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The intersections of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care in creating meaningful academic learning opportunities for students of color

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The intersections of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care in creating meaningful academic learning opportunities for students of color

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Content Running head: THE INTERSECTIONS 1

THE INTERSECTIONS OF CULTURALLY RESPONSIVE PEDAGOGY AND AUTHENTIC
TEACHER CARE IN CREATING MEANINGFUL ACADEMIC LEARNING
OPPORTUNITIES FOR STUDENTS OF COLOR
By

Akilah Karene Lyons-Moore

____________________________________________________________________________

A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION

July 2014

Copyright 2014 Akilah Karene Lyons-Moore
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Dedication
This dissertation is dedicated to the generations of people who worked tirelessly and
courageously to make it possible for me to have the types of opportunities I have had throughout
my life. It is within their legacy in the struggle for social, political, and economic justice that this
dissertation is grounded. And to the current and future generations, this dissertation is dedicated
to your path to seek and maintain political clarity.

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Acknowledgements
The completion of this dissertation signals the end of what now seems to be an incredible
journey at USC’s Rossier School of Education. Although this was an amazing personal
accomplishment, I did not arrive here alone. There are many, many people to thank, so I will
take a brief moment to thank some of those people who were the most influential to me in this
process.
First, to my dissertation committee chair, Dr. Julie Slayton, JD, PhD, I cannot thank you
enough. From the beginning, you encouraged me to embrace the intellectual struggle and I knew,
from your guidance, support, and honesty that I would not struggle alone…and I did not. You
provided me with guidance and always pushed me to be clear and bold in my work. Dr. Slayton,
you helped me work through my internal demons of inferiority by always reassuring me that I
am in fact good enough and that yes, my work is good enough. You were always available for
me to ask questions and knew me so well that you knew when to answer my questions and when
to stay silent, allowing me to steep in my intellectual struggle. But, you had enough confidence
in me that you knew I would arrive at the level of understanding I needed, and if I did not, you
were always there to help guide and push against my thinking…such a constructivist! I hope that
you know you have become more than a dissertation chair to me, for you have become my
mentor.
To Dr. Sylvia Rousseau, EdD, another member of my dissertation committee, thank you.
You provided me with gentle nudging and encouragement to embrace such complex ideas and
perspectives. Dr. Rousseau, you exuded a confidence in me that was encouraging to me,
especially when I felt lost in the complexity. I appreciate you for not shying away from
presenting difficult perspectives to me and reminding me to consider them as I wrote my
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dissertation. And to Dr. Jenifer Crawford, PhD, my third dissertation committee member, I too
thank you. You also encouraged me to be bold, to think about the legacy in which my work was
grounded, and to never shy away from telling the truth, even if it is not positive. I love how you
encouraged me to think critically about the larger systemic issues of power and privilege. To my
entire dissertation committee thank you for your support throughout this process. You are all
very serious about this work to transform education and I appreciate how serious you took my
ideas and my work. I hope to continue the fight with you.
To my husband Malcolm-you were the one who encouraged me to move forward with
my education and constantly reassured me that you and our children were good. Throughout this
process, you gave me the time and space I needed to complete my coursework, conduct my
research, and spend countless numbers of hours reading and writing. However, you were much
more than a partner and father who took over so many responsibilities alone, as you were there
for me to test new ideas against, to talk things out, and to answer what seemed to be a
reoccurring question – does that make sense? Like we always said, this accomplishment is not
mine-it is ours. There is no way that I would have been able to do this work without your
support, guidance, and love. Thank you.
To my children, Hassan, Malcolm, Aaliyah, and Ahmad, thank you. Thank you for being
patient with mommy and leaving me alone when I needed to be left alone. I know that there were
times I was absent-locked in the room reading and writing or in class. Thank you all for
understanding and for being excited with me as I completed this process. To my parents, my
brother, family, and friends I also thank you for your support and encouragement. I firmly
believe that I did not arrive at this point in my life alone, just like I did not complete this
dissertation alone. Thank you.
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Table of Contents
Dedication ....................................................................................................................................... 2
Acknowledgements ......................................................................................................................... 3
List of Tables .................................................................................................................................. 7
List of Figures ................................................................................................................................. 8
Abstract ........................................................................................................................................... 9
CHAPTER 1: STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM .................................................................... 10
Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 10
Background of the Problem ...................................................................................................... 16
Statement of the Problem .......................................................................................................... 20
Purpose of the Study ................................................................................................................. 20
Significance of the Study .......................................................................................................... 21
Limitations ................................................................................................................................ 22
Delimitations ............................................................................................................................. 22
Definitions ................................................................................................................................. 22
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW ..................................................................................... 25
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy .................................................................................................. 26
Teacher Care ............................................................................................................................. 49
Meaningful Learning Experiences ............................................................................................ 65
Conceptual Framework ............................................................................................................. 87
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY .................................................................................. 102
Research Design ...................................................................................................................... 102
Sample and Population ........................................................................................................... 104
Instrumentation ....................................................................................................................... 109
Data Analysis Procedures ....................................................................................................... 112
Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 115
CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS .......................................................................................................... 116
Introduction ............................................................................................................................. 116
Setting the Context: The Local Community .......................................................................... 117
Case Study #1: Ninth Grade Biology, Four Block ................................................................ 118
Case Study #2: Twelfth Grade English, C Period .................................................................. 145
Cross Case Analysis ................................................................................................................ 176
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS .................. 185
This Dissertation’s Contribution ............................................................................................. 188
Implications for Practice ......................................................................................................... 191
Areas of Future Study ............................................................................................................. 199
Conclusion .............................................................................................................................. 202
References ................................................................................................................................... 205
APPENDIX A: Teacher Interview Protocol .............................................................................. 213
APPENDIX B: Teacher Informed Consent Form ..................................................................... 215
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APPENDIX C: Classroom Observation Protocol ...................................................................... 219
APPENDIX D: Focus Group Interview Guided Questions ....................................................... 220
APPENDIX E: Youth Assent Form ........................................................................................... 222
APPENDIX F: Adult Student Informed Consent Form ............................................................ 226

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List of Tables
Table A National Graduation Rates, 2001 ................................................................................... 11

Table B National Graduation Rates by District Type, 2001 ........................................................ 12

Table C Comparison of Pedagogy and Patterns of Interaction .................................................. 176

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List of Figures
Figure 1 Meaningful Learning-The Individual in a Social Context ............................................ 97

Figure 2 Intersections of Meaningful Learning ........................................................................... 98

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Abstract
Culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care are designed to help teachers improve
the educational experiences and outcomes of students of color. To understand how culturally
responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care are used in the classroom, this study addressed
the following research question: How do teachers use culturally responsive pedagogy and an
ethic of authentic teacher care to create meaningful academic learning opportunities for students
of color from historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups? Conceptualizing meaningful
learning according to constructivist and sociocultural learning theories, this multi-case study
examined the classroom interactions, instructional practices, and curricula of two high school
teachers and one of each teacher’s classes. The data for this qualitative study included teacher
interviews, classroom observations, teacher and student created documents, and focus group
interviews of Black and Latino students from each class. The findings from the data revealed that
the teachers’ epistemology and ontology interfered with each teacher’s ability to provide
culturally responsive pedagogy and an ethic of authentic teacher care that equips teachers with
the ability to create the type of learning environments and instructional activities students of
color need to have in place in order for meaningful learning to occur. Made visible through this
study are the ways culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care align with
constructivist and sociocultural learning theories. This dissertation highlights the need for
teachers to embed their practice in constructivism and socioculturalism that will align their
practice with cultural responsiveness and teacher care.
Keywords: culturally responsive pedagogy, teacher care, constructivist, sociocultural,
epistemology, ontology
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CHAPTER 1: STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM
Introduction
In a 1935 essay, W.E.B. DuBois argued that Negro students needed schooling
experiences that were consistent with the ways humans learn. DuBois (1935) explained, that a
“proper education” for any people must include:
…sympathetic touch between teacher and pupil; knowledge on the part of the teacher, not
simply of the individual taught, but of his surroundings and background, and the history
of his class and group; such contact between pupils, and between teacher and pupil, on
the basis of perfect social equality, as will increase this sympathy and knowledge…(p.
328)
For Negro students, DuBois (1935) explained that schooling experiences that fit his definition of
a “proper education” must be responsive to the Negro student, not because they are some special
group of human, but:
…due to the fact that American Negroes have, because of their history, group
experiences and memories, a district entity, whose spirit and reactions demand a certain
type of education for its development. (p. 333)
This “Education,” DuBois (1935) argued should be made up of “Sympathy, Knowledge, and
Truth” not because “they are Negro but because they are human” (p. 333). Recognizing that
Black students were entitled to supportive and caring schooling experiences that were relevant to
learners and focused on intellectual development of students, DuBois (1935) concluded that this
“Education” was really an example of “human education.” Over 75 years later, today’s
educational system still struggles to provide “Education” to Black students, as well as students
from other historically marginalized groups.
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In today’s society, the academic experiences for students of color from historically
marginalized racial and ethnic groups, including Black and Latino students, continue to be
plagued with daily classroom interactions that perpetuate the marginalization of communities of
color. The types of opportunities students of color have to engage in meaningful learning that
affirm, support, and actually teach students the skills and knowledges that are necessary for them
to fully participate in society are not readily accessible to students of color, which contribute to
inequitable educational outcomes for students of color (Ladson-Billings, 2006). A 2001 study of
the national high school dropout rates revealed that nearly half of students of color from
historically underserved racial and ethnic minority groups failed to graduate high school
(Orfield, Losen, Wald, Swanson, 2004). This data, summarized in Table A depicts the
differences in graduation rates of students by racial/ethnic group and gender (Orfield, et al.
2004).
Table A
National Graduation Rates 2001
National Graduation Rates By Race and Gender
By Race/Ethnicity Nation Female Male
American Indian/AK Nat 51.1 51.4 47.0
Asian/Pacific Islander 76.8 80.0 72.6
Hispanic 53.2 58.5 48
Black 50.2 56.2 42.8
White 74.9 77 70.8
All Students 68 72 64.1
(Orfield, et al. 2004).
Taking a more complex look, Table B describes high school graduation rates by the type of
school district, taking into consideration the district’s student demographic information including
racial group, native English speakers, ability, and family economic status. The data in this 2001
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national study found that the intersections of race, language, and poverty also negatively
impacted high school graduation rates, as demonstrated by lower rates of high school graduation.
Table B
National Graduation Rates by District Type 2001
(Orfield, et al. 2004)
A recent study conducted by the Orfield, Frankenberg, Ee, and Kuscera (2014) and the
Civil Rights Project at the University of California at Los Angeles, found that despite the
historical data that demonstrates how school segregation produces unequal educational
opportunities and results, the change in school enrollment patterns by racial group, along with
other factors such as public policies in housing and recent court decisions that have rolled back
integration orders, has created a school system in which the majority of Black and Latino
students currently attend schools that are segregated and have predominately Black, Latino, and

1

Cumulative Performance Index. Orfield et al. (2004) describe the CPI as a more accurate method of estimating high school
2

Limited English Proficient

Graduation Rates by District Type
District Type CPI
1
Grad. Rate

Racial Composition
Majority White
Majority Minority

74.1%
56.4%
LEP
2
Participation
Low (<9%)
High (>9%)

70.3%
60.1%
Free/Reduced Lunch
Low (<38%)
High (>38%)

76.0%
57.6%
Special Education
Low (<13%)
High (>13%)

69.7%
65.0%
Location
Central City
Suburb
Town
Rural

57.5%
72.7%
69.1%
71.9%
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lower-income student populations (Orfield, et al. 2014). In states like California, the student
enrolment in 2011 was 41% Latino, while Whites were the second largest student group, with
Asians at 8%, and Black students at 5% (Orfield, et al. 2014). Given school segregation patterns
and the change in student demographics, the authors conclude that California is a “four-race
region” and is much more complex than the Black-White achievement gap (p. 8). The authors
explain that these demographic changes in student enrollment have produced an educational
system “have produced profound inequality and continuous change within a very complex
multiracial setting” (p. 8).
Another study on American public schools in 2011-2012 identified key indicators that
describe the realities of the educational inequities for students of color, that have not improved:
• Black students account for 16% of the public school enrollment but make-up 27% of
the school referrals to law enforcement and 31% of students arrested for offenses
committed at school;
• One out of four male students of color
3
are identified as special education students
and one out of five female students of color are identified as special education
students;
• About seven percent of Black students attend school where at least 20% of the teacher
are unqualified;
4
and
• One in four school districts pay $5,000 more in high school teacher salaries in schools
that have fewer Black and Latino students (U.S. Department of Education, 2014).
In a lecture, Ladson-Billing (2013) called the current generation of students “New Century”
students (p. 106). Her assertion is that “New Century” students are different from previous

3
All non-White ethnic groups except Latino and Asian-Americans.
4
Teachers who do not hold state teacher licensure requirements.
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generations of students, due in part to the following factors Ladson-Billings (2013) identified in
her address:
• Students’ access to technology and globalization;
• The types of access and relationships to information and people that are rarely used as
resources in classrooms;
• Students’ deep connections to Hip Hop culture and identities that do not neatly fit within
social categories of race, class, gender, and national origin that have historically defined
the social hierarchy; and
• Students’ resistance to passive education and a desire to be genuinely engaged in
learning, seeking to innovate, create, and implement.
And yet with this generation of “New Century” students, the educational experiences and
outcomes of students of color remain the same. In the same speech, Ladson-Billings (2013)
described key statistics that illustrate how schools continue to underserve Black students:
• Less than 5% of the teaching workforce was Black;
• About 48% of Black males did not graduate high school; and
• For Black male students who attended schools in poor, urban areas, approximately
58% did not graduate high school.
There are several factors that contribute to this problem including federal, state, and local
policies that have contributed to the creation and sustainability of an educational system that
continues to provide substandard educational experiences and outcomes to students of color.
Orfield, et al. (2014) discussed the impact of educational policies such as school choice and the
charter school movement, recent court decisions that stopped mandated school integration
policies, the lack of federal Congressional legislation in education, housing policies that lead to
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school segregation patterns, and the lack of voices by members educational community. Other
research has also pointed to federal and state policies, school policies, and issues such as high
teacher, staff, and administrator turnover rates at schools that have student populations that are
majority racial and ethnic minorities, and students from lower socioeconomic backgrounds
(Hollins & Torres Guzman, 2005). As a result, educational research and policies have sought to
find solutions to the gaps in opportunities and outcomes for racial and ethnic minority students
(Darling-Hammond, 1996). Some of these solutions include requiring teacher education
programs to add coursework that attempts to prepare preservice teachers to teach culturally and
linguistically diverse students (Hollins & Torres Guzman, 2005). Other programs came from
federal and state school accountability measures, like the No Child Left Behind Act and the Race
to the Top Initiative that held schools and, in some districts, teachers accountable for ensuring
that all students test proficient on various standardized tests policies that require all students,
including students from racial minority backgrounds, to perform at proficiency levels (U.S.
Department of Education, 2013). However, in spite of these efforts, the educational opportunity
and outcomes disparities for students of color persist (Ladson-Billings, 2013; Ladson-Billings,
2006; Orfield, et al. 2014, Orfield, et al. 2004; U.S. Department of Education, 2014).
Culture plays a crucial role in the teaching and learning process (Delpit, 1995; Gay, 2002;
Ladson-Billings, 2000; Pollock, 2008; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Many researchers have
investigated the role of culture in the teaching and learning process in K-12 public schools (c.f.,
Delpit, 2012; Haberman, 1991; Ladson-Billings, 2000; Lee, 2006; Sleeter, 2012; Valenzuela,
1999). Some researchers have claimed that there is cultural incongruity between the cultural
norms of minority cultures and the cultural norms of public schools. They further argue that
teachers must align their teaching practices to the cultural norms of students of color (Ladson-
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Billings, 1994; Gay, 1993). Other researchers have investigated the role of teacher ideology in
shaping teachers’ instructional practice with racial and ethnic minority students (Bartolomé,
2004; Chavez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Gay, 1993; King, 1991; Perry & Delpit, 1998). This study
returns to DuBois’ (1935) notion of “Education” by making explicit the ways that constructivist
and sociocultural learning theories intersect with the pedagogical practices of cultural
responsiveness and authentic teacher care, cited in the literature as effective pedagogy for
teaching students of color. In the legacy of what DuBois (1935) called “proper education, the
purpose of this study is not to reinforce the deficit perspective that students of color are so
special that they need a special pedagogy. On the contrary, this study investigates the complex
ways culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care explicitly align to what the
constructivist and sociocultural learning theories state all humans need in order for meaningful
learning to take place.
In this chapter, I will set the context of this study by discussing the background of issues
that concern the lack of meaningful academic learning experiences for students of color.
Background of the Problem
The educational experiences of students of color have been the focus of much educational
research (c.f., Bartolomé, 2004; Chavez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Delpit, 2012; Gay, 1993;
Haberman, 1991; King, 1991; Ladson-Billings, 2000; Lee, 2006; Perry & Delpit, 1998; Sleeter,
2012; Valenzuela, 1999). One strand of educational research on the schooling experiences of
students from racially diverse backgrounds has been the impact of culture on the teaching and
learning process. Statistics on the demographic backgrounds of teachers and students continue to
demonstrate how middle-class, White, monolingual women make up the overwhelming majority
of public school teachers in the United States, while the student population is increasingly made
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up of racial minority students, non-native English speakers, and students from lower income
families (Bartolomé, 2004; Delpit, 2012; Gay, 1993; Milner, 2010; Sleeter, 2012). To provide
the context for this study, I will briefly discuss how issues of race and demographic background
are connected to the role of culture on the teaching and learning process.
Although culture is not the same as race, racial and ethnic categories do inform an
individual’s culture (Nasir & Hand, 2006). Culture and cultural ways of knowing provide signs,
symbols, and tools that help facilitate the learning process (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988).
According to the sociocultural learning perspective, an individual’s culture form cognitive
structures, including higher order mental functions (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Racialized
experiences in society and cultural perspectives also inform a learner’s prior knowledges and
experiences that constructivists believe serve as the foundation for all new learning (Anthony,
1996). Since cultural signs and prior knowledges have a major impact on the cognitive
development of learners, Gay (1993) argues that in order to tackle the academic
underachievement of students of color, educators should recognize the cultural signs racially
diverse students bring to the classroom in order to make curriculum and instruction more
compatible with diverse students’ cultural signs. Howard (2001) claims that when learning
structures and stimuli are grounded in a cultural context familiar to students, the potential for
cognitive expansion is enhanced. However, when teachers, who do not share the same diverse
backgrounds and their students, select examples from their own personal experiences and frames
of reference, it can be difficult for students of color to understand the meaning behind the
examples. As Gay (1993) explains, the examples, which are supposed to make subject matter and
intellectual abstractions meaningful to students of color, are often irrelevant.
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For many researchers, the solution to the cultural mismatch between the majority of
teachers and students of color is to hire more teachers who represent the student population (c.f.,
Allen & Boykin, 1992; Gay, 1993; Villegas, 1988). However, critical pedagogy researchers
claim that it is not the racial background of teachers that may contribute to the problem of
cultural discontinuity and lack of educational opportunities and outcomes for students of color,
but rather the teacher’s personal ideologies. For example, Bartolomé (2004) explains that for
teachers who embrace hegemonic ideologies, it is difficult to create equitable academic learning
experiences for students of color that are meaningful and affirming to students of color
(Bartolomé, 2004). Chavez and Guido-DiBrito (1999) and Helms (1997) argue that White,
middle-class cultural values are the norm in K-12 educational institutions, and hegemony in the
classroom positions any difference in culture, ways of communicating, varying experiences, and
knowledges in to the classroom as directly opposite and deficient (Chavez & Guido-DiBrito,
1999). These deficit perspectives, often held by many teachers, position students of color as less
intelligent, talented, qualified, and deserving (Bartolomé, 2004). McKenzie and Scheurich
(2004) describe deficit perspectives of students of color as equity traps in which individual or
collective ways of thinking and behaving prevent the academic success of students of color.
These equity traps are based on perceptions, attitudes, beliefs, and assumptions that justify the
inequality that students of color experience in academic institutions (McKenzie & Scheurich,
2004). Deficit perspectives of students of color permeate many teachers’ ideology, regardless of
racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic background. As such, the majority of teachers of any racial,
ethnic, and socioeconomic class group have demonstrated an inability to providing academic and
meaningful learning experiences for these students.
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School districts have attempted to use professional development and scripted curriculum
as a way to mandate teachers’ use of culturally responsive pedagogy and instructional strategies
that foster positive relationships between teachers and students of color. Research has shown that
when districts mandate teachers to use a prescribed curriculum, the results often demonstrate
uneven results in how teachers implement curriculum that makes it difficult to assess the
effectiveness of the curriculum (Fisher & Frey, 2007). In addition, research has also shown that
mandated curriculum and professional development are met by resistance from teachers which
impacts whether a teacher embraces the curriculum and professional development and how
teachers’ implement curriculum, pedagogy, and instructional strategies into the classroom. For
example, Sleeter (2012) explains that culturally relevant pedagogy has been misused, and
therefore ineffective, because of a lack of understanding of the pedagogical practice and a
reluctance of teachers to confront the hegemonic structures the privilege White students and
teachers.
Teachers’ abilities to create meaningful learning opportunities for students of color are
complicated by various educational accountability measures, such as the No Child Left Behind
Act. Under the pressures standardized testing, research has shown that teachers perceive their
primary role to focus their curricular and instructional choices to teach to the test (Wiggins &
McTighe, 2008). Teachers believe that teaching for meaning is impractical given standardized
testing pressures. Furthermore, teachers view that more traditional views of teaching, which
position teachers as transmitters of information and knowledge, is the best approach to preparing
students to reach proficient levels on state-mandated standardized tests (Wiggins & McTighe,
2008). As a result, teachers narrow the curriculum and emphasize coverage of material within
tested content material (Wiggins & McTighe, 2008).
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Statement of the Problem
Learning experiences for students of color often ignore and negate the cultural
knowledges and skills students enter the classroom with as legitimate sources of knowledge that
can be used to facilitate learning academic knowledge and skills (Gay, 1993; Ladson-Billings,
1994). Educational research that has focused on addressing the educational opportunities and
experiences of students of color often focus on one specific demographic group. For example,
culturally relevant pedagogy was created to speak to the schooling needs of Black students and
research on funds of knowledge speaks to the schooling needs of Latino students. Furthermore,
emphasis on closing the achievement gap as demonstrated in the results of educational
standardized testing, has led to a re-emphasis on traditional teaching methods and curriculum,
which the research has demonstrated, to be problematic for students from historically
marginalized groups. As a result, there is a lack of understanding in and preparation of teachers
who believe that teaching for meaning will result in more lasting and significant academic
learning (Wiggins & McTighe, 2008). For teachers of students from historically marginalized
groups, the notion that teaching for meaning is rooted in students’ cultural knowledges, presents
great opportunities and the challenges of how to provide meaningful learning opportunities that
culturally affirming and connected to the academic skills and knowledge students are required to
learn.
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study is to describe how tenets of culturally responsive pedagogy and
authentic teacher care intersect with the constructivist and sociocultural learning perspectives
and equip teachers the pedagogy and interpersonal skills necessary to create meaningful
academic learning experiences for students of color. Rather than focus on one specific student
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demographic group, the purpose of this study is to examine how teachers use these pedagogies to
work in diverse classrooms in which the students represent more than one specific racial, ethnic,
or socioeconomic group. The following research question will inform my dissertation study:
• How do teachers use culturally responsive pedagogy and an ethic of authentic teacher
care to create meaningful academic learning opportunities for student of color from
historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups?
Significance of the Study
This study is important because it makes explicit the intersections of culturally responsive
pedagogy and authentic teacher care to the constructivist and sociocultural learning theories. An
overview of the literature demonstrates that culturally responsive pedagogy is a popular topic,
however, it’s application in the context of the classroom has not created significant improvement
in the educational outcomes for students of color. Therefore, this study is important because it
also embraces the difficult and complex nature of the dynamic classroom. This is particularly
true for classrooms that are populated by a variety of students from historically marginalized
groups and not just Black students. Moving beyond affirming students, their cultures, and
identities, this study is significant because it legitimizes student cultural backgrounds and
worldviews as sources of knowledge that the constructivist and sociocultural perspectives on
learning emphasize as necessary to the human learning experience. In this study, I explicitly
connect the different ideas of culturally relevant pedagogy and meaningful academic learning,
together. Rather than separate the sociocultural and constructivist learning theories as though
they are opposite teaching and learning perspectives, this study seeks to understand how these
learning perspectives can give teachers the knowledge and tools that enable teachers to create
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academic learning experiences that are meaningful and purposefully built on students cultural
knowledges, worldviews, and skills.
Limitations
The following limitations may impact the results of the study and/or how the study is
interpreted include:
1. Generalizability – this study is only generalizable to the teacher and classroom that
participates in this study.
2. Truthfulness – data collected through the interviews and teacher created documents relies
on the truthfulness of the teachers interviewed, which cannot be controlled.
Delimitations
There are three areas of delimitations that limit this study. The first delimitation includes
the selection of the participants of this study, including the selection of school sites, teachers,
student focus group members, and specific class period observed. The second delimitation
includes the time I spent in the field observing the each class period and interviewing students
and the teachers, which included a time period of approximately two months. The final
delimitation includes the instrumentation and analysis of my data, which includes the interview
protocols that were established and implemented by me.
Definitions
The following are operational definitions as decided by the researcher:
Authentic Teacher Care: A pedagogical practice in which teachers purposefully develop
genuine, personal relationships with students where teachers exhibit care about the students’
social, emotional, and academic well-being; develops trust between student and teacher in which
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students feel comfortable taking academic risks and fully participating in the teaching and
learning process.
Black: Socially constructed racial category that describes people of any African origin and often
determined by the color of one’s skin and other physical features. This definition is purposefully
broad as it recognizes that many ethnic groups do exist in this category and that many people
within this category may not define themselves as Black. This definition is also purposefully
political as it recognizes that people who are perceived as Black are often treated as Black,
regardless of ethnicity, how one self-identifies, and participates in the Black community.
Constructivist Learning Theory: Learning theory that explains learning as a process of
individual construction of knowledge in which learners take an active cognitive role in
processing, integrating, and practicing new information and skills.
Culture: Set of beliefs, values, traditions, experiences, and ways of knowing that are collectively
shared and periodically reshaped; can be informed by family, community, as well as racial,
ethnic, and socioeconomic backgrounds.
Culturally Responsive Pedagogy: A pedagogical practice that recognizes that students come to
school with cognitive processing, worldviews, knowledge, and skills, often learned through their
cultural backgrounds and traditions. This pedagogical practice legitimizes these cultural
knowledges through teachers who facilitate academic lesson and create learning environments
that are built on their students’ cultural backgrounds. Teachers who use this pedagogical practice
also make explicit, and provide opportunities for their students to make explicit, they ways in
which hegemonic structures continue to marginalize communities of color.
Ethnicity: People who share a similar nationality, culture, religion, and language.
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Epistemology: The study of knowing or knowledge; considers what knowledge is valid and what
knowledge counts as truth.
Latino: socially constructed racial category that describes people from Mexico, Central and
South America, and some areas of the Caribbean. This definition is also broad and highly
political in that there are many different nationalities that fall under the category Latino.
Ontology: The study of being, what is, or what exist. Takes into account what it means to be.
Pedagogical Bridge: The ways in which a teacher’s pedagogy constructs scaffolds to support
rigorous academic learning.
Race: Socially constructed categories that separate people on the basis on skin color and other
physical features, be it self-defined or determined by an outside person.
Sociocultural Learning Theory: A learning theory that describes how learning occurs through
social interactions with other learners and the learning environment.
Students of color: Black and Latino students and students are perceived to be members of the
Black and Latino communities. This term also describes racial minority students.

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CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW
Educational researchers assert that for students of color, meaningful learning takes place
in classroom environments where knowledge is culturally relevant, critically examined, and
constructed by students (Bartolomé, 2008; 2004; Gay, 1993; Ladson-Billings, 1994). Within
these meaningful learning environments, components of culturally relevant pedagogy, teacher
care, and sociocultural and constructivist learning theories can inform how a teacher constructs
meaningful academic learning experiences for students of color. Teachers who use culturally
relevant pedagogy as an instructional practice, acknowledge that students’ cultural backgrounds
form a legitimate source of knowledge that can be infused into academic learning experiences to
enhance existing and develop new academic skills and knowledge (Bartolomé, 2008; Gay, 1993;
Ladson-Billings, 1994). Teachers who use an authentic form of teacher care to develop strong
relationships with students can also create academically rigorous and relevant learning
environments in which a teacher is able to recognize students as both individuals and members
of cultural groups, resisting simplistic generalizations of students from racial minority
backgrounds (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006; Noddings, 1988; Thompson 1998;
Valenzuela, 1999). The constructivist and sociocultural learning perspectives also inform how a
teacher creates meaningful learning opportunities for students of color. A learner’s prior
knowledge, according to constructivism, is the foundation upon which new knowledge is
constructed (Anthony, 1996). From a sociocultural perspective, culture and social interactions
are central to acquiring new knowledge and skills (Tharp & Gallimore, 1998). Often presented in
the literature as three separate bodies of literature, I bring these bodies of literature together
inform my perspective on the following research question: How do teachers use culturally
responsive pedagogy and an ethic of authentic teacher care to create meaningful academic
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learning opportunities for student of color from historically underserved racial and ethnic
groups?
In this review on the literature, I will draw on literature related to culturally relevant
pedagogy, teacher care, and the sociocultural and constructivist learning theoretical frameworks.
I will conclude this literature review with my conceptual framework that will determine what
data I collected, the instruments I used to collect the data, and how I analyzed my research data.
Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
The literature on culturally relevant pedagogy is diverse and complex. In the research,
culturally relevant pedagogy has different names including culturally responsive, culturally
congruent, culturally compatible, and race- and ethnicity-responsive. For this review, I will
discuss literature grounded in culturally relevant, responsive, and race- and ethnic-responsive
pedagogy for students of color. This review will include literature that describes both ideological
and pedagogical foundations of culturally relevant pedagogy.
Ideological Foundations of Culturally Relevant Teachers
Ladson-Billings (2009; 1995) asserts that there are three ideological characteristics that
are common among teachers who use culturally relevant pedagogy that serve as the theoretical
foundation of culturally relevant pedagogy. The three characteristics of teacher ideology
common among teachers who use culturally relevant pedagogy are: a teacher’s knowledge of the
self and others, a teacher’s emphasis on social relations, and a teacher’s definition of knowledge
(Ladson-Billings, 2009; 1995). Below, I will describe the three propositions Ladson-Billings
(2009; 1995) asserts teachers must embody to be able to use culturally relevant pedagogy.
Conception of self and others. According to Ladson-Billings (1995) teachers who
implement culturally relevant pedagogy have specific perspectives about themselves as teachers,
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and their students as learners (Ladson-Billings, 1995). Identifying as members of the community
in which they work, teachers who use culturally relevant pedagogy perceive teaching as one way
to give back to the community (Ladson-Billings, 2009; 1995). In addition, teachers believe that
all students are capable of academic successes and that their role, as a teacher, is to help students
make connections between their local, national, racial, cultural, and global identities (Ladson-
Billings, 2009). In discussing the practice of teaching, Ladson-Billings (2009) explains that
teachers who use culturally relevant pedagogy as a teaching practice believe teaching to be
unpredictable and continuously evolving, similar to art (Ladson-Billings, 2009). In addition,
teachers who use culturally relevant pedagogy believe in the Freirean notion of “teaching as
mining” or pulling knowledge out of students (Ladson-Billings, 2009, p. 56). Ladson-Billings
(2009) claims that culturally relevant teaching recognizes the knowledge that students come to
school with and that the students’ knowledge must be investigated and applied in order for
students to become achievers (2009).
Conception of social relations. The next belief of teachers who practice cultural
relevance is how teachers construct social relations in the classroom. Teachers who implement
culturally relevant pedagogy maintain fluid teacher-student relationships that extend beyond the
classroom (Ladson-Billings, 2009; 1995). Culturally relevant teachers see teaching as a
reciprocal process between teachers and students (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Teachers also display
connectedness with all students and expect for students to develop the same connected
relationship with each other (Ladson-Billings, 2009). In developing a community of learners,
Ladson-Billings (2009) explains that culturally relevant teachers helps students work against
notions of competitive individualism by creating collaborative learning opportunities. Teachers
who work from a culturally relevant perspective help students care not only about their
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individual academic achievement, but also demonstrate caring for their classmates’ academic
achievement (Ladson-Billings, 2009). In addition, in culturally relevant classrooms, the teacher-
student relationship is equal and reciprocal (Ladson-Billings, 2009; 1995).
Conception of knowledge. The third ideological trait Ladson-Billings (1995) states is
common in teachers who use culturally relevant pedagogy is a teacher’s understanding of what
knowledge is, how knowledge is created, and how knowledge is assessed. Culturally relevant
teachers view the knowledge students come to school with is as a legitimate source of knowledge
and reject notions that teachers are “all-knowing” (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Ladson-Billings
(2009; 1995) further explains that culturally relevant teachers believe that knowledge is fluid,
shared between students and teacher, and always in the process of being created by students and
teacher. Teachers who are culturally relevant think that students and teachers should challenge
knowledge and examine curriculum through a critical perspective (Ladson-Billings, 2009). As
knowledge is multifaceted, culturally relevant teachers deem that assessments should reflect the
same level of complexity and include multiple forms of excellence (Ladson-Billings, 2009).
Beliefs about oneself and others, teacher and student social relations, and knowledge are the
three common ideological conceptions common in teachers who use culturally relevant
pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 2009; 1995).
Characteristics of Culturally Relevant Teaching
Working through three common ideological facets of culturally relevant pedagogy,
Ladson-Billings (1995) further identifies three instructional characteristics of culturally relevant
teaching. The three characteristics of culturally relevant teaching are: a teacher’s ability to
develop students academically, willingness to support and nurture cultural competence, and the
capacity to develop critical consciousness in themselves as teachers, as well as with students.
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Below, I will describe each characteristic of culturally relevant teaching that has been identified
through Ladson-Billing’s research on culturally relevant pedagogy.
Ability to develop students academically. According to Ladson-Billings (1995),
culturally relevant teachers emphasize academic achievement. Regardless of the cultural
differences that may exist between student, school, and teacher, teachers who practice cultural
relevance understand that all students need to perform academically (Ladson-Billings, 1995).
Culturally relevant teachers facilitate learning experiences to prepare students to be academically
successful on standardized tests and in a variety of academic tasks including posing questions of
their teacher and the text and working together as students to solve problems (Ladson-Billings,
1995).
Willingness to support and nurture cultural competence. Ladson-Billings (2009)
suggests that part of the cultural dilemma Black students face is the perspective of low
expectations and negative beliefs about Black culture often transmitted through teacher practices,
curriculum, and school policies. Many teachers teach from a perspective of assimilationist
teaching, which Ladson-Billings (2009) describes as a teaching style that ignores the impact of
the students’ culture. Culturally relevant teaching is based on the belief that Black students have
to be knowledgeable about their own culture before they can become vested in mainstream
culture (Ladson-Billings, 2009). Culturally relevant teachers facilitate lessons in which students
examine multiple perspectives as they build their own knowledge and skills (Ladson-Billings,
2009).
Development of a sociopolitical or critical consciousness. The final characteristic of
culturally relevant teaching identified by Ladson-Billings (2009) is the teachers’ understanding
and inclusion of the sociopolitical foundations of students’ experiences in schools. Culturally
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relevant teachers help students recognize, understand, and critique the current, social inequities
(Ladson-Billings, 2009). Ladson-Billings (2009) explains that in order for teachers to help their
students develop a critical consciousness, teachers have to not only know the social inequities
that exist in society, but also understand the causes of those social inequities. Ladson-Billings
(1995) concludes that teachers with sociopolitical consciousness are able to facilitate learning
experiences that develop students’ critical perspectives that challenge inequities that schools and
other institutions perpetuate (Ladson-Billings, 1995).
Culture and Its Instructional Importance
Gay (1993) names teachers who use culturally relevant pedagogy “cultural brokers” (p.
293). Teachers as cultural brokers believe that teaching and learning take place within the
cultural frameworks of different ethnic, racial, and social groups (Gay, 1993). According to Gay
(1993) culture is a mediator of teaching and learning which provide a channel of “personal
meaning in teaching and learning” (p. 288). Teachers as cultural brokers develop a philosophy
for the cultural context of teaching by acquiring knowledge about different ethnic and cultural
characteristics (Gay, 1993). Gay (1993) explains that cultural brokers build cultural knowledge,
translate that cultural knowledge into pedagogical practices, and serve as change agents in the
classroom.
Change agents, according to Gay (2000; 1993) encompass a critical perspective of
teaching and learning that enable teachers as cultural brokers to openly challenge issues of power
and openly confront racial and social injustices in the teaching and learning process. As Gay
(1993) explains, there are distinct concepts through which cultural brokers are able to perform as
change agents. A change agent is a “teacher who is committed to institutional transformation and
developing the skills required to incorporate cultural diversity into the normative operations of
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schools and classroom” (Gay, 1993, p. 295). Gay (1993) further explains that teachers who serve
as change agents are able to:
• Deconstruct hegemonic assumptions, values, and beliefs, embedded in the normative
structures and procedures of the classroom and school;
• See how cultural values shape classroom policies, procedures, and practices;
• Identify the instructional processes that are most susceptible to cultural conflict;
• Distinguish the structural components that are most significant to incorporating
cultural pluralism into routine classroom procedures;
• Relate well and communicate with students of diverse cultural, linguistic, and racial
backgrounds. (p. 295)
Although Gay (2000; 1993) asserts that teachers as cultural brokers and change agents
use diverse cultures to mediate teaching and learning, her research also suggests that it is equally
important that students of color conform to school norms and expectations. Gay (1993) explains
that students of color who are unable to master the rules of the school system would ensure
“academic failure” (p. 289). As a result, Gay (1993) contends that teachers must explicitly
discuss and teach students of color the skills and behaviors that embody the cultural norms that
are commonly accepted in societal institutions, like schools.
In her descriptions of the preparation for and practice of culturally responsive teaching
Gay (2002) moves beyond the philosophical foundations of teachers who embrace culturally
responsive pedagogy and discusses the explicit types of knowledge, attitudes, and skills
necessary for teachers to apply culturally responsive teaching in a classroom. Gay (2002) asserts
that teachers who practice culturally responsive teaching have the following knowledge,
attitudes, and skills: a cultural diversity knowledge base, the ability to design culturally relevant
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curricula, personal dispositions to care for students in a cultural context and build a learning
community, the capacity to exercise cross-cultural communication skills, and imbed cultural
congruity in classroom instruction.
Cultural diversity knowledge base. According to Gay (2002) effective teaching
requires a mastery of both content knowledge and pedagogical skills. This knowledge, Gay
(2002) argues, must include knowledge of both student populations and subject matter in order
for teaching to be effective for students of color. Furthermore, culturally responsive teaching
necessitates that teachers have explicit knowledge about cultural diversity in order to meet the
educational needs of students of color (Gay, 2002). Gay (2002) explains that there are three
“pillars” to the knowledge foundation about cultural diversity that teachers must have to be able
to practice culturally responsive teaching: knowledge of the cultural characteristics and
contributions of different ethnic groups, acquisition of factual information about the cultural
traits of specific ethnic groups, and knowledge of the contributions of different ethnic groups to
various disciplines and a deeper understanding of multicultural education, theory, and research
(p. 107).
Design culturally relevant curricula. Three kinds of curricula are typically present in
the classroom that teachers, who practice culturally responsive pedagogy, will convert into
culturally responsive curriculum designs and instructional strategies (Gay, 2002). The first type
of curriculum is formal plans for instruction that are approved by policy and governing bodies of
educational systems and are complemented by adopted textbooks and other curriculum
guidelines, such as standards. Gay (2002) explains that the instructional materials in formal plans
for instruction do not present controversial issues, give more attention to African Americans than
other ethnic minority groups, ignore the complexities and intersections of race, ethnicity, gender,
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and class, and emphasize factual knowledge while other types of knowledge, such as values and
experiences are ignored. Gay (2002) argues that teachers must be trained and equipped with the
skills to analyze curricular documents for quantity, accuracy, complexity, placement, purpose,
variety, significance, and authenticity of the narrative tests, visual illustrations, learning
activities, role models, and authors of the instructional materials.
The second type of curriculum Gay (2002) claims is typically used in classroom is called
the symbolic curriculum. Symbolic curriculum includes images, symbols, icons, mottoes, awards,
celebrations, and other artifacts that are used to teach students knowledge, skills, morals, and
values (Gay, 2002, p. 108). Gay (2002) argues that teachers who teach from a culturally
responsive perspective are “critically conscious of the power of symbolic curriculum as an
instrument of teaching and use it to help convey important information values, and actions about
ethnic and cultural diversity” (p. 108). This critical consciousness, Gay (2002) claims helps
teachers ensure that images portrayed in classrooms are accurate and represent a wide variety of
age, gender, time, place, social class, and positional diversity within and across ethnic groups
(Gay, 2002).
The third type of curriculum Gay (2002) discusses is named societal curriculum. This
type of curriculum includes the knowledge, ideas, and impressions about ethnic groups that are
reflected in mass media (Gay, 2002). Gay (2002) argues that while inaccurate and full of ethnic
stereotypes, mass media outlets, such as television programs, movies, magazines, and
newspapers portray “cultural, social, ethnic and political values, knowledge, and advocacies”
that construct common knowledge and ideology (p. 109). Teachers who practice culturally
responsive teaching must be aware of the influence of the societal curriculum on various ethnic
groups in order to shape instruction that can counteract the influences of the mass media (Gay,
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2002). Gay (2002) further explains that teachers who understand the societal curriculum and its
impacts on all students have the ability to teach their students to be critical consumers and resist
ethnic information distributed through the societal curriculum (Gay, 2002).
Culturally caring and community of learners. Culturally responsive teaching relies on
classroom environments that are conducive for students of color to learn (Gay, 2002). Gay
(2002) stresses the importance of a teacher’s pedagogy and diversity-based curricula designs in
implementing culturally responsive instruction. For teachers of students of color, a teacher’s
pedagogical actions and curricula designs are not just technical components of teaching “best
practices” because Gay (2002) argues that teaching students of color requires more than a list of
good instructional strategies that a teacher can use. Gay (2002) further explains that culturally
responsive instruction requires that teachers use cultural scaffolding, which means that teachers
use diverse students’ own cultures and experiences to expand students’ intellectual limits and
academic achievement (p. 109). However, Gay (2002) claims that before teachers can effectively
use cultural scaffolding, teachers must first demonstrate culturally sensitive caring and build
culturally responsive learning communities.
Culturally responsive caring. Culturally responsive caring is a moral imperative, a social
responsibility, and a pedagogical necessity in working with students of color (Gay, 2002, p. 109).
Gay (2002) explains that authentic caring relationships between students and teachers are a
necessary factor in implementing culturally responsive instruction. Culturally responsive caring
is based on reciprocity where students work with each other and with teachers as partners to
improve their academic achievement (Gay, 2002, p. 110). Gay (2002) also states that culturally
responsive caring is action oriented in that caring means to hold high expectations for students,
genuinely believe in students’ intellectual potential, and refuse to ignore or demean students’
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ethnic identities. Caring, in a culturally responsive context, is not an act of philanthropy, as
culturally responsive caring is used to “build towards academic success from a basis of cultural
affirmation and strength” (Gay, 2002, p. 110).
Culturally responsive learning community. Teachers who practice culturally responsive
pedagogy have the skills to build a community among diverse learners (Gay, 2002). Gay (2002)
asserts that students from ethnic minority backgrounds come from cultural traditions that are
more communal and as a result, teachers have to design more communal learning environments.
One way for teachers to build culturally responsive learning communities is to emphasize
holistic or integrated learning (Gay, 2002). Gay (2002) defines holistic or integrated learning as
learning that blends cognitive, physical, and emotional learning and in which personal, moral,
social, political, cultural, and academic knowledge and skills are explicitly taught
simultaneously. In culturally responsive learning communities, teachers teach students about a
variety of cultures, as well as their own culture (Gay, 2002). Furthermore, Gay (2002) explains
that teachers help students understand that knowledge includes moral and political factors and
consequences, which obligate them to promote social justice, like freedom and equality for all
people.
Cross-cultural communication skills. Gay (2002) argues that communications patterns
are influenced by cultural codes and forms of discourse that teachers who practice culturally
responsive teaching have to decipher in order to effectively communicate with students of color.
An example of a cultural-specific communication pattern that Gay (2002) discusses is the
protocols of participating in discourse. In mainstream schools, communication patterns are
grounded in passive-receptive styles, while for many groups of color communication is active-
participatory (Gay, 2002).
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Gay (2002) argues that culturally responsive instruction relies on a teacher’s
understanding of the cultural foundations of communication styles of students of color. Teachers
with cross-cultural communication skills are able to decipher student intellectual abilities, needs,
and competencies (Gay, 2002). Teachers who use culturally responsive pedagogy are also able to
explicitly teach students about communication styles, including how to code-shift, so that
students can “communicate in different ways to different people in different settings for different
purposes” (Gay, 2002).
Cultural congruity in classroom instruction. The final knowledge and skill Gay (2002)
asserts that teachers who practice culturally responsive instruction must have is the ability to
imbed cultural congruity in classroom instruction. Gay (2002) describes this as the actual
delivery of instruction, in which teachers match instructional techniques to the learning styles of
ethnic minority students. For example, Gay (2002) points to research that illustrates that the
communal cultural systems of African, Asian, Latino, and Native Americans fit well with
cooperative group learning arrangements and peer coaching in the classroom (p. 112). Gay
(2002) warns that while learning styles are culturally specific, teachers must understand the
difference between learning styles and intellectual abilities. Like all cultural phenomena (Gay,
2002) argues that learning styles are complex, multidimensional, and dynamic. Gay (2002)
explains that teachers cannot place all ethnic minority students into strict categories of cultural
learning styles. Teachers must also know that all students can learn across cultural learning styles
(Gay, 2002).
Another method that Gay (2002) suggests teachers can deliver instruction in culturally
responsive ways is through the use of cultural specific examples, stories, and scenarios (Gay,
2002). According to Gay (2002) educational research has shown that an increasingly large
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amount of teaching behavior is spent on providing examples, scenarios, and vignettes that
demonstrate how information, concepts, and skills are implemented (p. 113). Gay (2002)
describes this teacher behavior as the ability to create pedagogical bridges. Pedagogical bridges
help students and teachers connect new knowledge to students’ prior knowledge (Gay, 2002). As
a result, Gay (2002) states that teachers, who practice culturally responsive instruction, need a
rich collection of stories and examples to draw on while teaching.
A qualitative study of the worldview conflicts between Kickapoo students and their
Science teachers demonstrated the interconnection between students’ cultural backgrounds and
worldviews and their instructional experiences (Allen & Crawley, 1998). The Traditional
Kickapoo Band were members of an Algonquin Native American tribe that lived and worked in
the Rio Grande, a land that included territory in the United States, specifically Texas, and
Mexico. This study from the 1990s researched the experiences of Kickapoo students in grades
five through nine in their Science classes. For most of the Kickapoo students, these schooling
experiences represented their first experiences in an American school (Allen & Crawly, 1998).
Allen and Crawley (1998) defined worldview as “the way people think about themselves, their
environments, and abstract ideas such as truth, beauty, causality, time, and space” (p. 113).
Interconnected with culture, Allen and Crawley (1998) explained that worldview was a variant of
culture and is an epistemological structure that frames the way people view the world, shapes
assumptions and images that provide a way for people to think about the world, and provides the
cognitive structure in which people place new information.
An analysis of the data found that the worldviews of teachers and students have
instructional implications in the areas of epistemology, pedagogy, and perspective (Allen &
Crawley, 1998). The data revealed that there was congruence in the students’ and teachers’
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worldviews on the epistemology of Science but that divergence existed in the categories of
pedagogy and perspective (Allen & Crawley, 1998). For example, the Kickapoo students tended
to conceptualize scientific concepts from a broader view and preferred a cooperative
methodology while their teachers emphasized a more competitive way of teaching (Allen &
Crawley, 1998). However, the data showed that there were large differences in student and
teacher worldviews on perspectives, a category that Allen and Crawley (1998) describe as “a
basic stance toward life that underlies values, goals, and standards and defines relationships” (p.
117).
In the category, perspectives, researchers looked at how students defined themselves in
relation to other people (how students participated in class), how students defined themselves in
relation to nature (how students related to science education), how students followed rules for
behavior (how students conducted themselves in the learning environment), and what students’
value (how students value education) (Allen & Crawley, 1998). For the Kickapoo students who
participated in this study, they excitedly and voluntarily participated in science lessons in their
village, which was the exact opposite of their non-participation in their science classroom (Allen
& Crawley, 1998). The Kickapoo students also saw themselves as familial relatives to nature, a
fundamental tenant of their religious beliefs, which impacted their perspectives on topics such as
caged animals and animal hunting (Allen & Crawley, 1998). What Allen and Crawley (1998)
discussed in their study was that the science teachers of the Kickapoo students were unaware of
their students’ beliefs about the human relationship to nature. In addition, expected student
behaviors in the classroom were different from the social rules of behavior common in the
Kickapoo village, which resulted in Kickapoo students’ feeling of embarrassment, anger, and
withdrawal (Allen & Crawley, 1998). Finally, a common misalignment between the science
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teachers and Kickapoo students were over the students’ expression of their value in education.
For example, the Kickapoo students were known to regularly miss school in order to attend
religious ceremonies. The ways in which teachers and administrators attempted to motivate
students and threaten them into classroom attendance and participation were ineffective because
their efforts were based on what Allen and Crawley (1998) determined to be “acculturalization,
or the surrendering of traditional Kickapoo ways and values” (p. 129).
This study by Allen and Crawley (1998) is significant because it showed how students’
cultural backgrounds and worldviews impacted the teaching and learning process. They
concluded that their research on the Kickapoo students in their science classes illustrated how
“conflicts in cross-cultural teaching” are understood through the lens of the differences in
worldviews between students and their teachers (Allen & Crawley, p. 129, 1998). Finally, this
study demonstrates that worldviews were not only important for teaching academic subjects, like
science, and how students make sense of the subject, but were also imperative for determining
how and if students participated in the learning experience (Allen & Crawley, 1998).
In an essay about the ways anthropologists of education analyze the cultural patterns of
school achievement, Pollock (2008) agues for a move away from shallow cultural analysis to
deep cultural analysis in order to understand all of the factors that impact school achievement
patterns for students of color. Pollock (2008) claims that shallow cultural analysis has been a
common and simplistic way to understand the causes and solutions of the disparate educational
experiences and outcomes among student groups, which include racial, ethnic, and economic
class categories. Shallow cultural analysis, according to Pollock (2008), involves naming a group
of students as having a “cultural” set of behaviors and then identifying those “cultural” behaviors
as the reason for the student group’s educational experiences and outcomes (p. 369). Pollock
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(2008) further explains that shallow cultural analysis reduces the factors that influence
educational outcomes for student groups, which also reduces the range of possible solutions to
address the inequitable educational outcomes for student groups. As a result, Pollock (2008) calls
for a deeper cultural analysis, which she states will expose the more complex factors that
contribute to types of educational experiences and outcomes that exist for student groups.
Pollock (2008) describes four ways that deeper cultural analysis can be used as a lens to
understand the educational experiences of student groups, which I will describe below.
Seeing variation and complexity. A deep cultural analysis of the educational
experiences and outcomes of student groups, according to Pollock (2008), recognizes that there
is variation within student groups that are often overlooked by attributing student behavior to the
students’ group membership. Based on an understanding that culture is developed through
constant interactions between individuals who are in regular contact with each other, Pollock
(2008) explains that all students participate in multiple groups and are therefore multicultural
beings. It is for this reason that Pollock (2008) explains that assumptions about actual or
preferred student behavior should not be attributed to the common school-related behaviors of
the groups to which individual students belong. Pollock (2008) recommends that analysis of
student behavior, from the perspective of deep cultural analysis, first begin by with looking at
patterns of student behavior and then secondly looking at the shared behaviors within student
groups.
Ongoing negotiations with members outside student groups. Pollock (2008) describes
shallow cultural analysis as a narrow form of analysis that positions racial, ethnic, and economic
class categories as student groups with static patterns of behavior that are common in the
classroom. On the contrary, a deep cultural analysis, Pollock (2008) claims, expands what is
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analyzed to include how students interact with others outside of the groups to which students
belong. In other words, Pollock (2008) explains that students’ classroom and school behaviors
are not simply contingent upon the racial, ethnic, and economic class groups they belong to, but
that students do negotiate and interact with students from outside of their groups. It is this lens
that Pollock (2008) states allows an analysis of the educational experiences and outcomes of
student groups by looking at specific students and teachers and their specific reactions within the
real context of their schools and classrooms.
Schools as classrooms as producers of student outcomes. In her critique of the ways in
which student groups’ experiences and outcomes in schools are analyzed, Pollock (2008) states
that the interactions between students and teachers are commonly ignored, placing the blame of
educational experiences and outcomes on students and their families. Pollock (2008) explains
that ignoring the interactions between teachers and students is common in shallow cultural
analysis and ignores the role of teachers in contributing to the educational experiences and
outcomes of student groups. As Pollock (2008) describes, schools and classrooms are contexts
where educational outcomes are produced. Pollock (2008) claims that educational outcomes are
produced through interactions between the teacher and his/her students. As Pollock (2008)
further explains, a teacher, through his or her position of power, rewards and punishes student
behaviors that are typically consistent with the race and class privileges that exist throughout
American society. Therefore, as Pollock (2008) states, educational outcomes are not solely the
results of students’ cultures and identities, but are also shaped by various contexts including the
classroom and school.
Shared struggles across U.S. schools. The last component of deep cultural analysis of
educational experiences and outcomes of student groups that Pollock (2008) discusses is to look
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at how students, across American schools struggle in education in shared cultural ways. Pollock
(2008) suggests that there are common cultural traits in American schools that are discussed in
relation to similar learning experiences and educational outcomes for student groups throughout
the country. Some of these cultural traits of American schools include competition, which is
reflective of America’s “competitive economic system”, how schools are “fair”, whether schools
and teachers should be “color-blind” or “race conscious”, and definitions of “merit” and “equal
opportunity” (p. 376). Here Pollock (2008) argues that these larger cultural issues within
American schools and classrooms are commonly shared and have to be added to the discourse of
educational opportunities for student groups in American schools, instead of attributing
educational experiences and outcomes of student groups to their cultural backgrounds.
Sociopolitical Context of Culturally Relevant Pedagogy
Connecting issues of culture and power, Perry & Delpit (1998) states that it is necessary
for diverse students and teachers to learn the values of the majority culture and apply mainstream
behaviors and norms. Delpit (1998) suggests that students be:
Taught the codes needed to participate fully in the mainstream American life, not by
being forced to attend to hollow, inane, decontextualized sub skills, but rather within the
context of meaningful communicative endeavors…and that even while students are
assisted in learning the culture of power, they must also be helped to learn about the
arbitrariness of those codes and about the power relationships they represent. (p. 296)
Hawley and Nieto (2010) replace cultural responsive teaching with race- and ethnicity-
responsive methods to improve the schooling experiences of racial minority students.
Emphasizing the importance of race and ethnicity, Hawley and Nieto (2010) claim that race and
ethnicity influence teaching and learning in two ways: (1) race and ethnicity impact how students
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respond to instruction and curriculum, and (2) race and ethnicity impact teachers’ beliefs about
how students learn and how much students are capable of learning. Hawley and Nieto (2010)
assert that using terms race- and ethnicity-responsive to describe what other researchers label as
culturally responsive or culturally relevant instruction calls explicit attention to issues related to
skin color and the variety of ethnicities in improving students’ learning opportunities (Hawley &
Nieto, 2010). According to Hawley and Nieto (2010), there are three steps that educators must
take in order to effectively implement race- and ethnicity-responsive methods to improving
educational experiences for racial minority students. These three steps include: understanding
how race affects teaching and learning, using race- and ethnicity-responsive teaching practices,
and promoting supportive school conditions.
A study, conducted by Cooper (2003), about three White primary school teachers use of
culturally relevant pedagogy with Black students reveals the complexities of a teacher’s purpose
and practice in implementing culturally relevant pedagogy. In her analysis of the three White
teachers, Cooper (2003) found that the majority of the teachers’ ideological and pedagogical
practices were consistent with previous research on Black and White teachers who practice
culturally relevant pedagogy. One major difference Cooper (2003) noted was that all three White
teachers in her study lacked the racial consciousness that Black teachers embodied in the
literature on culturally relevant pedagogy. Cooper (2003) explained that Black teachers, and
some “independent” White teachers, in the literature on culturally relevant pedagogy, explicitly
promoted open discussions about issues of race and student perceptions of the “unjust realities of
growing up Black in a majority-White and often biased society” (p. 425). While Cooper (2003)
acknowledges that the lack of racial consciousness in teachers who practice culturally relevant
pedagogy is a “serious threat” to teachers’ effectiveness with Black students, Cooper (2003) does
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not dismiss the teachers’ use of some of the ideological and pedagogical principles of culturally
relevant pedagogy. Below, I will describe the culturally relevant operational and conceptual
beliefs and practices of the three teachers.
Operational beliefs and practices. According to Cooper (2003), operational beliefs and
practices are a teacher’s beliefs and practices that are can be observed or heard. The analysis of
the data collected indicates that two major themes emerged in the category of operational beliefs
and practices (Cooper, 2003). The first theme is curriculum and the second is teaching style.
Curriculum. Cooper (2003) defines curriculum as the “curricular objectives prescribed
by the district” (p. 419). Acknowledging individual differences between the teachers, Cooper
(2003) found three common themes in the curriculum category. The themes Cooper (2003)
identified include: (a) preference for text-driven instruction; (b) mastery of reading and writing
with a focus on sub-skills; and (c) an insistence on Standard English in writing and speaking (p.
419).
Teaching style. Teaching style is the explicit speech or actions used by the teacher to
convey specific knowledge, values, and other information (Cooper, 2003). These data revealed
many common themes: (a) use of authoritative discipline style, (b) emphasis on structure and
routine, (c) use of clear instructions and feedback around curriculum, (d) use of verbal cues to
help children predict what was coming the next day, (e) maintenance of a neat and manageable
environment, (f) use of alternative teaching methods including public speaking, (g) use of
animated teaching style to engage students, (h) monitoring of children’s physical and verbal
responses to instructions and events, (i) academic mediation as needed, and (j) focus on teaching
over other nonacademic activities (Cooper, 2003).
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Conceptual beliefs and practices. Conceptual beliefs and practices are beliefs and
practices that are more abstract and therefore inferred (Cooper, 2003). The data collected
revealed three major themes that Cooper (2003) categorizes as conceptual, including teaching
style, personal norms, and teacher characteristics.
Teaching style. Teaching style is the only theme that emerged in both operational and
conceptual categories (Cooper, 2003). Cooper (2003) finds that related to actual teacher practice,
the following can be inferred about successful teachers of Black students: (a) a focus on fairness,
(b) an orientation toward the children’s futures, and (c) the teacher’s professional dress.
Personal norms. Cooper (2003) defines personal norms as the traits that guide teachers’
behavior above or beyond their teaching responsibilities (p. 419). Based on the assumption that
all teachers bring personal norms into their work as teachers, Cooper (2003) clarifies that the
common personal norms of the teachers in her study reflected a commitment to a set of beliefs
that extended beyond education, that had a specific focus on issues of race. The common sub-
themes that emerged include: (a) respect for and commitment to the Black community, including
a specific desire to work in the Black community, (b) empathy for Black children, (c) a
developing racial consciousness, and (e) a willingness to learn from the Black community (p.
419).
Teacher characteristics. Teacher characteristics, as Cooper (2003) describes, are the
personal attributes that shape the quality of the teachers’ work. The common features of teacher
characteristics that were revealed through Cooper’s (2003) data includes: (a) high expectations of
self, (b) high expectations of children, including a commitment to fostering critical thinking
skills across the curriculum, (c) knowledge of subject matter, (d) a hard-working, reflection,
positive sense of teaching self, and (e) a view of teaching self as a second mother.
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Cultural, Community, and Familial Knowledges
Although culturally relevant pedagogy was initially created to address the cultural
incongruities that Black students tend to face in K-12 classrooms, the principles of culturally
relevant pedagogy, as illustrated in the literature, have been applied to students from various
diverse cultural backgrounds. Within the tenets of culturally relevant pedagogy the emphasis on
integrating and affirming students’ cultures in the context of academic learning is central. It is
necessary to mention in this literature review that students’ cultural backgrounds are often
interrelated with the knowledges students attain from their homes and communities. The work on
funds of knowledge by Moll, Amanti, Neff, and Gonzalez (1992) demonstrate how the
knowledges and skills students learn through community and familial interactions, some rooted
in and shared through cultural traditions and practices, can enhance academic learning
experiences for diverse students. Below, I will describe the concept of funds of knowledge and
its relation to infusing students’ cultural knowledge into academic learning experiences.
Using a broader understanding knowledge, Moll et al. (1992) define funds of knowledge
as the “historically accumulated and culturally developed bodies of knowledge and skills
essential for household or individual functioning and well-being” (p. 133). Funds of knowledge,
Moll et al. (1992) claim, includes a knowledge base that students bring with them to the
classroom, which teachers can strategically infuse into the classroom.
The teachers who participated in the research on funds of knowledge conducted home
visits and interviews with students, family, and community members. In doing so, the teachers
and researchers were able to gather information about the types of knowledges their students
brought into the classroom (Moll et al., 1992). In discussing the results, the teachers expressed
how they were able to learn much more about their students, including their experiences, skills,
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and interests (Moll et al., 1992). The teachers’ research on their students’ funds of knowledge
also shifted the teachers’ perspectives on the role of students and teachers in the classroom
towards a more inquiry-based instructional approach. Students worked in groups to develop
questions, construct common definitions, identify and utilize a variety of resources, including
resources from their experiences, homes, and communities, to conduct research, reflect on their
own learning, and identify further questions that could be researched in the future (Moll et al.,
1992).
In a similar study on the ways in which students’ home literacy practices can be used to
teach academic literacy skills, McCarthey (1997) argues that most schools do not recognize the
literacy practices embedded within the social fabric of family life in many communities. This
perpetuates what McCarthey (1997) claims are deficit views of the homes of people of color that
lead teachers to implement instructional practices that reduce knowledge to transmitting,
memorizing, and repeating information (McCarthey, 1997). This study showed that teachers
believed that students would, on their own, make literacy connections between home and school
(McCarthey, 1997). However, students from European-American backgrounds were more likely
to make those connections on their own and did not shy away from expressing themselves or
their personal experiences to the entire class. The students from diverse cultural and linguistic
backgrounds, however, focused on classroom activities and kept their home and school lives
more separate (McCarthey, 1997).
McCarthey (1997) found that while the teachers in her study appreciated the diversity of
the students in their classrooms, the teachers knew less about the students and families from
diverse backgrounds than they did about the middle-class, European-American students. The
lack of information about the diverse students’ cultural and personal experiences made it
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difficult, McCarthy (1997) concluded, for teachers to help students connect home and school
literacy practices for students from diverse backgrounds. Furthermore, McCarthey (1997) found
that the teachers in the study did not provide explicit opportunities for the students to connect
home knowledge to school knowledge. Furthermore, McCarthey (1997) argues that the lack of
explicit teacher modeling and discussions on how to make connections led the teachers to
unintentionally ignore or devalue the literacy practices in culturally and linguistically diverse
homes. While focused specifically on students’ home and school literacy practices, this study by
McCarthey (1997) highlights the role of the teacher in making explicit connections between
students’ cultural and home knowledges and skills and the academic knowledges and skills the
teacher seeks to teach students.
Conclusion
The bodies of literature on culturally responsive pedagogy presented above discuss the
ways the teaching and learning process are impacted by culture, race, ethnicity, power, and
ideology. The literature on culturally responsive pedagogy presented in this review provides a
critical framework to understand how the ideologies and pedagogical practices of teachers often
and subtly reinforce notions of hegemony by treating the cultural knowledges and worldviews of
people of color as deficient and illegitimate. The components of this critical framework,
grounded in the literature on culturally responsive pedagogy, that were reviewed discussed how
teachers’ ideologies, level of cultural competencies, and ability to be critically conscious do
impact how teachers relate to their students of color, select curriculum, design instructional
activities, support and scaffold student learning, and create opportunities for students to share
their cultural knowledges and develop their students’ critical consciousness. A tenet of culturally
responsive pedagogy is teacher care, which provides a framework for teachers to understand how
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students’ notions and expectations of care are influenced by student cultural backgrounds and
sociopolitical histories, which is also predicated by teachers’ understanding of his/her students’
cultural backgrounds. In the next section of this literature review, I will present the bodies of
literature that describe teacher care and how teacher care is influenced by cultural and
sociopolitical contexts. The next section on teacher care will also review the literature that
describes the types of relationships and learning environments that provide and sustain
meaningful learning opportunities for students of color.
Teacher Care
Similar to the research on culturally relevant pedagogy, the literature on teacher care is
diverse and wide-ranging. One line of research on teacher care focuses on the role of teachers in
developing students who are moral, law-abiding, and civic-minded members of society. Within
this subset of ideas is literature that places moral teaching as the primary purpose of teaching.
Yet, others claim that student learning is predicated on student-teacher relationships that are
created out of teachers’ caring ethic. In this review of the literature on teacher care, I first define
teacher care and describe its components. Next, I situate teacher care in the context of culture
and discuss the ways in which culture informs both teachers’ and students’ perceptions of teacher
care. Finally, I describe the ways in which teachers’ ethic of teacher care is connected to a
teachers’ instructional practices.
Natural Care
Teacher care is based on natural care, or an individual’s desire to want to care about another
person (Noddings, 1986). Noddings (1988, 1986) differentiates natural care from ethical care by
explaining that ethical care is a principle or duty that obligates an individual to simulate the act
of caring for another individual. Natural care, Noddings (1988, 1986) asserts, is based on a
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person’s authentic concern for another person that is specific to the individual being cared for.
Positioned at the center of teacher care are the choices a teacher makes in content, teaching
methods, and instruction and how those decisions impact the growth of a teacher’s students
(Noddings, 1988; 1986). Noddings (1986) states that teachers who teach from a perspective of
teacher care ask the following two questions:
• What effects will this have on the person I teach?
• What effect will it have on the caring community we are trying to build? (p. 499)
Through her research of the ethic of care, Noddings (1988) identifies the following four areas of
teacher care: modeling, dialogue, practice, and confirmation. Below, I will describe each
component of teacher care.
Modeling. Noddings (1988) states that teacher care is relational and the act of teaching is
full of caring occasions. Teachers who model caring are concerned with both the moral and
academic development of their students (Noddings, 1988). As a teacher models academic tasks,
Noddings (1988) explains that teacher care calls for a teacher to model the types of caring
relationships students are expected to develop. Teachers who treat their students with respect and
consideration encourage their students to emulate the same types of caring relationships with
their peers (Noddings, 1988). Noddings (1988) also explains that a teacher models caring by
“encouraging responsible self-affirmation in their students” (p. 223).
Dialogue. Student moral and character development, facilitated through teacher care,
requires open dialogue between teacher and student (Noddings, 1988). Open dialogue, Noddings
(1988) claims, is dependent on several factors. First, neither the student nor teacher has
developed any conclusions at the start of discourse (Noddings, 1988). Second, the search for
information is mutual between the student and teacher (Noddings, 1988). Noddings (1988)
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explains that while the teacher or student does not have to give up his/her individual principles,
the dialogue between student and teacher must be reciprocal. Finally, open dialogue, is
dependent upon the type of relationship constructed between a teacher and student (Noddings,
1988). The teacher and student have to know each other well enough so that the level of trust
necessary for open dialogue can exist (Noddings, 1988).
Practice. Teacher care, which facilitates moral and character development in students,
provides opportunities for students to practice care in classroom interactions (Noddings, 1988).
Teachers provide opportunities for peer interaction where students are encouraged to support
each other in caring interactions (Noddings, 1988). Through the context of teacher care, the
quality of interactions among students and between teacher and student is just as important as the
academic outcomes (Noddings, 1988).
Confirmation. Confirmation calls for teachers to respond to students’ actions through the
framework of teacher care (Noddings, 1988). Teacher care encourages teachers to always infer
the best possible motive when responding to students’ actions, including the actions a teacher
disapproves (Noddings, 1988). Oftentimes, teachers speak of having high expectations for all
students without really knowing anything specific about their students (Noddings, 1988).
Consequently, teachers expect all students to perform uniformly well (Noddings, 1988).
However, Noddings (1988) explains that the goal of teacher care is not to shape students
according to the teacher’s beliefs, but to work with the student as mutual partner to make
academic decisions.
Noddings (1992) asserts that the overreliance on academic subjects and standardized tests
leaves students with an impression that schools do not care about the students. Central to her
framework of teacher care is that the reciprocal relationship established between a student and
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teacher is specifically created in response to the individuals in the relationship (Noddings, 1992,
1988, 1986). Although the student has to be a willing participant in the teacher-student
relationship, the position of authority the teacher represents, necessitates that the teacher initiate
the relationship (Noddings, 1988). This reciprocal relationship between student and teacher
provides the foundation for learning (Noddings, 1992, 1988, 1986).
The Cultural Context of Care
Thompson (1998) argues that the body of literature in teacher care that is widely accepted
in educational research is situated in White, middle-class, heterosexual, feminist thought. In her
research that contextualizes teacher care in the framework of Black feminism, Thompson (1998)
explains, that caring theorists hardly discuss how culture determines what is defined as caring.
Thompson (1998) asserts that the literature on teacher care ignores the significance of history,
cultural bias, systematic power relations, and that teacher care is presented as essentialist.
Furthermore, Thompson (1998) argues that genuine forms of caring are discussed in the
literature without regard to any difference that a person’s race or ethnicity may bring to how an
individual defines and acts upon notions of care. Consequently, notions of care perpetuate
abstract, universal definitions of caring principles such as equality and respect (Thompson,
1998). It is imperative, Thompson (1998) claims, that teachers understand that a teacher’s
understanding of caring and what nurture and support for students look like, is colored by race
and ethnicity and will impact the pedagogical and moral decisions a teacher makes.
There are several differences between White feminist theories of care and Black feminist
theories of care that have implications for how teachers implement an ethic of teacher care in
their classrooms (Thompson, 1998). Thompson (1998) explains that racialized experiences for
Black women lead Black feminists to construct an ethic of care that is fundamentally different
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from the framework for care theorized by White feminists. For White feminists, an ethic of care
is grounded in colorblindness and innocence, an understanding that care is a private, family
issue, and a considered a solution for the failings of justice (Thompson, 1998). An ethic of care,
constructed by Black feminists is attentive to race and knowledge, rooted in familial and
community networks, and is directly linked to justice (Thompson, 1998). Thompson (1998)
concludes that an ethic of care, produced by Black feminists, includes the following themes:
morality, pragmatic orientation to survival, a Black standpoint, and the moral power of narrative.
I will briefly describe each theme of a framework of care from the perspective of a Black
feminist.
Morality. Thompson (1998) explains that characterization of morality is situated in the
history and collective experiences of the Black community. The common understanding of
morality is that morals and codes of ethics are based on individual freedom and choice
(Thompson, 1998). However, as Thompson (1998) further explains, historically, individual
freedom and choice have not been given to Blacks and are therefore not a part of the collective
experience for Black people. Thompson (1998) asserts that for Blacks, morality is constructed as
a blatant dismissal or challenge to the dominant codes of morality and ethics. Therefore,
Thompson (1998) concludes that morality is different for Blacks and Whites.
Pragmatic orientation to survival. The experiences of Black women in dealing with
multiple forms of oppression in society and within Black communities and families, have created
an ethic of care that strategically balances the fight for social justice and survival (Thompson,
1998). A collective experience of Black women is to prepare Black children for the harsh
realities of a racist society, equip Black children with the tools they need to maneuver through a
racist society, and describe when and how Black children should resist racism (Thompson,
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1998). Black women work together, with extended families and community institutions, like the
church, to provide support, nurture, and guidance (Thompson, 1998). An ethic of care
constructed by White feminists, Thompson (1998) asserts, is grounded in a refusal to discuss
issues of race and protecting innocent children from the harsh realities of the world. Therefore,
Black women’s ethic of care has to be understood in relation to a larger ethic of responsibility to
family and community (Thompson, 1998).
A Black standpoint. Virtues and what is considered authentic caring must be rooted not
only in Black culture, history, and experience, but also in the experiences of Black women
(Thompson, 1998). From a Black perspective, racial conflict is too obvious to ignore because in
the Black cultural and political experience, the existence of racism is common (Thompson,
1998). Thompson (1998) asserts that for Black students who are connected to Black communities
and/or have a direct experience with overt forms of racism, racialized school experiences are
often ignored or downplayed by White teachers who may in fact be practicing an ethic of care.
For Black students, White teachers who practice teacher care and avoid “colortalk” (the explicit
recognition of a person’s race) are disingenuous because the practice of teacher care denies real
conflict and real relationships (Thompson, 1998). Thompson (1998) claims that Black students
may feel betrayed by well-meaning White teachers and lose interest in school.
Moral power of narrative. Thompson (1998) states that all cultures create stories that
have moral power. These stories are familiar to the people of one racial group and symbolize
what people know or believe to be true, the commonsense for people who share racial identities
(Thompson, 1998). Other types of moral stories within a culture group describe uncommon
complexities that illustrate something new (Thompson, 1998). Thompson (1998) defines this
moral and political storytelling as communal truth telling. Black narratives serve as communal
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truth telling and reveal the racialized experiences of Black people (Thompson, 1998). Black
narratives provide a guide for how Blacks should interpret, find meaning, and construct
knowledge (Thompson, 1998). An ethic of care, from a Black feminist perspective, honors the
moral power of the Black narrative (Thompson, 1998).
In her research on an ethic of care from the perspective of Black feminist, Thompson
(1998) suggests that teachers understand the cultural context of care. Thompson (1998)
concludes that teachers expand their notions of care by:
• Showing students respect by knowing about and understanding students’ home, cultural,
and political backgrounds,
• Helping students develop strategies for survival,
• Integrating, and treating with respect, diverse experiences into the classroom,
• Knowing the cultural context of narratives, and
• Embracing student and teacher inquiry in order to explore new ideas. (p. 541)
Delpit (2012) defines authentic teacher care as the “social supports” in a classroom where
students feel comfortable to share and engage in the learning process (p. 132). Situating authentic
teacher care in Black students’ academic, moral, and social development, Delpit (2012) explains
that teachers who truly care about Black students will want to become familiar with the students’
cultural backgrounds, knowledges, and real-life experiences. She argues that when teachers are
familiar with students’ language, metaphors, and the environments from which they come,
teachers do not underestimate their students’ cognitive skills (Delpit, 2012). Delpit (2012)
explains that teachers must understand the cultural context of caring as it pertains to Black
students. Delpit (2012) further describes the cultural context of caring for Black students as the
following:
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• The culturally embedded and rewarded notion of caring for others like caring for younger
siblings and other children;
• The notion of sharing, nurturing, and looking out for others as a cultural strength that
could be built on readily; and
• The role of the school environment in making students feel welcome in an environment
where they do not have to surrender and forget about their cultural norms and values to
achieve academically.
According to Delpit (2012), teachers do not create opportunities to learn about their
students and their students’ cultural backgrounds, knowledges, and experiences often reduce
their curriculum to test preparation, worksheets, and other forms of busy work (Delpit, 2012). As
Delpit (2012) describes, the pedagogy of “reductionism” is common in classrooms in which the
majority of the students are lower-income children of color and their teachers seem to be in
control because her students are seen working diligently at their desks. The problem, as Delpit
(2012) explains, is that the students are often busy with academic tasks that require little to no
cognitive thinking (Delpit, 2012). In these classrooms, critical thinking skills, such as authentic
and critical literacy skills are not developed (Delpit, 2012). And for students of color, Delpit
(2012) argues, the development of their critical thinking skills is of the utmost importance for
their ability to be independent thinkers in a constantly changing society.
Chicano/Mexicano culture also has specific culturally based notions of teacher care
(Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004). In their study of how Chicano/Mexicano students and
teacher allies work to build students’ academic identity, Fránquiz and del Carmen Salazar (2004)
identify the following tenets of care that promote and maintain an academic identity for
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Chicano/Mexicano students: confianza, consejos, buen ejemplo, and respeto. Below, I will
briefly describe each tenet.
Confianza. Confianza is mutual trust (Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004). Rooted in
an ethic of care, confianza describes classroom interactions that make students feel comfortable,
valued, and trustworthy (Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004). Confianza is supported when
teachers take time away from academic tasks to build trust and caring with their students and
between students (Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004).
Consejos. Consejos are nurturing pieces of advice that reflect the values and types of
interactions established in Mexican households (Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004). In the
Mexican culture, consejos describe how knowledge is passed on and negotiated. Fránquiz and
del Carmen Salazar (2004) describe consejos as a genre of verbal teaching, also called moral
lectures, that are intended to influence behaviors and attitudes.
Buen ejemplo. A persistent role model describes the meaning of buen ejemplo (Fránquiz
& del Carmen Salazar, 2004). Fránquiz and del Carmen Salazar (2004), explain that
Chicano/Mexicano youth learn from buen ejemplos and practice being buen ejemplos to others.
These social relationships with role models provide Chicano/Mexicano youth the opportunity to
develop interpersonal skills by being cooperative, independent, and understanding social rules
(Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004).
Respeto. Fránquiz and del Carmen Salazar (2004) identify respeto, or respect, the most
important characteristic of Chicano/Mexicano ethic of teacher care. Respeto cannot be
established without the other three components of Chicano/Mexicano teacher care (Fránquiz &
del Carmen Salazar, 2004). Within the Chicano/Mexicano culture, Fránquiz and del Carmen
Salazar (2004), assert that respeto is a personal and collective code that demands defiance and
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strength when Chicanos/Mexicanos are threatened as a cultural and racial group. All social and
academic transformation of Chicano/Mexicano students is dependent upon respeto (Fránquiz &
del Carmen Salazar, 2004).
The features of Chicano/Mexicano teacher care, confianza, consejos, buen ejemplo, and
respeto illustrate an authentic form of teacher care that Fránquiz and del Carmen Salazar (2004),
claim support the academic success of Chicano/Mexicano students. Based on the real culture,
traditions, and experiences of Chicano/Mexicano, this ethic of teacher care illustrates the
connection between teacher care and culture (Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004),
In a study of Latino and White high school students’ perceptions of teacher care, Garza
(2009) explains that what a student perceives as key dispositions of teacher care may be different
based on the students’ cultural backgrounds. An ethic of care requires that teachers care for
students in ways that make sense to the student, providing meaning (Garza, 2009). In his study,
Garza (2009) finds that Latino and White students identify the same five themes that describe
key dispositions of teacher care. The difference between Latino and White students is in the
priorities of the five themes of teacher care (Garza, 2009).
According to Garza’s (2009) study, Latino students identify the following five themes of
teacher care in this order of significance: (1) scaffolding, (2) affective academic support, (3)
personal interest in and outside of the classroom, (4) always available to the student, and (5) a
kind teacher disposition. White students identify the same dispositions of teacher care, but in a
different order: (1) a kind teacher disposition, (2) scaffolding, (3) always available to the student,
(4) personal interest in and outside of the classroom, and (5) affective academic support (Garza,
2009). Garza (2009) concludes that teachers must understand the cultural lens through which
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Latino and White students perceive caring because it will enable teachers to provide a culturally
responsive ethic of care for their specific groups of students.
Sociopolitical Context of Teacher Care
Antrop-González and De Jesús (2006) call for a new framework on teacher care that they
name critical care. Critical care positions cultural values and ways of caring expressed in
communities of color as the foundation for education (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006, p.
413). Their research of two alternative, community-based schools in which Latinos are the
majority of the student population, Antrop-González and De Jesús (2006), describe four culture
specific tenets of teacher care, which include personalismo, teachers as facilitators, time, and
classroom environment.
Personalismo. Personalismo describes a Latino cultural value of interpersonal
relationships and social skills that family and extended family members maintain reciprocal
reliance and closeness over a lifetime (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006). Antrop-González
and De Jesús (2006) describe personalismo as an authentic caring relationship that embodies
cultural notions of respect, friendship, and family that exist in Latino families and communities.
Teachers who create relationships with students on the premise of personalismo are like friends,
parents, and family members who maintain highly personal and informal relationships with
students (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006). In relationship with their students, teachers
provide guidance for students inside and outside of the classroom, maintain high expectations for
their students, and are active co-learners with their students (Antrop-González & De Jesús,
2006).
Teachers as facilitators. In their study, teachers are referred to as facilitators who serve
as equal partners in their students’ academic development (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006).
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Teachers do not consider themselves as all knowing, are willing to be learners alongside their
students, and believe that student knowledge has a legitimate place in the classroom (Antrop-
González & De Jesús, 2006). The role of teacher as facilitator and equal partner to the student
means that the hierarchical power structure between students and teacher does not exist (Antrop-
González & De Jesús, 2006). Antrop-González and De Jesús (2006) explain that teachers create
a caring learning environment in the classroom in which students and teacher can support each
other’s academic development.
Time. The third tenet of teacher care evident in the community-based schools in this
study is the amounts of time teachers invest in helping their students in academic and non-
academic tasks (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006). Based on the Latino cultural value,
confianza, or personal trust, teachers support their students in a reciprocal manner (Antrop-
González & De Jesús, 2006). These teachers not only insist that students complete high quality
academic work and achieve academic success, but teachers also provide guidance towards these
academic goals (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006).
Classroom Environment. Teachers create safe spaces for students to learn based on
clear expectations and holistic and respectful approaches to resolving conflicts that may arise in
the classroom (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006). Antrop-González and De Jesús (2006)
explain that teachers who employ a cultural based ethic of teacher care are aware of the potential
conflicts that exist between students, particularly students from rival gangs. These teachers create
an interpersonal conflict process that is not broad, but instead speak to the student and the
specific issue (Antrop-González & De Jesús, 2006).
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Manifestations of Teacher Care: Deep and Personal Student-Teacher Relationships
In her research on student perceptions of teacher care in an urban middle school, Alder
(2002) identifies four themes that students understand to exemplify teacher care. These themes of
teacher care include a teacher’s work ethic, ability to involve parents, encouraging and
individualized relationship with students, and good teaching (Alder, 2000). Furthermore, Alder
(2000) explains that teacher care is dependent on the following factors: personally knowing
students and parents, communicating, listening, and talking to students in a reciprocal manner,
maintaining strong relationships with students, providing help to students, and maintaining a safe
and orderly classroom environment.
An empirical study conducted by Furrer and Skinner (2003) revealed that the sense of
relatedness children feel with their parents, teachers, and peers has an impact on their academic
engagement. Furrer and Skinner (2003) define relatedness as a student’s sense of “connectedness
or belonging” (p. 158). Over 600 children in grades three through six were surveyed by an
interviewer during which the children self-reported their sense of relatedness to their parents,
teachers, and peers. The data revealed that the emotional engagement of children in the
classroom was most dependent on the children’s sense of relatedness to their teacher (Furrer &
Skinner, 2003). For students who did not feel a sense of relatedness to their teacher, the children
reported that they felt ignored by their teachers, unhappy and bored in the classroom, and angry
during instructional activities (Furrer & Skinner, 2003). Although the children in the study were
in grades three through six, the study’s results indicated that the impact of a child’s sense of
relatedness with his/her teachers had the greatest impact at the start of middle school, especially
for boys (Furrer & Skinner, 2003).
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Valenzuela’s (1999) research on subtractive schooling illustrates the importance of
student and teacher relationships in an authentic form of teacher care for students of color. In her
study on the different ways that students and teachers define caring, Valenzuela (1999) claims
that Latino students prefer an educational system that corresponds to the principles of the
Mexican concept of educación, which means that education is grounded in respectful and caring
relationships. Valenzuela (1999) further explains that immigrant and U.S.-born youth prefer
authentic caring, which is based on relatedness and manifested through reciprocity, or personal
relationships between students and teachers.
However, in her study, Valenzuela (1999) found that the majority of the teachers
subscribed to aesthetic care. Aesthetic care is an abstract form of caring in which students show a
commitment to schooling practices that supposedly lead to academic achievement (Valenzuela,
1999). Valenzuela (1999) claims that aesthetic care is more dismissive form of care, emphasizing
form over content. The problem with aesthetic care, Valenzuela (1999) claims, is that teachers
demand that students care about school without developing relationships with the students.
Valenzuela (1999) suggests that without developing relationships with students, teachers ignore
students’ cultural, linguistic, and community-based knowledge. By insisting that students
prescribe to aesthetic caring, teachers create an instructional environment in which these
knowledge resources are subtracted (Valenzuela, 1999).
The conflict at the school in Valenzuela’s (1999) study is an educational environment in
which students and teachers have different understandings about schooling. When teachers
impose their views of caring on students, the students engage in subtractive logic. Subtractive
logic is when students are required to value a curriculum that denigrates the students’ language,
culture, and community. Valenzuela asserts that aesthetic care forces students to accept a set of
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ideas is equivalent to “cultural genocide” (p. 63). Consequently, some students, who are
perceived as uncaring because of their dress, behavior, and attitudes, are actually practicing an
active form of resistance against teachers (Valenzuela, 1999). Valenzuela (1999) explains that
students resist the school and curriculum because the students may view the school as
meaningless to the students’ development.
The interrelationship between objectifying students and rejecting a nurturing view of
education is evident in the classroom. Through classroom observations and student interviews,
Valenzuela (1999) concludes that many students refused to participate in classroom activities
because the classroom environment was uncaring, void of personal relationships. In her analysis,
Valenzuela (1999) states that teachers may not be equipped with the skills, desire, or the time
and resources to help students with matters that are not specifically academic. In the context of
schools that lack an explicit culture of teacher care; Valenzuela (1999) explains that teachers are
unable to respond to students as whole children. In such uncaring contexts, Valenzuela (1999)
claims that teachers make general assumptions or deficit views of students from ethnically
diverse backgrounds as “too impoverished to value education” (p. 76).
Valenzuela (1999) acknowledges that teachers are both victims and perpetuators of a
system that structurally neglects Latino youth, a system in which both the student and teacher
suffer. As is the case with the majority of the teachers in the study, Valenzuela (1999) explains
that most teachers conveniently underestimate their own ability to have sway, or influence, in the
classroom. This perspective supports Valenzuela’s (1999) claim that the teachers in the study do
not practice an authentic form of caring, since authentic care situates teachers as those with
moral authority in the classroom. Additionally, Valenzuela (1999) argues that the student will
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suffer more because the student’s sense of alienation will contribute to the erosion of the
student’s mental engagement (p. 74).
In her study, Valenzuela (1999) reveals that even when students rejected schooling by
skipping classes, students regularly attended classes that were meaningful to them. In
highlighting an exceptionally caring teacher, Valenzuela (1999) describes the teacher with the
following characteristics: pays close attention to students’ work with the option to complete the
assignment again for a higher grade; gives specific and detailed evaluation of student work; has
the capacity and willingness to reach out to students; advises students on a regular basis; helps
students make the connections between what the student want to do in life and what the student
learns in school; provides encouragement and gentle nudging; and respects all students
regardless of their linguistic abilities.
Valenzuela (1999) concludes that an uncaring schooling environment excludes any
chance of creating the collective contexts that allow for the transmission of knowledge, skills,
and resources. Additionally, students who are disconnected from the school, including their
classrooms and teachers, are reminded of their lack of power, which fosters students’ active
resistance against schooling and teacher expectations (Valenzuela, 1999).
Conclusion
This section of the literature review presented an overview of the literature on teacher
care. Making explicit the ways in which culture, race, ethnicity, ideology, and power inform
notions of teacher care, the literature presented in this review discussed the cultural and
sociopolitical contexts of teacher care for Black and Latino students. The characteristics of what
teacher care means for Black and Latino students describe how teacher care is manifested
through the types of personal relationships students have with their teachers, the types of
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classroom environments maintained by teachers, the level of teacher expectations teachers have
for his/her students of color, and the types of learning opportunities teachers create in the
classroom. The cultural and sociopolitical context of teacher care, as presented in the literature
review, is fundamental to a teacher’s ability to relate to their students of color in ways that are
authentic and genuine. In addition, this stance on teacher care, as discussed in the literature
review, is explicitly connected to the types of meaningful learning opportunities teachers create
for their students of color. In the next section of this literature review, I shift slightly from
culturally responsive pedagogy and teacher care, which provide critical frameworks to
understand the cultural and sociopolitical contexts of teaching and learning, to describe what the
literature on constructivist and sociocultural learning theories define as meaningful academic
learning.
Meaningful Learning Experiences
A review of the literature finds that there is no clear definition of “meaningful learning
experiences.” Rather “meaningful learning experiences” are presented as types of learning
situations that occur as teaching is facilitated through sociocultural and constructivist principles.
Below, I will review the literature on two learning theoretical perspectives that purport to create
meaningful learning opportunities for students. I will draw on the constructivist and sociocultural
learning theories to discuss what meaningful learning looks like for students and the roles of
teachers in creating these meaningful learning opportunities according to both constructivism
and sociocultural learning.
Constructivism
Constructivists assert that meaningful learning is an active learning process that is
centered on purposeful learning activities and active mental experiences (Anthony, 1996). The
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opposite of passive learning where learners memorize and assimilate new information,
constructivists believe that learning is constructed or built upon existing knowledge (Anthony,
1996). Anthony (1996) describes the following assumptions of the constructivist learning
perspective:
• Learning is a process of knowledge construction, not of knowledge recording or
absorption;
• Learning is knowledge-dependent; people use current knowledge to construct new
knowledge;
• The learner is aware of the processes of cognition and can control and regulate them;
this self-awareness, or metacognition (Flavell, 1976) significantly influences the
course of learning. (p. 349)
Constructivists believe that active learners are self-directed and self-regulated in their cognitive
processes (Anthony, 1996). According to the principles of constructivism, meaningful learning
takes place in an environment where learners combine cognitive, metacognitive, affective, and
resource management skills to construct new knowledge or understanding (Anthony, 1996).
Anthony (1996) defines active learning as both active learning activities and active
mental experiences. Active learning activities include problem solving, small group work, and
experiential learning, which is opposite of passive learning tasks that include listening to a
teacher’s lecture, answering closed ended questions, and solving problems the student has
already mastered (Anthony, 1996). Active mental experiences include mental effort and
developing an attitude of intellectual inquiry, which is different from passive mental experiences
in which students integrate new knowledge through memorization and practice (Anthony, 1996,
p. 350). Although mental experiences and learning activities are different, Anthony (1996) warns
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teachers against assuming that passive learning activities will not facilitate an active mental
experience. However, “strong constructions” are made when active learning activities are paired
with active mental experiences (Anthony, 1996, p. 351).
In her case study of two mathematics students, Anthony (1996) describes the
characteristics of a passive learner and an active learner in the same learning environment in
order to describe meaningful learning from a constructivist perspective. Anthony (1996)
identifies the following three indicators of meaningful learning: elaboration strategies, selective
attention, and monitoring and evaluation. Below, I will describe the major differences between
an active learner and a passive learner as discussed in Anthony’s (1996) case study. The
characterization of the active learner describes meaningful learning from a constructivist point of
view.
Elaboration strategies. Elaboration strategies help a student makes sense of new
information by the student adding details, explanations, examples, and mental images, that
connect new information to prior knowledge (Anthony, 1996, p. 354). The student who
employed passive learning relied on the teacher to direct the new information through teacher
directed comments and metaphors (Anthony, 1996). The student engaged in active learning
added his own, student-created, details and explanations (Anthony, 1996). The cognitively active
student answered teacher questions as an elaboration strategy, rather than for teacher approval,
which the purpose for an active learner to answer teacher questions (Anthony, 1996).
Selective attention. Selective attention describes how much time, as well as the quality
of attention the learner pays on learning activities (Anthony, 1996). For the passive learner,
Anthony (1996) explains that the focus of the student’s work was on completion, as the learner
did not look to make connections with new information and the student’s prior knowledge.
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Additionally, the cognitive skills used by the passive learner tended to be at the lower level,
consisting of recall skills and procedural knowledge (Anthony, 1996). For the more cognitively
active learner, Anthony (1996) describes three specific strategies the active student used to
selectively attend to important information: (a) selectively taking notes that the student believes
are important to the learning process rather than at the direction of the teacher, (b) attend to
conceptual material during review process, and (c) monitoring production and understanding so
that the student selects those parts of the lesson that provide relevance to the student’s learning
needs (Anthony, 1996, p. 358).
Monitoring and evaluation. Monitoring and evaluation concerns how the learner checks
and evaluates his/her progression in constructing new knowledge (Anthony, 1996). The passive
learner was compliance-oriented, using procedural knowledge and strategies, rather than seeking
correct answers or cognitively challenging tasks (Anthony, 1996). The active learner was prone
to using checking strategies, such as administering self-tests, redirecting attention, re-accessing
information sources, and seeking help (Anthony, 1996, p. 361).
In her discussion on the two students, Anthony (1996) clarifies that there may be other
contributing factors that may influence how these two students interacted with the material in the
mathematics classroom. A student’s perception of himself as a mathematics student, perception
of the purposes of the academic subject, and the level of domain knowledge are key factors in
determining how active or passive the student was in the classroom (Anthony, 1996). The more
passive student, Anthony (1996) explains, dislike mathematics, believed that he was a bad math
student, but considered the subject necessary for his career choice. In addition, the more passive
student lacked domain knowledge, or knowledge about the specific academic subject, while the
more active student had acquired more domain knowledge about math and saw the mathematics
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class as an opportunity for continual cognitive growth (Anthony, 1996). Anthony (1996) explains
that there may be varying reasons why a student is an active or passive learner. However, she
asserts that teachers must provide close, specific guidance in a constructivist classroom
(Anthony, 1996).
Constructivist learning theory highlights the importance of how current cognitive
representations are “reshaped, expanded, and depended on the basis of interactions with new
learning” (Lee, 2003, p. 451). Based on a student-centered philosophy, constructivists claim that
when learners are engaged in meaning-making activities, learners’ understanding and skill sets
are shaped (Lee, 2003). Students are “reflective workers” involved in cognitive, challenging,
developmental, authentic, expressive, and reflexive activities that allow students to be self-
directed learners (Lee, 2003). Self-directed learners make important judgments and decisions
about their work, with the support and input of their teachers and peers (Lee, 2003, p. 451).
Lee (2003) claims that educational performance standards are rooted in constructivist
thought. Performance standards describe what students should be able to do in order to
demonstrate their mastery of a particular task (Lee, 2003). Descriptors such as understanding,
analyzing, comparing, creating, and problem solving are found in performance standards and
focused on cognitive processes (Lee, 2003). As the focus of constructivist-based performance
standards lies within student experiences and the interdisciplinary habits of mind required for
successful learning, performance standards, help create a culture of student achievement in urban
schools and provide meaningful learning opportunities for urban students (Lee, 2003). Lee
(2003) contends that a focus on effort-based ability and the use of authentic projects in an urban
classroom will create a culture of high expectations in which challenging and meaningful
learning opportunities for urban students are built upon constructivist thought.
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An effort-based perspective positively relates student effort to ability levels (Lee, 2003).
An effort-based learning perspective assumes that learning is developed through a student’s
ability and happens at incremental stages (Lee, 2003). Aligned with one of the major tenets of
constructivism, effort-based learning supports knowledge construction, in the continual
intellectual development of both student and teacher (Lee, 2003). Descriptions of constructivist
classrooms that illustrate an effort-based philosophy of learning include teachers who do the
following: (a) push students to question and challenge, (b) encourage students to find solutions
that are not explicitly clear, (c) require students to explain concepts, (d) allow students to justify
reasoning, (e) urge students to seek information, (f) allow time for multiple drafts, rehearsals, or
trials, (g) permit students to critique their or their peers unfinished work, (h) and teach skills in
the context of projects (Lee, 2003, p. 453).
Authentic projects require that students make choices, judgments, and decisions in
completing a project or activity (Lee, 2003, p. 453). The activities students have to fulfill in
authentic projects give students the freedom to draw on personal interests and strengths and to
apply personal judgment and style (Lee, 2003p. 453). In some cases, teachers give students
authentic projects by providing an assignment frame in which students make decisions on how to
complete the assignment (Lee, 2003). Some of these choices include what content to research
and what content to include in the project, giving students the ability to use their intellectual and
create talents (Lee, 2003).
Patchen and Cox-Petersen (2008), conducted a case study of two science teachers in
order to investigate how constructivist principles can be leveraged to develop culturally relevant
pedagogy in science instruction. In their discussion, Patchen and Cox-Peterson (2008) describe
the learner as the center of knowledge, while the teacher is a facilitator of knowledge (Patchen &
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Cox-Petersen, 2008). Patchen and Cox Peterson (2008) explain that learners actively construct
individual knowledge while the teacher encourages “cognitive conflicts” that are build upon the
learner’s prior knowledge upon which new knowledge is constructed (Patchen & Cox-Peterson,
2008, p. 996). Patchen and Cox-Peterson (2008) assert that constructivist principles align with
the following instructional strategies: language-oriented practices, mental strategies from
multiple disciplines, inquiry, collaborative learning, discussion and debate, hands-on
experiences, and private reflections (Patchen & Cox-Peterson, 2008, p. 996).
Patchen and Cox-Peterson (2008) also discuss the two types of constructivism, which
they term cognitive constructivism and social constructivism. Cognitive constructivism infers
that people construct knowledge and make sense of the world through individual prior
experiences (Patchen & Cox-Peterson, 2008). Social constructivism claims that the construction
of knowledge is dependent on the members of a community, including discourse patters with
others in specific contexts (Patchen & Cox-Peterson, 2008). Patchen and Cox-Peterson (2008)
further explain that social constructivism is dependent on academic content, the establishment of
relevance and meaning, support of dynamic interaction, and the recognition and valuing of
student language, culture, and experiences (p. 996).
The complexities of how constructivist pedagogy is translated into teacher practice are
identified in four areas that Richardson (2003) identifies as “unresolved issues:” student learning,
effective constructivist teaching, teachers’ subject matter knowledge, and cultural differences (p.
1627).
Student learning. In a constructivist classroom, student learning means that students
“develop deep understandings of the material, internalize it, understand the nature of knowledge
development, and develop complex cognitive maps that connect together bodies of knowledge
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and understanding” (Richardson, 2003, p. 1628). Based on the outcomes of student learning in a
constructivist classroom, it seems that constructivist pedagogy is best focused on a specific
content area or subject matter (Richardson, 2003). However, Richardson (2003) argues that there
is little empirical research that links constructivist teaching to student learning. At the same time,
Richardson (2003) seems to disregard empirical studies that would compare constructivist and
traditional instruction because each instructional style has a different set of goals (Richardson,
2003). Richardson (2003) also asserts that one agreed upon set of student learning outcomes for
constructivist instruction would be difficult to achieve.
Effective constructivist teaching. According to Richardson (2003), effective
constructivist teaching is not known because constructivism is a theory of learning, not a theory
of teaching (p. 1629). Richardson (2003) argues that much of the literature that illustrates
effective constructivist teaching is typically compared to traditional, transmission teaching and
lacks any examples of ineffective constructivist teaching. Furthermore, Richardson (2003) claims
that constructivist teaching theory is rooted in constructivist learning theory and a set of
instructions of what actions the teacher should not adopt from the traditional, transmission model
of teaching. Richardson (2003) concludes that without clear ideas of constructivist teaching, it is
difficult to identify what is effective constructivist teaching.
Teachers’ subject matter knowledge. Recent research on constructivist teaching
concludes that teachers must have expert-like subject matter knowledge in their particular
content area (Richardson, 2003). The assertion is that a teacher’s deep subject matter knowledge
will help teachers (a) interpret how students understand the material, (b) develop activities to
support students in exploring various concepts, hypothesis, and beliefs, (c) guide discussions
toward shared understanding, (d) provide guidance on sources of additional formal knowledge,
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and (e) correct misconceptions (Richardson, 2003, p. 1631). Richardson (2003) questions the
level of deep knowledge teachers have to posses in order to practice constructivist teaching,
particularly for elementary school teachers, as most of the research on teacher subject matter
knowledge for constructivist teaching has been confined to mathematics, science, history, or
language arts, without acknowledging that other subjects are being taught (Richardson, 2003).
Cultural differences. In addressing the issue of cultural differences, Richardson (2003)
discusses constructivism in the context of social constructivism. Richardson (2003) does this by
positioning constructivism as a concept that is “constructed and practiced within our current
cultural, political, and economic constraints and ideologies” (p. 1632). It is through this lens that
Richards (2003) problematizes the universal nature of constructivism. As such, Richardson
(2003) explains that:
Psychological constructivism’s roots are western, liberal, and individualistic
(Eurocentric), and much of the current approach to constructivist pedagogy, at least in the
United States, was developed within privileged classes. It is not clear to me that the less
privileged and minority cultures are interested in the strong individualistic approach
suggested in current constructivist pedagogical approaches to teaching given the
perceived importance of community maintenance and development. (p. 1633).
Richardson (2003) concludes by emphasizing that the student-centered nature of
constructivism implies that students “will learn from many different forms of instruction” and
that students in the same classroom may develop different meanings of the same content (p.
1636).
Barton (2003) conducted a study on the experiences of poor urban youth in learning and
participating in science. This study originated from action-research activities that involved a
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team of researchers and teens from an urban homeless shelter who participated in various science
projects that included creating a community garden and producing a video of life and science in
the urban community (Barton, 2003). The experiences of Kobe, one of the teens who participated
in these activities, demonstrated how learning and participating in science as a Black, male,
homeless teen calls into question key assumptions and goals of science education in the
classroom (Barton, 2003). Barton (2003) uses a “critical approach to science education” as a
framework to understand Kobe’s experiences with science (p. 536). Barton (2003) describes this
critical perspective of science education as a fusion of critical and feminist theories that view
education as being primarily about the ways power and knowledge are related. The critical
approach to science education used in this study as a framework included the three following
areas that informed Barton’s (2003) understanding of Kobe’s experiences in science learning.
1. Knowledge is based on a socially constructivist epistemology-Barton (2003) explains
that knowledge of the world is “always subjective and contextually mediated”;
2. Power is based on the recognition that education is explicitly political-Barton (2003)
argues against a positivist perspective that there is one objective, really a Westernized
view of science that perpetuates the marginalization that other ways of knowing and
practicing science are “inferior to Western standards”; and
3. Schools are social institutions that focus on more just education achievement-Barton
(2003) states that schools teach more than content knowledge and skills as schools
also teach students how to “comply with cultural norms and expectations” (p. 537).
In the study, Barton (2003) finds that the experiences of Kobe in learning and
participating in science illustrates the differences in the ways schools teach science and how
science is constructed in other contexts. Barton (2003) finds that science is constructed in very
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deep and complex ways that contradict the “neat, package of ideas or theories” commonly taught
in schools (p. 544). For example, Barton (2003) describes how Kobe focuses on participating in
science rather than learning science as a subject. According to Barton (2003) Kobe, who initially
resisted participating in the science activities, saw participating in science activities that he
considered practical and relevant to the issues in his community. For Kobe, Barton (2003)
explains, participating in science included fixing a broken fence, planting vegetables in a
community garden that community members would tend and eat, and helping younger children
safely clean an empty lot. Barton (2003) uses an example of the building of a basketball court to
demonstrate how Kobe understood science as a subject that could transform an individual’s
world. In his discussions of creating a basketball court, Barton (2003) explains that Kobe
separated the building of the basketball court as doing science and the basketball court itself as a
way to enjoy sport.
Through the lens of a critical perspective to science education, Barton (2003) shows that
Kobe’s experiences in the science activities expands notions of participating in science learning.
Barton (2003) explains that Kobe’s participation in making the urban youth science video
highlights the ineffective and narrow ways his school involved students in learning and
practicing science. As Barton (2003) describes, science learning and participation in Kobe’s
school was more focused on rules, regulations, and punishments, all of which reminded Kobe of
his status as a homeless youth. In addition, Barton (2003) states that science learning and
participation in schools restricts who can participate in science learning by not opening the
accessibility of science to respond to the needs and receive input of students and community
members. For Kobe, Barton (2003) explains, that in school science learning and opportunities to
participate in science was not connected to Kobe’s daily life. Although he felt that science
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education was important for a possible career in his life, Barton (2003) describes how Kobe
disliked learning science in school because he felt it was boring, that the teachers were mean, and
that all the teachers cared about were compliance-making sure Kobe attended class and quietly
worked on his assignments in class.
The study of Kobe’s experiences in learning and participating in science demonstrates
how science education is situated within a social context (Barton, 2003). Barton (2003) claims
that science education is dependent on the space in which science learning takes place. For
science educators, Barton (2003) asserts this space is crucial to understanding how science is a
contested subject. It is this space; Barton (2003) asserts, that defines the science and who has
access to the science because the space in which science learning and participation takes place is
filled with “contradictions and power struggles” that science educators must embrace (p. 548).
Sociocultural Theoretical Perspective
Sociocultural learning theory seeks to explain teaching and learning processes by
claiming that learning is a developmental process that takes place through social interactions,
which are influenced by the culture and context in which learning takes place (Tharp &
Gallimore, 1988). Accordingly, the sociocultural perspective on teaching and learning make
several assumptions about what learners bring into the classroom and the role of the teacher in
creating learning opportunities for students. Some of these assumptions include the belief that
learning occurs first through social interactions, that students enter school with experience in
using higher-order cognitive and linguistic skills, and that learning is developmental (Tharp &
Gallimore, 1988). I will briefly describe how these assumptions shape the roles of teachers and
learners in the classroom.
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Learning is social. The sociocultural perspective on learning states that learning first
takes place through social interactions before transferring new or adapted skills and knowledge
to the psychological dimension (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). In considering the daily interactions
with a “more capable person,” sociocultural learning theory assumes that children begin to
engage in higher-order cognitive and linguistic skills (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Tharp and
Gallimore (1998) further explain that through daily interactions in household tasks, children
begin to develop “functional cognitive systems” where children generalize their new skills to
new problems and familiar situations (Tharp & Gallimore, 1998, p. 27). Tharp and Gallimore
(1988) describe the process of transferring cognitive skills and knowledge from the social to the
psychological as internalization. It is during this process that an individual’s plane of
consciousness is formed in structures that are transmitted to the individual by others in speech,
social interaction, and cooperative activity (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). So, the individual’s
consciousness arises from the actions and speech of others. Tharp and Gallimore (1988) clarify
that children are not passive learners in which knowledge and skills are simply given to
individuals. Rather, sociocultural views on learning position children, and all learners, as active
participants in constructing and reconstructing knowledge in reciprocal contexts where learners
both learn from and influence their environment.
Learning is developmental. According to the sociocultural perspective, learning can
only take place in the “distance between the child’s individual capacity and the capacity to
perform with assistance” (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988, p. 30). This distance is what Vygotsky calls
the Zone of Proximal Development (ZPD) (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Tharp and Gallimore
(1988) explain that through the regulating actions and speech of others, the child begins to
engage in independent action and speech. For skills and functions to develop into internalized,
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self-regulated capacity, the sociocultural view on learning states that all that is needed is
performance, through assisting interaction. As such, Tharp and Gallimore (1988) characterize
teaching as assisted performance through the ZPD. It is within ZPD stages one and two where
the teacher provides assistance to the learner at different points in the learner’s ZPD (Tharp &
Gallimore, 1988, p. 31). The sociocultural perspective assumes that teaching has occurred when
individual performance can be achieved (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Tharp and Gallimore (1988)
further explain that assistance has to be given purposefully because once a learner can
independently use a new skill continued assistance becomes a barrier (p. 41). Tharp and
Gallimore (1998) recommend that even with the limitations of current schooling practices that
may impede teachers from infusing sociocultural principles, there are instructional practices that
increase opportunities for assisted performance including: the use of small groups and
maintenance of positive classroom environments (p. 44).
Learning is cultural. Tharp and Gallimore (1988) explain that the social interactions
through which children develop cognitive systems are grounded in the child’s culture. Through
interactions with a “more capable person,” the child learns the collective worldview of the
community, as well as the cognitive and communicative tools of the community’s culture (Tharp
& Gallimore, 1988). A major tenet of the sociocultural learning perspective maintains that higher
order mental functions that are a part of the child’s social and cultural heritage will move from
the social plane to the psychological plane (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). As Tharp and Gallimore
(1988) explain, this cultural knowledge lies within the two planes, social and psychological.
Once the development is shown in the psychological plane, much more internal guiding
cognitive actions such as voluntary attention, logical memory, the formation of concepts, and the
development of volition develop in the child (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988, p. 29).
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In an article that proposes that sociocultural learning theory can be used to understand the
implications of race, culture, and learning, Nasir and Hand (2006) argue that race and culture are
typically presented in the literature from two perspectives. One, Nasir and Hand (2006) assert
that race and culture are often presented as though they are one in the same, situating people of
one racial group as homogenous. The second perspective is that research, particularly
sociocultural theory, tends to focus on culture, ignoring race and its the implications of power
and the marginalization of racial communities’ cultural practices and discourses (Nasir & Hand,
2006). Accordingly, Nasir and Hand (2006) clarify that “culture is not race, but is informed by
racial and ethnic categories” (p. 458).
Furthermore, in their study on “blurring” the lines between cultural and domain
knowledge in mathematics, Nasir, Hand, and Taylor (2008) discuss how different learners, in the
same learning environment or classroom, may approach opportunities for development
differently. Nasir, Hand, and Taylor (2008) explain that knowledge is situated through socially
organized systems of activity, embodied as individuals plan and manage themselves and their
goals through these systems, and distributed through coordinated informational, material, and
interpersonal aspects of these systems over time (p. 192). The type of knowledge a learner gains
is not static, as it is socially situated, dependent upon the learner’s role, position, and patterns of
activity available for the learner to practice in different communities (Nasir, Hand, & Taylor,
2008).
Gutiérrez and Rogoff (2003) make a similar assertion regarding the intersections of race,
ethnicity, and culture in the sociocultural learning perspective. Sociocultural learning theory
places special importance on culture and suggests that the role of the teacher shift to that of an
assistant. As such, Gutiérrez and Rogoff (2003) argue that in order for teachers to be effective
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assistants in the classroom, particularly for students from racial minority backgrounds, educators
must not overgeneralize cultural styles as traits that all members of one particular cultural group
possess. Gutiérrez and Rogoff (2003) claim that oversimplifying the impact of culture on
learning processes ignores the connection between individual learning and cultural practices of
communities, the importance of the tasks on an individual’s development, the type of
environment in which learning happens, and assumes that individual traits are static. Rather,
Gutiérrez and Rogoff (2003) propose that teachers and educational researchers use a cultural-
historical approach to understand the impact of cultural differences on learning.
Meaningful Learning
In a study of “good history teachers,” Wineburg and Wilson (1991) conducted a series of
observations and interviews in order to describe what two peer nominated “expert practitioners
know, think, and do” in their history classrooms (p. 396). Both American History teachers, the
two teachers in this study had classes of similar characteristics, including the diversity of the
students in their classrooms, many of which come from racial and ethnic minority backgrounds
(Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). Although different in their instructional style and techniques,
Wineburg and Wilson (1991) claim that both teachers are skilled at creating active and
meaningful learning opportunities for their students. Both classroom environments “sizzled with
ideas” during which history continued not just through the bell, or the end of class, but also after
class with students leaving talking about history (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991, p. 408).
The two teachers in this study had different instructional techniques and ways of
organizing their classroom experiences. One teacher engaged the students in whole group
discussion, with the teacher leading by asking questions, calling on students to engage in the
discussion, and writing key ideas on the board (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). In this classroom,
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the teacher was active, present, and vocal in the class discussion (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991).
The second teacher in this study used cooperative small groups, student debate and presentation
to facilitate the lesson in her class (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). For this teacher, Wineburg and
Wilson (1991) describe her as being “mute” in a classroom that was more student-centered in
that the teacher only intervened in the small cooperative groups to provide her students with
assistance.
Although both teachers had different instructional styles, Wineburg and Wilson (1991)
explain that each teacher’s deep knowledge of history as a subject matter allowed for the
teachers to create different, yet active and meaningful classrooms. First, each teacher was deeply
aware of the broader conceptual and theoretical issues of the time period they were discussing
with their students, as well as the larger conceptual themes in history that could connect to that
specific time period (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). These larger historical frameworks, Wineburg
and Wilson (1991) explain, give detail with meaning so that history is viewed by the students as
intriguing stories with noticeable patterns and trends instead of a list of names, dates, and events.
Second, each teacher had a similar view of history, understanding history as a human
construction (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). Although both teachers had encouraged their students
to know particular facts about people and places, neither teacher strayed from encouraging their
students to look at the significance of a historical event, or to judge history (Wineburg & Wilson,
1991).
For each teacher, the history textbook was resource to enrich students’ understanding of a
historical event (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). The teachers used the textbook, not as a source of
historical evidence for students, but rather to provide conflicting and supporting interpretations
of history or to help students follow the story of history (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). For both
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teachers, the history book was used to provide “accounts” of the past to enhance students’
understanding (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991, p. 408).
Finally, each teacher used “instructional representations” as a way to “build a bridge”
between the teachers’ sophisticated understanding of history to the developing understanding of
the student (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991, p. 408). The task for the teacher who has expert content
knowledge is to transform the teacher’s knowledge for teaching (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991). For
both teachers in this study, a variety of representations of history, which include examples,
analogies, demonstrations, simulations, stories, dramatic reenactments, and debates helped to
create this bridge between teacher and student knowledge (Wineburg & Wilson, 1991).
Wineburg and Wilson (1991) explain that an instructional representation is created out of a
teacher’s understanding of both the content as well as how well the teacher understands the
needs, motivations, and abilities of his/her learners.
Ancess (2004) describes the ways in which urban teachers create meaning making
environments in their classrooms that allow students to make personal and collective meaning of
academic material. Meaning making requires that students explore diverse ideas from various
perspectives and sources like texts, images, and other people and experiences (Ancess, 2004). In
discovering new ideas, perspectives, and sources, students develop and defend their own
perspectives against the different viewpoints that emerge in the classroom from other students
and the teacher (Ancess, 2004). Ancess (2004) describe these classrooms as places where
students participate in discourse about controversial and conflicting ideas including issues of
politics, religion, race, class, and gender. Through these interactions, Ancess (2004) explains
that students not only hear different perspectives, but also build common ground between
competing viewpoints.
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Meaning making is predicated on the belief that teaching and learning are thinking,
problem solving, and responsive activities (Ancess, 2004). As such, Ancess (2004) explains that
teachers must design and organize academic content and instruction in ways that give all students
access to the knowledge students will need in order to fully participate in meaning making
classrooms. In her research, Ancess (2004) also discusses the larger school conditions that
support meaning making classrooms. In order for all students to engage in meaning making
learning opportunities, Ancess (2004) explains that teachers must be able to work together,
supported by school structures, policies, and a school culture that supports meaning making
instructional practices.
While Ancess (2004) argues that both classroom and school structures have to exist to
support meaning making in the classroom, since the focus of this dissertation is on how teachers
create meaningful learning opportunities for students from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds,
I will only focus on the characteristics of meaning making classrooms identified by Ancess
(2004). These three characteristics come from data collected through student and teacher
observations, student, teacher, and parent surveys, performance assessment, teacher curriculums,
and student work (Ancess, 2004).
Exploring complex issues. The first characteristic Ancess (2004) claims exists in
meaning making classrooms include students exploring complex issues, such as race, power,
class, immigration, the privileges of inherited wealth and membership in the dominant culture,
and the vulnerabilities of “the other” (p. 37).
Developing and defending ideas. The second characteristic is student opportunity to
develop and defend ideas (Ancess, 2004). Ancess (2004) suggests that an inquiry approach to
learning is best situated to illustrate how these skills develop in meaning making classrooms. At
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one urban high school Ancess (2004) points to an inquiry model in which students develop and
justify, to their peers and teacher, their own ideas in the form of dialogue and debate. Ancess
(2004) explains that the use of questions, multiple perspectives and sources, and teacher
disagreement and challenge were techniques the teacher used to elicit student responses.
Mastering content. The third characteristic of a meaning-making classroom is the
opportunity for students to master new content, find success in the classroom, and gain
confidence (Ancess, 2004). In describing how two math teachers connected meaning making
with academic content, Ancess (2004) explains that student collaboration and authentic tasks
helped students practice new academic skills and gain new mathematical content knowledge.
One teacher placed students in collaborative groups of four to five students in which students
worked together, sharing individual academic problem-solving strategies that helped the students
within the group discover and practice mathematical skills and knowledge (Ancess, 2004). The
second teacher engaged students in authentic mathematical tasks, like using proportions to plot
pictures in a visual arts assignment and trigonometry in carpentry tasks. These real-life
applications of mathematics skills allowed the students to become more engaged in particular
academic skills and knowledge because mathematics now had meaning for the students (Ancess,
2004).
In an article that compares and contrasts the constructivist and sociocultural perspectives
on human learning, Packer and Goicoechea (2000) argue that these two theories attend to larger
epistemological and ontological considerations of human learning. Constructivism, Packer and
Goicoechea (2000) explain, attend to epistemological structures, or the “systematic consideration
of knowing” which includes what knowledge is valid and counts as “truth” (p. 227).
Socioculturalism situates learning in larger historical and cultural contexts and speaks to
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ontological issues, which Packer and Goicoechea (2000) describe as the state of “being”, or
“what is”, “what exists”, or “what it means for something or somebody to be” (p. 227). Packer
and Goicoechea (2000) present six themes that describe nondualist ontology of sociocultural
learning in which a person and the social world are interconnected and shaping each other. These
themes, Packer and Goicoechea (2000) argue can inform our understanding of human learning
and the relation between constructivist and sociocultural perspectives of the learning process.
The six themes include:
1. A person is made…
2. In a social context…
3. Formed through practical activity…
4. And formed in relationships of desire and recognition…
5. That can split the person…
6. Motivating the search for identity (p. 234).
Putting all six themes together Packer and Goicoechea (2000) state: “Human beings are formed
and transformed in relationship with others, in the desire for recognition, in the practices within a
particular community, and in a manner that will split and initiate a struggle for identity” (p. 234).
Packer and Goicoechea (2000) explain that although these themes are based on the
sociocultural perspective, they reveal an important connection between learning, identity
formation, and enculturation. They argue that classrooms are communities or social contexts
where practical activities, or expected behaviors, language, rules for behavior, and norms are
continually established and reinforced through interactions with teachers and between students
that impact students’ opportunities to access and practice their cognitive skills (Packer &
Goicoechea, 2000). Packer and Goicoechea (2000) further explain that learning is both a
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“personal and social transformation” in which the learning community (sociocultural) and the
learner’s activity and attitude (constructivist) are equally important to understanding human
learning.
Conclusion
The last section of this literature review presented an overview of the bodies of literature
on constructivist and sociocultural learning theories. Presented separately in this literature
review, the bodies of literature on constructivist and sociocultural learning theories reviewed
described the conditions in which meaningful learning can take place, according to each
theoretical perspective. The overview of the literature on constructivist learning theory
highlighted the importance of learning activities and environments that allow students to tap into
their prior knowledge in order to construct new knowledge. In addition, this section presented
literature on sociocultural learning theory that described learners as social beings who learn
within a fluid social context. As reviewed in the literature, the social contexts of learning are
dynamic as student participation influences the contexts of learning, which also impacts what
students learn from within the contexts of learning.
In the literature review presented earlier in this chapter, each body of literature was
discussed separately. The literature on culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care
situates the teaching and learning process within larger issues of culture, ethnicity, race,
ideology, and power. The literature on constructivist and sociocultural learning theories explains
how meaningful learning can take place for students as both individual learners and social
learners within particular learning contexts. In the next section, I bring these bodies of literature
together as I present my Conceptual Framework. Next, I discuss how I conceptualize the
different bodies of literature on culturally responsive pedagogy, teacher care, constructivist, and
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sociocultural theories of learning. In my Conceptual Framework, I also present the ways
culturally responsive pedagogy and teacher care intersects with the tenets of constructivism and
sociocultural learning theories. It is these intersections that I present in the Conceptual
Framework that will provide a lens to understand how teachers create meaningful academic
learning opportunities for students of color.
Conceptual Framework
In this section, I will present my conceptual framework, which formed the overall
framework of this study. The conceptual framework is the “system of concepts, expectations,
beliefs, and theories that support and inform my research and is a key part of my design”
(Maxwell, 2013, p. 39). My conceptual framework is the lens that informed my research
including my data collection methods, data analysis and interpretations, and research findings.
The constructivist and sociocultural perspectives on teaching and learning provided a
framework to understand how humans learn in meaningful ways. An ethic of authentic teacher
care and culturally responsive pedagogy provided a framework to understand the strategic and
purposeful ways teachers constructed academic learning opportunities that support, affirm, and
develop the critical consciousness of students of color. Culturally responsive pedagogy and an
ethic of authentic teacher care provide teachers with the pedagogical skills and personal attitudes
necessary to create meaningful constructivist and sociocultural learning experiences for students
of color. The use of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care are not quick fixes
to the continual issues of providing equitable learning opportunities to students of color. In
addition, these pedagogical practices are not specialized formulas of teaching strategies that
teachers can simply use when teaching students of color. I argue that implicit in the literature on
culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care are complex intersections of
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constructivist and sociocultural perspectives on learning that this conceptual framework will
make visible. Furthermore, I contend that in classrooms where the teacher’s pedagogical
practices are aligned with cultural responsiveness and authentic care, the teacher is able to
create meaningful learning experiences for students of color that support the academic
development of the learner, as both an individual learner who constructs knowledge and a
member of a dynamic social context in which the learning takes place. Although this Conceptual
Framework revealed the complex intersections of the bodies of literature reviewed in the
previous chapter, I will first present the key individual components that guided the collection and
analysis of my data. I will first discuss how I conceptualized a teacher’s use of authentic care and
culturally relevant pedagogy. Second, I will describe how I conceptualized meaningful learning
opportunities through the constructivist and sociocultural perspectives. Finally, I will bring these
separate components together to describe how culturally responsive pedagogy and an ethic of
authentic teacher care create meaningful academic learning opportunities that consistent with
constructivist and sociocultural theories.
Culturally Responsive Pedagogy
Drawing on the work of Allen and Crawley (1998), Gay (1993), and Ladson-Billings
(2009) I conceptualized the ways in which a teacher’s pedagogy is informed by cultural
responsiveness by examining classroom interactions with the teacher, students, and between
students that demonstrate cultural competency and critical consciousness. I defined a culturally
competent teacher as a teacher who recognizes that learners’ cultural backgrounds influence the
worldviews and skills students bring into the classroom and are legitimate sources of knowledge
that can be used to expand students’ skills and knowledge. I conceptualized a teacher who is
culturally competent as one who (1) views cultural practices, knowledges, and languages of
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diverse communities as a way to provide meaningful learning, (2) builds cultural competence for
the self and students, and (3) has a critical and expanded definition of culture. I will further
describe these three factors below.
Using Gay’s (1993) characterization of a cultural broker, I assert that teachers who are
culturally competent believe that an individual’s cultural background provides a frame through
which academic teaching and learning occurs. This frame, I would describe, is an individual’s
worldview. As demonstrated in the work of Allen and Crawley (1998), the misalignment of the
teacher’s and students’ worldviews is a source of cultural conflict in the classroom that disrupts
the teacher’s ability to create learning experiences that are compatible with the learners’ cultures.
Evident in their work are the intersections of constructivist and sociocultural perspectives on
learning, students’ worldviews were important for students’ individual opportunities to make
sense of the academic material and for the students’ willingness to participate in the learning
experiences in the classroom (Allen & Crawley, 1998). Interconnected with culture, worldview
is the filter through which students accept, interpret, and reject academic skills and content and
the filter through which the teacher makes pedagogical and curricular decisions. For both the
students and teacher, cultural backgrounds inform the meanings that are attached to academic
concepts and skills. Therefore, the culturally competent teacher understands that her students
come to class with worldviews that must be used to mediate learning. For the purposes of this
dissertation, I explored the ways in which a teacher integrated cultures and student worldviews
into academic instructional methods and curricular materials.
A culturally competent teacher seeks to learn about different cultures and encourages
his/her students to learn about different cultures as well. A teacher does not have to learn
everything about all cultures, but rather create learning experiences that expose students’ cultural
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knowledges and worldviews in learning environments that support learning about different
cultures and worldviews. A teacher who is culturally competent makes room for students to
openly share their cultural perspectives and worldviews. Critical of generalizing students from
the same racial and ethnic backgrounds, I argued that a culturally competent teacher understands
that culture is fluid, contextual, and informed by race and ethnicity, the communities in which
students live, and by students’ families and close peers (Pollock, 2008; Nasir & Hand, 2006;
Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003; Moll et al., 1992). For example, teachers who are culturally
competent understand that there is great individual diversity among individuals within the same
racial and ethnic group and yet there are definitive racialized collective histories, ways of
knowing, and experiences that inform a student’s knowledge base. Therefore, I explored the
ways in which each teacher learned about her students’ cultural backgrounds, how she teacher
provided opportunities for students to teach and learn about their cultures and worldviews, and
the ways in which she teacher resisted (or did not resist) overgeneralizing and stereotyping
students.
Tenets of culturally responsive pedagogy intersect with notions of a teacher who is
culturally competent and able to build authentic caring relationships with students. Furthermore,
I drew specifically from the more critical tenets of culturally relevant pedagogy that call on a
teacher to understand how different racial and ethnic groups are and have been historically
marginalized in society. This critical view of teaching and learning views the histories and
personal experiences of marginalized communities as central components of a student’s cultural
background, that is a part of a student’s prior knowledge. I argued that a teacher cannot
authentically care about his/her students, cannot be culturally competent, and cannot build
academic learning opportunities in a meaningful way for students of color with a colorblind
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perspective that ignores issues of hegemony, race, ethnicity, socioeconomic status, and power.
Therefore, I defined a teacher who applies culturally responsive pedagogy in the classroom, as a
critically conscious teacher, who provides meaningful learning opportunities by building
academic knowledge and skills by explicitly addressing and preparing students to examine issues
of hegemony and power. I argue that a critically conscious teacher is able to explicitly discuss
issues of hegemony and power as exposed in the curriculum and classroom practices. I also
contend that a critically conscious teacher concentrates on preparing students of color with the
academic skills and knowledge the students will need to be successful in education and
throughout society.
A critically conscious teacher is aware that throughout society, shared cultural
experiences, perspectives, and languages of students of color are not widely accepted as
legitimate sources of knowledge. Teachers who understand this more critical view of teaching
and learning also understand that hegemony positions the experiences, perspectives, skills, and
languages of those in power as common, the norm, and the standard. Therefore, the messages
students receive through narratives, examples, scenarios, procedures, and policies presented in
the schooling context tend to ignore diverse perspectives or position the cultural practices of
diverse communities as a negative. For this dissertation, I narrowed my focus to consider how
these messages were filtered through the curriculum, instructional methods, and patterns of
interaction with the teacher and her students. Therefore, I examined the ways each teacher
exposed hegemony in the curriculum and classroom practice and how the discussions of
hegemony were embedded in the context of academic learning.
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Ethic of Authentic Teacher Care
Based on Valenzuela’s (1999) work on authentic teacher care, I contend that the
relationships between a teacher and her student lead to classroom learning environments that are
purposefully engaging, affirming, and meaningful for students. The research on teacher care,
particularly for students of color from historically underserved backgrounds, indicates that a
supportive learning environment is fundamental to a teacher’s creation of meaningful academic
learning environments. Furthermore, I argue that within this supportive learning environment, an
authentically caring teacher’s pedagogy will promote the academic development of students of
color. For the purposes of this dissertation, I defined an ethic of authentic teacher care as the
guiding philosophy that shapes the types of relationships teachers develop with students, where
teachers demonstrate personal concern for the whole student. I argue that the elements of
authentic teacher care that lead to meaningful academic learning environments include the type
of academic feedback and the quality of academic tasks a teacher assigns and the types of
behavioral and academic expectations the teacher maintains for her students. I contend that
teachers who engage in authentic teacher care have the ability to develop deep, personal, and
meaningful relationships with their students and model these caring behaviors in the ways a
teacher supports the academic development of her students. The constructivist and sociocultural
perspectives on learning view the teacher’s role as that of an assistant and facilitator of
knowledge. Students of color need teachers who are able to fulfill these ways through
interactions that are based in authentic teacher care.
Gay (2002) makes an explicit connection between a teacher’s ability to authentically care
for her students and a teacher’s practice of culturally responsive pedagogy. Furthermore, Gay
(2002) describes these teachers as partners, who genuinely care for their students and take active
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steps to improve their students’ academic development. Antrop-González and De Jesús (2006)
also describe authentically caring teachers as partners in their students’ academic development
who act as facilitators in the learning process. Teachers in the role as a facilitator consider the
knowledges students bring to class as legitimate and build learning environments in which
students contribute equally in academic learning experiences (Antrop-González and De Jesús,
2006). For students of color, the emphasis a teacher places on their academic development is a
priority as revealed in the research conducted by Garza (2009) where Mexican-American
students characterized a caring teacher as one who provided academic support to the student. In
this context, I claim that a teacher understands that relationships with students cannot be
superficial or too general. The authentic and deep relationship between a teacher and her students
is an important finding in Furrer and Skinner’s (2003) study that found that children who felt a
sense of connectedness to their teacher had greater academic engagement than those students
who felt disconnected to their teacher. For the purposes of this dissertation, I explored the
various ways in which each teacher interacted with different students and the different ways in
which each teacher supported students socially and academically.
While authentic care supports teachers in developing and maintaining deep and personal
relationships with their students, I emphasize that the relationships are built out of genuine care
for the students’ overall person, including the students’ academic experiences and progress.
Teachers, who authentically care about their students, care about how their students perform
academically in school, how their students are able to maneuver through the context of school,
and how to prepare students to navigate through college and/or society. This does not diminish
the personal care that teachers feel for their students, however, authentic care, especially for
students of color, is rooted in creating learning environments that maintain high expectations for
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students of color. I argue that teachers who practice authentic care do not feel sorry for students
and do not lower academic expectations. In this study, I explored the quality of each teacher’s
academic feedback and the quality of academic tasks given to students, as well as the levels of
behavior and academic expectations the teacher maintained for students of color in the learning
environment.
Meaningful Academic Learning Opportunities
In my conceptual framework, I argue that cultural competence can inform the ways a
teacher develops authentic relationships with students and implements the critical components of
culturally relevant pedagogy in creating meaningful learning for diverse students. I now shift my
focus to how a teacher can use these elements to create pedagogical bridges for students to learn
academic skills, concepts, and knowledge. Working from Gay’s (2002) notions of cultural
scaffolding, I assert that a teacher who understands diverse cultures is able to affirm and respect
students’ identities, challenge hegemony in the curriculum and classroom, and teach academic
skills and knowledges by linking students’ knowledge to academic knowledge. I define this link
as pedagogical bridges, or the epistemological and ontological considerations and strategic
ways in which a teacher uses students’ cultural knowledges and authentically caring
relationships to teach academic content knowledge and skills. I contend that the constructivist
and sociocultural perspectives on teaching and learning offer a framework to understand how
human learning takes place and how pedagogical bridges meet the academic and social needs of
students of color.
Building from constructivism, I contend that a teacher who creates meaningful learning
opportunities for students of color builds an epistemological pedagogical bridge through the
creation of learning opportunities in which students must explicitly draw upon their cultural
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knowledges and worldviews to construct new knowledge. Intersecting with both culturally
responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care, teachers must have cultural competence, a
critical consciousness, and strong relationships with students in order to build pedagogical
bridges in the form of learning opportunities that require student cultural knowledges and
explicitly discuss cognitive skills and strategies that help students through the process of
meaning-making and constructing new knowledge. The constructivist learning perspective
explains that learning takes place during an individual’s effort to make meaning of new material.
Given that prior knowledge shapes how a leaner views the world and understands new concepts,
the role of prior knowledge is fundamental according to the constructivist views of learning.
From the constructivist perspective, I conceptualized pedagogical bridges as the ways in which a
teacher explicitly infused students’ worldviews into the classroom as a purposeful way to teach
academic skills and knowledge. I argue that when used as strategic instructional tool, teachers
can use cognitive-based instructional strategies like reading guides, thinking maps, small group
discussions, and literacy circles help teachers explicitly build pedagogical bridges between
students’ knowledge and academic knowledge. In addition, I contend that a teacher can elicit
student thinking during instruction through the types of questions the teacher asks students that
stimulate further thinking, challenge notions of hegemony, and respond to student ideas can
build pedagogical bridges for his/her students. A view of the teacher’s written lesson plans,
observations of teaching practice, a review of the teacher’s curriculum, and individual teacher
interviews provided insight in to each teacher’s ability to infuse students’ prior knowledge and
explicitly teach cognitive skills to students.
The sociocultural perspective on teaching and learning contends that the teaching and
learning process is the result of social interactions between students and their teacher, as well as,
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within students in a particular social context. These social interactions, rooted in authentic caring
relationships with a teacher who is culturally responsive and accepting of students’ worldviews,
is able to create an ontological pedagogical bridge by creating a learning context that is
affirming, comfortable, and focused on the academic development of students of color. In
addition, the teacher creates opportunities where students support each other and scaffold their
peers learning through the types of social interactions that are organized by the teacher. I
conceptualized these social interactions as the ontological pedagogical bridge in which the
teacher creates a social context that is focused on academic learning and is affirming,
supportive, and comfortable enough for students to choose to participate in the learning
experiences. A view of the teacher’s written lesson plans, ways in which these social interactions
are facilitated by the teacher in the classroom, and individual teacher interviews provided a lens
through which to understand how a teacher and students could create pedagogical bridges
through social interactions for academic learning.
The Complex Intersections within the Conceptual Framework
Although presented in the literature review as separate bodies of literature and delineated
in the conceptual framework for the purposes of data collection and analysis, meaningful
learning is a complex interaction between the individual and the learning context in which the
individual learns. Grounded in the realities of how students of color continue to be marginalized
in classrooms, this Conceptual Framework also makes explicit the complex epistemological and
ontological factors that shape teachers’ attempts to create meaningful learning experiences for
students of color. In this section, I will bring together the individual components of the bodies of
literature that informed this study in order to make explicit the implicit connections within the
Conceptual Framework.
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The constructivist and sociocultural perspectives on learning provide frameworks to
understand the processes of human learning. The complexities of meaningful learning
experiences are situated in the intersections of constructivist and sociocultural learning
perspectives. These intersections lie in the dynamic ebb and flow of learning through the
individual cognitive process of learning and the social and cultural contexts in which learning
takes place. As Packer and Goicoechea (2000) explain, constructivist and sociocultural learning
theories are not opposites, but are instead complementary to each other. They describe learning
as both a personal and social transformation (Packer & Goicoechea, 2000). As seen in Figure 1,
the process of meaningful human learning experiences includes constructivist or individual
meaning-making opportunities within a sociocultural context, or fluid learning environments that
learners participate in, which also influences what learners take from the learning experience.
Figure 1
Meaningful Learning-The Individual in a Social Context

Meaningful learning can be characterized by both sociocultural and constructivist learning
opportunities in which the individual learner constructs, or makes individual meaning of new
knowledge within a social context that influences the learner and their opportunities to
Constructivist

Individual
meaning-
making
Sociocultural

Within a social
context
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participate in the learning experience. This figure also demonstrates that although the individual
learner constructs knowledge, the learner does so within a social context of a classroom with a
teacher and peers. The dynamic learning process is shaped and transformed by the ways in which
learners construct knowledge and participate in learning activities in the classroom.
In Figure 2, I describe how the pieces of this conceptual framework work together, revealing the
ways in which these bodies of literature intersect to create opportunities for meaningful academic
learning to take place for students of color. Figure 2 depicts meaningful human learning as
inclusive of individual meaning-making (constructivist) experiences within a social context and
through social interactions (sociocultural). Culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher
care equip teachers with pedagogical bridges that help teachers take epistemological and
ontological considerations of teaching students of color. These pedagogical bridges are rooted in
culturally responsiveness and authentic teacher care that inform teachers’ pedagogy that impact a
teachers ability to create culturally affirming and personally supportive opportunities for
academic meaningful learning opportunities for students of color.
Figure 2
The Intersections of Meaningful Learning

Individual
Meaning-Making
Constructivist
Within a Social
Context
Sociocultural

Pedagogical Bridges
Culturally Responsive
Pedagogy and
Authentic Teacher Care
Epistemological
Considerations
Ontological
Considerations
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In the next section, I will describe how culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care
provides teachers with the pedagogical tools that take into consideration the ontological and
epistemological factors of creating academic learning opportunities in a supportive learning
environment that is meaningful for students of color.
The constructivist learning perspective describes meaningful learning as learning
experiences in which students can actively construct new knowledge on their existing
knowledge. For teachers, epistemology, or what one defines as knowledge, and in the specific
context of the classroom legitimate knowledge, is an essential component of constructivist
teaching. Meaningful learning from the constructivist perspective requires a teacher to accept
knowledges from many sources including the knowledges that come from students as well as
other sources outside the realms of the textbook and its related curriculum, in order to create
learning experiences and facilitate students’ thinking in ways that help students construct new
knowledge. The intersection of constructivist learning, culturally responsive pedagogy, and
authentic teacher care is the pedagogical bridge of cultural competence, or the epistemological
view that the cultural knowledges of students of color are legitimate and foundational to
students’ construction of new knowledge. Cultural competence is not simply the level of
knowledge a teacher has about his/her students’ cultural backgrounds, but the teacher’s
willingness to create learning opportunities in which students can draw on their cultural
knowledges and move outside of the knowledge of the teacher and the textbook. Cultural
competence also informs a teacher’s ability to be critically conscious and understand how culture
and cultural knowledges are highly situated, individualized, and also informed by one’s
membership or perceived membership in racial and ethnic groups. Opportunities to develop
students’ critical consciousness through constructivist learning is also shaped by the culturally
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responsive pedagogical bridge in which a teacher is able to make visible hidden hegemonic
structures of what is “normal” or “legitimate” and reject cultural knowledges of communities of
color as inferior by narrowly defining what knowledges count in the classroom. Grounded in a
teacher’s ability to authentically care about her students, constructivist learning is dependent on a
teacher who can provide direct and specific feedback that can guide students’ learning.
Intersecting with both constructivist and culturally responsive pedagogy, an authentically caring
teacher will provide academic guidance and feedback to students in ways that do not demean
their cultural knowledges, and therefore their personal identities.
Meaningful academic learning through the lens of socioculturalism includes opportunities
for students to work together with a “more knowledgeable other,” their peers and their teacher to
accomplish a difficult task. The social interactions that facilitate learning from a sociocultural
perspective are also predicated on the epistemology of the “more knowledgeable other” in their
conceptualization of what counts as knowledge. It is also ontology, or one’s sense of being or
existence in the world. These social interactions, or learning experiences, include the exchange
and negotiation of ideas that students learn, practice, and decide to take in, incorporating into
ones’ own consciousness and skill sets. Culturally responsive pedagogy provides teachers with
an ontological pedagogical bridge that informs the ways in which a teacher engages students in
demonstrating their knowledge. The role of a teacher and student as facilitators of knowledge,
according to the sociocultural perspective on learning, shape the types of interactions a teacher
structures in her classroom that allow the exchange of ideas to exist. Intersecting with an ethic of
authentic teacher care, these social interactions are modeled and guided by teachers who can
provide the type of support students need in embracing the attitudes and ways of being in a
learning environment that affirms all students.
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Conclusion
My conceptual framework builds on the literature of culturally responsive pedagogy,
teacher care, and meaningful constructivist and sociocultural learning opportunities. I suggest
that teachers who facilitate dynamic, student-centered, culturally affirming, and academic
instruction blend constructivist and sociocultural learning perspectives. Culturally responsive
pedagogy and an ethic of authentic teacher care equip teachers with the pedagogy, the
epistemological and ontological considerations, that are necessary to give students of color the
same meaning-making learning experiences in learning environments, or social contexts, that
allow students opportunities to access academic knowledge in strategic and purposeful ways that
affirm student identities, develop students’ cognitive abilities, and reject explicit and subtle
notions of inferiority. I argue that authentic relationships created and maintained by teachers with
students from historically marginalized backgrounds, establish trust and a mutual relationship
that allows a teacher to create meaning learning opportunities for students of color. As such, I
cannot claim that there are specific instructional strategies that should be evident in the
classroom. Both learning perspectives are contextual, student-specific, and fluid. However, I do
suggest that teachers who affirm students identities’ and cultural backgrounds, challenge
hegemony, and purposefully use students’ knowledge, languages, and skills as sources of
legitimate knowledge to connect to academic knowledge can create academic learning
experiences that are meaningful to student of color. It is through this frame that I addressed my
research question.

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CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This chapter describes the qualitative approach, instrumentation, and data collection
methods that I used to conduct this study. The purpose of this study was to examine the ways in
which teachers created academic learning experiences for students of color from historically
marginalized backgrounds, in ways that were meaningful and affirming. Specifically, I examined
the ways in which culturally competent teachers fostered academic learning through the use of
pedagogical bridges that connected diverse students’ knowledges and skills to academic
knowledge and skills that were taught in the classroom. This qualitative case study was informed
by the following research question: How do teachers use culturally responsive pedagogy and an
ethic of authentic teacher care to create meaningful academic learning opportunities for student
of color from historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups?
Research Design
A case study approach to a qualitative study is designed to uncover the interaction of
significant components that are characteristic of a phenomenon (Merriam, 2009). In addition, a
case study allows for an in-depth analysis of a bounded system that is intrinsically bounded, or
confined (Merriam, 2009). I studied the connections between a teacher’s pedagogical practice
using cultural responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care to create academic learning
experiences that were meaningful for students from historically marginalized populations. The
unit of analysis for this study was two secondary teachers. By examining a teacher at a
secondary school, I was able to examine each teacher’s curricular decisions, instructional
techniques, and interactions with students in designing and implementing meaningful and
academic learning experiences for racially diverse students.
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For this specific study, I selected to use a qualitative multi-case study approach because
the research design is appropriate “to investigate a phenomenon, population, or general
condition” (Merriam, 2009, p. 48). Rather than testing a hypothesis, a qualitative case study
method was most appropriate to help provide meaning and understanding of the complexities
found in this research topic (Merriam, 2009). In addition, the characteristics of a qualitative case
study also proved to fit this research design. First, a case study is particularistic, in which the
focus of the study is based on a specific phenomenon or problem (Merriam, 2009). Second, a
case study is descriptive resulting in rich, “thick” descriptions of the phenomenon under study.
Finally, a case study is heuristic, enhancing my understanding as a researcher, and the reader’s
understanding of the phenomenon under study (Merriam, 2009).
In this dissertation, I sought to better understand, and help readers understand how
secondary school teachers created meaningful academic learning experiences by building
pedagogical bridges between the cultural knowledges and worldview of students of color to
academic knowledge. The intersections of authentic teacher care, culturally relevant pedagogy,
and meaningful learning, as defined by sociocultural and constructivist perspectives, are complex
and contextual. As illustrated in my Conceptual Framework, a teacher who seeks to be culturally
competent can create links between students’ knowledge and academic knowledge in the context
of academic learning. Therefore, a multi-case study of two teachers allowed for a deep and
thorough examination of these complex and situated teacher experiences. I studied two teachers,
one of their classes, and a sample of Black and Latino students from the class in order to
examine the types of interactions that existed in the classroom.
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Sample and Population
Site Selection
Each case study for this dissertation took place at one high school. Since the focus of my
study was on a teacher’s practice with her students of color, I purposefully sampled in order to
gain as much insight on a teacher’s practice in creating meaningful academic learning
experiences for historically marginalized students. Merriam (2009) explains that a set of criteria
must be established in order to use purposeful sampling. Furthermore, the criteria must be
directly connected to the purpose of this study (Merriam, 2009). Therefore, the following criteria
guided my school selection process:
Criteria 1. The first set of criteria for the school sites that were included in my study
was that the school be a public high school with a student population that included students of
color from historically marginalized backgrounds and students from socioeconomically
disadvantaged backgrounds. The student population had to be at least 60% racial and ethnic
minorities that included more than one racial and ethnic category. In addition, at least 40% of the
students had to be from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds. My dissertation focused
explicitly on teachers’ efforts to create meaningful academic learning experiences for students of
color. By selecting a school where the student population included more than one racial and
ethnic backgrounds and socioeconomic levels, gave me access to individual classrooms with a
majority of the students from diverse backgrounds.
Criteria 2. The second set of criteria has to do with the school’s academic performance
as determined by the school’s API score. The school had to have an API score of at least 750 for
the 2011-2012 school year, and/or consistent API growth over the school years of 2009-2010,
2010-2011, and 2011-2012. The school must also have an API Similar Schools Ranking of at
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least a 7 for the 2011-2012 school year, and a consistent Similar School Ranking of at least 7 for
the 2009-2010 and 2010-2011 school years. Considering the school’s academic performance was
a key component of this study to investigate the ways that teachers created meaningful academic
learning opportunities for students of color. In considering the ways in which teachers create
pedagogical bridges in teaching diverse students academic knowledge and skills, the ways in
which students perform academically was an essential aspect of this study. A school designated
as higher performing allowed me to explore if there is evidence between teachers’ pedagogy of
cultural responsiveness and authentic teacher care and students of color academic performance.
I used the California Department of Education online database, DataQuest, to search for high
schools that met the criteria described above. DataQuest is an online search tool that I used to
identify the schools’ API scores, API growth, similar schools ranking, and demographics for the
2009-2010, 2010-2011, and 2011-2012 school years. I identified three high schools in one high
school district that met all of the criteria and initially sought approval from the District
Superintendent to conduct research in the district. Once the Superintendent gave approval, I then
sent a recruitment letter, followed by an email, and finally a phone call to the three high school
principals whose schools met this study’s selection criteria. Only one of the three high school
principals who I recruited responded that the school would be willing to participate in this study.
For this school, I then recruited teachers who met the participant criteria described below.
Unable to locate a second school that met my school selection criteria and wished to participate
in this study, I moved to recruit a second teacher who met the teacher criteria described below,
even though the teacher taught at a school that did not meet the school selection criteria. After I
used the teacher selection criteria to identify a second teacher to participate in the study, I did
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seek and obtain approval from the school principal to conduct research at that particular school
site prior to starting data collection.
Participant Selection
Purposeful selection was also be used to determine the participants, or the teacher and a
focus group of Black and Latino students from the classes I observed. Since this study focused
on a teacher’s use of authentic teacher care and culturally responsive pedagogy, it was necessary
to select a teacher who met a set of criteria. Merriam (2009) suggests that the criteria used to
guide purposeful selection would guide me in selecting an information-rich case for study in
depth (Merriam, 2009). The following criteria were used to select two teachers and the focus
group of students:
Teacher criteria. The first criterion was that the teachers be fully credentialed in their
subject area and had a reputation for using culturally responsive pedagogy and/or developing
strong relationships with students of color. I selected two teachers who had experience and a
reputation among his/her colleagues and supervisors at the school site for being exceptionally
effective with teaching and interacting with students of color. The criteria used to determine
which teachers had a history of being effective with their students of color included the
proficiency rates of the teacher’s students of color on the California High School Exit Exam
(CAHSEE) and the advanced and proficiency rates of students of color on the subject tests of the
California Standards Tests (CSTs) taught by the teachers recruited for this study.
After an initial discussion with the principal of the school that volunteered for the study,
he recommended that I recruit teachers through teacher-leaders on each campus, as he would not
refer me to specific teachers. I then sent several emails to teachers who were also Department
Chairs, Instructional Coaches, and Coordinators to seek their help in identifying teachers who
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met my selection criteria. After two weeks of no response, I then began to call teacher-leaders on
each campus, after which I received the names of two teachers. I sent emails and called each
teacher to seek their voluntary participation in this study and was able to identify a Science
teacher who had a reputation for developing good relationships with her students of color. The
students of color in her class also tended to have higher advanced scores on the CST subject test
she taught when compared to students of color throughout the district (California Department of
Education, 2012). The second teacher was a veteran 10
th
grade English teacher who was known
in the District for the Afrocentric environment she fostered in her classroom and had a reputation
among her coworkers of practicing culturally responsive pedagogy and her students of color had
the highest CAHSEE English proficiency rates on the school’s campus (California Department
of Education, 2012). The students of color in this teacher’s class also had advanced scores on the
CST English subject test that were comparable to how students of color performed in the highest
academically performing schools in the district (California Department of Education, 2012).
While the teacher met the teacher selection criteria, the school she taught at did not meet the
school site criteria therefore after receiving the name as the English teacher as a
recommendation, I first met with the principal of the school site she worked at to gain approval
to conduct research at the site. Once the principal agreed, I then spoke to the English teacher who
volunteered to participate in this study.
The literature reviewed in Chapter 2 illustrates the contextual nature and diverse range of
teacher practices that might encompass the specific pedagogical characteristics presented in this
study. I was not looking to assess the effectiveness of specific teaching practices, rather, I was
looking to describe how a teacher’s pedagogy with her students of color intersected with the
tenets of what the constructivist and sociocultural learning theories describe as meaningful
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learning experiences. It was through these descriptions that I sought to understand how a teacher
was able to create meaningful academic learning experiences for students of color in ways that
affirmed students’ cultural knowledges and engage students in academic learning experiences.
Class criteria. To investigate how a teacher provided meaningful academic learning for
students of color, I had to observe the context, or learning environment. Therefore, I needed to
select one class period, or section, from each teacher to observe the teacher’s pedagogy and
interactions with her students, and the types of interactions between students. Because the focus
of this dissertation was on the experiences of students of color from historically marginalized
communities, I had to select a class period in which the majority of the students were students of
color from at least two historically marginalized backgrounds. In addition, the classes had to be
one of the periods taught by the teachers who participated in this study. I worked with each
teacher to identify a class period that met the class selection criteria.
Student criteria. This study sought to understand how teachers created meaningful
learning opportunities for students of color. Therefore, I selected a group of five Black and
Latino students to give their perspectives of their schooling experiences in a focus group
interview. Although I reject the oversimplification of culture as only race and ethnicity, the
reality is that students are often categorized by their perceived racial group membership
(physical features and names). Therefore, the criteria were that the students be a member of the
class I observed and that they be Black and Latino and male or female.
While I conducted the first two direct observations, I identified 10 students of color in
each class who I sought to recruit. I worked with the teachers to identify the students by name
and at the end of the third observation, I gave the students an information sheet and consent form
to take home to their parents, read, sign, and return to me. In the Science class, I received four
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consent forms back from three Black and one Latino students. The three Black students (two
male and one female) participated in the focus group interview. For the English students, five
students, three Black students and two Latina students, returned the consent forms. For the actual
focus group interview, two Black students (one male and one female) and two Latina students
participated. I arranged with each teacher to conduct the focus group interviews in their
classrooms after school ended. The only people in the classrooms at the time of each focus group
interview were me, as the researcher, and the students who agreed to participate.
Instrumentation
The purpose of this study was to describe the ways in which a teacher used culturally
responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care to create meaningful academic learning
opportunities for students of color. As previously explained in my Conceptual Framework, I was
specifically interested in how a teacher expressed affirmation of students’ cultures and identities
through his/her curricular decisions and instructional techniques in bridging students’ cultural
knowledges and worldview in the classroom for the purposes of facilitating student learning of
academic content and skills. As a qualitative case study, my role as the researcher included that I
was the primary instrument for data collection and analysis (Merriam, 2009).
Data Collection Procedures
I collected data from teacher interviews, direct classroom observations, and
documentation.
Interview. For this study, I interviewed the two teachers for this case study. In the
context of this qualitative study, the interviews provided insight on the teachers’ feelings and
interpretations of the phenomenon in this study (Merriam, 2009). The interviews followed a
semi-structured interview format, where a set of topics guided the types of questions I asked
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during the interview (Merriam, 2009). I used my Conceptual Framework as a guide to the
concepts I covered in the interviews. I conducted one interview with each teacher prior to the
start of the direct classroom observations. The interview protocol (Appendix A), guided the types
of questions I asked for both interviews. The primary purpose of the interview was to gain
insight on how each teacher incorporated her students’ cultural knowledges and worldviews in
the teaching and learning process, understood complexities and roles of culture in the teaching
and learning process, cared about her students, and taught her academic subject. Each interview
was scheduled with each teacher at a time the teacher selected. The interviews were conducted in
person, with the Science teacher’s interview taking place in her home living room and the
English teacher’s interview taking place in her classroom. Each of the interviews was voice
recorded on my cell phone. Prior to each interview, each teacher was given a teacher informed
consent form advising them of their rights as a research participant (Appendix B)
Observation. I conducted five classroom observations of each teacher in this case study.
The semi-structured nature of my observation protocol (Appendix C) lent itself to my specific
research focus. Merriam (2009) explains that the focus of the observation is both grounded in the
research question and theoretical framework and yet flexible enough to emerge and even change
over time during the course of the study. Therefore, I used my Conceptual Framework to give
my observation a starting point, which included looking for elements of how culturally
responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care intersected with the principals of, constructivist
and sociocultural learning perspectives, namely the epistemological and ontological
considerations of creating meaningful learning experiences for historically marginalized students
of color. I observed the teachers’ actions, communication patterns with the students, the students’
reactions to their teacher, and the students’ statements and behaviors in response to the teachers’
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statements. I observed the patterns of student participation in the learning environment. I will
also observed the teachers’ interactions with students in between class periods in order to capture
data on teacher-student interaction and relationships.
Documents and Artifacts. Documents and artifacts from the teacher provided another
view of a teacher’s curricular decisions, instructional techniques, and efforts to validate and
affirm students’ knowledge as a way to connect and build students’ academic knowledge and
skills. Merriam (2009) explains that a researcher’s presence can impact the ways in which
participants act during observations. In addition, documents and artifacts were products of the
teacher, produced and grounded in real-life, which offer greater descriptive information
(Merriam, 2009). Therefore, I looked at how the documents and artifacts used, created, and
displayed by the teacher and in the classroom supported what each teacher stated during their
interviews and if they aligned with each teachers’ actions in the classroom seen in the
observations. I collected documents from the teacher that reflected the elements of culturally
responsive pedagogy, an ethic of authentic teacher care, and the tenets of constructivist and
sociocultural learning perspectives that align with meaningful academic learning opportunities.
These documents included a class website, sample student work, handouts and worksheets given
to students in the classroom, and the teacher’s syllabus. Finally, I documented artifacts such as
the types of physical materials in the classroom that included books, posters, plaques, and seating
arrangements.
Student Focus Group. The focus group is a small group interview with people who have
knowledge about a similar topic, in which the data from the interview is socially constructed
within the group (Merriam, 2009). Black and Latino students share a set of collective and
personal experience in schools. The focus group interview allowed me to examine both the
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complex and common learning experiences of students of color. I used a moderator’s guide
(Appendix D) that included the questions I used to facilitate the focus group interview. I also
used a voice recorder application on my cellphone to voice record the interview. The types of
questions I asked fit within my Conceptual Framework and included questions about the
students’ perspectives on their learning experiences with their teachers and peers, how culture
should be used in the teaching and learning process, and what meaningful learning looks and
feels like for them. An informational handout was given to each student prior to the focus group
interview that outlined for the student and their parent, the purpose of the interview and what to
expect during the interview. Only the students who returned a signed youth assent form
(Appendix E) prior to the interview were able to participate in the interview. For the students
who were 18 years old and older, each participant received an adult student informed consent
form advising them of their rights as a research participant (Appendix F).
Data Analysis Procedures
The data for this qualitative case study included transcripts from the two teacher
interviews, classroom observation field notes from five direct observations, and samples of
instructional worksheets, teacher website, and posters displayed in the classroom. Corbin and
Strauss (2008) describe analysis as the process of giving meaning to data by taking the data apart
to identify its various components, taking a closer look at those various components to
understand what those components function and their relationship to each other. I used open
coding to look deeply at each source of data in order to categorize the data into the major
concepts that were consistent with my Conceptual Framework. Below, I will describe the process
I used to analyze the data.
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Within each data source, I first organized the data for analysis and then started open
coding. For the two teacher interviews and the two student focus group interviews, I transcribed
each voice recording into a typed transcript and open coded each interview. For each classroom
observation, I open coded each observation field notes. For the documents and artifacts, I
included the types of posters in each classroom and the physical arrangements of desks and
chairs in the classroom in the observation field notes. The Science teacher’s website and
PowerPoint lectures and the instructional materials (worksheets and items projected during
learning activities) were also reviewed and open coded. I then reviewed the codes, looking for
similar codes. I then looked at the codes across the data and began to categorize similar codes
into broader categories that were informed by my Conceptual Framework. For example, codes
like teacher-student talk, student-student talk, non-academic talk, academic talk, and student-
student talk off-task were categorized into two categories: academic feedback and behavioral
support. This analysis process enabled me to follow through on further questions, and listen and
observe in more sensitive ways (Corbin & Strauss, 2008). Once all of the data was coded, I
bought all of the data together in order to create what Merriam (2009) calls a “case study
database or method” (p. 202). The case study database provided the data that I analyzed to
understand the intersections reflected my Conceptual Framework.
Deep Cultural Analysis. Based on the work of Packer & Goicoechea (2000), Pollock
(2008), and Gutiérrez & Rogoff (2003) my Conceptual Framework used the interactions between
each teacher and her students, as well as the interactions between students to examine how
interactions in the classroom supported meaningful academic learning opportunities that are
grounded in culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care. I took an explicit stance
in rejecting overgeneralizations and deficit-based analysis of the classroom experiences of
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students of color from historically marginalized racial and ethnic minority groups in the
classroom. Deep cultural analysis calls for “more precise descriptions of specific behaviors that
specific people actually display in specific contexts” (Pollock, 2008, p. 370). I conceptualized
deep cultural analysis as a tool to focus on the specific behaviors displayed by students and the
teacher in the classroom, that enabled me to examine overall patterns of these interactions in the
context of a specific classroom rather than generalizing what those interactions would look like
based on the racial and ethnic group make-up of the students and teacher.
Reexamining the Conceptual Framework. This process of data analysis caused me to
reexamine and further develop my Conceptual Framework. The Conceptual Framework and data
interacted in ways that allowed me to add more depth to my Conceptual Framework, which
helped me be more clear about how culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care
intersect the learning theories of constructivism and socioculturalism. The Conceptual
Framework and the data worked in ways that allowed me to more clearly consider how the
learning process is informed by both constructivism and socioculturalism that account for the
epistemological and ontological influences of learning. Finally, the analysis of my data forced
me to revisit my Conceptual Framework in order to make explicit in the framework that
culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care are not special teaching practices for
students of color, but are instead pedagogies that intersect with the constructivist and
sociocultural perspectives of learning by understanding the epistemological and ontological
considerations of creating learning experiences for students of color that have been historically
marginalized in schools.
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Conclusion
This study seeks to examine the ways in which teachers use culturally responsive
pedagogy and an ethic of teacher care to create meaningful academic learning opportunities for
students of color from historically marginalized backgrounds. Two high school teachers, with
reputations for using culturally relevant pedagogy and/or developing strong relationships with
students of color, served as the unit of study for this multi-case study. Data were collected
through a semi-structured interview with both teachers, followed by five direct observations of
the teachers’ practice and interactions with students, a focus group interview of Black and Latino
students from each class that participated in this study. Supplemental data was collected in the
form of teacher created documents and visible artifacts in the classroom. My Conceptual
Framework guided the data analysis process.

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CHAPTER 4: FINDINGS
Introduction
The purpose of this dissertation was to examine the ways high school teachers were able
to use culturally responsive pedagogy and an ethic of authentic care to create academic learning
experiences that were meaningful for students of color who are from historically marginalized
racial and ethnic minority groups. The first three chapters of this dissertation discussed some of
the issues that contribute to a lack of meaningful academic learning opportunities for students of
color, the research question that guided this study, a review of the literature on culturally
responsive pedagogy, authentic teacher care, the constructivist, and sociocultural learning
theories, and the data collection methods used for this study. In this chapter, I will present the
findings of the study.
The Conceptual Framework that informed these findings of the data allowed me to
understand the individual components and the intersections of culturally responsive pedagogy,
authentic teacher care, constructivist, and sociocultural theories on meaningful learning in the
context of each classroom. As depicted in the Conceptual Framework, meaningful academic
learning includes complex interactions between the constructivist perspective, or individual
meaning-making, and the sociocultural perspective, or social context in which learning happens.
The pedagogical practices of cultural responsiveness and authentic teacher care help teachers
create pedagogical bridges that allow them to address the epistemological and ontological
considerations necessary to provide meaning academic learning opportunities for students of
color.
This dissertation is a qualitative study that used the multi-site case study method of two
high school teachers and one of their classes. For each case, I conducted an in-person teacher
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interview, five direct classroom observations, a student focus group of three to five students of
color from each of the class I observed, and a review of teacher documents, such as teacher
websites and written lesson plans. Since both cases were located in the same community, before
I describe the findings and analysis for each case, I will briefly describe the community in which
the schools reside. Then, I will present the findings and analysis of each case separately. The
chapter will conclude with a cross-case analysis of the case studies. The data collected from this
study will address the following research question: How do teachers use culturally responsive
pedagogy and an ethic of authentic teacher care to create meaningful academic learning
opportunities for student of color from historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups?
Setting the Context: The Local Community
The two high school classrooms that were a part of this study were located in the same
city and the same school district. Preceding and during the time I collected data for my
dissertation, the city in which both schools were located had experienced several incidents that
highlighted the tense relationships that existed among various groups of people in the
community, that had been a result of a large demographic change in the city and its surrounding
communities. Over a 10 year time period, prior to writing this dissertation, the city experienced a
large increase in the number of Blacks, Latinos, Asians, and lower income families who had
moved into the city (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Several months prior to my data collection,
local and regional newspapers covered several lawsuits brought against local government
agencies and employees who alleged racial harassment and a pattern of systematic racial
discrimination against the city’s Black and Latino residents. Like other school districts
throughout the state, the school district that these two school sites had been investigated because
data revealed that disproportionate numbers of Black and Latino students had been expelled,
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suspended, identified as Special Education students, and had low participation rates in honors
and Advanced Placement courses, as well as low high school graduation rates, when compared to
the numbers of Black and Latino students enrolled throughout the district (California Department
of Education, 2012). While this dissertation did not explore those larger community and district
issues, the students and teachers, along with their classrooms and schools existed together in this
environment. To be consistent with my Conceptual Framework and shift my analysis closer
towards deep cultural analysis, it was important to position the teachers and students, who
participated in my research, as members of a particular local community and school district
during a specific time period of public discourse over the treatment of racial and ethnic
minorities. Before I could describe the two case studies it was necessary that both schools were
situated in the larger context of their shared, local community.
Case Study #1: Ninth Grade Biology, Four Block
Mrs. Wilder was a Science teacher at Westview High School.
5
Westview High was
located in a suburban neighborhood, surrounded by track homes, churches, and open dirt fields.
According to the school’s 2012 Self-Study Report for accreditation by the Western Association
of Schools and Colleges, Westview High is located in “bedroom community,” a large suburban
area, located within an hour of a major urban center, where most residents commuted to work.
With a total population of 159,000 people, the suburban community consisted mainly of
neighborhoods of track homes, churches and temples, manicured parks, schools, retail centers of
large warehouse stores, banks, automobile dealers, health clinics, fast food restaurants, and an
array of small businesses (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). The racial breakdown of the community’s
population was: White 49%, Hispanic or Latino 38%, Black or African American 20%, two or

5

All
names,
teacher,
school,
student,
are
pseudonyms.

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more races 5.4%, and Asian 4.3% (U.S. Census Data, 2010). The median income level of the city
was $52,000 and approximately 21% of the community lived below the federal poverty level
6

(U.S. Census Bureau, 2010).
Westview High School opened during the 1995-96 school year and has developed close
ties with the local community through partnerships with businesses and churches. During the
2012-2013 school year, there were 102 teachers, who taught a student population of about 2,300
students, in grades 9-12. The racial composition of the student body consisted of Hispanic or
Latino 40%, White 30%, Black or African American 20%, Filipino 3%, and Asian 2%
(California Department of Education, 2010). The number of students eligible for free or reduced
lunch was about 53% and the number of English Language Learners was 20% during the same
school year (California Department of Education, 2012). The racial composition of the teaching
staff for the same school year was White 75%, Black or African American and Hispanic or
Latino respectively each at 10%, Filipino 3%, and Asian 1% (California Department of
Education, 2012). Housed on a large campus, Westview High consisted of a large two-story
building with portable classrooms situated around the main building. In the center of the school
sat the library and a large covered outdoor eating area with round lunch tables that also served as
the main corridor for students to pass through when moving from class to class. Classes at
Westview were referred to as “blocks” because of the block schedule, with each class lasting for
a two-hour period. Students would rotate classes, attending half of their classes every other day.
Mrs. Wilder was a Biology teacher with over 10 years teaching experience at Westview
High School. She was the daughter of a Korean mother and White father. Mrs. Wilder’s entire
teaching career has been in the same school district, with her first teaching position at another
high school in the district. After realizing that the medical profession was not for her, Mrs.

6
Based on a family of four, with two children, and annual income of $22,000 and less.
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Wilder believed that the transition into a secondary teaching career would be the easiest
transition into the teaching profession since Mrs. Wilder already had a Biology degree. After she
became a substitute teacher, the district offered Mrs. Wilder a teaching position because the
students were in need of teachers with a Science background. Although she did not yet have her
teaching credential, Mrs. Wilder accepted a teaching position as a Bio-Chem teacher. During her
first year as a teacher, Mrs. Wilder taught during the day and attended school in the evening,
taking courses toward her Single Subject teaching credential. The balance of teaching during the
day and going to credentialing school at night was difficult as Mrs. Wilder described her
credential program as a “big blur.”
The first class that Mrs. Wilder taught was a Bio-Chem class that was designed for
sophomores who needed to repeat Biology because the students had received a grade of D or F in
their ninth grade Biology class. Mrs. Wilder accepted the position and requested that her
teaching assignment consist of five Bio-Chem classes, instead of three Bio-Chem classes and
two Biology classes. Mrs. Wilder said this about her first teaching experience:
Talk about a certain population…no one wants those classes cause they were the
problem, you know the “problem kids,” but it was my first year teaching…I told them it
would be okay that I have all Bio-Chem and they thought I was crazy. But if they’re all
the same…it would make it easier for me I would have a single prep and then you just,
you don’t really have anything to compare it to. It’s not these are my good kids and my
bad kids; are just all my Bio-Chem kids.
Mrs. Wilder finished her teaching credential program during her first year as a teacher,
subsequently transferring to Westview High School where she has taught ninth grade Biology
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ever since. During her tenure as a teacher, Mrs. Wilder was an instructional leader, serving as a
Technology Instructional Coach at Westview several years ago.
The ninth grade Biology class was located in an upstairs lab classroom. In the center of
the lab classroom were five rows of lab desks. There was enough room for eight students to sit in
each row on lab stools. Facing the student rows was the teacher’s desk, which was located in
front of the dry erase whiteboard. Along the left, right, and backsides of the classroom were
additional lab desks that also housed locked storage cabinets and additional glass door storage
cabinets on the top. Displays of science tools, such as microscopes and scales, and other replicas
were located behind the glass. Crossing diagonally in the center of the classroom were paper
models of DNA strands. Posters lined the top of walls around the classroom. A poster titled,
“African American Scientists” hung on the wall above the white board, next to another poster
that had the phrase, “Even Einstein asked questions.” Located on the sidewalls of the classroom
were other posters with various sayings that included these words:
• “People may doubt what you say, but they will always believe what you do,”
• “Attitude is a little thing that makes a BIG difference,”
• “A little respect goes a long way,” and
• “Learn all you can. Who knows how far you’ll go.”
Displayed in a back corner of the class were various college and university pendants that lined
the wall and included the local community college and several public colleges and universities.
The ninth grade Biology class, Four Block, was scheduled right after the students’ lunch.
A class of 36 students, Four Block was comprised of majority male students, with 23 of the
students being male and 13 being female. The racial composition of the class included 13 Latinos
(8 male, 5 female), 11 Blacks (7 male, 4 female), 8 Whites (7 male, 1 female), 3 Pilipino (1 male,
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2 female), and 1 male student of Middle Eastern decent. Mrs. Wilder assigned the students’
seats and the students were assigned seats in a boy-girl-boy-girl pattern. Given that the majority
of the students were male students, there were several places in last three rows, as well as the
right side of the student rows, where male students were clustered together. All of these clusters
contained three to four male students who were Latino or White. The White female student sat
with the cluster of White male students near the back of the student rows. In a different pattern,
Black students were dispersed in each row with no Black student sitting next to or directly in
front of or behind each other, male or female. The Filipino students were seated in the last three
rows of the classroom and the Middle Eastern student was assigned a seat in the middle of the
classroom. During the two 5-minute breaks that the teacher gave to the students, the students
congregated in consistent racialized patterns over the course of the observations I conducted: all
of the Black students grouped together near the front of the class; a group of four White male
students gathered on the right side of the classroom; a group of three Latino students met around
one Latina student in the back of the classroom. The rest of the students remained at their desks
during the breaks. A group of four Black students, from this class participated in the student
focus group interview.
Research Question: How do teachers use culturally responsive pedagogy and an ethic of
authentic teacher care to create meaningful academic learning opportunities for student of color
from historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups?
The data showed that Mrs. Wilder did not use culturally responsive pedagogy or practice
an ethic of authentic teacher care with her students of color and did not create meaningful
academic learning opportunities for her students of color. The data presented below demonstrate
how Mrs. Wilder lacked cultural competence and held no academic expectations that students
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draw on their cultural knowledges in the classroom. The picture that emerged regarding the
learning environment was that the only knowledge that was considered in the classroom was the
knowledge from Mrs. Wilder and the curricula that she chose. The data will reveal how the
quality of the academic tasks given by Mrs. Wilder required very little student thinking and how
Mrs. Wilder provided little academic feedback to her students of color. Finally, Mrs. Wilder was
unable to maintain a learning environment in which she was able to work with students of color
to guide their behaviors in ways that supported students’ individual and collective academic
learning opportunities.
Cultural Competency
Mrs. Wilder’s lack of cultural competency was seen through her superficial
understandings of culture and knowledge, which was also evident in her oversimplified notions
of who her students were and in her inability to plan and implement lesson that utilized her
students’ cultural knowledges. A culturally competent teacher would understand the concept of
culture through a broader lens-as fluid, contextual, and informed not only by race and ethnicity,
but also the communities in which students live, and by students’ families and close peers
(Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003; Moll, et al., 1992; Nasir & Hand, 2006; Pollock, 2008). However,
Mrs. Wilder defined culture by saying:
Ethnicity has a lot to do with it. I mean obviously not everything. Actually food comes to
mind–different types of food from different types of cultures. Culture–just like the values
that they have-ethnicity has a lot to do with it-I don’t know if Americans have a very
strong culture. I think we identify with other cultures as far as we are the melting pot of a
country. What is culture? Just your traditions and your food–yea, race does have a lot to
play into that, but it is not everything.
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In speaking of her own cultural background, Mrs. Wilder again spoke predominately about race
and ethnicity:
I’m half Korean and half White. My brother and I, we grew up in the Air force. I do
remember being teased when I was younger, being teased in the first grade for having
slanted eyes. I do remember that. And it was being teased by some Hispanic kids, that I
do remember.
Mrs. Wilder claimed that she knew the cultural backgrounds of her students because for “most of
them, you can tell pretty much what they are.” She described the students in Four Block as
majority “Hispanic” and “African American” and that there were some “Asian” students, some
who might have been “Filipino.” Then she stated that the class had only one “White” girl who
stuck out because she was the only student who had “the blonde hair.” Contrary to Mrs. Wilder’s
narrow definition of culture, the students in the focus group identified their cultural backgrounds
as more than just Black or African American. The female student stated that she was: “Not an
African American, but a Jamaican girl with dark skin (laughter). ‘Cause they get it mixed up and
they’re like, ‘Oh you’re African American’ and I’m like no, I’m not.” One of the male students
stated that he was “mixed with other nationalities.” The last male student explained his cultural
background as “somewhat mixed, like with two things. People always call me Asian because of
my eyes, but I’m Filipino and Black and Indian.” The students described their cultural
backgrounds from a more complex multi-ethnic and multicultural stance. A culturally competent
teacher would understand that her Black students’ cultural backgrounds could not be
oversimplified by the students’ skin color and perceived racial group membership. The
oversimplification of culture as race and ethnicity contributed to Mrs. Wilder’s inability to be a
culturally competent teacher.
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Mrs. Wilder’s essentialist views on race, ethnicity, culture, and knowledge impacted her
inability to see the connection between students’ cultural knowledges, teaching, and learning.
The data below describes how Mrs. Wilder’s views of culture informed her understanding of her
students’ cultural knowledges. Mrs. Wilder said that culturally responsive pedagogy meant:
Not to ever say anything (laughter) degrading to any student. Um, they pick up on stuff
real easily and they can-they can tell if a teacher has some kind of prejudices toward
them-teachers obviously have to not show that. Occasionally things will probably come
out, across, in different conversations, but definitely not offend anybody. I think most
teachers try not to offend kids.
Mrs. Wilder’s superficial definition of culturally responsive pedagogy did not speak to the
academic development of students of color. She focused exclusively on students’ ability to “pick
up on stuff real easily” and “tell if a teacher has some kind of prejudice toward them.” Her
understanding of culturally responsive was not being overtly racist or prejudice. Considering
students’ cultural backgrounds as a private matter, Mrs. Wilder did not listen to her students in
order to learn about their cultural as she did not like to pry into the students’ “business like that.”
By not getting into her students’ “business,” Mrs. Wilder was unable to get to know her students
and the cultural knowledges the students brought into the classroom. Without this information,
Mrs. Wilder could not plan and facilitate lessons that used students’ cultural knowledges to
mediate their learning of Biology.
While Mrs. Wilder claimed that her students’ racial identities and cultural knowledges
were private, she still perceived her students as racial beings in the ways she identified her
students’ racial backgrounds. Although her understanding of her students’ racial identities was
not complex and based predominately on their physical features, she did state that there was a
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connection between culture and race and ethnicity, as well as values and traditions. Mrs.
Wilder’s understanding of race ignores the structures and ideologies that maintain power and
privilege and support her perspective that there is no connection to cultural knowledges and
skills that could be shared, developed, and expanded upon through the teaching and learning of
her subject area.
Similar to her oversimplified notions of culture, Mrs. Wilder narrowly defined academic
knowledge and believed that the academic subject she taught was irrelevant to her students’
cultural knowledges. The data below illustrates how Mrs. Wilder’s narrow view of knowledge
informed the types of resources and learning activities she used to plan and teach her lessons.
Mrs. Wilder explained that she does not “intentionally plan” her lessons around her students’
cultural knowledges because “Biology-it’s almost like with Science, it doesn’t really-there is no
culture for Science, it’s, that’s just how it is.” Mrs. Wilder’s essentialist and Western views about
the academic subject she taught informed her decisions to not use any student provided resources
in her lesson planning and instruction. As she explained:
I use the Internet mainly now. The book does have a lot. This is year 5 now, so I’ve been
doing it and now there’s not a lot of planning. Some modifying. I do pull more YouTube
videos than before and now that the District has opened that up to us, which is pretty
cool. There’s some really neat videos that people have made. So, I’ve changed up, I’ve
definitely pull more of that into it. But the resources that the textbook has come up with,
there’s lectures that go with the unit sections, so that I use a lot. Other websites, a lot of
Internet stuff.
For each lesson Mrs. Wilder incorporated a Brain Pop YouTube video. The videos usually came
after Mrs. Wilder facilitated a textbook provided lecture. The same vocabulary words,
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definitions, diagrams, and illustrations that Mrs. Wilder presented during the PowerPoint lecture
were the same pieces of information shown during the Brain Pop video. The videos were about 5
minutes long and had the same structure in which a cartoon-like White, male teenager spoke to
his robot about the topic of the day. One day, at the start of one of the videos, a Latino student
stated out loud, “These videos are a waste of time.” Mrs. Wilder looked at the boy and
responded, “No, these do not waste time.” The student turned to his neighbor and said, almost in
a whisper, “Didn’t we watch this one already?” During the same lesson, many of the students
were disengaged and had placed their heads on the desks, tapped their rulers on their desks, and
looked at their cell phones while the video played. In another lesson, all of the Black students
had their heads down on their desks, but sat up when the video stopped and Mrs. Wilder turned
the classroom lights on. Mrs. Wilder’s use of what she thought were “really neat videos” were
ineffective with a student who felt they were “stupid” and a classroom full of students who
demonstrated their disengagement through their actions.
Contrary to Mrs. Wilder’s beliefs and pedagogical practices about cultural knowledges
and the knowledge of her academic subject, the literature on culturally responsive pedagogy
states that teachers seek to be culturally competent by learning about their students’ cultural
backgrounds because a culturally competent teacher believes that students cultural backgrounds
count as legitimate knowledges and skills that the can be used to learn academic knowledge and
skills (Gay, 1993; Ladson-Billings, 2009). Mrs. Wilder’s did not seek to learn about her students
cultural knowledges because she felt that it was unnecessary to “intentionally” incorporate her
students’ cultural knowledges in teaching Biology because the subject is “just how it is”
regardless of who the learners were, their perspectives, interests, and knowledges students
brought to class. In addition, culturally competent teachers and critical pedagogies acknowledge
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that academic subjects have cultures shaped by epistemologies within that subject. Baton’s
(2003) research on Kobe and Allen and Crawley’s (1993) study on the Kickapoo students
demonstrated how the culture of science education and the practice of science have an
epistemology and an ontology within the school setting that did not align with the teens’ view of
science, how it is taught, who participates and how, and well as the purpose of learning science.
For Mrs. Wilder, her view that Biology is “just like a Science” and has “no culture” ignores that
science comes with for example a language, a common set of practices, and assumptions that
shape what and how students learn science. By not understanding these factors, Mrs. Wilder
taught a narrow, essentialist and Westernized view of Biology and impeded her opportunities to
create learning experiences that were open enough to allow her students to display their
knowledges and ways of practicing science, so that she could make her lessons responsive to her
students.
Quality of Academic Tasks
The quality of the academic tasks Mrs. Wilder used to facilitate learning were not
meaningful as academic tasks were not relevant to students, did not promote active student
learning, and were not designed to be rigorous or challenging. Consistent with both
constructivists and sociocultural perspectives on learning is the emphasis on the students’
opportunity to think and work on challenging tasks, individually or collaboratively, but the
emphasis is on whether the task helps students develop new knowledge and skills (Anthony,
1996; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Intersecting with culturally responsive pedagogy is the infusion
of students’ cultural knowledges as a way to mediate academic tasks (Gay, 2002; Ladson-
Billings, 1995). From Mrs. Wilder’s perspective, a teacher-centered lesson was “a lecture or a
Brain Pop video” and a student-centered lesson included students looking through a microscope
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and completing a “worksheet already set up and had to answer some questions and they had to
draw.” In determining the differences between teacher and student centered, Mrs. Wilder was
more concerned with who was doing the action during an academic task, rather than the quality
of the academic task. The data described below illustrates how the types of academic tasks Mrs.
Wilder chose were not relevant to the students, did not encourage active learning in her students,
and did not challenge the students in difficult tasks that students had to complete with a peer or
the teacher.
Mrs. Wilder expressed the importance of relevancy between academic tasks and her
students when she said, “A lot of the standards that we are supposed to teach, they don’t care,
the kids don’t care about—you got to bring some relevance to it, so trying to do that, that
definitely helps.” The students in the focus group agreed with the importance of relevance when
the students explained what he/she needed for their learning experiences to be meaningful:
BF : For me, its like a place where you can sit down while doing your work and the
teacher can also make it fun for you to learn cause when you’re just like, “Hey just do
that,” its really hard to just do it, you just have to help them figure it out.
BM : And maybe like, once in a while, maybe having partners to kinda have a person
kinda…
BF: …help you…
BM: …yea
The students spoke of a teacher who could make learning “fun.” However, that would require a
teacher who knew her students well enough to know what students would define as “fun” in
order to make the teacher’s understanding of “fun” relevant or in line with what the students
considered to be “fun.” Although Mrs. Wilder agreed with her students and expressed the notion
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that relevance between the student and the academic task was important, her lack of cultural
competence shaped her inability to understand and care about what was relevant to the students.
As described earlier, she used the Brain Pop YouTube videos even when her students
demonstrated, through their pattern of disengagement, that the videos were not relevant to the
students.
Active learning activities include opportunities to problem solve, engage is small group
work, and experiential tasks (Anthony, 1996). But, the academic task that Mrs. Wilder used in
every lesson I observed was a worksheet, one of the “resources that the textbook has come up
with.” The fill-in-the-blank and matching worksheet promoted passive learning and required
very little student thinking outside of the borders of the worksheet and the textbook. For
example, during a lesson on forms of passive transport, Mrs. Wilder assigned a four-page
worksheet for her students to complete. The first three pages included text that gave definitions
of the components and forms of passive transport, as well as figures that illustrated the text. The
fourth page contained the “Check Your Understanding Questions,” which included 13 questions,
of which only the first 12 were assigned to the students. The first question called for the students
to “explain the relationship between diffusion and osmosis.” This question, however, did not ask
for a student created explanation and the answer was explicitly written in the text of the second
page: “Diffusion and osmosis occur without the use of energy. For this reason, they are said to be
forms of passive transport.” For questions two through nine the students were directed to
“complete the paragraph” by filling in the blanks in each sentence with a word from a list of
words provided on the worksheet. Similar to the first question, these questions did not require the
students to do anything but find the answer embedded in the text on the first three pages of the
worksheet. On page three of the worksheet, in the explanation of “Carrier Proteins,” the
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paragraph stated the following: “Carrier proteins are in the double layers of lipids that form the
cell membrane.” The last three questions that the students were assigned again called for simple
recall of the information written on the worksheet. The last question asked the students to
develop a conclusion based on the information from the worksheet. The question stated: “While
conducting an experiment, you discover a certain substance passing out of a cell by diffusion.
What might you conclude about the content of this substance?” This question, which required the
students to think a little beyond what was provided to them in the worksheet, was not assigned to
the students. Mrs. Wilder did not require her students to think outside of the information she
gave to them. Rather, the students engaged in a passive form of learning where students simply
located the information in the worksheet and rewrote the information in the correct place.
Finally, the focus group students spoke of learning opportunities where students could
work with a teacher or a peer to provide “help.” Reflecting a major intersection in the literature
on authentic teacher care, culturally responsive pedagogy, constructivism, and socioculturalism,
the role of the teacher as a partner or facilitator as a requisite of meaningful learning is seen in
the students’ statements. However, the times students were allowed to work with their peers were
to complete similar fill-in-the-blank worksheets. There was one occasion in which the students
worked together to copy and color-code a genetic pattern that Mrs. Wilder projected on the
screen. Despite her stated concerns that the “standards” and the “kids don’t care” which is why
she spoke about brining “some relevance” into the academic tasks she gave her students, the data
from the observations did not support her statement. The type of feedback a teacher provides to
her students is consistent with the quality of the academic tasks. In the next section, I will
describe how Mrs. Wilder was unable to facilitate the cognitive and academic growth of her
students of color based on the type of academic feedback she gave her students.
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Quality of Academic Feedback
The students’ previous statements that students need a teacher to “help” students “figure
it out” and that having “partner to help” were consistent with constructivist and sociocultural
perspectives on learning. According to constructivism, a teacher’s ability to guide his/her
students thinking and cognitive skill development can help students become active and self-
directed learners (Anthony, 1996). Learning, from a sociocultural perspective, is developmental
and takes place when academic tasks are challenging for students, requiring them to work with a
partner to accomplish a difficult academic task (Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). However, the data
revealed that Mrs. Wilder was unable to provide specific and detailed feedback to her students.
Consistent with the use of low-quality academic tasks, Mrs. Wilder could not give the type of
help and academic feedback that promoted her students’ academic development because the
quality of the academic tasks were not challenging. Finally, Mrs. Wilder’s lack of cultural
competence led to patterns of racialized and differential feedback to her students of color.
For example, the students were assigned a worksheet on “Passive Transport”, which I
described earlier in this chapter, after they had taken lecture notes and watched a video on the
same topic. Mrs. Wilder told her students that they needed to only write the answers on their
papers, that they could quietly listen to their music, to stay in their seats, and ask questions if
they needed her help. As most of the students quietly worked on their worksheets, Mrs. Wilder
walked up and down the student rows where she periodically stopped to give feedback to
students who appeared to have completed their worksheet. Mrs. Wilder’s verbal feedback to
students included some of the following statements:
• You guys have problems with number 2.
• Read the sentence.
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• The answer is lipids.
• You all drew this the other day.
• Just like number 3–remember those big purple things you drew? Those are carrier
proteins.
The feedback Mrs. Wilder gave to her students consisted of statements that either directed
students to the answers in the text or statements that just gave the students the answer.
While all of the feedback Mrs. Wilder gave to her students during this worksheet activity
promoted little cognitive activity, the feedback that Mrs. Wilder gave to her White students
differed from the type of feedback she gave to her Black and Latino students. Overall, Mrs.
Wilder ignored the Latino students, as she walked by most of the Latino students without looking
at their papers or providing any verbal feedback. For her Black students, Mrs. Wilder provided
feedback that lacked academic quality. Using the same example of the Passive Transport
worksheet, a Black female student sat at her desk holding a small mirror up to her face as the
students around her worked on their worksheets. Even as Mrs. Wilder walked down the row
towards the direction in which the Black female student sat, the Black female student continued
to look at herself in the small mirror she held up in her hands. Mrs. Wilder then began to check
the work of a White male student, who sat to the right of the Black female student. While Mrs.
Wilder looked over the White male student’s work, the Black female student, who had not
started working on her worksheet, continued to groom her face and hair in her handheld mirror.
After Mrs. Wilder finished looking over the White male student’s work, she then picked up the
Black female student’s paper, looked at it, and said, “This is messy. Take an eraser and erase it.”
Mrs. Wilder placed the paper on the girl’s desk and walked away. As she approached a White
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male student seated to the left of the Black female student, Mrs. Wilder stopped to check his
work, during which the following exchange took place:
T : Check number five and eight.
S : Why?
T: Just check them.
While this feedback provided little academic direction to the student, the feedback was
more than the type of feedback Mrs. Wilder provided to the Black student whom she seemed to
be more concerned with the quality of her handwriting than the content of her written response.
Mrs. Wilder said nothing to the student about the use of her time she spent on her worksheet and
the amount of time she spent grooming herself in the mirror. Furthermore, Mrs. Wilder gave the
Black female student no feedback on the quality of her answer. By ignoring her Latino students
and giving no real and specific academic feedback to her Black students, Mrs. Wilder did not
display concern for the academic development of her students of color, and therefore did not
display an ethic of authentic teacher care.
Although the patterns of feedback in Mrs. Wilder’s classroom showed that she gave
different types of feedback to her students of color, Mrs. Wilder believed that she supported her
students’ academic development in other ways. In speaking of the ways in which she
demonstrates care for her students, Mrs. Wilder stated that she tried “setting them up for
success” by using technology. She explained:
When we have tests, you know, I post these tests online. I keep up with my website.
There’s a new thing I just found out about this year called Remind 101.com and they can
sign up for text messages and I can send them a message to remind them about their
homework.
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For her, setting them up for success meant making the materials available to students, not
ensuring that she provided them with the instructional scaffolds students needed for success.
Mrs. Wilder’s website did have many materials available to students. The website included
outlines of the lecture notes, which were the same definitions in the PowerPoint, and copies of
worksheets that included text-based summaries of vocabulary words, diagrams, text-based
questions, and a calendar of agendas, lessons, and homework. The focus group students agreed
with Mrs. Wilder’s characterization of a caring teacher in the following discussion that depicted
their definition of a caring teacher:
BF: They will tell you, you’re supposed to get that done. Some other teachers be like,
“I don’t really care if you do it or not, its up to you, it’s your future.” Like Mrs.
Wilder they’ll be like, “You know if you don’t get that done, you can just mess up
your whole future by not doing one thing” and they just be like, they really care –
they make you feel like you want to be at school.
BM1: Teachers will like, they’ll set up a parent-teacher conference and like talk to you
about your grades and when they, like, call you up to their desk and talk to you
about your grades and your missing assignments, stuff and tell you what to do,
like…
BM2: Even if they just hold you back after class and just show you all the, all the
missing stuff you have in all the classes, that kinda ease things up a bit.
Mrs. Wilder and the student focus group described an aesthetic form of teacher care where the
student-teacher relationship was not inclusive of a deep and personal relationship where Mrs.
Wilder really knew her students. Her lack of cultural competence, oversimplification of her
students’ cultural backgrounds, and disproportionate treatment of her students of color revealed
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the subtle ways that Mrs. Wilder was unable to create meaningful learning opportunities for her
students of color. The last area in which this was revealed was in the different sets of behavioral
expectations Mrs. Wilder held for her White students and students of color.
Behavioral Expectations and Support
The data revealed that patterns of interactions between Mrs. Wilder and her Black and
Latino students went beyond shallow and missing academic teacher feedback to include a lack of
behavior support for Black and Latino students. During the interview, Mrs. Wilder made a
connection between a caring teacher’s attitude towards students and the learning environment of
the class when she stated:
I think just talking with them, um, not being rude pretty much cause I think sometimes
teachers are really a lot of times disrespectful to a lot of the kids. You know we all have
hard days, but I’ve heard stories of some teachers just really going over the top and just
cussing out these kids. I don’t know what that does to the atmosphere of that classroom,
but it must not be very good at all.
Over the course of the observations, I noticed that Mrs. Wilder continued to largely ignore the
Latino students, allowed the Black students to engage in other non-academic behaviors, while
she focused more support and monitoring of behaviors towards the White students. During
lectures, Mrs. Wilder would often walk around the classroom. As she would circulate the
classroom, I observed Mrs. Wilder enforcing the types of behaviors she expected from her White
male students:
• Removed a beanie that a White male student wore in class,
• Confiscated a skateboard that a White male student rolled under his desk, and
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• Removed a White male student from class, and confiscated his cell phone, because he
had been using his phone during class.
However, during the same observations, Mrs. Wilder did not say anything about the following
behaviors that also took place during her lectures over the course of my observations:
• Male and female Latino students used their cell phone during lecture,
• A Black female student who walked around the class to get lotion from a friend, and
• The same Black female student pointed her middle finger at a Black male student who
was seated in the first row.
Furthermore, during each observation, all of the Black students would put their heads down on
their desks, with some even closing their eyes, throughout the length of the video that the
students typically watched after a lecture. Mrs. Wilder never said anything to the students to
refocus their attention to the video. Mrs. Wilder’s actions in the classroom revealed the different
types of behavioral expectations she held for her students of color. Even though Mrs. Wilder’s
students, who participated in the focus group, did not question whether she cared for them, they
made the following statements about the characteristics of a teacher who does not genuinely care
about the academic progress of their students:
BF: [The teacher] just says, page 2 something and do it, get it done by the end of the
block and I’m just like, “Huh? You didn’t even explain what we’re supposed to
do!” He just sits at his desk and do nothing and we have to do the work, but we
don’t understand and we ask him a question and he likes, “Oh my God, I just said
it” and I’m like, “No you didn’t, that’s why I’m asking” and he just goes off and
I’m like “oh”…
BM1: …and when kids fall asleep he doesn’t care, he’ll just leave them sleep.
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BF: Right...its like the teacher doesn’t really care if you want to learn or not. Well,
they all say that, they all say it’s up to you but you [teachers] should at least try to
make the kids want to learn.
While the students did suggest that Mrs. Wilder cared about them when one said, “Like Mrs.
Wilder she’ll be like, you know if you don’t get that done, you can just mess up your whole
future by not doing one thing.” The students also stated that teachers who did not care about
them allow students to sleep in class. Thus, the differences in how Mrs. Wilder supported and
did not support her students of color were consistent with the students’ notions of a teacher who
does not truly care about her students.
Another example of the connection between Mrs. Wilder’s lack of behavioral support and
her inability to create learning environments that supported meaningful learning was her inability
to redirect one Black female student who caught my attention over the course of the five direct
observations. This student was a sociable student who greeted Mrs. Wilder everyday, saying
hello to her at the start of class. She seemed to have a developed a personal relationship with
Mrs. Wilder as demonstrated through several exchanges that took place out loud in class. In the
first interaction, the students were quiet as they copied notes from the projector. Suddenly, the
Black female student began a conversation with Mrs. Wilder, who was standing across the room
from the student:
S: Want to know something funny? The only time it’s quiet is when we’re taking notes.
T: Not true.
S: Look how quiet it is now?
T: See, how relaxing? Take a deep breath and enjoy the silence. Talking about stress,
wait until you have kids.
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At this point, most of the students had stopped writing in their notebooks and were talking to
their neighbors. The teacher then commented: “See how loud it is? Guess who did that? Me.” It
took for Mrs. Wilder to turn her classroom lights on and off for her to get the students to stop
talking so that they could finish copying the notes. On another occasion, the Black female
student got out of her seat and walked over to her friend who sat in a different row on the
opposite side of the classroom from where she was seated. While the rest of the class copied
notes from the PowerPoint, the Black female student slowly walked back to her seat and then
proceeded to write in her notebook. When the teacher changed the slide, the Black female
student yelled, “No!” The teacher clicked her remote in order to transition back to the previous
slide and said to the student, “C’mon, let’s go.” These exchanges between Mrs. Wilder and the
Black female student showed a level of comfort between the two, and a relationship in which
Mrs. Wilder failed to hold the student accountable for behaviors that are supportive of learning
for her and her peers.
According to the sociocultural perspective, the learner and the learning environment
impact each other. As Tharp and Gallimore (1988) explain, the learner can change the learning
environment and the learning environment can change the learner. As seen in the interactions
between the Mrs. Wilder and the Black female student, the student was able to change the
learning environment through interruption and slowing down the pace of the lesson. During the
focus group interview, I asked the students what classroom conditions helped them to learn and
the students answered:
BF: Sometimes kids are really loud; I would like them to be more silenced when it’s
work time; it’s like sit there and do your work instead of going off all of the time;
it’s very annoying.
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BM1: That and um, just to be a little more mature…
BF: Yes!
BM2: Well, um like during notes, people, they don’t talk a lot–they actually write the
notes instead of talking, cause that’s what a lot of people do in here–they talk
instead of writing notes and we can’t get them done that fast.
The students’ statements demonstrated their understanding of how other learners in the learning
environment impact their own individual learning experiences. One student described “loud”
students “going off all the time” as “annoying.” She also explained that students should be more
“silenced” during “work time.” Another student also described the contextual nature of learning
when he explained how “we” do not get notes done efficiently when other students, or “they talk
instead of writing notes.” Consistent with the sociocultural perspective on teaching and learning,
the environment in which learning takes place has a direct impact on the learning experiences of
students in the classroom. Similarly, the statements and actions of the teacher and the students in
the classroom have a direct impact on the learning environment.
The research of authentic teacher care states that in order for a teacher to create a
supportive and collaborative learning environment, the teacher must be able to maintain her role
as the moral authority figure in the classroom, as well as within the teacher’s reciprocal
relationships with her students (Ladson-Billings, 2009; Noddings, 1998; Thompson, 1998;
Valenzuela, 1999). During one observation, the same Black female who was out of her seat,
walked around to a Latino student and jumped close to his face. At this point, the teacher yelled,
“Hey, stop!” The Black female student started yelling at the Latino student saying, “Fuck you,”
“Shut the fuck up,” and “Shut up before I hit you.” At this point, the teacher walked toward the
direction of the two students. The Latino student responded, “Go ahead and hit me.” The Black
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female student did not do or say anything as she stood staring at the Latino student. However,
Mrs. Wilder, who was now standing next to the students, said to the Black female student, “He
gave you permission to hit him and you did nothing?” As the Black female student returned to
her desk, the Latino student sat down, and the teacher walked towards another student who had
called for her help. Not even a minute later, the Black female student was back over at the Latino
student’s desk yelling at him again. This time, the two students threw each other’s pencils and
papers on the floor. Another student, a Black female, yelled to the two students to “stop.” The
teacher walked over and sat next the Latino student during which the following conversation
occurred:
LM : You should stop her.
BF: I didn’t do anything!
T: Will you stay in your seat and continue doing nothing.
LM: She’s always talking shit.
BF: Who me?
Mrs. Wilder, speaking to the Back student and instigating the conflict between her and the Latino
student, said, “Oh, you’re talking smack.” The teacher walked away from the students and the
Black female student walked away to sharpen her pencil. On her way back to her seat, the Black
female student pointed to a White male student and began loudly laughing at him. A classmate
told the Black female student to “just leave him alone,” but the Black female student walked
over to him and hit him in the arm with her fist. From the other side of the classroom, Mrs.
Wilder said “keep your hands to yourself.” At this point, the all of the students in the class
watched the altercation and many began to laugh at the students. Mrs. Wilder then announced
that it was near the end of class and time to clean up. Mrs. Wilder encouraged the Black female’s
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disrupted behavior by walking away from the conflict and saying “Oh, you’re talking smack”
even after the Latino student asked the teacher “to stop her.” The Black female student’s friend
took the role as the moral authority figure when she told her to “just leave him alone.” However,
Mrs. Wilder’s inaction towards the Black female student illustrated her inability to remain the
moral authority figure in her classroom. This allowed the Black female student to shift the
learning environment in ways that were not productive to the academic growth of herself and her
peers. Mrs. Wilder’s support and encouragement of her behavior demonstrated Mrs. Wilder’s
aesthetic form of teacher care and lack of academic and behavioral expectations for her Black
and Latino students.
Conclusion
Using the Conceptual Framework as my analytical lens, the data in the case study of Mrs.
Wilder and her ninth grade Biology students revealed that Mrs. Wilder did not use culturally
responsive pedagogy or authentic teacher care to facilitate meaningful learning opportunities for
students of color. Furthermore, the lack of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher
care evident in Mrs. Wilder’s class failed to deal with the epistemological and ontological factors
described in the data. Mrs. Wilder’s pedagogy and interactions with her students reflected her
understandings of culture, race and ethnicity, knowledge, and participation in the classroom and
with Biology as an academic subject.
Mrs. Wilder’s pedagogical skills aligned with her narrow perspectives on race, culture,
and knowledge, or her epistemological beliefs, that revealed themselves in the level of cultural
competency held by Mrs. Wilder, the curriculum, and types of academic tasks she used in the
classroom. The data demonstrated Mrs. Wilder’s epistemology was situated in an essentialist,
Western, and narrow view of culture, race and ethnicity, and the subject she taught. These
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epistemological factors informed Mrs. Wilder’s inability to use culturally responsive pedagogy
to create a pedagogical bridge that would allow the students of color in Mrs. Wilder’s class to
access and engage in opportunities to construct knowledge of Biology in meaningful ways. The
lack of a pedagogical bridge between the subject Biology and the cultural knowledges of the
students of color in the class resulted in learning opportunities and instructional activities that
were confined to what the teacher, textbook, or teacher-selected YouTube video said. As such,
students in Mrs. Wilder’s class had no opportunities to develop their critical consciousness
through questioning or analyzing the content they were learning, the theories and stereotypes
hidden within the subject they were learning, or accessing students’ own cultural knowledges
that could provide a different perspective of the content area. While the data demonstrated that
students were eager to question the material they were learning, Mrs. Wilder would often neglect
to respond to student inquiries, instead shifting back to the narrow curriculum Mrs. Wilder used
and her routine-like instructional plan of textbook-based notes, video, and textbook-based
worksheet.
Mrs. Wilder showed some forms of aesthetic care for her students of color, but was
unable to authentically care for her students of color as evidenced through her low levels of
academic expectations and academic feedback, and behavioral expectations and support for
Black and Latino students in her class. As such, Mrs. Wilder was unable to construct an
ontological pedagogical bridge that supported learning opportunities for the students of color in
the Biology class. The data showed that Mrs. Wilder largely ignored the Latino students in her
class by not providing any direct academic or behavioral feedback. Furthermore, Mrs. Wilder did
not provide the same level of academic feedback to her Black students as she did her White
students, which reinforced the low academic expectations she had of her Black students, by
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providing them with academic feedback that lacked specificity and rigor. In addition, while she
was friendly with the Black students in her class, as seen in the data, Mrs. Wilder created a
learning environment in which she accepted and encouraged Black students to behave in ways
that did not support the teaching and learning process for themselves and their peers in the
classroom. Without understanding her students and herself as racial beings, the data that
demonstrated the racialized patterns of interactions between herself and her Black and Latino
students (as well as between students), Mrs. Wilder was unable to understand the actions and
behaviors of her students, particularly her Black students, causing her to sustain a learning
environment that was not productive and safe for all students.
The data revealed the complex ways that Mrs. Wilder’s epistemology and ontology
worked together to create a learning environment that lacked opportunities for students of color
to construct knowledge in meaningful ways in a supportive and personally and culturally
affirming ways. Mrs. Wilder had an epistemology rested on the perspective that there is one,
essential knowledge about Biology that was grounded in Western thought. Similarly, Mrs.
Wilder’s ontology denied the power of how race and culture can inform who students are, their
worldviews, and knowledges. Without the pedagogical practices of cultural responsiveness and
authentic care, the connections to who students are, what they know, and the content they were
learning fostered the types of interactions, curriculum, and teaching and learning experiences that
were present in the data. The data revealed how Black and Latino students were marginalized in
Mrs. Wilder’s class as they were treated differently from White students, expected and allowed
to do less in class, and not provided any opportunities to draw on their cultural knowledges in the
teaching and learning process. With the lack of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic
teacher care, students were not encouraged develop their critical consciousness by engaging in
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academic activities that allowed students to think about and question the knowledges, including
subject-matter knowledge, as well as the differential treatment students of color faced in
classroom interactions with their peers and teacher. The inability of Mrs. Wilder to use culturally
responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care resulted in the lack of epistemological and
ontological pedagogical bridges that would support learning opportunities that were meaningful
for students of color within a learning environment that was academically rigorous and
supportive of all students.
Case Study #2: Twelfth Grade English, C Period
Sun Ridge High School was located on the opposite side of the city from Westview High
School. Built to alleviate student overcrowding in the district’s high schools, Sun Ridge opened
with its first class of ninth graders in 2005. In the 2012-2013 school year, Sun Ridge had a total
student population of 2400 and a teaching staff of 108 (California Department of Education,
2013). The demographic breakdown of the student population included: 55% Latino, 30%
Black, 10% White, 1% Filipino, 1% Asian, and 1% two or more races; 75% students who
received free or reduced lunch, and 31% students identified as English Learners (California
Department of Education, year). The racial composition of Sun Ridge’s teaching staff was: 62%
White, 20% Latino, 12% Black, 1% Filipino, and 1% Asian (California Department of
Education, 2013). Sun Ridge was located on a large sprawling lot that was primarily sounded on
three sides by large empty desert plots of land. A small housing tract was located across a side
street from the school and another housing tract sat on the other side of the school’s unfinished
football field. Originally planned to host an academy that focused on multimedia, new
technology, as well as fine and performing arts, the Sun Ridge campus had four computer labs,
two of which held 70 computers, a Black Box Theater, classrooms where every teacher had a
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desktop computer, an LCD projector mounted on the classroom ceiling, where the speakers were
also located, a pull-down screen, and built-in bookshelves and a storage cabinet for the teacher.
Although the library was the largest school library in the district, many of the shelves in the
library remained empty. The schedule at Sun Ridge was a traditional six class period schedule,
where students attended periods one through six every day, with each class period lasting
approximately 60 minutes.
Mrs. Jones was an African-American English teacher who had been a teacher at Sun
Ridge since its second year, in 2006. After working as a long-term substitute in a private school,
Mrs. Jones explained that she realized she had a “gift for working with students who are
struggling.” Mrs. Jones explained that when she was a substitute, she realized that she was
“teaching students the same strategies” that she used in high school and that she could “tell
students what worked” for her as a high school student who struggled academically through high
school. Realizing that she could use her “gift” as in a full-time career as a teacher, Mrs. Jones
went back to school to attain her teaching credential and began her teaching career. Now, with 14
years full-time public teaching experience, Mrs. Jones had spent her entire public school
teaching career in the same district. She spent the first six years teaching at another high school
in the district before transferring to Sun Ridge. Mrs. Jones had taught all 9-12 English courses at
Sun Ridge High, was a trained District Thinking Maps Trainer, and had also worked for the
district as a Support Provider for Beginning Teacher Support and Assessment (BTSA) program
and as an Intern Coach for new, non-credentialed teachers who were employed by the district as
full-time teachers while they took classes to fulfill the requirements for their Single Subject
teaching credential.
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As a child Mrs. Jones grew up in a Mexican-American community in Arizona and was
later “one of seven African-Americans in an all White [high] school.” As Mrs. Jones spoke about
her teaching career as a “calling,” she reflected on her own high school experiences where she
“struggled” academically and “learned” about her identity, beliefs, and ways to stand up for
herself as a high school student in the “1960s, during the Civil Rights Movement.” These were
some of the skills Mrs. Jones wanted to teach her students. Mrs. Jones preferred to teach English
using various strategies, like thinking maps and culture references. In fact, Mrs. Jones’s
“Classroom Code of Conduct” follows the “Seven Principles” of Kwanza called “Nguzo Saba.”
Although she described a natural connection to her Black and Latino students, Mrs. Jones has a
reputation for working successfully with students who struggled academically including English
Learners, special education students, students at risk of dropping out of high school, foster youth,
and teen parents.
Mrs. Jones’s English classroom was located on the second floor. Student desks and chairs
were arranged in small groups of four with a total of 11 groups situated throughout the
classroom. A white board and pull-down screen were situated in the center of the classroom
along the front wall. On one side of the white board sat the teacher’s desk and on the other side
of the white board a long table with books stacked upon a Kente-patterned tablecloth. The
sidewall of the classroom held two large windows, with blue curtains that Mrs. Jones sewed
herself. Across the room, along the other sidewall was a second white board on which Mrs. Jones
had written her name, email address, date, the following: “I teach. What is your superpower?”
and the following statement: “Intelligence plus character–that is the goal of true education. Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr.” Across the front of the classroom, above the center whiteboard were
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seven posters that described Mrs. Jones’ “Classroom Code of Conduct.” Each poster was
bordered with a Kente pattern and typed with the following descriptions:
1. Nia–Purpose: We share in the idea that the best we CAN be in our daily lives and at
school WILL have PURPOSE and POSITIVIE MEANING.
2. Ujama–Cooperative Economics: We share in the idea we CAN and WILL WORK
TOGETHER for our common goals-successes. Apathy and Failure ARE NOT options!
3. Kujichagulia–Self-determination: We share in the idea to RESOLVE to HONESTLY get
the job done.
4. Ujoma–Unity: We share in the idea that EVERY person is part of the whole. EVERY
person is belongs to the group. EVERY PERSON HAS VALUE AND WORTH.
5. Kuumba–Creativity: We share in the idea that CREATIVITY CAN and WILL be
reflected in everything we do.
6. Ujima–Collective Work and Responsibility: We share in the idea that EVERYTHING
WE DO IS A TEAM EFFORT. Acceptance is needed. Patience is necessary. RESPECT
IS ESSENTIAL.
7. Imani–Faith: We share in the idea that we have FAITH in ourselves and others, and that
we WILL be the best we CAN be.
In each corner of the classroom were artificial plants and lamps. Sample student work, thinking
maps created by students, lined the back wall of the classroom. College pendants from several
public and private colleges and universities, including Historically Black Colleges and
Universities lined the walls of the classroom. Several posters encouraged reading with pictures of
the following people holding books: Common, George Lopez, and Los Lonely Boys.
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Mrs. Jones’s C Period came to class after the entire school had had a 10-minute break.
There were a total of 36 students in the class and the demographic background of the students
included: 20 Latino students (13 girls and 7 boys, one of whom is openly gay), 14 Black students
(9 girls and 5 boys), and 2 White students (1 boy and 1 girl). A small group of four students:
three girls, one boy, two Black students (one girl and one boy), and two Latina students
participated in the focus group interview from this class. As mentioned earlier, the students sat in
small groups of four and all groups had both male and female students. Many of the groups were
mixed with both Latino and Black students, although there were three groups of all Latino
students and two groups of all Black students. A focus group of four students was selected from
this class to participate in this study. In the focus group there were two Black students, one male
and one female, and two Latina students, one Mexican-American and the other Guatemalan.
Research Question: How do teachers use culturally responsive pedagogy and an ethic of
authentic teacher care to create meaningful academic learning opportunities for student of color
from historically marginalized racial and ethnic groups?
The data showed Mrs. Jones used elements of culturally responsive pedagogy and
authentic teacher care and created moments of meaningful academic learning opportunities for
her students of color. The data presented below demonstrate how Mrs. Jones’s level of cultural
competency informed her academic expectation that students think about their cultural
knowledges during lessons and academic tasks. The picture that emerged from the learning
environment data was that while Mrs. Jones used cultural artifacts to introduce lessons and
created opportunities for students to work together, the quality of academic tasks lacked
opportunities for students to develop their critical consciousness and practice academic skills.
The data revealed that Mrs. Jones worked with her students as a partner in their cognitive
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development through the use of specific, detailed, and individualized academic feedback.
Finally, the data also illustrate how Mrs. Jones had developed a caring learning environment in
which Mrs. Jones provided guidance and support for how she expected her students to behave in
the learning environment.
Cultural Competence
The data revealed that while Mrs. Jones had some level of cultural competence and did
infuse the cultural knowledges of communities of color into her lessons, many of ways culture
was used in the classroom were provided from the teacher as an entry into a textbook based
lesson and did not provide students opportunities to develop their critical consciousness. Mrs.
Jones embraced the complexities of culture when she defined culture as:
Culture is not just about ethnicity, which is what I think most people will focus on, but
culture has to do with the values and the systems in place that we deal with in probably
every aspect of our lives and so that includes gender, race, I guess spirituality, personal
beliefs and biases – all of that is part of culture.
When speaking of her own cultural background, Mrs. Jones also spoke of culture from a more
complex perspective:
My ethnicity is that I am African American. Culturally, I think it’s a blend of several
things-I am a churchgoer, so I have that as part of my cultural background. My ethnicity
is part of my cultural background; um I’m a female and a Black female, so there are
many different things that make up culture. But if were focused on ethnicity, then it
would be African American, so I just bring a lot of things to that and I identify primarily
with my Blackness.
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Mrs. Jones also stated that the “cultural artifacts” in her classroom made is clear that “this
teacher must be Black.” Although Mrs. Jones was able to articulate an understanding of culture
that went beyond racial and ethnic categories, she stated that her “Blackness” was the primary
way that she identified her cultural background. Mrs. Jones explained how her individual cultural
background impacted her teaching when she said:
Well, I think in terms of ethnicity, in fact, I tell my students this all the time-I’m a mama
before I’m a teacher, so I have eyes in the back of my heard and ears in every corner of
the room, but that’s how I grew up. I mean these are things I hear my mom say, my
grandmother, my aunties-they all said the same thing but as an adult now I know exactly
what they meant. It means that we are alert. I’ve learned to be alert and keen on
everything that is happening in my classroom. There’s very little that I miss in the
classroom. That’s all apart of the culture. Those things I learned to do growing up and
those are the things I bring into the classroom. And students laugh about it, they think it’s
funny (laughing) don’t let Mrs. [Jones] bring out the mama.
Mrs. Jones’s emphasis on race and ethnicity as the predominant factor of culture was consistent
with her descriptions of the cultural backgrounds that were represented in her class. Mrs. Jones
described her students in the following way:
Certainly in terms of ethnicity, I have African American students, I have Latino or
Hispanic students; I have Asian students. But if we are talking culture, then I have gay
and lesbian students, the genders are represented-male and female, um, I have a multitude
of cultures in my classroom. I have mixed race students, so they have mixed cultures,
depending on, you know, where their parents are from and what they’ve been taught at
home. I also have Caucasian students.
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Similar to the way Mrs. Jones described her cultural background, the students in the focus group
identified their cultural backgrounds in the following way:
FS1
7
: Guatemalan.
FS2: Mexican, but my family is very American. One half likes to do a lot of modern
American stuff, like camping and adventurous stuff compared to my other half of
my family. They are really cultural and likes Mexican parties and all of that.
FS3: Um, well I’m mixed–I mean, of course I’m Black, but I’m mixed with a lot of
other stuff from my grandmother’s side and from my dad’s side. Mostly I’m
Native American, Black, and Creole, so if someone asks me, I just say Creole as a
basic sum up because it's a mixture of a lot of stuff so I just say that. But on tests
and everything–I put Black/African American.
MS4
8
: I identify as African-American.
Although Mrs. Jones emphasized race and ethnicity in her perspectives about culture, Mrs.
Jones’s definition of culturally responsive pedagogy reflected more nuanced and complex
understanding of culture. Mrs. Jones defined culturally responsive pedagogy in the following
statement:
To be culturally responsive means it’s my responsibility to figure out what my students
believe and what their skills are and how best to meet those skills. It’s not just about a
cookie-cutter strategy that’s gonna work for everybody. I have to try to identify in each
student, individually, what will work best. Certainly, there are some things that work best
for a whole group, but if I find that some of those don’t meet the needs for individual

7
FS – Female Student
8
MS – Male Student.
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students then its up to me to figure out what’s important. It’s kind of like speaking to the
soul-what’s gonna speak to that student.
Although Mrs. Jones defined her cultural background mainly through her “Blackness,” which as
she described above as having a great impact on her teaching career, she did not speak to the
realities of how culture is informed by larger racial and ethnic categories in her definition of
culturally responsive pedagogy. Instead, Mrs. Jones’s definition of culturally responsiveness
spoke to the individualized nature of culture, but did not speak to the larger systemic issues of
race as a socially constructed category through which individual members of racial categories
(including those with perceived membership in racial categories) have shared experiences just by
being a member or a perceived member of a racial category. As such, Mrs. Jones’s definition of
culturally responsive pedagogy did not speak to the importance of developing her students’
critical consciousness. As Nasir and Hand (2006) explain, ignoring race denies the implications
of power and the marginalization of racial communities’ cultural practices and discourses. The
development of students’ critical consciousness seeks to help students recognize, understand, and
critique current, social inequities (Ladson-Billings, 2009). The data revealed that although Mrs.
Jones had several cultural artifacts posted around her classroom, she used the cultural
knowledges of people of color as a way to introduce an academic concept to her students and did
not use those knowledges for any other purpose. For example, during a lesson on rhyme patterns,
Mrs. Jones used a YouTube video that projected the lyrics to 2Pac’s rap titled “Changes” as his
rap played in the background. While the rap played and the lyrics rolled up the screen, the
students were able to read the lyrics in the context of the music and beats. Mrs. Jones told her
students to look for patterns or “schemes” in the rap. Below are the lyrics of 2Pac’s “Changes”
that were shown to the students during the 4-minute YouTube video:
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Verse 1:
I see no changes, wake up in the morning and I ask myself:
"Is life worth living? Should I blast myself?"
I'm tired of being poor and, even worse, I'm black
My stomach hurts so I'm looking for a purse to snatch
Cops give a damn about a negro
Pull the trigger, kill a nigga, he's a hero
"Give the crack to the kids: who the hell cares?
One less hungry mouth on the welfare!"
First ship 'em dope and let 'em deal to brothers
Give 'em guns, step back, watch 'em kill each other
"It's time to fight back," that's what Huey said
2 shots in the dark, now Huey's dead
I got love for my brother
But we can never go nowhere unless we share with each other
We gotta start making changes
Learn to see me as a brother instead of 2 distant strangers
And that's how it's supposed to be
How can the Devil take a brother if he's close to me?
I'd love to go back to when we played as kids
But things change... and that's the way it is

Hook:
That's just the way it is
Things'll never be the same
That's just the way it is
Aww yeah

Verse 2:
I see no changes, all I see is racist faces
Misplaced hate makes disgrace to races
We under, I wonder what it takes to make this
One better place, let's erase the wasted
Take the evil out the people, they'll be acting right
Cause both Black and White are smoking crack tonight
And the only time we chill is when we kill each other
It takes skill to be real, time to heal each other
And although it seems heaven-sent
We ain't ready to see a Black President
It ain't a secret, don't conceal the fact:
The penitentiary's packed, and it's filled with blacks
But some things will never change
Try to show another way but you staying in the dope game
Now tell me, what's a mother to do?
Being real don't appeal to the brother in you
You gotta operate the easy way
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"I made a G today" but you made it in a sleazy way
Selling crack to the kids, "I gotta get paid!"
Well hey, but that's the way it is

Talking:
We gotta make a change
It's time for us as a people to start making some changes
Let's change the way we eat, let's change the way we live
And let's change the way we treat each other
You see the old way wasn't working so it's on us to do
What we gotta do to survive

Verse 3:
And still I see no changes, can't a brother get a little peace
It's war on the streets and a war in the Middle East
Instead of war on poverty
They got a war on drugs so the police can bother me
And I ain't never did a crime I ain't have to do
But now I'm back with the facts giving it back to you
Don't let 'em jack you up, back you up
Crack you up and pimp-smack you up
You gotta learn to hold your own
They get jealous when they see you with your mobile phone
But tell the cops they "can't touch this"
I don't trust this, when they try to rush I bust this
That's the sound of my tool
You say it ain't cool, my mama didn't raise no fool
And as long as I stay black, I gotta stay strapped
And I never get to lay back
Cause I always got to worry 'bout the payback
Some buck that I roughed up way back
Coming back after all these years
"Rat-a-tat-tat-tat-tat!" That's the way it is

At one point in during the video, Mrs. Jones stopped the video and asked the students to identify
the rhyming pattern. During the discussion, Mrs. Jones explained to her students:
Hip Hop artists change words in pronunciation. Sometimes artists will change the words
to fit their home language in order to get a specific rhyming pattern. When they do this,
they change the spelling and pronunciation.
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After the video finished, Mrs. Jones told the students that they would be identifying rhyming
patterns of poems in their Twelfth grade British Literature. The lesson, however, did not develop
students’ critical consciousness, as the students were not required to analyze or discuss the
symbolism of the lyrics or the historical context of the rap. Mrs. Jones explained to the students
why Hip Hop artists may change words in pronunciation as though the students bought no
knowledge or understanding of this topic to the class. There were no opportunities within this
lesson for students to discuss their knowledge of the meaning of the lyrics or the ways in which
students understand how Hip Hop artists use language. Without opportunities for students to
discuss and question, Mrs. Jones was unable to learn about her students, their knowledges, and
skills. Students were only asked to identify rhyming patterns, first of the rap and then for poems
written in their textbook.
Mrs. Jones stated that her students’ cultural backgrounds were important to her lesson
planning:
My students’ cultures have everything to do with my lesson planning. I don’t even start
planning a lesson without taking those things into consideration. If I don’t understand
their cultural backgrounds, I might plan a lesson that is not relevant, you know totally
meaningless to them. The whole thing with teaching, with planning and teaching–you
want your students to buy in; you want your students to be interested and if I don’t
consider those cultural backgrounds whether it’s race, gender, religion, whatever it is,
then I can present or lecture all I want to; I can have all the projects and fun things I want
to and some students, many of them may not even make the connection. We remember
things when we make the connection–we learn when we make the connection.
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The students in the focus group also spoke to the importance of using their cultural knowledges
in the classroom. The Mexican-American student stated:
…For example some Mexicans, the way I see it, some Mexicans see it as they suffer a lot
and their culture went through all this stuff, but then again when we have, like, the Black
version of it, they went through the same. So we can relate and compare. It’s not that
Whites had it well, Blacks had it well–they’ve all gone through something.
The student’s statement echoed one of the goals of culturally responsive teaching, which is for
teachers to create spaces within academic learning opportunities for students to share and learn
about each other’s cultural backgrounds. However, the Black female student emphasized the
need to have a culturally competent teacher in order to incorporate students’ cultural knowledges
in the classroom when she said:
It would be good to have that [opportunities to infuse cultural knowledges] in school but
if the teacher knows how to do it right and we have a mature enough crowd because it
can always turn into something else that it’s not supposed to be.
The student described an incident that happened in another teacher’s class who did not “know
how to do it right” when the teacher showed several videos depicting the 1960s Civil Rights
Movement in one of the students’ classes:
BF: It [the video] was all like what Blacks went through and what Mexicans went
through and some kids who aren’t mature enough like they’d make side jokes
about it. But then again I mean I don't think they quite understood the concept of
the videos so they thought it was funny to point something out and make fun of it
knowing there’s other kids who take it serious and it might have offended them.
MAF: Some people in their own family might have gone through that.
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GF: Yea, exactly.
While the Black female student argued that teachers should just “leave it alone” the Mexican-
American female students expressed that leaving it alone and not integrating cultural knowledges
into their lessons would be detrimental because “they’re [students] gonna think its okay for them
to do it, you get me?” In the lesson on rhyming patterns described above, Mrs. Jones did not
create any opportunities for students to speak about their ability to relate to this video to see if
they “understood the concept” of the lyrics, as Mrs. Jones did all of the talking and explaining.
There were no opportunities before, during, or after the lesson for Mrs. Jones to see if her
students could “make a connection” to the rap that she used to encourage the students to “buy in”
to the concept of rhyming patterns. The lack of opportunity for students to discuss their
perspectives on the meaning of the rap and the use of language and rhyming patterns used by Hip
Hop artists resulted in a missed opportunities for Mrs. Jones to facilitate the development of
students’ critical consciousness and learn more about her students’ knowledges and skills. Mrs.
Jones, who showed excitement and commitment to culturally responsive pedagogy, was unable
to use her students’ cultural knowledges as a way to promote students’ academic development
through rigorous and cognitively demanding academic tasks.
Quality of Academic Tasks
The data from the lessons I observed revealed that the types of academic tasks Mrs. Jones
used to facilitate learning in her class promoted both passive and active learning. The emphasis
that Mrs. Jones placed on students’ cultural knowledges, providing guidance to her students
thinking, and creating opportunities for students to work in groups created moments in which
students engaged in active learning. However, during academic tasks that were based in the
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textbook, the academic tasks promoted more passive learning, creating a learning environment
where there were moments of active learning and periods of more passive learning.
Mrs. Jones stated that opportunities for students to draw on their cultural knowledges are
built in to her lessons. Consistent with the constructivist perspective that new knowledge is built
upon existing knowledge, Mrs. Jones explained:
Well, you know, it’s as simple as, it gets back to my thinking maps training, I am a
thinking maps trainer, so I do use a lot of thinking maps and other graphic organizers or
whatever they are and so we always start with that essential question and then what do
you know, it’s that simple, what do you know, back to that old K-W-L chart. It seems
played out a lot of times, but you have to start there because if I don't ask them what they
know already and try to ascertain in some formative way what they know then I don’t
know what I need to use to scaffold or teach so that they can get where they need to be;
so um it’s just that simple-you start there.
During the student focus group interview, the students expressed the importance of a
teacher being able to relate to them. On this topic, they predominately spoke of the type of
academic tasks they needed for learning experiences to be meaningful. As the students
explained:
BM: In some classes they just talk all period and not give us a chance…
BF: We don’t learn anything…
BM: Yea, they’re just talking and we’re just taking down notes that we have nothing
knowledge about.
GF: All we do is copy.
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BM: Copy and paste…so when it comes down to AP Exams, we’re just looking for
where the board is for us to copy and paste on. They’re babying us; they’re
babying us.
MF: I think every time we take notes, there should be an activity with it so that you can
apply the notes you took with what you are really learning and you can make
sense of all of it.
The students expressed a desire to engage in both active learning activities and active mental
experiences. The students spoke of a need to be challenged in the classroom and to do more than
just “copy and paste.” In another example of constructivist principles, the students’ provided
examples of what they need from their teachers to engage in meaningful learning. The Black
female student said:
I think questions should be asked and answered–that is how you [the teacher] will know
if students are learning or paying attention. Students should ask the questions and
teachers should answer them. Teachers should ask the students questions to know that
students are paying attention. And then it should be like an open discussion, actually, so
everybody can say what they are getting and what they don’t get. Cause 9 times out of 10
if you feel like you’re the only person that doesn’t get anything, there’s like 5 more
students who don’t get it.
Here the Black female student discussed learning from a constructivist perspective in her
emphasis that “questions should be asked and answered” to reveal to the teacher “if students are
learning or paying attention.” In addition, the Black female student discussed working with
student peers, or a “more knowledgeable other” on assignments, which reflected the
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sociocultural teaching and learning perspective. During the interview, the students described
working with their peers in the following dialogue:
GF: Sometimes, I’m not saying that we should oh not be with our friends in like
groups, sometimes that causes goofing off, I guess, but like she said, someone
who actually knows it and someone that doesn’t so that they should like maybe do
a little switching – I don’t know like put you in groups – I don’t know.
BM: Personally, I feel like the topics that the teachers are telling us to do we should
learn; the teacher should try and make it more relatable to us.
Both students, again, discussed meaningful learning experiences that aligned with both
constructivist and sociocultural principles.
The quality of the academic task during discussion resides with the quality of the
conversation and who is actually doing the talking. For example, during a discussion on the
meaning of one of the poems the students were assigned to read, Mrs. Jones projected a thinking
map on the screen and the following discussion took place between Mrs. Jones and three
students, one Black female, one White male, and a Latino student:
BM: Why didn’t he just close the door?
T: Who can answer?
WM
9
: Because the wife was disrespectful.
BM: I don’t think that is disrespectful
T: Well, we have to understand the historical context.
LM: Mrs. Jones, couldn’t the man be considered hardworking if he had to take care of
his family. I don’t think the wife should be considered hardworking.

9
WM – White Male Student.
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T: Yes, I’m not sure if we understand the historical context.
As Mrs. Jones went on to explain a little more about the time period in which the poem was
written to help the students understand the context in which the poem was written, it was Mrs.
Jones who had done most of “the talking.” Furthermore, Mrs. Jones did not encourage cognitive
conflicts or cultural responsiveness by asking the male students to define their understanding of
disrespect. Rather her emphasis on the “historical context” of the story reiterated whose
knowledge actually counted in the classroom. Overall, the example demonstrates that Mrs. Jones
did not promote the development of students’ critical consciousness in either lesson by having
students speak to broader societal issues.
Academic Feedback
A teacher who demonstrates authentic care to her students will scaffold and work with
her students as a partner in their academic development (Garza, 2009; Antrop-González & De
Jesús, 2006; Gay, 2002). Over the course of five direct classroom observations, the data showed
that Mrs. Jones constantly circulated the room, stopping to work with individual students and
within the small student groups. During an activity, Mrs. Jones assigned students to work in their
small groups to deconstruct the meanings of several poems from their English textbook. Mrs.
Jones returned work to the students explained that they had already completed this activity, but
students had missed an important part of the assignment which was to “cite the text” in order for
the students to support their responses. After Mrs. Jones handed all of the work back to the
students, she began to circulate the classroom, working with students individually and in their
small groups. As she approached each group, Mrs. Jones picked up a student’s paper, read it, and
said, “Here, I need a citation.” Mrs. Jones looked at the paper of a Black male and Black female
student and said, “Here they are talking about the dog; you have to cite here”. Mrs. Jones walked
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to another group and began to work with a Black male student. The following took place during
this interaction:
T: Okay, so the question is asking you about irony. What is irony?
S: Could it be violent?
T: But, what could we expect her to do? Look at the stanza.
S: (pointing to his book with his finger) This is a stanza, right?
T: (shaking her head yes) Yes
The teacher and the student then begin to read out of the textbook when the teacher states the
following:
T: We expect her to do something different, but she closed the door, which leads to the
potential of violence, but we laugh at it. What kind of irony is that?
S: Situational irony?
T: Yes!
Mrs. Jones worked with students individually to give them specific academic feedback.
Even during whole class instruction or presentations, Mrs. Jones continued to give academic
feedback to her students that were helped to guide their thinking. In one example, a pair of
Latinas volunteered to present second, this is part of the interaction that took place between
themselves and the teacher during the presentation:
T: How good what he as his job?
S: He was rich
T: So, what does that say?
S: He can take care of business
T: What is the irony of the story?
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S: (looking at the teacher) He’s a servant, but he’s rich
T: Tel the class – public voice
S: (in a louder voice) He’s a servant, but he’s’ rich. Nowadays, we don’t expect that
T: Have you ever heard about someone dying and there’s all this cash in their apartment.
What kind of irony do we call this?
S: situational irony
In the above exchange, Mrs. Jones provided guidance and feedback to the Latina students as they
gave their presentation to the class. Mrs. Jones asked specific questions to not only guide the
students through their presentation, but also guide the students’ thinking to help them identify the
type of irony the Reeve character symbolized in the novel.
During the interview, the three female students described the role of the teacher as an
integral component in creating meaningful learning opportunities:
GF
10
: For me, it would be subject wise. Yea, cause I feel that some of my teachers don't
really teach it the right way, so I just get the book and learn from it.
BF: I agree with her, some teachers don’t really do much so you have to do a lot
yourself. Not all teachers are like that, but some are…
MAF
11
:I agree with them too. Mostly, in most of my classes, I’ll just be sitting there and I
have no idea what they are talking about and they hand out tests expecting us to
like know everything when they actually didn’t teach us anything.
For the students who participated in the focus group, it was very important that their teachers
who actively with their students in the teaching and learning process. Similar to the sociocultural
view of the teacher as the facilitator and the constructivist perspective that teachers can help

10
GF – Guatemalan Female Student
11
MAF – Mexican American Female Student
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guide their students thinking, the focus group students talked at length about how it is necessary
for teachers to actively support, guide, and provide feedback in the learning process.
In an example of how Mrs. Jones gave feedback to her students, she made make explicit
the cognitive skills the students used during the lesson. On the second day of annotating the
Canterbury Tales, the teacher facilitated a lesson that contained elements of constructivism and
socioculturalism. While the students’ knowledge remained central to the interactions between the
students and with Mrs. Jones. Below is an example of an exchange in which Mrs. Jones makes
the cognitive skills the students are practicing explicit:
T: You have annotated the text by using the symbols, now we need to go back and write
out the questions you actually had about the text. So, in the margins of the text, write out
your questions in the margin – do not make side notes. Why didn’t I ask you to write
questions as you were reading yesterday?
BF: It makes us review.
T: Anyone else?
LM: Maybe the question is answered later on in the text.
T: Anything else?
LF: Maybe we get distracted and stop reading.
T: Ah! Our brain works from the beginning to the end and so by writing down questions
after will force us to re-read and write our questions. This will help us remember
BM: But, why can’t we annotate while we read the whole story
T: Well, it’s kind of like the difference between reading stories and reading articles.
Reading a novel is different from reading for factual information.
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In this exchange, Mrs. Jones, is pushed on the students thinking as she continued to ask the
students to elaborate more and to provide other meanings. The questions Mrs. Jones asked
pushed the students to think about the academic practice of annotating a text. Her use of “us” and
“we” positioned herself as the teacher as a learner and a facilitator rather than an all-knowing
master of her subject. Once the students wrote their questions, Mrs. Jones directed them to share
their questions with their small groups. During this five-minute period, the students’ spoke in
their groups about the different questions they had and then Mrs. Jones called the students
attention:
T: Now, let’s share some of our question to the whole class.
BM: Why does the text include a breakdown of the feudal system?
T: Anyone know?
LM: I read through and the information is important because it describes their cast
system.
Mrs. Jones then began to elaborate on the feudal system, but did not allow the Latino student
who “read through” and found the “breakdown of the feudal system” to be “important”. She did
not give the Latino student an opportunity to elaborate or draw on additional knowledge that was
similar to the feudal system. Additionally, Mrs. Jones did not ask students to consider ways in
which they understand or can relate to the feudal system. The following exchange took place
when another student asked another question he had about the text:
LM: Why was it common to retell old stories?
T: Anyone have a reason?
BM: They were the only stories they knew
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BM: Maybe they retold old stories for the kids
LM: These were stories they told to children so they could remember.
T: How does this compare to today? Where do we get out information from?
Several conversations erupted after the teacher asked this question and I could not ascertain what
the students said to each other. Again, Mrs. Jones attempted to allow students to share their
knowledge, but she did not push their knowledge. In the discussion about feudal systems and
retelling stories, Mrs. Jones did not explicitly ask for cultural examples, connections to the
students’ world, and seemed to stop the discussion with teacher provided examples and
elaboration. Patchen and Cox-Peterson (2008) suggested that teachers could encourage students
to construct knowledge by presenting new information that creates a “cognitive conflicts” in the
learner. Although Mrs. Jones created a learning experience in which students worked in their
small groups and as a whole class, she did not seem to give students time, in the whole group, to
allow the students to answer each other’s question. In this lesson, the teacher seemed to be the
“more knowledgeable other.”
Academic Behavioral Expectations
As described earlier, teachers who express an ethic of authentic teacher care support their
students’ academic development with the type of academic feedback and support teachers
provide students (Valenzuela, 1999). With an explicit focus on the academic knowledge and skill
development of her students, Mrs. Jones provided explicit and clear feedback to her students.
Mrs. Jones also made clear what types of behaviors she expected from her students during class.
Valenzuela (1999) calls this “gentle nudging.” Below the data will describe the ways Mrs. Jones
demonstrated elements of authentic teacher care in her ability to maintain high behavioral
expectations.
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When students spoke in class to participate in class discussions, to volunteer to read, and
to conduct a class presentation, Mrs. Jones would often interrupt the students to tell them to use
their “public voices” so that everyone in the class could hear what the students were saying.
Another phrase that Mrs. Jones commonly used when she saw a student with headphones in
his/her ear was to calmly, almost without interrupting her statement say, “Unplug please.”
Finally, during transitions between activities Mrs. Jones would stop in the middle of what she
was doing to wait for the students to refocus. For example, after Mrs. Jones took attendance at
the beginning of class one morning, she attempted to transition into the learning activity by
giving directions. Many students were talking amongst themselves in their small groups and Mrs.
Jones stopped in the middle giving directions and stated, “Is everyone ready?” She then paused
and waited for the students to stop talking. On a different day in which I observed the class, a
Black male student yelled out, “That’s bullshit!” It was unclear what the student was reacting to;
however, Mrs. Jones stopped taking attendance and said, “Watch your language! Excuse me
ladies and gentlemen, I’m hearing language that is not appropriate for school.” She paused and
waited for the class to quiet down, after which she resumed calling attendance aloud. During
another observation, a male Latino student put his headphones in his ears. After Mrs. Jones
walked over to the student, the following conversation took place:
T: Don’t plug in on me
S: I’m tired
T: You’re too young to be tired
S: I’m sick
T: I know, you just have to plow through
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Here, Mrs. Jones offered support to her student while she advised the student to continue
working. Mrs. Jones’s level of care for her students was visible in her attempts to keep her
students focused in class and to remind the students of the types of behaviors she expected to see
from her students.
Another example of Mrs. Jones’s ability to guide her students’ behaviors so that they
were in line with the expectations she maintained for her students in the learning environment.
The following interaction took place during a student presentation in which Mrs. Jones
demonstrated how she embraced the role of the teacher as an assistant. In Mrs. Jones’s class, the
students were reading the Canterbury Tales and pairs of students were assigned a character to
teach to the class. Mrs. Jones gave the following directions at the beginning of class:
• Everyone is listening,
• We are not making fun of each other or joking around,
• Many of us get nervous while speaking in front of the class, so there will be no
distractions or derogatory comments,
• Presenters make sure to speak in a public voice,
• Your job for today is to teach the character you’ve been assigned,
• Be sure that you discuss whatever question you had about your character, and
• Exhale; don't be nervous, I speak in front of teenager everyday.
The type of academic support reflected in these directions that Mrs. Jones gave to her students
are clear guidelines and reminders for what Mrs. Jones expects the students to do as presenters
and listeners.
Although Mrs. Jones was able to redirect students’ behaviors that redirected their off-task
behaviors, there was one student behavioral pattern that demonstrated the intersection of
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behavioral expectations and the quality of the academic task. As mentioned earlier, the students
in Mrs. Jones’s class are seated in small groups of four. The layout of the classroom resulted in
one student in each group whose back faced the front of the classroom. The students who sat in
these seats would have to turn around in his/her seat in order to face the teacher, a presenter, the
screen, and/or the front whiteboard. Similarly, there was one student in each group whose back
faced the side white board, which meant the student would also have to turn around to see the
material on the white board. Over the course of the observations, I noticed that the student in
each group whose back faced the front or the side of the classroom typically had their phone out
in their lap or had other papers on their desk. Other times, students were engaged in their own
conversations during an activity. One particular Latino student sat near the side white board in
the class, but always sat in the seat where his back would face front of the class. He would have
his phone out during class and would put it away as the teacher circulated the classroom and
walked closer to his desk. As soon as Mrs. Jones walked away, the student would take his phone
out again. One the opposite side of the classroom, a group of male students, one Latino and two
Black, sat in desks near the window and would occasionally talk quietly amongst themselves
when Mrs. Jones gave directions to the class. There were points during each observation in
which students would periodically appear to be off-task. A teacher who is able to express
authentic care for her students by providing specific academic feedback and support would not
leave a student alone. While Mrs. Jones attempted to make her directions clear, there were
occasions in each observation I conducted where the students were visibly off-task. The data
revealed, as described earlier, that when the lessons gave students opportunities to infuse their
cultural knowledges and real-life experiences into the lesson, all of the students became more
engaged, including those students whose backs were faced the front of the classroom.
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Socioculturalists also believe that the context in which learning takes place directly
impacts the learner and what he/she acquires from the learning experience (Tharp & Gallimore,
1988). Using the same example above, there were several students around the classroom who
were not following the poem in the text as a few students were whispering among themselves
and another student was on his cell phone. However, once Mrs. Jones and her students began
laughing, all of the students who were previously visibly off-task were then on-task by following
along in the text and even volunteering to read one of the poems. One of the patterns of
interaction that was seen in the observations is that when Mrs. Jones and her students made
connections to the content, all of the students became visibly engaged in the lesson.
In another example of how Mrs. Jones gently guided her students’ classroom behavior in
the classroom, I will highlight a lesson that called for students to read Old English poems from
the textbook aloud. One Latina, who had volunteered to read aloud, made an error while she was
reading and began to stutter. The students, including the student reading aloud, and Mrs. Jones
all laughed. Mrs. Jones then stated, “I’m glad we’re all friends in here. It’s safe to make a
mistake.” Everyone in the class laughed for a second time. When the Latina student finished
reading, Mrs. Jones asked for another volunteer and continued by saying, “We should pick one
of your friends who are laughing.” This time, a Latino student volunteered to read and also began
to make some mistakes while reading aloud. The teacher then reminded the student to “watch for
punctuation when you read so you know when to pause.” The student continued to read from the
text, “Oh yes!” The class again erupted into laughter. The willingness of the students to
volunteer to read and make mistakes in front of their peers and their teacher demonstrated the
trust and openness that existed between Mrs. Jones and her students, as well as between the
students themselves.
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An ethic of authentic teacher care calls for a genuine respect for students in which the
teacher treats the student as an equal partner in their own academic development and does not
disrespect or denigrate students. It is the relatedness, the personal connection, between a teacher
and her student that create the learning environments in which learning can take place (Gay,
2002; Noddings, 1988; Valenzuela, 1999). Research Valenzuela (1999) illustrate that academic
achievement can only take place in environments in which the student is cared for. The focus
group students described meaningful classrooms as “comfortable.” The Black female student
explained, “’cause its comfortable in class, it’s easy to learn.” The Guatemalan student stating,
“students aren’t afraid to actually ask”. For Mrs. Jones, she described teacher care as “the grease
in the wheel. You know without it, in the classroom nothing happens…caring is about
feeling…for teenagers, especially, it’s about what they feel.” The students expressed it is in a
“comfortable” context that makes it “easier” for students to take not be “afraid” and take
academic risks and “actually ask.”
Similar to the students’ statement, Mrs. Jones made a connection between the caring
teacher and student learning opportunities. Mrs. Jones claimed that she had been vulnerable with
her students in which she demonstrated passion and emotions while she has taught in her classes.
I conducted an observation in Mrs. Jones’s class was the same day that Nelson Mandela died.
Mrs. Jones had a live video feed of the news coverage of Mandela’s death showing on the screen
in her classroom. At the start of class, Mrs. Jones, with a shaky voice stated:
“Today, I feel heavy, as it is a day of remembrance for Nelson Mandela. This reminds me
of Dr. King’s death that I witnessed as a child. I am also remembering today watching the
television coverage of Nelson Mandela’s release from prison with my young daughter at
home – it was the same experience that I had as a young child being sat down by my
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mother to watch the television coverage of Dr. King’s death. Today, we will watch a PBS
documentary for about 20 minutes about Mandela and his message of forgiveness. I don’t
know how I would have handled the situation myself. I would have probably been so
angry that I’m not sure if I would have been so forgiving. Madiba, is the name we call
Mandela, which is a term of respect. Today, people are in mourning, but people
rejoicing.”
As the students listened to Mrs. Jones, she became emotional and began to cry and she
continued:
“My job becomes more important today to do what I do each day for you. This is what
Mandela did and I hope I can continue to do what I do with the same passion. When I
look at each of you, as seniors, I hope that when you leave here, you find your purpose
and dedicate your lives to making the world better for all people…excuse me.”
Mrs. Jones excused herself through her tears and walked to her computer where she started the
documentary. The words that Mrs. Jones spoke to her students demonstrated the deep and
personal care and commitment she held for her students’ academic and social development. In
addition, Mrs. Jones demonstrated her ability to maintain reciprocity in her relationships with her
students by not treating or speaking to students as though they are beneath her, but as equal
partners in the exchange of teaching and learning.
Conclusion
Using my Conceptual Framework as the lens I used to analyze the data in this case study
of Mrs. Jones and her Twelfth grade English students, the data revealed the ways in which Mrs.
Jones used some elements of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care in her
classroom. Although Mrs. Jones spoke about her support and use of cultural responsiveness and
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teacher care, the data revealed the epistemological and ontological factors of her pedagogy,
curriculum, and interactions with her students of color that demonstrated the areas that prevented
Mrs. Jones from creating learning experiences that were meaningful to her students of color.
Mrs. Jones stated beliefs about the role of race and ethnicity, culture, knowledge, and
student participation in the teaching and learning process gave the impression that Mrs. Jones
very purposefully created learning experiences in which students would draw upon their cultural
knowledges as they constructed knowledge and skills in the subject area. However, the data
revealed that the pedagogy Mrs. Jones utilized in her classroom illustrated a narrower
epistemology that framed how Mrs. Jones treated students’ cultural knowledges in the classroom.
Students’ cultural knowledges and skills were typically used as an entry point or an introductory
piece of the lessons that created spaces for students to consider their prior knowledge on a
particular subject or skill. In addition, the data showed that the majority of culturally rich
examples, worldviews, and perspectives came from Mrs. Jones and not the students. By not
utilizing students’ cultural knowledges in ways that would enable students to engage in more
rigorous academic tasks, Mrs. Jones positioned these knowledges as illegitimate in the classroom
and missed opportunities to develop students’ critical consciousness. Although Mrs. Jones
embraced an attitude of cultural competence, infused cultural remnants into her lessons, and
displayed cultural artifacts in her classroom, Mrs. Jones’s treatment of students’ cultural
knowledges as only a way to gain students attention reinforces the essentialist view that only a
certain type of knowledge should be studied and practiced in the classroom. Mrs. Jones aesthetic
treatment of culturally responsive pedagogy does not equate the type of epistemological bridge
that would facilitate meaningful learning of English 12 for the students of color in Mrs. Jones’s
class.
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The data demonstrates that Mrs. Jones did work with her students to provide specific
academic feedback and explicit guidance on the types of behaviors expected in her class, often
guiding students’ thinking. Considering the individualized feedback and support Mrs. Jones gave
to her students during learning activities and the small group seating arrangement of the students
in her class that facilitated small group student work, the data revealed the level of comfort and
personal relationship shared by Mrs. Jones and her students in the context of the learning
environment. This ontological pedagogical bridge, constructed through the types of relationships
and interactions Mrs. Jones and her students engaged in during learning activities fostered a
learning environment in which the students and teacher supported and assisted each other.
Although the data did not reveal racialized patterns of interactions between Mrs. Jones and her
students of color, she did not always treat her students as an equal partner in students’ own
learning. During many of the lessons, Mrs. Jones did the majority of the talking, leaving little or
no room for student perspectives or worldviews. While Mrs. Jones spoke explicitly in class about
her personal experiences with issues of race, she did not create these same opportunities for
students, who are also racial beings, to share and discuss their own perspectives. In addition, the
data revealed that Mrs. Jones struggled to keep students on task and engaged in the learning
activities.
The case study of Mrs. Jones and her Twelfth grade English students demonstrated the
complex ways pedagogy and learning context both impact the type of learning opportunities
available to students. The complex factors of epistemology and ontology revealed themselves
through this case study. From an ontological and epistemological perspective, the data revealed
that although Mrs. Jones self-identified as a racial being, a Black woman who explicitly
discussed her personal and racialized experiences in school and society, she did not create
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learning opportunities for her students of color to make their own cultural connections to the
academic lesson or any opportunities to develop students critical consciousness through teaching
and learning. By not explicitly recognizing her students of color as racial beings, with collective
racial histories, knowledges, and skills to be used and cultivated in the classroom Mrs. Jones
delegitimized who her students of color were and the knowledges and skills they brought to
class. The data demonstrated that when Mrs. Jones allowed her students to talk and when the
class discussed issues that were personally meaningful and relevant to students, the students were
engaged in the learning experiences. However, these were brief moments of discussion or lesson
introductions, as the lessons turned back to textbook work.
Cross Case Analysis
This section explores the intersections of authentic teacher care, culturally responsive
pedagogy, and meaningful learning, as defined by the constructivist and sociocultural
perspectives, revealed in these case studies. The data in Table C summarizes how each teacher’s
pedagogical practices are aligned with authentic teacher care, culturally responsive pedagogy,
and meaningful learning as described by the constructivist and sociocultural learning theories.
Table C
Comparison of Pedagogy and Patterns of Classroom Interactions
Pedagogy and
Theory
Components of
Conceptual
Framework
Teachers

Mrs. Wilder, Grade
9 Biology
Mrs. Jones, Grade
12 English

Culturally
Responsive
Pedagogy
Cultural
Competence

Culture defined by
students’ physical
features and assumed
racial group
membership

Students’ culture not
Culture defined
mainly by family,
race, and ethnicity
membership; some
broader
understandings of
culture (e.g., gamer
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incorporated into
planning or
facilitation of lessons

One culture-specific
academic poster
displayed in class
culture, Hip Hop
culture)

Culture-specific
academic posters and
artifacts displayed in
class

Classroom rules
grounded in African-
American culture

Students’ cultural
knowledges used as
an entry point into
academic lessons
Development of
Critical
Consciousness
No opportunities to
discuss or develop
critical or
sociopolitical
consciousness
No opportunities to
discuss or develop
critical or
sociopolitical
consciousness

Authentic Teacher
Care
Academic Feedback

Academic feedback
contained direct
answers

No direct feedback to
Latino students

Non-academic
feedback to Black
students

Explicit directions to
White students for
expected classroom
behaviors
Specific academic
feedback that guided
student thinking

Individual, small
group, and whole
class feedback

No feedback to
redirect some
students’ off-task
behavior

Explicit directions for
expected classroom
behaviors
Behavioral Support

Did not remain moral
authority in
interactions with
Black students

Opportunities for
students to speak
openly about families
Open dialogue and
opportunities for
students to question
each other and their
teacher

Interactions
predominately
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and lives outside of
school

Interactions
predominately non-
academic
academic

Teacher as equal
partner; able to
vulnerable with
students

Modeled caring
attitude and
characteristics
Meaningful
Learning
Constructivist

No opportunities for
students to think
about their prior
knowledge in relation
to academic topic/task

Feedback did not
guide students’
thinking

Unaddressed
misconceptions of
academic material
Feedback guided
student thinking

Teacher role as
facilitator to guide
student thinking

Lessons included
opportunities for
students to think
individually first

Opportunities for
students to question
each other, what they
were learning, and
each other
Sociocultural

Teacher, textbook,
videos, and
worksheets were “all-
knowing” and all of
the content

No student
collaboration on
academic tasks

No opportunities for
sharing of cultural
backgrounds and
knowledges

Learning environment
was disruptive to
students’ learning
opportunities
Teacher as partner in
classroom; did not
place herself above
students

Teacher as facilitator

Student seating
arrangement in small
groups of 4

Lessons moved from
individual, to small
group, to whole group

Cultures used to
mediate student
learning

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Students became more
engaged when lessons
seemed to relate to
them

A teacher’s pedagogy is an extension of the teacher’s notions of culture and knowledge. The
differences in the learning opportunities that existed in Mrs. Wilder and Mrs. Jones’s classrooms
are consistent with the different pedagogical practices of each teacher. Often presented as
separate pedagogies and theories of learning, the data from this study helped me understand how
elements of authentic teacher care and cultural responsiveness are aligned with constructivist and
sociocultural perspectives. These intersections reveal the complex and yet purposeful ways a
teacher can create meaningful learning opportunities for her students. One such complex
intersection is grounded in a teacher’s conceptions of culture and knowledge. Both the
constructivist and sociocultural perspectives on learning state that all students come to the
classroom with prior knowledge that can be related to the academic topic taught in the classroom
(Anthony, 1996; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). A teacher’s pedagogy that is informed by
constructivist and sociocultural perspectives acknowledge that students’ have prior knowledges
and skills that students use to filter out irrelevant information and skills, to shape their questions
about new information and skills, and to make sense of new information and skills. While the
sociocultural and culturally responsive perspectives on learning describe students’ prior
knowledge as inherently cultural, the constructivist framework positions the learners’ prior
knowledge as an essential component to making learning experiences meaningful (Anthony,
1996; Gay, 2002; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). Constructivists characterize
learning as meaningful when students have opportunities to construct knowledge by using their
existing knowledge to wrestle with and make sense of new information, concepts, and skills.
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Therefore, students’ culture, which informs the knowledge students come to class with, is an
essential component to a teacher’s ability to create meaningful learning opportunities.
In a cross-case analysis, the following patterns were revealed in the cases of Mrs. Wilder and
Mrs. Jones’s efforts to create meaningful learning experiences for students of color through the
use of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care:
• Conceptions of culture and knowledge and culturally responsive pedagogy
• Culturally responsive pedagogy, authentic teacher care, and quality of academic task
• Quality of meaningful academic tasks
• Authentic teacher care and the learning environment
Mrs. Wilder and Mrs. Jones had different levels of cultural competence and experiences with
culturally responsive pedagogy. The section below is an analysis of the important components of
culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care that can be used to create meaningful
learning for students of color.
Conceptions of Culture and Knowledge and Culturally Responsive Pedagogy
The data from the observations, interviews, and document analysis revealed that teachers
understanding of culture and knowledge informed the ways teachers used or did not use students
cultural knowledges in the classroom. Mrs. Wilder, who held a narrow and superficial
understanding of culture and knowledge, also lacked the cultural competency to create learning
experiences that were meaningful for students of color. And while Mrs. Jones had a higher level
of cultural competence, she tended to use students cultural knowledges as cultural artifacts and
not as legitimate sources of knowledge in the classroom. The purpose of culturally responsive
pedagogy is to use students’ cultural knowledges as a legitimate type of knowledge, to facilitate
learning opportunities for students of color in ways offer personal relevance and meaning.
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Ladson-Billings (1995) stated that a teacher who uses culturally responsive pedagogy has a
broader definition of knowledge, including what knowledge is, how it is created, and how it is
assessed. A teacher’s conception of culture and knowledge is a factor of the teacher’s ability to
be culturally responsive.
Mrs. Wilder held a narrow and essentialist view of culture and knowledge that prevented
her from using culturally responsive pedagogy. She defined culture on the basis of racial and
ethnic group perceived membership and physical features and considered the knowledge in the
subject area she taught as static. The narrow ways that Mrs. Wilder understood culture impacted
Mrs. Wilder’s ability to know her students beyond oversimplified labels, prevented her from
seeing the disproportionate ways in which she treated her students of color and her White
students. The lack of academic and behavioral feedback Mrs. Wilder gave her students of color
when compared to the support she gave her White students perpetuated the lack of educational
opportunities students of color typically experience in classrooms.
However, Mrs. Jones considered culture from a more nuanced and complex
understanding. She understood the complexities of culture for students of color as being more
than just the students’ race or ethnicity and also about the other groups her students participate.
While she expected students to integrate their cultural knowledges into the learning experiences,
Mrs. Jones used this as a strategy to introduce an academic topic but limited what her students
were able to do with their cultural knowledges. She did not push students to speak explicitly
about their cultural knowledges and dominated most of the culture-specific discussions,
examples, and questions.
Cultural Responsiveness, Authentic Teacher Care, and Quality of Academic Tasks
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The data revealed some of the ways culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher
care inform the quality of academic tasks teachers give their students. The sociocultural
perspective on teaching and learning and culturally responsive pedagogy explains that culture
mediates learning, providing signs, symbols, and tools that facilitate learning (Gay, 2002;
Howard, 2001; Tharp & Gallimore, 1988). And the constructivist perspective on learning states
that learning takes place when students make connections of new knowledge and skills to what
the students already know, therefore constructing knowledge (Anthony, 1996). Cultural
responsive pedagogy helps teachers align their pedagogical practices to explicitly use students’
cultural knowledges to mediate learning. Additionally, a teacher’s pedagogy that is aligned with
cultural responsiveness expects students to be critical of knowledge, to challenge and question
knowledge, how it is created, and how it is judged (Ladson-Billings, 1995). The cognitive skills
used in thinking critically about societal conditions, the curriculum, an incident at school, or a
novel or poem can be used to facilitate students’ academic, social, and moral selves.
The data from Mrs. Wilder’s class showed that she did not provide opportunities for
students to use their cultural knowledges to relate to academic lessons. Mrs. Wilder’s held a
narrow view of culture and knowledge that prevented her from using culturally responsive
pedagogy. The work in Mrs. Wilder’s class was based solely on the textbook and other teacher
selected materials and student cultural knowledges were not tapped into during any lesson. The
data showed that academic tasks were confined to completing worksheets, copying lecture notes,
and watching Internet based videos. The lack of academic feedback reinforced the expectation
that students regurgitate teacher provided information. Even when students were given an
opportunity to work together on an academic task, the quality of the task did not promote active
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learning, which was consistent with the other types of academic task that the ninth grade students
completed.
Mrs. Jones attempted to use culturally responsive pedagogy to provide personal relevance
and meaning to students of color. The data illustrated that Mrs. Jones asked students to think
about what the students knew about a particular topic and often provided cultural references for
the students. Contrary to the role of teacher as a partner or facilitator, Mrs. Jones did not push
students to make these connections explicit themselves. In addition, Mrs. Jones did nothing to
promote students’ critical consciousness. The use of culturally responsive pedagogy in her class
was restricted to Mrs. Jones providing cultural references for her students. Even though she Mrs.
Jones provided very specific and detailed feedback to individual students, she did not push them
to make their own connections to their cultural knowledges. Finally, Mrs. Jones did not create
spaces during her lessons for student to practice and develop their critical consciousness.
Authentic Teacher Care, Cultural Competence, and the Learning Environment
One of the patterns that I noticed in the data was how the learning environment tended to
change when the teacher made personal connections to the students or when the academic
concepts provided some personal meaning to the students. For students of color, teachers who
establish authentic relationships with their teacher are shaped by a teacher’s ability to understand
how students’ cultural backgrounds and their collective and individual racialized experiences in
society impact the type of social, moral, and academic development students may need (Antrop-
González & De Jesús, 2006; Fránquiz & del Carmen Salazar, 2004; Garza, 2009;Thompson,
1988). For Mrs. Wilder and Mrs. Jones neither one of their classes had all of their students on
task all of the time. In Mrs. Wilder’s class the data revealed that there was a lot of student
interruption and off-task behavior. Mrs. Wilder only interfered to redirect unacceptable
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behaviors by her White students while she allowed the Black and Latino students continue to
exhibit off-task behaviors. The impact of the learner on the learning context, as described by
sociocultural learning theory, was evident in Mrs. Wilder’s class. The disruptions by the one
Black female student described in the data shifted the learning environment in ways that
interrupted the learning of her and the other peers in the class. The actions by Mrs. Wilder to
encourage the Black student’s disruptive behavior displayed the low academic and behavioral
expectations that Mrs. Wilder had for this student.
The relationships revealed in the data between Mrs. Jones and her students revealed a
learning environment that included close and personal relationship where even Mrs. Jones
allowed herself to be vulnerable within. The redirection that Mrs. Jones provided her students
showed that she cared about how her students behaved in her classroom. The data showed that
when the conversations in Mrs. Jones’ class began to speak to issues that students related to,
there was more participation by students who were previously off-task. From the constructionist
perspective, students will choose to be engaged in a lesson and become more of an active learner
when the student can build on their own knowledge (Anthony, 1996). Although Mrs. Jones used
students’ cultural knowledges as a hook to gain their interest in the academic concept of skill that
she taught, the students were initially interested. She missed opportunities in her class to push the
students thinking even further.

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CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
Data that describes the “achievement gap”, illustrate how schools continue to fail in
providing “proper education” for Black and Latino students. Since the 1990s, pedagogical
practices, such as culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care, have put a focus on
equipping teachers to be culturally congruent with their students of color, and yet the
“achievement gap” persists. In order to understand how culturally responsive pedagogy and
authentic teacher care are used in the classroom, I examined the pedagogical practices and
learning experiences of two high school teachers, one of their classes, and a small focus group of
Black and Latino students. Through the lenses of culturally responsive pedagogy, authentic
teacher care, and constructivist and sociocultural learning theories, each teacher’s pedagogy and
classroom experiences was described. Data from classroom observations, student and teacher
interviews, and instructional materials revealed that without the use of culturally responsive
pedagogy and authentic care, teachers’ epistemology (conceptions of knowledge) and ontology
(understandings of themselves and their students) informed a teacher’s pedagogy and the types
of learning environments that were inconsistent with the type of learning environments and
activities people need to have in place in order for learning to occur. In addition, this dissertation
made visible the ways culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care aligned with
constructivist and sociocultural learning theories.
Mrs. Wilder was a ninth grade Biology teacher who did not practice culturally responsive
pedagogy or an ethic to teacher care. Restrained by her limited conceptions of culture and
knowledge, the quality of the academic tasks she created for her students did not promote active
learning. Learning activities required little to no student thinking, no opportunities to reflect on
students’ cultural knowledges, and did not encourage students to ask any questions. The types of
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learning activities Mrs. Wilder facilitated with her students created no room for students to
develop their critical consciousness. These academic tasks reflected Mrs. Wilder’s essentialist
and Western views that confined opportunities for students to engage in learning Biology to
textbook-based activities that were not rigorous or challenging and did not require students to
critically examine information or texts. In racialized patterns of classroom interactions, Mrs.
Wilder gave her Black students superficial academic feedback and provided no academic
feedback to her Latino students. The aesthetic form of teacher care practiced by Mrs. Wilder was
revealed in her lack of behavioral guidance and support that could have guided her Black
students towards the types of interactions that would allow for themselves and their peers to
learn. Instead, the data showed that Mrs. Wilder did not provide support for her Latino students
and often encouraged Black students to taunt Latino students, as though she were too afraid to
hold her Black students accountable. Consequently, Latino students were unsupported in the
classroom by their teacher, even when the students asked for her assistance.
The case study of Mrs. Wilder showed how her beliefs about race and ethnicity, culture,
knowledge of the subject area she taught, and participation in learning activities informed the
types of learning experiences, curriculum, and patterns of interactions Mrs. Wilder facilitated in
her classroom. Without the pedagogical frameworks of cultural responsiveness and authentic
teacher care, Mrs. Wilder was unable to create learning experiences that were meaningful to
students of color. Instead, learning experiences were steeped in low expectations and inequitable
treatment of Black and Latino students in her class. Without these pedagogical frameworks, Mrs.
Wilder was unable to consider who her students were, how the subject area she taught could
connect to her students and the knowledges and skills students had walking into her classroom,
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and how the types of social interactions that existed in the classroom created a learning
environment that impeded student learning for students of color.
Mrs. Jones, a twelfth grade English teacher who ideologically supported culturally
responsive pedagogy and demonstrated the characteristics of an authentically caring teacher also
struggled to implement a culturally responsive pedagogy through her curriculum decisions and
instructional practice. Mrs. Jones had a more nuanced conception of issues such as race and
ethnicity, culture, and the teaching and learning process and was able to use cultural references
in many of the academic lessons she facilitated with her students. However, Mrs. Jones only used
students’ cultural knowledges, experiences, and skills as an entry point into an academic lesson.
As a result, there were no opportunities or spaces within Mrs. Jones’s lessons for students to
make connections themselves and to develop their critical consciousness. The data showed that
when lessons became personally meaningful and relevant to students, the more students engaged
and actively participated in the lesson. The data also revealed that Mrs. Jones did most of the
talking during class discussions and was typically the only one to provide cultural references,
during which students became disengaged in the lesson and participated on off-task behaviors.
At the same time, Mrs. Jones was able to create a learning environment with few student
disruptions in her class, as she constantly monitored and guided student behavior in her
classroom and provided very specific and highly individualized academic feedback to students.
The case story of Mrs. Jones and her twelfth grade students depict a classroom in which a
teacher attempted to be culturally responsive and caring but neglected to match her philosophy
with her teaching practice. In a classroom that was visually full of cultural artifacts celebrating
the culture of people of color, Mrs. Jones’s pedagogy did not create learning experiences that
were academically rigorous and meaningful for students of color. Mrs. Jones epistemologies
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around which knowledges count in the classroom were reflected in the ways she used students’
cultural knowledges as simply a way to gain student interest in the topic. While there were no
patterns of racialized interactions in her classroom, the ontology of Mrs. Jones was revealed in
how she did create opportunities or facilitate lessons that recognized students as racialized beings
who have collect histories, worldviews, and skills that can be utilized and shared in the context
of the classroom. Missing from Mrs. Jones class were opportunities for students to use their
cultural knowledges and skills in rigorous learning activities through which students are given
opportunities to develop the critical thinking skills and critical consciousness of students of
color.
This Dissertation’s Contribution
This study makes explicit that authentic teacher care is culturally responsive pedagogy
and that these pedagogical practices are aligned with constructivist and sociocultural theories of
human learning. This alignment is grounded by the perspective that learning takes place (1) in
the individual and (2) in the individual who is learning within a particular social context, as
Packer and Goicoechea (2010) describe “learning is both personal and social transformation” (p.
228). The data from this study affirmed Packer and Goicoechea’s (2010) assertion that the
constructivist and sociocultural learning perspectives attend to the epistemological and
ontological considerations of human learning. The findings in this study is also consistent with
research by Gay (2002, 1993), Ladson-Billings (2009, 1995), and Valenzuela (1999) that
teachers who understand that culture plays an important role in the learning process have specific
ideological foundations that attend to knowledge about self and students, knowledge of subject-
matter, and knowledge of race and culture. Below, I describe the alignment of culturally
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responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care with constructivist and sociocultural learning
theories:
• A culturally responsive teacher recognizes that learners’ cultural backgrounds influence
the worldviews and skills students bring into the classroom and are legitimate sources of
knowledge that can be used to expand students’ skills and knowledge. The culturally
competent teacher is constructivist and understands that students will wrestle with, reject,
and incorporate new knowledge into their prior knowledge in order to construct
knowledge. The culturally competent teacher is also sociocultural and understands that
student prior knowledges and cognitive structures were constructed through their cultural
experiences and that culture mediates all learning. The teacher maintains a critical view
of race and culture and develops critical consciousness in self and teacher by explicitly
addressing and preparing students to examine issues of power and privilege.
• An authentically caring teacher shapes the types of relationships he/she develops with
students, where teachers demonstrate personal concern for the whole student. A teacher
who has an ethic of authentic teacher care understands the importance of social
interactions and the context of learning on a student’s ability to learn. An authentically
caring teacher is constructivist in that he/she views students as active learners who will
make decisions on if and how students will participate in the learning activity. An
authentically caring teacher is also sociocultural in his/her understanding that learning
takes place through social interactions that create and continuously redefine the learning
environment. The teacher understands classroom environment is a fluid product of
student and teacher behaviors that are accepted and rejected by the teacher.
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Culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care are not special pedagogical
recipes for teaching students of color. Rather these pedagogies are aligned with the constructivist
and sociocultural views on learning that are grounded in pedagogy, epistemology, and ontology.
While it is imperative for teachers to have a critical perspective of race and culture, a teacher’s
knowledge of race and culture, or support of culturally responsive pedagogy, is not mutually
exclusive to creating meaningful learning opportunities for students of color. Mrs. Wilder, who
had very narrow conceptions of race and culture, was also not a teacher who taught from the
perspective of constructivism. For a constructivist teacher, what is essential is that the teacher
creates learning opportunities through which students would reveal who they are, in essence
telling the teacher about their perspectives and worldviews.
Similarly, while authentic teacher care is necessary for learning to take place, a quiet,
supportive learning environment where strong and positive relationships exists between students
and with their teacher, does not mean that students will automatically learn their in their content
area. This was evident with Mrs. Jones, who exhibited many characteristics of an authentically
caring teacher. However, she facilitated learning activities based on the textbook, only using
students’ cultural knowledges as an introduction. This narrow understanding the content area
knowledge and lack of understanding of the role of culture in the process of learning exhibited
by Mrs. Jones implicitly reinforced to her students of color that their cultural knowledges, or any
materials that reflected their cultural knowledges, were not academic, had no place in the
classroom, and were therefore illegitimate.
The focus on critical perspectives of race, culture, and knowledge call teachers to develop
their own critical consciousness and create opportunities for their students to do so as well, so
that both teachers and students can make visible the subtle ways students of color and their
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communities are deemed as illegitimate. The ontology that teachers and students are racial
beings and experience the world through individual and collective racial experiences is important
for teachers to understand the complex ways that race, power, and privilege work together.
Cultural responsiveness and authentic teacher care position teachers the same way. What cultural
responsiveness and authentic teacher care call for is for students of color to experience the same
type of rigorous, culturally congruent, and comfortable learning experiences that are common for
White students.
Implications for Practice

This dissertation highlights the experiences of two high school teachers and their
students. My analysis found that the two teachers in this study did not have a pedagogy that was
always consistent with culturally responsiveness and teacher care. In addition, the pedagogical
practices of the teachers that were evident in the data were not aligned with how constructivist
and sociocultural learning theory understand the process of human learning. What the data in this
study highlighted does not take away from the great work that these two teachers do everyday in
their classrooms. I cannot underestimate or negate their passion, talents, and effort of their work.
The two teachers who participated in this study have reputations for their dedication to their
students and their successes in helping students pass standardized tests in each subject the
teachers taught. The lens through which I looked at each teacher and her students calls for
teachers to do work that is extremely complex, difficult, and highly political. This work requires
explicit training in issues of race and ethnicity, culture, and participation in the teaching and
learning process. It requires teachers to look deeply at themselves and their individual identities
and worldviews. And this work requires ongoing training and reflection in schools, or
institutions, that are willing and able to create safe environments for teachers to tackle the
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political nature of teaching and learning in ways that do not continue to marginalize students of
color during the teaching and learning process. While teachers can have an enormous impact on
the types of learning opportunities he/she creates, teacher knowledge and practice have to be
honed, analyzed, and redefined, and teachers cannot train, evaluate, and create on their own. The
teacher education programs that train teachers and the schools and districts that employ teachers
must provide these opportunities for teachers to improve their practice in order to improve the
educational opportunities that exist for students of color in classrooms.
The following recommendations for schools, Districts, and pre-and in-service teacher
education programs arise from this dissertation:
• Theoretical foundation
• Teacher identity development
• Community immersion and field experiences
• Critical reflection
These implications are designed to help schools, District, and teacher education programs
produce teachers who are prepared with the pedagogical practices prior to entering the classroom
that are continuously honed throughout teachers careers.
Theoretical foundation. Teacher must understand how human learning takes place in
order to understand how to teach. As revealed in this dissertation, the pedagogical frameworks of
cultural responsiveness and authentic teacher care align with the constructivist and sociocultural
learning theories. The teacher’s role as facilitator, according to both sociocultural and
constructivist learning theories, call for teachers to expand their notions of knowledge including
what and who defines academic knowledge, how knowledge is formed, and who can access and
create knowledge (Allen & Crawley, 1998; Anthony, 1996; Barton, 2003; Richardson, 2003;
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Tharp & Gallimore, 1998). Learning theories provide teachers with a foundation to understand
what is happening in their classrooms and how to adjust their methodologies to the learning
context and to their students.
Historically, American educational theorists like Tyler and Dewey have emphasized
learner-centered and socially interactive pedagogical practices. Tyler suggested that the learner’s
needs and interests are at the source of the type of learning experiences that teachers create
(Tyler, 1949). Building on Tyler’s work, Dewey explained that while educational ends may be
standardized, the pedagogical practices to move students towards a specific educational outcome
must be varied because learning experiences should be first created from student interests. Mrs.
Wilder and Mrs. Jones not only knew little about their students, but each teacher also
demonstrated a lack of knowledge of the role of culture in the learning process, as neither teacher
created learning experiences that were grounded in their students cultural backgrounds and
knowledges. Darling-Hammond (1996) argued that learning theory builds teachers’ capacity
deeply understand how his/her students’ cultural background influences the whole student,
including the student’s prior knowledge and how newly acquired information is processed.
Teacher preparation programs often give preservice teachers an overview of many
learning theories. A study of pre-service teachers conducted by Whitney, Golez, Nagel, and
Nieto (2002) found that teachers were unable to implement instructional strategies that were
based on a clear theoretical framework. Similarly, Corbett (2010) argued that teacher
preparation programs do not incorporate a solid theoretical framework that prepares teachers to
understand the roles of social relationships, culture, and context in the classroom. Corbett (2010)
argued that the emphasis on practical work and technical pedagogies does not prepare teachers
for the realities of diverse classrooms. Without a theoretical framework that promotes teachers’
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understanding of culture and context, teachers attempt to teach in a generic manner that ignores a
developing student’s culture and place.
Teacher identity development. Being a culturally competent and critically conscious
teacher is personal and emotional. Like all learners, teachers need safe spaces and learning
environments, in both teacher education programs and their workplaces, to do the very difficult
work of understanding issues of race, culture, power, and privilege and the implications of these
realities on the teaching and learning process, and the broader society. Milner (2012) suggests
that discussions about the achievement gap shift to discussions of opportunity gaps. The
“diversity-opportunity nexus” created by Milner (2012) makes explicit the interrelated nature of
diversity, opportunity, and teaching. The framework includes the following five interrelated
themes:
• “Rejection of colorblindness;
• Ability and skill to understand, work through, and transcend cultural conflicts;
• Ability to understand how meritocracy operates;
• Ability to recognize and shift low expectations and deficit mind-sets; and
• Rejection of context-neutral mind-sets and practices” (p. 14).
Milner’s (2012) diversity-opportunity nexus can provide teachers education programs, schools,
and Districts a framework to understand how teachers can address issues of the nexus of
diversity and opportunity in their schools and classrooms. This framework also provides teachers
with a lens to see, understand, and react to various situations that arise in the classroom in ways
that do not perpetuate the marginalization of historically underserved students.
Elliot (2008) argued that new urban teachers must engage in opportunities to
systematically and explicitly explore the “sociopolitical nature of schooling and the influences of
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teachers’ ideologies on their beliefs and practices” (p. 208). This exploration, Elliot (2008)
explained, encourages teachers to seek political clarity by reassessing his/her understanding of
his/her “identity, role in the classroom, perceptions of students’ communities, explanations of
school failure, and willingness to view teaching in a political context” (p. 213). In a review of an
urban teacher professional development program, Elliot (2008) explained some of the facets of
professional development that are designed to develop and sustain teachers’ political clarity or
critical consciousness. These tenets include professional development that is designed to be
explicit about the sociopolitical nature of education and the impacts of teachers’ ideologies on
beliefs and practices, facilitated through safe spaces and processes for tackling these issues,
grounded in tasks designed for teachers to unpack and understand their own identities and
ideologies, and based in opportunities for teachers to develop an inquiry stance towards teaching
and learning (Elliot, 2008). Below, I will briefly describe these tenets:
• Explicit sociopolitical nature of professional development: Elliot (2008) explained that
teacher professional development that denies or ignores the relationship between teacher
ideology and practice undermines teachers’ ability to be effective. Due to the lack of
opportunities for pre-service teachers to develop their critical consciousness in teacher
preparation programs, Elliot (2009) stated that teachers be provided with sociocultural
professional development experiences that allow teachers to understand the sociopolitical
nature of schooling and the influences of teachers’ ideologies on beliefs and practices.
• A safe space and systematic process: The professional development highlighted by Elliot
(2009) was organized to build new teachers’ ability to address the essential question:
“What do I need to know and be able to do to provide an equitable and just education in
an urban school for my culturally diverse student?” (p. 217). Organized around teachers’
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self-identified needs in conjunction with goals of the professional development, the
teachers who participated in this professional development had faculty mentors and
instructional resources and activities that were designed to “(1) promote reflection in
one’s self and self in relation to others; (2) examine issues of racism/oppression/social
justice within the context of classroom practices and management; (3) examine state-
mandated professional standards and exemplars of social justice; and (4) build a
community of colleagues” (Elliot, 2009, p. 217). Meetings were held every other month
at off-school site locations and included teacher participants from different schools and
districts with the ultimate goal of creating a professional community of teachers that
would support each other in building and sustaining the teachers’ political clarity (Elliot,
2009).
• Teacher identities and ideologies: This professional development program included
purposeful activities, discussions, and homework assignments aimed at teachers’
examining his/her ideologies. The activities were designed to help teachers understand (a)
where his/her educational and societal beliefs, values, and norms reside and (b) how
his/her ideologies are situated in social and historic systems of beliefs (Elliot, 2009). An
essential activity in this professional development was an autobiography that teachers
wrote, using specific guiding questions. These questions were geared at allowing teachers
reveal and write about his/her understanding of self, including him/her self as a teacher,
and knowledge, which included general knowledge and subject matter knowledge (Elliot,
2009). As Elliot (2009) described, the autobiographies provided the foundation for the
next area, which was teachers’ developing an inquiry stance towards teaching and
learning.
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• Inquiry stance: The teacher autobiographies laid the foundation for the development of
an inquiry stance towards teaching and learning (Elliot, 2009). Elliot (2009) explained
that with opportunities for teachers to begin to understand the relationship between
his/her ideology and his/her teaching practice, teachers begin to ask new and more
complex questions about their practice, curriculum, and school and classroom policies
and practices. This inquiry stance, Elliot (2009) explained could enable teachers to see
teaching as a “complex activity that occurs within the webs of social, historical, cultural,
and political significance” (p. 222).
Although Elliot’s (2008) review of this three-year professional development program was aimed
specifically at new urban teachers, this work has implications for not only for induction
programs, but also for teacher preparation programs and professional development for veteran
teachers.
Critical reflection. Critical reflection is an essential component to teacher preparation.
Berghoff, Blackwell, and Wisehart (2011) explained that critical reflection allows preservice
urban teachers to understand the larger social, political, and economic context in which urban
schools are situated. Furthermore, this makes visible the systems of oppression that urban
schools, communities, and students operate within. Finally, critical reflection challenges the
assumptions that preservice teachers have about urban schools, students, and communities
(Berghoff, et al., 2011). Based upon probing questions developed from preservice teachers field
experiences, course readings, and other experiences within the school, critical reflection is
context-based, authentic, and relevant to preservice teachers experiences in urban schools.
Berghoff, Blackwell, and Wisehart (2011) explained the main components of critical reflection
as:
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• Working with dilemmas, or understanding the complexities of the problem prior to
recommending a solution;
• Structured discussion, working in small groups to see the problem from multiple
perspectives and;
• Collaborative inquiry, or connecting personal knowledge and knowledge gained from
peer dialogue.
For in-service teachers, another reflective cycle described by Rodgers (2002) focuses on
teacher reactions to students in order to examine learning experiences and teacher decisions. The
purpose of the four-step reflective cycle developed by Rodgers (2002) is to have teachers slow
down, in the classroom, in order to respond to student learning in complex ways. Rodgers (2002)
explained that the reflective cycle helps teachers distinguish between “what they think they are
teaching and what students are actually learning” (p. 230). Below I will briefly described the four
steps of Rodgers (2002) reflective cycle:
1. Presence-calls for teachers to be present in the classroom by seeing and being able to
differentiate the various components of what teachers see moment to moment.
2. Describing-the process of storytelling and identifying an experience, as well as its diverse
and complex elements so that the experience can be seen from multiple perspectives.
Here, Rodgers (2002) clearly differentiates the process of describing from the process of
interpreting.
3. Analysis-calls for teachers to construct several theories, or a number of explanations that
explain the experience.
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4. Experimenting-testing new actions based upon the analysis. It is here that the reflective
cycle begins loops, calling teachers to start at step one, presence, to understand students’
learning experiences and teachers’ decisions of the newly implemented action.
A tenet of implementing culturally responsive pedagogy is the ability of teachers’ to
reflect on their pedagogy, teacher actions, and student experiences. While the above teacher
reflective tools provide a framework for how pre- and in-service teachers can become reflective
practitioners, Districts and schools must ensure that teachers are supported in their reflective
practice. School schedules can be adjusted to ensure that teachers have systematic reflection time
built in to their workdays. Aside from scheduling time, schools and Districts can also make
teacher reflection a systematic component of the educational program by infusing the principles
of teacher reflection in on-going teacher professional development.
Areas of Future Study

An area of future study that this dissertation lends itself to is the issue of color-blindness
in the process of learning. Made explicit in the case study of Mrs. Wilder, her beliefs about race
and culture were framed through a lack of understanding of culture and race, her desire to not be
seen as overtly racist, and her belief that students’ race was their personal “business” that she
should not interfere with. Mrs. Wilder, who has a passion for teaching and working with all of
her students, at the same time posses an ideological frame about the racial and cultural identities
of her students that renders them invisible in the classroom. Milner (2012) describes color
blindness as the failure of “teachers to consider their own and their students’ racial backgrounds
and think carefully about how race can and does emerge in classroom learning opportunities” (p.
17). Even Mrs. Jones, who was a proponent of cultural responsiveness and attempted to use her
students’ cultural knowledges in their learning experiences, used her students’ racial experiences
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in superficial ways. More studies on the impact of color-blind ideology in the classroom are
important to helping address the schooling conditions of students of color. Studies could include
the impact of color-blindness in the learning environments, how students respond to color-
blindness in the leaning process, the impact of color-blind ideology on teachers of color, and the
impact of teacher preparation programs and professional development that explicitly address
issues of race, culture, teaching, and learning.
Another area of study is the use of critical literacy to improve the educational experiences
and outcomes of students of color. When measured on state and national educational
standardized tests, racial and ethnic minority students consistently perform at lower levels than
White and some Asian American student groups in literacy skills (Duncan-Andrade & Morrell,
2005). In addition, the lack of strong academic literacy skills impacts the ability of racial and
ethnic minority students to perform in secondary academic content areas and fully participating
in the broader society (Duncan-Andrade & Morrell, 2005; Heath, 1991). Critical literacy theory
seeks to undue these types of experiences by explicitly acknowledging students’ cultural,
communal, and familial literacy practices and knowledges as legitimate sources of knowledge,
challenging the political nature of academic texts, and creating collaborative opportunities for
students to learn from each other (Souto-Manning, 2009; Duncan-Andrade & Morrell, 2005).
Critical literacy theory expands traditional understandings of knowledge and literacy. By
connecting students’ home and cultural literacies and knowledges to academic literacy and
knowledges, critical literacy theory seeks to create a bridge that affirms students’ cultural
literacies and knowledge and uses it as the foundation for learning academic literacy skills and
knowledges (Souto-Manning, 2009; Duncan-Andrade & Morrell, 2005). This validates the
knowledge that diverse students come to school with, and places academic literacies and
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knowledges in a position to be challenged by the different perspectives, meanings, and
conclusions that inform students’ knowledge base.
Traditional understandings of knowledge and literacy are also defied, according to critical
literacy theory, through the use of diverse texts that represent cultural diversity and multiple
perspectives (Souto-Manning, 2009; Duncan-Andrade & Morrell, 2005). Critical literacy
theorists position students, their knowledges, and interests at the center of the curriculum and
classroom and not as an addition or supplement to the curriculum and curricular materials
(Souto-Manning, 2009). Furthermore, Duncan-Andrade and Morrell (2005) argue that
integrating students’ cultural knowledges and literacies as a way to teach academic literacy skills
and content can motivate students to learn academic literacy skills, particularly students from
racial and ethnic minority backgrounds.
Critical literacy theory also positions academic literacy texts as political, in that these
texts often illustrate issues of hegemony, power, and authority (Souto-Manning, 2009; Duncan-
Andrade & Morrell, 2005). For example, a critical analysis of Hip Hop rap lyrics, in which
students explore issues of empowerment, oppression, and the realities of urban life, also provides
teachers an opportunity to practice academic literacy skills such as determining cause and effect,
writing an effective introductory paragraph, determining tone and diction, and categorizing
information (Souto-Manning, 2009; Duncan-Andrade & Morrell, 2005). Literacy skills, although
taught explicitly, are taught in the context of meaningful and engaging tasks for diverse students.
Furthermore, from a critical literacy theoretical perspective, teaching students literacy skills
through critical analysis of various texts gives students access to an understanding of the power
structures throughout society and the literacy skills diverse students need in order to maneuver
throughout society and create solutions that seek social justice (Souto-Manning, 2009; Duncan-
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202
Andrade & Morrell, 2005). Critical literacy seems to speak to the epistemological and
ontological issues of the teaching and learning process. It also seems to align with constructivist
and sociocultural theories of learning. More research in classrooms where critical literacy is used
is needed to add depth to the knowledge base of effective pedagogical practices for students of
color, as well as the research on the intersection of pedagogy and learning theory.
Conclusion
This dissertation was a complex undertaking as it described the teaching and learning
experiences of two high school teachers and their students within their learning contexts. The
image from each classroom gives us a picture of how ideologies, actions, and reactions between
students and their teacher inform the type of learning environment that exist. The classroom is a
fluid learning environment, constantly shaped and reshaped by beliefs and behaviors. And with a
teacher who understands herself and her learners, her subject, and how learning takes place, the
teacher is equipped to facilitate learning opportunities that are meaningful to her students.
Culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care gives teachers the lens to ensure that
he/she accomplish these goals for students of color. The proper education that DuBois (1935)
argued for is the same argument that this dissertation makes. Black and Latino students are
humans and deserve the same type of learning environments and facilitators that are consistent
with how all humans learn. This means that teachers must be culturally responsive and
authentically caring.
The theories of human learning, constructivism and socioculturalism, make certain
assumptions about learners. Some of the assumptions about learners from the constructivist
perspective are that learners enter a learning context already with knowledge, that learners are
cognitively active always searching for connections, seeking relevance, deciding if and how to
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203
engage with new knowledge, and that knowledge is constructed through this “cognitive
struggle.” According to the sociocultural theories, some assumptions about learners are that
learners are social beings, can impact and be influenced by each other and the learning
environment, have and develop shared cultural tools to make learning easier, and that learners
have to be challenged and assisted by another person in order for learning to take place.
Understanding that learning is an individual act that takes place in a particular context where
other people exist, demonstrates the complexity of a teacher’s responsibility to create learning
environments where all students, collectively and individually, have the opportunity to engage in
meaningful learning. And in a society that was created and has thrived off of a racialized caste
system, the way a teacher understands herself and her students, her subject area, and how
students learn is incredibly important to the types of learning opportunities that exist for students
of color.
As many researchers long before this dissertation have explained, teaching is a political
act. This dissertation affirmed how a teacher’s ideology about race, culture, knowledge, and
participation informs what a teacher will teach, the instructional materials and activities she uses,
and how she will relate to her students and the subject she is teaching. What is political for
educational systems are the worldviews of teachers, which are steeped in individual and
collective racialized experiences. What is political is the denial that issues of race, culture,
knowledge, and participation are foundational tenets to human learning that must be openly
acknowledged in educational institutions. To understand the constructivist and sociocultural
learning theories is to understand the importance of culture and care.
Teacher ideologies are not the only reason why education is political. Even though the
focus of this dissertation has been at the classroom level, it is important to state that the teacher’s
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job exists within local, state, and national educational institutions that guide teachers’ work.
Individuals are elected to lead district, state, and national educational institutions. Issues
pertinent to teaching and learning such as, curriculum, teacher pay, evaluation, class sizes, class
offerings, budget, school conditions, and qualifications to be a credentialed teacher are all
political issues, typically used in campaigns and often voted on by the electorate.
The most recent data on student enrollment patterns in America’s schools revealed a
picture in which the majority of students are students of color from racial minority group that
have historically been marginalized and underserved in schools and that classrooms (Orfield, et
al., 2014). In addition, these school enrollment patterns describe classrooms that are hyper-
segregated in which the overwhelming majority of Black and Latino students attend schools and
are in classrooms that are predominately made of Black and Latino students (Orfield et al.,
2014). These enrollment patterns have created an educational system where schools, Districts,
and teacher education programs must produce teachers who understand how people learn in
order to help teachers learn to teach. What happens in the classroom is important because it
dictates the types of learning opportunities that exist for students. While there are many factors
that contribute to the marginalization of students of color, I believe that teachers have great
power within their classroom to create learning opportunities that develop skills and knowledge
in ways that are genuinely caring and culturally affirming.

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practicing teachers to examine the effectiveness of a teacher education program. Action in
teacher Education, 23(4), 69-76.
Wiggins, G., & McTighe, J. (2008). Put understanding first. Educational Leadership, 65(8), 36.
Wineburg, S. S., & Wilson, S. M. (1991). Models of wisdom in the teaching of history. History
Teacher, 395-412.

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APPENDIX A
Teacher Interview Protocol
School Name: _______________________________ Date: ___________
Name of Person Interviewed: _____________________________________________________
Position: _____________________________________________________________________
Time Started: ______________ Time Completed: ___________ Total Time: _______
Researcher: ___________________________________________________________________

The purpose of this interview is for me to get to know a little about who you are as a teacher and
your thoughts on working with students are have historically been underserved in schools.

First, I’d like to start with your background.
1. How long have you been teaching?
2. How long have you taught high school?
a. Have you ever taught in any other grade levels?
3. How long have you taught high school in your current district?
a. What other school districts have you taught?
4. What subject/s have you taught?
5. Are you fully credentialed in this subject area?
6. Have you served in any teacher-leader positions?
a. If so, what position/s?
7. How did you decide to enter the teaching profession?
8. How would you describe your cultural background?

Next, I’d like to ask you a few questions about your thoughts on culturally responsive
pedagogy.
9. How do you define culture?
10. How do you define culturally responsive teaching?
11. What cultural backgrounds are represented in your classroom?
a. Can you give me an example of how you learn about the cultures represented in
your classroom?
12. What types of students do you seem to connect with naturally (an affinity)?
b. Can you tell me why you seem to easily connect with these students?
13. What types of students do you not seem to have a natural connection with?
a. Where do you believe there is disconnect?
i. Can you give me an example?
14. How does your cultural background influence your teaching practice?
15. What role do your students’ cultures play in your planning?
a. What would be an example?
16. In your teaching?
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a. What would be an example?
17. What is the role of your students’ cultures in their learning?
I’d like to shift to teacher care
18. How do you define “care”?
19. What does it look like or feel to you when someone “cares” about you?
a. Provide an example.
20. Can you give me an example of how you demonstrate care to your students?
a. What does it look like when you demonstrate caring to your students?
21. What role does a caring teacher play in the your classroom?
b. Is there a difference between how you care for your students and how you care for
your friends or family?
c. If so, what is the difference?
d. Can you give me an example (of each of these)?

Finally, I would like to close by asking you a few questions on meaningful academic learning.
22. What is your teaching philosophy?
a. What learning theories/perspectives shape your teaching philosophy?
i. What might an example of this be in terms of how it shapes your
philosophy? What does it look like in practice?
23. In what ways is your teaching student-centered? (example)
24. And teacher-centered? (example)
25. How do you facilitate academic lessons that build on students’ knowledge?
b. How do you discover what knowledge students bring into the classroom?
c. How do you know when students have learned what you have been teaching?
26. Can you give me an example of the types of skills students learn in your subject area?
d. How do you know if your students already know these skills?
e. How do you teach these skills? (recent example)
f. How do students practice these skills? (recent example)
g. How do you assess students in these skill sets? (recent example)
27. What types of resources do you use in your lesson planning? (example of how you use
them in planning)
28. And your instructional materials?
h. In what ways do students provide these resources?
i. Can you give me an example of how you involved students in gathering resources
for a lesson?
29. What do you do when a student disagrees with you when you are teaching?
j. How do you invite disagreement and conflict during instruction?
30. How do you demonstrate conflict resolution in your classroom?
31. Can you describe the types of interactions between yourself and your students that you
believe support learning?
a. And between students
32. And what types of interactions do you consider to be disruptive to the learning in your
classroom?
a. How do you work with students in this situation?
b. Can you give me an example?

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APPENDIX B
Teacher Informed Consent Form
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

MEANINGFUL ACADEMIC LEARNING FOR DIVERSE HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Akilah Lyons-Moore, Doctoral
Candidate and Principal Investigator and Dr. Julie Slayton JD PhD, Faculty Advisor at the
University of Southern California, because you are a high school teacher who is effective with
minority students. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the information below, and
ask questions about anything you do not understand, before deciding whether to participate.
Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You may also decide to discuss
participation with your family or friends. If you decide to participate, you will be asked to sign
this form. You will be given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study will look at the ways you have been successful with minority students. The purpose of
the study is to examine how you and your students interact in the classroom, how you show care
for your students, and how you create lessons that positively support diverse students while
teaching them academic subjects. Your school is currently meeting the needs of diverse students
and by looking at how you and your students interact in the classroom. The information collected
in this study will describe how teachers, like yourself, design meaningful, academic learning
experiences for diverse students. These descriptions may assist other teachers meet the schooling
needs of diverse students.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you volunteer to participate in this study, you will be asked to do three things, which include
classroom observations, an in-person interview, and document collection.
• Classroom observation: You will allow the researcher to observe 2 of your class
periods on 3 different days. During the observation, the researcher will observe and take
notes on the ways in which you interact with your students, the different ways your
students react to you, and the ways your students interact with each other. The researcher
will also observe the types of instructional strategies you use and the curricular resources
you use during the lessons. The classroom observation will also include the physical
layout of the classroom as well as any posters, signs, certificates, and student work that
may be placed on the wall. Handwritten field notes will be taken on a paper during each
observation. No field notes will be shared with anyone at your school site or school
district. Each observation will take place during the entire class period, including the
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passing periods. If you do not want any of your classes to be observed, you cannot
participate in this study.
• 2 in-person interviews: You will participate in 2 in-person interviews with the
researcher. The first interview will take place prior to the first scheduled classroom
observation. The last interview will take place before the last classroom observation.
Each interview will last approximately 1 hour and will take place in your classroom or
any other location at your school site. During each interview, the researcher will use a list
of questions. The first interview will ask you questions about your teaching style, beliefs,
and planning. Questions for the second interview will be based on the classroom
observation. During this final interview, you will be asked questions about your teaching
practice. Each interview will be audiotaped, but if you do not want the interview to be
taped, handwritten notes will be taken. You also don’t have to answer any question you
do not want to answer.
• Document collection: You will be asked to provide to the researcher your written class
syllabus for the classes who will be observed, written lesson plans, your written teaching
philosophy, if you have one, and sample graded student work. You don’t have to submit
any written documents you don’t want to submit.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
Your participation in this study is voluntary and if you decide to participate, you may be
inconvenienced with the extra time necessary to conduct the interviews and document
collections. The presence of the observer may also cause discomfort to your class. This
discomfort can be addressed by allowing you to decide the best times for the class observations,
interviews, and document collections.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
The anticipated benefit to your participation in this study is that you will share your experiences
and expertise in working with diverse students. Even though you may not see a direct reward,
other minority students and their teachers may benefit from the information gained by your
participation in this study.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

Any information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential. Your responses
will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and kept separately.

All data will be stored on a password-protected computer in the researcher’s office. The data
must be kept for at least 3 years after the study has been completed. The data may be kept
forever

The audiotapes will be destroyed once they have been transcribed.
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The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Principal
Investigator Akilah Lyons-Moore via email at lyonsmoo@usc.edu or phone at (661) 480-3648 or
Faculty Advisor Dr. Julie Slayton via email at jslayton@rossier.usc.edu or phone at (213) 740-
3292.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

AUDIO RECORDING
□ I agree to be audio recorded
□ I do not want to be audio recorded

Name of Participant

Signature of Participant Date

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SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the participant and answered all of his/her questions. I believe
that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to
participate.

Name of Person Obtaining Consent

Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date

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219
APPENDIX C
Classroom Observation Protocol
School Name: _______________________________ Date: ___________
Type of Class Observed: _____________________________________________________
Participants: ___________________________________________________________________
Time Started: ______________ Time Completed: ___________ Total Time: _______
Researcher: ___________________________________________________________________

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APPENDIX D
Focus Group Interview Guided Questions
Welcome and Introductions – 2 MINUTES
• Participants complete a short written survey in which they self-identify the following:
age, race, gender,
• Researcher introduces herself as a doctorate student from USC, and a high school teacher
herself, with the permission of the School District, their Principal, teacher, parents, and
the students themselves.
• The purpose of this research is to see how teachers use their students’ cultural
backgrounds and a caring attitude to design lessons and activities in the classroom that
are meaningful to the students.
• I’d like to get input from the students to see their perspectives on the use of their cultural
backgrounds and keeping good relationships with their teacher and how that helps their
classroom experiences.
• Participants introduce themselves.

Focus Group Purpose and Ground Rules – 5 MINUTES
• Getting information from a small group about how they feel instead of conducting
interviews with individuals allows participants to engage in discussion and bounce ideas
around. We want to know how the group of students feels to give us an indication of how
other students like them may feel.
• Group rules; confidential; note-taker; no right or wrong answers; respect for each other’s
view; the role of the moderator to keep the conversation flowing
Inductive Questioning – 15 MINUTES
• I’d like to ask the group what are some of the most important parts of your experiences in
the classroom that make learning interesting for you. Let’s just go around the table and
everyone give an idea and I’ll write the ideas on this chart paper, then we’ll discuss them.
• After all have volunteered ideas, return to each and probe:
o What do you mean by that?
o In what situation would this ‘topic,’ ‘event,’ ‘issue,’ or ‘phenomenon’ be
important?
o Why is it important?
o Are some of these topics more important than others? RANK on a piece of paper.
5 MINUTES
Deductive Questioning – 15 MINUTES
• Now I’d like to suggest a few other categories we haven’t mentioned and see what you
think. Target categories not addressed above.
o Cultural Responsiveness
§ Classroom activities connect academic skills and knowledge to students’
cultural knowledges and skills
§ Variety of racial and cultures are represented in the curriculum
§ Issues of race and power are a part of the curriculum and instruction
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§ Students’ cultural knowledges are a part of lessons
o Teacher Care
§ My teacher cares about me
§ Classroom activities are grounded reciprocal relationships between
students and teacher
o Meaningful Learning (Constructivism and Socioculturalism)
§ Classroom activities are challenging
§ If I don’t understand something my teacher and/or classmates will work
with me until I do
§ Opportunities for different learning activities; different for different
students
§ We have an opportunity to talk about what we are learning in class
§ We have an opportunity to work with each other on different activities
§ We get to make choices of what types of assignments to do or how to
complete assignments
§ I have to think a lot in class
§ Teacher teaches me how learning works, how to think through activities,
gives me tools to help me think about my learning
§ My teacher gives me feedback while we are working and after I’ve
completed an assignment
Are some of these topics more important than others? RANK on a piece of paper. 5 MINUTES

Closing – 5 MINUTES
§ Thank the participants; remind them about confidentiality; hand out thank you and gift
cards

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222
APPENDIX E
Youth Assent Form
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089

YOUTH ASSENT-PARENTAL PERMISSION FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH
This form will also serve as the “Youth Assent” and “Consent/Permission form for the
Youth to Participate in Research.” In this case, “You” refers to “your child.”

MEANINGFUL ACADEMIC LEARNING FOR DIVERSE HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Principal Investigator Akilah
Lyons-Moore, Doctoral Candidate and Faculty Advisor Dr. Julie Slayton JD PhD, from the
University of Southern California. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the
information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand before deciding
whether to participate.

Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. Your child will also be asked
his/her permission. Your child can decline to participate, even if you agree to allow
participation. You and/or your child may also decide to discuss it with your family or friends. If
you and/or your child decide to participate, you will both be asked to sign this form. You will be
given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study will look at the ways you and your teacher interact in the classroom. The purpose of
this study is to look at how your teacher creates lessons that are interesting to you, how your
teacher cares about your schooling, and how you and your teacher support your classmates in
learning new material. The information collected in this study will help other teachers create
better lessons for students like you.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you agree to participate, you will be asked to participate with 4 other students in your class to
talk about the experiences you have had with your teacher so far in the school year. You will
participate in 2 small group interviews after school for no more than 30 minutes each time. Both
interviews will take place at your school campus after the school day has ended.

In both small group interviews, the researcher will ask you questions about some of the
experiences you have had with your teacher in class, how your teacher shows respect for you and
your peers, and how your teacher supports learning with you and your classmates.

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223
If there are any questions that you don’t want to answer, you do not have to answer them.
During the small group interview, you will be audiotaped. If you do not want to be audiotaped,
you will not participate in this study.

And if you do not want to participate in this small group interview, you will not be a part of this
study. Your participation in this study is your choice.

POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no potential risks to your participation; but if you feel uncomfortable answering some
of the questions, you don’t have to answer any question you don’t want to. Since you are
volunteering your time, you will be asked to stay after school to complete the interview for not
more than 30 minutes.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
There are no anticipated benefits to your participation. We hope that this study will help other
teachers create interesting and meaningful lessons for their students.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $5 iTunes gift card for your time. You do not have to answer all of the
interview questions in order to receive the gift card. The card will be given to at the end of the
last small group interview.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

Any information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential. Your responses
will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and kept separately.

All data will be stored on a password-protected computer in the researcher’s office. The data
must be kept for at least 3 years after the study has been completed. The data may be kept
forever

The audiotapes will be destroyed once they have been transcribed.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
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224
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.

INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Principal
Investigator Akilah Lyons-Moore via email at lyonsmoo@usc.edu or phone at (661) 480-3648 or
Faculty Advisor Dr. Julie Slayton via email at jslayton@rossier.usc.edu or phone at (213) 740-
3292.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT (If the participant is 14 years or older)

I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

Name of Participant

Signature of Participant Date

SIGNATURE OF PARENT(S)/LEGALLY AUTHORIZED REPRESENTATIVE

I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to allow my child participate in this
study. I have been given a copy of this form.

AUDIO RECORDED
□ I agree to be audio recorded

□ I do not want to be audio recorded

Name of Parent/Legally Authorized Representative (1)
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Signature of Parent/Legally Authorized Representative (1) Date

(Note: Second parent signature required when research study is deemed by the IRB to fall
under 45 CFR 46.406 or 45 CFR 46.407 – greater than minimal risk classification. If the
study is not greater than minimal risk, the second signature portion can be removed.)

Name of Parent/Legally Authorized Representative (2)

Signature of Parent/Legally Authorized Representative (2) Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the participant and his/her parent(s)/Legally Authorized
Representative, and answered all of their questions. I believe that the parent(s) understand the
information described in this document and freely consents to participate.

Name of Person Obtaining Consent

Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date

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226
APPENDIX F
Adult Student Informed Consent Form
University of Southern California
Rossier School of Education
Waite Phillips Hall
3470 Trousdale Parkway
Los Angeles, CA 90089

INFORMED CONSENT FOR NON-MEDICAL RESEARCH

MEANINGFUL ACADEMIC LEARNING FOR DIVERSE HIGH SCHOOL STUDENTS

You are invited to participate in a research study conducted by Principal Investigator Akilah
Lyons-Moore, Doctoral Candidate and Faculty Advisor Dr. Julie Slayton JD PhD, from the
University of Southern California. Your participation is voluntary. You should read the
information below, and ask questions about anything you do not understand before deciding
whether to participate. Please take as much time as you need to read the consent form. You may
also decide to discuss participation with your family or friends. If you decide to participate, you
will be asked to sign this form. You will be given a copy of this form.

PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
This study will look at the ways you and your teacher interact in the classroom. The purpose of
this study is to look at how your teacher creates lessons that are interesting to you, how your
teacher cares about your schooling, and how you and your teacher support your classmates in
learning new material. The information collected in this study will help other teachers create
better lessons for students like you.

STUDY PROCEDURES
If you agree to participate, you will be asked to participate with 4 other students in your class to
talk about the experiences you have had with your teacher so far in the school year. You will
participate in 2 small group interviews after school for no more than 30 minutes each time. Both
interviews will take place at your school campus after the school day has ended.

In both small group interviews, the researcher will ask you questions about some of the
experiences you have had with your teacher in class, how your teacher shows respect for you and
your peers, and how your teacher supports learning with you and your classmates.

If there are any questions that you don’t want to answer, you do not have to answer them.
During the small group interview, you will be audiotaped. If you do not want to be audiotaped,
you will not participate in this study.

And if you do not want to participate in this small group interview, you will not be a part of this
study. Your participation in this study is your choice.

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227
POTENTIAL RISKS AND DISCOMFORTS
There are no potential risks to your participation; but if you feel uncomfortable answering some
of the questions, you don’t have to answer any question you don’t want to. Since you are
volunteering your time, you will be asked to stay after school to complete the interview for not
more than 30 minutes.

POTENTIAL BENEFITS TO PARTICIPANTS AND/OR TO SOCIETY
There are no anticipated benefits to your participation. We hope that this study will help other
teachers create interesting and meaningful lessons for their students.

PAYMENT/COMPENSATION FOR PARTICIPATION
You will receive a $5 iTunes gift card for your time. You do not have to answer all of the
interview questions in order to receive the gift card. The card will be given to at the end of the
last small group interview.

CONFIDENTIALITY
We will keep your records for this study confidential as far as permitted by law. However, if we
are required to do so by law, we will disclose confidential information about you. The members
of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects Protection
Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research studies to
protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

Any information obtained in connection with this study will remain confidential. Your responses
will be coded with a false name (pseudonym) and kept separately.

All data will be stored on a password-protected computer in the researcher’s office. The data
must be kept for at least 3 years after the study has been completed. The data may be kept
forever

The audiotapes will be destroyed once they have been transcribed.

The members of the research team and the University of Southern California’s Human Subjects
Protection Program (HSPP) may access the data. The HSPP reviews and monitors research
studies to protect the rights and welfare of research subjects.

When the results of the research are published or discussed in conferences, no identifiable
information will be used.

PARTICIPATION AND WITHDRAWAL
Your participation is voluntary. Your refusal to participate will involve no penalty or loss of
benefits to which you are otherwise entitled. You may withdraw your consent at any time and
discontinue participation without penalty. You are not waiving any legal claims, rights or
remedies because of your participation in this research study.
INVESTIGATOR’S CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have any questions or concerns about the research, please feel free to contact Principal
Investigator Akilah Lyons-Moore via email at lyonsmoo@usc.edu or phone at (661) 480-3648 or
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228
Faculty Advisor Dr. Julie Slayton via email at jslayton@rossier.usc.edu or phone at (213) 740-
3292.

RIGHTS OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT – IRB CONTACT INFORMATION
If you have questions, concerns, or complaints about your rights as a research participant or the
research in general and are unable to contact the research team, or if you want to talk to someone
independent of the research team, please contact the University Park Institutional Review Board
(UPIRB), 3720 South Flower Street #301, Los Angeles, CA 90089-0702, (213) 821-5272 or
upirb@usc.edu

SIGNATURE OF RESEARCH PARTICIPANT

I have read the information provided above. I have been given a chance to ask questions. My
questions have been answered to my satisfaction, and I agree to participate in this study. I have
been given a copy of this form.

AUDIO-RECORDING
□ I agree to be audio-recorded

□ I do not want to be audio-recorded

Name of Participant

Signature of Participant Date

SIGNATURE OF INVESTIGATOR

I have explained the research to the participant and answered all of his/her questions. I believe
that he/she understands the information described in this document and freely consents to
participate.

Name of Person Obtaining Consent

Signature of Person Obtaining Consent Date

Abstract (if available)

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A community cultural capital approach: bilingual teachers’ perceptions and impact in their dual immersion classrooms

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The relationships between teacher beliefs about diversity and opportunities for culturally and linguistically diverse students, reflectiveness, and teacher self-efficacy

Asset Metadata

Creator Lyons-Moore, Akilah Karene (author)

Core Title The intersections of culturally responsive pedagogy and authentic teacher care in creating meaningful academic learning opportunities for students of color

School Rossier School of Education

Degree Doctor of Education

Degree Program Education (Leadership)

Publication Date 07/15/2014

Defense Date 03/18/2014

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag constructivist,culturally responsive pedagogy,Learning,OAI-PMH Harvest,socioculturalist,teacher care,teaching

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Slayton, Julie M. (committee chair), Crawford, Jenifer (committee member), Rousseau, Sylvia G. (committee member)

Creator Email alyonsmoore@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-442323

Unique identifier UC11287168

Identifier etd-LyonsMoore-2693.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-442323 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-LyonsMoore-2693.pdf

Dmrecord 442323

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Lyons-Moore, Akilah Karene

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA