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Some Social Factors Affecting The Power Structure And Status Of A Professional Association In Reference To Social Work

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Some Social Factors Affecting The Power Structure And Status Of A Professional Association In Reference To Social Work

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Content Ilnlvorstty ol S o u th e rn CallMa
y , f m
so c io lo g y , p a l
SOM E SOCIAL FACTORS AFFECTING THE POW ER
STRUCTURE AND STATUS OF A PROFESSIONAL
ASSOCIATION IN REFERENCE TO SOCIAL W O RK
by
: P e te r G eiser
A D is s e r ta tio n P resented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In P a r t i a l F u lfillm e n t of the
Requirements fo r the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Sociology)
August 1960
UNIVERSITY O F SO U TH ER N CALIFORNIA
GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANGELES 7. CALIFORNIA
This dissertation, written by
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by the Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements
for the degree of
D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y
....................... ...JP.ETM...G.EXSJSR.................................
under the direction of h.hfi...Dissertation Com-
D eait
Date A u g u st. 1.9^0
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
Chairman
Q ^ yl.,A
TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF
Chapter
I.
I I .
I I I .
IV.
TABLES
THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITIONS OF TERMS USED . .
The Problem
D e fin itio n s of Terms Used
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...........................................
L ite r a tu r e on the S ta tu s R e la tio n s h ip s
among Occupations
L ite ra tu re on Power and I t s R e la tio n to
A sso c ia tio n a l S tru c tu re
L ite ra tu re on In tra -o c c u p a tio n a l Power
R e la tio n sh ip s
L ite ra tu re on O ccupational Choice
L im ita tio n s of L ite ra tu re
THEORETICAL FRAM EW ORK .....................................................
Importance of a T h e o re tic a l Frame of
Reference
Reference-group Theory
P ro p o sitio n s
EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN .........................................................
Interview Procedure
Values upon Which the Scale Was Developed
Problem of Measurement
C o n stru c tio n of Value Scope Scale
C o n stru c tio n of the O ccupational Choice
Que s tio n n a ire
C o n stru c tio n of the S ta tu s Rank Scale
A d m in istratio n of the Value Scope Scale
A d m in istra tio n of S ta tu s Rank Scale
A d m in istratio n of O ccupational Choice
Que s tio n n a ire
Chapter
S ocial H istory
Summary
' V. EXPERIMENTAL RESULTS..................................................
The R elation between Influence and Social
Status
The R elation between Support of I n trin s ic
Values and P o sitio n in a Bureaucracy
The R elation between the Idiomorphic Group
and the Xenomorphic Group in Terms of
the A scription of Power to Themselves
and to Each Other
The R elation between P o sitio n of Influence
and the A scription of Influence to Sub
ordinate Groups
The R elation between Commitment to I n trin
sic A ssociation Values and Possession of
Entry Q u a lific a tio n s
Summary
VI. SUM M ARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND FUTURE RESEARCH . .
Summary
Findings
Conclusions
Future Research
BIBLIOGRAPHY .......................................................................................
APPENDIXES ...........................................................................................
A Supplemental Tables
B Interviewing Schedule
C Ranking and Rating Charts and Occupa
tio n a l Choice Questionnaire
D Value Scope Scale
LIST OF TABLES
% .
Table Page
1. S e le c tio n of Sample .............................. 63
2. P e rc e p tio n of Power and Influence by S ocial
W o r k e r s ...................................................................................... 81
3. S ta tu s and Influence A scribed by S o cia l
W o r k e r s ...................... 83
4. Reasons fo r S o cia l Workers' Support of the
P ro fe s s io n a l A sso c iatio n . . .................................. 91
5. Idiomorphic G roup's Commitment to the Support
of P ro fe s s io n a l A sso c ia tio n ...................................... 92
6. Power Index of Values A scribed by Idiomorphic
Groups of S o cial Workers to Themselves and to
Each O t h e r ............................................................................ 9b
7. S ig n ific a n ce of Power Index of Values Ascribed
by Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic Groups of
S o cia l Workers to Themselves and to Each
O t h e r ................................. 96
8. Power Index as A scribed to Idiomorphic • -
Xenomorphic Groups by Themselves and to
Each O t h e r ............................................................................ 103
9. Power Index as Ascribed by Idiomorphic and
Xenomorphic Groups to Themselves and to
Each O t h e r ............................................................................ 104
10. Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic Groups' Responses
to S elected Q uestions about the P ro fe ss io n
of S o cial W o r k ................................................................... 108
11. Support of A s s o c i a t i o n ...................................................... 109
12. Disadvantage of P ro fe ss io n ............................................ I l l
iv
Table Page
13. Salary of S o cial Workers by O ccupational
P o s i t i o n ................................................................................ 129
14. S a la r ie s of S ocial Workers by Length of
Employment in P resen t Agency .. ...... 131
15. S a la rie s of S ocial Workers by Years of Exper
ience in S ocial W o r k ................................. 132
16. Age at Which S ocial Workers E ntered F i r s t
S o cial Work P o s itio n . . ..................................... 133
17. Age of S o cia l Workers upon E n terin g P ro fes
sio n a l E d u c a t i o n .............................................................. 134
18. P o s itio n s Which S ocial Workers Occupy by the
Function of the Agency in Which They Work . . 135
19. Years of Formal Education Completed by S ocial
W o r k e r s ...................... 137
20. S ocial Workers by Sex and Age at Time of Study 138
21. Number of Other Occupational Commitments
Subsequent to Commitment t o S o c ia l Work, by
S e x .............................................................................................. 139
22. Number of O ccupational Commitments by S o cial
Workers P rio r to Employment in S ocial Work . 140
23. Number of Years of Commitment by Social
Workers P rio r to Employment in S o cial Work . 141
24. Respondents' Ranking of Statem ents in R elation
to C o n stru ctio n of Value Scope Scale . . . . 142
25. Age at Which P ro fessio n al Education Was Completed
by Decade in Which Occupation Was Entered . . 143
2o. In te n tio n of S o cial Workers when E ntering
S o cial Work Employment or S o cia l Work
E d u c a t i o n ................................................................................ 144
27. The Occupation of F a th e rs of S o cia l Workers . . 145
28. The Occupation of P a te rn a l G randfathers of
S o cial Workers .................................................................. 146
v i
29. Ethnic Grouping of S ocial Workers by Sex . . . 147
30. P o liti c a l A ff ilia tio n of Social Workers . . . . 148
x
31. Religious A ff ilia tio n of Social Workers by Sex 149
32. Education of Spouses of Married Social Workers 150
33. Occupation of Spouses Married to S o cia l Workers 151
34. M arital Status of Social Workers at the Time
of S t u d y ..................................................................... 152
3b. The Education of Fathers of S ocial Workers in
Y e a r s ....................................................................................... 153
CHAPTER I
THE PROBLEM AND DEFINITIONS
OF TERMS USED
Values are v alu es, th in g s immediately having c e r t a i n
i n t r i n s i c q u a litie s * Of them as v alu es th ere i s accord
ingly nothing to be said; they are what they a r e . A ll
th a t can be said of them concerns t h e i r g enerative con
d iti o n s and the consequences to which they give r i s e . l
The Problem
Statem ent of the problem
In 1954, Robert C. Angeli wrote a paper o u tlin in g
what he conceived to be the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of the s o c ia l
sciences fo r c o n trib u tin g to the s c i e n t i f i c groundwork of
the p ra c tic in g p ro fe s s io n s . In t h i s paper Angeli considered
the sp e c ia l c o n trib u tio n th a t Sociology might make to a num
ber of p ro fe s s io n s including so c ia l work. He s ta te d :
I b eliev e th a t in v e s tig a tio n s by s o c ia l science
methods can be of help in th re e main ways: (a) by pro
viding more thorough analyses of the f a c to r s which c re
ate s o c ia l problems and hence c o n s titu te the s e ttin g and
the pro cesses w ith in which w elfare p ra c tic e is oper
a tin g ; (b) by determ ining what the value p referen ces are
of groups upon which w elfare p ra c tic e must r e s t f o r
■^■John Dewey, Experience and Nature (Chicago; Open
Court P u b lish in g Company, 19^5), p. 396.
1
2
support; and (c) by e v a lu a tin g p r a c tic e program s.^
I t is w ith re fe re n c e to A n g e ll's second p o in t t h a t t h i s
study has examined th e value p re fe re n c e s of a p r o fe s s io n ,
one of the groups upon which w elfare p r a c tic e must r e s t fo r
su p p o rt.
The study has d e a lt with the id eas and b e l i e f s held
by people about each o th e r in re fe re n c e to t h e i r i d e n t i f i c a
ti o n s with c e r t a i n o rg a n iz a tio n s whose l i m i t s , fo r p r a c t i c a l
purposes, can be i d e n t i f i e d and circu m scrib e d . R ecognition
was accorded the c o n d itio n s t h a t may have given r i s e to the
v alu es possessed by a p a r t i c u l a r group known as a p ro fe s
sio n a l a s s o c ia tio n in re s p e c t to i t s e l f and in reg ard to
other p r o fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n s . C o n sid e ratio n was given to
the consequences of v alu e s held by d i f f e r e n t groups w ith in
the p ro fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n fo r the maintenance of the as
s o c ia tio n s ! system. F in a lly the study analyzed the end e f
f e c t s of the a c q u is itio n and usage of d i f f e r e n t v alu es by
d if f e r e n t groups w ith in a p r o fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n whereby
the accum ulation of th e s e e f f e c t s may be considered to rep
re s e n t a power s t r u c t u r e .
The problem may be o u tlin e d under two g en e ra l prop
o s it io n s and t h e i r accompanying hypotheses:
P ro p o s itio n A. The p r o fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n occu-
^Robert C. A ngeli, "A Research B asis fo r Welfare
P r a c t i c e ," S o cia l Work J o u r n a l . XXXV (October, 1954), 169.
p ie s a p o s itio n among o th e r o c c u p atio n a l groups, t h i s p o s i
t io n being determ ined by a c o n s t e l l a t i o n of r e c i p r o c a l r e l a
tio n s among the o c c u p a tio n a l groups, w ith in o c c u p atio n al
groups, and between the o c c u p a tio n a l groups and o th er soci-
e ta ry groups of which they a re a p a r t .
H ypothesis 1. The s t a t u s of a p r o fe s s io n a l occupa
t i o n may be d e s c rib e d in term s of i t s in flu en ce
over o th e rs : the h ig h e r the a s c rib e d in flu e n c e ,
the h igher the s t a t u s .
Hypothesis 2. The h ig h e r the p o s itio n o£ the mem
bers of the Idiomorphic group of a p r o f e s s io n a l
a s s o c ia tio n w ith in a b u re a u c ra tic s t r u c t u r e , the
le s s w i l l be t h e i r commitment to the i n t r i n s i c
values of a p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n .
P ro p o sitio n B. The p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n i s a
so c ia l system whose i n t e r n a l e q u ilib riu m can be p a r t l y
d escribed by means of a power s tr u c tu re of values held by
in d iv id u a ls in sub-groups in re g a rd to them selves and to
o th e rs w ith in the a s s o c ia tio n .
H ypothesis 1. Sub-groups of a p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia
tio n e x i s t in r e c i p r o c a l r e l a t i o n s of such a
nature th a t the images possessed concerning
them selves and each o th e r are m utually shared,
even though the images a ffirm a d i s p a r i t y of
power between them.
H ypothesis 2. The a s c r ip tio n of in flu en ce by sub
groups of a p r o fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n to them
se lv e s and to each o th e r i s a fu n c tio n of t h e i r
r e l a t i v e in flu e n c e . The h ig h er th e r e l a t i v e
in flu en c e of the sub-group, the lower the in
flu en ce a sc rib e d by the sub-group to i t s e l f and
to the o th e r.
H ypothesis 3. The g re a te r the concordance between
the members1 q u a l i f i c a t i o n s and those held by
the a s s o c ia tio n as d ete rm in a tiv e of membership,
the g r e a te r the members' support of the i n t r i n
sic values held by the a s s o c ia tio n .
The in te n t of t h i s study was to examine e m p iric a lly
the above p ro p o s itio n s and t h e i r r e la te d hypotheses and to
t e s t t h e i r a p p lic a tio n w ith in a s o c ia l group known as a pro
f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n .
Although choice has d ire c te d a study of the su b je c t
of the power s tr u c tu r e of the p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n of
s o c ia l work, s tu d ie s of the value base of human group a c t i v
i t y can be applied to many d i f f e r e n t kinds of o rg a n iz a tio n s .
Such s tu d ie s have been made of communities, i n d u s t r i a l or
g a n iz a tio n s , and f r a t e r n a l o rg a n iz a tio n s , among o th e r s .
Importance of the study
Of re c e n t years co n sid e ra b le s o c io lo g ic a l i n t e r e s t
has been shown in th e study of s o c ia l s t r a t i f i c a t i o n , sm all
group behavior, and re fe re n c e group behavior. In a d d itio n ,
a number of stu d ie s have been concerned with the s ta tu s
h ierarch y of occupations. More re c e n tly , a t te n t io n has been
given to the nature of in flu en c e, or power, and i t s impor
tance to the s ta tu s s tru c tu re of d if f e r e n t occupational
groups. Few em p irical s tu d ie s have been made concerning the
a n a ly sis of the in tr a - p r o f e s s io n a l r e la tio n s h ip s based upon
th e o r e tic a l c o n s id e ra tio n s.
This study i s an e f f o r t to bring about c l a r i f i c a t i o n
in, or to demonstrate the fu r th e r im p lica tio n s of, some
d e f i n i t i o n s of c e r t a in terms which have wide-spread usage in
sociology. Secondly, the study aims to t r e a t with c u rre n t
research methods some of the older t h e o r e tic a l c o n s tru c ts
q
about groups as exem plified in the w ritin g s of Simmel. A
th ir d o b jectiv e of the study is to examine some of the soci
o lo g ic al concepts in regard to in tra-g ro u p r e la tio n s th a t
are ap p licab le to a formal so c ia l group known as the p ro fe s
sional a s s o c ia tio n of s o c ia l work.
That stu d ie s of s o c ia l power s tr u c tu re s are impor
ta n t may be summed up by B a rb e r's statem ent:
A g reat many "more" and "le ss" a s s e r tio n s are con
s ta n tly being made about th e .v a rio u s forms of influence
and about influence in g en eral, but we have no c a lc u lu s
3A re v iv a l of i n t e r e s t in Simmel has occurred w ith in
recent y ears. For a d isc u ssio n of a v a rie ty of cu rre n t
views expressed as to h is so c io lo g ic a l c o n trib u tio n s , see
American Jo u rn a l of Sociology. LXIII (May, 1958), 6.
by rthich amounts of in flu e n c e can be e i t h e r p r e c i s e l y ,
s ta te d or added up. . . . Those are a l l ta s k s f o r a
Sociology of in flu e n c e t h a t have not yet been very w ell
so lv ed .^
This study hopes to make a modest c o n trib u tio n to e m p iric a l
re se a rc h concerning the n a tu re of th e in flu e n c e and s tr u c
tu re of the p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n .
D e f in iti o n s of Terms Used
The term s used in t h i s study are not e a s i l y defined
fo r common accep tan ce. I n d iv id u a lly , as w ell as to g e th e r ,
each term lends i t s e l f t o a m u l t i p l i c i t y of i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s
depending upon i t s c o n te x t and o fte n upon the p a r t i c u l a r no
tio n of the u s e r. Some of the term s denote d i f f e r e n t mean
ings f o r d i f f e r e n t people even when ap p lied to th e same
g e n e ra lly understood a re a s of te c h n ic a l d is c u s s io n . One
w rite r while d is c u s s in g the term power. su g g ests t h a t :
. . . the achievem ent of a w idely accepted d e f i n i
t i o n . . . w i l l be a t ta i n e d only i f each t h e o r i s t . . .
develops an i n t e r n a l l y c o n s is te n t scheme and th en a t
tem pts to d isc o v e r how w ell i t p ro v id es an o rd erly
u n d erstanding of the r e le v a n t phenomena.5
C artw right adds th a t "such d i v e r s i t y of d e f i n i t i o n p re
vents the i n s e r t io n of any of th e s e d e f i n i t i o n s rig o ro u s ly
in to a system making use of any o th er o n e . "6 Terms used in
^Bernard Barber, S o c ia l S t r a t if ic a t io n (New York:
Harcourt and Brace, 1957), p. ^36.
^Dorwin C a rtw rig h t, "A F ie ld T h e o r e tic a l Conception
of Power," S tu d ies in S o c ia l Power, ed. Dorwin C artw rig h t
(Ann Arbor: U n iv e rs ity of M ichigan P re ss, 1959), p. 187.
^ I b i d . , p . 186.
7
the study are defined in so far as possible as commonly used
but they are subject to meanings p e rtin e n t to the general
framework under which t h i s study was made.
Power. The term "power" as used in t h i s study means
the capacity of one person or group to influence another
person or group to act in a desired d ir e c tio n . That i s ,
group A has power in reference to group B, when group B with
group A as a re fe re n t w ill modify i t s behavior in keeping
with the in te r e s ts of group A. Several th in g s may be noted
about t h i s d e f in itio n : Power is a capacity to o rie n t behav
ior in some other person or group; and a group has power in
reference to a second group only i f the second group uses
the f i r s t group as a reference point in shaping i t s own be
h avior. Mere co in cid e n tal behavior on the p a rt of two
groups, however, does not crea te a power stru c tu re between
them.
Among o th ers, R ussell gives a d e f in itio n of power:
"Power may be defined as the production of intended e f
f e c ts ." ^ B ierdstedt s ta te s , "Power is the a b i l i t y to apply
Q
fo rc e," and Merriam cautions th a t:
I t cannot be concluded . . . th a t the essence of
the power s itu a tio n is force in the sense of violence
^Bertrand R u ssell, Power (London: George Allen and
Unwin, 1957), p. 35.
8
R. B ierd sted t, "Analysis of S o cia l Power," American
Sociological Review. XV (December, 1950), 731.
and p h y s ic a l b r u t a l i t y . . . and c o o p e ra tio n has as
genuine a p o s it io n as c o e r c io n .9
In t h i s study power i s d e fin e d in the sense in which Parsons
has used i t . I t i s , in essence:
. . . the r e a l i s t i c c a p a c ity of a sy stem -u n it to
a c tu a liz e " i t s i n t e r e s t s " ( a t t a i n g o a ls , p rev en t unde
s ire d in te r f e r e n c e , command r e s p e c t, c o n tr o l p o sse s
sio n s, e t c . ) w ith in the co n tex t of s y s te m -in te ra c t ion
and in t h i s sense to e x e rt in flu en c e on p ro c esses in the
sy stem .10
Power i s to be thought of as an in d e x ib le c a p a c ity possessed
by one system -unit to in flu en c e another system -unit w ith in
the p ro c esse s of th e system. Power i s a ls o to be thought
of, as M erriam ll m a in ta in s, as evidencing a co o p e rativ e r e
la t i o n between the two sy stem -u n its which, while not neces
s a r i l y being in a symm etrical r e l a t i o n s h i p , n e c e s s a r ily pro
duce in flu e n c e s going in both d i r e c t i o n s .
Above and beyond the p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t s of the
sy stem -u n its which r e p re s e n t power r e l a t i o n s , th e re e x i s t s
an id e a liz e d and o b je c tiv e power which d e a ls with both.
Such id e a liz e d and o b je c tiv e power i s re p re s e n te d in the
g o als and ends of a p ro f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n which p la c e s
i t s demands upon every element in the system. These demands
^Charles E. Merriam, P o l i t i c a l Power (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1934), p. 20.
l^ T a lc o tt P arsons, Essays in S o c io lo g ic a l Theory
(Glencoe: The Free P r e s s , 1954), p . TT,
^M erriam , c i t .
show themselves in t h e i r t o t a l i t y as the stru c tu re of the
a sso c ia tio n which binds to g eth er a l l of the system -units
through an exchange of in flu en ce. As Simmel explains:
. . . appearance shows an absolute influence, on the
one sid e, and an absolute b ein g -in f luenced, on the
other; but i t conceals an in te ra c tio n , an exchange of
in flu en c es, which transform s the pure one-sidedness of
superordination and subordination into a so cio lo g ical
form .12
For the purpose of our study, power is conceived of as being
the capacity of one system -unit to influence another w ithin
the im p lic it, i f not e x p l i c i t , requirem ents of a la rg e r so
c i a l group. The la rg er so c ia l group might be a p ro fe ssio n a l
a sso c ia tio n , a s so c ia tio n s of the p ro fe ssio n s, or society i t
s e lf, depending upon the p a r tic u la r problem under in v e stig a
tio n .
S tru c tu r e . The term " stru c tu re " is defined as an
a b s tra c t p a tte rn of functioning re la tio n s h ip s which in th e i r
t o t a l i t y c o n s titu te or exemplify some continuing, i d e n t i f i
able system in terms of s ta tu s and ro le expectations of the
p a r tic ip a n ts . S tructure possesses no r e a l i t y in and for i t
s e lf. I t has no objective ex isten ce, but re p re se n ts a char
ac ter of operation in terms of p a r tic u la r problems under
inve st ig at ion.
D efin itio n s by Simmel and Nadel also bear compari
son. Simmel s e ts fo rth the importance of a concept of
l^Georg Simmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel. ed.
and tr a n s . Kurt Wolff (Glencoe: th e Free P re ss, l % 0 j , p.
186.
10
s tru c tu re in regard to "peers" who may be s ig n ific a n tly d is
tinguished from each other except for th e i r mutual r e la tio n s
w ithin a formal s tru c tu re . In speaking of a colleague group
whose members are id e n tifie d by a common t i t l e but where the
content of t h e i r separate ex isten ces would not d istin g u ish
them from other colleague groups, Simmel says:
These . . . contain the so c io lo g ic a lly very s trik in g
fa c t th a t the formal r e la tio n among c e rta in in d iv id u als
may supersede the content and purpose of t h i s r e la tio n
. . . And however much the p r a c tic a l behavior is d e te r
mined by the m a terial not contained in the t i t l e , never
th e le s s . . . i t is , in innumerable cases, also d eter
mined by the o rie n ta tio n toward these pure forms of re
latio n sh ip and toward these formal stru c tu re s, and by
the e ff e c t of the m . 13
Nadel, an an th ro p o lo g ist, agrees with t h i s view of
s tr u c tu r e :
W e a b s tra c t r e la tio n a l fe a tu re s from the t o t a l i t y of
the perceived data, ignoring a l l th a t is not "order" or
arrangement; in b r ie f , we define the p o sitio n s r e la tiv e
to one another of the component p a r t s . 14
This view is remarkably close to Simmel's conceptualization
of sociology as a science of the study of the forms of
1 ^
groups. Nadel expands on h is statement in t h i s manner:
Thus I can describe the stru ctu re of a tetrahedron
without mentioning whether i t is a c r y s ta l, a wooden
block, or a soup cube; I can describe the arrangement of
a fugue or sonata without making any noises myself; and
I can describe a syntactic order without re fe rrin g to
13I b id . . p. 271.
^ S . F. Nadel, The Theory of Social Structure
(Glencoe: The Free PresTi 1957)", p. 71.
l^Simmel, c»£. c i t ., p. 11.
I I
th e phonic m a te ria l or semantic co n ten t of the words so
o r d e r e d .1°
A concept of s tr u c tu re allow s fo r i t s u t i l i z a t i o n as an
i d e n t i t y in reg ard to d ea lin g w ith r e a l i t i e s whose substances
may be of a r a d i c a l l y d i f f e r e n t nature but whose p ro c e s s e s ,
by t h i s means, may be c o n tra s te d and compared.
S tru c tu r e , as the concept i s being used h e re , c a r
r i e s w ith i t the im p lic a tio n of elem ents in s ta tio n a r y
s t a t e s . I t i s understood, n e v e rth e le s s , t h a t changes con
s ta n tly occur w ith in groups and between groups in r e s p e c t to
d if f e r e n c e s in moments of tim e. Under th e se circ u m stan ces,
the q u estio n might w ell be asked as to the l i m i t a t i o n s of an
a n a ly s is which do not take in to account such changes. In
t h i s study the p r o p o s itio n s and hypotheses are lim ite d to
such c o n d itio n s th a t an a n a ly s is of s tr u c t u r e s in s ta tio n a r y
s t a t e s would appear a c c e p ta b le . The a n a ly s is of s o c ia l
s t r u c t u r e s or forms in re g ard to o ther o b je c tiv e s might w ell
have to take in to account the f a c to r of tim e .
In e f f e c t , a concept of s tr u c tu re p erm its the i n t r o
d u ctio n of a f a c t o r , in Simmel's words, "the common t i t l e ."
fo r c o n s id e ra tio n in accounting fo r s i m i l a r i t i e s and d i f f e r
ences in behavior among otherw ise d is p a ra te groups. ^ In
t h i s study, the t i t l e may be thought of as the Los Angeles
l ^ N a d e l , JLoc. c i t .
■^Simmel, _gp. c i t .
12
Area C hapter of th e N a tio n a l A s s o c ia tio n of S o c ia l W orkers.
I f Simmel i s c o r r e c t , i t co u ld be a n t i c i p a t e d t h a t a common
t i t u l a r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of th e a s s o c i a t i o n would induce com
mon a t t i t u d e s , b e l i e f s , and b e h a v io rs in to an o th e rw ise d i s
p a ra te group. I t i s a l s o p o s s ib le t h a t s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r
ences may e x i s t between o th e rw ise d i s p a r a t e groups who claim
the same t i t l e .
Idiom orphic g ro u p . The term , "Id io m o rp h ic," i s used
to d e s c rib e one sub-group of the p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n .
I t i s d e fin e d as a sub-group s t r u c t u r e having an a c t u a l form
which i s co n g ru en t w ith t h a t which i t r e p r e s e n t s as i t s own.
The Idiom orphic group i s composed of' members a l l of whom
c u r r e n t l y p o s s e s s th e b a s ic q u a l i f i c a t i o n s f o r e n try in to
th e p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n .
Xenomorphic g ro u p . The term , "Xenomorphic," i s used
t o d e s c rib e a second sub-group of th e p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c ia
t i o n . I t i s d e fin e d as a sub-group s t r u c t u r e having an ac
t u a l form which i s d i f f e r e n t from t h a t which i t r e p r e s e n t s
as i t s own. The Xenomorphic group i s composed of members
none of whom c u r r e n t l y p o s s e s s th e b a s ic q u a l i f i c a t i o n s fo r
e n try in to th e p r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n .
P r o f e s s i o n a l a s s o c i a t i o n . P r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c i a t i o n
i s one of th e most d i f f i c u l t p h ra s e s to d e f in e . As d e fin e d
here the p h ra se " p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c i a t i o n " o p e r a t i o n a l l y
13
denotes the Los Angeles Area Chapter of the N ational Asso
c i a t i o n of S o c ia l Workers. I t may be used to denote as a
u n ity a l l the p erso n s, p ro c e s s e s , arrangem ents, and symbols
which c h a ra c te riz e an o cc u p atio n al a c t i v i t y g e n e ra lly d is
tin g u is h a b le from o th er occu p atio n al a c t i v i t i e s in reg ard to
th e s e same m a n ife s ta tio n s . The phrase can be used to in d i
c a te the form al o rg a n iz a tio n which r e p r e s e n ts the p r a c t i
tio n e r to the la rg e r community and to which the p r a c t i t i o n e r
may or may not belong. I t can be used to d escrib e the f o r
mal o rg a n iz a tio n which in c lu d es a body of p r a c t i t i o n e r s and
which m ediates q u estio n s and problems a r is i n g among them.
I t i s in the l a t t e r sense th a t the term i s used h e re .
Some sc h o la rs appear to d is t in g u is h p r o fe s s io n a l
groups from other o ccu p atio n al groups only in terms of the
h i s t o r i c a l ac c id e n t wherein the word "p ro fessio n " has been
used to d e s c rib e a p a r t i c u l a r o ccu p atio n al group. Other
w r ite r s see p ro fe s s io n a lis m as the u ltim a te step in an occu
p a tio n a l h ie ra rc h y , the h ie ra rc h y being conceived of la rg e ly
in terms of s t a t u s . In t h i s sense, p ro fe s s io n a lis m is to be
"a sp ired t o , " an a s p i r a t i o n t h a t is o fte n r e f e r r e d to in the
r e c o g n itio n of an o c c u p a tio n 's e f f o r t s toward achieving
lic e n s u r e , id e n tif y in g i t s a c t i v i t i e s w ith the p u b l i c 's in
t e r e s t , improving p u b lic r e l a t i o n s , e s ta b lis h in g - c o d e s r e
la te d to conduct of i t s members, and c r e a tin g symbols and
r e p r e s e n ta tio n s which re c e iv e p u b lic a t t e n t i o n and through
which sym pathetic u n d erstan d in g of th e occupation may be
14
had. Occupational a s so c ia tio n s may spring up among occupa
tio n a l groups whereby the p a r tic u la r purposes of the groups
may be id e n tif ie d , c l a r i f i e d , and promulgated by the occupa
tio n a l group on a u n ila te r a l b a s is.
Other so c io lo g is ts have viewed the p ro fe ssio n a l as
so c iatio n as being d if f e r e n t from other occupational groups
to the degree to which those elements which ch a ra cte rize the
occupation are determ inative in n atu re. Within th is general
th e s is , i t is believed th a t occupational groups which achieve
a r e la tiv e l y high degree of determ inativeness are p ro fe s
sional occupations. By the term "determ inativeness" is
meant th a t the occupation has a r e l a t i v e l y high degree of
s e lf- c o n tro l and self-m aintenance over the f a c to rs which
provide admission in to the occupational group.
Perhaps some of the best d e f in itiv e statem ents on
d istin g u ish in g the p ro fessio n s from other occupational
groups can be found in a recen t issue of the Annals of the
American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S ocial Science. ^ In th a t
issue a number of w rite rs have approached the subject from
various p o in ts of view. In h is d iscu ssio n of the problem,
Morris L. Cogan r e f e r s to a c la s s ic statem ent on d e f in itio n
in these words:
t
In b r ie f , a survey of some of the l i t e r a t u r e on t h i s
topic rev eals th a t the promulgation of a s a tis fa c to ry
^%he January, 1955, issue of the Annals of the
American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and S ocial Science. Vol. 297,
devotes the whole number to a d isc u ssio n oiT the p ro fe ssio n s.
d e f in it io n has progressed but l i t t l e beyond the six
c r i t e r i a proposed by Abraham Flexner in 1915.19
Flexner, in 1915, gave h is d e f in itio n of a p ro fe ssio n in a
paper d e liv e re d before the National Conference of S ocial
Work. The paper was t i t l e d , "Is S ocial Work a Profession?"
In the paper he presented six c r i t e r i a by which he believed
every p ro fe ssio n could be i d e n tif ie d . He sta te d th a t each
p ro fe ssio n is based upon: (1) i n t e l l e c t u a l operations
coupled with large in d iv id u al r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s ; (2) new
m a te ria ls drawn from science and learn in g and assim ilate d
through classroom and lab o ra to ry ; (3) p r a c t ic a l ap p lica tio n s;
(4) an ed u c atio n ally communicable technique; (5) tendency
toward se lf-o rg a n iz a tio n ; and (6) increasing a l t r u i s t i c
m o tiv a tio n .20
While some so c ia l s c i e n t i s t s may think th a t no need
e x i s t s to define a p ro fessio n or to d is tin g u is h occupations
in r e la tio n to the idea of p ro fe ssio n , Nagel seems to ques
t io n t h i s in suggesting the need for e x p lic itn e s s in d e f i
n itio n . He says:
If a sp e c ific p ro fessio n i s to be defined and if
such a d e f in it io n is not to be purely a r b itr a r y , th a t
i s , to be divorced from the r ic h h e rita g e and t r a d i
tio n a l a s so c ia tio n s c lu s te r in g about the term, the d e f i
n itio n must be r e la te d to the general concept of pro-
^ M o r ris L. Cogan, "The Problem of Defining a Pro
fe s s io n ," Annals of the American Academy of P o l i t i c a l and
S ocial Science. CCXCVII (January. 1955). 106.
^Abraham Flexner, "Is S ocial Work a Profession?"
Proceedings of the N ational Conference of C h a ritie s and
C o rrectio n s. 1915.
16
f e s s i o n . T h is concordance w ith the p r i n c i p l e f e a t u r e s
or s t r u c t u r e s of £ th e 3 concept [is n ec essary ^ p a r t l y in
o rd e r t o make i t d e f i n i t e , to d e lim it i t from o th e r con
c e p ts , and p a r t l y in o rd e r to make p o s s ib le a sy stem atic
e x p lo r a tio n of th e su b je c t m a tte r w ith which i t d e a ls . 1
Gogan, in commenting on t h a t which d e fin e s a p r o f e s
sio n , i n s i s t s t h a t the e t h i c a l component i s e s s e n t i a l to
p r o fe s s io n a lis m . He says t h a t a p r o f e s s io n "demands arduous
t r a i n i n g and the p r a c t i t i o n e r ' s p e rs o n a l commitment t o an
e x a c tin g e t h i c a l code. Both a t t r i b u t e s are re q u ire d and a
f a i l u r e in e i t h e r i s a f a i l u r e of p r o f e s s io n . "22 In a t
tem pting to c o n c e p tu a liz e th e meaning of p r o f e s s io n , C ogan's
emphasis upon the e t h i c a l component in p ro fe s s io n a lis m and
F le x n e r 's c r i t e r i o n of " in c re a s in g a l t r u i s t i c m o t i v a t i o n " ^
may need some c o n s id e r a tio n . Does " in c re a s in g a l t r u i s t i c
m otiv atio n " se p a ra te the " p ro fe s s io n s " from o th e r occupa
t i o n a l groups? P arsons would perhaps say t h a t i t does n o t,
and common human ex p erien ce might w ell agree with P a rs o n s '
o b s e r v a tio n .24 Parsons a ffirm s t h a t the d if f e r e n c e s between
th e p r o f e s s io n s and o th e r o c c u p atio n a l groups are based upon
d i f f e r e n t i n s t i t u t i o n a l p a t t e r n s and t h a t a ltr u is m i s not a
d is t in g u is h i n g elem ent. He th in k s t h a t th e p r o fe s s io n s and
^ E r n e s t Nagel, An In tro d u c tio n to Logic and S cien
t i f i c Method (New York: H arcourt-B race and Company, I n c .,
1 9 3 4 ) , pp. 231-32.
22
Cogan, _op. c_it., p. 107.
23S u p ra . p. 15.
24
T a lc o tt P arso n s, "The P ro f e s s io n s and S o c ia l
S t r u c t u r e ," S o c ia l F o rc e s . XVII (May, 1939), 460.
business, fo r example, are both based upon s e l f - i n t e r e s t but
th a t d if f e r e n t ro le s are accorded to each in the fu lfillm e n t
of each o n e's resp ectiv e s e l f - i n t e r e s t . .
Cogan's d e f in itio n , emphasizing the e th ic a l compo
nent, may agree with Parsons or with Flexner depending upon
the connotation of the word " e th ic a l. I f , by the use of
the word " e t h i c a l ,'1 Cogan implies the public expectation of,
and p ro fe ssio n a l commitment to , an a l t r u i s t i c value, then
perhaps Cogan would agree with Flexner. I f , however, Cogan
thinks th a t the p ro fe ssio n a l services as d istin g u ish ed from
other occupations have been in s titu tio n a liz e d in our soci
ety , and th a t the e th ic a l co n sid eratio n s rep resen t one con
d itio n of i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n , he would seem to agree with
P arsons.
The d e f in itio n of profession as seen under the lig h t
of a l l of the above statem ents can hardly help but ra is e
serious question in regard to c la s s ify in g some occupations
as p ro fe ssio n s. It was with serious re se rv a tio n th a t the
study included the occupation of business executive w ithin
i t s s c o p e .^ The method of study perm itted, however,
^Sujora, p. 16
^ T h i s study was re la te d to a s e rie s of doctoral
d is s e r ta tio n s on occupations under the chairmanship of
P rofessor Edward C. McDonagh in the Sociology Department of
the U n iv ersity of Southern C a lifo rn ia . Included w ithin t h i s
se rie s were; Harold G. Hubbard, The Career Business Execu
tiv e as a D e fin itiv e Occupational Type, and Harold Alfred
Nelson, Reference Group Theory. S ele ctio n , and the Images
of P ro fe ssio n s.
1 8
th e in c lu s io n of what may seem to be an e x t r a - p r o f e s s i o n a l
o ccu p atio n , w ith o u t s e rio u s damage to i t s d e sig n .
F l e x n e r 's q u e stio n posed in 1915 concerning s o c ia l
work and i t s p r o f e s s io n a l s t a t u s ^ 7 r e q u i r e s some comment,
since F lexner under h i s c r i t e r i a d id not fin d s o c ia l work a
p r o fe s s io n . He b e lie v e d t h a t s o c ia l work met a l l of the
c r i t e r i a except t h a t of p o sse ssin g an e d u c a tio n a lly communi
cable te c h n iq u e . Since a s o c ia l w orker, in t h i s study, i s
i d e n t i f i e d as a member of th e p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n and
since th e c u r r e n t c o n d itio n of membership i s t h a t th e member
be educated in a graduate school of s o c ia l work a c c re d ite d
by the N atio n a l C ouncil on S o c ia l Work E ducation, a c r e a tu r e
of the N atio n al A sso c ia tio n of S o c ia l Workers, i t i s thought
th a t by d e f i n i t i o n the p r o f e s s io n a lly educated s o c ia l work
group in th e a s s o c ia tio n would p r e s e n tly meet F le x n e r 's
c r i t e r i a of p r o f e s s io n a l membership.
S o c ia l work. S o c ia l work i s a method of h elp in g
persons to a d ju s t them selves to the r o le e x p e c ta tio n s of
s o c ie ty . Like many of the o c c u p a tio n s, s o c ia l work has a
long developm ental h i s t o r y . I t s r o o ts go f a r back in to h i s
to ry in the sense t h a t the h u m an itarian sen tim en ts of man
were in d iv id u a lly expressed and s o c i a l l y organized on b e h a lf
of p erso n s who were— in some r e s p e c ts unable to meet the
i n s t i t u t i o n a l demands of the s o c ie ty of which th ey were a
^7Supra, p . 15.
p a r t . The expression and o rg a n iz a tio n of hum anitarian sen
tim e n ts, however, did not in them selves c o n s titu te s o c ia l
work in the form in which i t is known today. Rather i t
could be said th a t so c ia l work as a method of d ealin g with
problems of adjustm ent between men and t h e i r s o c ia l environ
ment developed through the c e n tu rie s of concern f e l t by in
d iv id u a ls and groups in meeting s o c ia l problems. I t was not
u n t i l the second decade of the tw en tieth century th a t s o c ia l
work could s u c c e s sfu lly is o la te fo r i t s e l f a unique manner
of approach to th ese problems and which could be d i s t i n
guished in o b je ctiv e and p r in c ip le from other helping pro-
fe s s io n s .
One of the unique c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of the o b je c tiv e s
of s o c ia l work as serving co n c u rren tly the in d iv id u a l and
the community, has been perhaps no b e t te r expressed than in
the words of Mary Richmond when she defined s o c ia l casework,
one of the methods of s o c ia l work, as c o n s is tin g "of those
p ro cesses which develop p e rs o n a lity through adjustm ents
consciously e f f e c te d , in d iv id u a l by in d iv id u a l, between men
O O
and t h e i r s o c ia l environm ent." Many d e f in it io n s of s o c ia l
work methods since th a t time have, in essence, affirm ed
Richmond's d e f i n i t i o n of the ro le of s o c ia l work. This
r o l e , t h a t of serving the in d iv id u a l in .need and the so c ie ty
of which the in d iv id u a l is a p a r t, stems d i r e c t l y out of the
2®Mary Richmond, What Is S o cia l Case Work? (New
York: R ussell Sage Foundation, 1922), pp. 98-99.
20'
groundwork l a i d down by th e o rg a n iz a tio n and e x te n sio n of
s o c ia l r e s o u rc e s to p erso n s in need over the preced in g cen
t u r i e s . I t was p r e c i s e l y by th e f a c t t h a t th e re was an im
p l i c i t i n t e r e s t of s o c ie ty in the problems expressed by i t s
members unable to meet i n s t i t u t i o n a l demands, t h a t th e word
" s o c i a l ” found i t s way in to s o c ia l work. T h is by-modal
r e l a t i o n of the s o c ia l worker to h is ta sk i s today a s i g n i f
ic a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of s o c ia l work under w hatever a u sp ic e s
i t is p r a c t ic e d .
S o cia l work, lik e any occupation s p e c i f i c a l l y
given to the m eeting of p r a c t i c a l ends, has been dependent
fo r i t s o b je c tiv e s and re s o u rc e s jpon developments t h a t have
occurred in the s o c ia l and p o l i t i c a l economy and upon the
p ro g re ss which has occurred in the sc ie n c e s upon which i t s
p r a c t ic e has been b a s e d . ^ From a s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , and
economic p o in t of view, the o b je c tiv e s of s o c ia l work and
i t s co n ten t have changed in keeping w ith developments ch ar
a c t e r i s t i c of s o c ia l l i f e in g e n e ra l. Thus, in the l a t t e r
h a lf of the n in e te e n th c e n tu ry , problems of s o c ia l a d j u s t
ment r i s i n g out of urban l i v i n g , i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n and im
m ig ratio n made t h e i r impact f e l t upon o r g a n iz a tio n s ren d erin g
s o c ia l s e r v ic e s .
In America, by the beginning of th e tw e n tie th cen
tu r y new knowledges were being developed concerning the
^ N a th a n Edward Cohen, S o c ia l Work in th e American
T ra d itio n (New York: The Dryden P re ss, 1958), p. 79.
21
nature of s o c ia l and p erso n al adjustm ent. The emergence of
th e se fin d in g s from the so c ia l sciences was followed by
t h e i r ad a p tatio n to the f i e l d s of p r a c t ic e , and so c ia l work
modified i t s ideas concerning the nature of the problems fac
ing i t . By 1920, so c ia l work sh ifte d i t s p o s itio n from th a t
of viewing the in d iv id u a l as a passive r e c ip ie n t of the ex
te r n a l ' environmental fo rces to one of giving c o n sid e ra tio n
as to how the human p e rs o n a lity , such as i t was, d e a lt with
th ese e x te rn a l fo rc es. S ocial workers had thus changed the
eighteenth century p o s itio n from th a t of reforming the in
d iv id u a l, and from the nineteenth century id e al of reforming
so ciety , to thac of bringing about an adjustment between the
in d iv id u a l and society through the u t i l i z a t i o n of so cial r e
sources.
Since the establishm ent and u t i l i z a t i o n of so c ia l
reso u rces was geared to ac tu al or p o te n tia l problems which
in d iv id u a ls had in meeting the demands of the so c ia l i n s t i
tu ti o n s , i t followed th a t such reso u rces might lo g ic a lly be
provided through agencies attached in some manner to these
i n s t i t u t i o n s . When the person is not able to meet the in
s t i t u t i o n a l , requirem ent s in some aspect of h is l i f e , the
community provides a means of a s s is ta n c e . Thus the person
who cannot meet the demands of the economic i n s t i t u t i o n
which re q u ire him to be economically independent may have
a v a ila b le to him such serv ic es as w ill enable him to re
e s ta b lis h h is economic independence. The person who is
22
unable to a d ju s t to the demands of the i n s t i t u t i o n of the
fam ily may be provided s e rv ic e s designed to aid him in ad
ju s t in g to th e se demands.
With the in crease d com plexity of s o c ia l l i f e , w ith
the ap p aren t need f o r g r e a te r r e g u la tio n , and with the ne
c e s s i t y of the form al arrangem ents coming out of a ~
q e s e l l s c h a f t type of s o c ie ty , the tre n d over the p a s t t h i r t y
years has been toward th e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n of r e s p o n s i b i l i t y
fo r the a d m in is tra tio n of w elfare programs. The major ex
p en d itu re fo r w elfare programs now comes through s ta te and
f e d e r a l government sources of tax support and a d m in is tra
t i o n . T his f a c t o r , among o th e rs , has emphasized the impor
tance of an u n d erstanding of the te c h n ic a l nature of
bureaucracy and i t s e f f e c t upon p r o fe s s io n a l p r a c tic e of
so c ia l work.
S o cial workers have c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y p ra c tic e d
w ith in b u re a u c ra tic s e t tin g s or s t r u c t u r e s . Bureaucracy is
here thought of in th e sense th a t Weber d e fin e s i t . In es
sence, bureaucracy involves a d iv is io n of work based upon
s p e c ia liz a tio n , d u tie s in h e re n t in the o f f i c e , assignm ent of
r o l e s based upon te c h n ic a l q u a l i f i c a t i o n s , r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s
r e l a t e d to a h ie ra rc h y of f u n c tio n s , d e c is io n s based upon
a b s tr a c t and c l e a r l y defined r u l e s , c a re e r s e rv ic e , r a t i o n
a l i t y and im p e rso n a lity of o p e ra tio n , and non-ownership by
the incumbents of the means of p ro d u ctio n .
P arso n s, in commenting upon b u re a u c ra tic a u th o rity
in c o n tra s t to p r o fe s s io n a l a u t h o r it y , r e f e r s to th e former
as being based upon a s c rib e d p o s itio n or o f f ic e , w hile the
l a t t e r i s founded upon te c h n ic a l c o m p e t e n c e . I f Parsons
i s c o r r e c t , i t would appear t h a t p r o fe s s io n a l persons p rac
t i c i n g w ith in a b u re a u c ra tic s tr u c tu re must c o n tin u a lly make
adjustm ents between the r o le e x p e c ta tio n s occasioned by
reason of p r o fe s s io n a l i d e n t i f i c a t i o n and the ro le expecta
ti o n s based upon a s c rib e d p o s it io n s w ith in a bureaucracy.
For example, in c re a sin g p ro fe s s io n a l a u th o rity u su a lly r e
f l e c t s an in c re a sin g f a m i l i a r i t y w ith the knowledge, con
c e p ts , and uses of the p ro fe s s io n a l f i e l d . I t s rew ards,
whether in the form of honors, m a te ria l g ain , or other sym
b o ls of achievement in our s o c ie ty , are c lo s e ly r e l a t e d to
t h i s kind of f a m i l i a r i t y . On the c o n tra ry , an in c re a se in
b u re a u c ra tic a u th o rity g e n e ra lly follow s from the develop
ment of g e n e ra liz e d knowledge, a p p lic a tio n , and re sp o n si-
32 '* *
b i l i t y . B u reau cracy 's rewards accompany the achievement
3(3Weber g iv es a c l a s s i c statem ent on the nature of
bureaucracy in The Theory of S o c ia l and Economic O rganiza
t i o n . t r a n s l a t e d by A. M. Henderson and T a lc o tt Parsons
(New York: Oxford U n iv e rs ity P re ss, 1947), p. 339.
31
S upra, p . 16.
32
Bernard B arber, " P a r tic ip a ti o n and Mass Apathy in
A s s o c ia tio n s ," S o c ia l P e rs p e c tiv e s on B ehavior, ed. Herman
D.„ S te in and Richard A. Cloward (Glencoe: The Free P re s s ,
1958), p. 236.
24
of higher p o s itio n s of assigned influence in which the
s p e c if ic ity of p ro fessio n al au th o rity has a p ro g ressiv ely
decreasing im portance.33
Social worker. Not an in s ig n ific a n t problem of
d e f in itio n , today, is th a t of defining the term "so cial
worker." The term "so cial worker" as used in t h i s study is
thought of in two says: ( l) a person who is a member of the
National A ssociation of Social Workers, and (2) a person who
occupies a so cial agency p o sitio n in which he d ir e c tly r e
la te s to the c l ie n t . The d i f f i c u l t y of d e f in itio n r e f l e c t s
the d iv e rs ifie d s e ttin g s in which "social workers" p ra c tic e
and the lack of d e fin itiv e n e s s as to the nature of th e ir
ta s k s . P ositions carrying with them the t i t l e of so cial
worker are e stab lish ed in many agencies where such p o sitio n s
upon a review of p o sitio n requirem ents might well carry
another designation in so far as entry tra in in g is concerned.
To a considerable degree the lack of d e fin itiv e n e s s can be
considered to r e f l e c t u n se ttle d public policy questions in
the adm inistration of so cial welfare programs. These in
turn r e f l e c t themselves in the employment of s t a f f .
In a social economy whose o b jectiv es and values are
la rg ely in flu x , i t is d i f f i c u l t to s ta te , with ex a c titu d e ,
the so c ia l expectations with reference to l i t e r a l l y m illio n s
33W ill iam J . Goode, "Community Within a Community:
The P ro fessio n s," American Sociological Review. XXII (A pril,
1957), 197.
25’
of people in the general p o p u la tio n . What i s the so c ia l
ex p e cta tio n of the aged person in economic need? Is h is
economic need a normal by-product of l i f e in a complex in
d u s t r i a l so c ie ty , or does i t re p re s e n t a personal m aladjust
ment to the economic i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangement which demands
economic independence of a l l ? I f the former, then by th a t
f a c t alone, the se rv ic e s of a s o c ia l worker are hardly needed
in the a d m in istra tio n of an income maintenance program. I f
the l a t t e r , i t may be assumed th a t se rv ic e s in which the
enabling method of so c ia l work is used are p ro p erly pro
vided. Thousands of "so c ial workers" are employed by agen
c ie s rendering se rv ic e s in th ese and sim ila r s it u a ti o n s .
For the most p a r t, the q u a l if i c a t io n s fo r th ese p o s itio n s
carry with them no requirem ent of p ro fe s s io n a l education and
not an in s ig n if ic a n t number of th ese p o s itio n s may be en
te re d with le s s than a completion of co lleg e education.
Some stu d ie s have shown th a t as the number of such p o s itio n s
has increased, the p ro p o rtio n of p o s itio n s f i l l e d by persons
with p ro fe ssio n a l education has d e c r e a s e d . ^4 This might
w ell be an expected r e s u l t of the i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z a t i o n of
such programs although some persons have r e la te d i t to a
r e l a t i v e decrease in p ro fe s s io n a l school enrollm ents.
I t would be strange i f the formal occupational
Bernice Madison, "Public A ssistance in C a lifo rn ia ,"
unpublished re p o rt of tre n d s in so c ia l w e lfa re , San Fran
c is c o , September, 1959, p. 47.
a s s o c ia tio n of s o c ia l workers should f a i l to r e f l e c t the
amorphous s i t u a t i o n of the p r a c t ic in g f i e l d . The f i r s t
p r o f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n s in s o c ia l work were formed by
s o c ia l workers who p r a c tic e d in s p e c ia l s e t t i n g s , namely in
m edical, p s y c h i a t r i c , and e d u c a tio n a l a g e n c ie s. Subse
quently a v a r i e t y of o th e r a s s o c ia tio n s were formed, among
them the American A sso c ia tio n of S o c ia l Workers, American
A sso c iatio n of Group Workers, A sso c ia tio n fo r the Study of
Community O rg a n iz a tio n , and the S o cia l Work Research Group.
In 1955, a f t e r some y ears of n e g o tia tio n , the N atio n al Asso
c i a ti o n of S ocial Workers was founded as a sin g le u n if ie d
p ro fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n . The former s p e c ia liz e d a s s o c ia
t i o n s had adm itted to membership persons from a v a r ie ty of
e d u c a tio n a l and e x p e r i e n t i a l backgrounds. As a c o n d itio n of
u n i f i c a t i o n , th e s e p erso n s who were members of the s p e c ia l
ized a s s o c ia tio n s in good standing were adm itted in to the
newly organized N ational A sso ciatio n of S o c ia l Workers, w ith
a lim itin g date a f t e r which no person could be adm itted
u n le ss he met the b asic e d u c a tio n a l req u irem en ts of the as
s o c ia tio n . The b asic q u a l i f i c a t i o n was e s ta b lis h e d and is
now in e f f e c t th a t the person possess a m a s te r 's degree from
a graduate school of s o c ia l work recognized by the N ational
Council on S o cial Work E ducation, the a c c r e d itin g body of
th e p ro fe s s io n .
C u rre n tly i t i s estim a ted t h a t th e re are over
75,000 persons in the U nited S ta te s occupying p o s itio n s
27
described as so c ia l work. In 1950, i t was estim ated th a t of
75,000 p o s itio n s , 16 per cent of the incumbents had com
p le te d t h e i r p ro fe s s io n a l education, 11 per cent had com
p le te d one to two years of p ro fe ssio n a l education, and 13
per cent had completed co lleg e and some p ro fe s s io n a l educa
tio n but le s s than one year. 60 per cent had no study in
graduate sch o o l. ^
Today the N ational A ssociation of S ocial Workers has
a membership of over 27,000 persons and the Los Angeles Area
Chapter has a membership of over 1,100 persons. The growth
of the number of so c ial workers in the United S ta te s from
1930 to 1950 was from 33,000 to 75,000 or a t twice the r a te
of growth of the n atio n al popu latio n . During t h i s same per
iod physicians increased more than two tim es the r a te of
population in c rease , engineers fiv e tim es, and school teach
e rs fo u rteen tim es the r a te of population growth. The in
crease in so c ia l work p o s itio n s during the two decades was
more rap id fo r those without so c ial work education than fo r
those with i t . 3t>
For the purpose of t h i s study a so c ial worker is
considered to be a person who is a member of the Los Angeles
Area Chapter of the N ational A ssociation of S ocial Workers.
For the reason e x p r e s s e d ,^ the chapter has as members per-
^C ohen, ,0 2 . c i t . . p. 337. ^ I b i d .
^7Supra, p . 26.
sons who have had no p r o fe s s io n a l ed u c atio n as w ell as th o se
who have completed two y ears or more of p r o fe s s io n a l educa
t i o n . 3® I t i s estim a ted t h a t the r a t i o s of p r o f e s s io n a lly
and n o n -p ro fe s s io n a ily educated p erso n s in the Los Angeles
area are c o n s is te n t w ith the n a tio n a l p ic tu r e both f o r those
persons in s o c ia l work p o s itio n s and fo r th o se w ith in the
p ro f e s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n . I t is roughly e stim ated t h a t one-
t h i r d of the members of the Los Angeles Area C hapter do not
have M a s te r 's Degrees from a recognized p ro fe s s io n a l school
of s o c ia l work.
Recent s tu d ie s have shown t h a t s o c ia l work as a pro
fe s s io n does not have f u l l acceptance of the community nor
does i t enjoy a le v e l or rem uneration commensurate w ith r e
la te d p r o fe s s io n s . I t does not enjoy a p r e s tig e comparable
to the low-paid r e l a t e d p ro fe s s io n s such as the m in is try and
te a c h in g , and the s o c ia l worker does not r e v e a l the type of
self-im age r e f l e c t i n g p e rso n a l s a t i s f a c t i o n . ^9
Rapaport in a re c e n t a r t i c l e commenting upon the
Simmel b r i l l i a n t l y showed the importance of "com
p le te n e s s " as a f a c t o r in re g ard to th e s o c ia l power of
groups. By "com pleteness," he meant the r a t i o of a c tu a l to
p o t e n t i a l members. I t i s p o ssib le t h a t th e concept of
"com pleteness" has a r e l a t i o n to th e lim ite d stre n g th or
power of the A sso c iatio n of S o cia l Workers when compared
w ith , say, the American M edical A sso c ia tio n which, in 1956,
i s re p o rte d to have w ith in i t s ix t y - f iv e p e rc e n t of the
c o u n try ’s lic e n se d p h y s ic ia n s . F ig u res quoted from Robert
K* Merton, S o cial Theory and S o cia l S tru c tu re (Glencoe: The
Free P re s s , 1957), pT 314.
3^Cohen, op. c i t . , p . 339.
2$
a re a s of s t r e s s in th e s o c ia l work p ro fe s s io n emphasizes
se v e ra l p o in ts which have a r e l a t i o n to a sociology of the
p r o f e s s io n s .40 She s t a t e s t h a t s o c ia l work sym bolically
serves as a rem inder of s o c i e t y 's f a i l u r e s and i t s la c k s in
i t s s o c ia l and moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . In o th er words, the
image th a t s o c ie ty holds of s o c ia l work i s an image of i t s
own shortcom ings, an image which i t would wish to r e j e c t .
Secondly, Rapaport m ain tain s th a t th e re i s s t r e s s in the —
i n s t i t u t i o n a l nature and s tr u c tu re of the p ro fe s s io n which
makes d i f f i c u l t the achievement of an i d e n t i t y . "Social
w orkers,"„she says, "have to m aintain a dual i d e n t i f i c a t i o n
and l o y a i i t y , both to the agency and to th e p r o fe s s io n a l
body, with the prim ary t i e being to the ag en cy ."4^ - In es
sence, she appears to be saying th a t s o c ia l w orkers, holding
in d iv id u a l v alu es r e l a t e d to p r o fe s s io n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ,
fin d i t n ecessary to modify those v alu es in keeping with
b u re a u c ra tic demands which supersede p ro fe s s io n a l demands.
The s h i f t in the s o c ia l w o rk e r's r o le i s from " p ro fe s s io n a l
man" to " o rg a n iz a tio n a l man" with the consequent in c re a se in
anonymity and d ec re ase in p erso n a l s e rv ic e .
4^Lydia R apaport, "In Defense of S o cial Work: An
Examination of S t r e s s in the P ro fe s s io n ," S o cia l Service
Review. XXXIV (March, 1960), 62-74.
41I b i d . . pp. 62-74.
CHAPTER I I
REVIEW OF THE LTIERATURE
During the p a s t f i f t e e n or tw enty y ears an in c re a s
ing number of s tu d ie s have been made concerning the p r o fe s
sions and t h e i r r e l a t i o n to th e o c c u p a tio n a l s t a t u s h i e r
archy. S everal s tu d ie s have been made of th e i n t e r n a l
s tr u c tu r e of the o cc u p a tio n s. Only a b r i e f summary of
s tu d ie s on problems c lo s e ly r e l a t e d to t h i s study w i l l be
pre s e n te d .
L ite r a tu r e on the S ta tu s R e la tio n s h ip s
among O ccupations
Numerous s tu d ie s have been made of o cc u p a tio n al
s t a t u s . A few w i l l be m entioned. Counts was one of the
f i r s t to in v e s tig a te o cc u p a tio n a l s t a tu s .^ - He q u estio n ed
a group of 450 te a c h e rs and c o lle g e and high school s tu d e n ts
in order to rank f o r t y - f i v e o ccu p atio n s in th e U nited
S t a t e s . While the study did not attem pt to draw ex te n siv e
g e n e r a liz a ti o n s , succeeding s tu d ie s over the y ea rs have
dem onstrated t h a t the rank o rd e rs th e n e s ta b li s h e d among the
■^George S. C ounts, "S ocial S ta tu s of O cc u p atio n s,"
School Review. XXXIII (A p ril, 1925), 16-27.
30
31'
occupations have been m aintained w ith rem arkable s t a b i l i t y .
Following C o u n t's work a number of in v e s t i g a t o r s
engaged in s tu d ie s of the s t a t u s of o ccupations based upon
the rank order method. Lehman and W itty had 27,000 school
c h ild re n rank 200 o ccupations in s ta tu s o r d e r . 2 Smith, in
1943, asked 345 co lle g e and high school s tu d e n ts in Kansas
to rank one hundred d i f f e r e n t occu p atio n s in order of s ta
tu s , ^ and in 1947 Deeg and Paterson, s e le c tin g tw en ty -fiv e
of the f o r ty - f iv e occu p atio n s used by C ounts, asked 475
stu d e n ts a t the U n iv e rs ity of Minnesota to rank them .4
Deeg and P aterso n found a c o r r e la tio n of 0.97 between the
rank order of Counts and t h e i r own study. Perhaps one of
the most im portant s tu d ie s on ranking o c c u p a tio n al s ta tu s
was th a t done in 1947 by North and H a t t . 5 Using a re p re s e n
t a t i v e sample of the U nited S ta te s p o p u la tio n from a p u b lic
opinion p o ll conducted by the N ational Opinion Research
C en ter, they ranked the s ta tu s of n in ety o c c u p atio n s. The
^H. C. Lehman and P. A. W itty, "F u rth er Study of the
S o cia l S ta tu s of O c c u o a tio n s ." J o u rn a l of E ducational Psv-
chology. V (A p ril, 1931), lO l-iTSI
% apheus Smith, "An E m pirical S cale of the P re s tig e
S ta tu s of the O cc u p atio n s." American S o c io lo g ic a l Review.
V III (A p ril, 1943), 185-192.
4
M. E. Deeg and Donald S. P a te rso n , "Changes in
S o cial S ta tu s of O c c u p a tio n s .1 1 O c cu p atio n s. XXV (J u ly , 1947),
R
^N ational O pinion Research C en ter, "Jobs and Occupa
tio n s : A Popular E v a lu a tio n ," Public Opinion News. IX (Jan
uary, 1947), 3-13.
32
ninety occupations were estim ated to include something over
tw o -th ird s of the g a in fu lly employed persons in the United
S ta te s . The ranking was done by means of a fiv e - p o in t
scale in d ic a tin g the standings of the occupations in terms
of e x c e lle n t, good, average, below average, and poor.
R e ttig , Jacobson, and Pasamanick^ studied s ta tu s
o v er-estim atio n , o b jectiv e s ta tu s and job s a t i s f a c t i o n as
viewed by p s y c h i a t r i s t s , p sy c h o lo g ists, s o c ia l workers,
te a c h e rs , and nurses. They p erso n ally interview ed 400 in
d iv id u a ls employed in public and p riv a te c l i n i c s , h o s p it a ls ,
and p riv a te p r a c tic e , and in schools. Each in d iv id u a l was
asked to ra te twenty-two p ro fe ssio n s on a scale as they
thought the general public would ra te them. They were also
asked to rank the p ro fe ssio n s where they thought t h e i r pro
fe s s io n a l group would place them. Each person was asked to
ra te f a c to rs of job s a tis f a c tio n and to f i l l out a L ik ert
fiv e -ite m job s a tis f a c tio n q u e s tio n n a ire . Five p ro fe ssio n s
over-estim ated th e i r s ta tu s s ig n if ic a n tly more than did the
other f iv e . They found th a t the o v er-e stim a to rs of s ta tu s
had s ig n if ic a n tly le s s t o t a l job s ta tu s , le s s income, and
were younger. Moreover, the higher o v e r-e stim ato rs of s ta
tu s had lower s ta tu s as impugned to the p u b l i c 's a t titu d e
^Salmon R e ttig , Frank N. Jacobson, and Benjamin
Pasamanick, "Status O ver-estim ation, O bjective S ta tu s, and
Job S a tis fa c tio n Among P ro fe s s io n s ," American S o cio lo g ical
Review. XXIII (February, 1958), 75-81.
33'
toward them. No s i g n i f i c a n t d if fe re n c e was found between
high and low e s tim a to rs in reg ard to jo b s a t i s f a c t i o n . Sum
m arizing the r e s u l t s , the au th o rs concluded t h a t s e l f - p e r
ceived s ta tu s holds up only as expected from the g en e ra l
p u b lic and not from o n e 's own p r o fe s s io n or from o th er pro-
fe ssio n s.
A number of c r i t i c i s m s can be made of the study j u s t
r e f e r r e d t o . Defined as p ro fe s s io n s are te n r a th e r h e te ro
geneous groups of in d iv id u a ls p r a c t ic in g in a v a r ie ty of
s e ttin g s and lab eled as p s y c h i a t r i s t s , s o c ia l w orkers,
p sy c h o lo g ists , n u rses, and te a c h e rs . The high e s tim a to rs
and low e s tim a to rs may or may not be i n t r i n s i c a l l y members
of the same groups. No d ata are provided t h a t would suggest
a b a s is fo r c h a ra c te riz in g the in d iv id u a l groups out of
which conclusions could be drawn in reg ard to "o n e 's own
p r o f e s s io n ." 7 The-same lack of rig o ro u s order is apparent
in the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of twelve a d d itio n a l p ro fe s s io n s ,
which included United S ta te s Supreme Court j u s t i c e , sur
geon, p sy c h o lo g ist, f a c u lty of u n iv e r s i ty , and h o s p ita l
a t te n d a n t.
C en ters made a follow -up study^ of the p u b l i c 's
conception of occu p atio n al c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n s and found t h a t
7 I b id . . p. 80.
^Richard C e n te rs, 'S o c ial C la ss, Occupation, and
Imputed B e lie f ." American Jo u rn a l of S ociology. LVIII (May,
1953), 543-55.
34
in general both in and out-groups dem onstrate a sta b le p er
ce p tio n of c l a s s d i s t i n c t i o n in reg ard to the upper, middle,
working, and lower c l a s s e s . People of a p a r t i c u l a r c la s s
were found to co n sid er t h e i r own as the more in c lu siv e one.
While the above s tu d ie s made a s ig n i f ic a n t c o n trib u
tio n to our understandings of the nature of the s ta tu s
s tru c tu re of occupations, they gave l i t t l e inform ation in
regard to reasons why the s tru c tu re e x i s t s as i t does. Nor
did these and o ther stu d ie s of a sim ila r kind in d ic a te the
nature of the r e la tio n s h i p s w ith in p a r t i c u l a r occupations or
w ithin occupational fa m ilie s . To view the independent and
■dependent v a ria b le s w ith in a p a r t i c u l a r occupation or to
view th ese v a ria b le s as among occupations appeared to be a
fu rth e r d e s ira b le step in the d ir e c tio n of g re a te r under
standing of the gen eral su b je c t of occupations. One of the
productive ways in which some of th ese v a r ia b le s could be
expressed was th a t devised through the use of the concept of
power.
L ite ra tu re on Power and I t s R e latio n
to A sso c ia tio n a l S tru c tu re
A number of w ritin g s have been engaged with the sub
j e c t of s o c ia l, economic, and p o l i t i c a l power and v ario u s
schemes have been developed to put the concept of power to
em pirical t e s t . Lasswell and K ap lan 's Power and S o c i e t y ^
^Harold D. Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan, Power and
Society (New Haven: Yale U n iv e rsity P re s s , 1950).
35’
set fo rth a framework fo r p o l i t i c a l inquiry. The framework
was a lo g ic a l p re se n tatio n of p o l i t i c a l theory put fo rth in
the form of p ro p o sitio n s and hypotheses. The p ro p o sitio n s
and hypotheses are presented in a manner which the authors
conclude w ill make them accessible to d ire c t o b s e r v a tio n .^
This study has u tiliz e d many of the applicable ideas coming
out of Lasswell and Kaplan's work, both in regard to i t s
im plications fo r theory and in regard to the methodological
suggestions.
Another work of importance to th is study is the set
of em pirical studies conducted w ithin the Research Center
for Group Dynamics at the U niversity of Michigan and pub
lished under the ed ito rsh ip of C a rtw rig h t. ^ These stu d ies
focused upon the general subject of so cial power as seen in
i t s ap p lic a tio n to a wide v a rie ty ot group and individual
s itu a tio n s . No single th e o r e tic a l form ulation underlay a ll
of the stu d ies and, as the e d ito r sta ted , the findings of
the several studies did not produce a tig h t ly knit th e o re ti-
i '
cal fa b ric . Nevertheless, the d iffe re n t in v e stig a tio n s
a i l centered w ithin the same id e n tifia b le range of phenomena
to which the concept of so cial power had sp ecific applica
tio n .
J - 0 T U - J
I b i d . , p. xiv.
■^Dorwin C artw right, "A F ield T h eo retical Conception
of Power," Studies in S ocial Power, ed. Dorwin Cartwright
(Ann Arbor: U niversity of Michigan P ress, 1959).
^ .» p. v.
3 6
Of p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t was the work of Zander,
Cohen, and S to tla n d in t h e i r a n a ly s is , "Power and R e la tio n s
Among P r o f e s s i o n s . " ^ In t h i s work th e in v e s t i g a t o r s stu d
ied groups of p s y c h i a t r i s t s , c l i n i c a l p s y c h o lo g is ts , and
p s y c h ia tr ic s o c ia l workers in order to d isc o v er why fa v o r
able and unfavorable f e e l in g s e x i s t w ith in some p r o f e s s io n a l
groups. More p a r t i c u l a r l y , the study was concerned w ith the
power r e l a t i o n s of th e s e groups as expressed by the b e l i e f s
which the th re e p ro fe s s io n s had about each o th er and th e way
in which th e se b e l i e f s were determ ined by an in d iv id u a l mem
b e r 's r o le and power. The i n v e s tig a to r s interview ed a sam
ple of in d iv id u a ls from th e se p ro fe s s io n s who worked w ith in
e ig h t d i f f e r e n t kinds of i n s t i t u t i o n s in six widely separ
ated c i t i e s in the U nited S t a t e s . The in te rv ie w s were
h ig h ly s tru c tu re d , fre q u e n tly asking f o r q u a n t ita tiv e judg
ments in response to s p e c ific q u e s tio n s . The g en e ra l as
sumptions under which the study was made were confirmed by
the r e s u l t s . The p s y c h ia tr ic p ro fe s s io n was placed by both
other groups a t the top of the pyramid of power, w hile so
c i a l workers and p s y c h o lo g is ts were regarded by the p sy ch ia
t r i s t s as su b o rd in a te s. I t was found th a t the lower the
group in the s ta tu s h ie ra rc h y , the g r e a te r was i t s need fo r
•^A lvin Zander, A rthur R. Cohen, and Ezra S to tla n d ,
"Power and the R e la tio n s among P ro fe s s io n s ," S tu d ie s in
S o c ia l Power, ed. Dorwin C artw right (Ann Arbor: The U niver-
s i t y of Michigan P re s s , 1959), pp. 15 f f .
37
approval from those above i t and the more i t valued the
hig h er ordered group. The fin d in g s a ls o in d ic a te d t h a t the
lower the lower the a s c rib e d power of the in d iv id u a l in th e
top group the le s s w ell he thought of members of the subor
d in a te groups.
A c h ie f c r i t i c i s m of t h i s study would be the broad
c o n c lu sio n s drawn from a study of the th r e e p ro fe s s io n s
w ith in a r e l a t i v e l y narrow s e t t i n g . For example, the inves
t i g a t o r s s ta te t h a t s o c ia l workers and p s y c h o lo g is ts are
"Less secure in any r e la tio n s h i p . . . between t h e i r pro
f e s s io n s and p s y c h i a t r i s t s . . . because t h e i r r o le p re
s c r ip tio n s make them dependent upon p s y c h i a t r i s t s fo r g r a t i
fying t h e i r p r o fe s s io n a l a m b itio n s ." ^ 4 While the r e l a t i o n
ship among p r o fe s s io n s was a s p e c if ic c o n d itio n of t h a t
study, i t should be questioned whether t h i s r e l a t i o n s h i p
g e n e ra lly e x i s t s between p s y c h i a t r i s t s and the o th e r two
p ro fe s s io n s . I t is p o ssib le th a t the q u estio n of " s e c u r ity "
may r e l a t e to d iffe re n c e s in ascrib ed s ta tu s as among the
p ro fe s s io n s in which dependency, as such, i s of l i t t l e sig -
n if ic a n c e .
E. Abrahamson,.H. A. C u tle r , R. W . Kautz, and M.
Mendelson have p resen ted a t h e o r e t i c a l statem ent in reg ard
to s o c ia l power. They s ta te t h a t th r e e elem ents are common
to s o c ia l power: an a c to r , an o b je c tiv e , and l i n e s of ac-
14 I b i d . . p. 20.
38
t i o n . An a c to r may be an in d iv id u a l or a c o l l e c t i v i t y ; ob
j e c t i v e s are the goals or ends to which an a c to r a s p ir e s ;
and the l i n e s of a c tio n are a i l the p o s s ib le and s u ita b le
a c tio n sequences fo r t r a n s l a t i n g an a c t o r 's a s p i r a t i o n s in to
r e a l i z a t i o n . Power i s considered to be a p o t e n t i a l f o r ac-
1 5
tio n ; a c tio n i s the expenditure of p o t e n t i a l .
B ertrand R u s s e ll, in h i s book, Power. has p re s e n te d
an argument fo r the c o n s id e ra tio n of power as the c h ie f u n it
in regard to th e measurement of s o c ia l a c tio n s and r e l a t i o n
s h i p s . ^ He lik e n s th e concept of power to the nature of
p h y sic a l energy. He d is c u s s e s th e concept of power as ap
p lic a b le to an a n a ly s is of a number of s o c ie ta ry i n s t i t u
t io n s .
Lenski made a thorough and system atic a n a ly s is of
tw enty-four r a tin g in te rv iew s used in a study of s o c ia l
1 7
s t r a t i f i c a t i o n in a small C onnecticut town. He found t h a t
the p re s tig e system was not s tru c tu re d in the form of d i s
c re te s o c ia l c l a s s e s . He s t a t e s th a t perceived s ta tu s
15
E. Abrahamson, H. A. C u tle r, R. W. Kautz, and M.
Mendelson, "S ocial Power and Commitment: A T h e o re tic a l
S tatem ent," American S o c io lo g ic a l Review. XXIII (February,
1958), 15-22.
^ B e r t r a n d R u s s e ll, Power (London: George A lle n and
Unwin, L td ., 1957).
17
Gerhard E. Lenski, "American S o cia l C lasse s:
S tru c tu re , S tr a ta or S o cia l Groups?," American Jo u rn a l of
S ociology. LVIII (September, 1952), 139-144.
groups seemed to emerge in the community when at most one or
two v a ria b le s with a lim ited number of combinations were em
ployed as the dominant c r i t e r i a of s ta tu s .
The fin d in g s of these stu d ies have an important
bearing on the present study which has examined a number of
v a ria b le s , some of which also appear to be independent of a
determ ination of s ta tu s .
Goffman made a study using interview s with 1,227
ad u lts which c o n s titu te d a sample of the United S ta te s popu
la tio n with c h a r a c te r i s tic s sim ilar to census fin d in g s. The
purpose of the study was to determine the re la tio n s h ip be
tween a d esire to change the power d is tr ib u tio n and s ta tu s
consistency in r e la tio n to several d if f e r e n t sta tu s in-
1 fi
dices. Goffman concluded th a t the hypothesis was estab
lished th a t an inverse r e la tio n ex isted between the degree
of s ta tu s consistency and preference for a r e d is tr ib u tio n of
power.
Sewell, H aller, and Straus made a study of 4,167
Wisconsin non-farm seniors in public high sch o ol .T h ey
found th a t for both females and males, when in te llig e n c e
d iffe re n c e s are c o n tro lle d , s ig n ific a n t d iffe re n c e s e x is t as
ISlrwin W . Goffman, "Status Consistency and P re fe r
ence for Change in Power D is trib u tio n ," American Sociologi
c a l Review. XXII (June, 1957), 275.
H. Sewell, A. 0. H a lle r, and M. A. S trau s, "So
c i a l S tatu s and Educational and Occupational A sp iratio n ,"
American S ociological Review. XXII (February, 1957), 67-73.
40
t o le v e ls of a s p ira tio n as r e la te d to so c ia l s ta tu s .
B ie rste d t made an an a ly sis of so c ia l power, d is
tin g u ish in g power from p re s tig e and in flu e n c e .^ ) According
to B ie rs te d t, p re s tig e appears to be a consequence of power
r a th e r than i t s determ inant. He a lso s ta te s the d is t in c t io n
between influence and power; influence is persuasive and
power is coercive.
D in itz , Lefton, and Pasamanick studied the judgments
of fiv e p ro fe ssio n a l groups ( p s y c h ia tr is ts , p sy c h o lo g ists,
so c ial workers, nurses, and occupational th e ra p is ts ) in
regard to how they ra te d each other in perceived and d esire d
s t a t u s . ^ They found th a t the higher the objective s ta tu s
of the p ro fe ssio n , the g re a te r the s ta tu s gap which the pro
fe ssio n d e s ire s between i t s e l f and those below i t .
Mack u n ified a number of stu d ies in regard to the
d e fin itiv e n e s s of occupations and attempted to show th a t
occupational d is tin c tio n s can be o p e ra tio n a lly made, based
upon-determ inateness and indeterm inateness in regard to en
tr y q u a lif ic a tio n s of those who asp ire to become m em bers.^
^ R o b e rt B ie rs te d t, "An A nalysis of S ocial Power,"
American S ocio lo g ical Review. X V (December, 1950), 730-38.
21
Simon D in itz , Mark Lefton, and Benjamin Pasaman
ick, "S tatu s Perceptions in a Mental H o sp ita l," Social
Force s. XXXIII (December, 1959), 124-28.
22
Raymond W . Mack, "Occupational Determ inateness: A
Problem and Hypotheses in Role Theory," S ocial F o rces.
XXXV (October, 1956), 20-25.
41'
In h is d isc u ssio n , he described a"number of hypotheses d ea l
ing with occupational s ta tu s which he is now in process of
te s tin g . He i s u t i l i z i n g sev eral d if f e r e n t groups re p re
senting the determ inate and indeterm inate d e f in it io n s of
occupations.
Blau examined the e f f e c ts of group i d e n tif ic a tio n s
on occupational r a t i n g s . H e found t h a t , in e f f e c t , there
are occupational fa m ilie s and th a t b ia se s e x is t in r a tin g
occupations in these fam ilies by reason of one's own occupa
tio n a l i d e n tif ic a tio n . He hypothesized th a t mobile persons
w ill be le s s biased in favor of th e i r own occupational
group than are those whose occupational s ta tu s does not
d if f e r from th a t of th e ir fa th e r .
L ite ra tu re on In tra -o c c u p a tio n al
Power R elatio n sh ip s
Ward and Gross attempted to discover whether a sig
n if ic a n t d iffe re n c e in p re stig e occurs w ithin an occupa
tio n a l category, and i f so, what c o n s titu te s determ inants of
in tra -o c c u p a tio n a l p re stig e d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n in the school
super inte ndency. 24 They interview ed 105 superintendents of
23P eter M . Blau, "Occupational Bias and M ob ility ,"
American S ociological Review. XXII (August, 1957), 392-99.
24Ward S. Mason and Neal Gross, " Intra-O ccupational
P restig e D if fe re n tia tio n : The School S uperintendency,"
American S ociological Review. XX (June, 1955), 326-31.
42
p u b lic schools and u t i l i z e d a p r e s t i g e scale based upon
(1) m anagerial r e s p o n s i b i l i t y , (2) q u a l i t y of th e school
system,’ and (3) f a c i l i t i e s a v a i l a b l e . They found t h a t s a l
a r i e s alone c o n s t i t u t e th e b est sin g le d i s t i n g u i s h e r of
p r e s t i g e , w ith numbers of people s u p e rv is e d , numbers of pu
p i l s su p e rv ise d , and median s a la ry le v e l of te a c h e rs fo llo w
ing c lo s e ly in th a t o rd er. There was a c o r r e l a t i o n of .89
between s a l a r i e s paid and p r e s t i g e . They concluded t h a t
s a la ry o ffe re d the power of su p e rio r v i s i b i l i t y in d eterm in
ing s t a t u s .
The o b se rv a tio n may be made of the study by Ward and
Gross th a t they were d e a lin g with s t a t u s as d efin e d under
what Parsons d e s c rib e d as b u re a u c ra tic a u t h o r i t y . ^ I t
would be a n tic ip a te d th a t p r e s t i g e under the c o n d itio n s of
t h i s study would be re p re s e n te d by the p o s it io n occupied in
th e h ie ra rc h y , and the r e l a t i o n of t h i s p o s it io n to o th e r
p o s it io n s in the h ie ra rc h y in re g a rd to command and rew ard.
Salary would no doubt be both m a te ria l and symbolic evidence
of s ta tu s and p r e s t i g e .
C atto n devised th re e e m p iric a l t e s t s to determ ine
whether human v a lu e s d is p la y e m p iric a l r e g u l a r i t i e s which
may enable s o c ia l s c i e n t i s t s to measure them.^k He concluded
• ^ S u p r a . p. 8.
^ W illia m R. C a tto n , J r . , "E xploring T echniques fo r
M easuring Human V alues," American S o c io lo g ic a l Review. XIX
(February, 1954), 49-55,
43
th a t values do lend themselves to measurement, and the d is
crim in atio n s may be made among d if f e r in g degrees of commit
ment to them.
Smith discussed p ro fe ssio n a l d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n , par
t i c u l a r l y as r e la te d to the medical and nursing p ro fe ssio n s.
He observed th a t "some sp e c ific s k i l l or c l u s te r of s k i l l s ,
become the 'hard c o r e 1 which provides each p ro fe ssio n with a
d is t in c t iv e focus. He also pointed out th a t physicians
working in b u reau cratic s e ttin g s and who are s a la rie d "suf
fe r from a form of s ta tu s unease" and s triv e to change t h e i r
r e la tio n s h ip s to those th a t permit payment by the p a t ie n t .
Simmei's d isc u ssio n of the h i s t o r i c a l importance of
an o cc u p atio n 's commitment to o b j e c t s ^ (as under a bu
reaucracy, fo r example), or to persons, appears to be con
ce p tu ally p e rtin e n t to the question of the p h y s ic ia n 's com
mitment to the d o c to r-p a tie n t r e la tio n s h ip .
Jackson, in v e stig a tin g the re la tio n s h ip between
i d e n tif ic a tio n with a group and b eh av io r, ^ found th a t the
more highly valued a person p erceives him self to be by
'Harvey L. Smith, "Contingencies of P ro fe ssio n a l
D if f e r e n tia tio n ," American Journal of Sociology. LXIII
(January, 1958), 410-14.
28
Georg Simmel, The Sociology of George Simmel.
ed. and tr a n s . Kurt Wolff (Glencoe: The Free Press* 1950),
pp. 250-51.
29
Jay M. Jackson, "Reference Group Processes in a
Formal O rg an izatio n ," Sociometrv. XXII (December, 1959),
307-27.
44
o th e rs in h i s group, the g r e a te r w ill be h is a t t r a c t i o n to
the group. He in v e s tig a te d the r e l a t i o n s e x is tin g among
f o r t y - s i x p r o fe s s io n a l and tw en ty -six n o n -p ro fe ss io n a l s t a f f
members of. a s o c ia l agency in th e Midwest and concluded th a t
a dynamic view of s o c ia l s tr u c tu re emerges w ith a d i f f e r e n
t i a l e v a lu a tio n of the degrees to which one is psychologi
c a l l y i d e n t i f i e d with a membership group.
McDonagh, Wermlund, and Growther compared r e l a t i v e
p r o fe s s io n a l s t a t u s as perceived by American and Swedish
u n iv e r s i ty s t u d e n t s .30 Eight p r o fe s s io n a l occupations were
ranked by 358 Swedish and 533 American s tu d e n ts in term s of
r e l a t i v e p r e s t i g e , r e l a t i v e u s e fu ln e s s to s o c ie ty , r e l a t i v e
i n t e l l e c t u a l a b i l i t y , and r e l a t i v e censure of members fo r
moral deviancy. The co n clu sio n was reached th a t th e re are
c le a r and d i s t i n c t d if fe r e n c e s between r e l a t i v e s ta tu s e s ac
corded to p r o fe s s io n a l occupations in th e two w estern na
tio n s when se v era l dimensions of s ta tu s are co n sid ered .
L ite r a tu r e on O ccupational Choice
Becker and Carper discussed the d if fe r e n c e s among
o cc u p atio n al ch o ices of persons going in to th re e d i f f e r e n t
o cc u p atio n al groups: physiology, philosophy, and engineer-
30
Edward C. McDonagh, Sven Wermlund, and John F.
Crowther, "R ela tiv e P ro fe s s io n a l S ta tu s as P erceived by
American and Swedish U n iv e rs ity S tu d e n ts ," S ocial F o rc e s .
XXXVIII (O ctober, 1959), 65-69.
45
in g .3i They id e n tif ie d the choice of engineering as being
made r e l a t i v e l y e a rly in l i f e ; the choice of physiology was
made as an a lte r n a tiv e to an e a r l i e r and in e ffe c tiv e choice
of medicine, and the choice of philosophy as a v a r ia tio n in
regard to a number of broadly d if f e r e n t backgrounds of prep
a ra tio n .
Wardell and Wood interview ed 2b6 lawyers in regard
to a s c e rta in in g what they considered to be the r o le s played
o n
by lawyers. Among other conclusions, i t was found th a t
lawyers considered p a r tic ip a t io n in community a f f a i r s and
involvement in problems of personal adjustment to be a p a rt
of th e ir accepted e x tra -p ro fe s s io n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s .
E ise n sta d t studied 187 immigrants in to Is r a e l
through an open-ended, focused i n t e r v i e w . ^ He found th a t
the s ta tu s image of an in d iv id u al is th a t hierarchy of v a l
ues according to which he judges him self and h is place
w ithin the p a r tic u la r so c ie ty .
3^Howard S. Becker and James W . Carper, "The De
velopment of I d e n tif ic a ti o n with an Occupation," American
Journal of Sociology, LXI (January, 195b), 289-98.
^ W a lte r I. Wardell and Arthur L. Wood, "The Extra-
P ro fe ssio n a l Role of the Lawyer," American Journal of
Sociology, LXI (January, 1956), 304-307.
33
S. M. E is e n s ta d t, "Reference Group Behavior and
Social In te g r a tio n ," American S ociological Review. XIX
(A p ril, 1954). 175-85.
L im itations of L ite ra tu re
The l i t e r a t u r e -existing in the f i e l d has c e rta in
lim it in so far as t h i s study is concerned. While some work
has been done in attem pting to d is tin g u is h the occupational
f ie ld s broadly, such as p ro fe ssio n a l and non-professional
vocations, l i t t l e or no work has been done in tr e a tin g a
p a r tic u la r occupational f ie ld w ithin a framework of power
dimensions demarking i t s sub-groupings. The works of major
importance have been la rg e ly th e o r e tic a l in nature, although
some of them, notably those of Lasswell and K aplan,'^ have
been well adapted to the i n i t i a t i o n of attem pts to put th e
o r e tic a l and conceptual ideas to em pirical t e s t . The stud-
Ok
ies reported by Cartwright have been of p a r tic u la r value,
although t h e i r social-p sy ch o lo g ical s e ttin g s have provided
fa c e ts of in te r e s t not s p e c if ic a lly relev an t to a sociologi
c a l approach w ithin the Simmel t r a d i t i o n of sociology, the
general framework of t h i s study. Increasing a tte n tio n has
been paid to the concept of power in regard to i t s meaning
for intergroup r e la tio n s , but very l i t t l e em pirical study
has been done which e x p l i c i t l y ap p lies t h i s concept to
stru ctu re of values.
34
Lasswell and Kaplan, ^og. c i t .
'^ C a rtw rig h t, _og. c i t .
CHAPTER I I I
THEORETICAL FRAM EW ORK
Importance of a T h e o r e tic a l
Frame of Reference
According to Parsons and S h i l s , theory in the s o c ia l
scien c es should have se v e ra l fu n c tio n s . F i r s t , i t should
a id in c o d ify in g knowledge by providing g e n e ra liz e d hypoth
eses f o r the system atic re fo rm u la tio n of e x i s tin g f a c t s and
in extending the range of im p lic a tio n s of p a r t i c u l a r hypoth
e s e s . Second, theory pro v id es a c o n tro l on b ia s e s a r is in g
from o b se rv a tio n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .^ R esearch, as Merton
sees i t , perform s at l e a s t fo u r major fu n c tio n s which con
t r i b u t e to the development of th eo ry : I t i n i t i a t e s th e o ry ,
re fo rm u la te s th e o ry , d e f l e c t s th e o ry , and c l a r i f i e s th e o ry .^
R e fle c tin g on Durkheim's i n i t i a l i n t e r e s t in s u b s t itu ti n g
for the i n te r n a l meaning an e x te rn a l f a c t which symbolizes
i t , Merton b e lie v e s i t e s s e n t i a l to develop v a lid and
^ T a lc o tt P arsons and Edward A. S h ils ( e d s .) , Toward
a G eneral Theory of S o cial A ction (Cambridge: Harvard Uni
v e r s i t y P re s s , 19b4), p. 3.
2
Robert K. Merton, The Bearing of Em pirical Re
search Upon the Development of S o c io lo g ic a l T heory. P u b lica
t io n A-89 of th e Bureau of Applied S o cial Research (New
York: Columbia U n iv e r s ity ).
47
48
observable indices in the use of concepts and in the prose
cution of rese arch . This study recognizes the importance
of proceeding in so f a r as possible with an examination of
so cial f a c ts and phenomena in r e la tio n to la rg e r contexts of
meaning. The mere c o lle c tio n of f a c ts may have sig n ifican ce
should some future observer wish to o rie n t himself to other
fa c ts or to draw inferences from th e ir p a r tic u la r arrange
ments. In doing so, in any event, the fa c ts would have to
be assembled, even w ithin the mind's eye, in accordance with
some preconceived notion in regard to th e i r broader s ig n if
icance. I t cannot be pretended th a t the study was devel
oped around a unique and full-blow n theory in regard to the
power s tru c tu re s of p ro fe ssio n a l a s s o c ia tio n s . Rather, the
general pro p o sitio n has been sta te d many times th a t sub
systems are re la te d to the whole so c ial organism in such a
way as to maintain i t s homeostasis. Perhaps t h i s study has
made a modest co n trib u tio n to the advancement of some ideas
which, while having been considered in regard to a number of
other formal and informal groups, have now had some empiri
cal te s tin g in resp ect to the p ro fe ssio n a l asso c ia tio n .
Perhaps a possible th e o r e tic a l c o n trib u tio n of t h i s
study l i e s in the area of i t s an a ly sis of intra-group r e l a
tio n s h ip s, an area in which, as Neal and Gross point out,
^Andreas Angyal, Foundations fo r a Science of Per
so n ality (New York: The Commonwealth Foundation, 1941),
pp. 34-35.
stu d ie s of the occupations fo r the most p a r t have "begged"
the q u e s tio n .4 That i s , a t h e o r e t i c a l framework has been
developed whereby a concept of power may be considered as
re le v a n t to the r e la tio n s h i p among groups w ith in a p ro fe s
sio n a l a s s o c ia tio n .
Reference-group Theory
The nature of the problem in t h i s study in v it e s a t
te n tio n p a r t i c u l a r l y to the concepts advanced under what is
termed referen ce -g ro u p th e o ry . Reference groups have been
defined in a number of ways. The d e f i n i t i o n offered by Mer
ton would appear to be p e r tin e n t to the study a t hand. He
b e liev e s th a t such a theory must recognize th a t men a c t in a
so c ia l frame of re fe re n c e yielded by th e groups of which they
are a p a r t; th a t men fre q u e n tly o rie n t them selves to groups
other than t h e i r own in shaping t h e i r behaviors and evalua
tio n s and th a t i t is t h i s o r ie n ta tio n to non-member ship
groups th a t c o n s titu t e s the d i s t i n c t i v e concern of re fe re n c e
group th e o ry .
K elley d is tin g u is h e d the fu n c tio n s of referen ce
groups as being two in number: the normative type which s e ts
and m aintains standards fo r the in d iv id u a l, and the compara
4Ward S. Mason and Neal Gross, "In tra-O c cu p atio n al
P re stig e D if f e r e n tia t io n : The School S uperintendency,"
American S o c io lo g ic a l Review. XX (June, 1955), 326-31,
5
Robert K. Merton, S o c ia l Theory and S ocial S tru c
tu re , (Glencoe: The Free P re ss, 1957), p.
50
tiv e ty p e , which o f fe rs a frame of comparison r e l a t i v e to
which the in d iv id u a l ev a lu ates him self and o th e rs. K elley
argues th a t i t should be observed th a t the same reference
group may serve both fu n ctio n s.^
Merton s ta te s th a t the "so c io lo g ic a l concept of
the group r e f e r s to a number of people who in te r a c t with one
another in accord with e s ta b lis h e d p a tte r n s ." ^ In te ra c tin g
persons, in a sense, o p e ra tio n a lly define themselves as mem
bers, and persons in in te ra c tio n are defined by o th e rs as
belonging to a p a r tic u la r group. Merton adds another u se fu l
term to the c l a s s i f i c a t i o n of member by describing the per
son as a nominal member who may be defined by o th ers as a
member but who has f a ile d to in te ra c t.®
In the course of arranging in terv iew s, for example,
i t was s t a r t i i n g l y apparent to the in v e s tig a to r th a t those
persons who at f i r s t declined to be interview ed did so on
the ground th a t they were not ac tiv e in the a s s o c ia tio n , and
in v a ria b ly upon being interview ed were found to possess
academic q u a lif ic a tio n s which would not p re s e n tly admit them
to membership. Almost in v a ria b ly they rep o rted th a t they
did not atten d meetings of the a s s o c ia tio n and u su a lly s e lf-
^Harold H. K elley, "Two Functions of Reference
Groups," Readings in Social.Psychology, ed. G. E. Swanson,
T. M. Newcomb, and E. L. H artley (New York: Henry Holt and
Co., 1952), pp. 410-414.
^Merton, c>p. c i t ., p. 285. ®Ibid.
51
consciously explained t h e i r reason for membership as a kind
of p reservation of s ta tu s or as p ro tec tio n in regard to
possible economic contingencies connected with loss of em
ployment .
The nominal group of which Merton speaks may be
thought of in terms suggested by Kelley, th a t is , in addi
tio n to the reference group which may set standards or which
may be a frame of comparison r e la tiv e to which the individ
ual evaluates himself or o th ers.^ A reference group may
e x is t which is not of normative or comparative significance.
Such a group is composed of members who c o n s titu te merely
"conditions" for the actions of others, and must be taken
into account only in regard to goals th at are sig n ific a n t
for the general group.
Merton also points out th at sub-groups often emerge
within larger groups and th a t d is tin c tiv e social r e la tio n s
develop among themselves " . . . which are not shared with
other members of the larger group. He id e n tif ie s some of
the reasons for the formation of sub-groups as "sentiments
and values, pecu liar to constituent s ta tu se s or s tr a t a . .
. The two membership groups considered in t h i s study
conceivably f a l l within th is general th e s is and may be
9
Kelley, lo c . c i t .
-^Merton, op. c i t ., p. 287. ^ I b i d .
52
spoken of as being Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic. ^
Simmel makes the point th a t:
. . . c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an element can o rig in ate
only in the r e l a t i o n between th i s and another element,
and can derive t h e i r content and significance only from
t h i s r e la tio n ; yet these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s come to be
e s s e n tia l q u a l itie s of the element and no longer depend
on any in te ra c t ion.
Simmel applies t h i s concept to groups, sta tin g th a t these
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s are". . . found when forms, which were de
veloped in a large c i r c l e , are applied to a small group
whose conditions themselves do not j u s t i f y the forms.
Although the power p o sitio n s possessed by the large group
may be in danger of being lo st as they are repeated in the
smaller c i r c l e , s t i l l , according to Simmel, " . . . even
into the smaller group, they introduce the note of superior
ity and command which they possessed in the larg er organi
zation. " ii:>
It might be noted in passing th a t the re la tio n s h ip
between an Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic group is a symbiotic
one, since while they are i n t r i n s i c a l l y distinguished as
being d if f e r e n t, they are also bound by t i e s of mutual
^ S u p r a , p. 12.
■^Georg Simmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel. ed.
and tr a n s . Kurt Wolff (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1950),
p. 269.
l 4 Ibid. 15Ibid.
53
i n t e r e s t . That i s , the ends to which each a sp ire s are con
ceived by each to be obtainable only through a common iden
t i f i c a t i o n , even though the r e la tio n s h ip be an uneasy one.
The t h e o r e tic a l base, then, for the study involves
the nature of the re la tio n s h ip between two groups w ithin an
id e n tif ia b le so c ial matrix. Both groups are members of one
p ro fe ssio n a l a s so c ia tio n , yet one does not e x is t in a sub
ordinate re la tio n s h ip to the other nor does each c o n s titu te
a purely peer group. What special import does t h i s condi
tio n have in regard to reference-group theory in general
and, in p a r t i c u l a r , to the power stru ctu re of an asso cia
tio n within which t h i s condition p re v a ils? How is the
larger group's power p o sitio n affected when introduced into
the smaller group? How is equilibrium maintained during the
course of an a s s o c ia tio n 's t r a n s i t i o n to a monolithic stru c
tu re? What is the significance of value commitments occa
sioned by m ultiple group memberships, upon the members'
id e n tif ic a tio n with the p ro fe ssio n al a sso ciatio n ? Questions
of t h i s nature invite t h e o r e tic a l consideration and empiri
c a l an a ly sis , and some of them are d e a lt with in the present
study.
Propositions
Two p ro p o sitio n s are set fo rth in t h i s study.
Proposition A
This pro p o sitio n s ta te s th a t the p ro fe ssio n a l asso-
54
ciatio n occupies a p o sitio n among other occupational groups,
t h i s position being a co n s te lla tio n of recip ro cal r e la tio n s
among the occupational groups, within occupational groups,
and between occupational groups and other societary groups
of which each is a p a rt. This proposition s ta te s th a t pro
fessional associations themselves act as system-units w ithin
larger groups, and in so acting ex ist in d i f f e r e n t i a l re la -
tionships with other similar groups. Status re la tio n s h ip s
may be thought of as one form of d i f f e r e n t i a l re la tio n s h ip s ,
and consequently they have a power p o sition defined by rea
son of the nature of these re la tio n sh ip s. Secondly, since
members of an associationai group are also members of other
groups in society, the nature of commitments to other groups
may have a bearing upon the members' id e n tific a tio n with the
professional association. In e ffe c t, the question becomes
one of examining the rela tio n sh ip of association sub-groups
in reference to groups outside the association on the assump
tion, as Merton rig h tly says, th a t a l l sub-groups do not
exhibit exclusively the " c h a ra c te ris tic s of the in-group;
which is, for t h i s study, the Idiomorphic group.
Hypothesis 1 . The statu s of an occupation may be
described in terms of i t s influence over others; The higher
the ascribed influence, the higher the sta tu s. This hypoth
e s is advances the idea th a t the power to influence is e ith e r
highly correlated with sta tu s, or th a t persons in tr a n s l a t -
l^Merton, .op. c i t .. p. 298.
55
ing th e i r concepts of statu s into decisions concerning the
ranking of sta tu s, t r e a t influence and sta tu s as the same
thing. Lasswell and Kaplan say th a t "to 'have s ta tu s ' is to
occupy a favorable position of such values as power and
respect, and that the value order of a l l deference values
taken together defines sta tu s. It is in t h i s sense that
the term "status" is being defined in th i s study, and i t is
believed th at the experimental procedure permitted the
respondents so to define i t . . ~
It is also to be noted th at the respondent group in
t h i s study is a more or less homogeneous one since i t is
composed of members of the social work association. While
th is fact perhaps lim its the generalizations to those per
taining to responses from a single group, i t is believed,
for reasons stated l a t e r , th at th i s lim ita tio n is not sig
nifican t in regard to the investigation of t h i s p a rtic u la r
problem.
Hypothesis 'I. The higher the po sitio n of the mem
bers of the Idiomorphic group of a professional association
within a bureaucratic stru ctu re , the less w ill be th e ir com
mitment to the in trin s ic values held by a professional asso
ciatio n .
This hypothesis r e f l e c t s the b e lie f th at when a sub-
17
A'Harold D. Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan. Power and
Societv (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950), pp. 66-67.
56
group of a professional association is in the position of
maximal id e n tific a tio n with i t s value system, i t can be
shown th a t the id e n tific a tio n of i t s membership with the
in trin s ic association values w ill be disturbed by the d i f
fering values of other powerful groups to which the member
also gives allegiance. Such a group is the bureaucratic
structure within which social work is c h a r a c te r i s tic a ll y
practiced. It is hypothesized th at the impact of the bu
reaucratic structure upon the member becomes increasingly
great as the member assumes higher positions in the struc
tu re . That is, as the member assumes higher po sitio n s, he
increasingly becomes removed from the arena where his asso-
c ia tio n a l values are of immediate import; and secondly, he
is required to come to terms with new sets of values and is
forced to enjoy d iffe re n t systems of reward. It is believed
th a t in the process of making the necessary compromises with
these new requirements, his commitment to in trin s ic associa-
tio n a l values is weakened.
Proposition B
Proposition B s ta te s th a t the professional associa
tion is a social -system whose in te rn a l equilibrium can be
described by means of a power structure of values held by
individuals in sub-groups in regard to themselves and
18
others. This proposition suggests th at a tension system
18
S. M. E isenstadt, "Reference Group Behavior and
57
e x ists within the professional association and that the sum
of whose forces from the standpoint of the problems th a t
have been abstracted for study, equals zero. That is to
say, ". . . the existence of a stationary state of tension
is thus a certain firmness of the system in question,
whether th is be i t s own inner firmness, or the firmness of
the walls. It might be added that the existence of a
stationary state of tension re s u lts both as the re s u lt of
the system's own inner firmness and the firmness of i t s
walls. By th is proposition the term "firmness" represents
the in tern al social systems of interacting sub-groups, with
the outer walls resulting from the objectives and ideals of
the professional association. This outer firmness, provided
by the objectives and ideals of the professional associa
tion, is what Simmel means in speaking of "subordination
2o
under an impersonal-ideal p rin cip le."
Hypothesis 1. Sub-groups of a professional associ
ation exist in reciprocal re la tio n s of such a nature that
images concerning themselves and each other are mutually
shared even though the images affirm a d isp a rity of power
Social Integration," American Sociological Review. XIX
(April, 1954), 175-84.
IQ
7Kurt Lewin, A Dynamic Theory of Personality.
tra n s. Donald K. Adams and Karl E. Zener (New York: McGraw-
H i i l , 1935), p. 59.
20
uSimmel, op. c i t .. p. 261.
58
as between them. In essence, t h i s hypothesis i s presented
to account for the existence of an a s s o c ia tio n a l eq u ilib riu m
which must be founded upon some r e a l i s t i c base of ro le d ef
i n i t i o n on the p a rt of each in resp ect to the o th e r. The
r e a l i s t i c base of role d e f i n i t i o n would appear to be the
im personal-ideal p r in c ip le which binds both groups and thus
r J I
avoids open c o n f l i c t .
Hypothesis 2. The a s c r ip tio n of s ta tu s by sub
groups of a p ro fe ssio n a l a s s o c ia tio n to themselves and to
each other is a function of t h e i r r e l a t i v e s ta tu s ; The
higher the r e l a t i v e s ta tu s of the sub-group, the lower is
the s ta tu s ascribed by the sub-group to i t s e l f and to the
other. C o rre la tiv e ly , the lower the r e l a t i v e s ta tu s of the
sub-group, the higher is the s ta tu s ascribed by the sub-grotp
to i t s e l f and to the o th e r. This hypothesis examines and
attem pts to explain the fin d in g s of some other re se a rch e rs
in t h i s general area of work. D in itz, Lefton, and Pasa-
manick found th a t the higher the objective s ta tu s of a pro
fe s s io n , the g re a te r the s ta tu s gap which the p ro fe ssio n
d e s ire s between i t s e l f and those below i t . ^ Zander, Cohen,
and S totland, in t h e i r an a ly sis of power as d i f f e r e n t i a t e d
in p ro fe ssio n a l groups, found th a t the lower the group in
the s ta tu s h ie rarc h y , the g re a te r was i t s need for approval
^ L a s s w e ll and Kaplan, .oja. c i t .. p. 205.
2^Supra. p. 40.
from those above and the more i t valued the higher ordered
group. They believed th a t the need for approval was d e te r
minant in the a s c rip tio n of higher values by dependent pro
fe ssio n al g r o u p s .^
The theory under which the above hypothesis of t h i s
study is presented is th a t i t is not dependency as between
groups which determines t h e ir a s c rip tio n s of power to each
other. Rather the theory is th a t each group is dependent
upon the common association out of which both draw th e ir
strength and through which both survive. The general con
cept is th a t in ascribing sta tu s to themselves and to each
other within an a s so c ia tio n a l stru c tu re , sub-groups e x ist
within a tension provided by the stru ctu re whereby the d is
p a rity in status between them, and as ascribed by them, w ill
be reduced.
Hypothesis 3. The g reater the concordance between
the members' q u a lific a tio n s and those held by the associa
tio n as determinative of membership, the g reater the members'
support of the in tr in s ic values held by an asso cia tio n .
This hypothesis is presented to consider the question of the
re la tio n sh ip ex istin g between a group's commitment to de
term inative values in regard to membership and i t s own
a b i l i t y to f u l f i l l these requirements. I n trin s ic values
are, by d e fin itio n , those values which are held by every
2?
Supra, p . 36.
60
profession and through which special p ro te c tio n is given to
occupational d iffe re n c e . It can be reasonably assumed th a t
members who f u lly meet the membership requirem ents would
evidence a deeper commitment to the i n t r i n s i c values than
would those members who do not f u lly meet the membership re
quirements. I t can also be reasonably assumed th a t an asso
c i a t i o n 's power p o sitio n among other a s s o c ia tio n s is af
fected in reference to the degree to which homogeneity ex
i s t s w ithin the a sso cia tio n as to i t s i n t r i n s i c value com-
mitment.
c h a p t e r IV
EXPERIMENTAL DESIGN
This study was made with the use of a schedule and
several scaling devices, a l l administered during a personal
interview with each selected respondent. The respondents
were randomly selected on the basis of an approximately 10
per cent sample of the to ta l membership of the Los Angeles
Area Chapter of the National Association of Social Workers.
Prior to the id e n tifica tio n of the sample, the cooperation
of the Board of Directors of the National Association of
Social Workers was secured. The National Association of
Social Workers, through i t s Public Relations Committee, pub
lished an a rtic le concerning the study in i t s Newsletter
which was mailed to each member in September, 19b9, approxi
mately one month before the interviewing began. Upon iden
t i f i c a t i o n of the sample, the President of the Los Angeles
Area Chapter of the National Association of Social Workers
sent a l e t t e r to each of the respondents informing him of
the fact that he was chosen in the sample and asking his
cooperation. A stamped postcard addressed to the investiga
to r was enclosed asking the respondent to return i t with his
business and home telephone numbers. The investigator upon
61
62
receiving the card telephoned the respondent and established
an appointment time for the personal interview.
Approximately 80 per cent of the sample mailed in
the cards and evidenced a w illingness to be interviewed.
Approximately 5 per cent stated th at they were out of the
community e ith e r permanently or temporarily and could not
be read ily reached but would otherwise be glad to p a r t i c i
pate. Approximately 1 per cent did not respond and several
responded with the statement th a t they did not desire to
p a rtic ip a te . In every instance an attempt was made to con
ta c t personally a l l of those persons who declined to par
tic ip a te or who fa ile d to respond. Of those who at f i r s t
declined to p a rtic ip a te , a l l but six were interviewed and
became a part of the study. In almost every instance, those
persons were individuals who stated th e ir b e lie fs that they
could not help because they had le f t the employment fie ld or
were not "close" to social work. It was the in v e s tig a to r's
observation that a large majority of them had not completed
th e ir professional education.
Table 1 gives the d e ta ils of the sample selection
proc e s s .
Interview Procedur.e
The interview procedure consisted of two p arts: (l)
a personal interview to collect social, economic, and edu
cational data; and (2) securing a response to a Value Scope
63
TABLE 1
SELECTION OF SAMPLE
1. Number of persons selec ted for
-
sample 113
2. Number of l e t t e r s of request for
interview 113
3. Nature of r e p l i e s to request for
interview:
a. Agreed to p a r t i c i p a t e 101
b. Did not p a r t i c i p a t e in interview 12
(l) Failed to reply 1
(2) Moved from l o c a l i t y 5
(3) R esisted being interviewed 3
(4) Refused to be interviewed 3
64
Scale, a Status Rank Scale, and an Occupational Choice
Questionnaire. The Value Scope Scale was accompanied by a
form which provided an opportunity for the f i r s t f i f t y
respondents interviewed to rank each of the Value Scope
statements in a rank-order of degrees of power. Except for
one instance, the personal interview was not taken u n til the
respondent had completed his responses to the several
scales. With reference to the exception, time was not
available to administer the Value Scope Scale.
Values upon Which the Scale
Was Developed
In discussing common objectives of every profession
al group, Maclver has indicated that three categories of
values exist under which these objectives are stated. The
f i r s t category, he termed e x t r in s ic , and included within i t
such values as economic, status, authority, symbols and
success. The second category he termed i n t r i n s i c , and
lis te d the values under i t to include those related to
technique, standards, train in g , and recruitment. The third
c la s s ific a tio n he called c u l t u r a l , by which he meant the
in te re st of the professional group in formulating i t s social
ethics and i t s nurture of the moral values cherished by the
larger society of which the profession is a part.-L
•^Robert M. Maclver, "The Social Significance of
Professional Ethics," Annals of the American Academy of
P o litic a l and Social Sciences, CCXCVII '(January, 1955). 118-
124.
65
Lasswell and Kaplan, in se ttin g forth a framework
for p o l i t i c a l inquiry, have discussed power which can be
distinguished in i t s scope and coerciveness in regard to the
values to which power is ascribed. The values upon which
the power of any association is based, according to Lasswell
and Kaplan, include those described as respect, r e c titu d e ,
a ffe ctio n , well-being, s k i l l , enlightenment, and power
i t s e l f . ^
If the c la s s ific a tio n s of Maclver and those of
Lasswell and Kaplan are combined, with some modification,
under a single system, we may arrive at the following out
line of values which in respect to th e ir scope for p a rtic u
la r associations may represent the power of the association.
In trin sic values
Determinateness as a value. Students of the pro
fessions are in general agreement th a t the establishment and
maintenance of s k il ls are highly valued by professional
groups. The id e n tific a tio n of p a rtic u la r s k i l l s , followed
by attempts to protect intrusion upon the use of them ap
pears to characterize the occupation th at striv e s to become
a profession. The id e n tific a tio n , development and protec
tion of s k i l l can be thought of as determinateness and is a
value which a i l professions vigorously guard and promulgate.
^Harold D. Lasswell and Abraham Kaplan, Power and
Society {New Haven: Yale U niversity Press, 1950), pp. 55-56.
66
The range of statem ents r e l a t i n g to the Value Scope
Scale was selec ted upon the general notion th a t a high de
gree of power over s k i l l would be evidenced by an a b i l i t y of
the p ro fe ssio n to s e le c t a l l persons e n te rin g the occupa
tio n . Other statem ents were formulated with the in te n tio n
of s e ttin g f o rth varying degrees of c o n tro l th a t an occupa
tio n might have over s k i l l s .
P ro p rie ta ry i n t e r e s t as a v a lu e . Along with an oc
c u p a tio n 's capacity to c o n tro l i t s s k i l l s , another i n t r i n s i c
value may be said to be i t s i n t e r e s t in the economic advan
tages of i t s occupational a c t i v i t y . The degree to which the
control of t h i s i n t e r e s t is shared with other in d iv id u a ls or
groups with re sp e c t to whom the se rv ices are rendered, may
be in d ic a tiv e of the power which the p ro fessio n possesses in
the sphere. Thus the occupation with an absolute degree of
c o n tro l would be in sole possession of the r ig h t to d e te r
mine the p rice paid for the se rv ice.
The range of statem ents r e l a t i n g t o the Value Scope
Scale was selec ted with the objective of d is tin g u is h in g the
the degrees to which an occupation re ta in e d or gave up con
t r o l over the compensation received fo r the serv ic es ren
dered.
S ecurity as a v a lu e . S ecu rity can be thought of as
an i n t r i n s i c v alu e. Security as the term i s being used here
both denotes a freedom and connotes an o b lig a tio n possessed
67
by reason of membership in an occupation. A lic e n se , the
removal of a r e s t r i c t i o n to p ra c tic e , is granted to an in
dividual p r a c titio n e r by reason of the special nature of
h is ta sk . At the same time, society places a g reater meas
ure of r e s p o n s ib ility on the p r a c t itio n e r with respect to
meeting the e x p lic it problem and often lim its the p r a c t i
t i o n e r 's freedom of action in other p erip h e ra l areas of the
p r a c t i t i o n e r 's l i f e . M inisters, for example, may be held to
standards of conduct whereby t h e i r d eviations are subject to
censure to an extent g reater than is true of other, minis
t e r s thus being required to "practice what they preach."
E xtrinsic values
Respect as a v alu e. Respect has long been thought
to be a value which r e s t s upon a g i f t of a ttitu d e and be
havior by others. As a g i f t , respect can be thought of as
an e x trin s ic value; th a t is , resp e ct is accorded by non-
membership groups. In the sense in which the term i s used
here, respect may be thought of as commanded by the special
competence of persons id e n tifie d as belonging to occupation
al groups and not as demanded by p o l i t i c a l au th o rity .
Derivative respect as a v alu e. I t is not uncommon
th a t persons by receiving the respect of others in one p art
of th e ir occupational liv e s are deferred to in regard to
ideas r e la tiv e to which they have no special competence.
68
These extra-professional functions performed by an occupa
tio n a l group may be thought of as having been derived from
respect for the group based upon th e ir general status in the
society. Lawyers, for example, are often called upon for
assistance in regard to personal matters which require the
s k ills recognized as being within the competence of other
professional groups.
Friendship as a value. It has been noted by stu
dents of the subject that occupations are empowered through
the special g ift of others in regard to intimacy of friend
ship. Thus occupations, e x t r in s ic a lly , may gain power from
other persons who personalize an occupational image, and
behave in terms of th is personalization. An occupation may
have, for example, appeal based upon the sense of desired
intimacy which the occupation evokes in those on the outside.
Although th is sense of desired intimacy may not have a r e la
tion to p articu lar p erso n alities within the occupation, i t
may make a contribution to the power of an occupation to in
fluence others. L itt le study has been made in th is area and
research is needed. Observations are general in regard to
the personalization of the p a tie n t's relationship with the
physician resting upon lay judgment concerning the alleged
^Walter I. Wardell and Arthur L. Wood, "The Extra-
Professional Role of the Lawyer," American Journal of
Socioloqy. LXI (January, 1966), 1, The authors found an
extra-role expectation of lawyers to be that of handling
"Personal problems."
6 9 >
e ffe c tiv e n e s s of a p a r tic u la r p r a c t i t i o n e r which may, in
r e a l i t y , be based upon an e f f e c tiv e r e la tio n s h ip d ire c ted
toward the p a r t i c u l a r p ro fe ssio n .
Resource as a v a lu e . Occupations become id e n tif ie d
as providing resources for others in t h e i r attem pts to mod
ify e x istin g i n s t i t u t i o n a l arrangements, s tru c tu re s and
fu nctions. Such a value may be thought of as a so cial r e
source value. Persons from p a r t i c u l a r occupations are
c a lle d upon to function when i t is believed th a t t h e i r
presence w ill give weight in an attempt to move toward some
so c ial, economic, or p o l i t i c a l o b je ctiv e. Other occupation
al groups may be eliminated from consideration because of
the b e lie f held th a t the presence of such persons may not
support and, in some in stan ce s, hinder the accomplishment of
such o b je c tiv e s. This value is lik e ly to be c o rre la te d with
other values defining s ta tu s . Resource may be thought of as
an e x trin s ic value, for i t s possession lik e th a t of resp e ct
is determined by those from outside the occupational group.
Influence as a v a lu e . As the term is used in t h i s
study, influence i s a value but i t is probably not of the
same order as some others used in the scale. Rather, in
fluence can be id e n tif ie d with the p o sitio n or s ta tu s which
the group occupies by reason of the p a tte rn of values pos
sessed by the group. While influence d is tin g u is h e s the
o v er-all p o sitio n occupied, i t cannot be n ec essarily said
to be the r e s u l t of the addition of a l l other values for we
cannot conclude th a t values are ad d itiv e, nor can i t be as
sumed th a t each has equal weight. However, there is some
impression th a t statu s or po sitio n has a connection with the
p attern of values possessed by a group and with t h e i r com
mensurate importance to the society of which the group i s a
p a rt. As Lasswell and Kaplan sta te: "To have influence is
to occupy a high position (and p o te n tia l) with respect to
a l l values important in the so c ie ty ." 4
Moral enlightenment as a v alu e. P a rtic u la r groups
may be valued in accordance with th e ir assignment of, or
claim to , r e s p o n s ib ility for intermediating between the
social i l l s of men and the seemingly impervious forces of
man and nature. These groups may be said to keep alive the
p ec u lia rly human character of man, otherwise an animal,
through the maintenance of the moral ideal. As Durkheim ex
presses ir:
Each human being at each moment in h isto ry has a
respect of a c e rta in in te n s ity for human d ig n ity . It is
t h i s sentiment, varying among d iffe re n t people at d i f
ferent times, th at i s . a t the root of the moral ideal of
contemporary society.^
And Selekman and Selekman say, concerning the power of moral
4Lasswell and Kaplan, cjo. c i t ., p. 71.
Emile Durkheim, Sociology and Philosophy, t
D. F. Pocock (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1953), p. 88.
71
sentiments, "For t h i s tr a d i t i o n makes up the heart of dem-
ocracy-freedom, dignity of man, ju s tic e . . . t h i s t r a d i
tio n is a power beyond formal law and government. Moral
enlightenment, then, is an e x trin s ic value ascribed to cer
ta in groups and given in varying degrees.
Problem of Measurement
Attempts to measure human values q u an tita tiv e ly are
usually approached with some tre p id a tio n , and rig h tly so.
As Dewey has implied, the mere possession of value is i t s
own j u s t i f i c a t i o n for the objective recognition of the ex
istence of value.^ An attempt to tr e a t several d iffe re n t
values as though they were a common class inevitably runs
into d if f i c u lt y . The treatment of a p a rtic u la r value in
terms of gradations of strength or power has i t s own prob
lems. Nevertheless, the question of d iffe rin g values and
d iffe rin g degrees of commitment to them p e r s is ts in regard
to man's e f f o rts to discover differences in the ends which
he seeks and in the behaviors in which he engages. As d i f
f i c u l t as the task appears in ascertaining whether human
values display empirical r e g u la r it ie s , i t is a job which
must proceed, however te n ta tiv e ly , if some of the e s sen tial
aspects of human existence are to be b e tte r understood.
°Sylvia and Benjamin M. Selekman, Power and Morality
in a Business Society (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956), p. 142.
7
John Dewey, Experience and Nature (Chicago: Open
Court Publishing Company, 1925), p. 396.
The m easurability of any class of values, Catton
says, " . . . may be regarded as a function of the ingenuity
of the experimenter in devising techniques for obtaining
discrim inal responses to . . . values . . . This study is
a beginning attempt to examine c e rta in differences among
groups based upon a q u an titativ e method of approach to a
d iffe rin g structure of values. That i t u t i l i z e s a r e la tiv e ly
crude measuring device is admitted. Hopefully th is p a rtic u
la r lim ita tio n will be placed in perspective re la tiv e to the
general nature of the problem and the general progress that
has thus far been made.
Construction of Value Scope Scale
The Value Scope Scale was constructed following a
procedure suggested by T hursto n e .9 An _a p r i o r i assemblage
was made of statements concerning each value described
above. Statements applicable to each value were constructed
with the objective of permitting reference to the value in
regard to degrees of commitment to i t . The statements were
tested for discrim ination on a panel of experts, and five
statements were eventually established as representing five
degrees of power based upon the judgment of the experts and
William R. Catton, Jr., "Exploring Techniques for
Measuring Human Values," American Sociological Review. XIX
(February, 1954), 55.
^L. L. Thurstone, The Measurement of Values (Chic
ago: The University of Chicago Press, 1959), pp. 215 f f .
t r i a l runs with classe s of students at two d if fe re n t col
leges.
The nine values and the value scope statements were
presented on a form to each of the f i r s t fifty respondents
in the sample with t h i s request:
"We wish you to a s s i s t us in the construction of a
ra tin g scale. Observe th at the f i r s t sentence reads, 'Oc
cupations have d iffe re n t kinds of control over s k i l l s ,
p reparation, and conditions of employment.' If you were to
determine which of the five following statements would give
an occupation the highest degree of control over i t s s k i l l s ,
preparation and conditions of employment, which one would
you choose? Place the number '1 ' in the blank before the
statement of your choice."
This was followed by the d ire c tio n th at the respond
ent should find the next controlling statement and place the
number "2" in front of t h i s statement, and so on, for a l l
nine values.
All responses were tabulated and are shown in the
Appendix. A review of the respondents' se lectio n s showed
th a t in a number of instances, perhaps 2b per cent, rankings
were given one or more values on a random basis. I t ap
peared from inspection th at some of the power d ire c tio n s
were properly id e n tifie d , but th a t the numerical system
designating the d ire c tio n of power was reversed. A compara
tiv e an aly sis was made between the power ranking of a l l
74
respondents and that group of respondents from which appar
ently erroneous responses were deleted. A considerable
uniformity was added to the distances between the medians of
the scale in respect to each value. It was decided to con
struct the scale without any deletions because of the ab
sence of any objective c r i t e r i a for making corrections and
because of the inherent lim itatio n s of the scale in the
measurement of v a l u e s . ^ As given, the responses of the
sample established what might be considered to be a quasi-
scale-^ which, in general, corresponded with the a p r io ri
determinations of the experts.
It should be p a rtic u la rly noted that an e ffo rt was
made to establish a scale of power indices in regard to each
value as based upon phrases lending themselves to cognitive
comparisons rather than to spatial re la tio n s. Furthermore,
i t was believed that most of the statements could be related
to d iffe re n tia l concepts which, while d i f f i c u l t to scale,
would add another dimension for subsequent analysis. Such
appeared to be the case as illu s tr a te d by the comments of
the respondents as they "rated" the professions. Rarely did
they appear to discuss th e ir ratings primarily in terms of
ordinal differences. Rather, they appeared to deal with the
■^Dr. Welty Lefever of the University of Southern
California consulted with the investigator on th is problem
and gave valuable assistance toward resolving i t .
■^Margaret J. Hagood and Daniel 0. Price, S t a t i s t i c s
for Sociologists (New York; Henry Holt and Co., l9bl^) , p.ib'2.
conceptual d is tin c tio n s as suggested by the d iffe re n t s ta te
ments of the scale. I t was, perhaps, th is emphasis th at
dominated th e ir thinking, and which resulted in the re la tiv e
randomness of some of the responses in ranking the s ta te
ments in degrees of power.
The shortcomings of the scale are obvious, p a rtic u
la rly upon hindsight. Nevertheless, with one remarkable
exception, and with the question of some softness also ap
pearing in some of the scales, there was a f a ir ly uniform
treatment by the respondents of the power position r e la tio n
among the statements. Perhaps as Webb^ has indicated, the
minimizing of the negative effect of the bunching of items
is somewhat relieved by the fact that the "judging groups"
were selected from the same general population to which the
scale was applied.
Construction of the Occupational
Choice Questionnaire
An e s s e n tia lly closed-ended occupational choice
questionnaire was constructed. The questionnaire asked a
series of questions concerning the nature of the s a tis f a c
tion or d is s a tis fa c tio n which the respondent had in regard
to his occupational choice. Except for blanks provided in
which the respondent entered the ideal occupation of his
Sam C. Webb, "Scaling of Attitudes by the Method
of Equal Appearing Intervals: A Review," The Journal of
Social Psychology. XLII (August, 1955), 215-39.
76
choice and the occupation which he would choose for his
child, he was required to give his re p lie s with reference to
statements which were designed to summarize each of the nine
values that were u tiliz e d in the Value Scope Scale. (The
occupational choice questionnaire is included as Appendix
C.)
Construction of the Status
Rank Scale
A status rank scale was constructed which permitted
each respondent to rank eight occupations in status or pres
tige in terms of the re ia tiv e status or prestige which the
respondent himself gave to the occupational group. A
second scale was provided which permitted the respondent to
designate in rank order the prestige or status which he be
lieved was accorded to the occupational groups by the public
at large. (The status rank scale is included in Appendix
D.)
Administration of Value Scope Scale
In administering the Value Scope Scale, the respond
ent was presented with a s t i f f backed form in which the
statements were typed in random order. He was asked to read
the f i r s t value statement and to consider a specific pro
fession, for example, d e n t is tr y . He was told to state his
choice of altern ativ e responses as id en tified by a number
a r b i t r a r i l y assigned to each a lte rn ativ e response. This
77
number was recorded on a form held by the investigator. The
respondent was asked to read the next item in regard to the
same profession, and so on, u n til he had complete the scale
for the one profession. Next, he was asked to do the same
in regard to another specified profession and so on u n til he
had completed the to ta l of eight occupations, and in addi
tio n , th at of the non-professionally educated social work
ers. The order in which the professions were presented was
randomized for the respondents so th at effe cts would not be
accumulative in respect to comparing a subsequently selected
profession with an e a rlie r one. In distinguishing the social
work sub-groups, the investigator used the following lan
guage: "Now let us consider the social worker who has com
pleted his professional education;" and "now le t us consider
the social worker who has not completed his professional
education."
Administration of Status Rank Scale
The respondent personally entered the numerical
rankings of the professions, by number, following the inves
t i g a t o r 's reading and general explanation of the d irectio n s
on the scale. The respondents were told that in f i l l i n g out
the column, "How I rank," th at they should rank the occupa
tions as they, the respondents, would give them status. In
f i l l i n g out the column, "How public ranks," the respondents
were instructed to rank the occupations as they believed
"the public ranked the occupations.
Administration of Occupational
Choice Questionnaire
The respondent personally f i l l e d out the question
naire following the in v e s tig a to r 's reading of the d ire c
tio n s .
Social History
The c o lle c tio n of social data was accomplished fo l
lowing the adm inistration of the scales and the question
n aire. No respondent fa ile d to give factu al information
asked for concerning h is so c ial, p o l i t i c a l , or economic
background. Almost without exception, the respondents were
in te reste d in the objectives of the study and i t s implica
tio n s . The average time of the interview, including scale
of adm inistration, was approximately two hours. The i n t e l
le c tu a l exercise demanded, p a r tic u la r ly by the Value Scope
Scale, appeared to be both exciting and t i r i n g to the r e
spondents. The interview took place in a v arie ty of places
- - a t homes, places of work, and at f a c i l i t i e s provided by
cooperating organizations.
Summary
The experimental design was based upon c e rta in con
ceptual and th e o re tic a l considerations r e la tiv e to the be
havior of groups. In p a r tic u la r , following Simmel's con
cepts, the study was designed to explore the behaviors of
79
p ro fe ssio n a l a s so c ia tio n sub-groups whose substances may
vary from those implied by the forms which sub-groups re p re
sent as t h e i r own. The experimental method was adapted from
the works of Lasswell, Kaplan, and Maclver. These scholars
believed th a t questions r e la te d to the power and influence
of groups could be answered through an an a ly sis of a system
of values possessed by groups in reference to themselves and
to others. A scale was devised with the in te n tio n of secur
ing degrees of commitment to a system of values concerned
with p ro fessio n a l asso cia tio n . A random sample of the mem
bership of the Los Angeles Area Chapter of the National As
sociation of Social Workers was interviewed. Through the
ad m inistration of a scale and a questionnaire, the degree of
commitment to nine selected values was obtained. The r e
sponses of two asso ciatio n sub-groups were c la s s fie d for the
purpose of comparison.
CHAPTER V
EXPERIMENTAL RESULTS
The Relation between Influence
and Social Status
Influence has generally been associated with the
idea of social sta tu s. Barber maintains th at social s t r a t
if ic a tio n and influence are necessarily highly correlated
with one another, since they both arise , in p art, from the
same source of functionally d iffe re n tia te d ro les in soci
ety.^-
Hypothesis A-1 sta te s that: The status of an occu
pation may be described in terms of i t s influence over
others; the higher the ascribed influence, the higher the
statu s.
The null hypothesis is th a t: Social status d if f e r s
from social influence in such a way th at an increase in
one w ill be rela ted to a random increase or decrease in the
o th e r.
Table 2 presents the median order of ranking by so
c i a l workers of a selected l i s t of occupations. The table
■^Bernard Barber, Social S tr a tif ic a tio n (New York:
Harcourt, Brace and Company, Inc.’, 1957), p'. 239.
80
TABLE 2
PERCEPTION OF POW ER Aid INFLUENCE BY SOCIAL W ORKERS
Selected
Status Rank by Public as Perceived
by Social Workers
Influence as
by Social
Perceived
Workers
Occupations
1 z 3 a b b 7 8 Mdn. Rank 1 2 3 4 b Mdn. Rank
Lawyer b 3b 30 16 9 3 1 2.80 2 3 b6 38 3 2.34 2
Social Worker 3 8 11 26 b2 7.60 8 9 83 7b 33 3.60** 8
Dentist b lb 21 2b 18 10 b 4 . 8 2 b 3 29 50 10
i
8 2.86 b
Physician bb 22
9
2 1 1 0.77 1 8 73 16 3 2.07 1
Engineer 3 b 13 23 14 22 13 7 4.6b o 4 7b 17 4 3.11 6
M inister 8 17 13 lb 19 lb 9
4 4.30 4 1 b4 34 8 3 2.40 3
High School
Teacher
1 4 b 10 20 38 22 b . 7b 7 10 49 30 11 3.31 7
Business Execu
tiv e
19 14 lb lb 14 10 4 9 3.63 3 4 42 38 13 3 2.b0 4
T otal* 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 4. bO 19 277 383 lb9 62 2.90
* One respondent did not complete the ranking and Value Scope Scale ra tin g s .
** Median ascribed by Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic groups to themselves and to
each other.
8 2
shows the rank order of occupations as so cial workers be
lieve the public would rank the occupations in s ta tu s . The
tab le also includes the rank order of occupations in degrees
of influence^ as ascribed to these occupations by the same
social workers. Applying the Spearrnan Rank C o rre la tio n
f o r m u l a , ^ i n Table 3 we find r s = .98. This s t a t i s t i c is
sig n ific a n t at c k .= .01.
W e may th ere fo re r e j e c t the null hypothesis and con
clude th a t as ranked by social workers of the Los Angeles
Area Chapter of the National A ssociation of Social Workers,
a high p o sitiv e c o r r e la tio n existed between what they per
ceived the s ta tu s of the occupations to be and the influence
which they ascribed to these same occupations. Barber's
contention, th e re fo re , seems to be supported by the r e s u l t s
of t h i s study.
Perhaps one aspect of the question of influence and
i t s r e l a t i o n s to social s ta tu s have not been s u f f i c i e n t l y
discussed. This aspect is the meaning which the phrase
"social status" and the term "prestige" have for the r e
spondent. A number of persons w ritin g in the f i e l d have
d if f e r e n tia te d among the terms "power," "influence," and
" s ta tu s ," and perhaps t h i s may be done simply through -defin-
itio n . However, j u s t what does the word "statu s" mean to
^Supra. p. 69.
^Sidney Siegel, Non-Parametric S t a t i s t i c s (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1956), p. 211.
83
TABLE 3
STATUS AND INFLUENCE ASCRIBED
BY SOCIAL W ORKERS
Occupations
Status
Rank
Influence
Rank
d d2
Lawyer 2 2
0 0.0
Social Worker 8 8 0 0.0
Dentist b b 0 0.0
Physic ian i 1 0 o
•
c
Engineer 6 b 0 0.0
M inister < 4 3 I 1.0
High School Teacher 7 7 0 0.0
business Executive 3 4 i 1.0
r - I - 1 0
r s x n
= .98
E d^
Tn^ 1 7
8 4
the respondent when he is called upon to rank p a r tic u la r
groups in some kind of statu s order? If he is to be suc
c e ssfu l at h is task of comparison, he must in some manner
make concrete the ab stra ct connotations of a word such as
" s ta tu s ." S tatus, in essence, is a s ta tic word. S tatu s, as
such, can not be f e l t as a force, although i t s possession
may enable i t s holder to take actions denied to others.
"Influence" is a term, on the other hand, which
rea d ily allows for i t s use in the form of a verb. Might not
the high co rre la tio n between influence and sta tu s in t h i s
study be explained, not because there may be some associa
tio n between two d e f in itiv e ly separated phenomena, but be
cause the respondent is forced to convert the term "status"
into one which he is able to handle ra th e r concretely in the
laboratory situ atio n ? In other words, whatever the d is
tin c tio n s th a t rnay apply to sta tu s and influence as con
cepts, the question remains whether or not the terms s ta tu s
and influence are being used interchangeably when presented
in the ranking s itu a tio n .
Even if the terms are understood by the respondent
as being d e f in itiv e ly distinguished, i t is also possible
th a t when he r e p lie s to a request to rank groups in sta tu s
or p re s tig e , he is ac tu ally ranking them in terms of in flu
ence. A great deal more work should be done to explain,
em pirically, the r e la tio n between influence and s ta tu s .
This study is , of course, lim ited to a p a r tic u la r
85’
population and i t s r e s u l t s may not be applicable under c i r
cumstances in which the general population performs the
ranking. It would appear not u n lik ely th a t the respondents
would t r e a t the terms synonomously since there i s l i t t l e to
suggest th a t a se le c tiv e process in regard to vocation alone
would g re a tly a f f e c t responses to t h i s kind of comparative
in q u iry .
A considerable amount of m aterial in the l i t e r a t u r e
deals with the p re d ile c tio n of persons in a p a r tic u la r occu
pation to ascribe a higher s ta tu s to th a t occupation than
does the general population. This study does not give great
support to th a t conclusion. For example, in the ranking of
sta tu s, social workers placed themselves l a s t with high
school teachers immediately preceding them.
One possible reason for the more conservative rank
ing by social workers themselves may lie in the adm inistra
tio n of the scale. The respondent was asked to rank the oc
cupations on how he believed the public gave sta tu s to the
occupations and, in addition, how he would wish the occupa
tio n s ranked in s ta tu s . It may be th a t t h i s dual request
helped the respondents to separate what might otherwise have
been confusing sentiments into two more c l e a r ly defined
problems. While a p re se n ta tio n of the r e s u l t s of the rank
ing of t h e i r own wish are not appropriate to t h i s study, i t
is to be noted th a t so cial workers wished t h e i r occupation
to be ranked about at the mean, r e l a t i v e to a l l occupations
8 6
ranked.
The methodological im plications of t h i s difference
in findings may be important to other studies making use of
ranking devices.
The Relation between Support of
In trin s ic Values and P o sitio n
in a Bureaucracy
Each respondent in the sample was asked to indicate
his p rin cip a l reason for supporting the National Association
of Social Workers. He was required to select the most ap
p licab le statement from a se rie s of nine a l te r n a ti v e s , each
of which referred to one of the nine values upon which the
value scale was b u ilt . The r e s u l t s of the selec tio n process
are shown in Table 19 (Appendix A) for both the Idiomorphic
and Xenomorphic groups, with the members being c l a s s i f i e d
according to th e ir functions.
Social work is c h a r a c te r i s tic a ll y p racticed within
an agency-setting which may be thought of under common and
accepted d e fin itio n s of the term, as a bureaucratic struc
tu re . Some few social workers p ra ctic e t h e i r s k i l l s with
groups of p r a c titio n e rs coming from other professions such
as physicians and psychologists, and some maintain t h e i r own
o ffic e. In those instances the p r a c t itio n e r s , known as
t h e r a p i s t s , may be thought of as p ra cticin g some aspect of
psycho-therapy rath e r than social work. They deal d ir e c tly
with the c lie n t with a linkage to the community not through
87
a so cial agency but only through t h e i r p ro fe ssio n a l id e n ti
t i e s .
Some so c ial workers are employed as teach ers e i th e r
at the graduate or undergraduate le v el of in s tru c tio n .
Those persons may be thought of as possessing two vocations:
teaching and social work. They do not, as do so cial work
e r s , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c a l l y work with c l i e n t s .
Consultants are employed in so c ial work s e ttin g s to
a s s i s t other s ta f f members to improve t h e i r p r a c tic e s
through a helping r a th e r than through an a u th o rita tiv e r e
la tio n s h ip . Consultants may have a c l i e n t e l e of persons
outside the agency. For example, co n su ltan ts may be em
ployed to a s s i s t other agencies or groups to e s ta b lis h or
modify programs of a general social welfare nature. Essen
t i a l l y , the c o n s u lta n ts' concerns are in the f i e l d of prac
t i c e . Heavy emphasis is placed upon the development of
s k i l l s and the promulgation of s p e c ia liz a tio n .
Adm inistrators are thought of as the persons who
generally function above the f i r s t - l i n e supervisory posi
tio n s . The adm inistrator is concerned with the processes
under which the whole or major p art of the agency's program
is implemented. The ad m in istrato r does not have immediate
contact with the agency's c l i e n t e l e . Because of the inher
ent nature of h is r e s p o n s i b ilit y for the t o t a l agency opera
tio n , he is usually concerned with the fu n ctio n s of person
nel who, themselves, have a wide range of p rep aratio n and
8 8
r e s p o n s i b i l i t y . The adm inistrator also t y p i c a l l y has a
se rie s of r e l a t i o n s with persons rep resen tin g the community
from whom the agency draws i t s support. He is exposed t o ,
and must take into account, the value systems of those
groups i f the program of the agency is to be maintained. He
must, in h is adm inistrative behavior, s a t i s f y the value sys
tems of those to whom he is responsible and from whom he
d erives h is power, as well as the value systems of those who
c o n s titu te the s ta f f with whom he works in the agency.
Supervisors are thought of as persons who occupy a
p o sitio n of r e s p o n s i b ilit y for a segment of the agency's
work and who discharge t h i s r e s p o n s i b ilit y by means of
supervising the work of subordinates. The supervisor usu
a lly does not have d ir e c t contact with the c l i e n t e l e . He
performs h is function by assigning work to social workers,
a s s is tin g social workers in regard to the in te r p r e t a ti o n of
agency policy, o rien ts and t r a i n s so cial workers in resp ect
to specific job ta sk s, and evaluates t h e i r performance.
Social workers deal d ir e c tly with the c l i e n t s of the
agency and concern themselves with the a p p lic a tio n of pro
fe s s io n a l s k i l l s to xhe needs of the c l i e n t in r e l a t i o n to
the goals and objectives of the agency and in regard t o the
p rin c ip le s of the profession.
W e may c l a s s i f y each of the above p r a c t i t i o n e r s as
f a lli n g into somewhat d i s t in c t iv e groups.: (l) groups th a t
work d ir e c tly with c l i e n t e l e , (2) groups th a t provide d ire c
tio n to program and policy and that do not work d ire c tly
with c lie n te le , and (3) groups that have peripheral or
other functions. In the f i r s t group we may place social
workers, th e ra p is ts , and consultants; in the second group
adm inistrators and supervisors; and in the th ird group
teachers and others. W e may also cla ssify the p ra c titio n e rs
into two groups: (l) those who practice within social agency
settings, such as adm inistrators, supervisors, social work
ers, and consultants; and (2) those who do not practice in
social agency settings, such as th e ra p ists, teachers, and
others.
Considering these general divisions, we may postu
late th at persons identified with the professions but em
ployed within bureaucratic structures, such as social agen
cies, w ill find i t necessary to make certain compromises in
the system of values to which they commit themselves. These
compromises are reflected in a reduction of investment in
the in trin s ic values of the profession as the person pro
gressively occupies higher positions in the bureaucratic
hierarchy.
Proposition B, Hypothesis 2, sta tes that: The higher
the Idiomorphic group's occupational position in a bureauc
racy, the less w ill be i t s commitment to the support of the
in trin sic values of professional association. The null
hypothesis may be stated th a t: The level of the Idiomorphic
group's positions in the bureaucratic structure does not
90
a f f e c t i t s commitment to support of the in tr in s i c values of
p ro fe ssio n a l a s so c ia tio n .
Table 4 in d ic a te s the reasons used by the Idiomor-
p'hic group in giving support to the p ro fessio n a l a s s o c ia tio n
as c l a s s i f i e d by the functions of in d iv id u als composing th a t
group.
Table 5 is a 2 x 3 matrix into which the data are
cast for the purpose of t e s t i n g . Using the chi-square t e s t ,
chi-square is found = 7.98. At <*-= .02, we may r e j e c t the
null hypothesis and conclude th a t persons in the Idiomorphic
group as they increase t h e i r p o sitio n level within the
bureaucratic stru ctu re commit themselves less to the support
of i n t r i n s i c values of the p ro fessio n al asso cia tio n .
The r e s u l t s of the te s tin g of t h i s hypothesis would
appear to support Merton's statement th a t sub-groups emerge
w ithin la rg e r groups and th a t d is t in c t iv e social r e l a t i o n s
develop among themselves which are not shared with other
C = .
members of the larger group. If the bureaucracy may be
considered to be the larg e r group, then i t may be seen th a t
sub-groups develop even w ithin an Idiomorphic group in r e f
erence to d iffe re n ces with which they view the value system,
or p a r ts of i t , as r e la te d to p ro fessio n al a s so c ia tio n .
The importance of these phenomena may be of consid
erable significance fo r the profession th a t finds i t s usual
^Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Struc
tu re (Glencoe: The Free Pre"s"s™ i 1957), p. 262'.
TABLE 4
REASONS FOR SOCIAL WORKERS’ SUPPORT OF THE PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATION
Idiomorphic Group
Position Total In trin sic Values E xtrinsic Values
Total 1 2 3 Total 4 5 6 7 8 9
Administrat or s 12 4 4 8 7 1
Supervisors 11 4 4 7 1 4 . 2
Social Workers 25 19 19 6 6
Consultants 4 4 3 1
Therapists 5 5 5
Teachers 4 4 2 2 2
Others
2 1 1 1 1
T o tal 63 39 38 1 24 1 19 4
92
TABLE 5
IDIOMORPHIC GROUP'S COMMITMENT TO
THE SUPPORT OF PROFESSIONAL ASSOCIATION
I n t r i n s i c E x trin s ic T o tal
A dm inistrators 4 8 12
Supervisors 4 7 11
S ocial Workers 19 6 2 5
27 21 48
r k (r>- • r - • • \ 2
X2 = S S ' - 8-48
i = 1 j = 1 fclJ
Degrees of freedom = 2
practice within stru ctu res which require lo y a ltie s to other
than to the profession and to i t s value system. These phe
nomena may well explain the resistance of ce rtain professions
to an extension of th e ir services to be administered within
bureaucratic settin g s which would d ire c tly subject the pro
fessional association to bureaucratic control. It would
appear lik e ly under such circumstances th at a general weak
ening would occur in the value bonds of the association
which could have sig n ifican t e ffe c ts upon the whole profes
sional stru ctu re. These e ffec ts would doubtless pervade
areas of value and b elief beyond those re la tin g simply to
the protection of s k i l l , and would no doubt affect stand
ards, evidences of achievement, and economic and social sta
tus. These matters, now largely determined within the pro
fessional realm, would be subject to the ordering processes •
of the bureaucratic structure. Social work, nursing and
teaching, professions largely practicing within highly
formalized structures of a bureaucratic nature, have no
doubt already been affected by these same considerations.
It perhaps is not chance which d ic ta te s the senti
ment that almost any person can successfully practice within
these fie ld s , given the opportunity. Rather does i t appear
th at the fact that p restig e, income, and authority increase
in d irect proportion to a regression from commitments to
values rela ted to d if f e r e n tia ls in s k il l. C o rre la tiv e ly ,
p restig e, income, and authority increase d ire c tly as does
94
the p ro fe ssio n a l p e rso n 's commitment to the value system of
h is "lay" p ee rs. I t is a ls o , perhaps, not chance th a t ad
m in is tra to rs and supervisors are, according to observations
in the f i e l d , often le ss well te c h n ic a lly tra in e d than are
th e i r subordinates.
The R elation between the Idiomorphic Group
and the Xenomorphic Group
in Terms of the A scrip tio n of Power
to Themselves and to Each Other
The Los Angeles Chapter of the National A ssociation
of Social Workers is composed of two sub-groups known in
t h i s study as the Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic groups. They
are distin g u ish e d by the f a c t th a t the members of the former
cu rre n tly posses the necessary q u a l if i c a t io n s to en te r the
asso ciatio n ; the members of the l a t t e r do not. It was hy
pothesized t h a t : The Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic groups of a
professional a s so c ia tio n e x i s t in a re c ip ro c a l r e l a t i o n of
such a nature th a t the images possessed concerning them
selves and each other are mutually shared even though the
images affirm a d is p a r i ty of influence between them. The
null hypothesis is: That the images which the groups possess
toward each other, including influence, are not mutually
shared.
Table 6 shows the power indices r e la te d to each
value as ascribed by each of the two groups to themselves
and to each other. By the use of the Kolmogorov-Smirnov
T est, a t e s t was made as to the sig n ific an c e of difference
TABLE 6
PO W ER INDEX OF VALUES ASCRIBED BY IDIOMORPHIC AND XENOMORPHIC GROUPS
O F SOCIAL W O R K ER S TO THEMSELVES AND TO EACH OTHER
Ascribed by Idiomorphic Group Ascribed by Xenomorphic Group
Value
To Idiomorph
Group
ic To Xenomorph
Group
lie
P
To Idiomorphic To
Group
Xenomorphic
Group
P
1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2 3 4 5 1 2, 3 4 5
Determinateness 11 28 22
/-s
0 1 14 13 12 23 .001 8 17 6 3 3 2 8 9 13 5 .01
Proprietary
In te re st
1 17 31 13 1 0 12 38 10 3
*
1 7 24 5 0 0 6 24 7 0
*
Security 3 9 47 4 0 1 3 52 7 0
*
1 3 29 2 2 1 0 31 3 2
*
Respect 2
9
52 0 0 0 1 53 9 0
*
1 8 28 0 0 1 0 34 0 2
*
Derivative
Respect
2 4 54 3 0 0 0 35 10 18 .001 3 2 28 3 1 0 1 23 4 9
*
Friendship 1 19 43 0 0 0 1
52 10 0 .01 3 1 29 3 1 1 3 31 1 1
*
Resource 1 22 34 6 0 0 2 26 31 4 .001 2 13 20 2 0 0 4 20 12
1 .05
Influence 0 3 32 25 3 0 0 19 26 23 .01 0 5 21 10 1 0 1 16 14 6
*
Moral
Eniightenment
16 4 40 3 0 5 1 41 14 2 .05 12 3 17 5 0 1 3 30 3 00 .05
* Difference not sig n ific a n t a t = .05.
96
TABLE 7
SIGNIFICANCE OF POW ER INDEX OF VALUES
ASCRIBED BY IDIOMORPHIC AND XENOMORPHIC GROUPS
OF SOCIAL W ORKERS TO THEMSELVES
AND TO EACH OTHER
Idiomorphic Xenomorphic
Value
X2
P
x2
P
Determinateness 18.3 .001 12.3 .01
Proprietary In terest 1.14 .70 0 .2 .95
Security 2.10 .50 0.86 .70
Respect 3.18 .30 4.38 .20
Derivative Respect 19.8 .001 3.45 .20
Friendship 12.0 .01 0 .2 .95
Resource 20.7 .001 6.70 .05
Influence 11.4 .01 4.38 .20
Moral Enlightenment 0. 2b .05 6.58 .05
p 2 n l n2
X = 40 - r : ; ' -
nl n2
d f - 2
97
between the power indices as ascribed by each group to i t
self and to the other.
From a review of the table i t would appear th a t the
hypothesis was not completely supported by the r e s u lt s of
th is study.
F irs t, there appeared to be no agreement by both
groups at °^= .Ob th at a difference in influence existed be
tween the two groups. Second, there appeared to be no
agreement at <<-= ,0b by both groups th a t a difference existed
in the ascription of power to each other in regard to value
derivative respect and value frie n d sh ip . In the instances
of each of these items, the Idiomorphic group alone indicated
that a sig n ific an t difference of power d is trib u tio n did
ex ist in regard to the two groups.
On the other hand, both groups appeared to be in
agreement that sig n ifican t differences ex ist in th e ir
ascription of power to each other at < * - = .Ob, in respect to
value determinativene ss . value re source. and value moral
enlightenment. Both groups also agreed that no sig n ific an t
differences ex ist in th e ir ascription of power to each other
at = .Ob, in respect to values proprietary i n t e r e s t .
se c u rity , and r e s p e c t.
It must be concluded th a t while each group did pos
sess c e rta in images of i t s e l f and the other which were mutu
ally shared, some images were not mutually shared including
th at which is concerned with influence.
98
I t appears in te re s tin g th a t the areas in which both
groups agreed th a t there was a significance of difference in
the power index of values ascribed by each to h is own and to
the other group were areas r e la tin g d ir e c tly to questions
dealing with determinative aspects of a profession and with
i t s declared objectives. Thus both groups agreed th a t a
sig n ific a n t difference should p re v a il in respect to the de
gree of control of areas of s k i l l , and both groups perceived
sig n ific an t d ifferen ces to e x is t as between them in respect
to a fundamental objective of social work, th a t of acting in
a resource capacity to persons and groups trying to achieve
social goals. Remarkably, both groups believed th a t a sig
n ifica n t difference existed as between them in the degree to
which they have contributed to human progress and d ig n ity , a
fundamental tenet underlying social work. The in te re s tin g
point is th at many of the great c o n trib u tio n s in social serv
ice came from social workers at a time in h isto ry when no
formal c h a ra c te r i s tic s distinguished one social worker from
another. That th i s was in the mind of many of the respond
ents was evident from the comments when selecting t h e i r ans
wers for the scale.
Both groups agreed th a t no s ig n ific a n t difference
existed between them in regard to those items having to do
with t h e i r own economic or social w elfare, nor with the de
gree of respect which was due them. It i s not known whether
th is lack of difference re su lte d from a general d is i n c li n a
tio n to view occupations in terms of degrees of respect.
Social workers appeared to be unwilling to t r e a t profession
al differences as requiring d iffe re n t a ttitu d e s in respect
toward them.
On several items the Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic
groups did not agree in regard to how each viewed the other.
In each of those instances the Idiomorphic group ascribed a
sig n ifican t difference to the power indices as between the
two groups. This occurred in regard to value derivative
re soect. value friend sh ip . and value influence. A pattern
based upon common elements does not read ily appear to ex
plain th is phenomenon. Value derivative respect as does
value influence re fe rs to the p o te n tia l command th a t a prof-
fession has over others. Value friendship represents a per
sonalization of the occupation in the sense th at i t repre
sents an appeal to intimacy.
I t may be generally said, from a review of the data
in areas which are c r i t i c a l l y rela ted to d iffe re n tia tin g the
two groups in a determinative sense th a t the image of d i f f e r
ence which each group has as between i t s e l f and the other is
mutually shared. Likewise, in the areas where the items im
plied d ifferences in p restig e, and statu s, or d if f e r e n tia ls
in economic advantage, the image of no difference was mutu
a lly shared. Thus there appears to be a ce rtain consistency
in the sense th at for a professional association, the con
cerns which distinguish the sub-groups are largely technical
100
in nature. I t is suggested th a t a professional association
through the maintenance of in tern al tension keeps alive the
technical questions that must be resolved in te rn a lly . At
the same time, the professional association, by denying the
differences among members in regard to such things as rig h t
to respect, security, and economic p riv ile g e , increases i t s
power based upon "completeness" when facing the external
world. Perhaps i t is in the common acceptance of these d if
ferences th at a professional association maintains i t s
equilibrium during i t s tra n s itio n to a monolithic stru ctu re .
The Relation between Position of Influence
and the Ascription of Influence
to Subordinate Groups
D initz, Lefton, and Pasamanick^ found th at the high
er the objective status of the profession, the greater the
status gap which members of a profession desire between
themselves and those below i t . zander, Cohen, and Stotland
also found th at the lower the group in the status hierarchy,
the greater was i t s need for approval from those above and
the more i t valued the higher-ordered group. These find
ings were generally put to the t e s t in th is study under the
b3imon Dinitz, Mark Lefton, and Benjamin Pasaman-
ick, "Status Perceptions in a Mental H ospital," Social
Force s . XXXIII (December, 1959), 124-28.
7Alvin Zander, Arthur R. Cohen, and Ezra Stotland,
"Power and the Relations among Professions," Studies in
Social Power, ed. Dorwin Cartwright (Ann Arbor: The Univer
sity of Michigan Press, 1959), pp. 15 f f .
101
hypothesis th a t: The a s c rip tio n of influence by sub-groups
of a professional association to themselves and to each
other is a function of t h e i r r e la tiv e p o sitio n of in f lu
ence; the higher the r e la tiv e influence of the sub-group,
the lower the influence ascribed by the sub-group to i t s e l f
and to the other. The null hypothesis is th a t: The ascrip
tio n of influence by sub-groups is not r e la te d to t h e i r
re la tiv e p o sitio n of influence.
Table 8 shows the power indices which the Idiomor
phic and Xenomorphic groups ascribed to the Idiomorphic
group. The difference is not sig n ific an t at < ■ - .05.
Table 8 also shows the power indices which the Idiomorphic
and Xenomorphic groups ascribed to the Xenomorphic groups.
Again, the difference is not s ig n ific a n t at - .05.
Table 9 shows the power indices as ascribed by the
Idiomorphic group to i t s e l f and to the Xenomorphic group.
The difference is sig n ific a n t at - .05. Table 9 also
shows the power indices as ascribed by the Xenomorphic
group to i t s e l f and to the Idiomorphic group. The d i f f e r
ence is not s ig n ific a n t at cC = .05.
The median power p o sition ascribed by the Idiomor
phic group to i t s e l f was 3.39, and to the Xenomorphic group
4.17. The median power po sitio n ascribed by the Xenomor
phic group to i t s e l f was 3.60, and to the Idiomorphic group
3.14.
TABLE 8
PO W ER INDEX AS ASCRIBED TO IDIOMORPHIC
AND XENOMORPHIC GROUPS
BY THEMSELVES AND TO EACH OTHER
Value
By Idiomorphic Group By Xenomorphic Group
1 2 3 4 5 M 1 2 3 4 5 M
P
Power Ascribed to Idiomorphic Group
Influence 0 3 32 25 3 3.39 0 5 21 10 1 3.14
*
Power Ascribed to Xenomorphic Group
Influence 0 0 14 26 23 4.17 0 1 16 14 6 3.61
*
* Difference not sig n ific a n t ^ = .05.
103
TABLE 9
PO W ER INDEX AS ASCRIBED BY IDIOMORPHIC
AND XENOMORPHIC GROUPS
TO THEMSELVES AND TO EACH OTHER
Va lue
To Idiomorphic Group To Xenomorphic Group
P
1 2 3 4 5 to 1 2 3 4 5 iV l
Power Ascribed by Idiomorphic Group
Influ-
ence
0 3 32 25 3 3.39 0 0 14 26 23 4.17 .01
Power Ascribed by Xenomorphic Group
Influ-
ence
0 5 21 10 1 3.14 0 1 16 14 6 3.61
*
* Difference not sig n ific an t: ^ = .05,
-r
df = 2
104
A conclusion i s d i f f i c u l t to reach in regard to the
t e s tin g of t h i s hypothesis. The Idiomorphic group appears
to ascribe to i t s e l f a higher sta tu s than i t does to the
Xenomorphic group. The Xenomorphic group also appears to
ascribe to the Idiomorphic group a higher s ta tu s than i t
does to i t s e l f , but the d iffere n ce has not been shown to be
s ig n ific a n t at = ,05.
The in te re s tin g observation concerning the i n t e r
change of power a s c rip tio n as between the two groups is
th a t the high-influence group ascribed to i t s e l f a lower
index than does the low-influence group. The high-influence
group also ascrib es a lower index to the low-influenee group
than does the low-influence group. In ad dition, the gap
between the two groups was g reater in the indices ascribed
by the high-influence group than in those ascribed by the
low-influence group. Thus the low-influence group appears
to "value the higher ordered group," as Zander, Cohen, and
Stotland maintained and, likew ise, as D initz, Lefton, and
Pasamanick found, the higher-ordered group places a g re a te r
gap between i t s e l f and those below i t .
The net e ffe c t of the actions of the two groups in
the a s c rip tio n of influence to themselves and to each other
is to reduce the range in p o sitio n s from which they view
th e i r r e l a t i o n s to each other. This is to say, as Simmel
shows, th a t the power p o s itio n s possessed by the more power-
105
fu l group are induced in to the le s s powerful group where
"they introduce a note of s u p e rio rity and command which they
possessed"® in the more powerful group. That i s , the mere
possession of " t i t l e " by the low-influence group, in t h i s
instance the Xenomorphic group, has perm itted i t to perceive
i t s power p o s itio n e s s e n t i a l l y as i t perceives the power
p o s itio n of the Idiomorphic group— the group whose lim its
are congruent with the boundary lin e s of the p ro fe ssio n a l
asso c ia tio n i t s e l f .
In essence, then, the findings of Zander, Cohen,
and Stotland and those of D in itz, Lefton, and Pasamanick are
supported and are extended by the r e s u l t s of t h i s study.
The extension is th a t not only do the p o s itio n s of groups
a ffe c t t h e i r ranking of other groups but there are b y - la te r
al im plications th a t characte rize the r e la tio n s h ip s between
them. While these im plications may not always be apparent
for groups without a known frame of re fe re n ce , the r e s u l t s
of t h i s study should make them seem so insofar as they are
two groups w ithin one p ro fe ssio n al a s so c ia tio n .
The R elation between Commitment to
In tr i n s ic A ssociation Values and
Possession of Entry Q u a lific a tio n s
P rofessional a s s o c ia tio n s can be said to be occupa-
8
Georg Simmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel, ed.
and tr a n s . Kurt Wolff (Glencoe; The Free P ress, 1950),
p . 269.
tions that are highly determinative in character; th a t is ,
they are occupations that exert a high degree of control
over the entry requirements. Generally speaking, the entry
requirements distinguish those who may be considered to be
members from those composing the non-member groups. It
might be expected th at the Idiomorphic group of an associa
tion would be most closely identified with e f f o r ts toward
supporting those values which lie at the base of determina
tiveness.
The hypothesis is: The greater the concordance be
tween the members' qu alificatio n s and those held as deter
minative of professional association, the greater the mem
bers' support of the in trin sic values held by the profes
sional association. The null hypothesis is th a t: There is
no relationship between support of in trin s ic values and the
concordance of members' q u alificatio n s with those held to be
determinative of professional association.
Table 10 shows the reasons social workers gave for
supporting the professional association. The reasons are
dichotomized into two sets of values: those which we have
labeled in trin s ic , and those which are called e x trin s ic .
Table 11 is a matrix into which these dichotomized
value groups are cast as applying to the Idiomorphic and
Xenomorphic social worker groups. Using the 2 x 2 contin
gency table, chi square is found = 16,7. At 0 < -= .001, we
may re je c t the null hypothesis and conclude th at members of
107
TABLE 10
IDIO M O RPH IC A N D X E N O M O R PH IC GROUPS'
RESPONSES TO SELECTED QUESTIONS
A B O U T T H E PROFESSION O F SOCIAL W O R K
Selected
Responses
Intrinsic Extrinsic
of Social
Workers T 1 2 3 T 4 5 6 7 8
9
Idiomorphic Group
Support of
Association
39
38 1 24 1 19
4
Disadvantage 39
16 12 11 24 11 4 3 4 2
Xenomorphic Group
Support of
Association
7 o 1 31 20 2
9
Disadvantage 23 10 4 9 15 3 2 2 2 6
Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic groups' support of the Associa
tion: chi square = 16.4; p < .001.
Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic groups' statement on disadvan
tage of social work: chi square = .005; p < .90.
108
TABLE 11
SU PPO R T O F ASSOCIATION
Group In trin sic E xtrinsic Total
Idiomorphic Group 39
Xenomorphic Group __7
46
24
31
65
63
38
101
.2 . . N U AD - BC1 - 2 )2 . ...
- — 1 A OPx
A (A+B) (C+DJ (A+CJ (B*D)
df = 1
xO • O
109
the p r o fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n having q u a l i f i c a t i o n s in accord
with those c u r r e n tly req u ired for e n try give g re a te r sup
p o rt to the p r o f e s s io n ’s i n t r i n s i c values than do the mem
bers who do not possess the q u a l i f i c a t i o n s c u r r e c t ly r e
quired fo r e n try .
I t would appear from these r e s u l t s th a t "peer"
groups w ith in the p ro fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n d i f f e r s i g n i f i
ca n tly in regard to t h e i r commitment to values th a t l i e at
the base of t h e i r a s s o c ia tio n a l support. The group which
c u rre n tly possess the e n try q u a l i f i c a t i o n s sees as i t s
p r in c ip a l objective the support of values r e l a t e d t o the
extension and maintenance of s k i l l s , the p r in c ip a l d e t e r
minative d i f f e r e n t i a l in id e n tify in g the member of the pro
fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n . The group which does not value the
maintenance and extension of s k i l l s , h ig h ly , is represented
by persons who do not c u r r e n tly possess the basic en try r e
quirements for a s s o c ia tio n a l membership.
If something operates to hold these two groups to
geth er, i t must be something other than a common commitment
to c e r t a i n values. Simmel has pointed out t h a t , "In every
single s o c i a l - h i s t o r i c a l c o n fig u ratio n , there operates a
number of r e c i p r o c i t i e s among the elements, which can prob
ably never be wholly enumerated."9 I t is lik e ly tru e in
t h i s case t h a t the nature of the r e c i p r o c i t i e s between the
9 I b id . . p. 2 0 0 .
110'
Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic groups lack a complete explana
tio n as to how equilibrium i s provided. I t may even be, as
Simmel maintains, th a t there are a "large number of in t e r e s t
spheres in some of which the one p a r t, and in others the
other p a r t, is su p ero rd in ate,"^0 There i s some evidence in
the very fact of membership of a group whose q u a l if i c a t io n s
are not congruent with membership requirem ents, th a t t h i s
group possesses values which are in demand by the other
groups w ithin the a s so cia tio n .
There seems to be evidence from Table 12 th a t no
sig n ific a n t difference appears to e x is t between the two
groups in regard to the matter of id e n tify in g the p rin c ip a l
disadvantage to the occupation. Approximately 62 per cent
of the Idiomorphic group, and 60 per cent of the Xenomorphic
group, id e n tify the p rin c ip a l disadvantage of so cial work as
evidenced by some lack of c o n tro l over s k i l l s , a f a ilu r e to
possess economic advantage, and an absence of confidence on
the p art of o thers. I t is in te re s tin g , th e re fo re , th a t
while both groups id e n tify a common p rin c ip a l disadvantage
to the occupation, they d i f f e r s ig n ific a n tly in t h e i r rea
sons for supporting the a s so c ia tio n a l a c t i v i t i e s . The Idio
morphic group, so i t m aintains, lends i t s assistance to im
prove the p ro fe s s io n ’s p o sitio n in regard to i t s i n t r i n s i c
values; the Xenomorphic group la rg e ly sees as i t s reason for
1QIb id . . p. 208.
I l l
TABLE 12
DISADVANTAGE OF PROFESSION
Group I n tr i n s ic E x trin sic T o tal
Idiomorphic Group 39 24 63
Xenomorphic Group 23 15 38
62
39 101
,, N (1AD - BC1 - fcj)2
= .0050
" ~ (A+B) (C+DJ (A+C) (B+D)
df = 1
112
support i t s reliance upon the e x trin sic values of the pro
fession.
Summary
Five hypotheses were tested:
1. That occupational status may be described in
terms of occupational influence.
2. That commitment to in tr in s ic association values
is modified as the association member occupies
d iffe ren t positions in a bureaucratic stru c tu re .
3. That sub-groups mutually share the images of
themselves and each other although the images
d if f e r .
4. That the ascrip tio n of influence by one sub
group to another is a function of the sub-group's
re la tiv e influence.
5. That the support of the a s s o c ia tio n 's in tr in s ic
values is a function of the concordance between
the member's q u a lifica tio n s and those held to be
determinative of membership.
The sample data were c la s s ifie d and trea ted under
standard procedures for the purpose of contrast and compari
son. Tests for s t a t i s t i c a l inference were conducted for the
purpose of determining the degree of confidence under which
the observed differences could be considered to be r e a l .
CHAPTER V I
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND
FUTURE RESEARCH
Summary
The problem in t h i s study was to examine the power
stru ctu re of the pro fessio n al a sso c ia tio n as represented in
social work. The power structure was considered as r e s u l t
ing, in p a r t, from a system of values held in varying de
grees by two sub-groups of the asso c ia tio n in resp ect to
themselves and each other.
Two p ro positions were set fo rth as having ap p lica
tio n to the problem under study. Proposition A stated th a t:
The p ro fessio n a l asso cia tio n occupies a p o s itio n among other
occupational groups, t h i s p o sitio n being determined by a
c o n s te lla tio n of re c ip ro c a l r e la tio n s among the occupational
groups, within occupational groups, and between the occupa
tio n a l groups and other societary groups of which they are a
p a r t. Proposition B stated th a t: The p ro fe ssio n a l asso cia
tio n is a so cial system whose in te rn a l equilibrium can be
p a rtly described by means of a power stru ctu re of values
held by in dividuals in sub-groups in regard to themselves
113
and to others w ithin the a s s o c ia tio n .
A random sample of 101 members of the Los Angeles
Area Chapter of the National A ssociation of Social Workers
was interviewed. Using two sub-groups of the a s so c ia tio n
distinguished in terms of q u a l if i c a t io n s c u rre n tly necessary
to become a member of the a s so c ia tio n , five hypotheses were
subjected to s t a t i s t i c a l a n a ly sis under standard methods of
treatm ent.
Hypothesis 1. The s ta tu s of an occupation may be
described in terms of i t s influence over others:
The higher the ascribed influence, the higher
the s ta tu s .
Hypothesis 2. The higher the p o s itio n of the mem
bers of the Idiomorphic group of a p ro fe ssio n a l
a sso c ia tio n w ithin a bureaucratic s tr u c tu re ,
the le ss w ill be t h e i r commitment to the i n t r i n
sic values of a p ro fe ssio n a l a s s o c ia tio n .
Hypothesis 3 . Sub-groups of a p ro fe ssio n a l asso cia
tio n e x i s t in re c ip ro c a l r e l a t i o n s of such a
nature th a t the images possessed concerning
themselves and each other are mutually shared,
even though the images affirm a d i s p a r i t y of
power between them.
Hypothesis 4 . The g re ate r the concordance between
the members' q u a l if i c a t io n s and those held by
the asso c ia tio n as determ inative of membership,
113
the g r e a te r the members' support of the i n t r i n
sic values held by the p ro fe s s io n .
Hypothesis 5 .
The a s c r ip tio n of influence by sub-groups of a
p r o fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n to themselves and to
each other i s a fu n ctio n of t h e i r r e l a t i v e in
flu e n c e . The higher the r e l a t i v e influence of
the sub-group, the lower the influence ascrib ed
by the sub-group to i t s e l f and to the o th e r sub
group .
Data were secured through the use of a personal in
terview , and analyzed by means of several scaling devices
designed to measure varying degrees of commitment to values
on the p a rt of the respondents. P e r tin e n t l i t e r a t u r e was
reviewed as a means of a s c e rta in in g and ev a lu atin g the fin d
ings of e x i s tin g s tu d ie s .
F indinqs
The following are the major fin d in g s of t h i s study:
1. A high p o s itiv e c o r r e l a t i o n e x i s t s between de
grees of influence ascribed to a se le c ted group
of occupations (including so c ia l work) and the
order in which the occupations are ranked in
s t a t u s .
2. Within a p r o fe s s io n a l a s s o c ia tio n d if fe re n c e s in
values e x i s t as ascrib ed t o , and by, sub-groups
116
distinguished on the basis of the possession of
entry qualificatio n s.
3. As members of a professional association pro
gressively occupy higher positions within a
bureaucratic structure, differences exist in the
extent of th e ir commitment to the in trin sic val
ues of a professional association.
4. Although the images may be sig n ific an tly d if fe r
ent, sub-groups of a professional association
mutually share the images of themselves and of
each other.
b. Association members who also possess the basic
entry qu alificatio n s make greater commitments to
the support of determinative values held by the
association than do those who do not possess
such qu alificatio n s.
o. The extent to which a sub-group of a profession
al association ascribes influence to another is
a function of the influence possessed by the sub
group. The higher the influence possessed by a
sub-group, the less w ill be the influence which
the sub-group ascribes to i t s e l f and to another.
'7. The gap between the self-perceived influence of
the Idiomorphic and Xenomorphic groups of a
professional association is less than th at oc
casioned by eith er in ascribing influence to
himself and to the other.
8. The occupational choice of social work is made
r e la tiv e ly late in lif e for both sub-groups and,
ty p ic a lly , a f te r having been employed in the
f ie ld of social work.
9. No significant difference e x ists between sub
groups in identifying the major disadvantage of
the profession of social work. The major disad
vantage is considered to be the lack of deter- .
minativeness in the pro fe ssio n 's exercise of
control over s k il ls , p rac tice s, and employment.
Conelu sions
Several principal conclusions may be drawn from t h i s
study.
Sub-groups of a professional association may be d is
tinguished in regard to th e ir re la tio n s to each other in a
manner similar to that which distinguishes any occupation
from another. Sub-groups of a professional association
ex ist in reciprocal re la tio n s which recognize substantive
differences between them in values held regarding themselves
and each other. These differences are mutually perceived
and may be considered to represent a jo in t ly accepted and
r e a l i s t i c base of operation for disparate groups within a
single association.
Members of a professional association give more or
118
le ss support to primary objectives of an association depend
ing upon th e ir a b i l i t y to meet membership standards. Mem
bers who do not cu rren tly meet membership standards appear
unable fu lly to support professional goals which emphasize
the maintenance and extension of determinative values of the
profe ss io n .
Members of a professional association modify th e ir
commitments to values important to p rofessional determin
ativeness as the members achieve higher sta tu se s w ithin the
bureaucratic structure under which social work is p ractice d .
Members, in achieving increased statu s, appear to reduce
th e ir commitments to in tr in s i c values held to be determin
ative of association and seem to adopt values commensurate
with those held in common with th e ir non-professional peers.
The power structure of a professional association
may be conceived to be the system of values held under d if
feren t degrees of commitment by d iffe re n t groups within the
association. The association possesses greater or lesser
degrees of power to the extent to which su b sta n tia l d i f f e r
ences exist among the membership in perceiving and ascribing
values th at are both i n t r i n s i c a l l y and e x t r in s ic a lly impor
ta n t to an association. The external power po sitio n of the
association is r e fle c te d , and possibly p a r t i a l l y determined,
by the nature of the values held by sub-groups within the
association.
119
Future Research
Future research should be carried out both in regard
to questions involving substantive differences as among and
within the professions, and in respect to te s tin g methods
for dealing with those questions. During the past number of
years a resurgence of in te re s t in the nature of social value
has taken place, and dealing with the term has again become
respectable. S pecifically, research should attempt to iso
late value components and should devise ways and means of
identifying, in some refined manner, d i f f e r e n t i a l s among
systems, orders, and degrees of value.
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A P P E N D I X E S
APPENDIX A
SUPPLEMENTAL TABLES
129
TABLE 13
SALARY OF SOCIAL W ORKERS BY OCCUPATIONAL POSITION
Annual
Idiomorphic Group
Salary
Rate
oi d nu
T o tal Group
T otal
Adm Sup SoW Con The Tea OPo NEm
Thousands
of Dollars
10 and over 14 8 2 1 4 1
9.50-9.99
2 1 1
9.00-9.49 i 1
8.50-8.99
4 2
/-j
8.00-8.49 5 2 1 1
7.50-7.99
12 9
4 2 1 1 11
7 .00-7.4v
18 10 1 3 3 i
6.50-O.99 lu 10 1
2 7
6.00-6.49 13 10
3
1 4 1 1
5.50-5.99 5
3
3
5.00-5.49 5 5 5
4.50-4.99
4.00-4.49 1 1 1
4 and less
None o 1 1
T otal 101 o3 12 11 25 4 5 4 1 1
Median
7.2 7.1 8. b 7.4 0.4 7.3 10.2 8.0 7.8
Adrn - Administrators
Sup - Supervisors
SoW - Social Workers
Con - Consultants
The - T herapists
Tea - Teachers
OPo - Other P ositions
NEtn - Not Employed
TABLE 13— C o n tin u ed
130
Annual
Xenomorphic Group
Salary
Rate
uruna
T otal
Gr oup
Total
Adm Sup So'// Con 1 he Tea OPo NEm
1housands
of d o lla rs
10 and over 14 0 4 1 1
9.50-9.99
2 1 1
9.00-9.49 1
8.50-8.99 4 1 1
8.00-8.49 5 3 1 1 1
7.50-7.99
12 2
1 1
7.00-7.49
18 d 2 4 1 1
tj.50-o.99 lo o 1 4 1
o . 00-6.49 13 3 1 k
5.50-5.99 5 2 1 1
5.00-5.49 D
4.50-4.99
4.00-4.49 1
4 and less
None 0 5
— — — — — _ ----
5
T otal 101 38
9
8 10 1 b 5
Median 7.2 7.3 9.8 7.4 6.7 8.3 7.3
TABLE 14
SA LA R IES OF SOCIAL WORKERS BY LENGTH OF Ei.i-LGYi.I:NT IN PRESENT A G E N C Y
Idiomorphic Group Xenomorphic Group
annual
Salary Total
Rate I otal
Less
I h a n
1
1 -9
10-
1 9
2 0
a n d
Over
Other
F ie la
N o t
E m
p lo y ed
I otal
Less
Than
1
1 -9
10-
1 9
2 0
and
Cver
Other
F ield
Not
Em
ployed
Thousands
of Dollars
10 and over 1 4 8 5 3 o 1 3 1 1
9.50-9.99
z 1 I 1 1
9.00-9.49 1 1 1
8.50-8.99
4 2
r
z 2 1 1
8.00-8.49 5 2 1 1
n
• j 1
r - '
z
7.50-7.99 1 1 9 r 5 J 2 1 1
7.00-7.49 ic 10 i 8 1 8 4 3 1
o.50-0.99 lo 10 l o 1 o 5 1
o,00-o.4 9 1 3 10 2
7 1 3 2 1
5.50-5.99
i - .
3 3 z 2
5.00-5.49
o 0 5
4.50-4.99
4.00 and
le ss
None o 1 1 5 5
T o tal 101 6 3 8 42
71 ~7 ~7 38 77 77 ~ 3 ~7 ~ ~ 5
Median
7.2 7.1 0.3 7.0 7.9 9.8 7.3 7.0 8.0 8.8 10.0
—
co
SA LA R IES OF SOCIAL 'WORKERS
T A B L E lb
Y E a R S O F a-'ERIEi'iCE II. SOCIAL WORK
A n n u a l
S alary
R a te
Id io rn o rp h ic G ro u p X e n o m o rp h ic G ro u p
T otal
T h o u s a n d s
o f D ollars
L e ss
Iotal 1h a n 1 -9
1
10 -
1 9
e O N o t
a n d O th er E m -
O v e r p lo y ed
Total than 1 -9
1
10-
1 9
2 0 N o t
a n d O th er E m -
C v e r p lo y ed
1 0 K o v e r 1 4 8 2 2 4 o
S'
4
9.00-9.99
e 1 1 1 1
9.00-9.49 1 1 1
8.00-8.99
4 E l 2 2 2
8.00-8.49 0 2 1 1
" 3
■J 3
7.00-7.99 1 1 9 1 0 3 2 1 1
7.00-7.49 1 8 1 0 4 4 2 8 4 2
b.00-6.99 lo 1 0
/
3 b o 4 2
b.00-o.49
1 3 lu - 4
o
3
3 3
0.00-5.99 0 3 2 2
0.00-0.49
K
0 3 2
4.00-4.99
4.00-4.49 1 1 1
4 K less
N o n e
b 1 1
I otal 1 0 1 b 3 2 0 2 0 2 2 .
1 3 8 3 1 2 1 8
M e d ia n
7.2 7.1 o .4 7.3 7 .8 7.3 7.3 7.0 S .i
5
b
w
K >
I
1 3 3
TABLE l o
A G E A T W H I C H S O C I A L W O R K E R S E N T E R E D
F I R S T S O C I A L W O R K P O S I T I O N
T ot a 1
Age Total
_______________________
50 and over
4 7 -4 9 1 1
0
4
1
T f
'T f
a l 2
• 4 1 - 4 3 1 1
3 8 - 4 u 3
o
3 5 - 3 7 4 1 3
3 2 - 3 - 4 lu 2 8
2 9 -3 1 1 1 3 8
2 o - 2 8 lo u 1 1
2 3 - 2 5 3 0 8 2 : 2
2 0 - 2 2 2 1 5 lo
1 7 -1 9
2 1 1
1 o t al 1 0 1 2 p 7 5
M e d ia n 2 5 .3 2 5 .1 2 5
Idiomorphic Xenomorphic
Group Group
Total Male ^ T otal Male ^
1 1
1 1 1 1
1 1
/ • \
4 d L 1 1
2 1 1 a l 2
4 4 6 4 '
t 2 D 4 1 3
1 2 5 7 4 4
1 8 5 1 3 1 2 3 9
1 5
T !
1 2 o 4
2
• 1 1
o 3 1 7 4 6 3 8
9 2 9
24 . 9 25 . 2 24 .8 2o . 3 25.0 2o. 6
1 3 4
TABLE 1 7
A G E O F S O C I A L W O R K E R S U P O N E N T E R I N G
P R O F E S S I O N A L E D U C A T 1 0 N
A g e I otal
I otal
Id io m o rp h ic
G ro u p
X e n o m o rp h ic
G ro u p
M a 1 e
F e
m a le
lotal M a le
F e
m a le
Total kale
F e <
m a
b O a n d o v er 1 1 1 1
4 7 -4 9 1 1 1 1
4 4 -4 0
■4-1-43 2
2
2
3 8 -4 0 4 < 2 2 2 2
r -
< L
3 b - 37 8 8 o 6
r
3 2 -3 4 lu 3 7 o
3
3 4 4
2 9 -3 1 8 1 7 o 1 b 2 r < L
2o- 2ti 14 7 7 12 b 7
✓ / —
23- 2d 2o 9 17 21 7 14 b 2 v O
20- 22 8 1 7 7 1 0 1 1
1 3 5
TABLE 1 8
P O S I T I O N S W H I C H S O C I A L W O R K E R S O C C U P Y
B Y T H E F U N C T I O N O F T H E A G E N C Y I N W H I C H T H E Y W O R K
F unction
o f
A g e n c y
T otal
Id io m o rp h ic G ro u p
Total A d m S u p S o W C o n T h e T e a O th N E m
Psychiatric 1 8 1 7 1 3 9
M ed ical 1 0 7 4 1 2
F a m ily
Service s
y 8 1 1 b
C hildren * s
S ervice s
9 7 4 3
Corrections 5 2 2
S ch o o ls 4 1 1
E c o n o m ic
Assistant 0 1 1
G ro u p W o r k 8 b 2 1
C o m m u n ity
o i
1
O rganizat io n
o r
Supervisory 0 4
Institutions 4 3 2 1
S . W .
4
E d u cat io n
4
R e search 1
O th er 8 z
N o t E m p lo y e d o 1
T otal 101 b 3 12 11
4
4
4
A d m - A dm inistrators T h e
S u p - Supervisors T e a
S o W - Social W o rk e rs O th
C o n - C onsultants N E m
Therapist s
T eachers
O th er
N o t E m p lo y e d
1 3 6
TABLE 1 8 — C o n t i n u e d
F unction
o f
A g e n c y
T otal
X e n o m o rp h ic G ro u p
T otal A d m S u p S o WC o n T h e T e a O th N E m
Psychiatric
M ed ical
1 8
1 0
1 7
3
1
3
F am ily
Service s
Children's
9 1
2
1
Service s
9 - 1 1
Corrections
S chools
6
4
. 3
3
1
1
2
r ~ \
z
E c o n o m ic
A ssistance O b 3 2
G ro u p W o r k
C o m m u n ity
O rganizat io n
8
3
3
2
i
1
1
1
1 1
Supervisory
Institutions
o
4 1 1
1 1
S . W .
4
1
E ducation
R e search 1 1
O th er 8 o 1 1 1 3
N o t E m p lo y e d o b b
T otal 1 0 1 3 8 9 8 1 0 1 b b
1 3 7
TABLE 19
Y E A R S O F F O R M A L E D U C A T I O N C O M P L E T E D
B Y S O C I A L W O R K E R S
T.x,, Id io m o rp h ic X e n o m o rp h ic
1 Olai
G ro u p G ro u p
1 otal
M a 1 e
F e
m a le
T otal M a le
m ile lotal
M a le
F e
m a le
2 0 a n d
a b o v e
3 1
2 3 1 2
1 9
o 3 b b 2 3 3 1 2
1 8 0 4 1 8 4 o b b 1 4 4 1 9 4 b
1 7 lo 3 1 3 lo 3 1 3
lo 7 1 0 7 1 6
lb ' I £ 2 2
1 4
1 3
1 2 ' 1 1 1 1
L e ss than
1 2
-
1 otal 1 0 1 2 o 7 b 8 3 1 7 4 6 3 8 9 2 9
Median 1 7 .9 1 8 .0 1 7 .8 1 8 .1 1 8 .1 1 8 .1 1 7 .1 1 7 .8 1 8 .9
1 3 8
TABLE 2 0
SOCIAL WORKERS BY SEX AND AGE AT TIM E OF STUDY
, Idiom orphic X en o m o rp h ic
G ro u p G ro u p
A g e T otal- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
M a le
m a le
T otal M a le
m a le
T otal M a le
m a le
62 - 9 9 3 3 6 6
b 9 - 61 b b 2 2 3 3
b o - b 8 8 2
6 8 2 6
b 3 - b b 7 7
3
3 4 4
b O - b 2 9 7 3 3 6 2 4
4 7 - 4 9 9 1 8 D b 4 1 3
4 4 - 4 0 1 9 9 10 1 7 7 10
r~
4 Z
4 1 - 4 3 8 1 7 6 o 2 1 1
3 8 - 4 0 8 3 b 7
^ ,
4 b 1 1
3 d - 3 7 10 4 6 9 4 b 1 1
3 2 - 3 4 3 1 2 2
1 1 1 1
2 9 - 3 1 2 1 I 4 1 1
2o - 28 4 2 4 2 2
2 3 - 2b
20 - 22
'1 ot al 101 2o 7 b 6 3 1 7 4 6 3 8
9 2 9
iv ie d ian 4b.1 -^ 3 .7 4 7 .0 43.7 37.7 44.1 b3.b 47.b bb.o
139
TABLE 21
N U M B E R O F 0 1 H E R O C C U P A T I O N A L C O M M I T M E N T S
S U B S E Q U E N T T O C O M M II M E N T
T O S O C IA L W O R K , B Y S E X
Idiom orphic X en o m o rp h ic
C o m m itm e n ts Total GrouP________________
T ot a 1M a le F em ale T otal M a le F e m a l<
b or m o re 2 2 1 1
4 0 4 4 2 1 1
3 b 3 3
r —
4 1 1
2
9 3 2 1 b 2 4
1 6 12 3 9 b 6
N o n e o 1 4 1 12
2 9 20 4 lo
T otal 101 o 3 1 7 4 b 3 8
- 9 2 9
A v eray e 0.74 0.08 U . 4 1 0.78 1.0b 1.78 0 .9 0
1 4 0
TABLE 2 2
N U M B E R O F O C C U P A T I O N A L C O M M I T M E N T S B Y S O C IA L W O R K E R S
P R IO R T O E M P L O Y M E N T IN S O C IA L W O R K
C o m m it m e nt s T ot a 1
Id io m o rp h
G ro u p
ic X en o m o rp h ic
G ro u p
T otal M a le F em ale Total M a le F em ale
5 o r m o re b 3 1
*-s
z 3 1 2
4 3 2
f
4 1 1
3 o 3 3 3 1 2
2 11 7 3 4 4 4
1 24 1 7 3 1 4 7 7
N o n e S I 3 1 10 21 ■ ' 20 b 1 4
I otal lul o 3 1 7 4 o 3 8
9 2 9
A v erag e l.U 1.0 0.62
1.1 1.1 1.3 1.1
1 4 1
TABLE 23
N U M B E R O F Y E A R S O F C O M M I T M E N T B Y S O C IA L W O R K E R S
P R IO R T O E M P L O Y M E N T IN S O C IA L W O R K
N u m b e r
of Y ears
T ot a 1
Idiom o rph
G ro u p
ic X en o m o rp h ic
G ro u p
T otal M a le F em ale Total M a le F e m a le
10 or m o re lo 9
2 7 7 2 b
9
3 2 1 1 1 1
o
7 1 1 1
o 3 1 1 2 2
b 3 3 1 2
4
3
1 1 2 1 1
3 3 3 1 2
9 o o 3 3
1 11 8 I 7 3 3
N o n e 4 9 3 0 lu 20
1 9 o 1 3
Total 101 o 3 1 7 4 o 3 8 9 2 9
A v erag e 2.72 2.07 2.47 2.ol 3.02 2.o7 3.14
TABLE 24
R E S P O N D E N T S ' R A N K I N G O E S T A T E M E N T S IN R E L A T IO N T O C O N S T R U C T I O N
O F V A L U E S C O R E S C A L E
D eterm inateness
1 2 3 4 5 M
R e spect
1 2 3 4 5 M
R e source
1
r'
4 3 4 5 M
e 3 8 7 1 1 3 1.2 b 22 1 5 4 9 5 1.7 d 3 8 4 3 1 4 1 .2
d 9 2 9 11 1 1.8 a 18 2 7
3
1 1 1.8 c 8 4 0 1 1 1.9
c 3 12 3 2 3 2.8 e 10 1 2 6
9
2 3.0 b 3 4 4 3 2.9
b 4 3 9 7 4.1 d 7 1 3 2o 4 3.7 a 2 3 4 5 4.0
a 2 2 o 4 0 4.9 c 2 5 4 3 4.9 e 1 3 4 6 5.0
Proprietary Intere st D erivative R e spect Inf luence
1 2 3 4 5 i V i 1
r~
4 3 4 5 M 1 2 3 4
M
d 21 4 11 10 4 2.5 a 3 o 1 5 5 3 1.2 c 3 9 11 1 .2
c 21 2 4 4 1 1.7 e 3 5 12 3 2 .2 b 4 3 o 8 2 2.1
b b 1 8 2 5 2 4.5 d 1 3 10 4 < i 5 2.6 a 6 5 2 8 7 4 3.0
e 3 3 1 U 3 1 3 ' 3.8 c 4 9
3 2
K
3.9 e 1 2
9 3 0 8 4.0
a 1 7 4 2
4.9 b 1
< 5 . 5 4 2
4.9 d 7 5 11 2 7 4.6
Security Friendship M o ral E nlightenm ent
1 2 3 4 5 j V i 1 2 3 4 5 M 1 2 3 4 5 M
c 3 7 3
r ~
z 8 1.2 e 3 6 1 3 3 7 1.2 b 4 0 4 5 1 1 .1
b 2 2 5 20 3 2.4 d 5 4 0 1 4 2.0 a 8 2 3 1 9 2.3
a 9 1 3 20 4 4 2.7 c 0 4 - 4 0 2.9 e 3 21 16 7 7 3 2.6
e 2 3 1 3 3 1 1 3.7 b 4 6 3 8 2 3.9 d 2
9 3 7 1 3.9
d 1 2 2 4 b 5.0 a 3 1 5 4 1
4.9 c 1 3 4 6 5.3
4^
ro
1 4 3
TABLE 25
A G E A T W H I C H P R O F E S S IO N A L E D U C A T IO N W A S C O M P L E T E D
B Y D E C A D E IN W H I C H O C C U P A T IO N W A S E N T E R E D
Idiom orphic G ro u p
Total 1 0 -19 2 0-29 3 0 -39 40-49 50-59
5 0 - ab o v e 1 1
4 7 - 4 9
4 4 - 4o 5 1
3
1
4 1 - 43 4 3 1
38 - 40 7 1 2
r
z z
35 - 37 8
o
4 1
3 2 - 34 7 1 3 2 1
29 - 31 9 3 5 1
2u - 28 15 1 2
7 5
23 - 25 0 3 3
20 -
22
1 1
17 - 19
Total
o3 5 22 22 14
Median 3 1 .o 4 0 .0 34.0 30.9 29.'
1 4 4
TABLE 26
IN T E N T IO N O F S O C I A L W O R K E R S
W H E N E N T E R I N G S O C I A L W O R K E M P L O Y M E N T
O R S O C I A L W O R K E D U C A T I O N
T otal
Intention Total
Idiom orphic
G ro u p
X e n o m o rp h ic
G ro u p
M a le Total M a le Total M a le
m a le m a le m a le
em p lo y m e n t 4 8
C areer 43
P en d in g
M arriage
P en d in g
O ther
O ccu p at io n
U ncertain
O ther
U n k n o w n
o
1 1 3 7 2 b 4 2 1 2 3
1 4 2 9 3 3 1 2 2 1 10
o 4 4 2
1 6
8
2
Total 101 2b 7 b o 3 1 7 4 o 3 8
2 9
TABLE 27
THE OCCUPATION OF FATHERS OF SO CIA L WORKERS
Total Idiom orphic X e n o m o rp h ic
G ro u p G ro u p
O ccupation 1otal- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -* —- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
M a le
F e
m a le
Total M a le
F e
m a le
T otal M a le
F e-
m a l<
Professional 2 3 o 1 7 11 2 9
12 4 8
S em i-pr o -
fe ssional
8 8 4 4 4 4
M an ag er ial-
Of f ic ial
2 7 9
1 8 1 7 7 10 10 2 8
Clerical
3
1
r ■
1 1 41 1 1
S ale s 4 1 3 2 2
1 1
Service b b b 0
S k illed 1 3 4
9 1 0 3 7 1 2
S e m i-
skilled
7 <0 b b 2 4 l 1
U nskilled 1 1 l 1
A griculture 9 3 0 7 3 4 2 2
U n k n o w n 1 1 i 1
1 4 6
TABLE 2 8
T H E O C C U P A T IO N O F P A T E R N A L G R A N D F A T H E R S
O F S O C IA L W O R K E R S
O ccupation Total
Total
Idiom orph
G ro u p
ic X en o m o rp h ic
G ro u p
M a le
F e
m ale
T otal M a le
F e
m ale
Total M ale
Profe ssiona1 11
2
9 o 6 b 2 3
S em i-pr o -
fe ssional
3 3 z 2 1 1
M anagerial-
O f f icial
10 1 9 b 1 4 b b
Clerical
Sale s o o
3
o
o 3
3
Service 3 1 2 z 1 1 1 1
Skilled 7 z b 3 3 4 2 2
S e m i-
sk illed
9 b 4 7 D
o
z z 2
U nskilled 2 1 1
z
l 1
A griculture 26 6 2u lb o 12 1 3 b 8
U n k n o w n 22
6 16 1 8 o 12 4 4
Total lul 2 o 8b 6 3 1 7 46 3 9 9 2 9
1 4 7
TABLE 29
E T H N IC G R O U T I N G O F S O C IA L W O R K E R S B Y S E X
E thnic
G ro u p
T ot al
Idiom orphic
G ro u p
X e n o m o rp h ic
G ro u p
Total M ale F em ale Total M a le F em ale
C aucasion
N e g ro
O riental
O ther
9 1
5
r <
3
5 6 1 7
3
2
2
3 9
3
z
2
3 5 7
2 1
2 8
1
I otal 1 0 1 0 3 1 7 4 o 3 8 9 2 9
/
1 4 8
T A B L E 3 0
P O L IT IC A L A F F IL IA T IO N O F S O C IA L W O R K E R S
Idiom orphic X en o m o rp h ic
Political
A f f iliat ion
T otal
G ro u p G ro u p
T otal M a le F em ale T otal M a le F em ale
R epublican
22
11 3 8
11 1 10
D em o crat ic b 9 4 7 12 3 0 22 6 10
O ther lu b 3 5 2 3
N o n e
I otal 101 0 3 17 4 o 38 9 29
14 9
TABLE 31
R E L IG IO U S A F F IL IA T IO N O F S O C IA L W O R K E R S B Y S E X
Idiom orphic X e n o m o rp h ic
R eligious T n + ai G ro u p G ro u p
Affiliation - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
Total M a le F e m ale Total M a le F e m a le
Prote stant 04 2 7 7 20 2 7 7 20
C atholic 9 o 1 b 3 1 2
J ew ish lo 12 7 b 4 4
N o n e 21 lb 2
10 3 1 2
O th er 1 1 1
1 otal 101 o 3 1 7 < -+ 0 3 8 9 2 9
1 5 0
TABLE 3 2
E D U C A T I O N O F S P O U S E S O F M A R R I E D
S O C IA L W O R K E R S
Y ears o f
E ducation
Total
S p o u se s
Idiom orphic
G ro u p
X en o m o rp h ic
G ro u p
i v i a le F em ale T otal M a le F em ale Total M ale F em ale
20 o r a b o v e 5 4 4 1 1
1 9
3 2 2 1 1
1 8 5 £- 3 1 2 4 4
1 7 2 L ) 0 2 3
f \
r 2
lo 5 3 to 5 1 2 2
1 5 2
1 1 1 2 2
1 4 3 5 7 3 4 1 1
1 3 2 1 3 2 1
12 4 O 3 1 1
Less than 12 1 1 1 1
Not married 3 4 8 3 1 3 2 8 20 20
Total 2o 75 o3 17 4o 36 9 29
1 5 1
TABLE 33
OCCUPATION OF SPOUSES MARRIED TO SOCIAL WORKERS
O ccupation
T o ta l
Spouses
Idiomorphic Xenomorphic
Group Group
Ma le Female T o ta l Male Female T o ta l Male Female
Profe s s i o n a l 10 14 lb b 10 9 b 4
Semi-pr o-
fe s s io n a l
1 3 2 2 2
1 1
M anageriai-
Of f ic i a i
3 3
1 2 2 1 1
C l e r i c a l b 4 i 1
Sa le s 1 o i 3 3 3
S e rv ic e i 1 1
S k ille d
Serai- s k i l l e d
Not
i. a n ied
3 45 31 3 25 20 20
None 4
< - >
3 1 1
I ota I 2o 70 o3 17 4o 38 9 29
M arital
l b 2
TABLE 34
M A R I T A L S T A T U S O F S O C IA L W O R K E R S
A T T H E T IM E O F S T U D Y
T r.+ al Idiom orphic X en o m o rp h ic
10X31 G ro u p G ro u p
T ot a 1
Status pe _ p e_ p e _
^ ‘ a^ e m a le iw a le ma2e Total Male mape
Single 3 b 3 3 2 2 o 3 2 3 9 9
M arried b U 2 3 2 7 3 2 1 4 1 8 1 3 9 9
Separated
D ivorced 9 9 3 3 o 0
W id o w e d 7 7 2 2 b b
T otal 1 0 1 2 o 7 b 0 3 1 7 4 b 3 8 9 2 9
1 5 3
TABLE 35
T H E E D U C A T I O N O F F A T H E R S O F S O C IA L W O R K E R S
IN YEARS
T otal
Idiom orphic
G ro u p
Xenomorphic
G ro u p
E d u cat ion T otal
m ale
F e -
m a le
T otal i n a le
F e
m a le
T o t a 1M a le
F e
m a le
2u o r m o re 4 4 4 4
1 9 1 1 1 1
1 8 1 1 1 1
1 7 4 1
■ f
5
2
. 4
1 1
lo
12
r
1 5 u 1 5 o 1 5
lo 1 1
1 4 9 0 0 3 4 < 4 2
1 3 o 1 0 4 1 3
r -
C . 2
9 - 1 2 2 8
7 21 1 5 4 11 1 3 3 10
5-8 3 u o
22
0 lo 8 8
N o n e 4 3
1 4 3 1
U n k n o w n 1 i 1 1
T ot a 1 101 25 75 o3 17 4o 38 9 29
A P P E N D IX B
IN T E R V IE W IN G S C H E D U L E
S C H E D U L E
a m f s m d s w m d s w m d s
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
W N 0 0
15 16 17 18
Date Id e n t. Number
B B irth Date C ity S tate C al. Date C ity Date ft D 0
19 20 21
; J P N Other
22 23 24 25 26
C High Sch.Grade
9
Date College N am e
13
Major Dag. Date Grad. Nam e
17
Major Deg. Date
10 14 18
11 15 i f
lJ 16 20
D From
1
To Drg a n iia tio n C ity S tate Poe .t ion Annual Income
3
4
5
0
7
8
9
W ..............
b N am e of O rganizations
1
Member
a.
Nat. or
Local
b.
A ttend.
c .
Finance
C ontrib.
d.
Committee
Member
e .
O ffice
Held
f .
2
3 . .
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
,-------------- ---------
F Family bmp. in N F M Sp. S D O tter (expl.)
O ccupation 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
F ir s t c o n ta c t: Data_____________________ With who«i_
Under what c ireum etancea:
G A ttitu d e Employ C areer Pend. M arriage Pend. O ther Occ. U ncertain Other
a . O rig. 1 2 3 4 5 6
b. C urrent 7 8 9 10 11 12
156
H S tatu* Symbol*
1 .
3.
b.
o.
7.
a.
9.
10.
Y N 2. Auto Ownership: Y*«r & Make(s)_
4. R eal P ro p erty : Y N Sal* Prlc* _____
Gen. C red it card*
B oat: size_______.
Charge accounts: Y N Where:
Stock B roker: Y N Stocks:.
Club Member: Y N
C urrent Residence (r e n ta l v a lu e ): -SO
9
M aid-Chauffeur: Y N
T ravel out of U .S. i959: Where_________
>100
10
■150
11
-20 0
12
-250
13
.300
14
♦ 300
15
How long (waek*)_
P e rio d ic a ls Subscribed
1 6
---------------------- -r
er
P e rio d ic a ls Raad (R egularly)
1 ----
I T T
9
ITT
J C hildren
1
Sex
M F
M arital
SMDS D
Age Educ. (0-20) Occupation
(A ct. o r Intend)
P o l.
R
A f f il.
D 0
Ral
C J
A f f il.
P N Other
2 M F SMDS D R D 0 C J P N O ther
3 M F SMDS D R D 0 C J P N O ther
4 M F SMDS D R D 0 C J P N Other
b M F SMDS D R D 0 C J P N Other
0 M F SMDS D R D 0 C J P N Other
K Spouse B irt hdate C ity S tat e W N 0 0 R D 0 C J P N Other
High Sch. Grad.
9
Date C ollege N am e
P
Major Deg. Grad. Nam e
17
Major Deg. Date
16 14
11
l !
.................. _.
From To
1
O rganization P o sitio n An sual S :ila ry
2
3
4
b
L S ib lin g s Sex
M F
M F
M F
M F
M F
M F
Mar i t a l Educ. (0-20) Occupation
(A ct. or Intend)
Educ. (0-20) Occupation
P o l. A f f il. R el. A f f il.
N O ther
N Other
N Other
N Other
N Other
N Other
Other Family
1 F ather
2 Mother
3 F -in-law
4 M -in-law
M a rita l
SMDS
SMDS
S M 0 S
SMDS
P o l. A f f il.
R 0 0
R D 0
R D 0
R D 0
R al. A f f il.
C J P N O ther
C J P N O ther
C J P N Other
C J P N Other
APPEN D IX C
R A N K I N G A N D R A T IN G C H A R T S
A N D O C C U P A I 1 G N A L C H O IC E Q U E S 1 IO N N A IR E
158
SCALING DATA
Lawyer
Social Worker (T r.)
Social Worker (Un. Tr.)
Dentist
Physic ian
Engineer
Minister
Business Executive
High School Teacher
Value Power Ascribed by Subject
0 1 0 2 0 3 0 4 0 5 0 6 0 7 0 8 0 9
4-
0 1 - D eterm inateness
0 2 - Proprietary Interest
03 - Security
04 - Respect
O b - D erivative R espect
O b - Friendship
07 - R eso u rce
08 - Influence
0 9 - M o ral E nlightenm ent
1 5 9
Professional Choice
HEAD CAREFULLY THE FOLLOWING STATEMENTS AND COMPLETE THE
SENTENCES BELOW BY REFERRING TO THESE STATEMENTS.
01 Exercise self-maintenance over s k i l l s , p ractices and
employment.
02 Exercise power of means of production and have exclu
sive enjoyment.
03 Enjoy freedom from c r itic is m and attack.
04 Be afforded deference from non-members.
05 Make determinations on matters outside i t s own f ie ld .
Ob Have power to a t t r a c t affectio n al and intimate r e la
tionships.
07 Contribute outstandingly to groups in pursuit of
social goals.
08 Compel others to shape th e ir self-images to th at of
the profession.
09 Accumulate, maintain and disseminate, outstandingly,
the c u ltu ra l h eritag e.
a. The major advantage of my pro
fession is that i t does:
(circle one) 01 v2 u3 04 05 06 07 08 09
b. The major disadvantage of my
profession is th at i t does
not: (circle one) 01 02 03 04 05 Ob 07 08 09
c. Were i t in my power and I had
i t to do over again, I
would have chosen the pro
fession of ________ _________
because i t would: {circle
one) 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09
d. I would wish my child to be a
_________________- because
the profession would: (c ir
cle one) 01 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09
1 6 0
e. I belong to the professional
Association, p rin c ip a lly to
help it: (c ircle one) 01 02 03 04 Ob 06 07 08 09
f. My choice of my profession
was: (check one) ( ) good; ( ) bad; ( ) in d iff.
APPENDIX D
VALUE SCOPE SCALE
1 6 2
01 Occupations have d iffe re n t kinds of control over s k i l l s ,
preparation and conditions of employment.
I believe that the occupation o f ____________ has the
rig h t to:
RANK
e____inform persons about the occupation.
d____seek persons who wish to enter the occupation.
c____t r a i n persons for the occupation.
b____set standards under which persons are employed.
a____select a ll persons entering the occupation.
02 Persons in occupations should have greater or lesser
opportunity to set a price on th e ir own work.
I believe that the occupation of is of such
value that the cost of service should be determined
by:
RANK
d agreement between person in occupation and person
served.
c____a scale acceptable to the occupation.
b____a scale set by the occupation.
e____what the person receiving the services wishes to pay.
a____what the person in the occupation wishes.
03 Persons working in d iffe re n t occupations may enjoy d if
ferent degrees of freedom in ragard to the management
of th e ir own a f f a ir s .
I think that the actions of members of the occupation
o f _____________should be free of c ritic is m in regard
to:
RANK
c anything which may be considered proper for others to
to do.
b some things which may not be proper for others to do.
a____almost anything th at he does.
e____almost nothing that he does.
d fewer things than may be considered proper for others
to do.
04 Persons by reason of th e ir occupations are often ac
corded d iffe re n t degrees of atte n tio n .
1 6 3
If a member of the occupation of ____________ and I were
in a group discussing things in general, I would wish
to;
RANK
b generally give greater consideration to his views than
to the others.
a usually follow his lead in supporting what he believed.
e____usually not support h is lead in what he believed.
d____sometimes consider an o th er's views in preference to
h i s .
c consider h is ideas as I would the others.
Ob Persons by reason of th e ir occupation are often accorded
power, d uties and p riv ile g e s not a part of th e i r occu
pational s k i l l s .
If I f e l t the need for help with a personal problem
and had a chance to ta lk with a member of the occupa
tio n o f _____________I would:
RANK
a____always ask his help.
e____generally avoid discussing the problem even though i t
lay in h is occupation,
d____not ask h is help but accept i t if offered.
c____wish his help if the problem lay in h is occupation.
b____wish h is help if I had the opportunity to get h is a t
ten tio n .
uo Friendships with persons of d iffe re n t occupations give
us d iffe re n t feelings of pleasure and s a tis fa c tio n .
I fe el that intimate friendship with a member of the
occupation o f ____________ would be:
RANK
e____ra re ly pleasurable.
d____somewhat less pleasurable than with others.
c____a generally pleasurable experience.
b____a highly pleasurable experience.
a____the most pleasurable personal experience one could
have.
07 Persons of d iffe re n t occupations, merely by th e ir pres
ence, contribute d if f e r e n tly to the work of people
trying to reach p o l i t i c a l , social and economic goals.
1 6 4
If I had to set up a group to get something done, I
believe that a choice of a member of the occupation of
____________ would be:
RANK
d of somewhat less help to the undertaking than would be
some others,
c____about equal to an> other.
b____of great help in assuring success of the undertaking.
a____the most important to assure success of the undertak
ing.
e____of some hinderance to the undertaking.
08 Persons of different occupations exercise d ifferen t
kinds of influence over others.
I would say that of a l l o cc u p atio n s,__________ would
RANK
c about equal others in the exercise of influence.
b_____exercise great influence over a ll others.
a dominate all others.
e____usually be dominated by the influence of others.
d____be somewhat affected by the influence of others.
09 Different occupations have contributed d iffe re n tly to
the development of our tra d itio n s in regard to human
progress and to the dignity of man.
I think that the occupation o f ____________ has fu rth e r
ed th is trad itio n :
RANK
b____even though it has no special duty to do so.
a____to an extent greater than has any other.
e____to almost no extent.
d____to a lesser extent than have most others.
c____to an extent equal to i t s re s p o n s ib ilitie s .

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Asset Metadata

Creator Geiser, Peter (author)

Core Title Some Social Factors Affecting The Power Structure And Status Of A Professional Association In Reference To Social Work

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Sociology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, general

Format dissertations (aat)

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor McDonagh, Edward C. (committee chair), Nordskog, John E. (committee member), Stinson, Malcolm B. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-79660

Unique identifier UC11357297

Identifier 6005476.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-79660 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 6005476.pdf

Dmrecord 79660

Document Type Dissertation

Format dissertations (aat)

Rights Geiser, Peter

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA