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The Effects Of Self Vs. Ideological Advocacy On The Self-Esteem And Endorsement Of Black Power Ideology Of Black College Students

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The Effects Of Self Vs. Ideological Advocacy On The Self-Esteem And Endorsement Of Black Power Ideology Of Black College Students

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Xerox University Microfilms
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BOAGS, R1ta Simeon, 1938-
THE EFFECTS OF SELF VS. IDEOLOGICAL ADVOCACY
ON THE SELF-ESTEEM AND ENDORSEMENT OF BLACK
POWER IDEOLOGY OF BLACK COLLEGE STUDENTS.
University of Southern California, Ph.D., 1975
Psychology, clinical
Xerox University Microfilms # Ann Arbor, M ichigan 48106
© 1974
RITA SIMEON BOAGS
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFILMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED.
THE EFFECTS OF SELF VS. IDEOLOGICAL ADVOCACY
ON THE SELF-ESTEEM AND ENDORSEMENT OF
BLACK POWER IDEOLOGY OF BLACK
COLLEGE STUDENTS
by
Rita Simeon Boags
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
(Psychology)
January, 1975
UNIVERSITY O F SO UTHERN CALIFORNIA
TH E GRADUATE SCHOOL
UNIVERSITY PARK
LOS ANOELES. CALIFORNIA 9 0 0 0 7
This dissertation, written by
Rita Simeon Boags
under the direction of h.B.r . . Dissertation Com
mittee, and approved by all its members, has
been presented to and accepted by The Graduate
School, in partial fulfillment of requirements of
the degree of
D O C T O R O F P H I L O S O P H Y
DISSERTATION COMMITTEE
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My first expression of gratitude must go to my
Committee Chairman, Dr. Albert Marston, who has assisted
me from the very beginning of my career as a student, and
enthusiastically guided me throughout these four years.
I extend my thanks to Dr. Joseph Pruitt whose presence on
the faculty, insights into the nature of Black Psychology,
and support for this research project has provided me with
an additional source of motivation for the completion of
this study. Mr. Terry Hatter is an unusual attorney, in
that his interest and knowledge of psychology is well
beyond that expected of an outside Committee member. I
thank him particularly for insuring that my thinking re
mained close to the realities of the world.
Many people have helped in the actual execution of
the present research. In particular I want to thank
Miss Paulette Reese, who ably served as assistant experi
menter for parts of the study. I wish to express my
gratitude to Mrs. Sheila Wills Smith of Occidental College
and Mr. Ronald Galway of Loyola University for their
assistance in the recruiting of participants for the study
Mrs. Barbara Esaw is not only an accomplished typist, but
a friend and constant source of encouragement as well.
The successful execution of any long-range and
difficult endeavor must be accomplished with the aid of
numerous persons supporting that endeavor. I am blessed
with the support of many close friends and a large, close-
knit family. I must thank individually certain persons
who have contributed significantly to this endeavor. Dr.
and Mrs. Charles Thomas can take much of the credit for
implanting the seed of an idea and aiding in its fruition.
Loyal and patient neighbors, and competent assistance at
home gave me the basic security needed to totally immerse
myself in this work. Mrs. Azuma Tremayne and Mrs. Mary
: Rhodes are deserving of this public expression of my
i
gratitude.
My entire family, particularly my mother, Mrs. Sadie
1 Simeon need to know how deeply I appreciate their un-
; qualified support. I consider this accomplishment as
shared communally with my eight brothers and sisters and
i their families: Albert Simeon, Jr., Mary Ravard, Shirley
!
Dorsey, Omer Simeon, Delores Gatlin Drake, Richard Simeon,
I
Kenneth Simeon, and Stephen Simeon. ,
| My husband, Donald, is surely the one single person |
! who has consistently provided me with his strength, en-
i
couragement, and understanding throughout this difficult j
journey. Our older children, Lisa and Martin, have not
iii
always understood or tolerated my long absences and with
drawals from family life. They now comprehend the im
portance of the present endeavor, and feel a collective
pride in their Mother's accomplishments. A special men
tion belongs to our baby, Sara, whose untimely arrival
made possible the completion of this work at an unex
pectedly early date. Her presence in our family has
provided me with a much-needed island of respite during
the long, lonely hours of labor.
In Memory of My Father
Albert B. Simeon
v
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
LIST OF TABLES
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION ................................... 1
Prologue
Advocacy and Attitude Change
Clinical Applications of Attitude Change
Procedures
Self-Esteem and Black Power Ideology
Self-Esteem of Black Persons
Black Power Ideology and Its Possible
Psychological Benefits
Research on Black Power and Self-Esteem
Manipulations of Self-Esteem
Design and Rationale of the Study
Hypotheses
II. METHOD............................................6
Subjects
Physical Arrangements
Equipment
Experimental Treatments
Sex of Subject
Advocation Groups
Procedure
Subject Variables
Independent and Dependent Variables
Control Procedures
III. RESULTS .....................................
Primary Analyses
Changes in Black Power Ideology: Direct
and Extended Effects
Changes in Self-Esteem: Direct and
Extended Effects
11
viii
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS (Cont'd)
Chapter Page
Carryover Effects
The Effects of Self Advocacy on
Black Power Agreement
The Effects of Black Power
Advocacy on Self-Esteem
Comparison of Treatment Groups:
Direct vs. Indirect Methods
of Change Induction
Control Procedures
Order Effects
Treatment Time and Grade Point
Average
Secondary Analyses
Subjective Importance Ranks
Correlations Between Dependent
Measures: Subscales and
j Total Scales
i
i IV. DISCUSSION.........................................118
i
1 Summary of the Study
| Summary of Results
Conclusions of the Study
Critique of the Study
Closing Statement
i
i REFERENCES............................................. 139
APPENDICES............................................. 149
l
! A. Recruitment Letter
B. Biographical Information/Consent Form
C. Opinion Survey: Forms I and II
D. Advocation Sheets: Set A, B, and C
E. Ethnic Attitude Survey (Revised Black
Power Ideology Scale-II)
vii
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. MANOVA (I): Summary of Analysis of Covariance of
Effects of Treatment Groups, Sex of Subject, and
Initial Level of Black Power Agreement on
Measures of Black Power Change .................... 80
2. Adjusted Mean Scores of Black Power Change
(a BPIS) and Total Black Power Agreement,
by Treatment Group and Sex..........................81
3. MANOVA (I): Summary of Analysis of Co-
variance of Effects of Treatment Groups,
Sex of Subject, and Initial Level of Black
Power Agreement on Measures of Total Black
Power Agreement.....................................84
4. MANOVA (II): Summary of Analysis of Co-
variance of Effects of Treatment Groups,
Sex of Subject, and Initial Level of Self-
Esteem on Measures of Self-Esteem Change
( A T S C S ) ........................................... 86
5. Adjusted Mean Scores of Self-Esteem Change
( A TSCS), and Total-Positive Self-Esteem,
by Treatment Group and Sex.......................... 88
6. Post-Hoc Analyses of Treatment Main Effects
and Treatment by Levels Interaction, Using
TSCS Change Data.....................................89
7. Summary of Adjusted Mean Self-Esteem Change
and Self-Esteem Totals for Treatment Groups
and Levels of Initial Attitude ..................... 92
8. MANOVA ClI): Summary of Analysis of Co-
variance of Effects of Treatment Groups,
Sex of Subject, and Initial Level of Self-
Esteem on Total Positive Self-Esteem
Scores ............................................. 94
viii
LIST OF TABLES (Cont'd)
Table Page
9. MANOVA Summary of Effects of Sex and Order of
Scales on BPIS-II and TSCS Data Sets...........102
10. Summary of MANOVA of Effects of Treatments
Croups, Sex of Subject, and Initial Level
of Treatment Attitude on Measures of
Treatment Time and Grade Point Average ........... 105
11. Means and Standard Deviations of Treatment
Time and Reported Grade-Point Average
by Treatment Groups and S e x ....................106
12. Mean Importance Ranks of Ten Treatment Items
for Total Sample (n»60) 108
13. Mean Scores by Group and Sex of Black Power
Factors, Total Black Power and Mythology (M) . . . 110
14. Mean Scores by Group and Sex of TSCS Factors,
Self-Criticism and Total Variability ............. Ill
15. Intercorrelations Between BPIS-II Factors
and Subscales of the TSCS for Males and Females. . 112
16. Intercorrelations Between BPIS-II Factors
and Subscales of the TSCS for Treatment Groups . . 113
ix
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
Prologue
The formation and change of attitudes are considered
the principal areas of investigation for the social psy
chologist. Much of the focus of the area centers around
investigating conditions under which attitudes change in a
controlled setting. The research ordinarily involves two
: major modelsof persuasion. The first involves change in
i
| attitudes achieved by manipulating some part of the extern^!
i
j environment, usually in the form of varying the new presen-
: tation and contents of a persuasive communication. The '
| I
j second model involves having the subject perform a manipu- j
lation in reference to a communication, thereby engaging
in self-persuasion. The latter is commonly referred to as
i !
"role-playing" and is of special interest, since many
i
therapies attempt to change behavior and attitudes through j
an expanded use of such techniques. In addition theorists j
i :
in the field of behavior therapy often attempt to explain j
therapeutic results in the light of the findings of the !
attitude change research (Bandura, 1969 and Goldstein and
1
2
Simonson, 1971). The possible understanding of change in
attitude in areas outside the social psychologist's
laboratory would involve investigations of the interface
between the attitude change procedures of the experimental
ist, and attempts to induce change in areas important to
the clinician, educator or other change agents. These
areas are also more likely to be attitudes of high subjec
tive importance or relevance to a person. Research
attempting to manipulate this type of attitude set by a
self-persuasive technique is scant. The present study will
attempt to investigate this interface by applying the self
persuasive technique of advocacy to attitudes of high
relevancy in Black college students. These attitudes are
their self-concepts and attitudes toward the ideology of
Black Power. These variables were chosen because of
their importance in the psychological development of Black
persons. The present study will seek to understand the
nature of the attitude changes undergone by the emergence
of the Black Power Movement.
Advocacy and Attitude Change '
j i
' i
The term advocacy refers to behavior which expresses
promulgation of a position on a chosen or assigned topic. !
The effects of such promulgation are that the advocator's j
personal opinion tends to converge on the assigned positionj
of the topic. The final opinion may represent a change |
I
from a previously held attitude or may represent a polari
zation of a present one. As presently conceived advocacy !
: mediates change in attitudes, and has been found to be a |
! more powerful self-persuasive technique than passive re- |
I i
| ception of a message (Janis and King, 1954; Zajonc, i
j 1960; Johnson, 1971).
Since advocacy is a special case of general attitude
change procedures, some discussion of the general nature
of attitude change may be helpful in analyzing its
idiosyncracies.
The definition of an attitude has had a history which
is as varied and complex as that of many other psychologi
cal concepts. The work of Mills (1969) has been chosen
as the source for a discussion of attitudes and changes,
since it appears that his conceptions are reasonably rep
resentative of current thinking in the field of experi
mental social psychology. According to the author an
attitude is, "an individual's tendency or predisposition
4
to evaluate an object or the symbol of that object in a
certain way" (p. 125). Predisposition to act means the
kinds of predictions that we can make about an indi
vidual's behavior in responding to certain classes of
stimuli. In addition the author proposes that the pre
dispositions are carried around with us; as if in a memory
bank. Most psychologists would classify the concept of an
attitude as a hypothetical construct. (A process assumed
to exist even though we can't observe or measure it. It
is also assumed to have causal properties.)
The term opinion is used to refer to the overt mani-
festitation of an attitude, and can be measured. However,
it is not necessarily the case that verbalized opinions
and private opinions (attitude^ are congruent. It is
the opinion representing the attitude, that is measured
in social psychological experiments.
Attitudes are conceptualized to differ from opinions
in another way. That is, an attitude has three com
ponents; an effective, which refers to a favorable or un
favorable feeling one has toward an object. This would
be the equivalent of saying that the person is predisposed
to evaluate in a certain way. The behavioral component
refers to an individual's tendency to approach or avoid
the object. The cognitive component has been thought of
as the thoughts or ideas the person has about an object ;
i
I or class of objects. Thus this component of an attitude j
■ I
includes the opinions or beliefs held concerning a par- j
ticular object. j
It is of additional importance to consider how i
! opinions and attitudes inter-relate. They are considered j
to exert mutual influence, and do not exist in isolation j
of another. "One opinion may be an important part of
j
several attitudes, and attitudes themselves may be j
! organized into larger value systems. Thus the modifica-
i tion of a single opinion may have implications for the
modification of a number of other opinions, attitudes and
values" (p. 127).
In line with the position that attitudes and beliefs
are interlocking, the author also posits the individual's
need to have this system internally consistent. Therefore,
if one element of an attitude can be irrevocably changed,
then other elements of the attitude-set will also change
to achieve consistency. The approach taken in most atti
tude change research is to attempt a change in the
cognitive components of an attitude, with the expectation
that because of the person's need for consistency, a
corresponding change in affect and behavior will follow.
Advocacy is an approach which uses change in the
’ behavioral component (usually verbal) of an attitude to |
change the cognitive and affective components. If these |
changes were strong enough, it would seem logical that
additional behavioral changes would result to form a new
• I
internally consistent attitude.
; i
Advocacy effects have been reported widely in the |
I (
| literature of attitude change; it is frequently referred
I to as role-playing. The present review will focus on
i !
j those studies which are primarily concerned with modifica- ;
! !
j tions of the basic model and the differential effects a-
chieved. I
The basic variables studied are the different effects
produced by consonant vs. counterattitudinal advocacy.
Since it is the counter-advocacy which is the change
mediator, more research interest has centered around this
mode; and in particular the research has focused on the
relative change power of different advocation techniques.
The kinds of advocacy which have been reported are these:
(1) overt behavior vs. merely intended, (2) improvised
vs. non-improvised (3) deliberate vs. non-deliberate (4)
behavioral, verbal, written or cognitive only (5) public
vs. private (6) and positively vs. negatively reinforced.
The effects of consonant vs. counterattitudinal
advocacy were the principle variables manipulated in the
7
Greenwald (1969) study. It is highly representative of
i
the format used in the research studying advocacy effects. |
In this study subjects were assigned to a position that
was either consonant or counter to their previously j
i
measured personal opinions. Their task was to prepare ;
! i
to write an essay supporting the assigned position. The j
outcome of this manipulation was that final opinion meas- j
ures were in the direction of the assigned position. |
i
; Furthermore, when the Ss were asked to make validity j
judgments of the pro and con arguments concerning the j
; topic, it was found that the counterattitudinal Ss judged j
i
| the arguments about equal in validity. Consonant Ss,
J however, judged only their assigned positions as valid.
These results were interpreted as indicating that counter
advocacy would induce more "openmindedness" in the Ss.
This finding was also replicated in the Jellison and Mills
(1969) study which showed that consonant opinions became
more extreme or polarized when subjected to an advocacy
manipulation.
Since advocation presupposes activity, the amount of
activity or behavioral involvement needed to induce change
has been the focus of several studies. The effects of o-
vert role-playing (advocation) in producing opinion
change were closely studied by Janis and King (1954). It
was shown that actual role-players changed more than non-
role-players, and in addition found that subjects who
improvised their own roles, changed more than non
improvisers. The differential effects of improvisation
were replicated in the Greenwald and Albert (1968) study.
The effects of non-overt role playing were studied
in both the Greenwald (1969) and Jellison and Mills (1969)
papers. Both studies showed that mere intention to role-
play or intention to advocate a position was sufficient to
produce attitude change. These studies demonstrated that
preparation for a role was essential to attitude change,
rather than actual performance of the behavior.
The media by which the advocated topic is transmitted,;
is another area of variability found in the advocation
literature. Janis and King (1954) used a short verbal j
presentation to a small group, comprised of three other !
subjects. Scott (1957, 1959) had students debate before
i
i
a class in which the subjects were assigned to present the j
side contrary to their own opinions. Cialdini (1971) '
used the reading of a list of statements to another subjecti
to produce advocacy in the reader. The list consisted of
pro and con arguments on the assigned topic. Greenwald
and Albert (1968) used essay writing as the media. Brehm
9
(1960) had subjects eating food that they disliked and
found more liking of the food after the eating. Two pre
viously discussed studies, those of Greenwald (1969) and
Jellison and Mills (1969) used cognitive preparation only.
In these studies subjects were instructed to prepare for
overt presentations, but did not actually write the essay
or make the tape recording.
In an effort to discover the degree of cognitive vs.
behavioral involvement needed for attitude change
Cialdini (1971) had subjects advocating topics without
their awareness or intention to advocate. This might be
termed non-deliberate advocacy. In this study Ss simply
read a list of statements to another person (a disguised
E). The E gave positive or negative reinforcement to the S
by agreeing or disagreeing with each individual statement.
The final results showed more agreement with the positively
reinforced statements. The Ss in this study were not con
sciously advocating a position as has been the case in
other studies.
In two separate studies Zimbardo (1965) and Zimbardo
and Ebbeson (1970) investigated the effects of effort on
the degree of attitude change. As would be expected the
groups putting forth more effort to perform the counterat
titudinal behavior showed more attitude change than those
10 i
in the less effortful condition. In these studies degree j
i
of effort was manipulated by having subjects read an essay j
j
into a speaker system that delayed the audio feedback;
thus making it necessary to concentrate in order to render j
an errorless presentation.
i
Similar results were also noted by Linder and Worchel j
(1970), where subjects were divided into smokers and non-
smokers, and were given the task of unravelling syllogistic!
i ;
! sequences of varying degrees of difficulty. The content ofj
i
the task dealt with the dangers of smoking and showed an j
! i
j effect upon the smokers only. j
The role of reinforcement in the advocacy literature
can be divided into two general forms, social reinforce
ment and monetary reinforcement. One of the major pro
cedural contributions of the Cialdini (1971) study was to
show that a simple overt behavior coupled with positive
social reinforcement was sufficient to produce an advocacy
effect. This finding is in accordance with the theoretical
approach, and results reported by Bern (1965, 1969).
It would be expected from what is known about rein
forcement theory, that the use of negative reinforcement
would also produce the opposite result, ie, disagreement
with the assigned position. Cialdini's study did not
find this effect. However, results were found for a
11
broader level of reinforcement; success in the assigned
task. This has generally been reported as successful
advocacy, or persuading another to one's point of view.
This success variable leads to more agreement in the
assigned position. Likewise, this study found that those
Ss who believed they were successful in their attempt
to reinforce attitudes in the other, showed more agreement
with the items on the list, than those Ss not successful
at their task.
In an earlier study designed to test the differential
effects of positive and negative social reinforcement,
Scott (1957) found that the type of reinforcement did
effect change. In his study subjects were given phony
audience feedback as to who won or lost a debate between
the subjects. The results show that the phony "winners"
of the debate tended to agree more with their assigned
debate material than the "losers."
Similar to this study is a more recent one performed
by Gross, et al (1973) in which phony audience feedback
regarding the speaker's sincerity was given. The findings
show that subjects receiving the "sincere" feedback showed
greater change in the direction of their speech than those
who received the "insincere" feedback.
Besides the social reinforcements offered to produce
1 2 I
attitude change, money in varying amounts has been used
to induce role-playing and to reward "good" performance.
j
Scott (1959) in a partial replication of his earlier
experiment again used the debate to mediate the advocacy,
; i
but used a $100 cash prize as additional reinforcement
i
to the winners of a round of debates. Again the finding j
i
was that subjects deemed winners changed more than losers, j
i !
Inconsistent results have been found when varying j
; i
i i
amounts of money have been offered to perform counterat- j
t j
titudinal behavior. The amount of reward offered does not
, follow a simple monotonic relationship to change induced.
I
Janis and Gilmore (1965) showed that sponsorship of the
reward (ie, the reinforcer) had more influence upon
opinion change than amount of money offered ($1 vs. $20).
It is difficult to draw the line between public and
private advocacy, since the moment an opinion is stated
or measured by another it becomes public. One might in
terpret public committment as the extent to which an in
dividual would go in asserting a point of view. Public
advocacy has taken the form of engaging in overt behavior,
speaking to small groups, an individual, or preparing a
message for broad distribution (Jellison and Mills, 1969).
Private advocation is more in accord with cognitions only,
where no written or verbal message is given to anyone.
13
If one was to summarize the most powerful advocacy
effects into a workable research tool, recommendations
for achieving wanted opinion strength or change might be
along the following lines:
1. Some brief topical guidelines should be given
to the advocator, and he should improvise on
these.
2. The advocator should be induced to make a public
statement. Probably speaking to a small group
is more effective than writing only.
3. The advoca-or should feel that it is his job to
convince others.
4. Since success if very important, there should be
at least one receiver who agrees with the
advocator.
Five theories appear frequently in the literature as
explanations and research vehicles in the study of
advocacy effects. These can be distinguished into two
sets of theories historically. The cognitive dissonance
theory of Festinger (1957) and its frequent adversary in
the literature, the incentive theory of Janis (Janis and
Gilmore, 1965) are considered to be the principal developers
of this attitude change procedure.
Festinger's theory holds that attitudes will change
as a result of dissonance, which is defined as an uncom
fortable state resulting from incompatible thoughts and/or
behavior. When dissonance is present it motivates the
person to regain a state of balance. Among the alterna
tives available for dissonance reduction is to change some
aspects of attitudes or behavior which re-establishes a
! state of balance. Many of the dissonance studies use some
method of counterattitudinal advocacy to induce a state
| of dissonance, and measure the consequent attitude change.
i The theory predicts that the greater the dissonance ex-
i
I perienced, the greater the amount of attitude change.
However, incentives or inducements offered to engage in
the counterattitudinal behavior also play an important role
in the degree of change noted.
Incentive theorists (Elms, 1969) argue that the
greater the inducement offered, the greater the change
should be. Dissonance theory holds that the greater the
reward, the less the change should be, mainly because less
discomfort is experienced for performing inconsistent
behavior under a high reward than a low one.
The modern school of theories describing the effects
are more closely aligned to the use of learning theory
in explaining behavior. These are Bern's theory of self
persuasion; Greenwald's theory of Cognitive Rehearsal (he
15
i
calls it Cognitive Response Analysis); and Jellison's J
: i
position of Set-to-Advocate. Actually the Jellison |
i
position should be subsumed under Greenwald's, since both i
are so similar in content and experimental procedure.
Bern's (1969) theory is basically derived from a
j Skinnerian framework. He maintains that an attitude is a
: i
cognitive response to one's own overt behavior. The
! i
I behavior is performed, social reinforcement is present, |
I and the relevant attitude follows. Repetition of these j
j behaviors leads to stabilization of the attitude. !
It can be seen here, that Cialdini's use of verbal j
i
reinforcement is directly in line with this theory. It is
as if the person is a computerized robot, having its
attitudes programmed through its overt acts and reinforce
ment of those acts.
Greenwald's theory of Cognitive Rehearsal is much
more tenable from an experiential point of view. His
theory includes both cognitive input and overt behavior as
the components of attitude formation. In his studies of
intended role-playing (1969) he found that a person's
attitude shifted towards the assigned position without
actually performing the overt act. The overt act in this
case was to write an essay in favor of an assigned topic.
He maintains that this shift is mediated by cognitive
1 6 !
; i
i
i
rehearsal of the substantive parts of a role. In that the j
I
subject must construct, organize and evaluate arguments i
|
critical to the writing of an essay.
I
Clinical Applications of Attitude Change Procedures j
It is the opinion of the writer that the theories of
! Bern and Greenwald offer the most promise for research in j
! i
; clinical settings. In fact, a close look at certain j
| i
i behavior modification techniques would show that these I
: i
| phenomena are in operation. Both Psychodrama and Behavior j
| therapy use the substance of advocacy by their having the
j
| subject practice cognitively or overtly some new behavior
j in order to replace or extinguish old behavior patterns.
(Janis and King, 1954; Bandura, 1966; Lazarus, 1966)
The new behavior is often counterattitudinal, but
with extended practice of the behavior, removal of unwanted
patterns and their adjoining attitudes can take place.
The application of a counteradvocacy model to non-
therapeutic settings may be a useful way in dealing with
problems of high personal relevance; i.e., the self-con
cept. By enjoining a person to act as if their self-con
cept was positive, attitudes about the self may change to
one which is actually positive.
Goldstein and Simonson (1971) believe that social
psychologists should begin to apply their knowledge of ;
i
change procedures to the human condition. They state, j
!
...that the efficacy of such techniques !
be studied in situations of clinical
importance, in which attempts are made
to alter characteristics such as the j
self-concept, perception of others and j
empathic understanding . (p. 182). I
i
However, the moment one begins to touch upon attitudes |
of personal relevance, much of the attitude change litera- J
; ture needs to be re-examined. The general trend in the !
i literature is for involvement to hinder attitude change, j
1 j
' ie, the more involved the subject is in the attitude ob-
! ject, the less resultant change (Triandis, 1970).
Rokeach (1968) explains the resistance in terms of the
centrality of the attitude to the person's overall belief
system. Centrality refers to the degree to which other
concepts are dependent upon the activated concept. The
findings of the author's research were that central
attitudes were more difficult to change; but that such
attitudes once changed could have more profound repercus
sions on other attitudes, than less central beliefs.
Eagly (1967) found that subjects receiving unfavorable
information about themselves changed less toward the
message, than when the same information was presented about
another subject. When the information was favorable, only
High self-esteem subjects changed more toward the message,
18
while the Low self-esteem subjects were rejecting.
Most studies reported, which use the counteradvocacy
technique, provide topics which are not likely to touch
upon areas of high personal importance to the advocates.
In the study of Steiner and Darroch (1969) attitude change
did not result as a consequence of counteradvocating. The
subjects in this study were young college males assigned
to speak against draft deferments for college students.
Obviously the topic had great importance for them, and all
subjects had expressed an extreme position of pro draft
deferments on the initial measures of attitude position.
Their position makes sense, particularly when there was a
war being staged at that time, and college attendance was
probably viewed as a life-saving opportunity.
These topics are in strong contrast to the usual areas
discussed in the attitude change literature. A sampling of
topics used in most studies reveals that they are not
likely to be highly involving or central to the majority
of college student subjects. Positive results were
obtained using the topics of "liberal arts vs. career
planning education" in the Greenwald (1969) study. Watts
(1973) used as one of the topics for advocation "admission
of Puerto Rico into the Union." Scott (1957) used topics
reported in other studies regarding "universal military
19
training," "de-emphasis of football," and "night hours for
women students." Even though persons may have strong
feelings toward these issues, it is unlikely that many
could consider them of primary importance to their belief
systems.
An interesting example of counteradvocacy on a
dimension of high personal relevance, was demonstrated by
a large portion of the Black population in this country.
It was but several years ago that the phrase "Black is
Beautiful" came into public usage. The phrase was used
in many types of communication media; in popular songs, on
bumper stickers, and also as a greeting among friends.
Some of the behavioral manifestations of this advocacy
has been the consequent change in personal appearance of
many Black people; ie, the wearing of Afro hairdos,
dashikis and African style jewelry. Institutional changes
have also been noted especially in schools, which now have
Black studies programs directly related to a new, posi
tive self-awareness on the part of Black students.
For a Black person to advocate the beauty of blackness
was seen by many as definite counternorm behavior. For
black, was not only associated negatively with an intolera
ble racial condition, but also symbolically associated with
dirtiness and ugliness.
20
In this context the advocated phrase "Black is
Beautiful" is both cognitive and behavioral. It is self
defined and improvised, and according to Greenwald (1968)
and Janis and King (1954) should result in a much more
stable and self-satisfying attitude.
Consequent behavioral roles of personal appearance
and more public self-assertion could be seen along Bemian
lines. But since it is difficult to separate the attitude
from the behavior historically, one can assume that it was
a mutual event. In this case, the overt acts may serve
as a reinforcer to an emerging and changing attitude.
! Furthermore, the active and public nature of the advocacy
I 1
j certainly has had its strengthening effects.
i (
Self-Esteem and Black Power Ideology
The preceding example connoting some relationship
between the ideology of Black Power (or Black Liberation
Movements) and the self-esteem of Black person's has been j
i
one of the most prevailing themes in the writings of Black
mental health professionals in recent years. The movement!
is seen as being a means of therapeutic change in Black j
!
I
people ie, release of many from unwarranted negative self-
feelings and defeatism (Pinderhughes, 1969 and Thomas,
1971). It is seen as responsible for changing intta-racial
21
and inter-racial coping styles of Black persons, and has
increased the levels of community and social-change
activities (Comer, 1972; Hilliard, 1972; Welsing, 1974).
Self-Esteem of Black Persons
The current interest in seeking means of changing
the self-concept of Black person's is in contrast to past
efforts of social scientists of mere documentation of low
self-concept and low achievement levels among Black
persons. In two recent and fairly large reviews of the
literature, Nobles (1973) and Kvarcuies, et al (1965) gave
ample testimony to the prevailing theme of low self-regard
i
j among Blacks in comparison to Whites.
I !
j One of the major reasons for the preoccupation is the
I known relationship between negative self-regard and un-
| j
j happy and unproductive life styles (Gergen, 1971). j
i i
j It has been assumed that one of the most crippling
effects of racism has been in the area of self-worth for
l
j Black persons. The consequent self-rejection of the Black
person is seen as thwarting the natural aggressive drive |
I
for competence and achievement; thereby cheating the Black j
i
community and society-at-large, of much skill and talent
(Grier and Cobbs, 1968; Comer, 1972; Pinderhughes, 1969).
The psychological processes involved in the assumption
of massive self-rejection is rooted in the underlying con-
22
concepts of the nature of self-esteem and the self-con
cept; and the relationships between self-esteem and feel
ings of competence and achievement.
The terms self-esteem and self-concept refer to
different but highly interactive conceptions of a person's
self-identity. The concept self-esteem is generally con
sidered as the evaluative dimension of the self-concept;
the attributes or qualities a person considers himself
to have or not. It relates to whether a person regards
the self-attributes in a positive or negative way. In
a healthy balanced person, feelings of self-regard will be
built on a variety of grounds; which would include the
person's achievements, creativeness, social status, moral
and ethical behavior and satisfying interpersonal relation
ships (Hamachek, 1971).
The analyst, White (1964), puts the case more strongly
and believes that competence is one of the primary roots
of self-esteem. The author defines competence as, "an
individual's capacity to interact effectively with his
environment" (p. 151). He states further that in order
for a person to feel competent he must have the experience
of efficacy, based on the attainment of goals as a con
sequence of the person's having manipulated the environment
in some way. The author perceives the other vital root of
self-esteem is esteem given to one by others.
I
Most pertinent to a discussion of the development of j
competence and self-esteem in Black Americans is White's |
; discussion of the inferiority complex. It is his view
that such a development is most likely to occur when I
i j
obstacles either internal or external prevent the develop- j
I ment of some personal patterns of achievement, which would j
| be capable of supporting self-esteem. The author's con- j
: I
; ception of the interaction of self-esteem and competence, I
! resembles very much the model of the "self-fulfilling
prophecy." Where the conception of the self, determines
the activities and people one engages; and where the
activities one attempts and masters contributes to a sense
of personal worth.
The development of self-esteem for any person is
viewed as the predominant effects of socialization. By
socialization is meant the development of a personality or
"self" through interaction with a complex matrix of family,
group sub-cultural, schools, and larger cultural experi
ences .
For Black Americans the socialization has tradi
tionally t&ken place within a system which by design limits
the self-actualization of Black Americans. In a brilliant
article Mosby (1972) describes the general process by
24
which Black people have been "shaped" to the desired norms !
of white society. It is the Black family, operating within
the norms of the Black sub-culture, which is given the
major responsibility for socializing its children. The
sub-culture has had its activities defined by the larger
| society on many different levels. These definitions have
: taken the form of legal, economic, political, medical,
I
! religious, physical and psychological restrictions. And j
i !
| even though the restrictions are no longer sanctioned by !
; law, discrimination operates in the form of covert insti- |
tutional practices (Knowles § Prewitt, 1969). j
In consequence it has been the Black families job to
j socialize its children to adapt to the sub-cultural restrio
tions of the larger society. The adaptive mechanisms
necessary for survival have taken a toll upon the personal
development of natural abilities for Black persons. In
contrast the white person (whether native or foreign-born)
is relatively free to develop his native abilities within
the limitations of his own personal capabilities.
One of the principal survival techniques used by Black
persons is the suppression and alteration of the natural
urge to excell through aggressive mastery of the environ
ment. As Atkinson and Poissant (1972) point out, the low
scholastic achievement noted in lower-class Black youth
25
can be directly tied to the historical observation that
competent, aggressive Blacks were not rewarded in our j
society but punished. When economic rewards and social j
recognition were given to Blacks, the achievements were j
I
superior to all others, but were explained in terms of !
I
"exceptions" and not the "rule." I
I
It would appear that lack of incentives would be I
sufficient to thwart motivation. But society-at-large has !
placed a highly negative value on the physical character- !
| istics of Black persons, and have further more, associated
I
i the characteristics with an innate incapacity for achieve
ment and mastery (Barnes, 1972).
When the aggressive drive is suppressed it can lead
to low achievement, but also an acceptance of the reasons
given for the Black person's apparent lack of competence.
The phenomena has been summarily described as identifica
tion with the aggressor, "tomming," or "adaptive in
feriority" (Pugh, 1972). Such an acceptance in itself
must be self-derogatory. The alteration of aggression
from environmental mastery to other forms of behavior is
also well-documented. The aggression is taken out on the
self or others like the self; hypertension, depression,
homicide, suicide, and intra-racial friction are but a few
of the ways by which the aggressive drive may be mis
26
directed (Poussaint, 1972; Slater, 1974). Criminal behav-
vior directed against one's own community and the larger
society, can be viewed as either hostility directed to
ward the larger society or as a form of economic necessity.
Over-compensation in certain areas, such as sports and
entertainment is yet another indication of blocked
opportunities.
That the observations pointed to above are other than
naturalistic, is attested to by the large body of litera
ture on Black self-esteem and achievement.
The authors, Proshansky and Newton (1968), have pre-
i ;
! sented an orderly summary of the innumerable ways in which
i
| Black children have been taught to feel incompetent and
| worthless. The most pronounced effect of racism on the
| development of feelings of self were found around the '
| i
I negatively evaluated variable of color. In a series of
! studies using differently colored dolls, it was found >
! I
that Black children as young as three and four rejected thej
I
Black doll as "nice" at rates up to 701. It was also found
j
that rejection rates of the like-colored doll on the di- j
mension of "most like yourself" decreased with age. That j
the trend has changed is evidenced by the more recent doll
studies taking place in 1970 and 1971.
In a replication of the classic Clark and Clark
27
(1947) studies, Hraba and Grant (1970) found a reversal in '
i
trends previously noted. Black children of 4 to 8 years
attending predominately white schools were used as subjectsj
The ratings of "nice doll" were chosen 541 of the time by j
Black children, for "nice color" 691 of the children made
9 i
the Black doll as the choice. The study was replicated by j
Harris and Braun (1971) and change trends were also noted. j
i Black children of 7 and 8 chose a Black puppet as the most j
! desirable in terms of a toy (701) and in terms of positive !
I
' color evaluation (821). j
1
A very recent study by Hamm, et al (1973) showed that
I
young Black males (15-25 years) attributed significantly
more positive behavioral characteristics to dark-skinned
faces than lighter ones. However, there was no clear in
dication that darker skin tones were considered more
attractive than lighter ones.
The implication of the pre-1970 findings was that
Black children had strong negative feelings associated with
their skin color. In adults self-rejection was inferred
from behavior that sought to deny or change the biological
reality through the use of skin lighteners, hair
straighteners and "passing" when possible. Welsing (1974)
states that the preoccupation of Black youth with fashiona
ble attire is an indication of a need to cover up what one
28
sees as ugly or undesirable. She based this conclusion
on the U.S. Consumer Index statistics showing single, Black
males spending approximately one-third of their net income
on clothing.
Self-rejection in Black adults has often been assumed
to follow the pattern as shown in the child self-esteem j
' studies. However, the literature of the last 15 years j
; does not fully support this contention. In a fairly com- j
' i
prehensive review of Black and White psychological dif-
!
ferences reported between the years of 1959-1965, Dreger '
i and Miller (1968) state their conclusions regarding Black
i
j self-concept studies:
(
Considering the variety of measures used
range of subjects studied, the results have
been surprisingly uniform in revealing com
paratively negative self-attitudes in
Negroes.
Even with the recognition of deficiencies,
(in the experimental procedures), however,
there still seems to be little doubt that
the American Negro holds relatively nega
tive self-valuations. (p. 33)
The literature deemed pertinent for review in the
present study did not show such a conclusive pattern of
results.
The study performed by Maliver (1965) is an oft-
quoted source for demonstrating that anti-Negro bias
found in some college students is an indication of racial
29
self-hatred (Nobles, 1973). Actually the findings of the j
research show that students who endorsed a high number of j
anti-Negro statements were not significantly different
from pro-Negro students on a self-acceptance dimension.
The study of Kennedy and Conyers (1964) is quoted as
an indication that a fair number of light-skinned Blacks
i reject their racial group and pass for White. This is j
taken as an indication of Black self-hatred. Actually, |
i |
the study attempted to document that the phenomena of 1
I "passing" exists by polling a sample of Black and White j
I
i college students for their knowledge of persons who
i
"passed." The study did not attempt to determine if
"passers" were of a different psychological make-up from
"non-passers." The authors also stated that they believed
that passing was on a decline because of society's changing
behavior toward Blacks.
There are a number of studies which have attempted to
sort out the dynamics of Black self-evaluations in com
parison to Whites.
Williams (1966) sought to discover if Blacks and Whites
attached different values to the names of colors. A
semantic differential technique was used to discern if a
symbolic relationship existed between color names and
their corresponding associations with various ethnic groups
In an earlier study, Williams (1964) found that Black and j
I
White subjects rated the color white as good, active, and
I
weak; while the color black was denoted as bad, passive and!
i
l
strong. I
' !
In his 1966 study Williams came up with a mixed bag !
i
; of results. It was found that Black subjects evaluated
"brown" person more favorably than "white" person or |
I black person. They also saw themselves most like the j
! "brown" person, and least like the "white" and "black" !
|
| person. The concept "Negro" was given a more positive j
i 1
evaluation than white or black. The term "Negro person" j
was seen more as a friend than an enemy; which was given
for the term "white person." These results do not seem
to yield a picture of self-rejection and hatred; rather
it appears to be one of equivocation, since on a color
dimension brown is closer to black than white. This
appears to indicate some conflict around the notion of
color, but is not an indication of wholesale self and
group rejection.
A study reported by Bayton, et al (1965) sought to
test an "identification-with-the aggressor" hypothesis
directly, by having Black college subjects respond to a
personality inventory in a variety of ways. Subjects were
assigned to one of four role-playing conditions: average
31
Negro male, average white male, average Negro female, av
erage white female. By having the subjects role-play a
white person's responses to the Guilford-Zimmerman Tempera
ment Survey, it was possible to test directly the hypo
thesis the over-idealization of the aggressor takes place
as one of the components of identification. The results
showed that for Blacks in the role-played "white" con
dition, the responses on the assessment instrument tended
to indicate better personality adjustment for seven of the
ten factors measured. These results can be taken as an in
dication of Blacks idealizing whites or as demonstrating
that Blacks feel less well-adjusted (inferior?) than whites
on a number of personality dimensions.
The study of MacDonald and Gynther (1965) with
high school subjects is another study which adds to the
picture of inconsistency regarding self-esteem in young
adults. The purpose of their study was to assess the
effects of sex, race, and class on self and ideal-self
disparity. The Interpersonal Check List was used to assess
the degree of disparity between self and ideal-self. This
disparity is often used as an index of self-esteem; the
larger the disparity the lower the self-esteem. Findings
were that Blacks showed much less discrepancy between the
self and ideal-self descriptions, than for whites. No
32
class differences were found for Blacks. On the whole -
interpreting these results would lead one to believe that
Blacks had higher self-esteem levels than whites.
Other studies testing for Black-White differences on j
i i
psychometric indices are reported by Johnson (1970) and
Butler (1971). Using the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale |
; Johnson compared Black and White college freshmen in the
!
| South and Midwest. The findings were that overall Blacks |
! I
j scored significantly higher than Whites on Total Positive |
| Self-esteem; self-acceptance, behavior and physical self, j
' I
i In an almost identical study Butler (1971) compared Black
l
| and White freshmen in the South and Midwest and found no
differences on Total Positive Self-esteem or sub-scale
scores.
Using the same instrument as mentioned above Williams
and Byars (1970) studied the effects of desegregation on
Black high school students. A comparison of the measure
used for students in a desegregated vs. segregated high
school yielded no differences. The most significant find
ing of the study was that both comparison groups scored at
least one standard deviation below the group national norm
for Total Positive Self-esteem.
A recent study by Jackson (1972) was designed to
assess sex differences within a Black student population.
33
Three instruments were used in the study--the Personal 1
Orientation Inventory (POI), Interpersonal Check List
(ICL) and Who Am I? test. No significant differences were i
found in the POI and ICL. Near significant results in the
Who Am I? protocols revealed that males had higher fre-
I
quencies of Positive Self-Evaluations, while females j
used Negative Feelings more frequently. Of specific in-
!
terest here is the high usage of personal self-description j
: i
and Black identity references within the total sample. !
! I
The Black students tended to describe themselves more on |
! ;
the basis of personal qualities and racial identity lines,
j
than in terms of ascribed or social roles.
The general impression given by the more recent self
esteem research with Black young adults is one of equi
vocation, or incomplete racial and individual acceptance
within this population. The pathological, extremely de
viant or impaired self-concepts do not appear to be the
general rule. This is not an attempt to negate the proba
bility that there are a number of Black persons in our
society who are rejecting of themselves because of their
racial heritage, and associate many negative characteristics
with their blackness. The problem with much of the
research cited, is that it appears to be misrepresented in
the literature as sound evidence for low self-esteem
34
among Blacks, when actually the research findings do not
warrant the conclusions drawn from them.
One possible reason for the differences noted may be
due to racial "experimenter" effects. In a review of such
effects Sattler (1970) concluded that experimenter's race
did not influence responses on personality measures
among adults, but did have an influence on picture and
j doll preferences among children. The review did not
j
touch upon adult self-esteem studies cited here, but com-
pared results obtained on five other personality studies,
j three of which were performed before 1951. The review
! I
| does state that in an interview situation, Blacks tend to
give more "socially desirable" responses to non-Blacks and
to Blacks of different social status. It is entirely j
possible that the differing results obtained on the cited |
studies are heavily weighted by perceived demand charac
teristics of the study, causing subjects to enhance or
j derogate themselves in line with the experimenter's co
vert expectations. Since race and class of the experi
menter have rarely been mentioned in the studies, it is !
i
difficult to know which studies are a true reflection of
subject's self-feelings and which are not.
Another reason for the lack of conclusiveness, is that
the Civil Rights movement and Black Power movement may have
35
been operating in subtle ways to change the self-concep-
: i
tions of the populations under study. This may be
|
especially pertinent in line with Mosby's (1972) reasoning |
of the restrictive relationship existing between Blacks j
i
and the dominant culture; and its negative impact on the
i j
psychological functioning of the sub-culture. Since 1954
the society has been gradually lifting some of its
; restrictions, and must have some positive benefits for the
; oppressed minority. Many social science thinkers believe
I
; that the Black Power movement, coming upon the scene in
| the late 1960's was a significant positive force in chang
ing the lives of many Black Americans. This outspoken force
for social change has been frequently cited as having a
major impact on many areas of psychological functioning
for Black people.
The most frequently cited source on the philosophy of
Black Power is from the writings of Carmichael and Hamilton
(1967). Their ideas and concepts appear to form a central
core of what constitutes a Black Power orientation. The
authors spell out five general areas to which the philo
sophy addresses itself. These are:
Black “ ** . . - possible
36 j
i
t
i
1. Redefinition of self within a framework of j
historical and cultural knowledge. j
!
2. The building of a sense of community through j
intra-racial cooperation and trust. The
governing and control of the Black Community j
by its people. I
3. Re-organization of the political and economic j
structures so that Blacks have a hand in
decision-making and implementation of policies.
I
4. The defense of self through violence if necessary.|
5. Rejection of integration as a viable solution
I
j to discrimination.
| Historically, the Black Power movement grew out of the
j Civil Rights struggle of the 1950's and 60's. The major
thrust at the time was for the integration or absorption
of Black people into the mainstream of American life.
The authors, Carmichael and Hamilton (1967), speak very
pointedly as to why the integrationist push led to disol-
lusionment and to eventual abandonment of classical civil
rights protest strategies.
They point out that integration as practiced in that
era benefitted only a few, at the expense of both the few
and the many. The placing of a small percentage of Black
children in White schools, did not change the educational
37 ;
I
I i
opportunities for the remaining children left behind in !
l
the ghetto schools. The placing of a few Blacks in con-
spicious positions in various institutions did not raise
I
the mean income level for Blacks or lower the unemployment j
rate. The siphoning-off of brains and talent into the j
; White middle-class had the effect of sapping the Black j
I I
I community of its strength and leadership. The very one- j
I I
sidedness of the integration only reinforced the belief !
i
i
j that Black people were of little consequence, until they
i
i were accepted into the White community. Feelings of self-
worth were still contingent upon White approval, and de
fining the self in terms of that value system.
That the philosophy could be seen in operation in
the overt behavior of Black persons was evidenced in many
areas. Changes in personal appearance took the form of
changing the hair style and the wearing of clothing and
accessories of African origin. Changes in the mode of
seeking institutional response to grievances to a more ag
gressive and sometimes violent confrontations as could be
seen in the struggles to obtain Black studies programs on
many campuses. The formation of all-Black professional
groups, and a proliferation of books and periodicals con
cerning the Black struggle are still very much in evidence.
One of the major reasons why the tenets of Black
38
Power have had so much widespread popularity is that it
speaks to some very real psychological needs of Black
people. In the preceding discussion it was posited that
the major psychological impact of discrimination was in the
realm of self-concept development and achievement orienta
tion.
The philosophy of Black Power offers an alternative
to the past conceptions of a worthless, incompetent
people. What it offers is a change in self-perception, by
changing the evaluations offered, and by exhorting
guidelines for new and hitherto forbidden behavior. The
change in the evaluation offered is from perceiving Black
as bad and ugly, to good and beautiful. According to the
authors Proshansky and Newton (1968), the self-evaluation
is enhanced when made within the context of a newly dis
covered cultural and historical heritage.
The emphasis upon the kinship and "oneness" of all
Black people is a counteraction to the divisive class
and caste barriers which have existed within the Black sub
culture. For the proponents state, that without the sense
of intra-racial responsibility the "haves" will see no need
to aid the "have nots." More pointedly Nobles (1973) sees
the relationship between the self and one's ethnic group
as of primary importance in achieving a satisfactory self-
39
I
identity for Afro-Americans. The author traces it's |
existence to African philosophy which sees the self- j
• i
identity as interchangeable and inseparable from the group j
identity. j
The necessity of political, social, and economic con-
i
; trol of the community by its inhabitants is seen as a
I
i necessary base for racial self-determination and develop- j
j j
ment of group pride. This kind of self-determination calls
for aggressive mastery of the environment, which must ne
cessarily conflict with the old notions of intellectual
incompetence and behavioral passivity.
Psychologically, the philosophy is viewed as a
therapeutic mediator of behavioral change (Pinderhughes,
1969 and Thomas, 1971). It mediates change through the
social insights given as to the causes and consequences
of racism; and by offering a clear alternative to the old
maladaptive responses to discrimination. The philosophy
has as its goal the full development and actualization of
Black people via the development of intra-group solidarity
and strength.
The attractiveness of the ideology as a therapeutic
tool might best be understood in terms of Hamachek's
(1971) discussion of "constructive compensatory behavior."
(p. 239) It is the author's view, that one of the best
40
ways of overcoming feelings of inferiority is to attack the
( i
source directly, and thereby remove the basis for the
: i
negative evaluation. Proponents of the Black Power move- j
i
ment have done exactly this. As has been previously dis- J
cussed, Black people have negatively evaluated themselves
i j
| because they adapted the belief of Black inferiority and j
incompetence. By attacking and re-evaluating this belief
| i
; system, a major source of negative feeling has been un- j
i J
i dermined. !
i I
l i
I Research on Black Power and Self-Esteem
Lessing and Zagorin (1971, 1972a, 1972b, 1973) have
attempted to consolidate the writings of several Black
political and social thinkers into a body of opinion as to
exactly what tenents are embodied in a Black Power orienta
tion. They generated five principal factors into a Black
Power Ideology Scale (1973). The factors represented on
the scale are:
I -- Emphasis on Black Culture and Black Identity
II -- Political-Economic Control
III -- Militancy (Confrontation with Power struc
ture)
IV -- Individualism vs. Group Intra-solidarity
V -- Integration vs. Separatism
41
A comparison of Black and White college students
scoring high vs. low on acceptance of the ideology showed
a significant difference in their evaluations of White
and Black persons. Subjects scoring high evaluated Whites
lower than Blacks on a semantic differential scale. In a
more recent study, Lessing (1973) found that Ss scoring
high on an expanded Black Power Scale showed a signi
ficantly higher self-concept score than low endorsers.
Self-concept was measured by an adjective checklist.
Another set of authors generated two different scales
to measure Separatism and then endorsement of Black Power.
Woodmansee (1970) and Stenfors and Woodmansee (1968),
report efforts to determine levels of extremism within
proponents of the Ideology. Their study successfully
distinguished only extreme militants from all others, as
indicated by their choice of the Black Panther Party as an
appropriate group to effect social change.
The later finding of Lessing's study (1973) coincides
with previous research involving Black students active in
liberation struggles. Hilliard (1972) found that, "Black
student activists have more positive self-concepts, are mo«
self-enhancing behaviorally, and are more aware of their
motives (than non-activists)" (P. 140). The author used a
combination of structured interviews and standardized per-
42
i
sonality measures to assess the differences in personality
and value systems. Similar findings, using a variety
i
of instruments, were reported by Astin (1971), Joesting
(1971) and Trotzer (1971).
i
i
In a somewhat different vein Wiegand (1970) measured !
i !
the differences in aggression as a function of racial |
self-designation whether Black, Afro-American or Negro. j
I
His findings showed that subjects in the "Black" category j
! were more negatively aggressive toward Whites than Blacks. i
In contrast the "Negro" category was more aggressive toward'
l !
i Blacks than Whites.
In contrast to the previously mentioned studies,
Dansby (1972) found a somewhat more tentative relation
ship between self-acceptance and the Black movement. In
a series of studies conducted at an all-Black college her
results showed that the majority of Black students were
more rejecting of negative racial stereotypes; but still
associated more positive adjectives to the word "white"
than with the word "black." She also found that students
during the period (1970-1971) still judged the light
skinned, Caucasion-looking Black person more attractive
than Black persons with dark skin and Negroid features.
An analysis of dating patterns on the campus revealed that
the most popular, and sought after students were those who
43
were least Negroid in appearance.
In a study designed to test acceptance of blackness
in Negro boys (Sciara, 1972) found that the subjects
(average age 10) attributed higher status occupational
roles to pictures of light-skinned Afro-Americans, than to
darker ones. The results are taken as evidence of the
ineffectiveness of the Black movement to induce positive
self-regard among the youth. The writer, in contrast,
, believes that it might be a reflection of the subject’s
, observations of reality. It is entirely possible that
many Black professionals, with whom the children have had
| contact, are of lighter complexions. The practice of dis-
I
j crimination along color and class lines has been a long
| established pattern among Blacks.
| It would appear then that there may be some relation- !
j ship between self-esteem, Black Power endorsement, and
i '
! level of militant activism. What is open to question is {
I I
the possible causal interrelationships existing among the j
phenomena. It is not known whether Black persons of
high self-esteem are drawn to the ideology, and are more
1 i
active politically and socially. Or, whether by endorsing
the ideology of Black Power, or by becoming active the
self-esteem of a person is raised. Several recent studies
have been performed attempting to clarify the issue by
44
using some element of the ideology to induce changes in
self-esteem.
Livingston (1971) had Black college men participate
in a weekend encounter group emphasizing the development
of self within the contexts of Black Power. Schneiderman
(1971) tried varying the content of Black history courses
(achievement vs. oppression) with junior high school
students. Mezz (1971) designed a study involving Black
junior high school Ss in a "Black Cultural Positives"
program. These studies reported no impact on self-esteem
as measured by various available instruments; Semantic
Differential; Coopersmith Self-Esteem Inventory and the
Tennessee Self-Concept Scale.
In attempting to explain the failure of the studies
to manipulate self-esteem several explanations may be
possible.
1. Passivity of the Ss--attitude change literature
indicates that passive reception of messages in
duces little or no change (Johnson, 1971; Zajonc,
1960).
2. Lack of reinforcement--it has also been reported
that social incentives increase the level of at
titude change (Cialdini, 1971).
3. Perhaps only certain aspects of the Black Power
philosophy are strictly applicable to the self;
ie, aspects relating to one's physiognomy,
possible use of one's talents, and changes in
social relations. Matthews (1971) attempted to
assess the impact of a Black studies program on
low achievers, and found that certain aspects of
the program were more beneficial for certain
students.
4. The pervasiveness of self-concept--according to
Coopersmith (1967) the self-concept is very
resistant to change.
By observing the results of these studies it would
appear that an attempt to manipulate the self-concept
through a manipulation of social referents would be an
extremely difficult task. However, if the above-named
shortcomings were corrected, it might be possible to change
self-esteem by educative or cultural means.
Manipulations of Self-Esteem
Another body of studies which deals with direct
manipulation of self-esteem has produced more positive
results. Allen (1971) reports that measureable changes in
self-esteem were achieved in one week of group sessions by
use of cognitive structuring and social reinforcement of [
I
all positive self-referent statements. In a study re- j
i
ported by Coleman (1971) self-esteem changes were measured !
|
after a single session by having Ss read 60 attitude state-j
ments reflecting a high or low self-esteem position. Re- |
; suits reported by Baron, et al (1971) indicate changes j
t
: induced by verbally reinforcing person qualities over task j
I !
; I
performance. This study also added a new variable by j
! having White Es reinforcing Black Ss. In addition a
i
: therapeutic technique developed by Sussking (1970) called
I
"Idealized Self Image" indicates changes in self attitudes
and behavior. The client and therapist work out an ideal
ized self-image for the client. The client is then en
couraged to imagine himself as that image in varying types
of life situations. The author reports rapid changes
(2-3 weeks) in self-confidence of clients.
Few studies are available in the literature which use
the social psychological models of attitude change on
personality variables. The study reported by Bergin
(1962) used a dissonance persuasive technique to induce
subjects to change their self-ratings of perceived mas-
culinity-femininity. When subjects learned that their self
ratings were at variance with a phonied psychological test
battery, they changed their final opinion to coincide more
47
closely with the "test" results. This study was specifi
cally designed to test out dissonance theory applications
to psychotherapy research.
Two other studies noted, not in direct accord with
attitude change but of interest here, are those of Koenig
(1965) and Harmatz (1967). In the study of Koenig positive
and negative self-references were differentially rein
forced for possible effect on reducing anxiety scores.
The results showed an increased tendency for subjects to
emit more negative self statements than positive. In
addition it was shown that negative emitters showed
lower post-treatment anxiety scores than positive emitters.
The study of Harmatz used a slightly different
technique and measuring instruments. In this study the
Q-sort and semantic differential were used to measure pre
and post differences. The subjects were divided into two
groups; those receiving positive reinforcement for select
ing a positive self statement from the Q-sort, and those
receiving positive reinforcement for a negative self
statement selected from the Q-sort. Final results show
that post measures for self-references were higher for the
positive selecting group than the negative selectors.
Design and Rationale of the Study
The present study is an attempt to discover if the
phenomena related to advocacy are applicable to personally j
relevant areas. The areas chosen to demonstrate the j
effectiveness of the procedure are self-esteem and the i
purported relationship to Black Power Ideology in a Black j
l i
population. |
Theoretically if a person advocates a set of positive |
self-attributes, then the person should feel more positive j
I
toward themselves after the manipulation. The advocation i
!
j mode used in the study is that of having the subject con-
| struct and improvise supporting statements around some set
I
| of desirable self-attributes and receive reinforcement for
I
| the task. They will be asked to produce a number of sup
porting arguments, or reasons why, they believe certain
things about themselves. Naturally, for some persons this
will involve counterattitudinal advocacy, and for others
consonant attitudinal advocacy. However, since the
advocacy effect is to move or strengthen the attitude in
the direction of the assigned position, all subjects par
ticipating in positive advocacy should show movement in
that direction. Therefore, it is not necessary for the
present study to make pre-treatment selection of subjects
based on pro vs. con initial attitudes, as is the usual
procedure in most of the studies previously cited.
A problem may arise around those persons who may in
fact not possess, or believe they possess an assigned J
j
positive self-attribute. An inducement to play the role j
was needed such that even those disbelieving subjects j
!
would actively participate in the advocation procedure. Itj
was decided therefore, to ask subjects to pretend as if j
■ i
the attributes were true of themselves and construct j
I ;
i supporting arguments that one might have if these things
| were true. This seemed to be a sufficient inducement to !
j engage in the advocacy procedure and produce the wanted j
manipulation, since according to Bern's (1969) theory and
Greenwald's (1969), it is the cognitive and organismic
participation in the role which is the change mediator.
Assuming that advocation procedures could change or
stablize self-referent attitudes, it also appeared of
interest to simultaneously study possible relationships
between attitudes. The first relationship involves that
of the topics advocated, and those not advocated, but
belonging to the general class of topics. It was previously
discussed that the notion of a person's self-esteem in
volves evaluations made on a wide variety of self-attribute
In any experimental session it would be unlikely to tap
all elements of any given person's self-esteem "set."
Therefore it would be of interest to study whether brief
advocation of a subset of topics, can not only effect the
50
subset of attitudes but the larger, parent set as well.
This might be thought of as "Extension" or radiation of
the advocacy effect. It would be possible to measure such
an effect experimentally, by drawing the advocation topics
from a large set of items found relevant to the general
populace. It was therefore decided that the Tennessee
Self-Concept Scale (Counselor Recordings and Tests) repre
sented the ideal source for the present study.
In line with the notion of extension of the advocacy
effect is that of "carryover" to related sets of atti
tudes. The reasoning being that if one side of related set
of attitudes shift, then the other also may shift. In a
study designed to test this effect Steele and Ostrom
(1974), found such a relationship. They write "When two
issues share a common reference scale, a shift in that
reference scale should produce change in attitudes toward
both topics" (p. 737).
The purported relationship between Black Power
ideology and self-esteem offers an opportunity to study two
modes of self-esteem manipulation; direct vs. indirect. It
may be that by advocating positive self-attributes, self
esteem is momentarily raised; but the advocation may also
effect the degree of Black Power endorsement. Conversely,
if Black Power principles are advocated, then self-esteem
51
may be raised. It measures are taken to assess possible
effects of both attitudes (Self and Ideology), then a
means exists whereby a comparison of direct vs. indirect
modes can be made. Such a comparison may give an indica
tion of possible causal interrelationships between the
related attitudes. For example, if advocating positive
self-attributes changes the level of self-esteem but not
Black Power endorsement, and advocating Black Power
raises both self-esteem and Black Power, then one might
| be inclined to conclude that advocating Black Power is a
means by which self-esteem can be raised, as was the in-
I
j dication given by Pinderhughes (1969) and Thomas (1971).
Whether such a means is better than simply advocating
self-attributes could also be determined from a dual post
manipulation assessment.
| In order to make the comparison valid, a control
! group will be necessary to establish an experimental-par
ticipation baseline. The controls should participate in
i
all phases of the experiment, including advocation; but
the topics should be clearly non-self or non-racial in
content. It was decided that topics dealing with adminis
trative educational policies with a level of high interest
for all college students, would provide an interesting and
52
appropriate control area. !
Although the technique of advocacy appears promising
; !
as a research methodology, one significant variable exists i
which may hinder attitude change when applied to the realm
of personal attributes. This variable is the topic of
| |
advocacy, and its subjective relevance to the advocator. j
In the present study it is proposed to account for this
! factor in two ways. The first is the choice of topic I
! i
i groups. It is assumed that for most people self-advoca-
i j
! tion is more subjectively important than ideological
i i
! ;
advocation. The act of advocating positive self-attri- j
butes for a person who evaluates himself negatively may
be perceived as highly threatening and anxiety producing.
Consequently the effects of such advocacy may be nil.
Eagly (1967) found that low self-esteem subjects were more
rejecting of positive information than those of high es
teem, who were more accepting of the information. In
addition there is some indication that merely drawing
attention to the self, may result in a lowering of self
esteem (Ickes, et al, 1973). For these reasons topics
for self-advocation needed to reflect various levels of
response endorsements. The items chosen then were
characteristics reflective of a high level, moderate level,
and low level of endorsement obtained in a like sample
53
j
from pilot study data.
t
Since this procedure does not account for individual
I
I
differences within a population it was decided to have par-;
ticipants designate the subjective importance of a topic j
area. Such a procedure allowed for an assessment of the j
role of importance in any change noted for a topic area. |
It is of interest to know if persons are more prone to j
l
j change on less important items than on more important ones.
Reasoning in the same vein it also seemed possible
: that males and females might view particular aspects of
l
i the self differentially. Based on data received from a
| Black student population in a pilot study, some interest
ing but non-significant differences were found in certain
areas of self-esteem.
The factors of the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale show
ing greatest differences between males and females were
those of Moral-Ethical Self, Family Self, Social Self,
Personal Self, Behavior, and Total Self-Esteem Score.
On all of these factors and the totals females scored
higher than males. For this reason, it seemed wise to
conduct the study with sex-of-subject as a possible de
terminant of degree of change for specific topic areas.
Just as sex can be a factor of consideration for
possible change effects, so too is the initial level of
54
self-esteem and degree of Black Power endorsement. The
studies of Stock (1958) and Stimpson (1970) indicate that
degree of change is a function of initial levels of the
variable. Stock (1958) found that subjects in the mid
range of a self-esteem dimension showed more change than
either extreme highs or lows. Stimpson (1970) raised
the possibility of a source of confounding in the present
study. His results showed that persons measuring low on
a self-esteem dimension were more persuasible (showed more
attitude change) than persons measuring high. Therefore,
level of initial attitude was a necessary refinement to aid
in interpreting any changes observed.
One of the problems inherent in comparing groups
using different sets of treatment materials is the pos
sibility of confounding by differing levels of difficulty
of topics, and an individual subject's response to a set
of topics. It did not seem wise to limit a subject to a
given time interval, since some persons would necessarily
be slower than others and perhaps not complete the task in
a given time interval. Therefore it was decided to leave
the task openended and merely note the time each subject
spent in the self-persuasion task. The time taken for
each experimental group could then be analyzed statisti
cally for any differences occuring.
Another area of possible confounding in self-persua- j
sion efficacy, is the subject variable of intelligence.
i
Watts (1973) found that subject intelligence measured with
the Quick test was a significant factor in attitude change.j
His findings were that high I.Q. subjects showed more j
opinion change than low subjects. To account for such
subject differences in the present study it seemed advis- !
: able to avoid all form of I.Q. testing with a Black popula-j
tion. Therefore, it was decided to attain the cumulative |
! grade point average of the students, merely by asking the
i
subject. Although not completely reliable this would allow
for determining whether experimental groups were balanced
for level of academic achievement. This allows for general
izing findings to a broader range of students, by insuring
a wide range of achievers in the sample.
56
HYPOTHESES
I. In order to discover if advocacy produces attitude !
change toward the topics advocated the following
two null hypotheses will be tested.
a. For persons advocating positive Black Power
tenets, there will be no difference from pre
i
to post treatment agreement levels for the j
items advocated, when this group is compared to
the control group. j
i
b. For persons advocating positive self-attributes
there will be no difference from pre to post
self-esteem levels, as compared to the control
group.
II. In order to assess extension of the advocacy effect
from subset (treatment topics) to whole set
(entire scales of BPIS-II and TSCS) , the complete
set of items will be given as the post-test and
scores will be compared to a control group testing
these two null hypotheses:
c. There will be no difference in the total measure
of Black Power agreement for the group advocating
Black Power topics and the control group.
d. There will be no difference in the overall
measure of self-esteem (Total Positive Self-
Ill.
IV.
57
Esteem of the TSCS) for the group advocating
positive self attributes, and the control group.
In order to assess carryover of the advocacy effect
from one set of attitudes to another, self-esteem
and Black Power, the following null hypotheses will
be tested.
e. For persons advocating the ideology of Black
Power, their change level of self-esteem will be
no different from the control group.
f. For persons advocating the ideology of Black
Power, their total measure of self-esteem will
be no different from the control group.
g. For persons advocating positive self-attributes,
their change level of Black Power agreement will
be no different from the controls.
h. For persons advocating positive self-attributes,
their total measure of Black Power agreement will
be no different from controls.
In order to assess whether initial levels of an
attitude effect the amount of change noted the fol
lowing 4 null hypotheses were tested.
i. For all experimental and control groups there
will be no differences between subjects assigned
to levels according to their initial attitude
58
score when measuring 1-change in Black agree
ment, 2-total Black Power agreement, 3-change
in self-esteem, 4-total positive self-esteem.
i
V. In order to assess whether sex of subject is a fac
tor in change of attitudes regarding the self or
Black Power, the following null hypotheses were
tested: j
I
j. There will be no difference between females and j
I
males when participants are compared for
1 - change in Black Power agreement
2 - total Black Power agreement
3 - change in self-esteem
4 - total positive self-esteem
5 - change in Black Power when advocating
self attributes
6 - change in self-esteem when advocating
Black Power.
In order to assess the comparative efficacy of
methods in changing attitudes; whether direct or
indirect is more efficacious, the following null
hypotheses were tested.
K. There will be no difference between self
advocates and Black Power advocates on,
1 - the amount of Black Power attitude change,or
59
2 - the amount of total Black Power agreement.
1. There will be no difference between self
advocates and Black Power advocates on
1 - the amount of self-esteem change, or
2 - the amount of Total Positive self-esteem.
In order to determine if subjective importance of
the assigned topics effects degree of change, the
following null hypothesis was tested:
m. There will be no differences among the levels
of subjective importance of the treatment topics,
when compared for degree of attitude change.
CHAPTER II
METHOD
1
Subjects
i The subjects were 60 Black students enrolled in
1 public and private colleges and universities in the urban
j Los Angeles area. Twenty-six of the subjects volunteered
| in response to a form letter requesting their participa-
i
tion in a study of "adaptibility in young Black persons."
(Appendix A) Approximately 250 students at Occidental
College and Loyola Marymount University were contacted in
this manner. The remainder of the subjects were recruited
by personal contact of the experimenters, and through re
ferrals of subjects already listed as participants. In
all, students from four campuses were represented in the
study: Loyola-Marymount University, Occidental College,
University of Southern California, and California State
University at Los Angeles.
At the time of initial contact, either by letter or
in person, the subject was asked to complete a brief time
schedule so that appointments could be made at a later
date. A total of eighty-four students made appointments,
but only sixty-three were kept. The overwhelming majority
of no-shows were male. Three subjects could not complete
60
the study within the time period and were replaced by
others.
j
The subjects were equally divided by sex, thirty
I
males and thirty females. The age range for the sample
1 i
was seventeen and a half to twenty-three years, with a
! i
mean of 20.2 years; 19.8 for females and 20.6 for males,
i |
jThe average years of college completed was 2.5 years with j
! a mean reported GPA of 2.8 with majors in the humanities, j
I I
j arts, and social and biological sciences being represented.!
I A majority of the subjects came from intact families (47 ofj
|
60); with most of these families' income level at the Blue
Collar or working class level (30 of 47). Exactly half
the sample expressed an intent to attend graduate or pro
fessional school. Fifty-five were unmarried at the time
of the study, and three of the married students were
parents. A large porportion of the subjects (46 of 60)
worked an average of seventeen hours per week while they
were enrolled in classes. On the whole, the group could
definitely be classified as upwardly mobile, and highly
success oriented. They are probably not typical of the
average Black student population currently enrolled in
colleges and universities. For this reason generalities
of any findings must be limited to a similar population.
62
Physical Arraa^cr s
The experimental sessions took place in a variety of
settings. The only requirement being that the setting be ;
j
reasonably quiet and free from distractions. Consequently i
sessions took place in residence hall rooms, student
lounges, and in private offices. They were conducted
; throughout the week, during both day and evening hours.
The subjects participated either singly or in small
j groups of two and three. When more than one subject was
i
j present in a room, the Ss were placed so that knowledge of
| the others written responses could not be viewed. All con
versation between Ss was discouraged, and all were coopera
tive in this regard. For all Ss a private segment of
verbal exchange took place between only one S and E. This
allowed for the S to clarify and express more freely the
ideas advocated in writing.
The experimenters were two Black female students; the
writer and an undergraduate psychology major trained in
the experimental technique by the writer. The assistant
experimenter interviewed eighteen students from the
University of Southern California. All of the remaining
subjects were interviewed by the writer.
Equipment
Sixty labeled folders were prepared containing all of
-------------
63
;the materials needed for the study. Each folder was
I
labeled according to sex and treatment group assignment,
and arranged sequentially in sets of three. All folders
contained one of each of the following data sheets:
1. Biographical/Consent Form.
The first half of this questionnaire requested
information regarding the subject’s vital
i statistics. The Consent Form half of the sheet
I
I
was written in contract style, and informed the
Subject of the general content of the study, their
I rights, and duties of the experimenters. (Appen-
I
| dix B)
2. Opinion Survey
This consisted of two sheets of typewritten in
structions, ten attitude statements, and a column
for determining subjective importance level of
the statements. There were two forms of the
survey; Form I contained five statements pertain
ing to self first, and five ideological statements
second. Form II had the reverse arrangement.
(Appendix Cj and C2)
3. Advocation Sheets
These were single mimeographed sheets containing
five statements with suitable space between each
64 j
i
I
for note-taking. There were three types of sheets
used, each of a different color: Set 1 (white), j
Set 2 (green), and Set 3 (yellow). These set num-j
bers correspondent to Treatment Groups A, B, and
C. A Subject received only one of these.
(Appendix Dx, D2, D3) j
4. Ethnic Attitude Survey (Black Power Ideology Scale-
II)
This consisted of a five page stenoed question
naire containing fifty items and five response
choices.
5. Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS)
The Test Booklet and answer sheet packet (Counsel
ing Form) are those provided by the publisher
(Counselor Recordings and Tests).
Experimental Treatments
Sex
Subjects were divided into two equal groups of 30
males and 30 females. This division appeared necessary
since a pilot study conducted previously showed a signi
ficant difference in the correlation between the two de
pendent measures being used. The correlation coefficient
between the BPIS-II and TSCS for males (n»22) was 0.S5: for
65
females (n*27) -0.142, *.05, two-tailed test.
Advocation Groups
Three treatment groups were formed consisting of ten
males and ten females each. These groups were labeled
Group A, B, and C. The experimental manipulation con
sisted of asking each subject to write and verbalize
supporting arguments to the statements written on the
Advocation Sheet. No time limit was given, and no maximum
or minimum number of statements was required. The content
of the Advocation Sheet, whether A, B, or C, determined
the type of experimental treatment the subject received.
i
j Group A: The Self-Treatment
| This group was given six items from the TSCS for
i
I advocation. It appears on the sheet as five items since
I
j Number 1 is a combination of two TSCS items (19-21). The
I
! items appearing on the sheet are as follows, with numbers
|
! in parentheses representing the original TSCS number.
1. (19-21) I am a decent and honest person.
2. (56) I am an important person to my family and
friends.
3. (43) I am satisfied to be just what I am.
4. (9) I like my looks just the way they are.
5. (80) I am satisfied with the way I treat other
people.
66
Group B: The Ideology Treatment !
Five items were chosen from the BPIS-II, one from eachj
i
of the five factors represented. Item number 5 was j
i
i
altered from the original BPIS format to read "...by any j
; i
means necessary," instead of "...with guns if necessary." j
' The items appearing on the Advocation Sheet are:
t i
1. (23) Black Americans have good reason to say "I'ml
I
Black and I'm Proud."
i
I
j 2. (31) Black Americans should take a special in-
' terest in the works of Black writers, artists and
musicians.
3. (18) A Black person should feel close enough to
other Black persons to regard them as sisters and
brothers.
4. (6) Blacks should form all-Black organizations
(Black caucuses, student associations, labor
unions, etc.) to fight for Black freedom.
5. (29) During periods of racial unrest Blacks should
be prepared to defend themselves by any means
necessary.
Group C: The Control Advocacy Group
A neutral set of items concerning educational policies
was given to these Ss. This set of items entitled "Criti
cal Issues in Student Administration," were the following:
67
The pass-fail system is fairer than letter |
grading. j
I
Students should make considerable input into
I
admission policies for incoming students.
Instructors should be evaluated by students at
regular intervals.
i
Admission to graduate schools should be more on
the basis of Grade-point averages and outside
activities than on standardized test scores.
In these items a career oriented education is more
valuable than a liberal arts education.
Subjective Importance
In addition to the major variables of Advocation con
tent and sex of subject, an additional dimension of the
study was to assess whether change in attitude strength and
direction, was a function of subjective importance of the
attitude content. Subjects were asked to rate the ten items
appearing in the Opinion Survey on a scale from one to
five indicating the content as very unimportant to very im
portant.
Dependent Variables
1. Ethnic Attitude Survey (Appendix E)
This survey is the Black Power Ideology Scale-II
2.
3.
68
of Lessing and Zagorin (1972) with several
alterations. In it's original form it contained
forty attitude statements with five response
choices, ranging from strongly agree (five points)
to strongly disagree (one point). Twelve of the
forty items are inverted, such that the subject
must disagree with the statement to receive a pro-
Black Power score. The forty items comprised five
factors relevant to Black Power Ideology. These
factors are:
I. Emphasis on Black Culture and Black
Identity (Items 1-10)
II. Political-Economic Control (11-20)
III. Militancy (Confrontation with Power Struc
ture) (21-25)
IV. Individualism vs. Group Intra-Solidarity
(26-30)
V. Integration vs. Separatism (31-40)
In a pilot study run on a comparable sample (n*55),
a mean total BPIS-II score of 161.9 was attained with a
standard deviation of 11.69. The mean for males (n»26) was
160.4, for females (n»29) was 163.2.
The original scale was altered to correct several
short-comings and to tailor the scale to the present study.
Items for specific factors were randomized rather
than presented in single blocks as in the origi
nal . |
The response scale was changed so that the mid-
i
point of the Agree-Disagree dimension represented j
i
Partly Agree, Partly Disagree. In the original J
format the midpoint was designated as "Don't j
I
Know". A score value of three was maintained for j
this point on the scale. j
The title of the BPIS-II was changed to avoid a
"tip-off" as to the exact nature of the study.
In addition it seemed more palatable to call
attention to ethnicity rather than Black Power,
since the latter is often associated with militan
cy. It was decided to avoid the possibility of a
"negative response set" in persons who consider
themselves non-militant, but may have a high
degree of racial consciousness.
In addition to the forty randomized items from the
original BPIS-II, ten new items were added to the
questionnaire comprising items 41 thru 50 of the
Ethnic Attitude Survey. There were five positive
(Pro-Black) and five negative (Anti-Black) state
ments. They were included to measure intra-
racial and inter-racial attitudes of current
interest. The content was drawn from articles in
popular Black periodicals, such as Essence, and
Ebony, and from the works of Black writers in the
mental health field (Welsing, 1974; Taylor, 1973).
These items appear in the data tables as the M
(Mythology) factor, and were not included in any
analyses of the BPIS-II results.
The Tennessee Self Concept Scale (TSCS)
The TSCS consists of 100 self-descriptive items of
which 90 assess various aspects of the self-concept
and ten assess self-criticism. The latter ten items
are all MMPI lie scale items. The primary purpose
of the scale is to measure self-esteem. There are fiw
responses designated for each item ranging from com
pletely true (five points) to completely false (one
point). The higher a total score achieved, the higher
the self-esteem. The scale can be further sub
divided into nine self-esteem factors, which are:
Identity, Self-satisfaction, Behavior, Physical Self,
Moral-Ethical Self, Personal Self, Family Self, Social
Self and Total Score. The scale was purportedly
standardized on a wide variety of subjects, including
a broad age range of both sexes and several races
from various parts of the United States. Retest relia
bility is reported in the high 80's.
Procedure
The study was conducted during the months of March,
April, and May of 1974. After the initial contact had been
made, each subject was given an appointment time and a
meeting place was arranged. Each subject was seen for one
session only, lasting approximately l*s hours. Each ex
perimental session was conducted in the following fashion:
Step 1 -- Each subject was greeted by E in a friendly
manner and thanked for their participation in the study.
They were asked if they had any knowledge of the experiment
All subjects reported that they had no exact knowledge of
the questions to be asked in the study.
Step 2 -- They were then given the General Instructions
verbally by E:
The purpose of this study is to determine
the nature of adaptability in young Black
persons. It has often been said that Black
people are more sensitive to and perceptive
of the feelings of others. That is, we can
more readily "fit ourselves into the other
person's shoes." This special quality is a
result of our adaptation to our social en
vironment and is believed to be a crucial
part of our survival mechanism.
72
; In this study we will ask you to discuss
some of your thoughts and feelings about
certain issues, and to give your opinion
on a number of related issues. We hope
| you will find this an interesting experience.
A pre-labeled folder was drawn from the stack, and the
j date , name and institution were marked on the front.
i
Step 3 -- The subject was then asked to fill out the
Biographical Information/Consent Form Sheet. In addition
they were asked to write down their cumulative GPA on the
sheet.
Step 4 -- The subject was given the Opinion Survey and
asked to complete all parts of the survey. The format of
the survey was explained in this fashion:
Here is a set of statements which are of
interest to many people. There are three
parts to it. Set I, Set II, and Part IV.
The column marked Rank refers to Part III,
the instructions are printed on the second
page. For now we just want your opinion
on these matters. Please mark your res
ponses directly on the sheet (shown the
spaces). Please notice that responses are
different for Sets I and II.
The distribution of the two forms of the Opinion
Survey was arranged to coincide with the respective treat
ment groups. Group A, the Self group, had the TSCS items
first. Group B, the Ideology group, had the reverse order,
BPIS-II items first. The controls, Group C, was given both
73
forms, half received Form I, and the other received Form
II. The responses on the Opinion Survey were used as a
measure of pre-treatment attitude strength, and measure
of subjective importance of the attitudes presented.
Step 5 -- Upon completion of the survey the subject was
given the advocation sheet from his (or her) folder and
given one of two sets of introductory remarks. For sub-
I jects in Treatment Groups A and B the remarks were:
Here is a part of the list of statements
which you saw earlier in the Opinion
Survey.
! For subjects in Group C, the opening statement was:
| Here is a list of statements which are
j of great concern to many college students.
The remaining parts of the instructions were identical.
In order to find out how these ideas operate
within persons, I would like you to do the
following:
| Pretend for a moment that you agree
| completely with the five statements pre-
j sented on this page. For the moment it is
not important whether or not you actually
agree with them. Study each item carefully
and consider what kinds of ideas and feelings
go along with the statement. In other words
try and think of reasons why you hold this belief.
You may write down your ideas on the
sheet if you like. Just jot down some notes.
You don't have to worry about sentence
structure or anything like that. After you
have thought about these things we will
discuss each one more fully. Are there any
questions about what I've asked you to do?
|At this time any needed clarifications were given. When
|the subject had taken the sheet and began reading the time j
i
jwas noted. At this time E left the subject alone by
|leaving the room, or moving to another part of the room i
|and engaged herself in a quiet activity.
! When S signaled completion of this section, the time
i
jwas noted. E took the sheet and stated, "I'd like to
read this back to you to make sure I understand exactly
what you've written." (At this time the subject was taken
out of the room if others were present.)
As E read each item, the S was asked to clarify and
add further comments. E wrote down these additional
statements on the advocation sheet as the S verbalized
them.
The purpose of this additional verbalization was to
prolong the advocation procedure, and to give the subject
the impression that the major focus of the interview was
the actual content of the written remarks.
When the verbal exchange was completed S was given
positive verbal reinforcement for the ideas expressed by
remarks such as
"These are very perceptive ideas," or "You
have a very creative approach," or "This is
very unique, no one has stated it in just
this fashion."
75
The wording of the reinforcement given for each sub
ject varied since it was necessary to fit the reinforce
ment to the content, and to make the remarks by E as
sincere and factual as possible.
Step 6 -- After completion of the advocacy procedure, the
subject was then asked to complete the Post-treatment
Questionnaires, the complete scale of both the BPIS-II
1 and TSCS. The subjects were instructed:
We would like you to fill out a longer
standardized version of the opinion
survey. This is to enable us to deter
mine your own opinion on these matters
I in greater depth. What we want is your
I actual opinion on these matters.
|
| The subjects were given general instructions regarding;
t
| the format and response codes for both scales. The order
of presentation for these two measures varied with the
treatment groups. Group A, the Self Treatment was
instructed to complete the TSCS first, Group B, the
Ideology Treatment was given the reverse order, BPIS-II j
first. The controls, Group C were given both orders, !
i
corresponding to the order of presentation in the Opinion j
Survey.
Step 7 -- Upon completion of the post-treatment measures
a discussion was held with the subject regarding the ex
periment. At this time all questions pertinent to the ex-
76
periment were answered. The subject was requested to
refrain from discussion about details of the procedure or
content of the questionnaires. Each subject was thanked
for participating and excused from the session.
Subject Variables
Initial levels of self-esteem and agreement with
Black Power Ideology were determined from the responses
of the Opinion Survey. Subjects in each treatment group
were divided into two levels, High and Low, on the basis
of these initial scores. Since males and females had a
| different distribution of pre-test scores, separate median
| splits were performed to attain an equal number of sub-
! jects in each level (n*5). The median for males on both
I :
I |
! the TSCS and BPIS was 21. For females the median of both |
j
measures was 20. Since a fair proportion of the subjects
I
(4-6) scored at the median, ties were split by random
! assignment at this point. j
i
Independent and Dependent Variables
|
For the principal segment of the study the independent
variables used were Sex of Subject (female and male),
Treatment groups (self, ideology, control), and initial
level of Self-Esteem and Black Power (two levels of each).
77
The dependent variables used for the determination of
treatment effects were the change scores from pre to post
test on the advocated items, and the total scale scores of
the measures, both TSCS and BPIS-II. Since it was im
possible to equalize pre-test scores across groups, covari
ance was used to achieve equality. Pre-test scores were
used as covariates.
The secondary segment of the study tested for change
as a function of Subjective Importance of the items. This
segment used the independent variables of Sex, Treatment
j groups, Item set (Self or Ideology), and assigned Im-
i
j portance level (5 levels). The dependent variables for
j this section of the study were the number of subjects
i
I endorsing a level for an item, and number of subjects
changing positively and negatively on an item.
Additional analyses compared the degree of inter
correlation between scales, TSCS and BPIS-II, for each
group. All factors of both scales were used including the
M factor of the revised BPIS-II, and all factors of the
TSCS including Self-Criticism and Total Variability.
CHAPTER III
RESULTS
Primary Analyses
The experimental design used for this portion of the
analysis was a three-factor, fixed effects multivariate
analysis of covariance. The factors were Treatment groups
(Self, Ideology and Control); Sex of subject (Female vs.
Male); and Levels of initial attitude (Level l*Low, Level
2*High). The analyses were performed with the MANOVA com-
I puter program (University of North Carolina Psychometric
j Lab: PRSC update May, 1972), using the dependent varia-
j
bles of change from pretest to post-test, and total scale
i
| scores, with the pretest score as covariate.
' i
i
| Changes in Black Power Ideology
1) Direct Effects of Advocacy
!
For this determination the first MANOVA (I) used the
independent variables of Treatment groups, Sex of subject, ‘
I
and initial Levels of Black Power attitude. The dependent i
variable was the change score (ABPIS), attained by sub- j
tracting pretest scores from the corresponding items within'
the post-test, which was given as the complete BPIS-II
78
79
scale. Pretest score on the BPIS was the covariate. A
summary of the results is presented in Table 1.
No significant main effects were found for Treatments.
The Hypothesis (a) that there would be no difference in
the change scores between the Ideological advocates and
the Control advocates was not rejected.
Inspection of the mean change scores for Treatment
groups; Table 2, Column 2, shows that the changes that did
occur were contrary to the theoretical expectation. That
is, advocating topics in a positive direction did not pro
duce changes in line with the assigned position. In this
case the changes that did occur were negative for all
j groups; with the Ideology group showing slightly less
| negative shift (-.51) than the Self group (-.91) and the
I Controls (-.79). It would appear then that advocating J
i I
! positive Black Power tenets does not change the level of
I prior agreement, nor tend towards the direction of the
; assignment. |
I I
i No significant main effects were found for Sex of
| :
j subject, failing to reject Hypothesis (j-1) that there
I would be no differences between Female and Male on the
changes in Black Power agreement. For this factor Females
had a slightly more negative shift than Males (-0.95 vs.
-0.52).
80
TABLE 1
MANOVA (I): Summary of Analysis of Co-variance of
Effects of Treatment Groups, Sex of Subject,
and Initial Level of Black Power Agreement
on Measures of Black Power Change
Source of Variance df MS F p <
Treatments (T) 2 .811 .203 .817
Sex of Subject (S) 1 2.487 .621 .434
Levels of Black Power (Lpp) 1 .099 .025 .876
T x S 2 2.491 .622 .541
T x L (Bp) 2 4.558 1.139 .329
S x L (pp) 1 4.857 1.214 .276
T x S x L (gp) 2 1.149 .287 .752
Within 47
> 2
81
TABLE 2
Adjusted Mean Scores of Black Power Change (ABPIS)
and Total Black Power Agreement, by Treatment
Group and Sex
Column 1 Column 2 Column 3
Sex Treatment Initial A BPIS Total
Groups BPIS BPIS
Self 19.7 -1.02 146.96
F
E
Ideology 20.7 -1.12 145.88
M
A
Control 20.4 - .71 151.52
L
Mean Female 20.3 -.95 148.12
Self 21.1 - .79 155.08
Ideology 21.4 + .10 150.15
L Control 21.2 - .86 153.50
E
Mean Male 21.2 -.52 152.91
Mean Self 20.4 -.91 151.02 j
i
Mean Ideology 21.0 -.51 148.02 j
Mean Control 20.8 -.79 152.51
82
No significant main effects were found for Levels of
initial Black Power attitude. This fails to reject Hy
pothesis (i-1) that there would be no differences in the
degree of change among subjects ranked at different start
ing levels. The ordering of mean values for Levels
showed the Low level slightly more negative than the High
level (-.80 vs. -.66).
No significant interactions were found for Treatments
by Sex, Treatments by Levels, or Sex by Levels. The
triple interaction of Treatments, Sex and Levels was not
i significant.
I
2) Extension of the Advocacy Effect:
The second portion of the advocacy experiment sought
| |
to test the effects of advocating the subset of items on
I
the overall agreement with the entire set of items. The
| independent variables were the same as those of MANOVA
! (I); the dependent variable was the total BPIS-II score, '
I !
j with the pretest as covariate. A summary of this portion |
I of MANOVA (I) results appear in Table 3.
j
There was no significant main effect for Treatments, j
Hypothesis (c) predicted that the total BPIS-II score for
the Ideology group would be no different from the controls,
and was not rejected. Inspection of the Treatment group
83
adjusted means, Table 2, Column 3, shows that the
Ideology group achieved a lower post-test total than either
the Self treatment group or the Controls (Ideology-148.0,
Self-151.0, Controls-152.5). From these results it seems
clear that, even though the Ideology group showed less
negative change of attitude on Black Power, this change
pattern did not extend to the overall agreement with the
total set of Black Power items. If it had, it would be
expected that this treatment group would show a larger
total score than the other two groups.
No significant main effect was found for Sex of
subject. Although Males scored higher on the pretest and
the totals, and tended to shift less negatively with the
treatment; their overall gain as a result of the treatment
was not significantly different from the reaction of the
Females: (Male Total-152.91, Pretest-21.2 vs. Female
Total-148.12, Pretest-20.3). Hypothesis (j-2) stating no
difference between the sexes for total Black Power agree
ment was not rejected.
No significant main effects were found for Levels of
initial attitude. The degree of shift was mildly reflected
in the total scores (Low-149.82 vs. High-151.22), but the
difference was not significant. Hypothesis (i-2) stating
no differences between Levels on Total BPIS-II scores was
84
TABLE 3
MANOVA (I): Summary of Analysis of Co-variance of
Effects of Treatment Groups, Sex of Subject,
and Initial Level of Black Power Agree
ment on Measures of Total Black Power
Agreement
Source of Variance df MS F
P<
Treatments (T) 1 103.635 .689 .507
Sex of Subject (S) 1 310.021 2.062 .158
Levels of Black Power
(LBp)
1 9.625 .064 .801
T x S 2 47.752 .318 .729
T x Lfip 2 56.814 .378 .687
S x Lgp 1 35.687 .237 .628
T x S x Lgp 2 111.615 .742 .482
Within 47
85
not rejected.
No significant two-way interactions were found for
Treatments by Sex, Treatments by Levels, or Sex by Levels.
The triple interaction of Treatments, Sex and Levels was
not significant.
Self-Esteem Changes
1) Direct Effects of Advocacy
A second MANOVA (II) was conducted using data from
the TSCS. This analysis used the independent variables
of Treatments, Sex of Subject, and initial Levels of self
esteem. The dependent variable for the determination of
direct effects was the change score from the pretest to
post-test on the same TSCS items. The pretest score of
the TSCS was used as the covariate. The amount and direc
tion of change noted is an indication of whether advocat
ing positive self-references produces more agreement with
the same items on a post-test. The results of this analy
sis are summarized in Table 4.
There was a significant main effect for Treatments
(F-7.29, df«2/47, £<.002). Inspection of the mean change
values for Treatment groups, in Table 5, column 2, shows
that subjects in the Self Advocacy group changed posi
tively (+.70), while the Ideology group and Controls
86
TABLE 4
MANOVA (II); Summary of Analysis of Co-variance of
Effects of Treatment Groups, Sex of Subject,
and Initial Level of Self-Esteem on Measures
of Self-Esteem Change ( A TSCS)
Source of Variance df MS F
P<
Treatments (T) 1 24.681 7.288 .002*
Sex of Subject (S) 1 3.992 1.179 .283
Levels of Self-Esteem
(lse) 1
.209 .062 .805
T x S 2 1.371 .405 .669
t x l (se)
2 10.881 3.213 .049*
s * L (se)
1 1.067 .315 .577
T x S x L (SE) 2 3.200 .945 .396
Within 47
* ■ Significant
87
changed negatively (-1.53 and -.42). In order to
determine the patterns of significance among Treatment
groups, a post-hoc planned comparisons procedure was used
with the MANOVA program. Table 6 is a summary of the com
parisons performed and the outcomes.
Results show that when the Self treatment is com
pared to Controls (T1 - T3), the difference is not quite
significant (F-3.69, df-1/47, ^<.061). Since the com
parison does not reach the accepted level of significance,
Hypothesis (b) predicting no differences on self-esteem
i change between the Self group and the Controls was not
i
I rejected. Since some change was noted for the Self group,
| it was of interest to determine if the results differed
significantly from zero. A t test using the adjusted
i
t
mean change score for the Self group was computed. The
results indicate that the changes noted were not signi
ficantly different from zero (t ■ .34 t at ^ * .05, 19
j df). It would appear then that positive changes noted in j
i I
; the Self advocates are indications of a trend toward the
Treatment, but are not sufficient to establish a firm con
clusion of treatment effectiveness. ,
I
No significant main effects were obtained for Sex of I
subject. This indicates that Hypothesis (j-3), pre
dicting no differences in the degree of change between the
88
TABLE 5
Adjusted Mean Scores of Self-Esteem Change (ATSCS),
and Total-Positive Self-Esteem, by Treatment
Group and Sex
Column 1 Column 1 Column 3
Treatment Initial TSCS Total
Sex Groups TSCS Change TSCS
Self 19.8 0.66 349.24
F
E Ideology 19.9 -2.08 346.00
M
A Control 20.3 -0.61 345.95
L
E Mean Female 20.0 -0.68 347.06
! M
Self 20.6 0.73 360.83
A
L Ideology 20.2 -0.98 353.59
! E
1
Control 20.2 -0.23 355.39
|
i
Mean Male 20.3 -0.16 356.60
i
i
i
Mean Self 20.2 0.70 355.04
Mean Ideology 20.1 -1.53 349.80
Mean Control 20.2 -0.42 350.67
89
TABLE 6
Post-Hoc Analyses of Treatment Main Effects and
Treatment by Levels Interaction, using
TSCS Change Data
1)
Treatment Main Effect df t £ < . 05
T1 (Self): Tl - 0? 19 .34 ns
T2 (Ideology): T2 * 0? 19 .67 ns
2)
Treatment Comparisons df F
R<
Tl - T2 1,47 10.88 0.002
Tl - T3 1,47 3.69 0.061
T2 - T3 1,47 3.60 0.064
3)
Treatment by Levels
Interaction
df F
R <
T w LI 2,47 6.72 0.149
T w L2 2,47 8.513 0.001
4)
Treatments within L2 df F_
R <
Tl - T2 w L2 1,47 7.41 0.009
Tl - T3 w L2 1,47 0.66 0.399
T2 - T3 w L2 1,47 9.55 0.003
90
sexes was not rejected. Apparently there is no difference
between the sexes in their proclivities toward changing
their self-esteem rating, although Females tended to re
duce their self-esteem ratings slightly more than Males
(Females * -1.13, Males - -.53).
i
No significant main effects were found for levels of
initial self-esteem. The means for levels show that the
Lows' were slightly more negative than the Highs (Low-
-.51, High--.31), but the differences noted were not
significant. Therefore, Hypothesis (i-3) predicting no
differences in change as a result of initial attitude
j level was not rejected.
j No significant Treatment by Sex interaction was ob-
j tained, indicating that treatment effects were not opera-
I ting differently within the sexes.
!
; A significant Treatment by Levels interaction was
found (F - 3.21, df - 2/47, £<.049). The presence of
J this interaction indicates that the Treatment main effect,
may very well be confinded to one of the levels of initial
attitude. Tests for significance of treatment effects
within levels, indicated that Treatments within Level 2
were significantly different from one another (F - 8.51,
df - 2/47, £ < .001). Comparisons of the Treatments
within the High level indicated that the Self advocates in
91
this group were no different from the controls (Table 6,
Row 4: Tl w L2 vs. T3 w L2). These results indicate
that conclusions found previously regarding the Self
advocates, are not subject to change because of the inter
action effect. It is apparent that other Treatment groups
are involved in the significance of this effect.
No additional significant interactions were found in
the analysis; either Sex by Levels, or Treatments, Sex,
and Levels.
2) Extension of the Self-Esteem Advocacy
This portion of the analysis sought to test the
effects of the treatment on the total set of items from
which the advocacy topics were drawn. The independent
variables were again as in MANOVA (II), the dependent
variable was the Total Positive Self-Esteem score of the
TSCS. The pre-test score of the TSCS items was used as
the covariate. The results of this analysis are sum
marized in Table 8.
No significant main effect was found for Treatments.
This indicates that Hypothesis (d) predicting no dif
ferences between the Self group and the Controls was not
rejected. Inspection of the summary of group mean scores;
Table S, Column 3, indicates that the ordering of scores
was in the appropriate direction, given the direction of
92
TABLE 7
Summary of Adjusted Mean Self-Esteem Change
and Self-Esteem Totals for Treatment Groups
and Levels of Initial Attitude
Levels Treatment Pretest Change Total
Groups TSCS TSCS TSCS
Self 18.6 0.422 351.02
L
o Ideology 18.1 -.806 349.32
w
Control 18.2 -1.140 333.78
Mean Low 18.3 -0.508 344.70
Self 21.8 0.972 359.05
H
i Ideology 22.0 -2.247 350.27 i
g i
h Control 22.3 0.300 367.56
Mean High 22.0 -0.325 358.96
93
change noted for the two groups (Self * 355.1, Controls *
350.7). Some indication for an extension effect may be
operating, but it cannot be stated conclusively that
advocating positive self-references greatly enhanced the
overal1 level of self-esteem.
No significant main effect was found for Levels. The
Hypothesis (j-4) predicted that there would be no dif
ferences between Levels of initial self-esteem was not re-
t jected. The fact that the High level subjects changed less
|
negatively than the Controls, and the fact that their pre-
; test scores were higher, did not result in the larger
! overall gain that was expected (Low Total * 344.7, High
j j
| Total ■ 359.0).
No significant interactions were found for Treat- i
i
ments by Sex, or Sex by Levels. The three-way interac- !
! !
j tion of Treatments, Sex and Levels was not significant. I
I j
j The presence of a near significant Treatments by Levels j
i
| interaction indicates that there may be some extension of
i
j effects as noted with the self-esteem change patterns
i
J (F * 3.01, df * 2/47, £ <.059). Tests of significance j
for Treatments within the two Levels revealed no signifi
cant differences for the Treatments for either Level, when
Total scores were used. There does appear to be some cor
respondence in the Self group for the High and Low Levels
94
TABLE 8
MANOVA (II): Summary of Analysis of Co-variance of
Effects of Treatment Groups, Sex of Subject,
and Initial Level of Self-Esteem on
Total-Positive Self-Esteem Scores
Source of Variance df MS F
P<
Treatment (T) 2 157.646 .319 .728
Sex of Subject (S) 1 1348.641 2.729 .105
Levels of Self-Esteem (Lgg) 1 1269.762 2.570 .116
T x S 2 19.965 .040 .960
T x l(SE)
2 1486.070 3.008 .059 +
s x l(SE)
1 91.270 .185 .669
T x S x L(SE) 2 1326.746 2.685 .079
Within 47
+ - Marginal significance
95
given the direction and magnitude of the change scores.
However, significantly larger scores were not attained in
the High level Self advocates over the Lows.
Carryover Effects
1) The Effects of Self Advocacy on Black Power Agreement:
The Hypothesis (g) stated that subjects advocating
positive self-attributes would not be significantly
different from Controls when compared for degree of change
i on Black Power (ABPIS). The lack of a significant Treat-
j ment effect in MANOVA (1) indicates no rejection of this
! hypothesis. The conclusion that can be drawn from this
result is that while there was a positive shift in self-
j esteem change for the Self advocates (+.70), there was a
i !
I negative shift in Black Power (-.91), larger than either
I {
j the Ideology or the Controls. This might suggest the
possibility of a negative relationship for change in Self- <
j esteem and agreement with Black Power Ideology; but due to j
I i
j the findings of non-significant results for the Black j
Power change variable, the relationship cannot be stated
with certainty. If advocating positive self-attributes
makes one more prone to agreeing with the philosophy of
Black Power, it was not found by the use of an advocacy
i
procedure.
96
Hypothesis (h) predicted that subjects in the Self
Treatment group would show no difference from Controls
when total Black Power scores were used as the measures.
The results of MANOVA (I) fail to reject this hypothesis,
since no significant treatment effects were found.
Therefore, it might be concluded that the overall effect
of Self Advocacy on Black Power agreement is nil;
particularly when there was direct correspondence between
direction of change ( A BPIS) and total scores between the
two comparison groups. Total scores for the Self group
was slightly less than Controls (151.1 vs. 152.5).
2) Ideological Advocation and Self-Esteem:
Hypothesis (e) stated that the Ideology group would
show no differences in self-esteem change ( A TSCS) when
compared to the control group. Although a significant
main effect was obtained for treatments in MANOVA (II),
subsequent comparison of mean group differences indicated
the Ideology group with the largest negative shift of any
of the groups (Ideology - -1.53, Controls * -.42). This
difference however was not quite significant (F ■ 3.60,
df * 1/47, ^ < .064). On the basis of the simple effect
97
comparison, the hypothesis cannot be rejected. However,
it can be remembered that for self-esteem change there was
a significant Treatment by Levels interaction, which must
be taken into account before a decision can be made about
the hypothesis.
Previous comparisons of the source of the interaction
revealed that Treatments within the High level of pre
test attitude were significantly different from one
another. The comparison of the Ideology group to the
Controls within Level 2 reveals that the difference is
significant; Table 6, Row 4 (T2 - T3: F ■ 9.55, df * 1/47,
i :
£<.003). Inspection of the mean scores for Treatments
| and Levels, Table 7: Column 2, shows that for subjects
i
I within the High level (2), those in the Ideology group
i
I
| shifted negatively ( -2.25), while the Controls became
I
| slightly positive (+.30). It would appear then that
i
| advocating Black Power tenets depresses self-esteem,
j particularly for subjects High on initial self-esteem !
j |
i rating. Hypothesis (e) can be rejected with the above
qualifications. j
Hypothesis (f) predicted that there would be no !
difference in Total Positive Self-Esteem scores when the
Ideology group was compared to the Controls. The lack of
a significant main effect for Treatments in MANOVA (II)
98
upholds this hypothesis. However, it can be recalled that
the interaction for Treatments and Levels approached signi
ficance for the self-esteem totals (p<.059). And as
change scores were being analyzed for significance within
levels, so too were the totals. Table 7; Column 3 shows
the total scores for levels. The difference between the
Ideology and Control group at the High level is quite
large (350.3 vs. 367.6). Tests for significance between
these two groups however yielded a non-significant result
(F ■ 3.01, df * 1/47, ^<.089). The hypothesis cannot
be rejected.
Comparison of Treatment Methods
i
!
j Direct vs. Indirect Methods of Change Induction:
! Hypothesis (k-1) predicted that changes in Black
| Power agreement would not be different for the groups
i
! advocating Self attributes in comparison with the group j
i !
i advocating Ideological tenets. The results of MANOVA (I)
i j
! fail to reject this hypothesis, with no significant main
I
effect for Treatments when change on Black Power was used
as the criterion. Likewise the lack of significance using !
I
Black Power totals, indicates no overall difference in j
treatment methods for extending changes in Black Power
agreement. Hypothesis (k-2) cannot be rejected.
99
It is interesting to note that even though the Self
advocates changed their Black Power agreement level in a
more negative direction than the Ideological advocates,
their total scores showed a reversal of the trend (Self
Change ■ -.91, Totals * 151.0 vs. Ideology Change * -.51,
Totals ■ 148.0).
Hypothesis (1-1) stated that changes in self-esteem
scores would not be different when a comparison was made
between the Self group and the Ideology group. The re
sults of MANOVA (II) showed a significant main effect for
Treatments. Subsequent comparisons of treatment groups
I indicated a significant difference between the means of
| the Self and Ideology treatment groups. For the comparison
i (Tl - T2) in Table 6, Row 2 (F - 10.88, df - 1/47, £<.002).
! The Self group had a mean gain of (+.70) in self-esteem and
| the Ideology group had a mean loss of (-1.53). These
1 results could be taken as a rejection of Hypothesis (1-1),
! but with some reservations. The interaction of Treatments j
i
I
and Levels, showed that it was mainly the Ideological
group which was found to contribute to the significance j
of Treatments within the High level of Self-esteem. j
Within the High level the Ideology group was found to be J
i
significantly different from the Self group (Tl) and the
Controls (T3). The results of the comparison are pre-
100
sented on Table 6, Row 4. These results must be taken as
a qualification when comparing treatments for effective
ness in raising self-esteem. It can be stated with some
certainty, that within the High level of self-esteem,
Self advocacy (or Control advocacy) is more effective
than Ideological advocacy for inducing positive changes
in self-esteem. Hypothesis (1-1) can be rejected with
this qualification.
Comparison of the two treatment methods on the Total
Positive scores indicated that the above differences noted
in the change scores did not extend to the Total scores.
No significant main effects were found for Treatments when
Total Positive scores were used as the self-esteem
measure. Further analysis for the possible extension to
the interacting factors of Treatments and Levels, revealed
that the differences noted between the groups at the High
level were not significant (Self Totals * 355.0, Ideology
Totals ■ 349.8). These results then show a failure to re
ject Hypothesis (1-2), which predicted that the treatment
groups would show no differences on Total Positive Self-
Esteem. Apparently, whatever change was induced by the
treatment was limited in scope, and did not substantially
effect the overall level of self-esteem.
101
Control Procedures
1) Order Effects:
Whenever two different sets of items are administered
in sequence, there is always the possibility that the
sequence itself may produce spurious results that can
falsely be interpreted as treatment effects. This is
especially true for the measure which is second in a se
quence. In the present study that possibility was
anticipated by administering the pretests and post-tests
in reversed order to half of the Control group. Half of
the Control subjects (5 females and 5 males) received
the order used in the Ideology treatment; BPIS first, TSCS
second. The other Control subjects received the order
used in the Self treatment condition: TSCS first, BPIS
second. The dependent measures of change and Totals were
analyzed in a two-factor fixed effects analysis of co-
variance using the MANOVA computer program. The two
factors were Sex of subject and Order of test administra
tion; with Order having two dimensions. Order 1 used the
BPIS first and TSCS second. Order 2 used a reversed
sequence. Pretest score of the relevant data set was used
as the co-variate. Results of these analyses are sum
marized in Table 9.
TABLE 9
MANOVA Summary of Effects of Sex and Order of
Scales on BPIS-II and TSCS Data Sets
Source of Variance
Dependent Variables
BFIS-
Change
II Data
Totals
TSCS Data
Change Totals
df - 1/15 F
P<
F p < F p < F p<
Sex (S) .062 .807 .605 .449 .077 .785 2.407 .142
Order (0) .066 .801 .138 .715 .193 .667 .572 .461
S x 0 .604 .449 .802 .385 2.151 .163 .002 .967
O
N>
103
Analysis of the BPIS data sets, and TSCS data sets
showed no significant main effects for Sex or Order, and
the Sex by Order interaction was not significant. The
differential treatment effects noted previously, are not
subject to an alternate interpretation of order of adminis
tration of the dependent measures.
2) Treatment Time and Cumulative Grade-Point Average
(GPA):
Treatment group differences due to time spent in self
persuasion offered a possible source of confounding in the
study. Since it not possible to control for differences
in Treatment group topics, or a subject's response to
topics, a measure was taken of the number of minutes each
subject spent constructing supporting arguments for the
assigned topic set. GPA was requested from each subject
in order to ensure that treatment groups were adequately
balanced for academic achievement, since that too might
confound interpretation of results. Both time and GPA
were treated simultaneously as dependent variables in a
three factor multivariate analysis of variance. The in
dependent variables were Treatment groups (Self, Ideology,
and Control), Sex of subject, and initial Level of treat
ment related attitude. The variables were analyzed with
104
the MANOVA computer program.
For the Self group the initial level of self-esteem
was used for assigning subjects to levels. For the Ideo
logy group the initial Black Power score was used. The
Control group, not having a pretest measure of opinion on
the educational policy statements, was assigned to levels
on the combined pretest scores of self-esteem and Black
Power. Results of this analysis are summarized in Table
10 .
For the dependent variables of treatment time and
GPA, there were no significant main effects for Treatments,
i
j Sex, or initial attitude level. There were no significant
j ;
j two-way or three-way interactions for either variable.
| The findings of no significant differences for treat-
!
i ment times is an indication that the subjects’ response
I
I
to different topic sets did not vary appreciably in diffi
culty of argument improvisation. Likewise the findings of i
j 1
no differences in reported GPA indicates that the three
Treatment groups were adequately balanced for academic '
achievement level, and cannot be used as an alternate ex
planation for the results achieved on the self-esteem
variable. Therefore, these two possible areas of con
founds need not be a matter of concern in future discus
sions of results. The means and standard deviations of
TABLE 10
Summary of MANOVA of Effects of Treatments
Groups, Sex of Subject, and Initial Level
of Treatment Attitude on Measures of
Treatment Time and Grade Point Average
Dependent Variables
Source of Variance Treatment Time GPA
df MS F P < df MS F P <
Treatments (T) 2 1.017 0.033 0.968 2 0.059 0.353 0.705
Sex (S) 1 32.267 1.041 0.316 2 0.007 0.040 0.843
Levels (L) 4 24.291 0.784 0.545 4 0.166 1.001 0.422
T x S 2 17.617 0.568 0.572 2 0.042 0.254 0.777
T x L 8 28.579 0.922 0.513 8 0.237 1.429 0.225
S x L 4 19.891 0.642 0.637 4 0.247 1.489 0.230 o
L / 1
T x S x L
Within Replicates
8
30
44.053 1.421 .228 8 0.048 0.286 0.965
106
TABLE 11
Means and Standard Deviations of
Treatment Time and Reported Grade-Point
Average by Treatment Groups and Sex
Sex Groups Time
(Minutes)
GPA
[Cumulative)
Mean S.D. Mean S.D.
F Self 12.4 6.11 2.75 0.43
E
M Ideology 12.6 5.10 2.67 0.37
A
L Control 13.8 4.76 2.86 0.30
E
Mean Female 12.9 2.76
,
Self 14.9 6.59 2.81 0.43
M
A Ideology 15.2 6.66 2.75 0.51
L
E Control 13.1 3.70 2.78 0.38
Mean Male 14.4 2.78
Mean Self 13.6 2.78
Ideology 13.9 2.78
Control 13.4 2.82
107
treatment time and GPA are presented in Table 11.
Secondary Analyses
Subjective Importance Ranks
Subjects were asked to rank the ten items of the
initial attitude measure (Opinion Survey) on a 5-point
scale of personal importance. The ranks were assigned
values of l*Very Unimportant to 5*Very Important. The mid
point 3^ was indicated as a neutral point. Table 12 shows
that the mean ranks for all items was relatively high, in
dicating that the items chosen for the treatment manipula
tions were important to the total sample of subjects.
An analysis was planned to test out the effects of
this variable on the change measures. However, theTe was
not enough spread among the ranks to justify a statistical
test.
Correlations Between Dependent Measures: Total Scores and
Factors of BPIS-II
In order to determine exactly how the dependent
measures might be associated; a correlation matrix was
computed between totals and factors of the BPIS-II and
TSCS. Since some differences were noted for Treatment
groups and Sex on various factors of both scales, separate
correlation tables were computed along these lines.
108
TABLE 12
Mean Importance Ranks of Ten Treatment
Items for Total Sample (n*60)
Topic Set Item Number
Self (TSCS) 1 2 3 4 5 Total
Pretest
Mean Rank 4.4 4.2 4.5 3.8 4.4 4.3
Black Power
(BPIS-II)
1 2 3 4 5
Mean Rank 4.4 4.4 4.0 4.0 4.0 4.2
109
A summary of mean scores for BPIS-II factors is presented
in Table 13; for TSCS data in Table 14.
The cross-correlation table for the two dependent
measures demonstrating differences by sex can be found in
Table 15. Table 16 is a summary of the ways in which
treatment group assignment affected the intercorrelation
between measures.
I. Significant correlations obtained from Table 15, in
dicating differences by Sex were the following:
A Females: Between BPIS-II and TSCS factors
Factor I and Self-Criticism r * .3754, p<.05
Factor II and Total Variability r * .4921, p <.01
Factor III and Physical r “-.3928, p <.05
III and Total Variability r --.3770, p<.05
Total BPIS and Self-Criticism r ■ .3910, p<.05 !
The relationships as stated strongly suggest that for
Females a strong Black Identity and agreement with a Black •
Power orientation is associated with Self-Criticism. This j
factor of the TSCS is a measure of the degree to which a j
person can make an honest assessment of negative qualities j
i
about the self, but still maintain a healthy regard for |
I
the self (Fitt, 1965). As can be noted from Table 14,
Females were almost equal to Males on this factor, with
both groups scoring at the 50th percentile of the norm
TABLE 13
Mean Scores by Group and Sex of Black Power Factors,
Total Black Power and Mythology (M)
Sex Groups Factor
1
Factor
2
Factor
3
Factor
4
"actor
5
total
BPIS
M
F
E Self 38.6 36.9 16.3 20.0 31.3 143.0 34.5
M Ideology 40.6 37.4 16.2 20.2 30.3 145.7 34.1
A
|
Control 40.0 38.2 18.9 20.9 32.2 150.2 34.3
L
E Females 39.7 37.5 17.1 20.3 31.2 146.3 34.3
Self 40.3 43.0 18.8 20.7 33.6 156.4 34.6
M Ideology 40.3 38.9 20.1 20.5 32.8 152.6 35.4
A
I
Control 41.4 40.8 18.7 21.5 32.8 155.2 37.0
L
E Males 40.6 40.9 19.2 20.9 33.0 154.7 35.6
Self 39.4 39.9 17.5 20.3 32.4 149.7 34.5
Ideology 40.4 38.1 18.1 20.3 31.5 149.1 34.7
Control 40.7 39.5 18.8 21.2 32.5 152.7 35.6
LEGEND:
FACTOR 1 * Black Culture and Identity FACTOR 4 * Individualism vs. Intra-
FACTOR 2 * Political-Economic Control group Solidarity
FACTOR 3 ■ Militancy (Confrontation) FACTOR 5 * Integration vs.
Separatism
TABLE 14
Mean Scores by Group and Sex of TSCS
Factors, Self-Criticism and Total Variability
Sex Groups Row
1
Row
2
Row
3
Col.
A
"Cor.
B
Col.
C
Col.
D
Col.
E
■sc- "Total
V
Norm 127.1 103. 7 njr.o 71.8 70.3 64.6 70.8 68.1 35.5 48.5
F
E
Self 125.0 111.8 111.2 69.2 71.1 67.2 71.5 69.0 32.1 41.6
M
Ideology 127.2 106.8 ni.i 68.0 70.1 65.2 71.7 70.1 35.6 51.0
A
Control 125.6 108.6 112.2 67.7 71.9 68.1 68.5 70.7 36.1 47.9
L
E Females 125.9 109.0 111.5 68.3 71.0 66.8 70.5 69.9 34.6 46.8
Self 131.1 112.3 118.8 75.1 68.5 72.1 72.2 74.4 35.5 48.2
M Ideology 129.7 108.8 115.2 73.2 69.7 70.7 70.7 69.4 36.9 46.3
A
f
Control 126.3 114.5 114.2 74.9 66.9 70.4 72.3 70.5 32.7 46.4
L
E
Males 129.0 111.8 116.0 74.4 68.3 71.0 71.7 71.4 35.0 46.9
Self 128.0 110.7 115.0 72.1 69.8 69.6 71.8 71.7 33.8 44.9
Ideology 128.4 107.8 113.1 70.6 69.9 67.9 71.2 69.7 36.2 48.6
Control 125.9 111.5 113.2 71.3 69.4 69.2 70.4 70.6 34.4 47.1
LEGEND:
ROW 1 ■ Identity COL. C * Personal Self
ROW 2 « Self-Satisfaction COL. D * Family Self
ROW 3 * Behavior COL. E * Social Self
COL.A * Physical Self SC * Self Criticism
COL.B * Moral-Ethical Self V ■ Variability
TABU 15
Intercorrelations between BPIS-II Factors and Subscales
of the TSCS for Males and Fesales
TSCS
BPIS-II Row 1 Row 2 Row 3 Col.A Col. B Col.C Col.D Col.E Total S.C.
Total
Var.
Factor I
Female
Male
-.0233 .1045 .1224
.0346 .1007 -.1211
.0283 .0030
-.0372 .0379
-.0259
.0570
.0255
.0100
.3139 .0916 .3754*
-.0398 .0090 .2688
.1673
.2217
Factor II
Female
Male
-.1225 -.2293 -.2241
.1285 .1104 -.0214
-.3336 -.1567
.0510 .0629
-.1690
.0834
-.3411
.0700
.0992 -.2354 .2926
.0309 .0804 .2888
.4921*
.2009
Factor III
Female
Male
-.1673 -.2254 -.2694
-.0673 .0598 -.0527
-.3928*-.2459
-.0219 .0938
-.0951
.0063
-.2875
.0294
-.0064 -.2651 .3177
-.1861 -.0202 .3473
.3770*
-.0691
Factor IV
Female
Male
-.3042 -.1322 -.1581
-.0682 -.0042 -.0376
-.3312 -.1556
.0279 .1033
-.2588
-.0600
-.2197
.0243
.1163 -.2176 .2551
-.1 6 8 6 -.0036 .2075
.1679
.1833
Factor V
Female
Male
-.2845 .0156 -.1384
.1201 .1071 .1652
-.2455 -.1217
.1636 .2075
-.1220
-.0160
-.0600
.1244
.0191 -.1335 .2591
.0507 .1477 -.1042
.1440
.1378
Total
Female
Male
4
-.2246 -.1164 -.1714
.0825 .1026 -.0100
-.3229 -.1699
.0525 .1245
-.1663
.0272
-.2 2 6 2
.0692
.1396 -.1914 .3910*
-.0519 .0645 .2346
.3631
.1826
M Factor
Female
Male
-.0324 -.2215 -.1680
•0851 -.0018 -.0308
-.2293 -.1372
-.0774 .0510
-.0014
.0490
-.3015
.1152
-.0214 -.1822 -.0688
-.2093 .0060 .1070
.1284
.0260
* “ r>«371^» 28 df, significant at p<»05
112
TABLE 16
Intercorrelation8 Between BPIS-II Factors and Sub-scales
of the TSCS for Treatment Groups
TSCS
BPIS-II
Row 1 Row 2 Row 3 Col.A Col.B Col.C Col.D Col.E Total S.C.
Total
Var.
Factor 1
Self
Ideology
Control
-.1033
.3701
-.0218
.0034
.2086
.1741
-.2523
.1553
.1859
-.0452
.0724
.1150
-.1713
.2275
-.0010
-.1262
.2658
.0297
-.3351
.0806
.3069
.2311
.3437
.G26l
-.1453
.2679
.1352
.5096*
.1547
.2449
.2083
.1981
.1082
Factor II
Self
Ideology
Control
.2259
-.1293
• 0452
.0475
-.2948
.0430
.1123
-.4310
.0766
.0827
-.3066
.1256
.0051
-.4319
.0583
.1900
-.0901
.0400
-.0749
-.3026
.0270
.3863
-.0935
-.0487
.1558
-.3636
.0581
.4307 ✓
.4644
.0251
.2704
.5112*
.3553
Factor III
Self
Ideology
Control
.1572
-.1430
-.1683
-.0291
-.2543
.0782
.2300
-.2363
-.2350
.0396
.0214
-.2382
.0869 .2623
.1722
.0113 -.1827
.1231
-.3726
-.0320
-.0110
-.1498
.0239
.1382
-.2649
-.1078
.1978,,
.4795
.327^
.0601
.1852
.3688
Factor IV
Self
Ideology
Control
.3102
.035?
-.4054
.0304
-.0463
-.1403
-.0024
-.0561
-.1218
-.0002
.0267
-.2392
.1388
-.1 0 1 6
-.1146
-.0585
.0353
-.2807
-.0757
-.1404
-.0259
.4286
.1000
-.3323
.1313
-.0374
-.2305
.1027
.0974
.5091*
.1657
.1223
.2565
Factor V
Self
Ideology
Control
-.0459
-.1926
-.0055
.0273
-.2322
.3004
.0069
-.1999
.1951
.0692
-.1039
.0466
.0229
-.4368
.3574
-.1085
-.1224
.0949
.1477
-.3038
.2477
-.1686
.1824
.1017
-.0002
-.2516
.2005
.0591
.3198
-.0446
.0699
.3584
-.0240
Total
Self
Ideology
Control
%
.1156
-.0328
-.1017
.0209
-.1743
.1*03
.0177
-.2186
.0684
.0411
-.1017
-.0064
-.0028
-.3461
.1136
.0479
.0426
-.0381
-.0696
-.2706
.1574
.2173
.0939
-.0336
.0602
-.1882
.0541
.3660
.4003
.2132
.2078
.3784
.2430
r, significant at p < .05
* = ^significant at p <..02 . ** = i j significant at p<,01
113
114
( -36.0).
Factor II of the BPIS is a measure of the belief in
Black persons taking control of political and economic
institutions within the Black community. The positive
association with Total Variability, which is a measure of
consistency in responding, may give some indication of
what people really believe they can do about conditions in
j the Black communities. Black Females scored at about the
49th percentile for Total Variability; indicating a con-
: sistent, normal attitude toward the self.
The only negative relationship found for Females was
between Factor III and Physical Self of the TSCS. Factor
III is a measure of the degree to which confrontive,
i
| militant action should be used in resolving problems of
I
; discrimination. It might be that this negative associa
tion is an indication on the part of Females to avoid
physical confrontation which may result in injury. That
i
Total Variability is also negatively associated with
Factor II, may be another indication that Females feel
equivocal about engaging in militant confrontation.
B. No significant correlations were found within the
Male group.
C. No significant differences were found in the cor
relations between Males and Females.
115
II. Significant correlations found in the analysis of
Treatment Groups (Males and Females combined)
Self Group : Factor I and Self-criticism;
r * .5096, p < . 02
Ideology Group: Factor II and Self-criticism;
r ■ .4644, p < . 05
and Variability;
r - .5112, p <.02
Factor III and Column B;
r - -.,5447, p .01
and Self-criticism;
r ■ .4795, p<.05
Control Group : Factor IV and Self-criticism;
r ■ .5091, p <.02
I For the Self Group Black identification and Self-
i '
j criticism were positively associated. This group had the j
! I
! lowest scores on both of these factors than either of the
two groups. This may suggest a slight bit of defensiveness!
in the Self group about their Black identity. Or it may I
i
indicate that the Self treatment had the effect of limiting!
realistic self-criticism and negating Black identity.
|
J For the Ideology group a number of positive associa- j
tions were obtained. Factor II and III of the BPIS were
positively associated with Self-criticism. Factor II is
the Economic-Political self determination factor, and
116
Factor III relates to Militant behavior. It should be
noted that this group had the highest Self-criticism score
among the three groups and also the highest Variability
score. Factor II was associated positively with Varia
bility, the response consistency measure. Both Self-
criticism and Variability were right on the 50th per
centile of the standard scale of scores.
The negative association found between Militancy
(Factor III) and Moral-Ethical Behavior (Column B) is of
interest. Taken literally this would mean that the more
militant the person’s belief the more prone one is to
judge themselves irreligious or lacking in morality.
The Control group showed a positive correlation
between the BPIS factor regarding Group Intra-solidarity
and Self-criticism. This group had the highest scores I
j
[ on Factor IV, with middle range scores on Self-criticism.
B. Significant differences in the correlations be- |
tween Treatment Groups. Tests for significance j
between correlations presented on Table 16 were ,
performed by an r to Z transformation, and testing!
i
the derived Z statistic for placement on the \
normal curve (Bruning and Kintz, 1968).
117
1) Self vs. Controls
rs ■ -.3351 vs. rc * .3069: Factor I and Column D,
1.96, p .05
rs * .3012 vs. rc *-.4054: Factor IV and Row 1
rs * .4286 vs. rc *-.3323: Factor IV and Column E,
2) Ideology vs. Controls
r^ * -.4368 vs. rc - .3574: Factor IV and Column B
Interpretations of the first set of comparisons
appear to reside in the possible effects of the Self treat
ment. The treatment may have had the effect of strengthen
ing feelings of Black Solidarity (Factor IV), and clarify
ing feelings of Individual (Row I) and Social Identity
(Column E). An apparent conflict is indicated in the
negative association of Black Identity (Factor I) and
Family Self (Column D) for the Self group.
The difference noted between the Ideology and Control
group indicates a negative association between Racial
Separatism (Factor IV) and Moral-Ethical Self (Column B).
It appears that for the Ideology group a belief in volun
tary separation from the larger society indicates a
corresponding disbelief in society's religious and moral
values.
CHAPTER IV
DISCUSSION
Summary of the Study
This study attempted to investigate several dimensions
of the attitude change procedure of advocacy. Advocacy is
a self-persuasive technique, employed in this study by
having subjects construct supporting arguments to a set of
topics. A major dimension chosen for study was the per
sonal relevance of the topics to the subjects, which is
of theoretical importance since research done with this
dimension has been inconclusive. Additional dimensions of
theoretical interest related to possible extension of an
advocacy effect and carryover of any effects to a related
set of topics. Extension referred to whether or not
attitudes would change and effect the whole set of topics
related to the advocated ones. In addition the investiga
tion sought to discover if attitudes changed differentially
as a result of strength of the initial attitude, and also
whether the sex of the subject contributed to differential
changes in attitude.
In order to test out the theoretical questions, two
interesting and current topic areas were chosen for in-
118
119
vestigation; these were self-esteem and Black Power
attitudes in Black college students. The theoretical
questions were applied to a manipulation to determine if
the self-esteem level in Black college students could be
raised. The manipulation used was that of having the
students advocate in writing and verbalizations, positive
self-referent statements drawn from the Tennessee Self Con
cept Scale. Two other groups were given an analagous
treatment; one was given positive tenets drawn from the
Black Power Ideology Scale and a control condition was giver
statements relating to educational policies of college
campuses. These three groups were then compared for answers
to the theoretical questions regarding attitude change on
the topics selected; extension to the parent set of topics;
and carryover to the related set. In addition treatment
time and grade point averages were measured to remove
possible sources of confounding.
Summary of Results
The results of the study relating to direct effects of
advocacy are these: (1) Advocating positive tenets of
Black Power had no effect upon the initial attitude re
garding the topics. Post measure change scores were slightly
120
lower than pre measures. These results failed to reject
Hypothesis (a) which predicted such an effect. (2) Ad
vocating positive self-referent statements showed change
in the desired direction; but the lack of the change being
significantly different from the controls, or from zero,
indicates no real direct effect. Such results failed to
reject null Hypothesis (b).
The results of the study in relation to possible ex
tension of effects were these: for subjects advocating the
five Black Power statements, the total BPIS-II scores were
no different from the control group failing to reject null
Hypothesis (c). For subjects advocating positive self
references, the Total Positive Self-esteem score of the
TSCS was not significantly different from controls, even
though scores were comparatively higher in this group.
These results failed to reject null Hypothesis (d).
The results of the study relating to one type of carry
over from one set of topics to another were made for sub
jects advocating Black Power statements in comparison to
Controls on their self-esteem scores, both direct and ex
tended. Findings were that subjects showed more negative
change than Controls, and slightly lower totals than Con
trols. Both results, as simple effects, did not reach
121
accepted levels of significance. There was however a
significant interaction for Treatment by Levels: which
showed that within the High level of self-esteem the
Ideological advocates were significantly different from the
Controls. This resulted in a qualified rejection of
Hypothesis (e). Hypothesis (f) could not be rejected on a
similar basis.
Subjects advocating positive self-references were com
pared to Controls on their BPIS-II scores, both direct and
extended. Findings were that the subjects in this group
showed more negative change than Controls, and a slightly
lower total score than Controls. Neither of the differences
was significant, resulting in a failure to reject Hypotheses
(g) and (h).
On the whole, results obtained from dividing subjects
by level of initial attitude showed no significant results.
There were no effects due to Levels for Black Power change
or Totals, resulting in a failure to reject Hypotheses
(i-1) and (i-2). No significant effects for Levels were
found for self-esteem change or Totals. There was however,
a significant Treatment by Levels interaction, with Treat
ments within the High level of self-esteem being signifi
cantly different from one another. These results are
122
taken as a qualified rejection of Hypothesis (i-3).
Hypothesis (i-4) stating no significant Levels effect for
Total-Positive Self-esteem was not rejected.
The effects of Sex of subject on the various measures
were highly consistent. There was no Sex effect for
direct Black Power change, failing to reject Hypothesis
Cj-1); and no effect for Totals, failing to reject Hypothe
sis (j-2). There were no Sex effects for self-esteem
change and none for Totals; failing to reject Hypotheses
(j-3) and (j-4). There were no differences in the Self
advocates on their Black Power scores, failing to reject
Hypothesis (j-5). There were no Sex differences in the
Black Power advocates on their self-esteem change scores,
confirming Hypothesis (j-6). The general trends noted for
Sex differences were for Males to outscore Females on
totals, and to change in a more positive direction than
females.
A comparison of the relative efficacy of treatment
methods on changing self-esteem showed the Self treatment
(and the Control), produced significantly different effects
from the Black Power treatment. The Self treatment pro
duced some attitude change in the expected direction, but
the Black Power treatment had the reverse effect of lowering
123
the self-esteem scores. These results were due primarily
to the effect of the treatments at the High level of pre
treatment self-esteem. Hypothesis (k) can be rejected
with the preceding qualification. Comparison of methods
for changing Black Power attitudes showed no differences,
thereby failing to reject Hypothesis (1).
No results were obtained for attitude change as a
function of Subjective Importance. Hypothesis (m) could
not be tested. Mean ranks for both topic sets indicated
both were rated equally high on the Importance dimension.
A control group advocating neutral topics was used
in the most basic comparisons so that any observed changes
in attitude toward the treatment topics would be actually
the results of supporting those specific topics, rather
than just the "act" of advocating. The control group was
also used to measure any effects due to order of presenta
tion of the two scales. No significant effects were found
for this factor.
Two other control variables were measured to remove
other possible sources of confounding. These were treat
ment time and GPA. No significant differences were found
for any of the treatment conditions; thereby, removing
these variables as possible alternate explanations of ex-
124
perimental effects.
Supplementary results were obtained on the degree of
intercorrelation between the subscales of the two dependent
measures. Analyses were performed to determine if Sex of
subject was a differentiating factor, and also if Treatment
group assignment alterned correlations between scales.
125
Conclusions of the Study
The overall results of the study indicate that the
advocacy procedure used was not successful in changing
attitudes of a highly relevant nature. A discussion of
the non-effectiveness of the experimental manipulations to
produce change in attitudes may serve as precautions in the
design of future research in this area.
Three possible reasons emerge as explanations for this
failure. The first reason is that the procedure lacked
power as a persuasive technique with relevant topic areas.
The second is that perhaps self-persuasion is not effective
generally with topics of high personal importance. The
third reason is that possibly self-persuasion is not an
effective technique to be used with a Black population.
Some evidence in favor of the first explanation can be
derived from the positive trend in the Self advocates to
change their self-esteem scores in the direction of the
advocation. Alterations in the present procedure may pro
duce sufficient power to produce significant changes. Such
alterations might take the form of repetitions of the pre
sent procedure over several sessions, which would become
more like the procedures used in the studies reported by
Allen (1971), Baron, et al (1971) and Susskind (1970).
126
Another possible alteration might be to increase the
effortfulness of the subjects task and duplicate significant
results reported by Linder and Worschel (1970) in changing
attitudes of smokers toward cigarette-smoking. It is
possible that the items used in the Self advocacy condition
were too simple and readily answerable in the form of sup
porting arguments. Selection of another set of items,
demanding more cognitive input, may provide the necessary
ingredients to produce significant results.
The second explanation offered for the failure of the
present study may be answerable in terms of procedural
change. The self-persuasive procedure itself could be
changed to a different format; perhaps to having subject's
prepare persuasive messages to be distributed to others as
in the Jellison and Mills study (1969). Of course it is
possible that the advocacy procedure is not the appropriate
vehicle to use in attempting to change attitudes of a highly
relevant nature. Previous studies reporting results with
this dimension used a social persuasion technique. In the
studies of Bergin (1962) and Eagly (1967), subjects
changed their self-referring attitudes as a result of dis
crepant information emanating from an authoritative other.
The third reason posited as a possible explanation, is
127
that self-persuasion with any topic area may not be an
effective technique to use with a Black population. Re
search to support this contention could not be found in
the attitude change literature. However, differences noted
in a cultural analysis of behavioral differences might ex
tend also to an experimental procedure.
The use of role-playing as a survival technique has
a special place in the history of Black people. It is not
unusual for persons to consciously act a role which is
known to be untrue of the self, but deemed necessary to
obtain other life goals, i.e., jobs, and workable relations
with social institutions. Hannerz (1969) has documented
the use of the "rap" by street-corner Black males as a form
of recreation; where insults are exchanged and stories of
fantastic feats are told. The participants are all aware
of the "game" nature of the exchange; and the creativeness
D f the rap is a source of pride to the players. There is
no way to know to what extent these behaviors are typified
in the present sample of Black college students. At some
future point in time it may be determined, that for Blacks
to verbally act the role of an advocate, is merely an ex
tension of an acquired role-playing ability. Thus research
using an advocacy procedure may not show the same pattern
of results as for a White sample.
128
In addition there is some evidence that generally Black
persons are suspicious and defensive toward interviewing
and testing situations, and may approach the experimental
session with reservations (Sattler, 1970). The large
number of no-shows, particularly among Black males, in
dicates a possibility of negative feelings toward research
participation.
In contrast to the positive change trend in the Self
advocates, Black Power advocates tended to disagree more
on the post-measure as a result of their advocation. Even
though both topic areas were rated equal on subjective
importance, the Black Power items probably evoked more
"socially desirable" responses than the self-referent items.
The responses may be more in line with what they believed
was expected of them, rather than stating their own
opinion. Another problem with this topic area, was that it
was more subject to quotations from sources other than the
subject's own cognitions. Four of the twenty subjects in
condition mentioned Malxolm X as an authority on some of
the Black Power items. It could be that many more subjects
were constructing arguments based upon authority, rather
than themselves.
The only significant result in the study was the
129
surprising finding of a comparative loss in self-esteem
attained by the Black Power advocates within the High
level of self-esteem. Within the High level these advocates
were significantly different from the Self advocates and
the Controls. Adequate explanations of this phenomena do
not appear to fall within the theoretical provinces of
either Bern's self-persuasion theory (1969) or Greenwald's
cognitive rehearsal explanation (1968). The phenomena
appear to be more in line with an expression of "moral
dissonance" as discussed by Kelman and Baron (1968). The
following statement seems to apply here:
The violation of an important moral pre
cept or the negation of an important value
carries direct implications for central
aspects of the person's self-image...In
this kind of situation we expect that the
inconsistency will create a great deal of
tension and evoke an emotional label that
may be described phenomenally as 'guilt'.
This guilt reaction manifests itself in
a concern over the goodness or badness,
the rightness or wrongness of the behavior...
When the person labels his affective state
as guilt, then he is likely to engage in
efforts at undoing his 'reprehensible'
action or making reparations for it. (p.333)
If students experienced discomfort by engaging in
advocacy they felt they were "supposed" to believe in, and
did not; the discomfort may have aroused feelings of un
worthiness in the subjects. If such was the case, then a
130
downward shift in self-esteem is plausible. Cognitions
may have been aroused such as "I do not match up to the
ideal, therefore, I am not as good a person as I think I
am". Mild self-derogation in this setting can be seen as
a means of reducing discomfort experienced as a result of
the advocacy. That this need should be greatest in per
sons judging themselves High in initial self-esteem is
perfectly in accord with behavior patterns of persons
rating themselves High and Low on this dimension. Aronson
and Mettee (1968) theorized that for persons of high self
esteem to engage in dishonest behavior would be incon
sistent with their self-concepts and would therefore induce
more dissonance in them, than in persons of low self
esteem. Their research found that persons of low chronic
and induced self-esteem cheated more at cards than the high
chronic persons of either high or low induced level.
In order for the students to experience dissonance as
a result of Black Power advocacy, some notion of behavioral
expectations must reside in them. It is probable that
students derive these expectations from a concept of what
an "ideal" Black person is supposed to be like. It is also
possible that such an "ideal" may have been connoted from
the advocation items themselves; especially items numbered
131
one through three. These items concentrate on Black
pride, interest in Black culture, and feelings of oneness
with other Black people. It would be an interesting pro
ject to discover just what kinds of characteristics make
up the ideal, and further determine how much students feel
they vary from this ideal.
Nobles (1973) gives some clues as to the possible con
ception of an "ideal” for Black persons. It is his con
tention that the self-esteem of peoples of African origin
is inseparably intertwined in an "I-We" dimension. He
posits that Afro-Americans of high self-esteem would find
it extremely important to maintain a strong, positive unit
relation between their "I" and "We" self-referents. If this
is true then the negative change deflection in self-esteem
experienced by the Black Power advocates, may have been a
consequence of behavioral disparity in the "We" portion of
the relationship.
One possible test of Nobles' position might be found
in the correlation ratios between the two scales used as
dependent measures. If Nobles' position is true, then it
is reasonable to expect that certain factors of the BPIS-II
would show a high degree of association with like areas of
the TSCS; particularly for high self-esteem subjects.
132
However, in computing the correlations between the two
scales an analysis by levels of self-esteem was not per
formed. But an alternate means of comparison might be made
between the Black Power advocates and the self-referent
advocates, since the Self group ended up with higher
self-esteem totals than the Black Power group.
The factors of the BPIS-II and TSCS which should show
some areas of difference between the two groups are between
Factor I and II of the BPIS-II and the factors relating to
Identity, Personal Self and Social Self of the TSCS. Factor
I of the BPIS-II is a measure of Black culture and Black
Identity involvement. Factor IV measures the degree of
Group intrasolidarity vs. Individualism endorsed. To
simplify the discussion the group comparisons of these
correlations of interest were abstracted from Table 15 and
displayed here.
133
BP IS TSCS TSCS TSCS
Identity Personal Self Social Self
FACTOR I
Self -.1033 -.1262 .2311
Ideology .3701 .2658 .3437
FACTOR IV
Self .3102 -.0585 .4286
Ideology .0359 .0353 .1000
Tests for significance for the difference between the
groups shows that none of the intercorrelations between
scale factors are significant. Some mild credence can be
given to Nobles' position for Factor I relationships for
the Ideology group, but not for Factor IV.
The findings of the present study cannot be taken
as conclusive evidence that no relation exists between the
Black Power movement and self-esteem. Obviously much more
research needs to be done in these areas before a complete
behavioral picture can be drawn of the personality organiza
tion of young Black persons developing within a system of
134
new social guidelines. Though the study was not successful
in demonstrating many of the proposed effects, some of the
trends noted do show promise or pitfalls to designers of
future studies using these techniques.
In regards to future studies attempting to raise self
esteem in college students, several observations seem
pertinent:
1. The assumption of low self-esteem in today's Black
student population is probably not warranted.
Data from the present study show that as a group,
the sample mean (n«60) on Total Positive Self
Esteem was (351.8); the norm is (345.6) (Fitts,
1965). Even with such a well-balanced group as
regards self-esteem, raising self-esteem by the
present procedure was not successful. It is ap
parent, however, that a direct approach via self-
referent manipulation holds more promise than
attempting to change self-esteem via belief in a
social movement.
2. One area not investigated in the present study, is
how a Black person actually feels about being a
Black person. The Self advocates in the present
study, were given topics that were universally
oriented; i.e., they could have been applied to
135
any racial group. The Black Power advocates
were cast in the role of proponents of a large
social movement. Neither treatment condition
actually touched upon the area of ’ ’Black person-
hood." Such a dimension would be a midpoint or
melding of the two treatment conditions used
here. Manipulations in this middle region might
show some different patterns of results regarding
the interplay of self-esteem and a Black con
sciousness orientation. In addition it is not
known whether Black persons have varying concep
tions of themselves, as regards to their person-
hood vs. their racial identity. Are they the
same or different? As an interesting aside, a
count was made of the number of subjects in the
Self group making racial comments in response to
the items. It was expected that Item 4, dealing
with physical attributes would stimulate such
remarks. Only three subjects made references to
their color, and these were all male.
Attempts to raise the level of Black Power agreement
does not show the same orientation to possible success as
the self-evaluation procedure. The trend noted for these
advocates was to show more disagreement with the proposed
136
items. The lack of many significant correlations between
the two measuring instruments suggests that belief in Black
Power is not integrated into the personality structure of
the subjects. It appears that a Black Power or Black
liberation orientation is not a component of everyday life,
but is perhaps more a form of responding to oppressive
elements in the larger society. If that is the case
persons may be prone to avoid elements of the philosophy
on an everyday basis, but may take a more accepting stance
in times of crisis. It is still unclear just what part
the philosophy of Black Power plays in the lives of these
young people. It still remains to be determined whether
someone will develop a means of experimentally investiga
ting the exact nature of the psychological processes
affected by an embrace of a Black Power orientation.
137
Critique of the Study
One of the major shortcomings of the present study is
the probability that the topics used for the control group
advocation were racially reactive, and not neutral as was
intended. Many of the control subjects, responded in a
racial manner to the items dealing with graduate school
entrance by standardized tests, (#4) use of the pass-fail
system in grading (#2), and the desirability of a career-
oriented education vs. a liberal arts education (#5). An
obvious tactical error was made in the design by not
obtaining pre and post measures of agreement on this
variable, and the ranks of Subjective Importance for these
items. Such information would have served as checks on
the adequacy of the procedures used in the study.
Despite the possibility that the controls were advoca
ting non-neutral topics in this study, it may be almost
impossible to construct a set of topics for a Black popula
tion which does not contain some racial connotations;
especially if criteria for selection are based on timeliness
of the topics, and capacity to stimulate an interesting
discussion.
Another fault in the present study was that no formal
measure was taken of the subject's reaction to the various
138
treatment conditions and task requirements. The measure
ment of such reactions might have given clues as to the
differences in change trends noted for the two treatment
conditions. It would have been helpful to know if the
Black Power advocates felt uneasy in their assignment, as
the writer has previously speculated.
Closing Statement
At some point in time a determination must be made
about where Rlack persons draw the line between their
political-social selves and their very personal, private
selves. In this study, using a self-persuasive technique,
some indication of a weak relationship between Black Power
and self-esteem was attained, not in the direction pre
dicted by theorists in this regard.
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APPENDICES
149
BIOGRAPHICAL INFORMATION
(1-9) - - (10) Your Sex: Male_
House numbers Zip Code Month 5 Year of1 Birth Female_
(11) Your Ethnic Group_____________ 12) High School_Student___ College Student__
(13) Year in School (14) Your Future Desired Career_____________________
(15) Are You Working? (16) How Many Hours Per Week (17) What Kind of Job?
(18) Your Father's Occupation_____________ (19) Mother's Occupation _______________
(20) In Your Family Are You The
1. Only Child 2. Oldest Child 3. Middle Child 4. Youngest
Child — — —
(21) How Many Brothers and Sisters Do You Have?___
(22) What Is Your Marital Status? Single Married Divorced Widowed Separated
(23) Do You Have Children? ___ How Many? ___
(24) Do You Live In An Integrated or a Segregated Community?
CONSENT
I agree to participate in the study conducted by Mrs. Rita Boags and assistants, in
volving the formulation of opinions on various topics and completion of attitude
questionnaires. I understand that I can withdraw from the study at any time. I am
giving this information to the Experimenter to be used in the context of her dis-
sertation research. Published reports using this information will be mainly in the
form of statistical summaries. Where excerpts of individual interviews are to be
used, identity of the subject source will be strictly maintained. Under no con
ditions will any of this information be released to any agency or outside authority.
Signature
Date
OPINION SURVEY
Here are two sets of questions which reflect ideas and issues which are important to
many people. Please answer each item as to your personal opinion. For the first
set of questions, state how much you agree or disagree with the statements. For the
second set state how true the items are for you. In each case place an X in the space
indicating your response.
Partly Strongly
Strong- agree 5 Dis- Dis-
ly agree Agree disagree agree agree Rank
1. Black Americans have
good reasons to say
"I'm Black and I'm
proud-" ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___
2. Black Americans should
take a special interest
in the works of Black
writers, artists §
musicians.
3. A Black person should
feel close enough to
other Black persons to
regard them as sisters
and brothers.
4. Blacks should form all-
Black organizations (ie.
Black caucuses, student
associations, labor union,
Strong
ly agree
etc.) to fight for Black
freedom.
During periods of
racial unrest Blacks
should be prepared
to defend themselves
by any means
necessary.
Agree
Partly
agree F , Dis-
disagree agree
Strongly
Dis
agree Rank
cn
w
Set II
Partly
Completely Mostly false Mostly
false false 6 true true
Com
pletely
true Rank
1. I am a decent and honest
person.
2. I am an important person
to my family and friends.
3. I am satisfied to be just
what I am.
4. I like my looks just the
way I am.
5. I am satisfied with the
way I treat other people.
Now that you have completed the opinion section, go back over each item and designate
how important the issues are to you. Use the scale below. Place the nunber re
presenting your response in the column marked Rank.
Very
Important
5
Moderately
Important Neutral
4 3
Moderately
Unimportant Unimportant
2 1
OPINION SURVEY
Here are two sets of questions which reflect ideas and issues which are important to
many people. Please answer each item as to your personal opinion. For the first set
of questions, state how true the items are for you. For the second set state how much
you agree or disagree with the statements. In each case place an X in the space in
dicating your response.
Partly Com-
Completely Mostly false Mostly pletely
false false 5 true true true Rank
1. I am a decent and honest
person. ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___
2. I am an important person to
my family and friends.
3. I am satisfied to be just
what I am.
4. I like my looks just the
way they are.
S. I am satisfied with the
way I treat other people.
V I
t / 1
Set II
Partly Strong-
Strongly agree f i Dis- ly dis
agree Agree disagree agree agree
1. Black Americans have good
reason to say "I'm Black
and I'm proud." ___ ___ ___ ___ ___
2. Black Americans should
take a special interest
in the works of Black
writers, artists 5
musicians.
3. A Black person should
feel close enough to
other Black persons to
regard them as sisters
and brothers.
4. Blacks should form all-
Black organizations (ie.
Black caucuses, student
associations, labor union,
etc.) to fight for Black
freedom.
5. During periods of racial
unrest Blacks should be
prepared to defend them
selves by any means
necessary.
Rank
156
Now that you have completed the opinion section, go back over each item and designate
how important the issues are to you. Use the scale below. Place the number re
resenting your response in the column marked Rank.
Very Moderately Moderately
Important Important Neutral Unimportant Unimportant
5 4 3 2 1
cn
158
Spring, 1974
Dear Students,
This notice is a request for your participation in a
research project involving Black college students through
out the Southern California area. Loyola-Marymount has
been chosen as one of the project schools in order to make
our sample representative of varying campus styles.
The research is being conducted by Mrs. Rita Boags, a
Black Ph.D. candidate in Psychology at USC and a part-time
faculty member of Loyola-Marymount. The research will in
volve a brief interview and the completion of several
questionnaires. You will be asked to give your opinion on
topics dealing with yourself, the school and the community.
It will take no more than 1 * 5 hours of your time. We think
you will find this an interesting experience. Your coopera
tion will be deeply appreciated.
Please fill out the bottom section of this notice as
to the times that you will be available, and return to the
Afro-American Studies Center. Or you may post this in the
Campus mailbox #835.
Thank you.
NAME
AGE
PHONE NUMBER
I reside on campus__________________
I reside off campus_________________
I am free to participate on the following days and time:
Monday Morning (9-12)_____________
Tuesday Afternoon (1-3]
Wednesday Early Evening (4-7)
Thursday Late Evening (8-10)
Friday_____
Saturday___
Sunday_____
159
SET I
1. I am a decent and honest person.
2. I am an important person to my family and friends.
3. I am satisfied to be just what I am.
4. I like my looks just the way they are.
5. I am satisfied with the way I treat other people.
160
SET II
1. Black Americans have good reason to say "I'm Black and
I'm proud."
2. Black Americans should take a special interest in the
works of Black writers, artists and musicians.
3. A Black person should feel close enough to other Black
persons to regard them as brothers and sisters.
4. Blacks should form all-Black organizations (ie., Black
caucuses, student associations, labor unions, etc.) to
fight for Black freedom.
5. During periods of racial unrest, Blacks should be pre
pared to defend themselves by any means necessary.
161
SET III
Critical issues in Student Administration
1. The pass-fail system is fairer than letter grading.
2. Students should make considerable input into admission
policies for incoming students.
3. Instructors should be evaluated by students at regular
intervals.
4. Admission to graduate schools should be more on the
basis of Grade-point average and outside activities
than on standardized test scores.
S. In these times a career oriented education is more
valuable than a liberal arts education.
162
ETHNIC ATTITUDE SURVEY
Below, you will find a list of statements about racial at
titudes. Although the term "Black" has been used in all
of the statements, the items are meant to refer to all per
sons of Negro or Afro-American background. Please in
dicate whether you agree or disagree with each statement by
putting an X in the appropriate response column. The
responses used in the columns are:
Partly
Agree- Strong
Strongly Partly Dis- ly Dis
Agree Agree Disagree agree agree
5 4 3 2 1
RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
1. Black Americans should adhere
to a policy of non-violence. 1.
2. Blacks should separate from
Whites temporarily in order
to build the power and sense
of identity needed for in
tegration on a basis of equality. 2.
3. Blacks should try to fight the
American emphasis upon the
superiority of everything white
by a counter-emphasis upon the
beauty and dignity of Black people. 3.
4. It is important for Blacks to
develop a sense of Black
identity, Black conscious
ness, and Black pride. 4.
5. Black schools should be con
trolled by the Black communities
in which they are located. 5.
Partly
Agree- Strong-
Strongly Partly ly Dis-
Agree Agree Disagree Disagree agree
5 4 3 2 1
163
RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
6. Blacks should form all-Black
organizations (Black caucuses,
Black student associations,
Black labor unions, etc.) to
fight for Black freedom 6.
7. It is very important for Blacks
to get money to establish Black-
owned businesses in the Black
community. 7.
8. Educated Blacks with good jobs
should try to use their talents
and leadership ability to help
less fortunate Blacks. 8.
9. Whether Whites segregate Blacks
or Blacks segregate themselves
from Whites, the results are
equally bad. 9.
10. Blacks should use boycotts
and selective buying campaigns
to force White businessmen to
make concessions. 10.
11. Blacks should demonstrate their
Black pride by wearing African-
type of clothing and hair styles
(e.g. Afro-Cornrows). 11.
12. Blacks should form their own
political organizations to de
liver the vote for Black candidates
and force them to serve the best
interests of Blacks. 12.
164
Partly
Agree- Strong-
Strongly Partly ly Dis-
Agree Agree Disagree Disagree agree
5 4 3 2 1
RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
13. Black Americans should insist
upon controlling any anti-po
verty and welfare programs
serving Black citizens. 13.
14. The problems of big-city,
Black neighborhoods are
too complicated for either
Blacks or Whites to solve
without working together. 14.
15. Blacks should put more effort
into improving Black schools
than into trying to increase
racial integration in schools. 15.
16. If a Black American can win
greater personal success by
fitting into the White world
and cutting himself off from the
Black community, he should feel
free to do so. 16.
17. Black Americans should go ahead
with their efforts to build Black
Power even if their behavior upsets
and angers White people. 17.
18. A Black person should feel close
enough to other Black persons to
regard them as sisters and brothers. 18.
165
Partly
Agree- Strong-
Strongly Partly ly Dis-
Agree Agree Disagree Disagree agree RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
5 4 3 2 1
19. Black Americans should oppose
any type of racial integration
that requires them to deny their
own Blackness and try to
imitate Whites. 19
20. Blacks should exert every
effort to get control of
the stores and businesses
in their own Black communities. 20
21. Since Blacks as well as Whites
differ in attitudes and abilities,
Black Americans should stress the
qualifications rather than the race
of the persons they want as teachers
public officials, etc. 21
22. Blacks have not been able to
creat a Black Culture that
is worth much effort to pre
serve . 22.
23. Black Americans have good
reason to say "I'm Black
and I'm proud." 23.
24. Blackness is a fairly weak
basis for group solidarity
since there is little that
Blacks have in common ex
cept being discriminated against. 24,
166
Partly
Agree-
Strongly Partly
Agree Agree Disagree Disagree
5 4 3 2
Strong
ly Dis
agree
1
RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
25. Black Americans would do
better if they would stop
worrying about getting more
political power and settle
down to working hard to make
something of themselves. 25.
26. Blacks should insist that
businesses located in Black
communities must share their
profits with the community
by using Black banks, Black
suppliers, Black contractors,
etc. 26.
27. To win the fight against racial
discrimination, Blacks must
first close ranks and build
group solidarity. 27.
28. Since separation of the races
promotes racist attitudes,
Blacks should make racial
integration their primary
goal. 28.
29. During periods of racial un
rest, Black Americans should
be prepared to defend them
selves with guns, if necessary. 29.
167
Partly
Agree-
Strongly Partly
Agree Agree Disagree Disagree
5 4 3 2
Strong
ly Dis
agree
1
RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
30. All-Black neighborhoods,
organizations, and social
groups can be as pleasant
and enjoyable as racially
integrated ones. 30.
31. Black Americans should take
a special interest in the work
of Black writers, Black
artists, and Black musicians. 31.
32. Blacks should insist that White
employers place a significant
number of Blacks in high-level,
policy-making positions. 32.
33. One of the best ways for Blacks
to improve their lot is to get
control of more top political
offices (more Black majors,
judges, senators, etc.). 33.
34. Black Americans can earn more
respect by making a success of
themselves in the present than
by playing up Black history. 34.
35. Black Americans should try
to get school text books
revised to give a more
balanced view of the achieve
ments of Black Americans. 35.
168
Partly
Agree-
Strongly Partly
Agree Agree Disagree Disagree
5 4 3 2
Strong
ly Dis
agree
1
RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
36. Black Americans should try
to learn more about Africa,
its people, its culture and
its languages. 36.
37. Black Americans should insist
that courses in African History
and Negro History be taught in
schools and colleges on the same
basis as European History. 37.
38. Black people should make a
special effort to scatter
themselves throughout all
the areas of a city. 38.
39. Few Blacks can really afford
to "buy Black" since Black
businesses are usually small
and, therefore, obliged to
charge high prices. 39.
40. Violence and rioting by Blacks
can sometimes serve, a useful
purpose. 40.
41. Because of past inequities,
Blacks should be given pre
ferential treatment in job
placement and college admis
sions . 41.
169
Partly
Agree- Strong-
Strongly Partly ly Dis-
Agree Agree Disagree Disagree agree
5 4 3 2 1
RESPONSES
5 4 3 2 1
42. Black women don't understand
the needs of Black men. 42.
43. Inter-racial attractions are
frequently the results of
neurotic fantasies. 43.
44. Black men don't understand
the needs of Black women. 44.
45. White couples should not be
allowed to adopt Black children,
since Blacks cannot adopt White
children. 45.
46. Black women are too aggressive
and domineering. 46.
47. Blacks should give a part of their
salaries to Black charities,
rather than White-oriented ones. 47.
00
•
Today, it is possible for a
Black person to have a true
love relationship with a White
person, such as in a marriage. 48.
49. Black men are weak and irresponsible. 49.
50. If the only way you can get what you
want is to "jive" the Man, it is all
right to do so. 50.

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Asset Metadata

Creator Boags, Rita Simeon (author)

Core Title The Effects Of Self Vs. Ideological Advocacy On The Self-Esteem And Endorsement Of Black Power Ideology Of Black College Students

Degree Doctor of Philosophy

Degree Program Psychology

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag OAI-PMH Harvest,Psychology, clinical

Language English

Contributor Digitized by ProQuest (provenance)

Advisor Marston, Albert R. (committee chair), Hatter, Terry J., Jr. (committee member), Pruitt, Joseph H. (committee member)

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c18-744814

Unique identifier UC11356747

Identifier 7506399.pdf (filename),usctheses-c18-744814 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier 7506399.pdf

Dmrecord 744814

Document Type Dissertation

Rights Boags, Rita Simeon

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the au...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus, Los Angeles, California 90089, USA