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Effects of migration and modernization on perceptions of role significance and status among elderly Samoans in the Los Angeles area
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Effects of migration and modernization on perceptions of role significance and status among elderly Samoans in the Los Angeles area
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UMI
A Bell & Howell Information Company
300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Aibor MI 48106-1346 USA
313/761-4700 800/521-0600
EFFECTS OF MIGRATION AND MODERNIZATION
ON PERCEPTIONS OF ROLE SIGNIFICANCE AND STATUS
AMONG ELDERLY SAMOANS IN THE LOS ANGELES AREA
by
Joyce S. Fienberg
A Thesis Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE LEONARD DAVIS SCHOOL OF GERONTOLOGY
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree of
MASTER OF SCIENCE IN GERONTOLOGY
May 1996
Copyright 1996 Joyce S. Fienberg
TIMI Number: 1380442
Copyright 1996 by
Fienberg, Joyce S.
AH rights reserved.
UMI Microform 1380442
Copyright 1996, by UMI Company. AH rights reserved.
This microform edition is protected against unauthorized
copying under Title 17, United States Code.
UMI
300 North Zeeb Road
Ann Arbor, MI 48103
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
LEONARD DAVIS SCHOOL OF GERONTOLOGY
University Park
Los Angeles, CA 90089
This thesis, written by
_____________________Jovce S. Fipnhprg___________________
under the director of h_££_ Thesis Committee, and approved by all its
members, has been presented to and accepted by the Dean of the Leonard
Davis School of Gerontology, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Master of Science in Geront-.nloqy__________
Dean
Date 2 V ,
THESIS COMMITTEE
kZHd. — U. L — _____________________________
Chairman
To my husband, best friend, and cheerleader, Mai,
who convinced me that I could,
and to my children, Richard, Debra, Gregg, and Karen,
who have come to better understand that it's okay
for Mom not to fit the mold.
Acknowledgments
"It is never too late to be what you might have been."
George Eliot
Holding steadfastly to my belief in those words, I
embarked, at age 54, on a six-year-long journey that has
culminated in the earning of both baccalaureate and
graduate degrees in gerontology. Thus have I fulfilled
my life-long dream of enjoying a higher education
experience. This thesis is the culmination of that
process, through which I have gained knowledge of and
insight into my own aging, as well as tools which I will
dedicatedly use to enhance the aging experience of
others.
The inspiration for this thesis came from the heart
felt connection I formed with the Samoan community during
my tenure at Senior Health and Peer Counseling (SHPC). I
owe so much to their acceptance of my efforts, and
especially to the kindness and assistance of Chief Pele
Tu'au Faletogo, Sailitafa Faletogo, Pat Luce-Aeolua, June
Pouesi, and Sepulona Tanuvasa.
I have been inspired and guided along my way by so
many caring people, certain of whom have my special
appreciation. Many thanks go to Stephanie Solomon and
Cheryl Armon of Antioch University, Bernice Bratter,
iii
former Executive Director of SHPC/ and to my colleague
and earliest mentor at that agency. Holly Kiger.
Gratitude is extended to members of the
administration and faculty of the Leonard Davis School of
Gerontology at the University of Southern California. I
am particularly grateful to Pauline Abbott, who
understood the urgency of my desire from the beginning,
and for the patient instruction, encouragement, and
support of Kate Wilber, Eileen Crimmins, and Phoebe
Liebig—strong women and role models all.
No acknowledgments could be complete without
including the wonderful young men and women with whom I
shared the ups and downs of graduate school, and who took
this age-unconscious, but most definitely older woman
into their midst with great caring and sharing: Nick,
Misty, Adrienne, Jennifer T., Gloria, Mary Pat, Saundra,
Jolene, Jennifer G., Melissa, Chris F., Michelle A.,
Kristine, Jeanie, Helene, Patty E., Myra 0., Belinda,
Kama, Vanessa, Maurice, Don, Elena, Debra, Cathy, and
Laura M. You, most of all, fill my heart as this chapter
of my life comes to a close.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
DEDICATION.............................................. ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS........................................ iii
PREFACE...................................................vi
CHAPTER
1. INTRODUCTION.......................................... 1
2. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT......................7
3. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE............................. 23
4. METHODOLOGY........................................... 39
5. FINDINGS............................................. 58
6. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS.......................... 77
7. RECOMMENDATIONS..................................... 88
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................................ 92
APPENDIX A: QUICK RESPONSE QUESTIONS................ 100
APPENDIX B: KEY GUIDANCE QUESTIONS.................. 101
APPENDIX C: DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION FORM........... 102
v
PREFACE
Perhaps because it is so very small, or perhaps
because it is so very far away, many Americans do not
even know that Samoa exists. It is very unlikely,
therefore, to find Los Angelenos who are aware that there
are tens of thousands of Samoans living in the South Bay
area of their county and in several cities of western
Orange County. My interest in the Samoan culture and in
this very small, relatively unknown group of
comparatively recent immigrants to the Los Angeles area
was sparked by my chance discovery of them in early 1992.
I was responsible for outreach efforts as part of a
Los Angeles County-wide older adult mental health
services program aimed at identifying and assisting
isolated elders who had experienced trauma during the
April, 1992 outbreak of civil unrest. Out of this work
came recognition that of all the many immigrant
populations that have come to the western United States
in the last half-century— Koreans, Vietnamese,
Cambodians, El Salvadorans, Laos, Russian Jews, to name
some of the most prominent— Samoans are the only group
that did not come here because they were fleeing from the
horrors of civil war, political oppression, or religious
persecution. That realization, coupled with increasing
vi
professional collaboration with chiefs, ministers, and
social service agencies in the closely-knit Samoan
community, prompted my desire to learn as much as
possible about the "who" and "why" of Samoan migration
and what it and subsequent modernization have meant in
the lives of aging migrants.
From 1992 to 1995, I developed a collegial
relationship with several distinguished Samoan community
insiders without whose collaboration this project would
not have been possible. Among the most prominent of
those leaders were Pat Luce, Executive Director of the
National Office of Samoan Affairs (NOSA); her Associate
Director, June Pouesi; and Chief Pele Tu'au Faletogo,
Director of the Samoan Federation and head of the Council
of Chiefs. They were all willing to lend their support,
expertise, and influence to the conduct of this research.
I proposed to do a qualitative study based on focus group
inquiry, and Pat Luce supplied the key ingredient that
made it possible to turn my planning into action— the
recommendation that Mr. Sepulona Tanuvasa, a lay minister
and divinity student with connections to churches and
senior groups all over the Southern California area,
become my bilingual "right hand." Her suggestion was
most welcome and accepted by both Mr. Tanuvasa and me.
With Mr. Tanuvasa's assistance as translator and
recruiter of participants, I soon had six focus groups
scheduled to be held between September 22 and December 1,
1995. Mr. Tanuvasa reported to me that the elders he had
approached were eager to participate in a project that
was designed just for Samoans. Furthermore, they were
pleased to be part of something that they hoped might
result in some programs for Samoan seniors.
Our experience in Compton was certainly a good
example of their sincerity and appreciation of our
investigation into their attitudes and opinions. Mr.
Tanuvasa was unavoidably delayed for our meeting, which I
thought would have to be postponed. I didn't realize how
important being part of this project, word of which had
begun to travel through the Samoan grapevine, was
becoming to people. Every single person who showed up
for our scheduled 10:00 A.M. meeting waited for Mr.
Tanuvasa, who did not arrive until moments before noon.
We had a very spirited and data-rich two-hour session,
just as originally planned, even though we were all very
hungry by the time it endedJ
The settings for our focus group interviews were as
varied as the communities themselves. The Samoan
Congregational Church was the site of our group in
Huntington Beach. In Compton, we met at a city
viii
recreation department building. The Samoan Federation
gave us their meeting room for a session in Carson. We
met at a Santa Ana senior center, and were invited into
the ministers' homes in both Harbor City and Oxnard. As
people gathered for each group, I was frequently
introduced to them individually, and was always greeted
very warmly, often with a hug. In some cases, I had
reunions with men and women with whom I had become
acquainted through other programs I had been part of
through NOSA and the Federation. At all times, an
atmosphere of caring cooperation permeated the research
setting, which helped to facilitate the gathering of
useful data.
The entire experience of preparing this thesis for
presentation— from planning, to information gathering,
through data analysis and, finally, through the writing
and rewriting— can be likened to having been on a long
journey. As so often happens when I travel, I am left
with one principal impression above all— the essence of
the people I have met. The older Samoans I met broadened
both my education and my world view. They taught me a
great deal about the meaning and significance of ethnic
identity as a factor in the aging process, traditional
value systems, and the strength and purpose to their
lives that maintaining the Samoan way (fa ’aSamoa)
ix
provides. It was with some degree of sadness that I
closed the final focus group last year, knowing I would
not be meeting soon again with members of this wise,
spirited, and unique community of elders.
In return for their trust, their hospitality, and
for all they shared with me during the time we spent
together, it is my sincere wish that the Samoan community
will find this thesis meaningful. I hope that it will be
useful both as a foundation and as a model for further
research into the cultural adaptation experiences of all
its generations.
x
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The Purpose and Significance of This Study
This thesis was undertaken to explore the aging
experience of Samoans who have migrated to Southern
California from their Western Polynesian homeland at some
time during the past 45 years. The aged traditionally
enjoy a position of highest reverence, respect, and
prestige within the Samoan culture. This study used
focus group interviews to investigate whether or not
Samoans growing old in the Los Angeles area perceive any
changes in familial role significance or in their status
within their culture that can be attributed to the
experiences of migration and modernization.
Evidence of problems within migrant families,
including the weakening of cultural values and the
breakdown of family systems, has recently come to the
attention of Los Angeles' Samoan leadership. These
leaders express concern that intergenerational conflict
is surfacing in the community, bred out of the existence
of crowded households, high unemployment, and
1
insufficient resources (P. Lucia, personal communication,
September 19, 1995). Recent national and local
statistics on Samoans speak dramatically to their lack of
economic success in this country. For example, Howard
(1986) pointed to the fact that in 1984, unemployment
rates were 81% higher for men and 51% higher for women
from Samoa than for the United States as a whole. In
addition, he found that Samoan per capita income in
America in that same year was lower than that of any
other ethnic group except the Vietnamese. In 1990, 24%
of all Samoan families in Los Angeles and Orange counties
were living below the poverty line, and 14% of all
families where the head of household was over 65 were in
that category (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1993a).
The domestic discord that may result from such
economic stress is not at all in keeping with traditional
Samoan values of familism, sharing, and the obligation to
physically care for and financially support the elderly.
The collective wages of all the working members of the
household may not be sufficient to allow contributions to
the support of the extended family. Parents and
grandparents who willingly migrated in late life
to assist with the care of their grandchildren often
2
find themselves without the financial support they
expected from their children, and are forced to live in
poverty. Such situations are almost unheard of in the
islands, and are a source of shame to migrant families
(S. Tanuvasa, personal communication, October 20, 1995).
Many island-born as well as American-born children
and grandchildren seem to be moving more and more away
from the traditional cultural value system, in many cases
due to the desire to be American first and Samoan second
(J. Pouesi, personal communication, June, 1995). Gelfand
(1989) discusses the conflict between children struggling
with survival issues in a new land and parents attempting
to maintain traditional roles and custom structures as a
means of compensating for the loss of their familiar
environment. This raises issues of assimilation
(absorption into the cultural traditions of a host
nation), and acculturation (cultural modification through
prolonged interaction and intercultural exchange between
migrants and hosts). This thesis explored the possible
influence that the widespread participation in these
processes by younger generations may have on the status
and prestige of Samoan elders.
3
There is a dearth of data about life among Los
Angeles-area Samoans even though the largest number
outside of the islands (approximately 50,000) live in Los
Angeles (P. Luce, personal communication, March 15,
1995). Only one study (Shu & Satele, 1977) focused upon
Samoan migrants in Los Angeles, and it did not examine
issues particularly affecting the aged. While several
other more extensive and longitudinal investigations have
focused on Samoan settlements in San Francisco (Ablon,
1971; Holmes & Rhoads, 1987; Rhoads, 1984) and San Diego
(Baker, Hanna & Baker, 1986; Janes, 1992), they have
concentrated primarily on physical health issues.
Pat Luce, Executive Director of the National Office
of Samoan Affairs in Carson, California, has expressed
great concern that many members of the elder cohort of
the Southern California community are suffering
emotionally (to the point of clinical depression) due to
a loss of cultural identity, status, and usefulness to
family and community that would not occur if they were
still living in Samoa (P. Luce, personal communication,
March 15, 1995). "For the first time in my memory," says
Luce, "Samoan aged are feeling old, useless, and not
respected. Growing old and dying, never feared in Samoa,
4
have taken on negative connotations in America." She and
other Samoan social service providers report that very
limited health status data on this group of elders has
frustrated agencies' efforts to obtain funding for
programs to investigate and address concerns such as this
within their community. A primary purpose of this
thesis, then, was to inform service providers as to the
absence or presence of need for interventions into the
migrant family system which specifically target Samoan
elders. To accomplish this purpose, a series of focus
groups was conducted to gather information from older
Samoans about the realities of preserving their ethnic
identity, cultural values and family traditions while
living out their lives in the Los Angeles area.
This thesis is organized into six remaining
chapters. Chapter 2 provides historical background
information about the Samoan people; as well, it
describes their migration to the United States and the
reasons for it, and compares the social organization of
their communities in the islands and in America. Chapter
3 examines the theoretical literature upon which this
study is based, addressing pertinent concepts including
migration and modernization, assimilation, acculturation,
5
deculturation, and components of status and prestige
among the elderly. Chapter 4 discusses the methodology
used in the study. It contains methodological literature
concerning ethnography and focus group protocol, a
description of the subjects, an explanation of cultural
issues, specific research questions, and a discussion of
procedures and instruments created for and employed in
data gathering. Chapter 5 contains the findings of the
investigation, in the form of eight consistent themes
which emerged out of all the group discussions. In
addition, the frequencies of responses to short-answer
questions which shed additional light on the general
findings are included. A discussion of the findings and
some conclusions about their meaning in light of
previously cited literature are contained in Chapter 6,
and recommendations for future research and program
implications are found in Chapter 7.
6
CHAPTER 2
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT
In order to provide a framework for understanding
the findings which resulted from the research, this
chapter begins with a history of the Samoan islands and
its people to acquaint the reader with the geographic,
political, and cultural setting out of which Samoans came
to the United States. It includes discussions of
political transitions, early modernization of the
islands, migration patterns, and the value system and
social structure which reflect the status and prestige
that the elderly have traditionally enjoyed within the
Samoan culture.
The Islands: Centuries of Transition
The Samoan islands lie in a generally east-west
direction in the South Pacific, 2,700 miles northeast of
New Zealand, 2,275 miles southwest of Hawaii, and 4,150
miles southwest of San Francisco (Holmes & Holmes, 1992).
The area of the entire chain is slightly over 1,200
7
square miles, less than that of the smallest state in the
union, Rhode Island (Baker et al., 1986).
Archaeological evidence points to Samoan settlement
of their archipelago before 1,000 B.C. It was not until
the 1830s that the first contact with Europeans was
experienced (Baker et al, 1986). Missions were estab
lished in the islands, and the conversion to devout
Christianity, primarily Congregational, Methodist, and
Roman Catholic, took place over a 70-year period. Within
that same time frame, the United States, Germany, and
Great Britain sought hegemony over the area, with Great
Britain eventually withdrawing from the competition. As
a result, Samoa is separated into two political
divisions—American Samoa and Western Samoa. American
Samoa is an unincorporated territory (since 1900) of the
United States composed of four inhabited islands.
Western Samoa belonged first to Germany, then to New
Zealand, and became an independent nation of four islands
in 1961 (Holmes & Holmes, 1992).
American Samoa, from whence come approximately 75%
of all migrants to California, had a 1992 population of
about 47,000, 44,500 of whom live on the largest island,
Tutuila, in 57 different villages (Holmes & Holmes,
8
1992). Slightly more than 160,000 people lived in
Western Samoa in 1992, most in rural villages, and 45,000
in one city, the capital and principal seaport, Apia.
American Samoans are considered American nationals, not
citizens, but they are eventually eligible to apply for
citizenship when they move to the mainland United States
(California Department of Mental Health [CDMH], 1981;
Wendt, 1973) . They are able to enter the United States
freely, stay as long as they wish, and may come and go
between the States and the islands whenever and as often
as they choose. Western Samoans are immigrants and must
apply for visas and work permits and register annually as
resident aliens.
Until World War II, life in both Samoas was
relatively the same. Both largely relied upon an economy
of subsistence farming and fishing. Schooling for
children was not compulsory, but most attended schools
run by the churches and known as "the Pastor's School,"
which went through sixth grade (S. Tanuvasa, personal
communication, September 22, 1995). Today, in Western
Samoa, schooling equivalent to American secondary
education is available, but great numbers of children
drop out at the elementary level once basic literacy is
9
achieved, probably because what is taught in the more
advanced levels of junior and senior high school is not
deemed useful to those who see themselves living out
their lives as village farmers (Hecht, Orans, & Janes,
1986) . In American Samoa, education through the 12th
grade or the age of 18 is compulsory, and there is one
junior college on the island of Tutuila (Holmes & Holmes,
1992}.
Strong religious faith provided a unifying founda
tion for family and community in the islands. Their
deeply held beliefs and the humanistic Samoan way of
life, based in mutual sharing and kindness, reinforced
the people's sense of confidence and optimism that as
long as they did their share of the work, life's needs
would be met one way or another (CDMH, 1981). Indicative
of this attitude was the total reliance upon healers and
bush medicine men during times of illness (Holmes &
Holmes, 1992). This faith in traditional herbal
treatments and healing massage persists today, though it
is sometimes combined with visits to island dispensaries
run by U. S. Department of Public Health nurses. Only
the most catastrophically ill are treated at the one
island hospital in Pago Pago or flown to Honolulu.
10
Early Modernization of Samoan Society
Western Samoa became a mandated territory of New
Zealand under the League of Nations right after World War
I (Baker et al., 1986).
New Zealand attempted to develop commercial agri
culture, and introduced a cash component to the
previously family based subsistence economy by creating
governmental marketing programs for products such as
bananas and cocoa. Social reforms including better
education and health care were also introduced. By the
time Western Samoa secured its independence in 1961,
tourism and light industry had also been developed, but
75% of the national product remains agricultural to this
day.
American Samoa underwent change as the result of its
management by the United States Navy from 1900 to 1951
(Hecht et al., 1986). The superb harbor at Pago Pago on
Tutuila was home to a huge naval base from which many
operations were run during World War II. Urbanization in
American Samoa started with the establishment of that
base and the government buildings attached to it. A cash
economy was introduced as a class of wage-earners was
11
created through the Navy's employment of tens of
thousands of Samoans in a variety of support positions.
The swollen job market provided work and a new way of
life in American Samoa for thousands of Western Samoans,
as well, (Harbison, 1986).
Beginnings of Permanent Out-Migration
In 1951, administration of American Samoa was
transferred from the Navy Department to the Department of
the Interior (Holmes & Holmes, 1992) . The base at Pago
Pago was dismantled. Men who had served in the Fita Fita
Guard, a Naval auxiliary unit similar to the mainland
National Guard, were transferred into the regular Navy.
They and their families were moved to bases in Hawaii and
the mainland west coast. In addition, some shipbuilders,
metal workers, and construction workers retained
employment with the government, and they also left Samoa
with the Navy (Lewthwaite, Mainzer, & Holland, 1973).
Other factors besides moving with the Navy
contributed to changing demographics for both Samoas in
the early 1950s and produced the first major stream of
out-migration from the islands (Harbison, 1986). The
closing of the Naval base meant the loss of thousands of
12
jobs. A depressed economy was the immediate result,
aggravated even further by a very low wage level for the
work still available. Severe drought had plagued the
country for several years, resulting in such a low food
supply that it became impossible to sustain a population
that had doubled in 20 years. It became apparent that
leaving Samoa was the answer, especially for the young
people who had quickly adapted to the cash economy and
wanted good jobs and better education (Janes, 1990).
Many of them also wanted to break with the tradition that
prohibited them from accumulating personal wealth and
required them to contribute much if not all of their
earnings toward the support of the entire extended
family.
Migration Patterns
Samoan migration, like that of many peoples the
world over, has been described as "the typical growth
pattern of chain migration, in which prospective migrants
learn of opportunities, are provided with transportation,
and have initial accommodation and employment arranged by
means of primary social relationships with previous
migrants" (MacDonald & MacDonald, 1964, p.44).
13
Three distinct cohorts of Samoan migrants are
identifiable, and the experience of each is definable by
the auspices under which they migrated (Tilly & Brown,
1967). The first cohort of migrants to Southern
California came in the 1950s, primarily under the
auspices of the military. That military connection made
them fairly sophisticated in their adaptation to a new
land (Baker et al., 1986). They were almost all young,
fluent in English, had small households (before
additional members of their extended families migrated
and joined them), and had opportunities to get the best
blue collar and military employment. They established
themselves in tightly knit geographic enclaves, close to
Naval installations in San Pedro, Long Beach, and San
Diego. Samoan novelist Albert Wendt (1973) poetically
described the Samoan "migration mentality" of this cohort
thusly:
The promise of the future and their dreams of
lucrative jobs, money, houses, cars, a good
education for their children, calmed their fears,
gave meaning to their journey into what they all
believed would be only a temporary exile from which
they would return unharmed, unchanged, rich (p.
216) .
The migration of those who followed in the 1960s and
1970s was kin-linked (Baker et al., 1986). Extended
14
family members already here sponsored the journeys of
their relatives, opened their homes to them until they
could establish their own, and lined up jobs for them
where they worked. Jobs were plentiful in the Los
Angeles area as heavy industry exploded in a burst of
prosperity during the Vietnam War era. Those who were not
able to get along well enough in English had their
established relatives to "front" for them in most
situations, but poor language capability proved a serious
barrier over time. That, coupled with their limited
marketable skills, meant that many of these new members
of the community ended up on government assistance just
to survive.
Finally, a third cohort of migrants began to arrive
in the 1980s and are still coming (Janes, 1990) . Their
emigration is also kin-linked, but they do not come to
find work or establish new homes. These are the elderly,
that generation who are rarely educated beyond the
Pastor’s School level, and who are often monolingual.
For example, 55% of those over 65 in Los Angeles and
Orange counties report being able to speak English "not
well" or "not at all" (U. S. Bureau of the Census,
1993b). These older men and women most frequently come
15
to the United States to be with their children and
grandchildren or, in some cases, to get medical care that
is not available in Samoa. Many are brought here by
their children specifically for the purpose of caring for
the youngest generation, because the mothers, as well as
the fathers of young children, must work in order for the
family to meet basic household expenses and support the
church. The move is often a rude awakening to the older
generation who sometimes have a very difficult time
adjusting to urban life. Many of those who come to get
health care find themselves without the financial support
they expected from their family, and go almost instantly
onto Supplemental Security Income (SSI) or County Welfare
(Janes, 1990).
Migration has caused tremendous differences in
Samoan social structure, social organization, household
composition, and economics (Pearson, 1992). The brief
description of traditional Samoan society that follows,
combined with previous references to Samoan values and
beliefs, illustrates the challenge of adaptation to urban
America that faces Samoan elders, no matter whether they
came as young people and are moving into old age here, or
if they came more recently.
16
Traditional Social Structure and
Cultural Values in Samoa
It is important to note here that the political
division into American and Western Samoa has never had
much meaning for most islanders when it comes to what
matters most to them. Their extended family networks and
close cultural ties have always stretched from island to
island and to wherever they have migrated, without regard
for national boundaries (Baker et al., 198 6). Samoan
culture has for centuries been based on a unified system
of values that incorporates kinship and service to family
and church into a defined political structure whereby
exceptional care and respect for others is rewarded with
election to life-long, titled positions of leadership.
Samoans long ago labeled this system fa 'aSamoa (the
Samoan way).
The important units of island social organization
were the household (fua'ifale), the extended family
Caiga), and the village (nu'u) (Holmes & Holmes, 1992).
Traditionally, the elected head of each family was a
chief (matai). Almost without exception, every adult
male looked forward to the day when he would be deemed
17
worthy of election to a chiefly title; however, this
honor was rarely acquired before middle age, by which
time Samoans viewed adults as being mature and capable of
responsible leadership.
The matai was responsible for the welfare and
behavior of the entire 'alga {Holmes & Holmes, 1995).
His household included a plot of land in the village upon
which were located several sleeping houses for his
immediate family and all collateral, multigenerational
relatives in permanent residence; a guest house for
visiting friends and family; and a cookhouse. His
responsibilities included designation of the family's use
of the land and everyone’s tasks for the common good,
control of commonly pooled resources, settling family
disputes, promoting religious activity, fostering family
unity and prestige and, most importantly, representation
of the family in the ultimate political arena of the
village Council of Chiefs (fono). Matai titles,
depending on mythological and legendary traditions
linking them to ancestral gods, brought increased
recognition and responsibility to their holders at the
18
village level, at which there was a distinct hierarchy of
chiefly ranking, often based on age (Pearson, 1992).
Veneration of the Elders
A pillar of fa 'aSamoa has always been the great
emphasis upon obedience to and respect and reverence for
elders in the family and the community (Mead, 1928) .
Special deference was and still is reserved for the
oldest chiefs. It should be noted here that
chronological age is not important to Samoans in
regarding a person as an elder. Being designated as such
is role-related rather than age-related; also, it is a
function of the maturity of a person's actions and one's
life experience. Exceptional regard for and specific
behavioral courtesies extended to all persons older than
oneself are taught to Samoan children from the toddler
stage (Holmes & Holmes, 1992). Reciprocity of loving
care between aging parents and children is a mainstay of
Samoan family life. Overall, the knowledge, wisdom, and
experience that old people are deemed to attain over time
is revered, and they are seen as invaluable transmitters
of cultural history and values.
19
Samoans are said to be old when they are no longer
able to do heavy farming work or more strenuous
housekeeping tasks (Holmes & Holmes, 1995). This is not
looked upon as a time of retirement from productive
participation—a concept quite foreign in Samoa-but is
instead regarded as a time for elders to enjoy having the
choice either to do less arduous tasks for the family or
to do nothing at all but socialize with other old people
and teach traditions to the very young through song and
story. The aged, according to fa'aSamoa, have earned the
right to be carefree, to no longer worry about materially
contributing to the maintenance of the immediate family
or the raiga, and to expect to be deferred to, obeyed,
cared for, and honored for the remainder of their years
(J. Pouesi, personal communication, September 19, 1995).
Social Structure and Cultural Values
in the Los Angeles Area
Today, in the many isolated villages that still
exist in the islands, the structure of the family and the
political organization of the community still follow age-
old patterns (Holmes & Holmes, 1995). In the Los Angeles
area, maintaining continuity of immediate and extended
20
families is still very important, particularly to middle-
aged and older Samoans, but migration has brought drastic
household composition changes and dispersal of the 'aiga.
Changes at the community level are evident as well.
There, matai from various villages and islands constitute
the Council of Chiefs, the responsibilities of which are
very different than they were in the islands (P.
Faletogo, personal communication, September, 1992).
Policy-making and governing are no longer in their job
description. Instead, the principal work of the Council
of Chiefs has become that of interpreting the complex
political and social service systems for their community
and helping its members through the institutional maze.
Ministers (faiferau) have become exceedingly
influential in the United States (Ablon, 1971). The
urban church has replaced the island village as the focal
point of community activity, and congregation members are
very reliant upon their ministers for instrumental as
well as spiritual support. The clergy work closely with
the Council of Chiefs and social service organizations to
assist vulnerable immigrants with housing, job training,
and the accessing of social welfare programs and health
care.
21
Civic organizations/ principal among them the
National Office of Samoan Affairs and the Samoan
Federation/ provide many services that were the province
of the matai back in the islands. Fitzgerald and Howard
(1990) have identified a sizable decline in the influence
of the matai whose titles are not highly enough ranked to
carry with them a seat on the Council of Chiefs. Their
titles have become largely ceremonial. Because of this,
they have a difficult time guiding "Americanized" young
people, as well as in maintaining the discipline of
fa ’aSamoa overall.
This chapter has provided the reader with a context
in which to frame the information which follows in the
review of the literature as it may pertain to the migrant
Samoan elders who are the subject of this study,
Lewthwaite et al. (1973) wrote that when modernization
came to the Samoan islands, the people, as they had done
throughout history, integrated what they liked about the
new with what they treasured of the old. Whether or not
it is possible for Samoans who have migrated to a modern
society to do the same, thus preserving their valued
traditions, remains to be seen.
22
CHAPTER 3
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
This chapter identifies and describes literature
relevant to this investigation into perceptions by
elderly migrant Samoans of their role significance and
status within family and community. It defines and
discusses several concepts basic to the study, including
ethnic identity, assimilation and acculturation, elements
of status and prestige among the elderly, effects of
migration and modernization on that standing, and
deculturation.
Ethnic Identity
Researchers have defined and measured this concept
in a variety of ways that include group membership,
culture, beliefs, practices, identification, experiences,
and behaviors (Gelfand 6 Kutzik, 1979/ Rosenthal, 1986).
Kalish (1986) presents an inclusive definition and
suggests that this approach is a living reality, a way of
life. He defines ethnicity as referring to
(a) group membership based on (b) the integration of
(c) values and feelings and (d) practices and
23
behavior that (e) arise through historical roots in
the family of origin and (f) through common
cultural, religious, national, and/or linguistic
background, and (g) culminate in a shared symbol
system and (h) a sense of shared identity, (p. 17)
Disman (1987) places a caveat upon the importance of
ethnicity when referring to older persons. She suggests
that ethnicity matters in later years only to the degree
that it has been important to a person throughout his or
her life, and that a threat to "the continuity of the
ethnic self" would only be considered serious if an
individual's ethnic identity had always been an important
part of that person's being (p. 73). Cool (1980)
concurs, and suggests that a pattern of ethnic identity
and interaction which continues from the younger years
may help to mitigate some of the ambiguity and loss of
identity associated with old age, particularly in
America.
Assimilation and Acculturation
Gelfand (1982) discusses two studies that found a
decline in the degree of ethnic identification reported
by second- and third-generation family members of early
20th Century European immigrants to the United States.
The measure of ethnicity in each case showed a decline
24
from generation to generation. The literature on
assimilation and acculturation offers a partial
explanation of those findings.
Shapiro (1992) discusses the earliest observations
of "the new man, this American" made over 200 years ago
by Crevecouer, the French observer of American mores.
What the Frenchman describes is the process of
assimilation. Shapiro points also to the 1908 play, "The
Melting Pot," through which playwright Israel Zangwill
proposed the concept that immigrants who arrived in the
United States were not to be transformed into the
dominant culture but were to blend with it to create
something entirely new. "America is . the great
melting pot where all the races of Europe are melting and
reforming . . . God is making the American," he wrote.
Kalish (1986) also addresses the "melting pot theory,"
which he describes as various immigrant ethnic groups
combining as metals in the smelting process, resulting in
a unique and better society. From that point of view,
Kalish suggests, assimilation was seen as the best
situation for both the host population and migrants.
Another, more complete definition of assimilation is
offered by Gordon (1964) and seems more apt for this
25
study. Gordon identifies a process whereby immigrants
discard the culture traits of their land of origin and
acquire the culture of their host country through
marriage/ citizenship, participation in the institutions
of the host society, internalization of the values of the
larger society, and adoption of its behaviors and
attitudes.
Over time, as immigrants from many countries came to
America, emphasis moved from assimilation to
acculturation, wherein accommodation to the larger
society and functioning effectively within it are
supported, but without losing the positive aspects of
ethnic identity (Kalish, 1986). Acculturation is
cultural modification through prolonged and continuous
interaction involving intercultural exchange and
borrowing with a different culture, especially between
primitive and advanced or migrant and host populations.
It has been found in a study of support among ethnic
elderly that the more acculturated the individual, the
less extensive is family interaction, and the more
cultural differences with respect to social networks
appear to diminish (Lubben & Becerra, 1987). Buenker and
Ratner (1992) point to issues of generational clashes in
26
the adaptation process, and to the fact that no single
acculturation index has created more controversy between
generations than the issue of language retention.
Traditionalists, most often older, who see language as a
way of maintaining the continuity of ethnicity, are also
in a constant struggle with nativists who identify use of
the mainstream language as a sign of loyalty.
Elements of Status and Prestige
Among the Elderly
Groundwork for a theory of the elements of status
and prestige accorded to elders in various societies was
laid by sociologist Leo Simmons (1945) in his study that
included samples in 71 primitive cultures. He determined
that old people universally seek to preserve life as long
as possible, to be released from tiring exertion and
protected from physical hazards, to maintain active
participation in communal affairs, to retain well-earned
prerogatives of ownership, rights, prestige, and
authority, and to meet death honorably and comfortably.
He further suggested that the status of the aged stemmed
from the force of tradition and from their knowledge.
27
Many other social scientists built their work upon
Simmons' foundation. Rosow (1965) found that the
position of the elderly is higher when their experience
gives them a vital command or monopoly of strategic
knowledge of their culture. This includes, he
established, the entire range of occupational skills as
well as healing arts and religious and ritual practices.
Further evidence was found that a strong correlation
exists between the control of useful information and good
treatment and high status for the elderly (Maxwell &
Silverman, 1970). In 1987, building on their previous
work, Silverman and Maxwell related the ways elders are
involved in information processing (e.g., prescribing
culturally appropriate behavior, giving sought-after
advice, resolving conflicts, teaching, and the exercise
of leadership) to the behavioral aspects of prestige
directed towards them by younger members of their
society. These included deferential treatment involving
seating arrangements, food preparation and service, modes
of address, work performed for their benefit, and special
gifts and favors. Another study by Press and McKool
(1972) reinforced previous findings about knowledge and
information control and included other structural
28
determinants of status for the aged, among them
continuity of life-stage role sequence and the
progressively higher responsibility, authority, and
advisory capacity of sequential roles. It was in this
study that prestige was first pointedly identified as a
function of status, whereby prestige was evidenced
through the manner in which others interacted with aged
persons. The level of prestige was shown by the degree
to which acts of deference, obedience, or residual
respect clearly reflected an inequality between the aged
and more youthful members of the community.
Effects of Migration and Modernization
on Elderly Status and Prestige
As stated earlier in this thesis, a search of the
literature reveals only one study of the Los Angeles-area
Samoan community. Few accounts are available of
investigations focused primarily upon the relocated aged
of any recently migrated population. Outside of a
considerably large body of work resulting from empirical
research into the adjustment to Western life of elderly
Hispanic immigrants (Applewhite, 1981; Becerra, 1983;
Cox, 1987; Cuellar, 1974, 1988; Gelfand, 1989; Rosenthal,
29
1986), the only other groups of elders that are
frequently referenced in population migration literature
are the Central Europeans, Chinese, and Japanese, whose
history in the United States is far longer than that of
Central-Americans, Middle-Easterners, Southeast Asians,
and Samoans.
There does exist, however, an extensive collection
of cross-cultural literature which has, over time,
established supportable theory about changing roles and
status of the elderly identified as the results of
migration and modernization (Ablon, 1971; Cowgill, 1974;
Cowgill & Holmes, 1972; Fitzgerald & Howard, 1990);
Maxwell & Silverman, 1970; Palmore & Manton, 1974; Press
& McKool, 1972; Rosow, 1965; Simmons, 1945).
Perhaps the most well-known theory that provides a
broad-based, theoretical basis for the current explor
ation of status and prestige perceptions among elderly
Samoan migrants is Donald Cowgill's "Theory of Aging and
Modernization" (1972). Cowgill summarized his work with
22 propositions, several of which are particularly
pertinent to this thesis. These include the following:
1. In modern societies, political and economic
power and leadership roles that tend to be held by older
30
people {as by Samoan chiefs and heads of families) are
possessed by only a few.
2. The status of the aged is high in societies in
which there is a high reverence for or worship of
ancestors (as by Samoans, who believe their ancestry is
traceable to the gods themselves).
3. Mobility of residence tends to undermine status
of the aged (as in migration).
4. Status of the aged tends to decline with
increasing literacy of the population (as when the
technological education and knowledge of younger people
renders older people's more traditional knowledge
obsolete),
5. High status for the aged results when they are
able to continue to perform useful and valued functions;
however, this depends upon the values of the society
(veneration of the aged in Samoan society vs. the youth-
honoring culture of the United States).
6. Societies in which the extended form of the
family is prevalent tend to afford higher status to the
elderly than do those (like the United States) in which
neolocal marriage and the nuclear family are prevalent.
31
7. With modernization, responsibility for the
provision of economic security for dependent elders tends
to shift from family to state (as in policies such as
Medicare, Medicaid, and Supplemental Security Income).
8. The individualistic value system of Western
society tends to reduce the security and status of older
people (as when they become dependent on younger
generations for economic or health reasons).
Atchley (1988) submits that the central thesis of
modernization theory is that the processes that cause
societies to evolve from rural and agrarian social and
economic systems to industrial ones also cause change in
the positions that older people occupy in the society and
in the esteem afforded to the aged. The direction of
change is usually assumed to be for the worse.
Modernization theory, Atchley indicates, is the most
frequently used concept for organizing ideas about how
aging and treatment of the aged may have changed over
time, and begins with the notion that in preindustrial
societies the elderly have certain advantages which they
lose in the process of industrialization.
32
Baker (1986) defines a society as modernized when:
1. Elements are imported into it that move it from
a subsistence to a cash economy.
2. It develops a formal education system.
3. Its government and problem-solving systems move
toward a secular approach
4. It contains urban units.
Concurring with that definition# Fitzgerald and Howard
(1990) suggest that many of the same social conditions
caused by modernization that are found in a country of
origin exist# as well# in the countries to which people
migrate. In their study they found that the processes
set in motion in the Samoas due to the faster-paced and
changed life resulting from modernization take on added
impetus when people migrate to a land like the United
States, which is already technologically advanced and
industrialized.
Maxwell and Silverman (1970) found support for their
hypothesis that rapid institutional change# such as that
which occurs with migration and modernization# generates
a high degree of information obsolescence, and leads to
an eventual decline in elderly prestige.
33
Palmore and Manton (1974) further explored some of
Cowgill's assumptions about modernization and declining
status of the aged. Their research introduced two
prominent aspects of modernization which affected that
standing. First/ they noted that the occupational shift
from agriculture would account for reduced control by the
aged because they could no longer exercise power by
controlling land ownership and use# and because rapidly
changing technology would make the aged old-fashioned and
obsolete. Second, increased education and literacy among
younger people would not only reduce the aged's value as
a source of knowledge, as indicated by Cowgill, but it
could also reduce their ability to compete for jobs and
influence. Finally, Palmore and Manton presented the
concept that while the status of the elderly may decline
during the period of most rapid change, it may stabilize
and rise again after rates of change have leveled off and
the educational and economic discrepancies between the
aged and the non-aged decrease. They further suggested
that the growth of new institutions such as retirement
benefits, adult education, job training and retraining,
and age-discrimination policies in the workplace might
also be causal factors of reduced discrepancy.
34
In her dissertation on effects of modernization on
three groups of Samoan elderly (one in San Francisco and
two others on two separate islands of American Samoa),
Rhoads (1981) maintained that the status of the elders in
all three locations remained relatively high/ and
suggested several factors that
explain why the Samoan aged retained a great deal of
the high status characteristic of traditional Samoa.
These factors—the family, reciprocal obligations
and/ for migrant Samoans in San Francisco, an
emphasis on ethnicity—actually constitute a complex
of ideas and values which are inter-related and seem
to reinforce each other. At the same time that they
maintain support for the status of the aged, these
values seem to have mitigated against development of
some of the more negative effects of modernization,
(p. 145)
Her investigation further indicated that the increased
social distance between generations that occurs in modern
societies because children often surpass the education
and employment status of their parents is mitigated in
Samoan families by the fact that the younger persons'
achievements are a source of pride to the entire
immediate and extended family.
While studying Northern California Samoans, Ablon
(1971) discerned an ability to supplement and blend
affective Samoan relationships with instrumental
community connections and to do the same with traditional
35
and new societal units. Howard (1986) credits Samoan
personality traits, which he found still dominant in the
older generation if not the younger, with responsibility
for at least part of the ability of elders to cope with
the stresses of migration and modernization. His
investigations found them to be non-aggressive, social
beings who place great value on all things familial and
ceremonial. They do not value personal autonomy,
personal achievement, or being the center of attention,
but instead maintain a great tendency toward mutual aid
and support and an inclination to conform to the will of
the group without question.
Deculturation
Yet another process, deculturation, is identified in
the literature as a partial explanation of the decline in
status seen among the aged, especially in American
society (Anderson, 1972). Although the literature
reveals no studies based in this concept that are
particularly targeted at ethnic elderly, the idea is
pertinent to this investigation of whether or not Samoan
elders are experiencing declines in status and role
significance as a result of having migrated into American
36
society. Deculturation is defined by Anderson as the
unlearning of culture/ as the societally required
relinquishment of cherished values and goals by elders in
a society, accompanied by acceptance of secondary
economic and social roles. This stands in opposition to
the disengagement theory of Cumming and Henry {1961),
which suggests that there is a universal and natural
tendency for aging individuals to voluntarily withdraw
socially, economically, and politically. Such behavior
is identified as mutually beneficial for the elderly and
for society.
Holmes and Holmes (1992) express concern that both
theories devalue the actual roles assumed by individuals
in late life, and suggest additional research based in
these theories be undertaken by cultural gerontologists
and anthropologists.
This review suggests that migration to a techno
logically advanced country and the subsequent effects of
modernization which occur may distinctly influence a
decline in role perception and status of the elderly. It
further suggests that migration from an agrarian to an
industrialized society brings with it the possibility of
participation in a host society in varying degrees,
37
including assimilation and acculturation. The literature
indicates that several factors influence these processes,
including the importance of ethnic identity and
generational differences in adaptation. Finally, the
existence of a third process, deculturation, is raised as
a possible explanation of declining status among the
elderly in America.
38
CHAPTER A
METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this thesis was to explore the aging
experience of Samoans who have migrated to the Southern
California area since 1950. The study investigated the
effects of migration and modernization on the perceptions
of Samoan elders as to whether or not they are
experiencing a decline in role significance and/or status
within family and community. This chapter presents
rationales for the study’s design and protocols in
summaries of literature on ethnography and focus groups.
It includes the research questions addressed, a
description of the subjects, a section on cultural issues
and protocols, an explanation of procedures, and a
discussion of the instruments created for data
collection.
In some ways, this study was a pioneer effort.
First, there is only one published study about Los
Angeles-area Samoans known to the author. Shu and
Satele's work (1977), based on survey research, sought to
assess the economic and health service needs of the
39
Samoan community in the South Bay area of metropolitan
Los Angeles. First, it presented base-line information
about the characteristics of the people and their social
institutions, and anticipated that appropriate policy and
programming action might follow. The study paid very
little attention to the specific needs of the elderly.
Second, a search of the literature revealed this thesis
project to be one of very few investigations into the
effects of migration and modernization on the aged that
was not a comparison study of cross-generational
attitudes. Instead, it represents data gathered' only
from elders.
Ethnography
This inquiry was an exercise in cultural
gerontology, identified by Holmes (1995) as an approach
to investigation of the cultural patterns of behavior of
the aged that involves an anthropological perspective.
As such, the research methodology employed resembles
ethnography, the empirical, fact-finding activities
carried out by anthropologists in the field.
Ethnicity is a basis for ethnographic inquiry.
According to Gelfand (1982), ethnicity designates a
40
variety of groups that have a distinctive sense of
peoplehood, based on race, religion, and national
identity. He distinguished "ethnicity" from "minority"
and cites Kolm's explanation that:
The main focus of ethnic groups is on cultural
identity, while the focus of minority groups is on
equality regarding economic benefits, civil rights,
political rights, etc. Minority groups usually
attempt to create change, while ethnic groups
emphasize stability so as to maintain their value
systems. (Gelfand, 1982, p. 15)
Gelfand1s extensive examination of ethnicity in terms of
immigration, assimilation and acculturation, ethnic
identity, satisfaction with aging in general, and within
family and community in particular, and expectations
about aging greatly influenced the background exploration
for this study of aging Samoans.
Cuellar (1974) was among the first to use
ethnography as a method for gaining better understanding
of Mexican-American elderly in East Los Angeles.
Ethnographic research involves associating with a group
in their own "territory" over time, with the purpose of
learning from them how they do things and how they view
reality (Agar, 1980). When researchers have observed,
participated with, and interviewed subjects in depth,
they are able to describe cultural phenomena which
41
explain respondents' understanding and interpretation of
their world.
Focus Groups
Focus groups have been used extensively for market
research, but they were originally developed as a social
science research method to analyze the effects of Adolph
Hitler's propaganda during World War II (Merton, Fiske, &
Kendall, 1990/1956). Because of "a preoccupation with
quantitative procedures, assumptions about the nature of
reality, and a societal tendency to believe in numbers"
(Krueger, 1994, p. 8) social scientists have only
recently rediscovered the focus group as a useful
instrument when "the goal is to explain how people regard
an experience, idea, or event." It makes sense that
certain types of inquiries, where information about the
depth and significance of people's perceptions, feelings,
and attitudes is being sought, cannot be couched in
quantitative methodology.
According to Krueger (1994), the focus group
interview is conducted to accomplish a specific purpose
through a carefully defined process. It is intended to
promote self-disclosure among a limited number of
42
participants who share certain characteristics, so that
the researcher is able to obtain information about
particular topics of interest. Glesne and Peshkin (1992)
identify the establishment of rapport with subjects as
fundamental to obtaining the most and the best data
possible, as a "distance-reducing, anxiety-quieting,
trust-building mechanism that primarily serves the
interest of the researcher" (p. 94).
Sociologist John Lofland's suggested people-oriented
mandates in collecting qualitative data are listed by
Patton (1982). The qualitative- methodologist must get
close enough to the people and the situation being
studied to gain personal understanding in depth of the
details of what transpires during the focus group. Also,
the researcher's goal must be to capture what actually
takes place and what people actually say. The
qualitative data must include a lot of pure description
of people, activities, interactions, and settings, as
well as direct quotations from participants. The
researcher's commitment to follow the above mandates
constitutes an ethical commitment, as well, to represent
the informants in their own terms. Guided by Lofland's
admonitions, the present study was designed and executed
43
to faithfully depict what goes on in the subjects' lives
and not to impose the researcher's own take on what they
are about.
Research Questions
To present an analysis of the migrant Samoan elder's
view of his/her world was most certainly the goal of this
investigation. In pursuit of that end, and in light of
the theoretical literature cited in Chapter 3, three
research questions were framed to examine the effects of
migration and modernization, if any, on elder Los
Angeles-area Samoans:
1. To what extent, if at all, do older Samoans
perceive a decline in their role significance and/or
overall status and prestige within their family and
community?
2. Do older Samoans have concerns about the
preservation of their cultural value system and, if so,
what issues would they designate as major causes of
apprehension?
3. Are older Samoans acculturating into American
society?
44
Description of the Subjects
Demographic information (Appendix C) was collected
in order to describe the characteristics of the sample.
This information was requested of each subject, but not
mandatory to participation in the study. All but four
respondents at least partially completed the
questionnaire.
Sixty-three Samoans participated in the study. The
average age was 60 and the median was 61; the range was
from 38 to 79. Were this a study of older mainstream
Americans, a 38-year-old would most likely be rejected as
an inappropriate subject; however, as previously
explained, chronological age is not a factor for Samoans
in regarding a person as an elder. Such honorable
designation is role-related rather than age-related, and
reflects the respect of others for the maturity of a
person's actions and his/her life experience.
There were 32 female and 31 male subjects, 54 of
them married, 7 who were widowed, and 2 divorced. All
but two of them preferred to speak Samoan at all times,
and only four reported themselves to be unable to get by
with at least some English in most situations. All had
some formal schooling; 12 subjects through grade six, 22
45
subjects through grade eight/ 15 subjects had some high
school, nine subjects had some college, and one subject
had a college degree. The latter 10 persons were all
between the ages of 40 and 50.
Only 50 subjects responded to questions pertaining
to income, and each of them provided only some of the
information which was sought. Forty-two percent (n=21)
said they got regular financial assistance from children
and/or other family members. Of the 38 reporting on
their monthly income, 31 (82%) reported it to be under
$1,000 per month. Ten were still working, 4 were on
pensions, 12 were receiving Social Security {2 also
getting Supplemental Security Income [SSI]), and 4 were
on SSI alone. Maximum federal monthly SSI allotments,
based on a variety of factors including age, health, and
household composition, were $470 for a single person and
$705 for a couple (Social Security Administration
representative, personal communication, February 25,
1996). For those totally dependent on SSI, even with the
maximum California state SSI supplement, the highest
possible monthly income for an individual was $877.43;
for a couple, it was $1,288.83.
46
Twenty-six identified American Samoa as home, and
another 31 came from Western Samoa. Only three came in
the 1950s, all for work-related reasons. The 16 who came
in the 1960s came mostly for better education. In the
1970s, all 18 migrants came in search of employment. The
20 who came in the 1980s and 1990s all came to be with
their children and grandchildren, 15 specifically to
provide daycare for the latter.
Of the 46 who answered questions about housing
composition over time, all but 4 reported having lived
with extended family members for at least six months
immediately upon arriving in California. At the time of
the interview, 55% (n=25) owned or rented the home they
lived in, 34% (n=16) lived in their child's home, and 11%
(n=5) lived in the home of some other relative. The
average household numbered seven members, with a range of
1 to 13 people. Only four lived just with their spouse,
and one widow lived alone. Twenty-two lived in three-
generation households, with 6 of those 22 homes also
permanently accommodating extended family members.
Another 19 elders lived in two-generation homes.
47
Cultural Issues and Protocols
As described in previous chapters, Samoans are a
very tightly knit, non-aggressive group who are not in
the habit of openly discussing their feelings with
members of their own population, let alone with a palagi
(white person). For this reason, every bit as important
as the need for translation, it was imperative to employ
the services of a bilingual, Samoan focus group
facilitator who was well known to the elders around the
Los Angeles area. On the recommendation of the National
Office of Samoan Affairs (NOSA), Mr. Sepulona Tanuvasa
was selected for this position. As a trusted lay
minister in the Samoan Congregational Church and a part-
time employee of NOSA, Mr. Tanuvasa worked with churches
and senior groups in Los Angeles, Orange, and Ventura
counties. He explained the project's goals and the
auspices under which it was to be conducted to ministers
and older persons from Huntington Beach, Compton, Santa
Ana, Carson, Harbor City, and Oxnard and recruited them
for focus group interviews. Mr. Tanuvasa's entree into
these various settings afforded the rare opportunity to
learn from the participants what it is like for village-
48
born Samoans from island territories to be old in urban
America.
Mr. Tanuvasa instructed me in culturally appropriate
behavior during the course of our work together. It was
important to remain seated when speaking in the group
setting, since it would be presumptuous for anyone,
facilitator or participant, to rise above others during
our sessions. I was prepared by Mr. Tanuvasa for the
possible appearance at any or all sessions of people that
I might consider younger than appropriate for our
inquiry. If that were to happen, I would have to include
those individuals in the process and deal with them as
"outliers" during coding and analysis of the data. The
reason for this related to the hierarchy of respect and
leadership that characterizes the traditional Samoan
community. Since the invitations to attend the groups
were verbally delivered by ministers and other ranked
community members, it would have been impolite to the
point of damaging the progress of the entire project to
have rejected anyone thus invited, especially at the
actual time of convening a discussion.
Gift-giving is a very important part of the Samoan
culture. It is included in the ritual of every important
49
event, and since their part in my project was the key to
its success, I presented a $10 token of appreciation to
each elder for their assistance. In addition, I provided
$50 toward lunch for each group following our session.
Sometimes, someone ran out and brought back simple, take
out food for all who could stay. Other times, several
women in the group had taken it upon themselves to bring
food prepared at home, and they divided the $50 among
themselves. In an aside to me during the course of each
session, Mr. Tanuvasa would identify the man in each
group who held the highest-ranked title. As is the
custom, I would give that gentleman an envelope with all
the money in it, and he would distribute it discreetly to
all participants before they left. I always included a
blank greeting card with a bright, floral cover; inside,
I wrote a message suggested by the facilitator—Fa'afetai
tele mo le fesoasoani—which expressed my deep gratitude
to them for making my success possible. After the data-
gathering portion of the project ended, word reached me
that the participants greatly appreciated my respect for,
and participation in, their cultural mores and traditions
and consider me a friend of their community.
50
Developing Instruments and Procedures
How best to connect with the participants, what kind
of questions to ask, how to word and sequence them, and
how to jointly facilitate the group interviews in Samoan
and English were questions which were addressed in two
lengthy meetings with Mr. Tanuvasa prior to conducting a
pilot focus group.
Even though most Samoan elders understand English,
most of them do not speak it with any degree of fluency.
The basic reason for this is that the Samoan language has
a much smaller vocabulary than does English. Many
English words cannot be directly translated into Samoan;
certain gender-specific body parts, for example, have no
designations in Samoan because it is forbidden to name
them or talk about them. Furthermore, many English
concepts are beyond the Samoan ken, and are meaningless
to them as commonly expressed in English. For example, a
past experience conducting a training of senior peer
counselors through a translator had required much more
Samoan than English to transmit information to the
trainees. Therefore, the focus group interviews had to
be conducted primarily in Samoan so that the respondents
could express their thoughts and feelings spontaneously.
51
Following guidelines for conducting focus groups found in
the literature, each session was audiotaped and subse
quently transcribed by Mr. Tanuvasa, the facilitator.
Data collection instruments needed to elicit in-
depth responses and ensure cultural sensitivity. There
fore, questions were designed based on a focus group
protocol developed by Kerschner (1992) of The American
Association for International Aging. The three basic
parts of the data collection process employed in this
study were those which were found to be most effective in
the 450 groups Kerschner has conducted in both market and
gerontological research over the past eight years.
Following Kerschner's recommendation, it was decided
that each group would be two hours long. First, a series
of 15 to 20 quick response questions, calling for short
answers, sentence completion, yes or no, or a show of
hands was compiled to open the interview (Appendix A) .
It was hoped that by the time these had been covered, the
participants would have a fairly comprehensive idea about
the subject matter to be addressed in the broader
discussion to follow. This broader discussion was stimu
lated by three to five open-ended, sequenced key
questions (Appendix B), some with suggested probes.
52
These might not all be employed, since each group would
be free to initiate new issues inherent in or slants on
any subject, as long as the discussion remained focused
on the basic, initial question. Also, Kerschner's
experiences suggested that the planned ordering of
questions might be altered if responses led to particular
issues out of sequence. A third data collection instru
ment was the two-page demographic information form
(Appendix C), which was screened by the Samoan
facilitator to ensure that it was non-privacy-invasive.
The provision of this information was not mandatory,
however, and participants were encouraged to respond to
any or all of the questions. Since translating the form
into Samoan would be very time-consuming and would still
not make it self-explanatory because of language issues,
it was decided that Mr. Tanuvasa would verbally guide
participants as to its use during the last 20 minutes of
each session.
The focus group protocol was piloted on September
22, 1995. The goals of the pilot were to find out how
well the facilitator and researcher could work as a team,
how fluidly the group could flow despite the need for
translation, how the elders reacted to an outsider
53
wanting to ask them personal questions, and whether or
not they had any concerns about the tape recorder. Also,
it made it possible to judge whether or not the two-hour
time frame was long enough to accomplish the goals but
not too long, how best to arrange the seating and, most
importantly, if the inquiry as designed was going to
bring responses which would address the research
questions. Data from the pilot was rich in appropriate
information. Therefore, it was decided to use data
gathered in this session in the analysis.
Conducting the Focus Groups
Five additional groups were held between September
22 and November 30, 1995, averaging 10 participants each.
For each session, tables and chairs were configured into
as intimate a square as group size permitted, so that
everyone could see everyone else's face, and so that
every speaker was as close as possible to the tape
recorder. Each participant was identified by their first
name on a card placed in front of them on the table.
The facilitator introduced the researcher and
informed the group about my previous involvement in their
community. He then translated my greetings, in which I
54
explained the purpose of the study and the format for the
session. Each group was also informed that both
facilitator and researcher would be making written notes
throughout the proceedings. (These notes, regarding body
language, facial expressions, and group dynamics that
coincided with particular statements by or dialogues
between participants, were vital to data analysis.)
We then introduced the idea of tape recording, to
which participants in all groups agreed. We informed
everyone that we would test voice volume by recording our
introductions. Each person introduced him/herself and
told the group which Samoa they were born in and in which
Los Angeles-area community they lived. Then we played it
back, encouraging those whose voices were softest to
speak up a bit louder. We then erased those names and
locations. We did not turn the recorder on again until
everyone had been given the opportunity to ask questions
about the research, the researcher, or the procedure, and
when everyone indicated that they were ready to begin.
Among the questions requiring quick responses
(Appendix A) were inquiries into whether or not their
children and grandchildren spoke Samoan, whether they
believed the family was as important as ever in Samoan
55
life, how they viewed the behavior of younger people
toward them, and whether or not the goals for which they
had come to America had been realized. Every group was
instructed that individuals were expected to respond to
each question only if they wished to. Responses were
enthusiastic and comprehensive and, in most cases, every
person in every group answered every question. As we
moved from question to question in this cycle, partici
pants became more and more involved in the process,
responding to each other's comments, raising their voices
in agreement or disagreement and, often, indicating
impatience for their turn to speak. By the time the
first open-ended question was asked, everyone was
intently engaged in the discussion. As each session
ended, participants were offered the opportunity to add
any information for which we had not asked but which they
believed might be useful to the study.
After each group, the facilitator and I spent some
time debriefing the session. He provided me with infor
mation about content in brief asides and short
consultations in English during each group. That made it
possible to compare notes on our perceptions of the
process and the people immediately following each
56
session. We discussed the notations we had made about
emotional responses# participant interactions# and the
body language of various respondents at particular times.
We also talked on the phone during the times he was
transcribing the tapes. The direct quotes taken from the
transcribed tapes of the sessions and which constitute
documentation of the findings in this study were
carefully reviewed with Mr. Tanuvasa*s input, so that
meanings and subtleties that only the Samoan translator
could be aware of were not lost.
This chapter has presented the grounding in
ethnography and focus group literature that justifies the
design and methodology of this study. The chapter
provided a description of the sample# and informed the
reader of cultural issues that influenced protocol. Also
included were the research questions for which three data
collection instruments herein described provided relevant
responses.
57
CHAPTER 5
FINDINGS
Focus group interviews are not designed to bring the
participants to consensus; rather, the researcher seeks
recurrent response patterns that come out of the
discussions. These permit the gaining of insight into
the most prevalent of subjects1 thoughts, opinions,
experiences and reactions. Reading and re-reading the
transcriptions during analysis recalled each setting, the
faces of participants, the emotional climate, and the
group dynamics that characterized each discussion. This
process confirmed identification of several themes that
had emerged in all six of the groups, and provided a
consistent set of findings. The themes are listed below,
preceded by the one of three research questions
identified earlier to which they most directly relate,
and supported by quotations from tapes from all the
groups. Also included are frequencies of responses to
quick response questions relevant to each theme.
58
Research Question 1: To what extent, if at all, do
older Samoans perceive a decline in their role
significance and/or overall status and prestige within
their family and community?
Theme 1. Individualism erodes youth's respect for
fa1aSamoa: At the very heart of Samoan culture is the
family and the lessons that must be learned within it
about respect for and courtesy and obedience toward those
who are older. When 46 subjects offered their opinion
about the frequency of obedience by younger to older
Samoans today, 17% (n=8) replied "Not at all," 46% (n=21)
said "Sometimes," and 37% {n=17) responded "Most of the
time." The elders in all the groups expressed anger at
the changes they see in the young Samoans' attitudes.
In the old days back home, the children obeyed the
parents. But in America, once the children turn 18,
they start to value their individual freedom more
and disregard the opinions of the parents. It used
to be that children valued the opinions of their
parents most importantly until they passed away, no
matter how old the children were themselves.
The big difference today is that the young people
lack respect, obedience, and servitude towards their
parents and all old people. Too much "I."
There are too many young Samoans who do not properly
respect old people in the community because their
parents, our kids, don't teach them. In the United
States, people value freedom of the individual, but
Samoans value old folks and the 'aiga, and put
59
themselves last. The importance of young people is
judged by the respect they give to others,
especially the old folks.
Most children today are very bold and not afraid to
challenge some of the traditional beliefs. They
value the expression of the individual's opinion.
In the American culture, children are encouraged to
choose for themselves, and what the child thinks or
wants is more important than someone else's ideas or
needs.
Theme 2. American law challenges traditional
parental discipline: There is a Samoan word, sasa, which
literally means "spanking," but which, in reality, is
more than that. Back in the islands, today as always,
when young people misbehave they are immediately punished
with a severe beating, usually with a belt or a stick,
and that thrashing is accompanied by a fiercely delivered
scolding. If the infraction is carried out in the
absence of the father but in the presence of an extended
family member, that person is expected to deliver the
penalty on the spot. This behavior is part of fa'aSamoa,
the principal way in which Samoans have believed for
centuries that children learn right from wrong. The
inability to enforce their rules in this fashion in the
United States is a great source of frustration,
especially to the elders.
60
This issue was raised in every focus group as an
outgrowth of the discussion about obedience and respect,
and in each case the discussion was dominated by the men.
As they spoke, their eyes flashed and their faces
reddened with the intensity of their feelings on this
issue. At one point, one elderly man jumped up out of
his chair and marched around the room, arms waving, as he
made his comments on this issue in an agitated, raised
voice.
Oh, all we've lost! Respect we lost. Discipline is
the other thing we've lost. Our old customs, your
children, grandchildren, the whole family respected
the parents and grandparents. We seldom have that
now, they do what they want, say what they want.
The simple reason is that the United States has its
own customs, and if you try to straighten your son
out by spanking, you go to jail for it. That is not
the way we were brought up. We believe in the Bible
. . . when the son is wrong, you spank him. When I
was young, the minute I made a mistake my father
broke a walking cane over my back, and that's why I
respected my father!
According to our culture, young people are
disciplined by corporal punishment so that they
might never forget to respect, obey, and honor their
parents and old people and all people. Coming here
to America and adjusting to being here means this
has disappeared in the Samoan community. This is
the biggest difference from the old ways.
Physical punishment from a very young age is a
necessary tool for discipline so they will never
forget the right way of life when they grow up.
This is rooted in the teachings of the Bible, that
kids will never depart from the right way because
they were truly punished for wrong behaviors.
61
I am worried that because the Constitution of the
United States says that everyone is equal that we
may lose the respect that comes to old people in
fa’aSamoa. A young person is not equal to an old
person. When the older person speaks, the young
should listen and respect it, or be physically
punished.
In Samoa, parents spank their kids for the
correction of behavior, but here in America you
cannot do it, and this is a big problem. Corporal
punishment is not relevant anymore because the
children know the law and the meaning of child
abuse.
Children here openly challenge their parents because
they know we cannot discipline with beatings, the
old way, because that is called child abuse here.
The kids call the police if an adult hits them.
Theme 3. Elders’ knowledge no longer seems useful:
The elders separated their comments about lack of respect
for their knowledge and experience from those about young
people's lack of obedience to their elders and failure to
adhere to group values.
Only 31 people expressed an opinion on the quick
response question concerning whether or not young people
still respect older people's knowledge and experience.
Sixteen of the 32 (52%) responded in the affirmative, 15
in the negative. In the broader discussions, there were
almost no statements made which supported the positive
responses to the earlier "yes or no" inquiry. Those few
62
that were positive came from heads of families who were
managing to maintain fa 'aSamoa in the home; however, they
reluctantly acknowledged, when pressed by their peers,
that they could not vouch for the outside-the-home
attitudes and behavior of younger family members toward
older persons.
In many cases, when the following comments were
made, most of the group agreed by vigorously nodding
their heads. More sadness than anger seemed to charac
terize people's expressions as they spoke.
All of my children are living, and none of them
listen to me. They do not respect my knowledge and
experience. I am the father, yet it is like talking
to the wind. Nobody listens if they don't want to.
It is a different world, living here.
We only have the experience of whatever life we had
in Samoa. Our sons and daughters look at us now,
and we may not have enough experience for whatever
solutions they are seeking, for the problems they
need help with. This doesn't mean we are losing the
relationship with them, just that they don't think
we have the knowledge to deal with their problems.
They still show us great care and respect.
I think the children believe they are smarter and
more advanced in knowledge than the parents.
Old people are not respected for their knowledge the
way they used to be because there is a big
difference in the philosophy of young people who are
born and grow up in the American culture.
It is interesting to note here that of the 48
subjects who responded to an inquiry about having reached
63
the goals for which they had come to California, 56%
{n=27) indicated that they had achieved their aims. In
every case, those goals were related to providing their
children with opportunities for better education and work
experiences than they had known.
Theme 4. Changing Roles Within the Family: Each
group discussed how they would have "slowed down" their
work efforts as they aged if they were still in Samoa.
As part of those discussions, they reminisced somewhat
bittersweet over how they would have spent great amounts
of time socializing, weaving mats, tending gardens, and
caring for their grandchildren. When they were asked
about how their tasks as elders in the family in America
compared to those that might have been theirs in Samoa,
one response was prevalent across groups. Continuing to
contribute to the running of the household is the
important thing, no matter where one lives.
I am a retired grandfather. I take care of the
grandkids, and do small chores like go to the
grocery store, run errands, pick stuff up.
I still see my job, the older person's job, as the
biggest responsibility of all, and it just gets
bigger and more important as you get older . . . the
job of advising the whole family, and being respon
sible for big decisions.
It is okay if your contributions to the family are
different here, and if they change when you get old
64
. . . as long as you know you are still important to
the family.
I work in the garden, keep the weeds away, just like
I would do around the house at home when I got old.
I help the family by taking care of the grand
children, and teaching them to read and write in
Samoan. I help them with their homework, and I take
them to Little League games. It is different than
Samoa, but I am helping the family here as I would
there.
It doesn't matter . . . here or in Samoa, I am
useless if my children and grandchildren don't seek
me out because I have wisdom. I want my family to
always seek my advice as they do now, and I will
always be there for them.
Research Question 2: Do older Samoans have concerns
about the preservation of their cultural value system
and, if so, what issues would they designate as major
causes of apprehension?
Theme 5. Language as culture transmitter; Forty-
eight subjects responded to a question about the preva
lence of Samoan language usage in the household. Sixty-
nine percent (n=33) indicated that Samoan is the most
used language, while 23% (n=ll) responded that both
Samoan and English are spoken. Eight percent (n=4)
reported that only English is used at all times. Thirty-
one out of 60 respondents (51%) reported that their
65
grandchildren have no ability to understand or speak
Samoan.
In every group, the quick response questions about
usage of the Samoan language prompted an emotional dis
cussion about communication problems with children and
grandchildren, concerns about culture loss, and the
responsibilities of family members to keep the language
alive.
The Samoan way of life is taught in the Samoan
language. From a very young age, the parents must
teach their children in our own language. The
American form of education is all in English, and
the children are also influenced by watching TV in
the home.
The only way we can teach our children and
grandchildren to understand our culture and our way
of life is to ensure they understand our language so
there will be no misunderstanding in what we teach
them about our culture and value system.
What will happen to fa'aSamoa because the kids don't
speak the language is something that bothers me a
lot. We always want the culture to pass down to the
grandchildren. It makes me feel sad that the kids
don't really speak Samoan fluently. We have already
seen that even we are losing it, the first
generation. When my kids were growing up, they
spoke Samoan well because it was the only language
used in the house. Now they are at the point where
they listen to you in Samoan, but they talk back to
you in English.
Once you lose the language, you lose the culture.
You lose everything.
I know that the Samoan language and culture is
slipping away according to how we were raised.
66
The children speaking English all the time is
leading to the breakdown of communication between
young people and old people.
The children are born into an English-speaking
environment. Parents should be very conscious of
this and see to it that the children are taught the
Samoan language at home with reinforcement. This
means Samoan is used at all times in the house.
Never dialogue with children in English. A
restriction must be put on them to only speak Samoan
in the home. There is a proper place for English,
at school and other outside places, not at home.
I taught my children from a very young age that no
English is allowed in our home. That is why they
maintained their fluency in Samoan. They are all
bilingual, and that is the only way for them to
attain their new identity here and still remain as
true Samoans.
Every day with my grandchildren I teach them to pray
in Samoan and say their grace in Samoan before they
eat. I believe this is the duty of the grandparents
because we stay home with them while our children
leave the home to go to work every day. My
grandchildren who attend school still take their
lessons in the Samoan language when they return
home.
It is my duty as a parent and as a Samoan to pass
the language on.
Theme 6, Overall optimism about aging and fa *aSamoa:
A positive attitude toward aging characterized every
group of participants. Forty-five percent (n=27) of 60
subjects identified old age as the best time of life.
The responses below are indicative of all those received
67
in every group when respondents were asked to name the
best things about being old:
You are more knowledgeable and able to give good
advice.
You are past the vulnerable time of life.
You have more time with children and grandchildren.
Your life experience is valuable to the young ones.
You get the prestige that comes with being old.
The role of leader of the family is yours.
Your values are meaningful, and you are wise.
Even though elders spoke of economic hardship, hard-
to-adjust-to changes in lifestyle, and some loss of
cultural integrity as the discussions moved from issue to
issue, the dominant tone of each group was one of faith
in the future of the culture's survival and of a
meaningful position for themselves within it. When the
quotes that follow were made, all were greeted with much
verbal concurrence. Sentiments are representative of all
six groups.
We come from a culture where the family comes first,
and the individual finds his or her place of
importance within the circle of the family. Our
freedom and success is for the family, not the one
person. This will continue.
Young people still respect our good advice and our
knowledge about life. Our kids always seek our
help.
68
Old people like myself are counseling young people
in trouble with the law or in school.
In my house, all the children obey my voice because
it is the voice of the father.
In my family, my children respect my command and do
what I tell them to do, married or single. They all
go to church, and this is where they continue to
grow and mature morally and respectfully. My
children still give money to me to support the
family.
My children witnessed the way I took care of my
parents, and I taught them the value of our culture
and traditions. I don't think they will ever depart
from it.
It is the pride of Samoans to uphold the way we
treat the elders.
It is still our belief that family, immediate family
and anyone here or in Samoa who has any blood ties
to us, is the most important thing in life. Our
kids sometimes get confused about how these family
tree connections work, and we know it is going to
change some. But, we instill in our kids that once
you establish ties to somebody, you are family.
That is why it is said that all Samoans are related—
and it's probably true.
Sadness will never come upon me because I know the
duty of the grandparents—to teach the grandchildren
to speak Samoan. Let us persist in our duty, for
this is our commitment to fa'aSamoa.
My kids will tell you that even though they have had
much more education than me, they respect everything
that comes from me because I have lived and still
know so much more than they do.
At this late moment in my life, my children send me
money almost every week, even those who live back
home. If you raised your children with love and
honesty, they will never forget or neglect you. I
69
think the legacy will continue if we just teach the
children and their children about it with love.
Research Question 3: Are older Samoans acculturat-
ing into American society?
Theme 7. Changing Family Systems: Of 62 subjects
responding to a "yes or no" question which asked if the
family is still as important today among Samoans who have
migrated to America as it was when they first left the
islands, 97% (n=60) answered "yes."
The word family is synonymous with everything that
is meaningful in the Samoan culture, whether one is
speaking with a Samoan in the United States or back in
the islands. It includes not just the immediate family
but the entire extended family as well, which can number
several hundred members spread out all over the world.
The pace and cost of living in the Los Angeles area have
brought some distinct changes in the way the respondents
and their children approach some of the basic
institutions of jfa'aSamoa. One can readily identify
those who have chosen to relinquish some traditions and
those who agonize over being forced to do so in order to
survive. It is even possible to identify some western
psychology in some responses.
70
In Samoa, the parents and their children have all
the time to be together. And the family fellowship
was so important. The parents had time to be
parents, and to teach and train fa’aSamoa. Life
here moves so fast.
Back home I was a very obedient servant to my chief.
I followed orders and fulfilled responsibilities.
But since I moved here, I have to gear all my
energy to my immediate family and make the extended
family secondary, including the chief of my family.
Sometimes I even disregard the opinion and command
from the chief. I came to the United States to live
a free life.
Too many parents spend too much time away from their
children in the evening.
To me, all is based on the parent and child
relationship. It should be rooted in constant
dialogue and compromises. Sometimes, when I try to
use the old approach to things, my children will
point out that the way of life is changed, not the
same as in Samoa. We parents must continue to work
on the relationship with our kids. We should never
force our ideas onto them, but teach them from the
very youngest age about the values of fa 'aSamoa as
a gift from God for our peace and happiness.
I am a chief, and I am involved in planning all
events for the 'aiga. Most of the time my children
only contribute to the maintenance of our immediate
family. All my married children with families of
their own still contribute money to run my house
hold. But, sadly, my children are not teaching their
children this way. I think the longer Samoans live
in this' country, the better the chance they will
change their values and their philosophy of life.
The immediate family must come first. If you can
help out the matai, it's great, but you should not
be obligated to do that over your own immediate
family.
71
My immediate family comes first- X contribute to
fa'aSamoa and so do my children, but I think in
another generation, this won't be the same.
I believe the Samoan family system must be adjusted
so that we can live decently in the United States,
but true individualism has no place in the Samoan
family system.
Life in the United States is so fast-moving that the
parents can hardly keep up with what's going on in
their children's lives. We feel separate from them
sometimes.
In Samoan culture, once they are grown, the children
must serve and take care of the parents. The
children's lives are under the authority of the
parents, and whatever success they have is for the
sake of the parents. But, in America, many Samoan
parents and grandparents are still taking care of
children who are old enough to be working and
supporting the parents and contributing to the wel
fare of the whole family. If children cannot get
work, it must be this way.
Theme 8. The inevitable use of convalescent homes:
It was most interesting to learn that, in a society where
respect for the aged and caring for one's own aged family
members are core traditional values, a Catholic order of
nuns opened a home for the aged on the island of Upuolo,
Western Samoa, in 1976, and that home has had a waiting
list ever since (Rhoads & Holmes, 1981) . A second such
Catholic Church-run facility has been opened on Tutuila,
American Samoa, as' well. Not all of the focus group
participants were aware of this, and several were shocked
to hear of it. The general response, however, was that
72
it was probably an inevitable consequence of the fact
that so many young people had migrated to New Zealand and
the United States, leaving the old people behind with no
one to care for them.
This subject was brought up by one or more
participants in every one of the groups during
discussions about problems between the generations. Each
group was asked if they understood what a convalescent
hospital was, which all did, and if they could foresee
any conditions under which they would place a relative or
themselves accept being placed by their family. The mood
of each group became quite somber when this subject came
up. On several occasions, speakers choked back tears
and, on one afternoon, tears fell openly from the eyes of
a highly ranked matai as he shared his feelings. One
thing was absolutely certain about every one of the
elders in the room— they had given this subject much
thought, and many had previously come to personal
‘decisions about' it. What amazed both the researcher and
the facilitator was that only a very small number, who
were among the oldest of our sample population, ruled the
concept out completely, with statements such as:
This is totally un-Samoan, and I won't accept it.
73
For children to do this is to commit an unforgivable
sin.
Only those who don't love their parents would do
this.
If my children decide this, I will get someone to
shoot me.
Some made it very clear that a major concern was how
different they thought the nature and quality of care
would be in an American convalescent home than in a
Samoan one, based primarily on their belief that, in
Samoa, nurses and nuns would look upon all Samoan elders
as if they were their own parents. They worried that old
people would be terribly isolated in homes that were not
operated exclusively for Samoans.
I accept the idea as long as the place is just for
the Samoan people, with Samoan nurses, so that
communication will not be a problem, and the respect
can be maintained.
Only for Samoans, that is the only way, so that the
old people can all be together and live out their
days in happiness that they are with their own
people, just like home.
I will accept the decision if my children want to
put me in - a home, but I would plead with them to
send me to one of the ones in Samoa, so that when I
die, I can have a free funeral and be buried on free
Samoan land.
The rest of the data express a much broader view of
the issue. No differences were observed between the
attitudes of younger and older respondents. The
74
statements that follow were made by subjects ranging in
age from 44 to 71 years of age.
The convalescent home is a good alternative for
those families who do not have the resources to take
care of their old folks. Times have changed, and it
is inevitable that some of us may end up in a
convalescent. Only God knows what will happen to my
wife and I in the future, but I don't want to be a
burden to my children.
It is not for Samoans, but if our children will not
take care of us, then we have no choice but to go
there. This is a very sad issue to discuss, because
it brings fear into my life, and it scares me.
I accept convalescent homes as an alternative place
for us parents to go. I was taking care of my
mother who is over 90 years old. She would have
died a long time ago if I did not put her in the
home. She is senile, and used to wander away
sometimes. In the convalescent, she receives good
care 24 hours a day. The other point is that I, a
man alone, cannot provide proper service and
attention to my mother because it is a curse for me
to see her private parts. There are many families
in Western and American Samoa that are also putting
their parents in the convalescent. This is a sign
that tells us it will happen here, to us, and will
become someday a part of our culture.
It is the duty of the children to take care of the
parents, but if they will not have time to do it,
then the convalescent may be the answer.
I'accept it because of the financial burden on my
children. They must work to take care of their own
immediate families. I think we will be able to
agree together on the best decision for everyone.
I believe my children love me enough to make
sacrifices on my behalf, but if they have to come to
this decision of putting me in the nursing home, I
will accept that decision.
75
It is the debate of Samoan lifestyle against western
lifestyle. Is it feasible economically or is it
suitable morally? Sometimes, it's an issue of
survival against upholding the very fiber of Samoan
culture. This is such a terrible dilemma for me.
It is sad, but some of the culture is lost because
we have to work so hard. We need another income in
the home, so the wives have to go to work, and are
not home to care for the elders. This is the one
reason about American life that makes it acceptable
to put your parents in a place. It's not because
you don't love or respect them. Although I think
the meaning of love, the bond between Samoan parents
and children, is eroding from the way it used to be.
This chapter identified major themes which emerged
from the data collected from focus group discussions.
Themes 1 through 4 were principally related to the first
research question concerning whether or not elder Samoans
perceived a decline in their role significance and/or
status in family and community. Themes 5 and 6 chiefly
pertained to subjects' principal concerns about
preservation of the Samoan cultural value system, and
themes 7 and 8 bear upon the issue of whether or not
elder Samoans are acculturating into American society.
76
CHAPTER 6
DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS
To the knowledge of those social service profes
sionals involved in this study, this research provided
the focus group participants their very first opportunity
to tell someone outside their own population about the
gains and losses associated with migration to the United
States. The findings presented in the previous chapter
provided in-depth answers to questions about their
perceptions of changing roles and stature in family and
community, as well as their views on changes in their
cultural value system. Many of those findings support
the substantial body of theoretical literature about the
effects of migration and modernization on the aged that
has been assembled over the past half-century. others
offer new thoughts on the long-term consequences of those
processes. Findings pertinent to the three research
questions which were addressed by this investigation are
discussed below. There is a final section in which
conclusions are presented.
77
Research Question 1: To what extent, if at all, do
older Samoans perceive a decline in their role
significance and/or status and prestige within their
family and community?
This study suggests that older migrant Samoans in
this sample perceive a diminishing of status and prestige
as the result of leaving Samoa. They are very aware of
the fact that their family and community titles no longer
carry the traditional political and economic power that
they did in the islands, and that the various levels of
government have replaced them.
Buenker and Ratner's (1992) statement that "few
conflicts have lent more anxiety to the adaptation
process than the clash between generations" (p. 247) is
borne out by these findings. The elders are frustrated
that their children and grandchildren so strongly exhibit
individualism, which they identify as an American trait.
They are angry that American law prohibits them from
teaching young people right from wrong in their
traditional manner—by employing corporal punishment. The
realization that their knowledge is not respected by
younger generations who have achieved higher and more
technological levels of education than they have has
definitely affected the quality of the adaptation
experience of this group of elder migrants. Because
their life experience is not regarded by youth as germane
to their own situations, they no longer see themselves as
having a major influence upon young people's decisions
within the family system or in the community.
Although it would seem to follow that the sense of a
lessening of stature would be accompanied by a similar
impression of role loss, the data do not support this.
While they sadly acknowledge that they do not receive the
respect, obedience, and reverence toward old people that
is a cornerstone of their cultural value system, these
elders continue to see their practical roles within
family and community as very significant. They evidence
a kind of "try, try, try again" mentality. Owning that
some cultural continuity has been lost with their
children, most of the elders indicated that they see
themselves as important contributors to everyone's
general welfare in their roles as advisors, teachers,
child-care providers, and conduits through which
traditions and values will be passed on to their
grandchildren.
79
Research Question 2: Do older Samoans have concerns
about the preservation of their cultural value system
and/ if so/ what issues would they designate as major
causes of apprehension?
Gelfand's {1982) allusion to a dichotomous
differentiation between "ethnic" groups and "minority"
groups was cited earlier in this thesis. Findings from
the present study support this differentiation. In
addition, Disman's (1987) claim that "ethnicity matters
in later years only to the degree that it has been
important to that person throughout his or her life" {p.
73) is supported, as well. The data show that the
principal concern and occupation of the Samoan elder
cohort is the preservation of their ethnic identity and
cultural heritage.
Buenker and Ratner (1992) identify language
retention as the index of acculturation that causes the
most controversy within immigrant groups; however, none
of the extensive theoretical migration and modernization
literature referenced herein identifies the issue of
language obsolescence as a determinant of status or role
significance among elders in migrant populations. Thus,
it was surprising to hear that preservation of the Samoan
80
language was the most important concern the elders
expressed about the quality and strength of their family
systems and the ultimate perpetuation of their cultural
heritage. Participants spoke at great length and with
great emotion about the negative effects that very
limited or no capability in Samoan had upon the ability
of young family members to interact with them. Not one
of those who addressed the subject ever suggested that
they should improve their English; on the contrary, they
see the future of fa'aSamoa as residing in the
perpetuation of Samoan. These elders evidence adapt
ability in many areas of life, but they are unanimously
steadfast in their belief that if the language dies, the
culture dies with it. They are determined to teach their
grandchildren to speak, read, and write in the language
of their ancestors, and they see this as their primary,
invaluable role in the family and the entire community.
Research Question 3: Are older Samoans accultura-
ting into American society?
Acculturation, as defined in the literature review
in Chapter 3, describes a process wherein accommodation
to the larger society is supported while the positive
81
aspects of ethnic identity are retained (Kalish, 1986).
A more extensive discussion of the process, also found in
the review, implies ongoing interaction between
immigrants and their new environment in which there is an
exchange of customs, behaviors, and beliefs. No such
exchange is evident between elder Samoans and American
society.
The data indicate that any cultural accommodation
and interaction between Samoans and the mainstream
culture that is occurring is taking place within younger
generations of Samoans. Findings further suggest that
not only are Samoan elders not acculturating, but most
are concentrating their efforts on maintaining the
stability of their cultural value system and traditions,
even though some have accepted certain modern
arrangements as necessary to their existence in America.
Ablon (1971) recognized early in her exploration of the
social organization of Northern California Samoans that
they managed to retain the traditional units and
affective ties of their own small community, yet modified
their tightly knit, personal social system with
relationships with non-Samoans that were largely
impersonal and instrumental. Twenty-five years later,
82
the evidence points to the same conclusion about elderly
Los Angeles-area Samoans—they have altered their networks
just enough so that they are able to access assistance
with the basic instrumental functions necessary to urban
survival. These findings suggest that Samoan elders are
not acculturating into the host society.
*
A further proposal sustained by the data is that
older Samoans have undergone, and continue to undergo, an
altered form of that process identified in the literature
review as deculturation (Anderson, 1972). Anderson
suggested that societies force older people to relinquish
cherished values and goals, and to become accustomed to
secondary economic and social roles. This population
indicates that they have willingly relinquished certain
aspects of fa’aSamoa. Their statements reflect
recognition of a decline in status of the elderly yet, at
the same time, identify lesser but still very significant
roles for elders within family and community. Their sad
acknowledgment of institutionalization of the elderly as
a realistic option for families in which all able adult
children must go into the paid workforce is an indicator
of relinquishment of a core value that once would have
83
made such an option unthinkable. They are keenly aware
of the economic hardships faced by their children, the
high costs of housing, food, and health care, which at
times preclude the kind of financial support to parents
and extended family that strict adherence to cultural
values would dictate. These attitudes suggest that the
Samoan elders' method of adaptation to environmental
change may be couched in theory yet to be adequately
defined, but lying somewhere between Anderson's
designation of forced relinquishment of roles and the
voluntary disengagement from social, economic, and
political roles suggested by Cumming and Henry (1961).
Conclusions
The concerns originally raised about the emotional
well-being of the elderly which prompted this
investigation have not been supported by the findings.
The subjects in this study did not indicate feelings of
uselessness and lack of respect to the degree feared by
Samoan community leaders, nor did they appear to find
aging to be a negative experience. Rhoads (1981)
indicated that the social distance between generations
stemming from children surpassing their parents in
84
education and employment status was one of the more
negative effects of modernization, but was mitigated
among San Francisco Samoans by the pride that the entire
extended family took in the younger generation's success.
Her finding was supported by the respondents in this
sample. Fifty-six percent (n=27) of the subjects
reported that they had reached the primary goals that
prompted them to migrate in the first place, all of which
had to do with providing their children with
opportunities for a better educational and work
experience than they had had or that the children could
ever have had in Samoa.
Although a distinct sense of loss permeated the
findings, participants did not seek to attach blame for
erosion of cultural values resulting from migration
specifically to themselves or their children. Subjects
indicated particular anger and frustration with American
laws that interfere with traditional disciplinary
behaviors, and they largely blamed their inability to
control younger generations on these laws forbidding
corporal punishment. At the same time, respondents
expressed an appreciation of the fact that their lack of
influence on younger Samoans is attributable to the
85
higher levels of education and employment young Samoans
have attained, and that such lack of influence is an
inevitable consequence of that achievement. One sensed
an acceptance among most subjects, albeit a grudging one,
that any and all declines in cultural strength that have
been suffered most probably could not have been foreseen
or avoided. The elders, however, did not appear to judge
such losses as irrevocable but, instead, indicated that
they saw it as a principal role in their later years to
dedicate themselves to overcoming them. The data suggest
that they have yet to figure out exactly how to do so,
but that they have faith that they will.
These findings do not paint a picture of a group
that is depressed, only of one which is frustrated by
economic hardship and the complex realities of living in
a modernized, fast-moving community like the Los Angeles
area. The mainstream society within which they are so
desperately trying to maintain their cultural value
system is hardly a supportive environment in which to do
so. Yet, the faith in Samoan traditions that these
elders brought with them when they migrated seems to be
every bit as strong as it was when first they came to
America. It would appear, from the results of this
86
study, at least, that it will take more than a few
decades of contact with Western society to undermine the
strength of the resolve of older Samoans to preserve
fa TaSamoa.
87
CHAPTER 7
RECOMMENDATIONS
There is only one way to discover if the closing
statement of the previous chapter is valid, and that is
to conduct further research into the questions that have
been raised in this thesis about aging migrant Samoans.
Possibilities might include:
1. Conducting focus groups in the same communities
in 5 years and again, perhaps, in 10 years, to establish
whether or not the elders' perceptions of decline in
status have changed, and whether or not they have made
progress toward their goals regarding the language and
the youngest generation.
2. Conducting focus groups in other urban
locations where Samoans are living which seek answers
from elders to the same research questions.
3. Conducting focus groups with the children of
this cohort of participants, to investigate how they view
the importance of cultural preservation, in general, and
the place of the elderly in their society, in particular.
88
4. Designing ethnically specific, life cycle
research to further investigate possible theoretical
bases for older Samoans' adaptation processes.
In addition to further studies, a suggestion comes
to mind for intervention by Samoan social service
organizations. Because the elders feel so strongly about
perpetuating the culture through instruction of the very
young in the Samoan language, and because the realities
of changing household composition and family systems
preclude every youngster from having such education
available in the home, it would seem reasonable to
develop a community-based system for language
instruction. Volunteer teachers could be recruited from
among the elderly. Such a service, perhaps offered as a
unique pre-school program, might become the joint project
of agencies like the National Office of Samoan Affairs
and the churches. The churches are already the centers
of much of the life of young families, and many of them
have space in which to hold such classes. NOSA,
sophisticated and well-versed in how to go about doing
so, could seek funding for facilities, supplies, etc.
A final recommendation pertains to policy and
practice, as well as further research. It should be one
89
of any society's goals to help old people maintain
continuity in their lives, and the best way to do so is
to create environments that meet their needs. Part of
doing that must include recognition of the reality that
groups of ethnic elders have unique requirements that
must be addressed in order for them to experience a sense
of continuity and life satisfaction. Issues of language
and tradition cannot be ignored.
In addressing the issue of seeking to make a reality
out of the Samoan elders' desire for an ethnically
specific long-term care facility, and based on the
findings in this study, a first step must be to design
research into various aspects of present utilization of
mainstream facilities by Samoan families. In the
meantime, it is suggested that community agencies look
into the Long-Term Care Ombudsmen program in Los Angeles
and Orange counties and make every effort to get
bilingual Samoans trained to serve in that capacity.
Holmes (1995) calls it "cultural gerontology."
Holzberg (1982) named it "ethnic gerontology." Silverman
and Maxwell (1987) preferred "sociocultural gerontology."
However one designates it, studying how the values,
attitudes, and life experiences of aging immigrants are
90
affected by their migration to the United States is a
very important part of the field of gerontological
research. In the Los Angeles area, where millions of
immigrants from dozens of countries have come to live in
the past few decades, a clearer understanding is needed
among policy-makers and practitioners of how ethnicity
impacts the aging process. Only when this is acquired to
a greater degree than has presently been achieved will
even the smallest of groups living here, such as the
Samoan subjects of this study, be recognized as not only
needing, but meriting special, culturally specific
attention and programming.
91
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99
APPENDIX A
QUICK RESPONSE QUESTIONS
A. Thinking about everyone who lives in your household,
which language is spoken most in your home, Samoan or
English?
B. Do your grandchildren speak Samoan as well as English?
If not, how do you feel about that?
c. YES OR NO: Family is as important today in the
everyday life of most Samoans in the United States as it
was when you first came to this country.
D. YES OR NO: Old people are respected for their
knowledge and experience the same way today as they have
always been.
E. YES OR NO: Are you consulted by your family about
decisions that affect everyone?
F. WHICH ANSWER IS THE CLOSEST TO BEING TRUE? Young
people obey older people NOT AT ALL, SOMETIMES, MOST OF
THE TIME.
G. WHAT IS YOUR OPINION? The best time of life is
childhood, young adulthood, middle age, old age.
H. At what age do you believe a person becomes mature?
I. What's the best thing about being old?
J. What's the worst thing about being old?
K. YES OR NO: I have achieved the goals that led me to
leave Samoa in the first place, and I feel in my heart
it was good to come to the United States.
L. The one thing I miss most about Samoa is ____________
M. YES OR NO: If the whole family could go, would you
want to go back to Samoa?
N. Did you think when you first came to the United States
that you were only coming for a short time and would
eventually be going back to live out your life in the
islands?
100
APPENDIX B
KEY GUIDANCE QUESTIONS
1. How, if at all, are relationships between you and
younger generations of Samoans different from the
way old and young people related to each other when
you were young and living in Samoa?
Possible Probes: How does it make you feel?
Are you concerned? What are your concerns?
2 Fa'aSamoa has always meant that the elders would be
cared for, by the family, and not have to worry
about money or getting old or sick- How has that
changed, if at all, in your family, and how do you
feel about it?
Possible Probes: What are some of the problems
that the elders are faced with now that they
didn't used to be concerned with?
3. Do you know what a convalescent hospital or a
nursing home is? Can you think of and describe any
conditions under which it would be appropriate for a
Samoan family to place their elder in the care of
such a facility?
4. How are the tasks that you perform for your family
here in America different from those you might be
performing if you lived in Samoa? How are they
similar?
Possible Probes: Tell me if you feel you are
making an important contribution to the running
of the family.
5. Are there any thoughts you have about your role as
an elder in your family or the community that I have
not asked about? Are there other things you'd like
to share with me that you think will be helpful for
my study?
101
APPENDIX C
DEMOGRAPHIC INFORMATION
TODAY'S DATE________________________________________________
FIRST NAME __________________________________________________
I LIVE IN THE CITY OF ______________________________________
SEX_________ AGE_________
M/F
I AM______Married
______ Divorced
______Widowed
______ I never married
I FINISHED LEVEL______AT THE PASTOR'S SCHOOL.
MY ADDITIONAL EDUCATION AFTER THAT ENDED AFTER OR DURING
______ Junior High School (Grades 7 and 8)
______ High School (Grades 9 through 12)
______ Some college
______ College degree
______ I had no more schooling
MY MONTHLY INCOME IS APPROXIMATELY S______________________
THE BIGGEST PART OF MY INCOME COMES FROM (Check only one)
______Wages or Salary
______ Pension
______ Social Security
______ Supplemental Security Income (SSI)
______Assistance from family members
I CONSIDER MY FINANCIAL SITUATION TO BE (Check only one)
______ Poor
______Fair
______ Good
______Very Good
I WAS BORN IN_______________________________________________
(American or Western Samoa)
I CAME TO THE UNITED STATES IN 19
102
THE MOST IMPORTANT REASON FOR COMING WAS (Check only one)
To get work
To go to school
To be with my children and others of my 'aiga
To help my children by caring for my grandchildren
To obtain better, specialized health care
Other reason
WHEN I FIRST ARRIVED HERE I LIVED IN THE HOME OF (Check only
one)
My children
My brother and his family
My sister and her family
Other relatives
Friends
I LIVED IN THAT HOUSEHOLD FOR__________________________________
(Number of weeks, months, years)
NOW I LIVE IN A HOME OWNED OR RENTED BY (Check only one)
Me (or me and my spouse)
My son
My daughter
Other relative
Friend
HOW MANY PEOPLE ARE LIVING IN YOUR HOUSE AT THIS TIME?
Put the TOTAL number here:
HOW MANY SONS LIVE IN YOUR HOUSE?
DAUGHTERS-IN-LAW?....
DAUGHTERS?............
SONS-IN-LAW?.........
GRANDCHILDREN?.......
BROTHERS?.............
SISTERS?..............
OTHER RELATIVES?.....
FRIENDS?..............
I CONTRIBUTE MONEY TO THE HOUSEHOLD EACH MONTH___________
YES OR NO
I PREFER TO SPEAK______Samoan_______English
I CAN GET BY SPEAKING ENGLISH IN MOST SITUATIONS Yes No
103
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Fienberg, Joyce S.
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Effects of migration and modernization on perceptions of role significance and status among elderly Samoans in the Los Angeles area
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anthropology, cultural,Gerontology,OAI-PMH Harvest,sociology, ethnic and racial studies
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