parents with higher education levels are
more inclined to move or to experience household disruptions (Cooney &
Uhlenberg, 1991; Amato & Keith, 1991). In turn it becomes harder to re-interview
members of such families after 17 years, and the average education level of the
sample declines.
6. Measures
6.1 Dependent variables (see the appendix for more descriptives of these
measures)
Adult parent-child frequency of contact is measured at two different points in
time. For 1971 I derive the measure from responses to the question "How often did
you have brief visits for conversation with child?" Responses are on an eight point
scale (1- almost never, 2 - about once a year, 3 - several times a year, 4 - every
16
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
month or so, 5 - about once a month, 6 - about once a week, 7 - several times a
week, and 8 - almost every day). The answers were transformed into the number
of days the parent had contact with the study child during the last year. Because
of the distribution of the answers, the dependent variable was transformed into its
natural log. The scale obtained ranges from 0 to 5.05 with a mean value of 2.48 (or
12 times a year) and a standard deviation of 1.55.
A similar technique was applied for parent-chiid contact variable in 1988. A
measure was derived from responses to the question "During the past year, how
often were you in personal contact with your child?" Responses are on a six point
scale (1- not at all, 2 - once or twice a year, 3 - several times a year, 4 - every
month or so, 5 - every week or so, 6 - daily or often). The answers were
transformed to number of days per year, and later transformed to the natural log to
obtain a continuous variable. The scale obtained ranges from 0.69 to 5.90 with a
mean value for the log of parent-child contact of 3.54 (or 37 times a year) and a
standard deviation of 1.23.
6.2 Independent variables (see the appendix for more descriptives of these
measures)
History of parental marital status is operationalized from answers to the
question "Have you ever been divorced before?" As used by Cooney and
Uhlenberg (1990) such a question allows the division of parents into those married
17
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
and never divorced parents and parents that have experienced divorce. There are
35 divorced parents (18%) in 1971, and 47 divorced parents in 1988 (28%).
Change in marital status is used to analyze the effects of recent divorces on
parent-child contact when controlling for previous parent-child contact and parents'
marital history. The panel data used allows for measures of marital status at three
points in time: 1971, 1985, and 1988. These are used to create a dummy variable
that indicates whether married and never divorced parents have divorced within the
1971 to 1988 period. About 6% (12 cases) of parents experienced divorce
between 1971 and 1988.
Parent-Child Affection in 1971 is based on a constructed scale. Six
questions about the perceived quality and emotional intimacy measure parental
relationships with children. I derive the items from the scale developed by Bengtson
and Mangen (1988) to measure intergenerational affectual solidarity. All items are
coded on a six point scale. They include the following items: (1) “how close do you
feel is the relationship between you and your child?”; (2) “how well can you
exchange ideas or talk about things that really concern you?"; (3) “how similar are
your opinions and values about life to those of your child?"; (4) “how well do you and
your child get along together?"; (5) “how well do you understand your child?"; and,
(6) “how well do you feel your child understands you?" These items have been
asked at both times in the same way, which is appropriate for longitudinal analysis.
A summative scale from these responses to the six questions is calculated for this
18
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
analysis. The resulting scale has a range of 16 to 36, with a mean value of 26.6
and a standard deviation of 4.4. A mean value of 26.6 represents, on average, a
4.43 for each answer, which is equivalent to feeling "pretty good" or to exchanging
ideas "pretty well."
Change in Affectual Solidarity between 1971 and 1988. By simply
subtracting the level reported in 1988 from that in 19711 have measured the change
in parent-child affectual solidarity between 1971 and 1988. The range of the
resulting scale is -10 to 10, with a mean value o f-0.7 and a standard deviation of
4.25. This change variable was used to create an absolute change for both
increased and decreased affection between 1971 and 1988. This was needed
because of the different effects that the two measures have for mothers versus
fathers. On the average, mothers and children have higher levels of affection
decreases in affection may have important effects. On the opposite side, fathers
and children have lower levels of affection and only decreases in affection may have
important effects. The range is 0 to 10 for both the positive and the negative
change in affection. The mean values are 1.27 for decreased affection (standard
deviation of 2.15) and 1.96 for increased affection (standard deviation of 3.02).
Physical Distance. Many previous researchers have found that parent-child
physical distance influences the frequency of parent-child contact (Cooney and
Uhlenberg, 1990; Crimminsand Ingegneri, 1990; Lawton, Silverstein and Bengtson,
1994). In this analysis I use answers to the question "How far do you live from your
19
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
child?". The 1971 answers provide the number of miles from the child. The 1988
answers were coded on an ordered six point scale with the following categories:
living together, 1 to 5, 6 to 50, 51 to 150,151 to 500, and 500+ miles.
The 1988 replies were re-coded to obtain longitudinal compatibility with the
1971 answers. The scheme used was to change each category with the midpoint
of its range. The resulting values were transformed to their natural logs in order to
obtain a linear distribution. The 1971 replies were also logged in order to obtain
longitudinal compatibility with 1988 new scale. For 1971 physical distance the
mean value is 4.34 {standard deviation of 2.1), and for 1988 physical distance the
mean value is 4.52 (standard deviation of 2.1).
Change in Parent-Child Physical Distance. By simply subtracting the level
reported in 1988 from that in 1971 I have measured the change in parent-child
physical distance between 1971 and 1988. The range of the resulting scale is -5.52
to 5.30, with a mean value of-0.51 and a standard deviation of 2.31. This change
variable was used to create an absolute change for both decrease and increase in
physical distance. This was needed because of the different effects that the two
measures have for mothers versus fathers. On the average, mothers are closer to
their children and only increases in distance may have important effects. On the
opposite side, fathers are farther away from their children and only decreases in
distance may have important effects. The range is 0 to 5.30 for the decrease and
0 to 5.52 for the increase in physical distance. They have mean values of 0.84 for
20
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
decrease in physical distance (standard deviation of 1.50), and 1.03 for increase in
physical distance (standard deviation of 1.46).
Parent's and Child's Education are coded on an ordered five point scale. The
categories are defined as: less than high-school, high-school or vocational school,
some college or specialized school, college graduate, and postgraduate or Ph.D.
degree. The 1988 data was collected with this coding, and the 1971 data were re
coded to maintain longitudinal compatibility. In 1971, parents’ average educational
level is 2.23 (standard deviation of 1.3), which represents of just over “some college
or specialized school.” In 1988, parents' average educational level is 1.70 (standard
deviation of 1.6), which represents an educational attainment of more than "high-
school or vocational school." As mentioned earlier, the decrease in the parents’
education between 1971 and 1988 is due to the attrition in the sample. In general
more educated parents are more inclined to move or to experience household
disruptions, which in turn declines these parents participation rates. The children's
average educational level is 2.32 (standard deviation of 1.3), which represents an
educational attainment of just over "some college or specialized school."
Parent's and Child's Gender are dummy variables that represent mothers
for the parents and daughters for the children. As mentioned above, 109 mothers
and 101 daughters are in the sample.
21
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
7. Procedure
I use a simple linear regression analysis to predict in-person contact. The
method is used to predict parent-child contact frequency in 1971 and in 1988. The
change in frequency of contact is calculated by using parent-child contact frequency
1971 as a predictor for contact frequency in 1988. The mathematical equation used
is:
V = a + £ P iX „
where a is the intercept for the parent-child contact variable, and the p/s are the
coefficients that represent the linear effect of each independent variable Xj on the
dependent variable Y (i.e., parent-child in-person contact).
8. Theoretical models
The mathematical models used for the analysis are presented below. The
mnemonic used for the terms in the equations is very close to the measures
presented before and the names used in the tables. A variable starting with a P
represents a parent’s variable, where as a variable starting with a C represents a
child's variable. Variables that start with a PC represent variables that relate
parents and children. As mentioned above, in each of the models a refers to the
intercept for parent-child contact, and the p’s refer to the coefficients predicted by
the linear regression. Each model is ran first as a whole, then separately for fathers
and mothers in order to observe the different effects for fathers and mothers.
22
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
The mathematical model used for cross-sectional analysis of parental divorce
effects on associational solidarity in 1971 is presented in equation (1), and the
coefficients appear in table 1 (model 1).
PCContact71 = a + (3 ,PDivorce71 + (3 zPAge71 + p3PSex + $A CAge71 +
(D
P 5CSex + p6PCDistance71 + $7PEduc71
For cross-sectional analysis in 1988 a similar equation is used, but measures
used are taken in 1988. From the previous model only child’s education is added.
The coefficients appear in table 1 (model 2).
PCContact88 = a + P ^PDfvorce88 + $zPAge88 + P3 PSex + pA CAge88 +
(2)
P5CSex + $aPCDistance88 + P 7PEduc88 + PaCEduc88
For longitudinal analysis I have ran three different models, and their results
are reported in table 2. Each of the models controls for the measures used in the
cross-sectional analyses. In the first model (model 3) only 1971 parent-child contact
is use to predict contact in 1988; and, the subsequent models introduce in an
additive fashion new longitudinal measures.
PCContact88 = a + $^PDivorca88 + $2PAgeB8 + P3PSex + P4CAge88 +
(3)
P6CSex + p6PCDIstance88 + P 7PEduc88 + P aCEduc88 + $0 PCContact71
The next longitudinal analysis, as shown in equation (4), predicts the effects
23
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
of parental divorce on associational solidarity when controlling for both in-person
contact and affection in 1971.
PCContact88 = a + P ^PDivorceSQ + $2PAge88 + P3PSex + P4CAge88 + p5CSex +
(4)
p6PCDistance88 + P 7 PEduc8B + p6CEduc8B + pB PCContact71 + $^0PCAffect71
The longitudinal analysis is extended to observe the effects of change in the
parent-child relations on the parent-child contact. For this reason, occurrence of
divorce, change in affectual solidarity and in physical distance between 1971 and
1988 are added to model 4. Increase and decrease in affectual solidarity, as well
as increase and decrease in physical distance are used as measure of absolute
change. The measure of parental divorce is taken in 1971 in order to allow for a
measure of the occurrence of parental divorce. The resulting model is shown in
equation (5) and the resulting coefficients are shown in table 2.
PCConfac/88 = a + p1 PDivorce71 + P 2PAge88 + p3PSex + pA CAge88 +P5CSex +
PePCD/sfanceS8 + P7PEduc88+PaC£cfuc8S+ P 0PCContact71 + p i0PCAffect71 + (5)
p u PDiv71to88 + P1 2 PC0ecM ff + $t3PCIncrAff + $u PCDecrDist + p ^PCIncrDist
9. Findings
Cross-sectional analysis in 1971- Model 1 (see table 1). Previous parental
divorce reduces adult parent-child in-person contact by 1.8 days per year when
compared with married parents. Older parents have less contact with their children
24
Tahlo 1, Regression coefficients for cross-soctlonal analysis predicting the log of number of days
per year of parant-chlld In-person contact In 1971 and 19BBwhon parent and child live apart
Model 1 (1971) Modol 2 (19B8)
All Father Mother All Father Mother
Intercept 7.41 *** 6.99 *** 8.05 *** 3.80 7.58*** 1.43
Parent Ever-Divorced -0.59 * -0.48 -0,64 * -0.08 -0.50 0.25
Parent's Age -0.00 ** -0.04 -0.09 ** 0.03 •0.01 0.06 *
Parent's Gender (1=Femalo) 0.19
— — 0.15
— —
Child's Age -0.01 •0.02 0.00 -0.03 -0.05 0.00
Child's Gender (1=Fema!e) -0.51 "* -0.55 * -0.40 0.41 0.52 0.37
Physical Distance -0.50 *• -0.54 *“ -0.40 *** -0.32 *** -0.36 *** -0.30 " *
Parent's Education 0.19 * 0.11 o.35 * ; -0.04 -0.16 0.05
Child's Education — — — 0.03 0.12 0.06
N 191 02 108 166 70 95
R-Square 0.42 0.51 0.37 0.38 0.46 0.38
DF 7 6 6 8 7 7
*p<.05;**p<.01;*“ p<.001
1 — ’ represents not applicable to the model
Tablo 2. Regression coefflctonts for tho longitudinal analysis predicting tho log of number of days
per year of paront-chlld In-person contact In 1988 when parent and child live apart.
Model 3 Modol 4 ModoIS
All Father Mother All Folhor Mother All Father Mother
Intercept 3.09 * 7.00” 0.58 2.32 6.26 * 0.00 0.39 4.11 -2.71
Parent Ever-Divorced {#) -0.06 -0.58 0.23 •0.03 -0.58 0.28 0.02 -0.42 0.22
Parent’s Age 0.04 * -0.01 0.06 " 0.04 * 0.00 0.07“ 0.05 ** 0.02 0.08 ” *
Parent's Gender (1=Fomaio) 0.09 — — 0.07 — .— 0.04 — —
Child's Age -0.04 -0.05 -0.01 -0.04 -0.05 -0.01 -0.03 •0.06 •0.02
Child's Gender (1nFemate) 0.41 ” 0,49 0.41 * 0.42 * 0.52 0.40 * 0.36* 0.22 0.34
Physical Distance {#) -0.29 **• -0.35 " * -0.26 *" -0.28 *" -0.34 ” * -0.25 *” -0.29 **’ -0,36 *” -0.15 *
Parent's Education -0.05 -0.15 0.02 -0.06 •0.14 0.01 -0.08 -0.24 ** o.ot
Child's Education 0.06 0.13 •0.02 0.05 0.12 -0.02 0.03 0.11 0.00
Longitudinal Analysis using 1971 levels
In-Person Contact In 1671 0.17 " * 0.11 0.19 “ 0.18*” 0.13 0.19 “ 0.19 ** 0.11 0.23 *”
Affections! Solidarity In 1971 —
— —
0.02 0.02 0.02 0.06 ” 0.07 * 0.08 “
Longitudinal Analysis using Change Variables for tho 197 I to 1988 Interval
Parent Divorced 0.17 -0.42 0.88 *
Decrease in Affectlonal Solidarity -0.07 -0.17 ** 0.02
Increase In Affectlonal Solidarity 0.08 * 0.05 0.17 * "
Decrease In Physical Distance 0.31 *“ 0.46 *“ 0.08
Increase in Physical Distance -0.29 “ * -0.12 -0.44 “ *
N 166 70 95 166 70 95 166 72 95
R-Square 0.40 0.47 0.43 0.40 0.47 0.43 0.47 0.61 0.57
DF 9 8 8 10 9 9 15 14 14
* p<.05;" p<.01; *“ p<.001
'— ' represents not applicable to the model
(#} Ever-Divorced and Physical Distance for models 4 and S refer to 1071 levels
26
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
(about a day less for each year of age), and daughters have less contact with their
parents (1.67 days per year when compared with their brothers). Higher physical
distance decreases parent-child contact (by 1.65 days for each unit of increase in
distance) . Overall, parents with more education have more contact with their
children.
Cross-sectional analysis in 1988 - Model 2 (see table 1). In contrast to
findings for 1971, there are no effects of divorce on adult parent-child in-person
contact. On the average, the level of in-person contact is higher in 1988 than in
1971. and it might stop the parental divorce from predicting in-person contact in
1988. The possible explanation is that the children are in a different life-stage.
Being away from parents in 1971 means either being in college or having strong
familial problems. Those that have remained in the panel and have responded in
1988 are in a new life-stage. By this time, they could have adjusted to whatever
problems they encountered in 1971.
In contrast to 1971, parents’ age does not significantly predict in-person
contact. The effect of child’s gender becomes positive in 1988 (daughters have 1.5
more contact days than sons), which is a reversal from 1971. Just like in 1988,
higher physical distance decreases parent-child contact (by 1.38 days for each unit
of increase in distance).
Longitudinal effects of recent parental divorce - Model 3 and 4 (see table 2).
All longitudinal models have more explanatory power than the cross-sectional
27
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
analyses of parent-child contact in 1988 (R2 increased by as much as .25).
Previous parental divorce (61 parents were ever-divorced in 1971) does not affect
adult parent-child in-person contact. This suggests a diminishing effect of parental
divorce over time, or different effects of parental divorce during a family's life
course. Previous levels of parent-child contact (as measured in 1971) are found to
be positively (increasing current contact by .18) related to adult parent-child in-
person contact in 1988. Older parents have more contact with their children (a day
increase for each year of age). Previous level of affection does not predict contact
in 1988.
Measuring the effects of change - Model 5 (see table 2). By adding
variables that measure the change in parent-child relations between 1971 and 1988
the explanation power is increased from models 2, 3 and 4. The effects of age,
child’s gender, distance, and earlier contact remain significant in model 4, but the
effect of previous level of affection has become significant, and it increases contact
by .06 (or about one day per unit of change).
The results are more interesting for the effects of change on the levels of
parent-child contact in 1988. In the case of changes in affection, an increase in
affection increases parent-child contact (by .08, or 1.09 for each unit of increase in
affection), but a decrease in affection does not decrease significantly parent-child
contact. In the case of changes in physical distance, an increase in distance
decreases parent-child contact (by -.29, or 1.34 days for each unit of change), and
28
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
a decrease in distance increases parent-child contact (by .31, or 1.36 days for each
unit of change).
Gender, a mediator of effects on in-person contact (see table 1 and 2). One
of the most important findings is the existence of different predictors for mother-child
versus father-child contact. For all the models the determinants effects change
when the sample is divided in mother-child and father-child dyads. This is most
visible in model 5. Only parent-child affection in 1971 (which increases contact by
.06), and physical distance in 1971 (which decreases contact by .29, or 1.34 days)
are significant for both mothers and fathers. All the other significant coefficients are
different. If for fathers a decrease in affection means less contact (by -.17, or 1.19
days), then for mothers an increase in affection means more contact (by .17, or 1.19
days). In the case of physical distance, fathers that moved closer have more
contact (by .46, or 1.58 days), where mothers that moved away have less contact
(by -.44, or 1.55 days). Fathers’ education decreases contact (by -.24, or 1.27).
Older mothers have more contact with their children (by .08, or about a day), and
mothers that have divorced between 1971 and 1988 have more contact (by .88, or
about 2.41 days per year).
10. Conclusion
Parental divorce was significant in predicting parent-child contact only in
1971. In 1988 the effects of being ever-divorced are not important, but the
29
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
percentage of divorced parents is higher than in 1971. The explanation could be
a reflection of the tife-stage of children and parents. In 1971 the children have just
became independent, and they have not developed their independent families. This
is not the case in 1988 when most children have families of their own, and may
have different reasons for contact with their parents. These findings support
hypothesis one since the effects of divorce decrease in 1988, but they are important
in 1971. It is possible that some of the findings could be influenced by the attrition
usually observed in longitudinal panel studies of families. Only families that are able
to rectify any family hardship might remain a part of the study for later waves, and
the sample obtained for this study will be biased toward families with better parent-
adult children relationships.
Effects of parental age, of child's gender and of physical distance remain
consistently significant predictors of parent-adult child contact. Parental age
decreases contact in 1971, and it increases contact in 1988. This result is
consistent with Rossi & Rossi’s (1990) theory of the pattern of change of parent-
child contact during the family's life-course. According to it, young adults have less
contact with their parents, and the trend reverses as the children mature and the
parents get older. The effect of child’s gender on the parent-child contact displays
a similar pattern. In 1971 daughters have less contact with their parents than sons.
As both the child and parent mature, the effect reverses, and daughters have more
contact with their parents.
30
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
Longer parent-child physical distance consistently decreases contact in every
model. The finding is consistent with many other studies (for example, Crimmins
& Ingegneri, 1990; Cooney & Uhlenberg, 1990). The consequences of physical
distance on the parent-child contact are explained by either less opportunity for
contact or unwillingness for contact.
Levels of previous contact between parent and the child are related to higher
contact in 1988 in every model. The result was expected, and it suggests that any
study that predicts parent-child relationships in adulthood should consider earlier
levels in order to observe the true effects of the predictors on the parent-child
solidarity. This finding provides support for hypothesis two with regard to the effects
of previous contact, however it fails to support the hypothesized effect of parental
divorce on contact of parents with their adult children. The reason for this failure
was explained earlier when describing the effects of parental divorce.
The consequences of changes in predictors of parent-child contact are found
to be important. The effects of previous levels of affection on parent-child contact
are not important until change in affection is controlled. This finding suggests that
previous affection levels are important for predicting current parent-child contact
only in as much as their control on the changes in affection of the parent-child
relationships.
The most intriguing findings of this study involve the effects of change
variables on parent-child contact in 1988. First, the directions of change are
3 1
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
consistent to the effects observed in cross-section. Increase in physical distance
decreases parent-child contact, and decrease in physical distance increases
contact. Because previous distance is controlled for, it is significant, and it has a
consistent effect, the study suggests that measures of both previous distance and
changes in distance should be used in predicting parent-child contact. Similarly, as
mentioned above, the effect of affection on parent-child contact is observed only
when the effect of changes in affection are used as predictors.
Secondly, the effects of change become even more interesting when contact
is predicted separately for fathers and mothers. Many studies separate parents
when analyzing parent-child relationships because of the differential meanings and
forces existing in these two types of relations. In this study the direction of change
in parent-child relations is found to be relevant only for mothers or for fathers. For
example, a decrease in physical distance increases father-child contact, but it has
no effect on mother-child contact. On the opposite side, an increase in physical
distance decreases contact for mothers, but it has no effect on father-child contact.
As mentioned above, a similar gender effect is found in the change of parent-child
affection. Another gender influenced finding is that of the effect of parental divorce
between 1971 and 1988. There appears to be no effect for all parent-child dyads,
but when mothers are analyzed separately there is a strong increase in contact for
divorced mothers. Divorced fathers experience a decrease in contact, but the effect
is not statistically significant. Hypothesis four suggests that there is an effect of
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
gender on parent-child contact, and the findings verify it. The effects of current
parental divorce on mothers, the higher contact by daughters versus sons, and the
differential effects of changes on mothers versus fathers provide the evidence for
the hypothesis.
Overall, the contact of parents with their adult children is higher for older
parents, for daughters, for parents with higher levels of contact and affection in
1971, for parents that experienced an increase in affection, and for parents that
experienced a decrease in physical distance. The contact is decreased by longer
distance in 1971, and by an increase in physical distance. The effects of divorced
are relevant only in 1971, and only for mothers that have experienced divorce
between 1971 and 1988. Parents' gender is important when analyzing effects of
change in parent-child relationships since the changes have differential implications
on fathers versus mothers.
33
Alexander Bucur Effects of Parental Divorce on Parent-Adult Child Contact
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36
fiBFPntila.
Table A't. Mean Values and Standard Deviations for the variables used In models 1 thru 5
(1971 and 19S8 samples from USC Longitudinal Study of Families)
Year of Data Collection: 1971 . 1988
Mean Values IS.Dl .
Mean Values (S.Dl
In-Person Contact 2.48 (1.551) 3.54 (1.226)
Parent Ever-Divorced 0.18 (0.387) 0.25 (0.431)
Parent's Age 44.95 (4.675) 61.37 (4.655)
Parent's Gender (1 • Female) 0.57 (0.496) 0.57 (0.495)
Child's Age 19.67 (2.672) 36.21 (2.643)
Child's Gender (1 * Female) 0.53 (0.500) 0.58 (0.497)
Physical Distance 4.34 (2.102) 4.71 (2.115)
Parent's Education 2.23 (1.277) 1.70 (1.641)
Child's Education .— 2.32 (1,344) *
Affectional Solidarity 26.64 (4.405)
—
Change Variables
Parent Divorced Between 1971 and 1088
—
0.07 (0.24B )
Decrease In Affectional Solidarity Between 1D71 and 1SBB — 1.28 (2.068)
Increase In Affectional Solidarity Between 1071 and 19S8
—
1.96 (2.978)
Decrease in Physical Distance Between 1971 and 1938
—
0.76 (1.410)
Increase In Physical Distance Between 1971 and 1938 — 1.08 (1.449)
N*192 N«167
Tabla A-2. Mean Values and Standard Deviations for the variables used for Fathers vs. Mothers
analysis In models 2 thru 8 {1988 samples from USC Longltudlnsl Study of Families)
Fathers Mothers
In-Person Contact in 1971 2.14 (1.360) 2.48 (1.578)
tn-Person Contact In 1988 3,56 (1.411) 3.53 (1.077)
Parent Ever-Divorced in 1971 0.17 (0.377) 0.20 (0.400)
Parent's Age in 1938 62.35 (4.381) 60.65 (4.755)
Child’s Age In 1988 36.03 (2.597) 36.34 (2.683)
Child's Gender (1 - Female) 0.63 (0.485) 0.51 (0.502)
Physical Distance in 1971 4.56 (2.114) 4.49 (2.046)
Parent’s Education In 1988 2.31 (1.581) 1.25 (1.542)
Child's Education In 1938 2.41 (1.293) 2.25(1.384)
Affectional Solidarity In 1971 26.54 (4.528) 26.72 (4.335)
Change Variablta
Parent Divorced Between 1971 and 1988 0.08 (0.280) 0.06 (0.243)
Decrease in Affectional Solidarity Between 1971 and 1988 1.21 (2.124) 1.32 (2.183)
Increase in Affectional Solidarity Between 1971 and 1988 1.97 (3.076) 1.96 (3.001)
Decrease In Physical Distance Between 1971 and 1988 0.98 (1.640) 0.74 (1.392)
Increase In Physical Distance Between 1971 and 1988 0.96 (1.411) 1.03 (1.504)
N-71
N«96

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Asset Metadata

Creator Bucur, Alexander (author)

Core Title Cross-Sectional And Longitudinal Effects Of Parental Divorce On Parent-Adult Child In-Person Contact

Degree Master of Science

Degree Program Applied Demography

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag Gerontology,OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, demography,sociology, individual and family studies

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Heer, David M. (committee chair), Biblarz, Timothy J. (committee member), Crimmins, Eileen M. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-11591

Unique identifier UC11357859

Identifier 1380440.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-11591 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 1380440-0.pdf

Dmrecord 11591

Document Type Thesis

Rights Bucur, Alexander

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA