University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Urban conservation in the Middle Eastern historic cities: globalization and lack of identity

(USC Thesis Other)

Urban conservation in the Middle Eastern historic cities: globalization and lack of identity

PDF

Download a page range

Download transcript

Copy asset link

Request this asset

Transcript (if available)

Content URBAN CONSERVATION IN MIDDLE EASTERN
HISTORIC CITIES:
GLOBALIZATION AND LACK OF IDENTITY

by

Arash Kalantari
_______________________________________________
A Project Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC PRICE SCHOOL OF PUBLIC POLICY
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF POLICY, PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT

DECEMBER 2014

Copyright 2014 Arash Kalantari
ii

مدیود یرهش ره هب مدرک رفس
مدیدن یرهش نم قشع رهش وچ
رهش نآ ردق لوا ز متسنادن
مدیشک تبرغ یسب ینادان ز

I've travelled around
raced through every city
while I knew all along
no place could be found
like the city of love

If I could have known
to value what I owned
I would not have suffered
like a fool
the life of a vagabond

Rumi
Ghazal (Ode) 1509
Translation by Nader Khalili
"Rumi, Fountain of Fire"

iii

Acknowledgements

I am heartily thankful to everyone who has helped me along the way during this exciting,
and often difficult, journey and experience. I would like to especially thank Professor
Tridib Banerjee for serving as my Advisor and Committee Chair, whose patience and
guidance have been, and will continue to be, most appreciated. Additional thanks go to
Professor James Steele, Professor Regula Campbell and Professor Douglas Campbell for
serving as members of my Committee. Appreciation and special thanks go to Professor
Deborah Natoli, director of Professional Doctorate at USC Price School of Public Policy,
for her support and encouragement over the years.
I also offer my regards and blessings to the faculty, staff, and students of the School of
Policy, Planning, and Development at the University of Southern California and the
countless others that have stuck with me and supported me from the beginning to the end.

iv

Table of Contents

Epigraph ............................................................................................................................. ii
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... iii
List of Figures ................................................................................................................... ix
Abstract ........................................................................................................................... xiv
Introduction .........................................................................................................................1
Research Questions .................................................................................................4
Research Purpose ....................................................................................................6
Research Problem - Need For The Study ...............................................................8
Qualitative Advocacy Worldview - Formalization Method .................................11
Chapter One: History .......................................................................................................14
Chapter Two : Urban Conservation ..................................................................................24
Chapter Three : Globalization ...........................................................................................33
Impacts of Globalization .......................................................................................34
Conservation and Globalization ............................................................................35
Negative Impacts of Globalization .......................................................................36
Colonialism and Globalization .............................................................................38
Globalization & Economics ..................................................................................38
Globalization & Identity .......................................................................................41
De-territorialization, Localization and Globalization ...........................................42
Tourism, Sense of Community and Globalization ................................................43
v

Rapid Growth, Development and Globalization ...................................................45
Policy, Planning and Globalization .......................................................................46
Nature, Technology and Globalization .................................................................50
Progress, Modernism and Globalization ...............................................................51
History, Society and Globalization .......................................................................53
Development, Values and Globalization ..............................................................56
Repairing Dysfunctional, Restoring Integrity .......................................................59
Upgrading Quality of Life and Preserving Identity ..............................................62
Cultural Patrimony and Globalization ..................................................................65
Chapter Four : Authenticity ..............................................................................................70
Connection to the Past, Maintaining the authenticity ...........................................72
Value of Buildings, Restoring Wisdom ................................................................75
Assessing Value, Formulating Identity .................................................................76
Historical Significance and Designation Issue .....................................................78
Classification of Value, Measuring Cultural Heritage ..........................................80
Modernism, Postmodernism and Authenticity .....................................................81
Materialization of Values, Exploitation Mentality ...............................................85
Shared Social Commitment, Totalitarianism of Modernity ..................................88
Value of the Past, Religious Purposes ..................................................................89
Authentic Islamic Art and Architecture ................................................................91
Chapter Five : Factors Influencing Historic Preservation..................................................98
Versatility and Adaptability for Change .............................................................101
Reliable Sources and Research ...........................................................................102
Waste management .............................................................................................104
vi

Water Erosion and Decay ...................................................................................105
Climate Factors ...................................................................................................106
Environmental Pollution .....................................................................................107
Traffic and Transportation ..................................................................................107
Natural Disasters, Terrorist Attacks and Wars ...................................................109
Chapter Six : Criteria for Conservation ...........................................................................115
Research, surveys and planning ..........................................................................118
Chapter Seven : Policies for Conservation .....................................................................120
Conservation policies in International stage .......................................................125
Policies for improving living condition ..............................................................129
Financing conservation .......................................................................................133
Continuity in Conservation Policies ....................................................................134
Evaluation before decision making by experts ...................................................137
Recovering marginalized areas ...........................................................................140
Chapter Eight : Historic Cities in the Middle East .........................................................150
Islamic city (Madina) Vs. Middle Eastern city ...................................................151
Nomadic and Sedentary Life ...............................................................................154
Islamic City, “Medina” .......................................................................................155
The Complexity of Pattern in Islamic Cities........................................................157
Urban form in Historic Middle Eastern Cities ....................................................160
Modern Planning in Middle Eastern cities ..........................................................163
Courtyard Building Revival .................................................................................164
Changes in Middle Eastern Cities ........................................................................166
Process of Change and Development ..................................................................168
vii

Balance between Form and Social Life ...............................................................170
Quantitative Analysis Vs. Ideological Values .....................................................172
Traditional Urban Planning in Middle East .........................................................175
Religious and Political Influences in Middle Eastern Urban Planning ................176
Changes in Urban Monuments and Residential Areas ........................................179
Abandonment, Neglect and New Development...................................................181
Sacredness and Muslim religious values .............................................................183
Continuity and Cultural Memory ........................................................................187
The Concept of Waqf (Funds for Public Domain) ..............................................188
Common Urban Elements in a Middle Eastern City ...........................................189
Houses ......................................................................................................189
Mosques ...................................................................................................191
Fortresses .................................................................................................192
Public Squares ..........................................................................................192
Gates ........................................................................................................189
Middle Eastern cities Vs. Western cities ............................................................193
Chapter Nine: Research and Conservation .....................................................................203
Chapter Ten: Historic Cities Program of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture ....................211
The Historic Cities Program (HCP) ....................................................................212
Urban regeneration ..............................................................................................219
Conservation of Public Buildings and Monuments ............................................224
Social and economic development ......................................................................228
Parks and Gardens ...............................................................................................235
Adaptive reuse ....................................................................................................243
viii

Chapter Eleven: Case Study: Citadels in Syria ..............................................................255
Documentation of a Unique Built Heritage ........................................................258
History and Geographic Pattern of the Three Citadels .......................................263
Conservation Works on the Three Citadels ........................................................265
Rehabilitation of Historic Sites and Tourism ......................................................266
Maintenance and Local Training ........................................................................267
Conservation of the Citadel of Aleppo ...............................................................270
Citadel Conservation Leading to Urban Conservation ...........................300
New Urban Regulations and Conservation Practices in Aleppo ............302
Conservation of the Old City of Aleppo .................................................304
Turning Aleppo Citadel to an Urban Landmark .....................................307
Turning the Citadel to an Economic Development Source ....................311
Solving urban traffic issues .....................................................................315
Conservation of the Citadel of Masyaf ...............................................................320
Conservation of the Citadel of Salah Al-Din ......................................................337
Conclusion ..........................................................................................................346

Bibliography ...................................................................................................................348

ix

List of Figures
Figure 1-1: Kashan, Fin garden: Pavilion, pool, central axis and main entrance ...........23
Figure 1-2: Kashan, Fin garden: cross canals and nozzle .................................................23
Figures 2-1 & 2-2: Disappearing Historic Beijing ............................................................32
Figure 3-1: Cairo, Historic Ayyubid wall .........................................................................69
Figure 3-2: Cairo, Historic Ayyubid wall and Dar-Al-Ahmar neighborhood ...................69
Figure 4-1: Isfahan, Naqsh-e-Jahan Square (Imam square) ..............................................97
Figure 4-2: Isfahan, Naqsh-e-Jahan square, 2008 Green movement ................................97
Figure 5-1 & 5-2: Rehabilitation of Tabriz historic bazaar, Tabriz, Iran .......................114
Figure 6-1: Youth Campaign in support of World Heritage sites, Indonesia .................119
Figure 7-1&7-2: Bamiyan Buddha before and after destruction in 2001, Afghanistan ..149
Figure 8-1&8-2: Ancient city of Bishapour, South west of Iran, Founded in 266 A.D. 202
Figure 9-2: Castle of Salah-ad-Din, Syria, 1999..............................................................210
Figure 9-2: The war torn minaret of Aleppo's Umayyed Mosque, Syria, 2013 ..............210
Figure 10-1: Al-Azhar Park, Cairo, Egypt ......................................................................254
Figure 10-2: Babur's Gardens, Kabul, Afghanistan .........................................................254
x

Figure 11-1: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo ............................................................................255
Figures 11-2: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, The minaret of the Umayyad Mosque in Aleppo
..........................................................................................................................................257
Figure 11-3: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Scheme of the progressive transformation of the
monumental colonnaded street in the souk ......................................................................260
Figure 11-4: Syria, Citadel of Salah AdDin, Western part of the upper plateau .............262
Figure11-5: Syria, Citadel of Masyaf from the southwest, Before and after intervention
..........................................................................................................................................269
Figure11-6: Syria, Citadel of Salah AdDin, View of the courtyard of the Islamic Palace
before and after conservation .........................................................................................269
Figure 11-7: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo.............................................................................270
Figure 11-8 : Syria , Citadel of Aleppo, Historic Layers in Plan.....................................279
Figure 11-9 : Syria , Citadel of Aleppo, A cross-section of the Citadel Hill showing
surface landmarks and underground spaces .....................................................................280
Figure 11-10: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Entrance Complex ...........................................281
Figure 11-11: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo...........................................................................285
xi

Figure 11-12: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Abu Salama Mahmud b. Nasr b. Salih's stone
block was rendered in an animated Kufic script common in Arabic building inscriptions
of the period .....................................................................................................................287
Figure 11-13: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Visitor site plan and facilities ..........................293
Figure 11-14: Syria , Citadel of Aleppo, The ground floor plan of the big Mosque .......295
Figure 11-15: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, The elaborate portal of the palace ....................318
Figure 11-16 & 17: (Left) Citadel of Aleppo, Mamluk entrance to the Throne Hall from
its courtyard (Right) The interior steam room of the Palace Hamman. Several coats of
plaster show ongoing maintenance during the mediaeval period ....................................318
Figure 11-18: Citadel of Aleppo, Axonometric view of the Ayyubid Palace, with the
roofs of the adjacent Arsenal and Palace Hamman raised ...............................................319
Figure 11-19: Citadel of Aleppo, Axonometric view of a house in the old quarter of Bab
Qinnesrine. Ottoman houses inside the Citadel might have followed a similar design ...319
Figure 11-20: Syria, Citadel of Masyaf ..........................................................................320
Figure 11-21: Syria, Citadel of Masyaf ..........................................................................323
Figure 11-22: Citadel of Masyaf, View from the east and the road to Hama .................324
Figure 11-23: Citadel of Masyaf, Eastern front of the inner castle ................................324
xii

Figure 11-24: Citadel of Masyaf, East-west section, the outer and inner castle .............324
Figure 11-25: Citadel Citadel in the early 20th century, showing a more intact southern
elevation and barbican .....................................................................................................329
Figure 11-26: Citadel of Masyaf, After the destruction of the part of the entrance by the
Mongols, the row of machicolations was added by the Mamluks ...................................329
Figure 11-27: Citadel of Masyaf, Outer Castle drawings ...............................................330
Figure 11-28: Citadel of Masyaf, Pillars and arches between the rock and the
fortifications .....................................................................................................................333
Figure 11-29: Citadel of Masyaf, Facade of the entrance complex, the stairway, the
hammam and the barbican ...............................................................................................333
Figure 11-30: Citadel of Masyaf, North-southern section of the entrance complex ......333
Figure 11-31: Citadel of Masyaf, Visitor site plan and facilities ....................................336
Figure 11-32: Citadel of Masyaf, of visitor site plan in western front ...........................336
Figure 11-33: Syria, Citadel of Salah AdDin..................................................................337
Figure 11-34: Citadel of Salah AdDin ............................................................................339
Figure 11-34: Citadel of Salah AdDin, Frankish Master Tower and the third Byzantine
rampart .............................................................................................................................341
xiii

Figure 11-35: Citadel of Salah AdDin, East-west section of the palace ........................343
Figure 11-36: Citadel of Salah AdDin, The Eastern Frontage.........................................344
Figure 11-37: Citadel of Salah AdDin, Section of the Eastern Frontage of the Castle
showing the Master Tower, the excavated moat and the eastern plateau ........................344
Figure 11-38: Citadel of Salah AdDin, Hypothetical reconstruction of an east-west
section showing how the palace might have appeared in the 13th century .....................344
Figure 11-39: Salah AdDin, North-south section, Palace and Hammam .......................345
Figure 11-40: Citadel of Salah AdDin, Visitor Site Plan and Facilities ........................345

xiv

Abstract
Globalization has shaped the form of contemporary urbanism. A well-conserved historic
city has to be defined by certain empirical measurements: it must have influence across
borders and natural barriers; it must be part of a network of commerce and
communication; it must function as a management center for various global economic
operations. There is no such thing as an isolated city in today urban life; a city is always
part of a network of other cities. Given this situation, issues of hierarchy and
interdependence, especially in the economic processes of global economy.
The tension between the working, contemporary city and the integration with the
traditional city is a focal point in all efforts at conservation. Traditional buildings are,
however, adaptable and flexible enough to find a way into the modern functional city.
The older forms are not strictly incompatible. Architectural fieldwork has documented
the usage of exterior facades, the interior and exterior conditions of those facades, the
level and preservation of the finished materials, and various conditions of the interior
spaces and the condition of such municipal utilities as water, electricity, and sewage. On
top of that, a determination must be made on the economic viability of such buildings.
Determinations must be made of current and recent occupancy rates, the types of people
who live in those dwellings, and the costs of maintenance and repair. In the effort to keep
traditional structures and living patterns relevant to modern conditions, preservation
efforts must make recommendations on how to improve the image of core urban
environments.
xv

We need to reconsider the nature of preservation policies, enrich current practices, and
envision an alternative to those practices. As urban environments have become more
dynamic and open to change, public policy experts have had to confront the need for the
protection of traditional buildings, sections of modern cities, and even whole cities and
regions. We have the resources, but we lack the political will to accept the responsibility
implied by our situation. We must act now to halt the destruction of our precious cultural,
urban heritage. If we allow the historic artifact to vanish from our contemporary horizon,
we also surrender our cultural memory, our identity, and the beauty revealed by our
ancestors. We can return a sense of belonging to our communities which are threatened
by the expansion of contemporary development trends which disguise their destructive
nature by claiming to be on the frontier of aesthetics and urbanism. We need an
alternative. We have sixty years of experience in urban conservation to support this
alternative direction, and there is no reason to downsize our ambitions and be fearful of
diminishing the ultimate prospects of our urban living. We are capable of implementing a
comprehensive recovery plan orchestrated by trans-national institutions, federal and local
leaders, and wiser use of private and public investment with the widest possible
participation of stakeholders. Due to serious environmental issues and gradual erosion of
cultural identity, an integrated, holistic approach and an expansion of awareness is
required to solve the intricate problem of historic cities.
Globalization poses any number of problems for political leaders and policy analysts who
place their priorities on regional, national and local mandates. From this point of view,
particular interests are in jeopardy when confronted with vast, international flow of
xvi

capital. Rather than broad global perspectives, political leaders tend to think of intra-city
competition as the basic motive for change. Planners are interested in sophisticated forms
of architecture and new types of environments. The position of local leaders requires a
balancing of the interests between global capital and local body politics. In order to
understand trends in urbanism, it is important to pay close attention to politically
managed policies. This goes a long way in making sense of the similarities and
differences between various global cities. Since the historic cities of the Muslim world
currently experience a crisis in the preservation and transmission of their patrimony, it
has become a public policy issue of great importance to the global community.

1

Introduction
Preservation of our cultural heritage lies with the fundamental importance of memory. It is with
our cultural memory that we are able to preserve and regenerate our cities and our landscapes.
Preservationists have been addressing the need for saving the built urban environment since 50
years ago. Before that, historic preservation was viewed predominantly from the point of view of
archeology and historic monuments. The first reactions to the need to preserve historic cities
were akin to mere restoration of monuments for the purposes of display. In many cases,
preservation made the objects irrelevant to a modern sensibility (Stipe, 2003). In the gradual shift
that has taken place over the years, preservation has been less and less about a glorious past and
has begun to look forward to a progressive future (Rypkema & Cheong, 2011).
One mark of our time is the increasing prevalence of global processes and their effects on local,
traditional forms of cities. Globalization, an immense field of research, calls attention to the
impact on the local and particular. Careful attention to how various cities respond to these
pressures and flows is what makes urban studies such an exciting field. Perhaps the biggest
challenge facing these cities and localities is measuring how this impact is shaping traditional
forms of city living (Gugler, 2004). Cities are, so to speak, the most obvious mark of human
presence against a natural background. All cities display visual, organizational, and historical
patterns of great specificity. The global pressures exerted on these patterns produce partial but
clearly marked effects. Unlike zones designed exclusively for the export of manufactured goods,
traditional cities are still marked by cultural specifics (Benevolo, 1988). The challenge for the
methodological approach to cities is the measurement of global impact on patterns that are local
and specific. To put this challenge another way, we need to interpret which attributes belong to
2

the global within the specific domain of the traditional.
Urban conservation continues to have an important role in the effort to preserve cultural heritage
in a time of rapid modernization and globalization. Nearly every country today has established
historical preservation as an important part of its policy and management. This fact is easily
identified when we consider the number of public buildings and monuments devoted to cultural
heritage and it continues to influence ideas of civic identity and living cultural evolution.
Recently, urban heritage has been at the forefront of the global tourism industry. Beyond the
merely economic incentive for preserving structures and monuments for the sake of tourist
dollars (Rypkema, 2005), the development and expansion of cultural heritage artifacts is also tied
to the representation of symbolic and intangible forms of value, symbols and values that drive
the need for conservation. The difficulty in the current situation is to find ways to address the
need to conserve values while simultaneously managing needed changes to adapt with today life
(Rypkema, 2007).
The Middle Eastern cities are unique as the birthplace of urban living and culture. The city is a
central point of interest in Muslim world history. It is symbolic of cultural identity and cultural
heritage as well as the source of socio-economic development (Jayyusi et al., 2008). More often
than not, however, this historic treasure and irreplaceable heritage source is threatened by a
harmful development policies for renewal or improvement of infrastructure. Most conservation
programs attempt to preserve monuments, protecting only buildings designated as historic
registered buildings or sites without plans for rehabilitation of neighboring structures or
environment (Stubbs, 2009). This mindset is too limited and the results are not capable of
stopping the degradation and enhance the livability of the historic district. We need an approach
3

that goes beyond the narrow focus on sites and monuments which is capable of developing the
entire urban fabric. The historical fabric of the urban setting goes beyond the limited concerns of
specific monuments and sites. In this way, conservation is the art of combining structures and
open spaces in a holistic fashion (Tung, 2001). Archeological sites, historical buildings, and
public and private spaces all play role in insuring a richer social, economic, ecological dimension
to daily life.
It is important to identify the main cultural and social values of these historic cities and to
identify the application of those values to the current way of life (Rypkema & Cheong, 2011).
We must also identify the pressure exerted on those cities by the western and global influences
(Jodidio, 2011). The inability to come to terms with modernization and globalization has led to a
split in the theory of historic urban conservation: on the one hand there are serious efforts to
preserve and on the other hand there is desire for development and growth (Kostof, 1999). It is
also necessary to identify the action and the agents behind urban rehabilitation efforts. These
agents are typically activists, municipal bureaucrats, NGOs and foundations. Their efforts lead to
better understanding of possible various types of publics, the social agents, and knowing
stakeholders involved in the re-invention and urban improvements with regard to restoring
identity and social improvement. The involvement of transnational nongovernmental
organizations dedicated to the defense and protection of urban infrastructure as well as urban
heritage has had impressive results on historic cities.
In addition to theoretical analysis of urban conservation and global issues, this study will
critically explore the projects of Aga Khan Historic Cities Program (HCP) which is the most
active transnational non-governmental urban conservation program in Middle East. It is one of
4

the cultural branches of Aga Khan Foundation. Since its establishment in 1992, the program has
undertaken the restoration of historic structures, the improvement of public spaces and the
rehabilitation of urban areas in ways that stimulate social, economic and cultural development
within Muslim communities (Jodidio, 2007). The main advantage of HCP to other conservation
programs is that the program is not limited to mere preservation tasks. It combines building
rehabilitation with infrastructure renewal and historic urban fabric revitalization.
Research Questions
The central question of this research is that how urban conservation programs and cultural
heritage assets could help historic cities become world-class dynamic, distinctive, and delightful
cities in today global urban world without losing their authenticity, significance and identity.
Preservation of our urban heritage poses many questions that boil down to one basic,
fundamental one: Should we allow the destructive trends in modern developments continue or do
we assume responsibility at this time of vanishing options for urban conservation? This is a
responsibility which we cannot overlook, or we do so at our peril. There is an urgent need to
reevaluate these conservation policies through an integrated program, with links to the cultural
heritage and other priorities (Stubbs, 2009).
The challenge of renewing historic neighborhoods is today a global problem faced by many
nations. There are complex factors in this task. The most obvious issues are the amount of
damage affected to the historical neighborhoods and the physical, cultural, social and economic
viability of preservation projects. Due to the exponential growth of modern cities, the historic
urban core is constantly threatened. This vulnerability has made it imperative to protect the
5

cultural heritage. Conservation plans should include interventions which make the monuments
legible, connecting the city to its past for the audience (Rypkema, 1992). A multidisciplinary
approach ensures that a contemporary rendering of the site available as an inclusive proposition.
This approach ensures the sense of guardianship to citizens and this is achieved through projects
that support active reuse of historic buildings (Stipe & Lee, 1997). These cities used to display
how human effort shape the natural environment; handicrafts and artistic products, works of
ingenuity, showed how values and traditions are embodied in material objects. Each work
reveals the deep connection between human thought and aspirations in difficult material
environment.
In the current debate over the effects of globalization on urban environments, there are two poles:
on the one hand, we find an emphasis on the "hyper-mobility of flows" which have no respect for
localities or borders and we have the particular embedded concerns of those who live and work
in specific places (Sassen, 2007). Space versus place. Flows versus local markets. Abstract and
embedded. In the view of urban research, global cities are localized global activities, sites where
competitive economic advantage is played out (Sassen, 2011). These debates over determining
factors require us to look in detail at local politics and specific policies. The resulting strategic
plan will balance the universal and the particular. The question is how to set this balance. This
study searches for the answer by looking at the shaping forces of globalization; the specific
needs of urban governance; and the local agencies and interests shaping both form and content.
This theoretical analysis explores the alternatives to move from the global to the local and
highlights the challenges that are needed to be tackled.
6

Globalization has also done little to mend the division caused by modernity in historic districts.
The second relevant question of the research is: How could globalization change the destructive
impact of modernization on these cities by shaping areas providing service industries? The
historic urban cores are usually no longer relevant to global economic functions (Gratz & Mintz,
1998). Further analysis in needed to explain how global economic functions impact local
economies and how new technology alters the choices available to developers for locating firms
and residential areas.
Research Purpose
The Purpose of this research is to present solutions for reinforcing the identity, emphasizing the
sense of place and pursuing heritage conservation for Middle Eastern historic cities, while
assisting them to strengthen their socio-economic fabric in this global era.
The goal of the heritage study is to keep and maintain a focus on the sense of place, as something
to be enjoyed by residents and visitors, to any town where conservation efforts are a concern
(Lichfield, 1996). This focus must include both attention to natural elements as well as cultural
artifacts. The heritage study is responsible for policy statements which guide and formulate
conservation efforts in the historic parts of contemporary cities. The past is never something that
is simply disregarded, as if it had never happened (Lowenthal, 1985). A bright future for all
urban locations requires a careful appraisal of the value of historical artifacts as well as an
integration effort to make those artifacts relevant (Stubbs, 2009). Paradoxically, it is by focusing
on the preservation of cultural assets that a modern city is revitalized, that economic activity
improves, and that tourism and the quality of life in general are significantly affected in a
positive manner. In heritage studies, there must be an inventory of the artifacts that require
7

conservation efforts, there must be outlays as well as assessments and planning as part of the
Master Plan (Cohen, 2001). The negative side effects must also be examined: threats and
constraints to the urban core need to be identified quickly and thoroughly.
We need to reach to a comprehensive policy that includes the protection and development of the
cultural heritage Similarly, We need to reconsider the contemporary problems of historical
preservation in the Middle East in a wider framework (Bianca & Jodidio, 2004). The sudden
population growth of second half of 20
th
century and migration from the countryside to the cities
in Muslim countries, particularly Middle East resulted in birth of inadequate accommodations on
the city’s periphery. The historic core of these cities which had always been the active heart of
the city, turned to decay and lost its identity due to inappropriate development (Bosworth, 2007).
Modern conservation efforts can be characterized as the challenge of developing the living city.
In other words, and with respect to preserving the past, the issue is how to make the cultural
heritage relevant to the contemporary city, especially those areas which are relatively neglected
by the passage of time. This makes raising public awareness a priority. Such an awareness will
make the ordinary citizen mindful of the importance of integrating the past with contemporary
understandings of urban hygiene and modern conveniences (Rypkema, 1992). Thus, the object of
maintaining an alive historic city is the objective of most serious conservation efforts. In this
understanding, the relationship between architecture and conservation efforts are not the only
causal factors in maintaining a sense of place. Current planning processes as well as Heritage
Impact Assessments are used to define the appropriate meaning of the living city, something
appropriate to a measure called the "Outstanding Universal Value" (UNESCO, 1989), and this
can also lead to the proper administration of the living historic city.
8

Conservation programs need to facilitate elements of economic, political, cultural and civic
circuits of the city. The entire city, including the historic enclave has to emerge as an important
economic center and articulated global market. It needs to participate in the network of
economic relationships (Newman & Thornley, 2011). While major historic cities of Middle East,
such as Baghdad, Cairo, Damascus, Jerusalem, Isfahan and Beirut preserve their valuable
heritage, they have to become centers of complex economic circuitry in the region or at least be
compatible with the global financial network. Gradually these centers reach a threshold of
complexity which might actually represent global city functions, an achievement that takes place
through a combination of national and foreign investment, corporate services, firms and markets
(Sassen, 2011). In order to accommodate the requirements of a global city, new infrastructure
has to be created through massive investments. A global historic city requires an extensive
professional class to service and manage its various functions. This study intends to identify
these elements and illustrate their connection.
Research Problem - Need For The Study
There is a disconnect between urban conservation plans and urban development goals in Middle
Eastern historic cities. This is the fundamental problem of urban planning for historic cities in
general and for Middle Eastern cities in particular.
We need to consider the contemporary problems of historical preservation in the Middle East in
a wider context. It is important to identify the primary cultural values of these historic cities and
to explore in what ways those values remain relevant to the modern age. We must also address
the pressure exerted on those cities by globalization. The inability to come to terms with
modernization has led to a split in the theory of historic urban conservation: on the one hand
9

there are serious efforts to "conserve" and on the other hand there is "development". The narrow
focus of conservation efforts on specific buildings and archeological sites may not be appropriate
for developing a conservation effort in a viable complex environment. New approaches need to
be developed that take into account the social and architectural elements of the urban fabric.
These approaches must be holistic and multi-level in implementation and must include strong
participation basis from the beginning.
There is a subtle change in the conservation enterprise going on today. New ideas and
approaches are being debated by experts, scholars, and policy specialists. The older attitude
which relied almost exclusively on monuments and building seen in isolation from their
surroundings, has given way to a more integrationist approach where the monuments are seen as
part of a larger context. Additionally, conservation has been viewed as an emergency measure,
when older structures urgently demanded attention. Only then were the necessary steps taken to
alleviate the situation. Contemporary conservation is a view which respects the past, preservers
the present and looks toward the future. The top priority, after all, is to retain the original
meaning and purpose set down by the culture. Cultures can only survive through continuity and
effort (Stipe, 2003). In this effort to maintain consistency and continuity, it is important to let the
city take its shape and condition relying on its flexibility.
Urban cultural conservation requires careful attention to the unique historical parts of all urban
areas. Preservation involves more than simply caring about streets and facades (Jacobs, 1961)
(Tung, 2001) (Rypkema & Cheong, 2011). Because of various economic pressures placed on the
traditional patterns and structures, they are rapidly becoming unsuitable for conventional living
10

which makes preservation attempts become nearly impossible. Preservation is not primarily
about design principles, but an interdisciplinary approach requiring expertise from various fields.
Contrary to traditional way of planning cities, the basic dynamic of globalization is "de-
centralization" or dispersal (Sassen, 2001). Where there was once concentration and historic
core-environs, we now have grids, networks and dispersed but connected agencies. Dispersal
now affects all sense of place, whether regional, national, or global. Where human traditions
experienced cities as central sites or "embedded centrality," global forces are now dispersing and
reconfiguring all activities essential to production. We now have transnational networks of cities
connected in cyber-space (Sassen, 2002). Nevertheless, even with this dispersal of function,
concentration remains a feature of global functioning. But we no longer experience simple
continuity. Instead, the previously straightforward connection between centrality and the
downtown or core urban site has been disrupted. Globalization is rapidly shifting the meaning of
centralization (Gugler, 2004). The new technologies and organizational forms emerging in these
times are altering forever the correlation of the Central Business District or the so-called core
city. Most centers are now defined by financial operations or as technology hubs (Sassen, 2011).
Then the city becomes the site of contestation between a financial elite and the disadvantaged.
Given this reality, the challenges are faced by new classes of the dispossessed, the migrants,
women, and the unskilled. When we speak of centrality now, it means the right to claim a place
in the evolving space of global cities.
As groups and governments gradually became more aware of the importance of preservation,
more attention is paid to the task of preserving and maintaining works in the urban and
architectural heritage. Against the stress placed on local traditions by relentless globalization,
11

buildings and even cities are seen as the buffer against homogenization (Rossi, 1982). As urban
environments have become more dynamic and open to change, public policy experts have had to
confront the need for the protection of traditional buildings, sections of modern cities, and even
whole cities and regions. Unfortunately, the first reactions to the need to preserve were akin to
mere life-like building for the purposes of display. The trend was to keep things that were felt to
be important as ease, but most experts were not clear about the best way to do that. The default
position was not to touch the building as a museum piece and to isolate it from ongoing human
decisions or to remove these objects from human interaction. People were confused about the
manner in which they were to be appreciated. In many cases, preservation made the objects
irrelevant to a modern sensibility. Because of this tension, scholars and public policy
professional sought a new paradigm: the undesired impact of preservation is needed to be
examined and the generative process of historic structures and towns should be seen as part of
the timeline of ongoing evolution of human dwelling. The nature of preservation policies need to
be reconsidered, current practices need to be enriched and alternative to those practices need to
be envisioned.
Qualitative Advocacy Worldview - Formalization Method
The topic of this study is new. Little research has been done on preserving historic districts in
emerging global cities. Using urban conservation as a tool for connecting historic cities to the
network of global cities is an area that has never been addressed with samples from Middle East.
The important variables for this linkage are not known due to our unfamiliarity to different
angles of globalization and also its rapid pace in changing cities. Therefore qualitative approach
allows room to be innovative in this investigation and work better within this designed
12

frameworks. The existing theories in urban conservation relevant to globalization do not apply
with the geographic area under this study.
This research is an advocacy research because I pursue my personal values and interests. I
believe and intend to support the fact that our historic urban heritage should take center stage in
our approach to development and urban growth. Since the current policies in city planning do not
value the historic urban heritage as central stage for decision making, this research digs into
politics and should contain an action agenda for reform. This study advocates policies that put
heritage conservation at the forefront and as the source for adding intrinsic value as well as a
source of inspiration for the future. The Issue of empowerment is the focal point of the study.
Here, participants of the research are historic cities and this advocacy research provides a voice
for these cities. A voice for reform and change. The study borrows from the empowerment issue-
orientating characteristic of the advocacy approach to postulate a new theory in urban
conservation. We need to enable the social and architectural elements of the urban fabric to be
revitalized from within, responding to its specific cultural characteristics.
It also uses the change-oriented quality of advocacy approach to suggest a radical change in the
way we plan our cities. Urban conservation needs to be built on strong grass-root participation
from the beginning, and imply innovative institutional and financing procedures to become
sustainable. The study challenges accepted approaches among conservationists and developers.
The classical conservation concepts, while they may be justified for exceptional single buildings
or archaeological sites, are not viable for complex, alive urban structures (Bianca, 2007).
Here theoretical perspectives are integrated with the philosophical assumptions that construct a
picture of the changes that are needed in urban planning. This research focuses on helping
13

historic cities free themselves from devastating consequences of development policies and
bringing about a change in practice. It also aims to come to a political alternative and propose a
flexible plan for changing current conservation policies in Middle Eastern historic cities.
Questions of methodology require a mixture of empirical observations and advanced analysis.
This study does not intend to calculate how damage to structures and urban fabric occurs and
what ways and means there are for addressing them. It will not study the monuments and sites to
decide questions of preservation. The study determines which factors work for urban
conservation and which factors work against it. After identifying key factors, it would be
important to make recommendations for the measures that must be taken to save our urban
heritage and preserve it sustainably.
By using formalization method, this study avoids gathering new data but work out the details
implied by the information that already exist. In other words, the study lives by borrowing. This
method uses modes of reasoning about urban conservation that require some "quasi-factual"
input. It is thus halfway between theories and methods (Abbott, 2004). Urban conservation has
lost contact with social reality when it comes to Middle Eastern cities. By using stylized facts
borrowed from other methodological traditions and sciences, the study fills this theoretical gap.

14

Chapter One: History
The terms of ancient and classical civilization, often informed by some notion of divine
revelation, were set aside and viewed as mere historical curiosities by those who championed the
modern quest for paradise on earth. No longer tied to sacred scriptures, the modern man has set
himself apart and now stands on his own to reform, make, and achieve things that were
considered before nearly impossible things. Furthermore, death and evil, terms inherited from
the past and having a place in the older scheme, were displaced and rendered meaningless.
Modern man sought to avoid dealing with these things directly. According to most secular
dreams of progress, death and evil now disappears once we have arrived at the final stage of
history.
Today we are only too aware that progress is a myth. Despite the rapid improvements in housing,
food resources, medicine and other areas, we witness the degradation of the natural world. It
seems that our expectations were perhaps too high. We have not become the masters of the earth
we envisioned ourselves to be. The rate of consumption of raw materials, resources that were
produced in the course of millions of years, is staggering to say the least. There can't be a
technological solution to this problem; such intensification would lead to greater disasters down
the line (Huntington, 2011).
Simultaneously with the rape of nature, we also witness the need to preserve the integrity of
ancient cultures (Jokilehto, 2002). It is never an easy thing for a people to abandon a way of life
established over long periods of time. Many leaders are all too aware of the threat posed by an
unbridled secularism. Oddly, human beings were able to find some sort of balance with nature
over the course of evolution. With the advent of technology we witness a profound disruption,
15

more radical than anything seen before. Not only does technology consume resources, it also
dries up the creative energies that lie dormant in the memory of cultures (Graburn, 1999). An
unintended outcome is the pauperization of all peoples, stripped as they would be of culture,
values, and aspirations. In this sense we speak of capitalism as a criminal enterprise.
The great crime of the capitalist system is the reduction of all values and experiences to
quantifiable and abstract units of worth. Everything, including human intimacy and psychic
independence has now become something of a market (Schuster et al, 1997). Happiness,
fulfillment, good health, strong interpersonal relationships are now understood in quantitative
terms. With the streamlining of the industrial process, locations become arbitrary. It is possible
to harness energy or deplete resources anywhere on the globe, whatever the disruptions to the
local social order. Cultural identity now becomes fashion and man becomes a servant to the
machine he has created.
Perhaps the underlying cause of this chaos are societies that practice a form of individualism that
make economic prosperity the key to the meaning of life (Toffler, 1971). In traditional societies
the happiness of the individual was always subordinated to the life of the community.
Developments, resources, cultivation beyond the necessary amount were never considered
desirable. The world was understood to be a expression of God’s goodness and generosity.
Whatever specialized crafts and arts were firmly based on the stability and order of the
community. In such thinking, the production cycle is not geared for exchange value but for use
value, as Marx observed in Capital (Marx, 1867). Traditional social orders always place the
common good above the success of the few; even those self-conscious elites were aware of a
16

duty to aid the less fortunate. It is this profound transformation that marks the significant shift to
a secular, modern system of relationships.
The turbulence of historical events has had a devastating impact on various types of residential
areas, especially in elite communities of in Middle Eastern historic cities. The elites would
gradually abandon their area and then the entire place went into a downward spiral of decay,
becoming the venue for lower middle class immigrants (Zweig, 1987). What is so central to the
maintenance of living standards, culture and distinction, were lost. This is the central problem
urban planners find most difficult to resolve: how to bring standing, prestige, culture and
distinction to all areas of a community or city. After all, when any part of an urban cityscape is
deprived of value, the entire city suffers (Peet, 2009).
Of course the central philosophical question is: why preserve? What is this obsession with
keeping the past in view in a material sense? The most common answer, of course, is that we
preserve those properties which have value. Many feel that the past must be honored not only for
the purposes of continuity but also as a point of access to wonderful achievements (Lakham,
1996). If nothing else, the architecture of the past contains ingenuity and design and, as such,
should be appreciated.
Architectural conservationist are those who favor keeping the past alive and relevant. For them,
it is the material work, the fabric that contains value. The reason is not that they can't let go, but
that those materials are of interest even today and we continue to learn from them. To this day,
millions of people appreciate the contributions of the past in the arts, designs, and in social order.
17

Those who favor the past tend to view history as a series of displacements. Since humans are
competitive and extremely status conscious, the events of history often meant that one dynasty or
house of rulers was replaced by another. During these shifts in politics and culture, the attitude
was the past should be destroyed to make way for the new(Jokilehto, 2002). In the multiple
dynastic histories in the East and during the political and religious wars in the West, older orders
were not merely vanquished, but traces of the past were also removed from view. This had the
psychological advantage of promoting the visibility of new rulers and new regimes. Almost
every major world city contains strata of history wherein one might find the remains, if any is
left, of older orders, regimes, religious sites, and cultural centers.
This attitude toward the past is shared by most artists. Art, unlike science, is far more suspicious
of its own history. Art is often driven by a unique creative genius or a social movement and such
individuals or groups often judge their predecessors very harshly (Riegl, 2004). The saying goes
that Nothing is more fluctuating and fragile than questions of taste and beauty. There are many
examples of this turn against the past: Spain has only recently concede some standing to its
Moorish past, having preferred for centuries to deny or ignore it; Turkey has a long tradition of
ignoring its own past in the form of the Byzantine Empire, preferring to acknowledge the Islamic
past and certain border cultures which seemed particularly inspired (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007). Changes in culture often happen in strange ways and in order to gain status and stability,
the leaders tend to downgrade or dismiss previous regimes as unacceptable and even repulsive
(AlSayyad, 2001). Once the modern has triumphed, the older can face oblivion.
The ways of ancestors remain mysterious. It has often been remarked that the past is a foreign
country (Lowenthal, 1999). In order to understand these lands we need important clues to their
18

coherence, if indeed they were coherent. The source material is vital. The discovery of the genius
of place, the unique contribution it has made to the history of mankind, may be attributed to
geographical features and whatever human activities engaged in there. The key to preservation is
keeping the connection between the human agency on display there and the physical features
which made those activities possible (Rypkema, 2007).
There are we have three portals to the past: memory, written documents, artifacts (Bennison &
Gascoigne, 2007). Of the three, artifacts are the most informative because they yield a tangible
and vivid account of the past. These pieces indicate the intelligence and purpose through design
and the abundance of creativity in all the arts. Unlike memory, which is often spotty and
unreliable, and unlike written documents which require careful interpretation in most cases, the
artifacts are almost immediately intelligible.
From the perspective of modern life and its numerous fragmentations, we glance back at the built
environments of the past which are replete with representations of wholeness, of integrity, of
identity (Bluestone, 2010). We discover by re-considering these things that people in other times
have achieved some form of substantive integration. Historic cities, for all their limitations,
remain repositories of the vastness and richness of the human spirit (Mumford, 1991) . The
evidence for the appeal of these cities is that as we have grown beyond the limited world of the
past, we never abandon the riches we find there. Even in large secular cities, we still remain
centered at sacred sites from the past. Often these are the only sites where many find the key to
human existence, for what could be the purpose of the city if not to support the meaning of
human life?
19

What we find in the past is not merely ruins or what has been used and discarded. Rather, what
we find is the complex intertwined events and works of the past searching for some form of
wholeness (Lynch, 1976). Obviously, as we behold these wonders, we also find that the sum is
greater than the sum of the parts. The city is then like a symphony spread over time. Various
contributions from different sources add to the wonder of the unity. The changes are small and
less obvious, but no less remarkable. The places of work, the habits of interaction and the
customs that abide all shape a form of life (Abu-Lughod, 1989). It is precisely this give and take
It is precisely this "give and take" that the past provides, a context as well as providing new
experiences which makes the dynamic of urban life so rich and so adverse to the trivialization
that results from mechanical forms (Morris, 1995).
We continue to meditate on these questions: In what ways is the past accessible to us? How can
we use it? The architectural past is there to be appropriated, to be catalogued, or to be discarded.
The choice bears down on our collective humanity. We have already seen a number of choices:
those who would freeze the past just as it is in order to preserve it in the manner of Egyptian
mummies; those who would exploit it so that the past can be just another way to generate
currency; those who would live in a gentrified version of the past so as to achieve a form of
prestige that only a few can enjoy; those who would tap the past as a source of inspiration, an
alternative to the narrative of progress (Lowenthal, 1999). Perhaps in all this there might be a
new pathway that unlocks the potential embedded in the structures of the past. In that final case,
we might be able to provide for a more hopeful future based on what we have inherited from the
past. Let’s consider this problem in more detail.
20

The most obvious roadblock to unlocking the power embedded in the past is simply the reflex of
antiquarianism (Bianca, 1994). There is a reaction to the past that makes a fetish of past forms.
This is non-creative and reactionary response. Any true assessment of the current practice of
urban construction and design makes it clear that urban planning faces multiple obstacles (Jacobs,
1961). There is a profound lack of imagination in the design of modern cities. It is for this reason
we can encourage planners to look back to the past, to re-interpret the energies of the past, and to
make something of the formal achievements. In the developing world, more proximate to the
pre-industrial past, there is much to be gained by reconnecting with the monuments of the past.
Even though it may not seem plausible, we can have it both ways. We can honor the past, while
recognizing the inevitable processes of evolution. Simply because because something comes
from something is past doesn't mean that it can't be useful. Evolution does not require us to put
the past aside once and for all. At the same time, some past structures or patterns may be
discarded as no longer useful. However, it is possible to revitalize the patterns and designs of the
past for new purposes (Perenyi, 1973) (Lakham, 1996) (Tung, 2001). For instance, the past
contains a vast repertoire of symbols that can be used for creating meaning in the future. These
symbols were used to make sense of human scale prior to industrialist gigantism; they can also
provide for the successful use of open spaces to make face to face communication more fruitful
and enjoyable; they are the means for integrating marginalized populations into the mainstream
(Appleyard, 1979). All of this will produce a well-grounded community of residents. This is the
proper response to the destructive tendencies of globalization (Bianca, 1994).
Either way, whether a fondness for the past or a hopeful attitude toward the future, these attitudes
left us with a risk that culture itself would dry up as a source for inspiration. People need a sense
21

of continuity even as they venture to new destinations. The past is never merely the past. Too
much emphasis on the technical has eroded our sense of the spiritual; it has weakened the bonds
that hold people together. In this light and in this situation, the past seemed to be dead forever.
Rather than forming a sound appreciation of carefully crafted objects, we had a scientific
investigation of a corpse (Zweig, 1987). A tendency toward reductionism occurred, seeing most
work as merely an attempt to satisfy the material needs. Even the modern desire for preservation
has not escaped the influence of the mortician's attitude toward the abandoned past. No one now
seems able to preserve the past as the flow of a spiritual energy for the sake of future generations
(Bianca, 1994).
We acknowledge the important contributions made by those who seek to preserve the past.
Nevertheless, there is an obvious pitfall: the cultural heritage can never and ought never to be
seen as frozen in time or merely attached to past accomplishments. When that occurs, the only
interest it inspires is antiquarianism (Bianca, 1994). When those fragments of the past are
stripped of their life sustaining context, there is nowhere to go but the museum. We know that
museum are similar to mortuaries. The power, the radiance that brought those works to life has
now faded. If conservation were to separate itself from the daily tasks of life, it would fail to
serve its real end which is the passing on of cultural values (Benevolo, 1988). The best approach
is to make a serious effort, through decisions affecting economics and social life, to guarantee
the preservation of these forces for good (Rypkema, 2007) (Bianca, 1994) (Cohen, 2001). When
it comes to in Middle Eastern historic cities, All preservation must attend to cultural
requirements.
There is an equilibrium between the physical sites of a culture and its social existence and
function (Jacobs, 1961). Many of these sites are sources of civic and national pride. People find
22

their roots in these places and long lines of people and families remain attached to them. All of
this becomes a depository of memory, of origins, of sacred ground (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007). When people are separated from their land and the environment which shapes it, they
become rootless, experiencing a grave insecurity where the question of who they are can no
longer be answered in a satisfactory manner (Lichfield, 1996). In light of this basic truth about
humanity, it is of paramount importance that we solve the problems posed by the preservation of
our cultural heritage.
We need not place limits on our efforts to conserve historic properties. Given the environmental
conditions and proper maintenance we may be able to preserve aging artifacts indefinitely.
Human ingenuity may provide even more advanced techniques in the future to make long
standing structures remain intact for longer stretches of time. As an example, consider the
example of the Pantheon in Rome. It has stood the test of time and yet remains in relatively good
condition. Two thousand years is a remarkable period of time for a human artifact (Rossi, 1982).

23

Figure 1-1: Kashan/ Iran, Fin garden: Pavilion, pool and central axis with the view of main
entrance at far end

Figure1- 2: Kashan/ Iran, Fin garden: cross canals and nozzle

24

Chapter Two: Urban Conservation
Urban conservation is today recognized as a legitimate concern and an important part of public
policy around the world. The parameters of the field have shifted away from an exclusive focus
on monuments/cultural memory and now include the experience of living and adapting to
modern conditions. Perhaps the primary reason for the growing prominence of this field is the
increasing demands placed on the global tourist industry. With more and more people traveling
and looking for unique experiences, especially of historical artifacts, more planning and
development is necessary. The preservations of historical areas and regions goes well beyond
mere preservation and actively seeks to find ways to make historical forms relevant to modern
conditions (Stubbs,2009). When the symbolic and other intangible values of an area are lost,
conservation as a discipline and a policy issue also loses its purpose and direction (Stipe, 2003).
The task today is above all one of adaptation.
If adaptation to modern conditions is to guide policy, then we ought to consider the task of urban
restoration one of the dominate themes is upgrading the living qualities of historical districts. We
want these historic areas to retain a distinctive character while providing the convenience of
modern living. If this is the objective, then a set of complementary issues are also related to the
objective. These issues include upgrading infrastructure, enhancing the living environment, the
public spaces, the facilities used and enjoyed by countless people (Pendlebury, 2008).
Governments normally provide support for the modern developments before applying them
retroactively to historic districts. This has everything to do with the tempo of development.
Whatever adaptations are made, they will need to be such that they honor the unique qualities of
the historic venues (Rypkema, 2007).
25

The fact that resources are always limited-it is never possible to have everything we want- the
disincentives for preserving the past are easily recognized. Developers, planners, urbanists are
much more susceptible to new corporate and civic plans than they are to conserving fading
aesthetic objects. According to a common misconception, money set aside for protection is not
exactly active in shaping the future (Rypkema, 2005). At least this is a common misconception
in Middle Eastern historic cities.
The modern functionalist approach to urban organization is problematic in many respects. Yet it
has a certain appeal, especially to those interested in the maximization of profits. It features the
overtly rationalistic approach which encouraged a speculator's attitude toward city and urban
forms. After World War II, especially in the United States, the urban fabric was sacrificed to the
notion of suburbia, with its endless sprawl, and a rigid pattern of commercial concentration in the
core urban area (Stubbs,2011). From the perspective of enhancing social relationships both
phenomena are disasters. This is known as the disaster of atomization; the significant bonds that
ought to hold an area, region, or city together simply evaporated through the grid of hyper-
rationality. American post-modernists understood this situation and sought the reinvention of the
central plaza as a way to retain some balance from the anomie afflicting the modern urban core
(Frank, 2010) (Stubbs,2011).
Urbanism can be understood as a societal process in which the spatial and locational elements
are used to order social and economic relationships (Sitte, 1986) (Cowan, 2005). We don't have a
full understanding of how urban space and social integrity occur or are maintained. There are
many elements in this mix: ideological, political and social settings. Archeology researches what
is found underground, the remains of urban history (Kostof,1991). The hypothetical
reconstruction of sites yields plans and layouts more often than fully constituted buildings. In
26

conjunction with these things, we need to find connections between plans and layouts to spatial
use and social interaction in Middle Eastern historic cities. The analysis of urban space yields
built elements, such as buildings, walls and fences. But there are many other elements besides
these. At a more abstract level, we might suggest the notion of spatial organization, the
difference between public and private, the meaning of inside and outside, gender and age
function, notions of cleanliness and safety, the resident and the guest. (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007) (Williams, 2007) When we speak of the form of a city we refer to the laws and regulations
which govern the functioning of that city. The form is what makes a city possible as an organized
entity. When we analyze the ruins of historic cities, we explore the manner of centralization,
decision making, the pressures and norms expected and the individual processes of adaptation
(Rossi, 1982). All of these things go into making sense of the city plan.
Historically, the city is an object of philosophical speculation and intense political passion
(Lewis, 1949). The role of the city in human history, from the works of Plato and Augustine in
the West to the biblical stories and religious inspiration of the East, attest to the fact that the city
is not without its serious ambiguities. From a strictly Muslim point of view, the city can be a site
of serious corruption and temptation, even as it remains a hallmark of the achievements of
civilization (Bianca, 2006). Muhammad's regard for Medina extended to making a holy site, a
place of illumination. Alternatively, we see the historian Ibn Khaldun referencing it as a place of
immorality (Ibn Khaldun, 2005). The city suffers generally from all the praise and criticism man
makes of woman-it can be The Mother of the World (Cairo) while also being regarded as a
temptress, a seductress, a lure that works against man's fortitude and uprightness of will. The city
is the charm that takes vital energy from the man made whole by his struggles with the
wilderness, with the desert, with the problems of life. This polarization and ambivalence have
27

made the city an ongoing problem, a source of fascination and confusion (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007). And the problems of the city remain with us today, only now in the guise of urban
planning and policy.
In the current situation we witness something of a chaos in urban planning and architectural
design in Middle Eastern historic cities. It's difficult to determine whether any sort of narrative
code is organizing urban experience or whether the homogeneous patterns of the past are
respected at all (Fitch, 1990). Many Western tourists and spectators are confused by the apparent
jumble of architectural forms and street patterns in Middle Eastern historic cities. Questions
abound as to the purpose and design of enclosed spaces, dead end streets and apparently
labyrinthine passageways. Rationalists were confused by the mix of styles and by the redundancy
(Jayyusi, 2008). The more perceptive noticed the capillary work of interpretation used in
domestic design, the various fabrics used in construction, and the overall plan of the traditional
city. There really is a reason for dead-end streets and complex passageways; in short, in works
well as a defensive posture and as a way to regulate traffic flow. These subtle notes were missed
by many foreigners. More importantly, the decisions were made at the local level, by all those
residents who were directly affected; not by government agents or rulers (Bosworth, 2008). What
seems alien to outside observers is that most of the vital decisions remain in the hands of
residents in the neighborhoods and villages because those are the people most directly affected
by decisions.
The most common justifications for demolition of classic buildings are given in the following
terms: to provide greater safety for residents; in order to make the city cleaner and healthier; to
reduce the traffic congestion that makes the city unlivable; to encourage economic and social
28

progress (Lakham, 1996) (Johnson-Marshall, 1966) (Tung, 2001). Perhaps the most commonly
used example is the modernization of Istanbul: the demolition of dense urban areas was
accomplished in order to make fire hazards less likely (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). One can
observe the steady decline in the aesthetics of that wonderful city by comparing various photos
and images of the city over time. It is instantly obvious that there were many layers of
monuments, small neighborhoods, bath houses, and cemeteries, all of them done in exquisite
detail. Today only a marginal percentage of those fine structures survive.
The policies and plans of New York City Commissioner Robert Moses provide yet another
example of demolition policies at work. Of course New York needed a new form of
transportation in order to facilitate the movement of masses of people. Yet the destruction of
precious fountains, parks, and buildings is nothing less than appalling. He was able to
accomplish all that because such projects were defended in populist terms (Mason, 2009). In
retrospect the projects seem misguided and largely negative in outcome. It's clear there were
alternatives to massive tenement destruction, relocation of displaced residents, and the
construction of motor ways (Mason, 2009). Unfortunately, Moses' concept remains active in
many parts of the urban world even to this day.
Another telling account of urban catastrophe was the Beijing hosted Olympic games of 2008.
One estimate claims that nearly one third of the central city area of Beijing was demolished to
provide for this spectacle. We must consider this rapid demolition process as a tragedy.
Officially, the reason provided for this destruction was that the buildings were in poor condition;
the housing was old and in declining condition. The real reason for the demolition had to do with
generating revenue from the hordes of visitors and athletes in Beijing for the games (Wheatley,
29

2008). As we have said this is an excellent example of how and why large scale destruction of
historic or merely older properties takes place because of an uncritical love of profits and
modernization. Oddly the thousand years history is simply written off as a casualty of
modernization. Everything is to serve the grand spectacle and attract foreign revenue. The moral
of the tale might be that the elderly are always the victims of ambitious young people craving
wealth and status.
One of the problems with urban restoration is the need to do a good deal of repair work. Much of
the work that needs to be done requires repairing the damage of prior restoration efforts. The
irony is striking. Obviously previous generations were well aware of the need for proper
restoration, but they lacked the techniques and materials we have today. This has led to a
growing problem of how to treat those buildings that need repairs and require undoing the
damage done by those who made efforts in the past. We might be talking about disfigurement or
shoddy work. It could involve removing materials, such as concrete and stabilizing foundations
that have suffered from neglect. It can also involve heating systems, ventilation and air-
conditioning (Rypkema, 2007) (Chase, 2004). Today these problems are far easier to handle but
the older work poses a significant risk to design and refiguring. It's hard to say whether the
previous efforts should simply be removed or adapted to. Each era has its own limitations.
In addition to these matters there is an ongoing concern over structural defects. Many buildings
have required repair work and continuous maintenance. This work has often been less than
adequate (Perenyi, 1973). This then complicates an already difficult situation for Middle Eastern
historic cities; do we intervene with modern techniques which alter the original design and
materials and at what scale and scope? Such questions remain unanswered .
30

If we look at a building as a work of art, then it's appropriate to see it as an investment of energy.
Embodied energy is the basic principle of architecture (Stubbs,2011) (Rypkema, 2005) (Frank,
2010). To destroy such objects is to have wasted that investment. At any time, building any sort
of human structure requires significant labor, time, and materials costs. There seems to be a logic
in maintaining such investments. We want to forestall destruction as long as it is feasible. A good
method for understanding this is the conversion made in the 1970s of assigning a BTU to each
constructed artifact. When we compare this objectively to the cost of destroying and replacing, a
good economic argument might be made for restoration and conservation for Middle Eastern
historic cities.
Not only is it a matter of investment, but also of assessing the value. It is extremely difficult to
assess the monetary value of such sites. These original materials certainly share in the
appropriate historical structure. It doesn't make sense to try and copy them or to replicate them
with more contemporary materials and no one seeks to calculate the replacement costs. The
economic argument is secondary to the historic preservation position.
The specialists, such as architects and engineers, can provide feasibility studies to estimate the
question of repairs versus replacement. Those who are equipped to perform these cost-benefit
analyzes are the surveyors, the real estate appraisers, marketing experts, and economists. This
type of knowledge which is the special concerns of a small professional group of people bears
directly on questions of land value, tourism revenues, and the tax rate in historic venues.
Restoration is also a means of reducing local unemployment (Rypkema, 2005). Rehabilitation is
an ideal way to employ people because it is so labor intensive. It also results in lower purchases
costs for new living quarters and office space which, if brand new, is often exorbitant (Stipe,
2003) (Johnson-Marshall, 1966).
31

Understanding a building is far more than knowing its walls, its framing and finish. This is due
to the simple truth that the parts in isolation can never explain the whole. We must begin with the
original conception in the designer's mind and then proceed to understand how it was realized in
the world of concrete, steel, stone, and water. This is Plato’s fundamental insight concerning the
ideas or forms of things. And because these structures belong to history, they often bear its marks
(Chase, 2004). Do we wish to pretend that the building somehow remains aloof? No, even those
marks, modifications, and alterations must be taken into account. In fact, what makes each
building unique is the way in which it has experienced history.

32

Figure 2-1: Disappearing Historic Beijing by Sze Tsung Leong from his book "Horizons" (2008)

Figure 2-2: Disappearing Historic Beijing by Sze Tsung Leong from his book "Horizons" (2008)

33

Chapter Three: Globalization
If we take a closer look at the distinction between places and work processes we notice the
characteristics of globalization. When we think of places where the global economy functions we
often miss site specific characteristics, the types of things geography tells us about a place. But
place and site can't be or shouldn't be neutralized (Stipe, 2003). In fact, place is a major
dimension of the global economy. Cities perform the most important functions in the global
economy. Cities seem to include all those elements relevant to the orderly functioning of the
global economy. We can call forth any number of factors: low-wage jobs, quite common in
larger cities; the infrastructure of low-income neighborhoods. Oddly enough these areas co-exist
with some of the most sophisticated areas of the global circuit.
The city is not an easily defined socio-economic entity. At the core of this entity is the notion of
centrality. If the global network continues to expand and favor dispersion, the classic notion of
the city seems to require re-definition: Why does centrality continue to matter? Does it continue
to play an important role or is diffusion more likely to become increasingly more relevant?
Geographical dispersal now seems to be the norm. In the past, as human societies went through
various phases of production and organization, it was important for there to be a center or seat of
authority. Today centrality is no longer tied to a specific place. The new information
technologies continue to offer newer modalities of centrality (Sassen, 1999). Now we have
transnational configurations of information linked in cyberspace. As we move forward, the
relationship between downtown and spatial concentration are diverging. Before long the phrase
central business district may no longer mean what it means now (Marcuse, 2000) (Gratz & Mintz,
1998).
34

Impacts of Globalization
Contemporary discussions of globalization are increasingly dominating the study of economics.
What seems to drive globalization, according to most theorists and writers, is economic progress
coupled with technological changes in production and distribution (Sassen, 2011). Globalization
also represents the condition of international trade and rising prosperity. Another dimension,
however, must be highlighted in any adequate discussion of this phenomenon: the social changes
that globalization fosters (Sassen, 2008). This might be understood as a quickly shrinking world
with rising awareness of global conditions.
It is becoming increasingly evident that historical preservation is a priority for Middle Eastern
historic cities. We cannot simply neglect the past or its remains. The current attitude is that older
artifacts are important markers of identity; those markers cannot be neglected without doing
serious damage to national purpose and integrity. In fact, globalization is posing a significant
threat to the integrity of all cultural and local markers. The problem with the current attempts to
shape the process of globalization is that too much is in the hands of inefficient bureaucracies of
the state (Newman & Thornley 2011). These agencies are overwhelmed by global capitalism and
the pressures it places on the urban infrastructure. A sign of this sad state of affairs in Middle
Eastern historic cities is the effort to preserve these ancient sites as if they belonged in a museum
rather than as important parts of current social life. A better policy directive would be to order
and arrange ways for residents of the contemporary world to live in meaningful ways with its
past (Clark, 1996). What is badly needed is a new formulation which unites the two ends of this
paradox: making the past alive without killing it (Rypkema, 2007). Much work needs to be done
35

on preservation and conservation. In this work we examine the options and alternatives we face
in the future.
Conservation and Globalization
The primary purpose of modern conservation policies is to preserve the greats accomplishments
of the past for future generations (Jokilehto, 2002). If we don't understand and preserve our
heritage in Middle Eastern historic cities, how will future generations determine their own
identities? History is a vitally important matter in the construction and continuation of society.
Keeping this connection alive is a good way to guarantee a strong sense of cultural identity. In
conjunction with these outcomes, we find that tourism benefits from the ongoing concern with
preservation and conservation (Hayllar, Griffin, Edwards, 2008). As contemporary life continues
to change and form new plans in Middle Eastern historic cities, and as new construction
continues to provide infrastructure, the question of the significance of heritage buildings does not
disappear; one need only visit, however briefly, to stand in amazement as these achievements.
Unfortunately, we also witness the lack of repair and the process of decay and ruin. This is what
makes the matter of restoration and integration so urgent. Adapted for circumstances, many of
these buildings might provide meaningful connection with urban stakeholders. By blending the
past and the future, we arrive at a more vital and important present for Middle Eastern historic
cities.
Globalization is increasingly putting more pressure on urban environments (Sassen, 2002). Many
of the older buildings were divided into smaller living units, or apartments. The reason for this is
primarily economic. These resources often are quite attractive to speculators who seek to convert
older buildings into modern apartment complexes, malls, and shopping centers. In this mad rush
36

for economic advantage in Middle East, architectural values are a very low priority. Any analysis
of these events must consider the issue from both the developers' and the tenants' points of view
(Sassen, 2008). Not only older buildings in Middle Eastern historic cities are in need of
protection they also need to be revitalized and made relevant.
As we move into the era of globalization many new attractive options and alternatives have
cropped up for the planning and conservation policy analyst. The trend is away from a
preoccupation with monuments and buildings that are eroding due to neglect and the passage of
time to an interest in an organic, comprehensive approach that respects the past, adapting it to the
present and foreseeing how it will remain relevant in the future. The conservation of tradition
suggests it is about handing on something discovered to be of great value by previous
generations (Pendlebury, 2008). It's far more important the values are transmitted to future
generations intact and relevant to contemporary life than that old buildings be restored simply for
their own sake.
Negative Impacts of Globalization
Those who question the value of the trends in globalization see it as another scam designed to
deprive the worse off from the little they do have. They argue that the true beneficiaries of these
changes are the wealthy and well positioned. On top of that they have a jaundiced view of the
effects of rapid modernization on customs and cultures. The most telling critique is the wholesale
de-humanization that occurs when developing nations are treated as inferior to the more
advanced countries (Newman & Thornley 2011). Samuel Huntington's thesis of a "Clash of
Civilizations" (Huntington, 2011) is one example of such an approach. He predicts that
globalization can only result in conflicts given the nature of the changes and the pace of change.
37

Globalization, both in its results and its conception, seems to cut many ways. It is clearly
disruptive of settled patterns of life. There is no doubt about that. Many cling to inherited
traditions, but see the erosion for such support happening all the time. Anyone who have traveled
around the globe in the last twenty years can witness the bland sameness that has infected all the
key destinations: the same restaurants, hotels, and entertainment venues. The impact of
American culture in particular deserves close scrutiny.
The outcomes of globalization in Middle Eastern historic cities are somewhat paradoxical. On
the one hand, the world becomes more homogenous, with similar types of commercial and
behavioral patterns experienced worldwide. On the other hand, the increase sense of global
difference solidifies a sense of one's own tribe, nation, people and heritage. Within the vast
context of the planetary, each of us is able to locate a specific place that belongs to us and
perhaps only to us (Rypkema & Cheong 2011). Clearly the accounts of globalization that stress
homogenization in Middle Eastern historic cities are too simplistic, because the process also
produces differentiation and fragmentation.
This increase in the awareness of local traditions and contexts requires the protection of heritage
against its loss or disintegration. The Western appreciation for such sites as Bali, Angkor Wat,
and Fez indicates a deepening respect for the value of heritage and the need to find ways to
preserve it. The destruction of the Buddhist temples in Afghanistan, for example, produced
worldwide outrage; it was seen by many as wanton destruction of a specific cultural heritage.
Oddly, as the world moves forward it also sees what is still behind us as having even greater
value (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). This is the paradox we observe; human beings become
increasingly conscious of their past as they become more progressive and modern.
38

Colonialism and Globalization
We are now in a position to provide an accurate schema of how the concerns of historic
preservation in Middle Eastern historic cities have been thought out and organized: phase one
marks the end of the colonialism, a period when a number of cultures might have produced a
hybrid environment; the second phase initiated a clearly stated interest in historic preservation
because of its close alignment with nationalist agendas; and the third period, which we are
currently living through, is known as the era of globalization (AlSayyad, 2001). So, we are able
to elaborate in the following manner for Middle Eastern historic cities: colonialism provided
early encounters between alien cultures, an opportunity to mix and shape human affairs in new
ways, often to the advantage of the European world powers. This period ended in the late
twentieth century when the wars of national liberation were fought in order to assert the right of
sovereignty of indigenous peoples from foreign rule. Currently the political dominance of the
West is being replaced by a new form of economic order, still largely controlled and named by
the West: globalization (Sassen, 2011). Yet, the difference for Middle Eastern historic cities is
that rather than political symbols making and reflecting power, the engine of organization is
economic improvement, the competition among a hundred or so nations to take advantage of
opportunities in a new environment.
Globalization and Economics
The nineteenth century gave rise to many important world class cities, most of them European.
This is due to the simple historical fact that it was a century of global empires. The power and
prestige of these cities was due to economic and cultural influence. London, Paris, and Berlin
dominated the imagination. Today, this has all changed. The reason is simple; the process of
39

economic globalization is in full throttle. By globalization we mean a dense network of
interrelated commercial and economic ties that make the entire system operate beyond the
borders of culture and nation. Today, the network is almost exclusively a matter of economic
status, as culture actually becomes quaint, a thing of the past. The new status is now accounted
for by economic drive and influence. And due to the rapid changes in conditions, cities change
places in the pecking order (Sassen, 2011). Given all this, it remains the case that the cities of the
world adapt and shape themselves in diverse ways when it comes to meeting the challenges of
globalization particularly in Middle Eastern historic cities. It is this diversity which requires
further, intensive examination.
The discourse on globalization takes a number of forms. As we have said, the notion of the world
city or 'mega-city' has been transformed from a site of political, economic and cultural influence
bound to ties of empire to one of a node in the network of global capital. Some have argued,
using this observation, to assert that cities are now relatively less important because the flow of
capital and the economic activity between sites is more important than the cities themselves
(Sassen, 2007). The counter-argument is easy to make. Wherever economic activity is located, it
must be in a place, a specific site. Our approach here for Middle Eastern historic cities will be to
down play the importance of hyper mobility and the flow of capital and to concentrate instead on
the significance of specific places and the urban policies that govern those places.
The key to understanding contemporary urban life in Middle Eastern historic cities is to focus on
the interface between the local residents and their requirements or demands and the pressure
coming from world economic conditions. This confrontation of forces and demands generates
what can be called a strategic planning policy for urban spaces. In short, a thorough analytical
40

approach to this problem will require a three step process (Sassen, 2011): begin with an analysis
of global economic conditions, proceed to analyze a given urban policy framework, and
conclude with an exploration of the planning and objectives of a strategic planning agency.
Beginning with the world economic network, we end up with specific recommendations or
comments on site specific planning objectives.
The resources necessary for a global economy are always embedded in locations, sites, and
specific places. Most often these sites or places are global cities, regions and processing centers.
In other words, the global economy requires a fast-paced technically driven set of skills and
activities. When we see what is produced and the types of products made and used in this
economy we often associate all activities as hyper-activity. The endless pressure for innovation
and improvement comes at some cost to our sense to time and place. From the perspective of
materiality and place bound processes, we witness a new sensibility; the older model seems to
suggest stagnation, lower productivity and less creativity (Burdett, 2008). Our new environment
suggests a sort of socio-spatial polarity: the highest levels of rapid production with the sleekest
means available, as opposed to the cumbersome, weighty, earth-bound work of the past.
These observations lead to a focus on the free market, especially in its international dimensions
and also in smaller scale in Middle Eastern historic cities, has been a great engine for social,
cultural and economic change. Obviously this institution originated in European countries but
continued to expand so that eventually the entire world was caught in its embrace. The effect of
markets on governments is worthy of careful attention. This is especially true in discussions of
developing countries. These countries, released from the shackles of imperialism, still must
contend with large international organizations such as the World Bank, the WTO, the IMF, and
41

so forth. Many important advances have occurred as result of the involvement of these institution
in local economies and in developing countries. However, they also pose a significant challenge
to small local developing economies. Usually assistance is provided on technical and financial
matters while the social and cultural issues seem to be unresolved (Peet, 2009).
There is an ongoing debate over the impact of these trends on governments, corporations, and
internal organizations in Middle Eastern historic cities. Many see globalization as simply
inevitable. It is happening and will continue to happen and large and small organizations around
the world can assist or facilitate this happening. Some see the loans, gifts, and assistance
rendered are really a form of redistribution of wealth (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
Globalization might be viewed as a net gain for mankind because it aids in economic growth and
strips away the age old barriers of religion, custom and language, making them less relevant to
all. Since we are currently living through this experience, no single theory seems adequate to
explain the many factors involved.
Globalization & Identity
Today we live in what can be called the Age of the Global City. Even though recorded history
always pays more attention to cities and we have known them for thousands of years, today more
and more people are living in them. The city is the currently the defining experience of the
human. Everyday life revolves around the city. More than 3 billion people now live in cities,
approximately half of the world's population. And these numbers are increasing. By 2030 close
to 5 billion people will be city dwellers (UNFPA, 2007). At this time we can't say how the
quality of life will be affected by this, but we most pay close attention to these developments.
42

As more and more types of people begin living together in these large conurbations, the notion of
‘the other’ loses its historical force. The global stage now hosts many players, and the only way
to distinguish them is a rather flimsy appeal to difference. The more traditional sense of
otherness-heretic, enemy, alien, barbarian-is being replaced by a vast market of choice and
preference. What is truly significant in this period is that tradition is now no longer thought of as
a mere given, something inherited through time, but as another form of manufacturing. Tradition
is now something made, stylized, and marketed by global suppliers (Urry, 2011). In other words,
it is a product or commodity. Tradition can now be advertised and sold in the market.
The advent of globalization has had a number of puzzling results in Middle Eastern historic cities.
For one, it seems to encourage residents to think of their towns and cities as unique and different.
However, others see a good deal of fragmentation, a quest for nostalgic ties to the past as a way
of forming a sense of identity (Rypkema & Cheong 2011). Many of the local attachments make
it difficult to really provide a cosmopolitan attitude toward life and the world. Thus, the results of
globalization in Middle East remain problematic and ambiguous.
De-territorialization, Localization and Globalization
As a number of noted scholars have written globalization produces many conflicting outcomes
and ambiguous situations. Cultures react in various ways to the advent of a global market. Some
re-act, recoiling from its demands, others compromise and give into its resources and
opportunities. While globalization leads to de-territorialization, it also leads to an emergent
localism. Many of the more radical reactionaries call for a wholesale rejection of the global; an
ironic appeal once they become actors on the global stage (AlSayyad, 2003).
43

One of the more noteworthy effects of the globalization of the economy is an intricate set of new
relationships between the global and the local. Forces, tendencies and interests clash, achieve
equilibrium, or dissolve in a variety of ways. The local is in a constant state of flux, what with all
the internationals forces working on and through it (Marcuse, 2000). This is precisely what the
new celebration of difference indicates; the power insinuates itself in the local changing it
perhaps in unsuspected ways.
It's not a mystery that globalization has created a trans-national set of signs and symbols that
make sense to many around the world and also in Middle Eastern historic cities. After all,
globalization is about tighter connectivity across boundaries, or the disappearance of boundaries
for the sake of connectivity. These common cultural markers now constitutes a new
cosmopolitan ideal. Cultures rooted in specific locales are now meeting other cultures, creating a
mixture and hybridity of forms (Sassen, 2007). In fact, no culture can seriously claim to be pure
in the sense of having rejected any accommodation to otherness.
Tourism, Sense of Community and Globalization
Globalization also poses serious problems for our conception of the civic and responsibility for
public spaces. If further globalization means an increase in the alienated tourist setting the local
agenda and the private investor seeking only commercial ties, then what are we to make of the
fully constituted citizen advancing and articulating the public agenda in Middle Eastern historic
cities? Does any sense of community remain? Community has traditionally meant a shared
purpose, something that transcends the individuals who live and dwell in a specific place (Abu-
Lughod, 2000). Should tourism and business be the dominant modes of interaction, there seems
to be less need for a clearly articulated community vision. The search for a proper conception of
44

community under these conditions is often a hankering for the past, a nostalgia for another era.
The sense of re-contextualization is more one of fragmentation and remains ambiguous in terms
of the common good.
To see why this is so, we need only look at the global cities are part of the economic, political,
cultural or civic circuits. (Sassen, 2008). To take merely one example, Hong Kong is a highly
developed financial center and it has many connections throughout the world with other financial
centers (Wheatley, 2008). This constitutes an economic circuit and indicates its functional
capacity to accommodate trading, investment and other financial operations. Another useful
example is provided by the analysis of Cairo's role in the Middle East economic circuitry. As the
Gulf States have become major players in international finance, Cairo has gradually acquired
some capacity as a player in the global economy (Peterson, 2011). In other words, global cities
are nodal points in the infinite transactions that make the global economy (Clark, 1996).
As more and more people call our vast megacities home, we need to understand the terms of the
new globalized economy. For the first time in human history, about half the world's population is
now proud to call the city its home. The intensive migrations from the countryside continue as
more people seek a better life in the urban environment. In the next thirty years, an additional
two billion people will continue to be added to the urban form. For this reason we must pay
attention to the fact that world's historic urban tradition is gradually disappearing under this
pressure and we should understand what practices and trends are forcing this to happen. We need
to begin conceiving of the Middle Eastern historic cities as something originating in the core or
center and then building pleasant and attractive environments around that, rather than destroying
the past and building from scratch. Of course, these challenges are unprecedented in history;
45

before the twentieth century it was rare for any Middle Eastern city to have over a million
inhabitants. Now we see many cities in the region with many millions of residents.
Rapid Growth, Development and Globalization
We continue to search for a solution to the problem of the eroding historic Middle Eastern cities.
At this point, we don’t understand what should be done or what plan of action is appropriate.
Due to the rapid pates of growth and construction, the lack of attention to the past and the
urgency of caring for human needs, we find an entire inheritance is vanishing right before our
eyes. This seems to be happening whether we call attention to the problem or not. Hundreds of
articles, books and conferences have been offered to the public, yet nothing changes. We actually
are at a lost to formulate the right policies (Newman & Thornley 2011). What seems to be our
first order of business is establishing a metric by which to gauge the rate of loss; just as we have
been able to do for global temperature and for the destruction of forests and waterways. Our first
priority should be an international metric that will tell anyone who pays attention how rapidly we
are losing our cultural heritage (Longstreth, 2008).
The problem of course is that immediate action is needed in Middle Eastern historic cities. But it
does no good to call attention to such needs if we don't have a coherent plan. We might begin by
a reevaluation of how we have treated local historic properties in the past fifty years. We ought
not to remain silent about his issue. To show that public sentiment can be marshaled for
protection of historic properties we recall the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan. Even though
local public opinion had no power to stop the destruction, still it was significant that many
outspoken critics and vast numbers of people expressed shock and dismay over this wanton act
of destruction. This example shows that public anger can be used to support conservation
46

policies formulated by administrators and bureaucrats. The problem is that we still lack a
common language and a common metric for determining what to do for Middle Eastern historic
cities.
Policy, Planning and Globalization
Urban planning is a fairly recent policy field but it continues to grow and encounter many
challenges. The field encourages policy makers to see historic venues as ripe for regeneration.
The hidden assets need to be identified and clearly analyzed for their potential as we move into
the future. These areas of low official visibility can be called physical action zones, because they
are likely to be converted to modern purposes with the most success. Such success can follow
only when these zones are properly understood, their communities identified in terms of needs
and aspirations, and a clearly defined role for each of the municipalities, planners, investors
which produces a coherent plan for renovation.
The study of urban development is relatively new and poorly designed in terms of objectives and
coherence. It is instructive then to take the Historic Cities Program as a strong reference point for
initiative and planning. The factors involved in these proposals and analyzes include a renewed
appreciation for the past and its continuing relevance to the future of urban sites generally; a
critical attitude toward the visions of the modernists and the basic faith, now two centuries strong
in the righteousness of industrialization. High concentrations of urban populations are now
generally regarded as a negative and with some encouragement ways of maintaining a more
suburban way of life within the city is a favorably regarded by most planners. Generally the lack
of coordination and coherence makes the problem of urban living ever more troublesome.
47

In the early days of urban planning, the first move was to simply abandon older, historic
properties. The radicalism of the modernists led to breaks with the past and new developments
throughout the world in new locations with local population density. Planners continued to
debate matters of scale, layout, access and hierarchy. With the advent of region based
considerations, new towns and cities were planned without any respect paid to older settlements,
some of which had been in place for centuries. The now historical considerations of these sites
tends to be highly critical: such venues as Brasilia, Canberra, Islamabad, and Chandigarh are all
excessively geometrical and beholden to the automotive culture of the late twentieth-century.
As the planners, visionaries and critics moved through the late twentieth century, the sense that
we needed to slow down and reexamine the price tag of high modernism gradually became a
common opinion of many in the field. A new sense of the finitude of earth's resources dawned on
many of the prophets of modernity, especially the famous Club of Rome Report on
environmental and resource depletion in the mid-70s (UNESCO, 1989). A world with ultra-high
urban densities and noisy, pollution generating traffic faded in its appeal and a reconsideration of
planning options began in earnest.
Even with its many problems, dense urban environments are seen as a collective asset, especially
in the long term perspective of urban growth in the highly developed regions of the world. It was
in these places that development took place gradually over many centuries. The infrastructure
which was the result of these many years of additions has proven to be a wonderful capital value
to these sites. They are enhanced with cultural meanings that virtually anyone can notice upon
review. Yet these same places must contend with the challenges brought about by newly
designed quarters or areas adjacent to the city boundaries. These new areas forced a reevaluation
48

of planning practices and many problems associated with urban life continue to be a factor
despite the best intentions of planners. As these problems became more noticeable, it led to a
more refined understanding of how to incorporate older structures into contemporary urban life.
Urban planners face enormous challenges and they are often confused about how to handle them.
What is to be done with an aging urban district? Should it simply be demolished to make room
for new construction and uses, or would it be better to find ways to restore it and make it relevant
to contemporary residents? A number of approaches have been tested and the results are mixed.
For instance, many low rise buildings have been razed and modern multi-layer buildings have
taken their place. This means that a much wider variety of activities can take place in a relatively
smaller area. Sometimes an entire area will be abandoned and a new center, industrial park or
suburban living area will be created elsewhere. As we have noted, the results are not always
satisfactory.
The single greatest advantage of thinking about urban preservation as a selective, long term
process is that it represents the community in its ideal form. Urban planners operate within a
context of competitive interests which often favor their own priorities over the ideal needs of the
community; community conceived as the unified, long-term, intra-generational and inter-
generational cohort. This is what is particularly unique about the urban planner. He or she should
stand outside the hustle and bustle of politics. In some sense the urban policymaker is the ideal
statesman who rises above the pressures of the here and now. Furthermore, the urban
policymaker is someone who favors a realistic approach that takes into account some of the more
uncomfortable facts about the situation. These factors tend to be denied or avoided by less
49

objectively minded participants. Because of this awareness the need for social buffer zones is
something policymakers are acutely aware of.
One last element to this puzzle needs to be examined, the rise of the avant-garde of modernism.
An excellent example of this is Le Corbusier's 1925 Plan Voisin for Paris, France. No one went
further to try to distance the designs of modern architecture from the traditional conception of the
historic city. Certainly, many critics were eager to jump all over Le Corbusier's ideology of
modernism. Although many critical remarks were made of his work, he remains highly
influential, and the general critical assessment defends his vision. In fact, the majority of critics
were only too happy to assert that he lacked any proper coherent vision of urban culture (Sitte,
1986). He left his cities of the future without happy residents. The reason he was persuasive has
more to do with his impressive technical efficiency rather than any solid foundation in humanism.
Grasp as we may for a better solution to the needs of city dwellers, we have yet to find what we
need or even want. The new urbanism has proven to be an unmitigated disaster. We still have a
long way to go for any satisfactory solution to these problems.
All this proves that we need is understand the patterns of visitors and tourists to in Middle
Eastern historic cities. Oddly enough, no one with the means or desire choses to visit a modernist
cityscape anywhere around the world, yet millions seek to experience the sights and sounds of in
Middle Eastern historic cities. In addition to these tourists there are those who live in these cities
who do anything they can to avoid relocation. The peripheries of many historic cities are viewed
as unsatisfactory at best and repulsive at worst (Allison & Peters, 2011). If this isn’t the most
damning evidence against the modernist disaster, nothing is. Only unique and singular buildings
remain of that project. The creations of the avant-garde have never been able to come together as
50

a unified whole that was desirable for most people (Sitte, 1986) (Kostof,1991). Even with
extensive development opportunities, most creative architects leave only a few glittering
examples behind, none of them providing an enduring appeal for the majority of people.
Nature, Technology and Globalization
What is new, and new in a terrible, threatening sense, has been the ongoing push by Western
technology for the past two hundred years to extract wealth from the earth and to manipulate the
natural environment without much regard for cultural integrity. We might agree to name this
process modernization. In the past, and what is practiced by all traditional societies, is a
reverence for the whole. No particular individual, group, or nation had a rightful claim to usurp
the whole. This is, however, exactly what modern thinking does, especially in scientific circles;
the whole is no longer respected or accorded reverence. There have been many cries of alarm:
the Club of Rome, the Rio Conference, and the Report of the World Commission on Culture and
Development have all questioned the impact of modern techniques on the integrity of the global
community (Bianca, 1994). The most prominent reaction to this massive trend is a cry for greater
concern about ecology, for limits to growth and development, and for some control over the
processes of pollution which remain an unsatisfactory by-product of the industrial and technical
processes. Furthermore, industry has traditionally, relied on efficiency which comes from
reducing all products and services to certain standards - a one size fit all mentality. This is
increasingly being questioned as inadequate for serving customers (Peet, 2009). Not only does
this tend to marginalize the traditional and the local, it also contributes to widespread
dissatisfaction among all people. It is quite natural for people to react negatively to disruptions in
their fundamental connections with the environment (Carolini, Garau, Sclar, 2011).
51

Now that we have several years of experience with modernity and globalization we are in a
position to assess its positive and negative features. Many critics have provided negative
assessments of its achievements, despite its many accomplishments. One of the most marked
problems is the loss of transcendence (Bianca, 1994). In modern forms of perception, everything
is flattened. Perhaps the trade-off has been an emphasis on material prosperity with a loss of
spiritual depth (AlSayyad, 2000). In fact, modern thinking begins by questioning and eventually
repudiating the existence of spirits, the supernatural, that which can't be observed or measured.
Thus the forms are reduced in power and significance. What we have instead of power and
meaning are cold hard facts.
Progress, Modernism and Globalization
The passage of time has made this statement trite and irrelevant for Middle Eastern historic cities.
Serious problems have occurred since it was first uttered. Now more than ever people feel the
need for re-connecting with cultural traditions, especially the inherent resources provided by
such traditions. At one time, when we still had high hopes for modernism, it was easy to
acknowledge the force of machines and democracy but now we have discovered that such things,
as good as they are, can't replace what cultural heritages provide (Bianca, 1994). Modernism was
simultaneously too optimistic and too superficial. Even with all the benefits of material progress,
most people continue to feel that their lives lack any greater purpose and this results in feelings
of loss and abandonment. Progress has failed to prove its advertised claims; and the needs that
can be satisfied by the market aren't the same needs that cultural sources meet. We have also
discovered that democracy, while far better than any tyranny, is less capable of solving problems
52

that we initially suspected. Now more sober, we demand a return and a reconsideration of the
traditions we abandoned.
We might say that the post-modern experience comes from disillusionment with progress.
Perhaps we were simply too naive. But after two hundred years of progress the results are at best
mixed. The first Enlightenment figures believed that the future looked quite promising. Since
then, we have learned a new appreciation for the past in Middle East, especially the deeper
resources of the past. This heritage is symbolized in religion and art and it can't be abandoned.
Tools and planning only work on the most superficial level. Human beings demand more from
their life-situation. One might ask rhetorically, is being human just a matter of waiting for the
next best thing? It would only lead to a final abyss of endless dissatisfaction.
In the drive for development or, for that matter, any rationally based future society has a
tendency to produce any number of contradictions. The most obvious is the distinction between
modernism and fundamentalism in Middle East. But that's not the only one. We also hear about
the conflict between progressives and traditionalists or between technocrats and authoritarians
(Bianca, 1994). What makes it so problematic is the absence of any common ground. We might
also take a certain cynical position regarding these conflicts since both parties seem so vested in
their own position. It's not that the problem will be solved; it can't be because then each side
would have to concede its influence, which is does not want to do. Those involved in such
conflicts are only seeking to profit by perpetuating them. Ironically, either side might use the
tactics of its opponent, as long as it can score points.
It is within the heart of modernism that we find a subversive impulse to replace any order.
Modernism began life as a rebel. It represented a rejection of what was considered aristocratic
53

and removed from the functional demands of daily life. Even so, the infatuation with its formal
and aesthetic aspects led many to forget this impulse (Lewis, 1949) (Sitte, 1986). This
infatuation led to a subconscious sense that the older symbols in Middle Eastern historic cities no
longer mattered. All commitments and loyalties were now off. From this critical vantage point,
mankind had lived in darkness, creating and developing ridiculous religious and social systems
due ignorance of nature's order. Now that we are all modern we will build new cities, free from
the ignorance and frivolity that belonged to the older order of things (AlSayyad, 2000).
Modernism is a double rejection: one of the life-worlds of the old orders and one of the more
adaptable traditions of the more recent past by advancing a new form of the vernacular
(AlSayyad, 2001).
History, Society and Globalization
Another important agenda item was the development of a new social program in Middle Eastern
cities. This agenda was to create new forms of living and housing for the working people who
keep industrial civilization moving forward. A science of housing was called for, which would
make it possible for all the new social types find their appropriate setting: the bachelor might
have his own place, the married couple, the extended family and the nomad (AlSayyad, 2001).
Ever concerns was to be considered, from the work necessary to keep the housing clean and
functional to the needs for sports, for health clinics, for schools and youth centers, parks and
recreation.
We should carefully consider why it is so important to recognize the intention of the modernist
movement in architecture. With the emerging in Middle Eastern urban cityscape a number of
practical problems called for a solution: where might single professional people live? where
54

could single women or young couples dwell? The demands of a new form of life-world were
emerging with the modernization of industry and technology. The architect's job was to make it
possible for the city to sustain this new population which would make the modern machine
function properly. Two elements were called for: new materials which would make mass
production and construction possible and a focus on the freedom to create and innovate with new
styles and forms.
We might label this new form of thinking as an ideology or the modernist creed. The beginnings
of this were found in the colonial empires of the Europeans which then morphed into the
production capacities required by the Second World War and finally the culminating experience
of the United States as world hegemon (Greek: leader). As warfare became a more scientifically
based enterprise and the research laboratory the main artery for weapons production, the world
continued to take on an internationalist tone (Kostof,1991) (Benevolo, 1988). As this dominant
concern became the general organizing principle, the world bound by tradition was viewed as
backward looking, regressive, fatalistic, and stagnant due to an overly involved attitude with the
sacred (AlSayyad, 2003).
The center of this thinking starts in Europe and begins to ripple out around the world. These
ripples cause a number of significant displacements. Modernist architects called for an
economically responsible set of criteria which were managed by a bureaucracy. Thus, the needs
of the human spirit were subordinated to the needs of cost management and the need to keep
images of social and economic power before the masses (AlSayyad, 2001). The criteria for entry
onto the new world stage was that each player would gradually release itself from the deadening
grip of tradition and gain greater access to modern technological marvels.
55

These shifts were dramatic and unprecedented in Middle Eastern historic cities. As we have said,
the new tone was internationalist in style and substance; a tone requiring an abandonment of
ancient traditions. But the lingering question remained: what style is appropriate for modern
architecture in this new context? We continue to live with these issues because there are no
simple answers for finding a solution satisfactory to the majority of people. With the coming of
new styles and forms, they stand next to older forms and styles and those latter do not simply
disappear, even as that were wished for (Lowenthal, 1999) (Lynch, 1976) . Human beings do not
readily abandon their past achievements. Even to foster a new style and form requires a contrast
in the built environment that can highlight the difference.
In the field of environmental design, we find a highly conscious attitude toward the difference
between the impulse to retain and honor the past and the need to reform it in light of the new
international context (Longstreth, 2008). These designers are only too aware of the entrenched
realities of the past. The sense of place and of local identity in Middle Eastern historic cities is
under constant assault by the move toward the future. Perhaps the cause for this shift is traceable
to the contemporary means of production and technological sophistication. The modernist
paradigm is the Cartesian grid which permits a level field for all functions. Buildings might
occupy a point on the x and y axis, and this point can be located within a field of diverse
functions, including transport, roads, and bridges (AlSayyad, 2001). With this transcendent
perspective, the local flora and fauna of identity are simply ignored. They are not considered part
of the equation. Wherever planned communities have been created in Middle East through
modern means, the surrounding traditional forms of life have been ignored. Asserting, rather
arrogantly, its supreme right to measure all worth, the local traditions of honor, respect for
56

ancestors, and adjustments to the climate and biomass are simply overlooked. The modernist
architect is just another imperialist in a new guise.
Development, Values and Globalization
One of the fundamental paradigms of the historical research includes the notion of stages of
development. For Marx, agricultural societies pre-date industrial ones, and in terms of sociology,
traditional societies pre-date modern ones (Marx, 1867). But today we are experiencing the
postmodern event, an epochal difference from the original starting point of capitalism. In
economic terms, the differentiation between use value and exchange values marks the transition
to capitalism. But today we are living through yet another transition, one in which the nature of
use value itself is morphing into the values associated with information and entertainment media
(Sassen, 2011). Thus, we arrive at the postmodern moment in which all the symbolic systems,
signs, and artifacts of the past are used in new ways to stimulate the imagination and to provide
endless streams of entertainment without any connection to tradition or ancestry, roots and land
(AlSayyad, 2003).
Even as the transition seems minor in nature, say the difference between telephone and telegraph
becoming one of electronic media such as email and texting, or paper records becoming icons for
files on one's laptop, the difference is enormous when we consider the compression of space and
time. This has made wealth or the accumulation of it a very different thing from what it meant in
the past. What is even more remarkable, from the perspective of the historian is that the new
forms of production are now still contained in the old wineskins. The buildings that house the
servers for out vast computer networks harken back to the age of glass and steel, typical of the
advent of modernism. High-tech has yet to find its proper aesthetic form.
57

With the widespread appearance of networked communication a new sense of "place-less-ness"
has appeared (AlSayyad, 2001) (Urry, 2011) (Rypkema & Cheong 2011). In other words, the
transmission of information at the speed of light requires very little in the way of infrastructure
or material requirements. We can call this social event the place-indifferent system because the
logistics of supply and service override the traditional concerns for convenience and safety. The
most advanced examples are virtually free of any human involvement at all.
Modern technologies, especially multimedia, graphics, code writing and such are combining with
specific situations and determining new outcomes and hybrids, profoundly altering the way in
which humans process and react to information. We have already witnessed the electronic
environment firmly situated within late nineteenth and twentieth century infrastructure. What
makes high-tech so appealing is the allure of the hip with casual wear work environments
replacing the traditional office found in manufacturing, commercial and advertising agencies.
Those latter businesses tend to be rather too button down for modern tastes. Now the cool thing
to do is cycle to work and wear casual clothing and assume an almost playful but creative
attitude toward work (AlSayyad, 2001). Furthermore, technology is now making it possible to
shuffle hours, work schedules and deadlines. The work environment today is almost party like
with an assortment of entertainments, snacks and drinks, and colorful and visually appealing
office decor.
Many social commentators are pointing out that , the work place is less determined by the mode
of production in contemporary telecommunications. Buildings which formerly were used as
warehouses and manufacturing sites are now being used to house servers and routings for
electronic communication. We can say that this is the fashion of our times. Such infrastructures
58

have multiple advantages including sturdy support and energy efficiency. The durability has in
fact made them resilient to variations in conditions. Fortunately the spirit of enterprise that
originally went into these buildings is now reflected in the cocky and confident nature of high-
tech. Commanding a presence in older but well-crafted buildings seems to convey a sense of cool
that would be lost in hastily constructed sites (AlSayyad, 2001). A number of other advantages
can also be discovered here: the sense of place is evident in that work and living room tend to
converge as against the older dichotomy that one was either at work or at home. The older
structures are comfortable in ways that make them livable and user friendly. They also blend
well with the surrounding environment. As the problem of identity presents itself to young
entrepreneurs they make their way through a number of options before they settle on an identity
they find appropriate to their business interest.
Robert Mugerauer (1995) addresses all these issues with a close analysis of the tension that
exists between modernity and tradition. With the rapid expansion of modernization around the
globe, the leading edge, controlled by Western forces, has lost touch with more basic,
fundamental values and options. A practice of forgetting continues to take place. Debts are no
longer acknowledged and cultures are mere parodies of themselves. What has happened with the
advance of modern technique is a sense that the older values, spiritual traditions, and heritage
works are no longer relevant. When material prosperity is all that matters the ancient wisdom
seems incoherent or absurd. Using this measuring stick, the other is now seen in terms of
deficiencies; the locals can't comprehend the more advanced system. Their job is now to dress up,
dance, and sing so that, once again under Western eyes, the rulers of the globe can be entertained.
59

In the same vein Mugerauer notes that, the advent of the modernist and postmodernist discourse
has offered new ways of advancing non-imperialistic interests in the other. How that will play
out remains undetermined. But the opportunities may be there. As the topic gains greater
scholarly attention, it may be possible to find new ways to protect and promote authentic
traditions, to rejuvenate them despite the onslaught of media attention and to establish new ways
of communicating without reducing the other to an object.
Repairing Dysfunctional, Restoring Integrity
Like all alien technologies and designs that were thought out and created in a very different
context, the wholesale adoption of those technologies without a concern for context has led to a
terrible misuse of those tools. Rather than applying the methods and tools to improve the various
situations what we have instead is ruthless exploitation of those methods for maintaining prestige
and standing in the various societies by local elites or a dominant ethnic group. Traditional
societies were already weak due to the trauma created by invasions and colonial experiences; this
situation has made it nearly impossible to repair (Abu-Lughod, 1989) (Drieskens, 2008). Thus,
we find a theme of contention in many underdeveloped societies of Middle Eastern historic cities
between fundamentalists and technocrats. Neither faction seems to be able to address the needs
for solidarity in those societies.
The ongoing revolution in industry and technology also created a very different situation around
the world concerning the status of in Middle Eastern historic cities. If we label this type of
experience modernization then we can summarize the position as follows (Bianca, 1994):
traditional societies tend to be organic; changes affect the entire composition and integrity of the
social order. In modernity, change tends to be linear, dynamic, and disintegrative. In other words,
60

modern change means usurping traditional patterns of rule because it places the emphasis on
producing volume. It has no regard for values, spiritual connections, or the overall welfare of the
group. The past was discarded as useless and irrelevant (Lowenthal, 1999) (Lynch, 1976). As a
result of the widespread adoption of this attitude in Middle Eastern historic cities, conservation
had a precarious position to maintain: Is the point to keep things in tact while the world changes
around monuments and historical urban centers (the preservationist position) or can the older
forms be used in new ways that adjust the value and purposes of historical centers (the
redevelopment position).
What is especially disorienting about modernity is the removal of presence from daily experience.
Things are always happening elsewhere; the future has not arrived, but we are working toward it.
Whatever the ideology, the present is no longer present. It's going to happen later, perhaps in
someone else's lifetime. Daily experience is continuously deferred. Not now, but later. What we
want to have happened has not happened. This-whatever this is- is not "it."
The modern city is now more than ever conceived as a vast machine requiring the endless efforts
of engineers and technicians to keep it operational. Trying to make better sense of the whole, the
rationalist succeeded in destroying any human dimension. Now it is only in the local
neighborhoods in Middle Eastern historic cities where people actually know one another through
face to face communication. The paradox is that with greater ingenuity, the modern metropolis
has become dysfunctional. No one in his or her right mind would want to reside in one. Where is
the rationality in the nightly viewing of endless car chases with the police? In other words,
modern development has focused exclusively on a form of rationality which does not provide for
basic human needs (Abu-Lughod, 2000); it atomizes people in order to manage them.
61

These two movements work in the opposite direction. Rather than analytically separating in
order to unite from above, the traditional Middle Eastern approach is to gradually integrate
discrete locations into higher forms of unity. Respect for the whole was always a priority. With
the emphasis placed on functional entities, these were always situated in such a way to form a
larger whole. Each religious or ethnic group can find its own way of life in a given neighborhood.
This fact is completely aligned with the needs for harmony at a higher level. Each area was, as it
were, autonomous, but as part of the whole, the whole benefited from the subordination of each
part and vice versa (Lichfield, 1996).
Any sound assessment of current conditions in the Middle East must take into account the shock
experienced by the intrusion caused by Western influences and the power plays experienced
during the imposition of imperial regimes (AlSayyad, 1999). The appeal of modernity in Middle
Eastern historic cities has had an enormous impact and that appeal in conjunction with rising
living standards is the source of profound disruption in traditional patterns of life and thought.
Then, when we consider the rapid rise of population, especially in the densely packed urban
areas, there is a sense of impending chaos and collapse throughout the region. At the very least,
there is an ongoing crisis of identity (Abu-Lughod, 2000). Within the span of one generation, an
entire population had suspended their commitment to traditional forms and are in wholesale
pursuit of modern architectural forms. Even as architecture prides itself on being one of the
creative art forms, it turns out that the outcomes are often neither creative nor very artistic
(AlSayyad, 2003). Instead, powers operating behind the scenes end up determining what projects
are approved and what buildings are demolished.
62

Oddly enough, less well informed or creative architects often mock the tradition from which they
emerge. They look down on past accomplishments as backward. With this in view, the classical
or traditional models are snubbed for more contemporary models. The recommended approach
for Middle Eastern historic cities should be to find ways to refurbish the older buildings while
making them compatible with modern living standards. The interiors would be up-to-date but the
external form would be traditional in style. After this process is completed it then it will be fairly
simple to find ways to make urban system more accommodating to the people who live in them.
Upgrading Quality of Life and Preserving Identity
The fundamental problem in the Middle East is the conflict between the enormous demands
placed on a city by technology and modernization which is the outcome of the divine and sacred
values of the people (Bianca, 1994). Even with the best intentions, most often expressed as the
desire to upgrade the conditions of life in the inner, historic core, the stress placed on the core
often leads to degradation and dislocation (Fainstein & Campbell, 2011). Unfortunately, the
designs principles of the traditional Middle Eastern cities many have never been thoroughly
grasped. This led to devastating consequences rather than well thought out improvements.
When we think about the conventional building technologies of the modern age they almost
never seem relevant to the types of architectural styles used in traditional Middle Eastern designs.
The best way to grasp this is to compare any modern building in terms of the context in which it
is placed in the traditional Middle Eastern city. Beginning with how one accesses the building,
and continuing with surrounding streets and contextual factors, it's clear that modern buildings
are inappropriate and destructive of the attitudes that require privacy and courtyards. Just as
Western political power projects dominance over alternatives, so the disregard for local
63

technologies displays a similar type of arrogance (Said, 1979). This attitude and its practice are
traceable to the Western belief in the superiority of machinery and technology. This devalues the
cheaper means of achieving basic infrastructure reforms (Jayyusi, 2008). Everything is pricey
and high end. Rather than custom build shelters made by indigenous hands, we find a bias
toward heavy construction in Middle Eastern historic cities. We would argue that there needs a
balance between these tendencies.
Perhaps a better approach to these problems would be to analytically examine the process of
modernization. What exactly do we mean when we speak about modernization? The outcome of
modernization is that older buildings are torn down or abandoned and replaced with new
construction. These new buildings are often able to provide less space for more people, thus
increasing the average density of occupation. In order to keep track of these movements in
Middle Eastern cities, we require an inventory of important historical properties. Whatever
criteria determine how to handle historical properties the list is important for making
improvements and decisions. Somehow a framework needs to be assembled that will make it
easier for policy professionals to make the best judgment given the variety of concerns
surrounding conservation.
Once again, let us focus on the philosophical opposition between the Modernist movement and
the traditional attitude in Middle Eastern historic cities. Modernism adheres to principles of
abstraction and isolation. The units exist and then one finds a way to fit them together.
Everything is reduced to a series of parts that belong to an abstract whole. This is why we might
say that such designs remain aloof and often seem ungrounded in human experience (Salam,
1991). The buildings exist and operate in their own right without any connection to their
64

surroundings. It is for this reason that the notion of a public space remains in crisis. Structures
remain subordinate to rigid, imposed grid patterns. No symbolic or cultural content seems
important beyond the functional value expressed (Hall, 1989) (Holston, 1989). Those modern
architects in Middle Eastern cities who have sought to find a way out of this problem actually
end up imposing an arbitrary fantasy on the community.
Any honest analysis will force policy makers to reconsider the mistakes of the past and return to
the drawing board. We need to reconsider what makes Middle Eastern historic cities livable and
attractive for the people who live in them. Not enough attention or thought has been devoted to
this topic. We need to find new ways of integrating the historic past with the contemporary needs
of residents in Middle Eastern cities. We have also begun to feel that the myths of prosperity and
the sanctity of the free market are leading to very disappointing results. As more people crowd
our planet and more pressure is placed on resources, we need a new vision of sustainable growth
for the future.
While preserving places in their integrity is of paramount significance, there should be every
effort to modernize Middle Eastern historic cities, especially in terms of hygiene and health
matters. Obviously, no preservation would be worthwhile if the residents continue to suffer from
poverty and disease. Yet these two concerns do not stand in any form of contradiction. Early
efforts in conservation advocated a freeze as is strategy, but this policy has generally been
acknowledged as inadequate (Jokilehto, 2002) (Delafons, 1999) (Rypkema & Cheong 2011).
Now, conservation is more subtle in that whatever is preserved should also be integrated into
modern forms of life.
65

As nature proves to be quite destructive to materials and structures, so do humans through
actions intended to damage or not. Modern life poses three different types of danger to the built
environment (Stipe, 2003): the first is the by-products of industrialization: pollution, economic
and cultural shifts and changes, social upheaval and so forth. Criminal acts such as vandalism,
war or terrorist tactics account for a second category. The third category can be defined as
unintentional oversights, such as simple negligence, ignorance of cause and effect relationships,
unnecessary use of natural resources, and insensitive or incompetent work and craftsmanship.
Cultural Patrimony and Globalization
The rise of modern industrial society in Middle Eastern cities also includes a concern about
preserving the cultural patrimony. As modern life seemed to promise vast improvements in
transportation, sanitation, design of appropriate living quarters and so forth, it also took a
destructive toll on the ways of the past (Stubbs,2009). This is why conservation rides along in
the same vehicle into the future. We are now very familiar with the changes in mechanization,
tool making, production capacity, and improved communication and transportation, but the effect
on the Middle Eastern historic environment is less an object of concern. The shift from a huge
rural population to a largely urban one has now changed the patterns of land use which existed
from time immemorial.
The primary problem for policy specialists is how to balance rapid modernization with
conservation. Ironically, the very forces that threaten the integrity of the cultural paternity is the
one that funds its protection and conservation. This aspect of the problem is troubling. Local
governments need the money that flows from tourism and development to preserve the heritage,
66

but the expansion and frequency of such events leads to further degradation (Fainstein & Jodd,
1999) (Rypkema, 2005).
From the perspective of Anthony Tung (2001), a noted urban historian, the twentieth century is
certainly the Century of Destruction because he documents the demolition that accompanied the
rapid changes in urban cityscapes due to rapid immigration. More people now live in cities than
on rural farm land. The need for adequate housing in Middle Eastern historic cities that arose
from this shift in population as well as the expectations for construction, led to an effect
detrimental to urban architectural sites. Modernization is basically industry plus mass urban
sprawl and this combination means rapid change, stress and high levels of pollution (Appleyard,
1979) (Stubbs,2011). This has had a terrible impact on the cultural heritage.
As we have stated, the objectives and hopes of modernization were to improve the quality of life
for most people. This meant that health, education and other amenities were readily accessible to
most people. Due to industrialization, the many burdens of life were somewhat eased, especially
the standards one of housing, food, and health. In addition to this, other dimensions of life have
improved dramatically, especially communication and transportation which have brought the
world of far flung humanity ever closer together. Now that work requirements have diminished,
leisure has taken a whole new direction with large numbers of people being able to afford tours
and trips around the globe (Yudelson, 2009). Sustaining these new life styles places a great
burden on the infrastructure of those nations that host important historical sites (Rodwel, 2007)
(Carroon & Moe, 2010). This stress has proved to be costly to historic sites.
A schematic alternative to our current planning practices might look something like this
(Pendlebury, 2008): first, there must be an objective measure or determination of what makes
67

something historical, regardless of fads, prejudices, and preferences; second, there must be an
immediate ban on wholesale urban demolition; the ban is justified by the fact that such
demolition creates far too much social upheaval; third, there must be a restoration process which
protects damaged and aging properties from further harm, keeping them viable not for museal
purposes, but for future integration into the life of the community; and fourth, it’s imperative to
substitute the repair policy for the current intervention approach to damaged historical buildings.
These four elements are ways to keep modernity sustainable and humanized. The modernity
which is conceived as an arrogant dismal of the ways of the past must give way to a tempered
modernity, a form of modernity that gradually replaces past practices for better ones, not merely
new ones (Cohen, 2001). Such a modernity would be alive to the rich symbolic values of the past
rather than a reflexive dismal of contempt because it is now out of fashion. That can only lead to
a destructive and appalling modernity particularly in Middle Eastern historic cities.
When there is a necessity to modify cities in the light of modern requirements, good judgment
must be our best guide. Modern building codes cannot be avoided. After all, the issue of resident
or visitor safety is a high priority. The conservator operates within a tension between modern
building standards and fidelity to the fabric of the building and its time. Conditions that
determine good conservatorship include marking the appropriate dates, keeping the integrity of
the work, and location of the building within its context (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
We might label this alternative to modernization the vernacular style (Bianca, 1994). This means
that gradualist objectives are clearly incorporated in policy proposal and by NGOs. This mode
requires greater demands on the cultural resources already involved in the ongoing social world.
It maintains the position that the pattern in place is already suitable for a modern adaptation, only
68

time is required and the unique refinement that avoids any imitation of alien standards. By
keeping it real in the grass roots approach, agencies avoid the danger of importing modern norms
(Illich, 2001) (Bianca, 1994). Meaning for Middle Eastern historic cities is an organic
relationship to the past, to tradition, and to the future. Modernity is never a univocal concept; it
must be diverse because modernity is a condition that grows from, rather than by, repudiating
tradition (Scott, 1999).
As Janet Abu-Lughod has remarked in her work, reason we are interested in traditional forms of
building, dwellings and settlements is that we believe such achievements met human needs in a
more sensitive way than our contemporary approaches do (Abu-Lughod, 2000). The unfortunate
opposition between modern and traditional has presented them as two poles, an unnecessary
binary conflict. Such thinking leads to dangerous policy proposals because it causes rifts between
peoples and governments. The local is sustainable. Government bureaucrats, however, are often
enamored with abstract plans for rapid modernization. Such policies tend to impose a type of
"culture shock" or, as Toffler (1971) mentioned many years ago, "future shock." These stresses
on the local communities come too quickly to be meaningful. Indigenous peoples must then live
with the bifurcation caused by these policies. The meaningful shape of their lives is disrupted by
foolish external imitations of imported patterns, forms, and standards. A wholesale adoption of
modern shapes and forms would eventually lead to widespread social anomie.
69

Figure 3-1: Cairo, Historic Ayyubid wall (Source: http://www.akdn.org/hcp/egypt.asp)

Figure 3-2: Cairo, Historic Ayyubid wall and Dar-Al-Ahmar neighborhood
(Source: http://www.akdn.org/hcp/egypt.asp)

70

Chapter Four: Authenticity
Above all, it must be remarked that the long history of mankind is marked primarily by the sense
of the sacred. Today this term has fallen out of fashion and we now speak in terms of
authenticity. The desire to experience things authentically has replaced the pilgrim's quest for the
sacred source of life, truth, or grace. If we speak of the modern tourist as some sort of pilgrim,
it's because history has already provided examples of homo viator, man on his journey or way
through life. As more and more areas of modern life become the object of the tourist gaze, we
find people paying to witness the drudgery and difficulty of labor (Urry, 2011). It seems odd to
desire to witness the struggles of others, but perhaps it works as a metaphor for a temporary
respite from one's own burden?
Languages is complicated because of the diversity and variety of senses or meanings attached to
words used to express realities. The word authentic is a case in point. It can be used to express
four different meanings: the first refers to the appearance of something, in that it looks like
something that dates from a certain period of time. The second meaning indicates appearance
even though new construction has taken place in conformity with the original intentions of the
builders. Then there is the presence of buildings and artifacts which actually date from a certain
time and place and have not be reconstructed but only maintained in good condition. Finally,
there is the certification process which guarantees the authenticity of buildings by declaration or
authority of the Trust endowed with preservation concerns (Urry, 2011). In today's tourist
environment, global heritage holds a distinct advantage over other marketing approaches.
Closely connected to this strategy is the concept of authenticity. Yet such authenticity is often cut
71

loose from its anchor. This creates an absurd effect in which almost anything can stand for the
authentic.
The authenticity of various types of buildings is rooted in a cultural heritage, buildings such as
mosques and civic centers. Many of these buildings are landmark monuments because they
reveal the indigenous style of a given region or area. The issues most pressing in this matter are
the possible ways in which such buildings might be modified without aligning them with the
cultural heritage. Even as it is important and even vital to maintain authenticity it is notoriously
difficult to specify the requirements of authenticity.
A good way to determine whether a given building or site is authentic would be to return to
archives, historical documents, the testimony of residents and so forth. In this approach, a
number of important sources are used to analyze in what sense a building can be said to be
authentic or maintained in accordance with standards originally offered for its use (Pendlebury,
2008). The original plan might be a relevant piece of information; the reason for the construction
and placement settled by arguments for origin. Another approach would emphasize the opinions
and uses of those who live around and near these monuments. Some kind of background analysis
seems necessary to determine these matters for the sake of directing any possible future use of
those sites (Rypkema, 2007).
Whenever we begin to analyze the heritage of a given people, we need to consider two possible
approaches: an empirical observation of facts and events and a methodological analysis of the
tools necessary for future research. As we have said, the objective of those concerned with these
matters is the maintenance of authenticity (Schuster et al, 1997). Since it is so easy to modify or
distort the function and design of traditional structures, it is above all necessary to determine in
72

what ways the integrity of the designs are damaged or inappropriately managed (Stipe, 2003).
Deep research is able to reveal the underlying geometric principles and construction processes
which provided the site in the beginning, thus resolving how we need to address the problem of
authenticity.
Connection to the Past, Maintaining the authenticity
The first principle of conservation should be to keep historic monuments in the best condition
while maintaining their authenticity (Rypkema & Cheong 2011) (Tung, 2001) (Stubbs,2011)
(Stipe, 2003). Of course, any intervention alters or changes these monuments; it's simple
physical necessity to use new materials, new techniques, and design principles in the restoration
process (Chase, 2004). The aim is not to alter them for a new purpose, but to find ways to keep
the original purpose alive in the new context. It is, however, appropriate to raise the issue of
authenticity because the rigors of conservation demand such a discussion. This issue will not be
resolved in Middle Eastern historic cities on a unilateral basis by the heritage department; it
requires the input of many stakeholders, especially the community most deeply affected by the
changes.
In considering how to proceed on this matter we must acknowledge that we remain in the dark
about the socioeconomic impact of conservation projects in local communities in Middle Eastern
historic cities. Pride is often a major reason for these projects because the people perceive their
own interests and their identity in that work. But how does one assign the market value of such
perceptions? What is it in market terms to be an authentic project of restoration? The variables
are many. There might be rapid changes in economic and social conditions which would make
some preservation projects seem like a waste of money and time. On the other hand, people
73

might be so proud of some feature of their community life that they are willing to reconstruct a
monument just to have it on display. Furthermore, attitudes about upkeep and cleanliness also
play a role (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
If spiritual matters are under consideration there are even more reasons for considering the
importance of a site. This adds another dimension to physical artifacts and to places in nature. A
sacred place is neither past, present or future, but eternal. When the eternal enters into the
physical, into the dimensions of time and space, it becomes a place where the holy can be found
(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). This may mean a bodhi tree or a neem tree, a rock or temple.
Such sites are not without strong justification in Middle Eastern historic cities abandoned or
destroyed.
There is obvious connection to the past since it represents the accomplishments and tragedies of
our species. If this story doesn't matter, it's hard to say why any other story would matter.
Whenever new construction goes on in Middle Eastern cities, there is some thought and
consideration for what to do with the older sections of the town or site. Perhaps the best reason
for this is that humans can't live only in the present, but they also require a past for an identity
and a future for dreams.
Recently we have witnessed a rise in the appreciation of historic buildings as well as their
arrangement and landscapes in Middle Eastern historic cities. There are different ways of
appreciating these artifacts. Some see them types related to specific periods of time. Others see
them as parts of larger cultural wholes. The arrangements and the sites are used to analyze
patterns of cultural expression. Still others see the entire issue as technique and mastery over
74

materials. In the latter case, it's a question of how advanced mankind is in controlling its
environment.
Any repair, restoration or reconstruction alters the original. There is no way to claim authenticity
when many changes have been made over various periods of time (Johnson-Marshall, 1966)
(Fitch, 1990) (Frank, 2010) . Identity means sameness through time and circumstance. However,
some argue that replication is a special way of honoring the past and keeping it relevant. For one
reason, the entire edifice is re-made in replication, a gesture of recognition to the original design
and architects. Architectural conservation must have a place for this type of work, whether minor
or major in scope.
In line with the Western interest in consumption David Howes's book, Cross-Cultural
Consumption; Global Markets, Local Realities (1996), includes an interesting article by Carol
Hendrickson about the handicrafts of Guatemala and the Mayan people which may now be
purchased through mail-order catalogues. Howes points out how the native culture is now
marketing its own uniqueness. This gives the purveyors a lot of latitude in determining what
makes something authentic. What is authentic is whatever these markets consider to be authentic.
Such is the nature of ethnic tourism. Since the money can be found by playing with Western
stereotypes and providing what Western business men are willing to place on the market, the
notion of authenticity is now seriously problematic.
In this vision of culture as product, we might venture to say that all styles, typologies, and spatial
configurations are now the cultures which they are thought to represent. The making and
manipulation of images is now the focal sense of cultural heritage. In other words, authenticity is
also produced or invented, not given.
75

Value of Buildings, Restoring Wisdom
A deep understanding of tradition reveals why it is so vital to current generations. The past
cannot be simply discarded or denied value; the force of the past remains with us even today.
Humans have struggled to find order over generations of time and the result is often referred to
as revealed truth, wisdom, or knowledge. Even with the Enlightenment's attempted re-definition
of these terms, we realize that an appreciate of these past accomplishments can't be dismissed as
coming from some dark age. Rather the entire wisdom of the past was codified and signified in
religion, customs and in architecture as well. The urge to discover the meaning of human
existence finds itself in buildings just as much as it does in art, science, and Holy Scriptures.
From the perspective of wisdom, no human civilization has completely failed to understand
something profound about the human condition. When we read architecture and understand the
urge to build or materialize truth, we find layers of meaning we did not suspect (Bianca, 1994).
Discovering the true value of a given historic building or site is a complex task that requires a
good deal of research and probing. Without a firm grasp of the values, there will only be a
chaotic urge to construct according to the latest criteria or the most fashionable principles. It is
imperative that policy analysts be able to understand the significance of the cultural inheritance
because the alternative produces what we have come to see as the barrenness of modernism
(Delafons, 1999) (Richards, 2003). It is this search for values, values connected throughout the
entire social order and bring together the findings of ecology, psychology, history, and
economics. Urban planning cannot function autonomously. It requires the grand context of
historical tradition, however dimly perceived that might be (Hall, 1989). We must recall that
76

architecture in Middle Eastern historic cities is only relevant in the context of the history of a
people, of nature, of climate, tradition, and customs.
We must assert that no concept is more important to conservation policy than intangible values
(Pendlebury, 2008) (Allison & Peters, 2011). Yet no concept is so undefined. We still lack a
clear formulation of what we mean by this expression. So, where we lack a readily available way
to articulate a concept, we must explore ways to make in intelligible. One option might be to take
the position of a conceptual design ethic. This would mean that we begin by examining the roots
of the Middle Eastern cultural development, including all the fundamental religious concepts.
These fundamental would then be expanded in terms of various historical phases or
developments. Connecting say the written documents or inspired stories transmitted by tradition
with the basic design features of life and living, we can then formulated something like a
conceptual design ethic (Allison & Peters, 2011): a standard that represents how the values
which are intangible manifest themselves in daily life and through time.
Assessing Value, Formulating Identity
Nevertheless, assessing value is a problematic activity in Middle Eastern historic cities. A good
way to illustrate this problem and to show why it is so complex is to take an example. European
venues provide countless examples given the long history of human endeavor on that continent.
The conservation policies that are formulated there are not always popular. It seems obvious that
those structures which are inherited from the past would be valued and protected, used in
sensible ways to provide continuity and identity. On the other hand, and due to age and wear and
tear, many think that it is important to improve the quality of those structures, to modernize them
(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). The concern is that when agencies formulate policies to manage
77

and intervene in events, the natural course of life will be frustrated. After all, life is always in
movement, things always change, and room must be made of the new to emerge. Those who
favor restrict conventions also may stifle what is seeking to emerge. The status quo, for being
such, is not sacred. This is why we face a dilemma.
Another problem is the overspecialized nature of ruling elites. In an age of highly specialized
people in powerful positions, there is a good deal of distortion when we focus on only one point
of view in conservation policy. Normally, the study of historical artifacts or buildings assumes
that everything connected with the object has some value (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). The
site, the object itself, its history and its role in daily life are all part of the equation. Arriving at
hastily drawn conclusions about policy is not helpful. What is called for is a thoughtful approach
where constant reassessment occur. Amira Bennison (2007) has suggested that all historical sites
be treated with a respect they deserve. Each site has its own unique qualities which contribute to
the current social fabric. When it comes to preservation or destruction, it is almost as if it were a
life or death decision and it must be made only after great care for all the aspects of the problem.
Another list is relevant to our discussion: the classification of architectural values. Let me list
them here: universal value, associative value, curiosity, artistic, exemplary, intangible, and use
value. In order to make assessments and decisions, the practitioner might rank these values so as
to arrive at a determination and justification for a specific conservation project (Bennison &
Gascoigne, 2007). Since this discipline is still evolving, it shares many of the same concerns and
seeks a common language related to archeology, cultural anthropology, and cultural geography.
As more sophisticated projects are undertaken, the arguments for policies most closely reflect the
convergence of all these fields.
78

Historical Significance and Designation Issue
The value and significance of a building or historical site can be completely unrelated to its
current economic function (Appleyard, 1979) (Lakham, 1996). There are many examples of this
sort of conservation. The Turkish government has made efforts to maintain sites at Pergamon
and Ephesus, and the Greek government has cultivated the Acropolis for decades while the
Romans continue to protect their Forum. There are many other sites around the world, such as
the Egyptian pyramids and the Great Wall of China. All of this provides ample evidence of the
value attached to strictly historical artifacts that play little or no role in the functional economy
(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
One noted figure in the debate about the historical significance of architectural heritage is the
Austrian author Alois Riegl (1858-1905). Though he thought to categorize and generally
organize the discipline of conservation, his work was without influence. It was only after his
essay was translated into English that a wider audience was found and this audience was far
more receptive to his argument and his categorical scheme.
Riegel's book (Riegl, 2004) is noted for making three categorical distinctions: the intended
monument, the historical monument, and the unintentional but age-old monument. Each of these
represents a broadening of the scope of the notion of monument. The first type is fairly easy to
explain because the designation includes the explanation. Examples are the Mausoleum of
Maussollos at Halincarnassus and Trajan's Column in Rome. Each was intended to be
commemorative and to display some specific meaning or glorification. The second type, the
historic monument, is less intentional and relative to subjective assessment. These structures may
not have been built to commemorate or honor anyone or event, but since they belong to a by-
79

gone era, they might represent for us a particular historical significance. Perhaps something like
the O-K Corral might be representative; a simple holding place for horses it has become
historically significant of the Old West in the US. The final type allows for the widest range of
interpretation. The only condition is that the piece or artifact reveal a considerable passage of
time.
Riegel's book has been used for purposes of categorization and definition. Working in any
academic discipline requires a precise set of terms in order to carry on in some functional manner.
For conservation policy Riege's contribution includes the intentional monument, the historic
monument and the incidental monument. Beyond that, he also specified certain non-
commemorative, present-day values. These values have a certain scope as well: the newness
factor includes modern preferences and the relative artfulness criterion includes aspects of
preference and taste for certain periods of time. Riegel's singular achievement was to provide a
working terminology for the discourse of modern conservation policy. Perhaps his most
important thesis is that all conservation is about value and the interpretation of value (Riegl,
2004).
If we work with Riegel’s scheme, it provides something in the way of a contemporary
expectation for historic buildings; it assumes they will not be altered but preserved. It is thought
that the original design and materials make the place authentic. Any tampering with the original
site is then considered an alteration. When the notion of age value was first proposed, it was not
considered likely that the work of restoration would make things appear to be a certain age; it
was simply assumed that the site would age as time passes without any relevant alteration.
80

Riegl's thesis is that a conservation project should respect the original state of a property as much
as possible. This adds historical value. The real problem had to do with disfiguration and decay.
Classification of Value, Measuring Cultural Heritage
Unlike value ascribed to the quality of the work, there is another dimension to value and that is
use value (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). This quality is understood in the functional sense of
remaining relevant to daily life. The reason this quality is in many ways remarkable is that
common sense would dictate that when a building is too old, it ought to be demolished and
replaced with a more state of the art alternative. Yet many older buildings are capable of
surviving long periods of time and remaining useful to the general population. One thinks
naturally of the many capitals around the world that have endured for long periods of time. Yet
another aspect of this complex problem is the relationship to cultural heritages in Middle Eastern
historic cities. Properties can change in value based on the connection they have to a particular
heritage.
The modern West is invested in the sophistical position first uttered by Protagoras: “Man is the
measure of all things.” The fact that Plato attempted to limit the value of this utterance
apparently remains unappreciated by many; the license to do and act in a way without regard for
a transcendental standard is only too common today. The West has now assumed for itself the
controlling, hegemonic position over all others. The major source so global power have defined
technology and profit-making as the privileged manner of comportment in a world of diversity.
We seriously need to understand the de-valuation of human realities that occurs in these
conditions.
81

An understanding of our new, global predicament can be stated in these terms: Only when the
proper values are identified and articulated can we then proceed to determine which tools are
necessary for sustaining those values (Stipe, 2003). In other words, the proper ethical norms
coupled with daily practice must determine the relative value of the technical means at our
disposal. The global community is now facing an ethical problem of the most profound
dimensions. How are we to make sense of the ruins, the fragments, the cultural inheritance of the
past? In what ways can these be used to provide some direction for the now rushing, destructive
path of unregulated technology?
Modernism, Postmodernism and Authenticity
One useful exercise in this direction would be to adopt the postmodern view that originates with
the decline of modernism. After all, why was the guiding modernist narrative abandoned? Was it
World War II? The loss of a relevant architecture for the masses? The reaction to Stravinsky's
music? The incomprehensible poetry of the post-War era? The decline of the novel?
Postmodernism is a reaction and a witness to these developments. The hopes and dreams of the
great Modernist architects have now been abandoned. With the loss of any original vision, the
tendency now has been the revival of older forms (Bianca, 1994). Strictly speaking this response
is comical because it's transparent to all those with eyes to see that kitsch is kitsch, degradation is
degradation, cheap imitation is just cheap imitation.
Even given the deep commitment to the values of humanism implicit in Modernism, those
commitments were ideologically tainted by bias, prejudice, abstraction, and a rampant secularism.
Utopian thinking always has a problem of relevance. Certainly, it would be so nice if everything
were perfect, but how do we do it? This question condemns almost all efforts to improve the
82

human condition, despite widespread advances in health, education, and human cooperation. The
problem is that the human condition is by definition a spiritual problem and not a material one;
man does not live by bread alone, is true of both the poor and the rich. Where Western thinking
is impoverished is its extreme commitment to rationality; the fact that it regards the human
condition itself as a problem to solve rather than a mystery to ponder.
Another easily detectable fault in Modernism is its tendency to geometrical form for its own sake.
This mathematical prejudice is not suitable for an organic embodied intellect. It's easy to plan on
a drawing board; it's far more difficult to actually order human beings who are clusters of all
sorts of associations and connections. For those who were unable to see this for themselves,
anyone reading Franz Kafka, Samuel Beckett or F. Dostoyevsky will be able to see it in their
writings.
Another element that caused confusion in modernism as an aesthetic form were its unfortunate
collaborators: capitalists, industrialists, and financial interests. As a form of art, we might be able
to enjoy its dream-like designs. Working with these other engines, however, it proved to be fatal
enterprise around the world. Since it favored the mechanical and abstract, it operated on land and
sites with a total disregard for human values other than efficiency and instrumentality. Such
dreams tended to a totalitarian use of power in that they sought to shape the whole human
environment. The reaction was mostly negative in Middle Eastern historic cities; a wholesale
rejection after years of trials and tribulations.
The history of Modernism is itself a tale worth telling. It begins in Weimar Germany with the
advent of the Bauhaus style. This innovation was given an opportunity in many urban sites
throughout the United States. Since the United States was a young country, it was the perfect
83

venue for developing new forms and shapes in living. Americans have been an experimental
people due to their effort to tame the wilderness. Many high-rise developments sported the
Bauhaus style which was then re-applied to Europe after the Second World War. Along with this
pattern, the Europeans designed New Towns as a result of the destruction caused by endless
bombing during the war. Modernism then moved toward an international dimension in the latter
decades of the twentieth century (Morris, 1995).
Modernism advocated designs which were antithetical to the human dimension experienced in
the urban environment. Modernists were arrogant and indifferent to local customs and lived
experience. They imagined perfect communities organized around their patterns and values.
What had come before them in terms of architecture and design was considered irrelevant. The
implementation of these assumptions went a long way in destroying the structure of earlier
architects and city planners in Middle Eastern historic cities. The most disastrous assumption
was that social and cultural context were unimportant factors in building urban communities.
The faults and weaknesses of the Modernist Movement were exposed for all to see once the
demolition of a number of development schemes took place. This experience, the exposure of the
faults of Modernism, led to the emergence of a new approach to design and questions of
conservation (Jokilehto, 2002) (Rypkema, 2007). Nevertheless, the ideological debate about
what to do next remains an open issue. Now architects and design experts are more sensitive to
environmental issues, to urban degradation, and to the re-interpretation of classical forms. What
with the ongoing postmodern re-evaluation of the modernist moment, a new sensibility has
emerged which sees problems as complex and multifaceted. The aggressive sense of striving for
a utopian future has now receded and designers are approaching problems much more cautiously.
84

Ironically the Modern Movement is still very much alive in Third World development schemes.
What could appear more ridiculous than to witness the wholesale adoption of progressive and
utopian objectives in cultures which have a rich vernacular tradition such as Middle Eastern
cities, traditions which Modernists now praise for their more humane use of space and form
(Kostof, Castillo, Tobias, 1992). What's especially sad is to see experts throughout the Middle
East continuing to endorse the quest for utopian city planning without the slightest regard for
past accomplishments within their own traditions.
The way in which Modernism is alive today can be characterized as the package deal (Bianca,
2001). Large scale schemes are bought and sold to the very wealthy and their government
servants, importing wildly incongruous plans for these traditional societies. Think of the tallest
building in the world, Burj Dubai, as a simple example of countless others in the same region.
This is merely the most obvious case of a trend that disregards what is appropriate in a given
context and mindlessly imports housing, transportation, schools and public buildings designed by
Western architects. What seems to be the objective is world prestige. It's a matter of recognition
for a place rather than finding a solution to the problems of living. The side-effect of all this is
the decay and deterioration of perfectly suitable buildings, roads, parks and public spaces that,
with only slight upgrades or renovation, would be suitable for current residents. This response is
what causes so much social anomie and confusion (Abu-Lughod, 2000): the underlying problems
of the purpose and role of culture are simply left unanswered.
Historically, the road to modernism began with the Industrial Revolution (Huntington, 2011).
This marked a definite departure from all previous generations of human history. Before
industrialism, the human being was understood to be part of a larger, divine creation, the rupture
85

caused by this change conceived mankind as separate from creation. The world was less a place
in which one was nurtured and more something alien and needing to be mastered. The world was
now wholly given over as material subject to human design considerations. Human could now
think of themselves as agents of their own arbitrary designs rather than as subjects of natural law.
Technology was seen as a tool for liberation; work would be replaced by machines. Humans
might actually be able to make the world respond according to their wants, needs and dreams.
The mind was no longer a mirror of a divine creation but means or a tool for change and shaping
material conditions.
Materialization of Values, Exploitation Mentality
The prejudice of a quantitative approach to value is revealed in the terms of choice used by the
financial classes: underdevelopment and developing countries. It doesn't occur to the monied
elite that totally justified ways of life can operate outside the influence of capital (Tung, 2001)
(Rypkema, 2005). When this standard is adopted, then we find that no other values matter. This
is the cynicism of capitalism. Yet these assumptions and values are at odds with every traditional
society which operated through the use value mechanism rather than exchange value, a position
taken by Karl Marx (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
Capitalism involves the quest for renewable and usable resources, for inexpensive labor costs,
and for widening markets. All of these purposes were initially under the control of the Western
imperial powers. When these powers invaded and consolidated power in their elites, vast
infrastructure projects were undertaken, not for the sake of native populations, but for ease of
exploitation. Even when living conditions improved in Middle Eastern cities, it was always in
terms of the production and consumption patterns of the Western powers. This leads to an open
86

conflict over values and to growing secularism, as against traditional and sacred sources. In
social and geographical terms, this meant the ascent of metropolitan regions over rural or
backward regions. As a corollary, the center processed, manufactured and consumed the wealth
made possible by dominating the rural regions.
What often happens in Middle Eastern historic cities is the progressive separation of the upper
classes modeled on Western elites and popular or traditional leaders who are marginalized. The
older order becomes outmoded and irrelevant as the new political agenda is centered in decisions
made in the administrative center. Those who are connected to the imperial classes naturally
move to modern accommodations, leaving older historic cities to the rural immigrants. The
modern system of production and consumption displaces the older forms of production, arts and
crafts. This means the entire metropolitan or urban fabric must be altered. For those concerned
with conservation, we need to be careful to find a balancing policy that restores some of the lost
prestige of historical sites (Lakham, 1996).
From the perspective of restoring balance to traditional Middle Eastern societies, the housing
domain is of the utmost importance. It is in the housing sector especially that the degradation of
local industries occurs. Emphasis is placed on importing different materials and neglecting the
older ways of building a habitable environment. This entire tendency robs people of their
autonomy, of their determination to provide for themselves. Market conditions force shifts and
changes in the process which favors an alien way of dwelling. Many of the modern
improvements in Middle Eastern historic cities are dangerous to the environment and create a
good deal of pollution. These modern building sites are also expensive in local terms which
87

forces unequal conditions on the labor market. We can say that the uncritical adoption of
Western forms of housing and infrastructure in these contexts cause a good deal of misery.
The way in which Western powers take control of Middle Eastern societies is somewhat
insidious. By first imposing itself it then atomizes the parts and then reconstitutes them in new
functional roles. This destroys the organic or natural connections and replaces them in the
service of mechanism alien to people. Once the disruption occurs, self-regulation is replaced by
external controls by elites. Fewer and fewer autonomous entities emerge under these conditions
since all functioning is controlled by the rationalized agency at the top.
The tragedy of modernization is the loss of organic networks for communication and social
solidarity (AlSayyad, 2000). As the techniques improve, human relationships begin to decline.
This happens for a number of reasons. First, the solidarity that comes from proximity is replaced
by mediated communication centered in the administrative apparatus. Bureaucracies and formal
procedures become more important than the face-to-face social relationships that sustained more
traditional societies. Rather than rooted individuals assuming responsibilities for their own
welfare, experts decide what is best for the common good. Generally speaking, administrative
requirements and norms replace traditional moral codes and customs.
Another problem posed by the modern administrative state apparatus is the control features favor
a more totalitarian mentality. It is much easier to coerce people with modern tools. Political
leaders tend to be less grounded in the customs and norms of the people, conceiving their role as
director rather than as partner or consultant. The problem seems to be that modern techniques
require a good deal of training, which perpetuates the perception that elites alone really know
what is called for in making any important decisions (Mugerauer, 1995). The more traditional
88

discussions and systems of regulation are replaced because they are viewed as inefficient. In the
name of these modern approaches, totalitarian control is much more likely and much more
destructive.
Shared Social Commitment, Totalitarianism of Modernity
What makes the modern approach in Middle Eastern historic cities so different is the sense of
socialization. Before, the entire educational process was geared to conditioning people to accept
as a core belief the mores and customs inherited by the tradition. Thus those who came of age
assumed they would play a role and assume certain responsibilities as members of the group.
What sustained group cohesion was a shared commitment to values or sources of authority. All
of that was constantly reinforced by daily communication of an intimate sort. In such
circumstances, distant bureaucracies and administrative offices had a much less influential role
to play in daily life. Put bluntly, the social order took care of itself. But once the attitude become
dominant that we need experts and specialists to manage a community, it no longer seems
necessary to pay heed to divine sources of authority. Now man is firmly in control and directing
the action. Justice is the responsibility of the courts and not the final judgment of God. Since this
role is now assumed by men, they also assume the role of God, which is the condition of
totalitarianism in Middle Eastern cities.
The situation in traditional societies is unsatisfactory on many counts. First of all, the importation
of this modern view is alien and destructive to social solidarity. Administrative agencies assume
responsibilities that the vast majority of the population once viewed as belonging to themselves.
This hinders the traditional manner of self-regulation; but it is also difficult to make the
bureaucracy work efficiently because the people don't thoroughly trust it or believe themselves
89

justly treated by it. We are left with an unsatisfactory situation all the way around: inconsistent
government policies seeking to control a damaged body politic (Abu-Lughod, 2000). Working at
cross purposes, the entire thing becomes one great mess.
The problem with modernizing governments and societies in Middle Eastern historic cities is
that the implementation leads to profound rifts, tears in the social fabric. A sense of mutual
incomprehension dominates the entire enterprise. While Western methods have developed over
the course of the last few centuries, the rather thoughtless application to traditional societies has
led to a good deal of confusion (Abu-Lughod, 2000). The problem is one of prerogatives and
direction. Traditional societies were never really lost even if they seemed outmoded. They were
simply obeying a different directive according to the values articulated by their teachings or
sacred traditions (Mugerauer, 1995). Since there was actually doing different things, there is a
staggering incommensurability between the objectives of a modern bureaucracy and the direction
of a traditional society.
Value of the Past, Religious Purposes
We continue to look to Holy Scriptures not for assistance with the design of Middle Eastern
historic buildings or cities, but as guidance for the proper way of living life. Because religion
comes first in terms of commitments and organization, it provides the entire culture with an
appropriate meaning for the purpose of life (i.e., honoring God, helping others, relieving
suffering). Given this purpose, dwelling and the organization of daily life can be derived from
this overarching meaning and purpose.
90

The practice of a religion takes place within and shapes a social environment as well. In doing so,
spatial preferences or dimensions are necessarily more important than others. The whole
enterprise of laying out a public space is influenced by the central concerns of the dominant
religious ethos (Bianca, 2001). The Middle East was affected by these concerns for centuries.
One does not look at the external environment as if it were unconnected to deeper beliefs and
attitudes. Any study of architecture and conservation must establish a firm connection between
the system of beliefs that people hold and the spatial layout of their living and daily routines.
Secularization and modernization tend to ignore or overlook religious structures. The reasons are
obvious. When belief in the transcendent wanes so does attention to style and detail in places of
worship. As people's religious convictions shift or change, their attitudes toward worship, piety
and assembly also change. The built heritage, especially for many religious structures, was
designed to elicit a sense of awe and reverence; today many such buildings are merely viewed
for their curiosity or technique (Abu-Lughod, 2000). In some cases, there is outright disdain. The
fact that many older religious structures must struggle to maintain themselves is testimony
enough of the ambivalence encountered in a secular era. Indifference might be the greatest
challenge conservationists face in restoring and honoring the achievements of the past in this
area of human affairs (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
Because of declining interest in fundamental religious beliefs and traditions, at least within
secular societies, many citizens feel only a detached interest in the traditional structures of
religion. The fact is that all such buildings form part of the cultural heritage and inheritance. The
passivity of many ordinary citizens to these historical artifacts might be the greatest challenge
that conservationists face. Many feel that in so far as it is a problem it belongs to the government
91

or to some agency, but not to the citizenry in general. A lot of time and persuasive effort is
invested in making the general population more aware of their own potential contribution to this
work.
Authentic Islamic Art and Architecture
Islam is a formative religious principle in all matters throughout the Middle East. As such, there
is a dominant spiritual principle which is acknowledged by all residents: the complete and utter
transcendence of God from all physical manifestations and realities. This acknowledgement
places special duties on the artist (AlSayyad, 1999). The artist is bound to honor God by never
attempting to imitate or represent Him. The artist is allowed only to indirectly suggest
transcendent realities. In doing this, the mind of the spectator is raised to that higher reality. Art
serves the contemplative mind, freeing participants to enjoy the wonders of creation.
The artist thus stands between the recognition of higher truths and the task of representing those
truths in the created order. To separate this understanding might be useful: the intellect of the
artist and spectator has access through the eye; the eye carries the physical image to the intellect
which then reads the form or essence of truth. The paradoxical nature of art is to use physical or
material elements in order to draw attention to immaterial and spiritual truths (Riegl, 2004). All
those material manifestations, from calligraphy to sacred painting to architectural decoration in
Middle Eastern historic cities are intended to allow or make possible a deeper understanding of
God and His relationship to creation. Ultimately, a totally successful work of art would be a
revelation in material form of a divine vibrancy (Jodidio, 2011) (Bianca, 2006).
92

The two prominent tools for the Islamic artist are geometrical patterns and the arabesque, based
on the vine leaf inherited from antiquity. Both of these will be found interwoven and textured in
the same place. The two together make it possible to experience the complementary activities of
the static and dynamic functions of reality. The one expresses permanence, while the other
reveals the ongoing processes of growth and decay. Islam is philosophically a reconciliation of
the many and the one. Allowing for maximum diversity, it never sacrifices such diversity to a
totalitarian unity. It understands all diversity as fundamentally unified at a higher level (Corbin
& Manheim, 1998).
The playful and complexity of works of art and architecture in Middle Eastern historic cities
makes it possible for the spectator to enjoy a variety of interpretations. Since reality is
multifaceted, it is possible to wander the maze of reality, intrigued by endless patterns and
designs, never turngin away from a contemplative appreciation of the wonders of creation
(Jayyusi, 2008).
If we think of architecture as a form of language or expression, it is helpful to see ornamental art
as that which hints at the deeper and more profound levels of the real while the structural laws
are frankly an acknowledgement of our earthbound existence. Architecture has always had to
deal with the sheer weight of stones, blocks, and foundations. So much of the monumental is
simply an expression of gravity and the fact that things don't move easily. What the ornamental
accomplishes is the higher aspirations of the human beings (Bianca, 1994). The physical is
always transcended, just as man is never simply confined to his body. Light may be the best
metaphor or expression for these higher aspirations. The heaviness of the structural is offset by
the light reflected through it in the fine carvings and surfaces which reflect the light from above.
93

We have advanced these examples in order to support our main thesis that the art of the Middle
East owes much of its inspiration to the influence of Islam. While secular scholars might simply
see sophistication and artistic capacity, a more grounded view must acknowledge the continuing
presence of Islamic faith as the formative principle. In addition to that simple fact, we contend
that Islam is never rigid in its relationship to the arts. It's just the opposite in fact. The influence
of faith stimulates and provides options to all walks of life, encouraging the discovery of various
means of expression. The inspiration for the arts applies from the design and crafting of
monuments to the lowliest utensils (Bosworth, 2008). Above all, Islam is a calling to the higher
aspirations of the human spirit.
From an historical perspective, Islam can be viewed in two ways. One is its reflection through
the nomadic ways of life of many peoples in the region. That would be its so-called 'liquid' form.
The second would be the urban or 'crystallized' form of life. It was the philosopher of history, Ibn
Khaldun (Ibn Khaldun, 2005) in the 14th century who first formulated this binary relationship.
While the urban or crystallized form of life is successful in the commercial life and leads to
wealth and splendor, it tends to degenerate very rapidly if not renewed by vital energies provided
by nomadic influxes. The relative innocence of tribes who live a less regulated existence is the
potential source of renewal. Drawing from the harshness of the desert is a necessary condition
for the ongoing vitality of success in the city (Kheirabadi, 2004) (Amirahmadi, 1993). The bonds
formed in the nomadic groups are the very lifeblood of the renewal of civilization.
The truly magisterial work on the topic of the Islamic city was written by Paul Wheatley and
published in 2000. This work provides a descriptive and geographical approach to urban
networks from the tenth century. Wheatley's interest is the external links between urban sites,
94

although he is observant of distinctions within cities and towns as well. What is striking about
the book is the wide sweep from Spain to Central Asia. His conclusions suggest that Islam has
had an enormous impact on the rise of urbanism throughout this vast region, often expressed
through specific empires. He concludes by stating that Islam provides the ultimate context for the
development of most of the urban forms throughout the region.
Let's analyze two important terms relevant to this study: city and religion. As for cities, are
towns or villages urban entities? Wheatley would classify them as such (Wheatly, 2000). But
then we must assert that there are a number of complex factors making something an urban entity
yet not a city. So we must speak in terms of levels of settlements. Given the variety of functions
and populations, we might include a number of entities: forts, citadels, towns, villages, and so
forth. A study of Arabic vocabulary reveals a number of these distinctions.
As for the term religion we offer a broad conception. Many activities and practices might be
included under this umbrella term. The term Islam, just like Christianity and Judaism, fails to
refine and define anything; a generic conception often leads to misunderstandings. The proposal
here is to shift or challenge our understanding of what this term might mean. A common
misunderstanding is a system of rules of observance (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). But this too
narrow for us. We offer instead, the notion of manifestations. Under this term, we include a
variety of practices and customs, histories and traditions. It does seem obvious, however, that
Islamic practices are indeed relevant to a variety of urban forms of life. One example is
especially important: the use of banners and terminology on structures and monuments. This
would make architecture a means or even medium for religion.
95

We begin by taking the influence of Islam seriously. If that is the case, then we assert that the
physical transformation of human dwellings into certain types of towns and cities has much to do
with the Islamic imaginary. We notice continuity and managed change from the pre-Islamic to
the fully Islamic periods. Some authors downplay the role of Islam in the construction of the
urban system, asserting that most of the contribution is to government and responsibilities which
were assumed by the population living in the Arabian peninsula. Others have claimed that we see
fully developed Islamic cities in Kufa and Basra, while the cities of Damascus were creations of
the imperial courts of the Umayyads (Bosworth, 2008).
There is a common misunderstanding that Islam cannot be divided into political and religious
dimensions. Nonetheless, the town planners before the rise of Islam were distinctive in their
grasp of urban form and layout (Salam, 1991) (Bosworth, 2008) (Jayyusi, 2008). They were able
to provide a stylistic unity which is remarkable. This talent was then developed in new directions
under the influence of Islamic codes and beliefs. To take but one example, the term minaret went
through a number of iterations, often with added or shifting meanings (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007). In fact, at some point the minaret was regarded as non-Islamic.
It is possible to view Islam's influence on urban developments in a variety of ways. We can
analyze the ways in which it affects urban organization. We might regard the mosques and
mausolea in their specific religious dimensions or the social aspects of cisterns and hospitals.
What this does is make it possible to see the Islamic city as a symbolic entity or a cultural
construction rather than a purely physical manifestation (Jayyusi, 2008) (Bianca, 1994).
What is truly needed is a pathway that fully acknowledges the cultural value of Islam while
finding ways to make Western technical achievements find their proper place in a fully realized
96

Islamic civilization. We will find this solution by debunking the hidden agendas behind all the
forces currently operating on the scene. We must strip science of its hidden assumptions. We
must acknowledge the limitations of an exclusively empirical approach. It is both remarkable and
naive that Western thinking made as much progress it did while overlooking the past wholesale.
Now that we have experienced many of the negative side-effects of scientific progress, mankind
is facing a decisive moment: How do we find a place for values in an objective world-view? This
discussion is still taking place and we await the results.
Islam, likes all ancient wisdom teachings, does not hold that capital is intrinsically valuable (Said,
1979). According to its sacred teaching, capital is merely a means to serve other ends. This is
obvious from the condemnation of earning interest on loans. All improvements of financial gains
must be earned in the serve of human goods. Money is was never and is not viewed as an end or
purpose in itself. It must be in the service of meaningful purposes. Oddly enough, Marx's
criticism of capitalism aligns with this view, even though he was critical of religious traditions;
the irony of capitalism, for him, is that money has a bigger role in life than human beings (Marx,
1867).

97

Figure 4-1: Isfahan, Naqsh-e-Jahan Square (Imam square), Constructed between 1598-1629
(Source: Archive center, School of Architecture, Shahid Beheshti University/ Iran)

Figure 4-2: Isfahan, Naqsh-e-Jahan square, 2008 Green movement (source: ghalamnews.ir)

98

Chapter Five: Factors Influencing Historic Preservation
Cities host the most creative elements of a given society, the so-called creative class which is
often distinguished for its ideas and artistic projects. In conjunction with this group, there are the
political activists, the entrepreneurs, the government officials and the directors of NGOs (Burdett,
2008). Following this the more traditional groups such as prominent families, charitable
foundations and universities. This research is designed to highlight and analyze the many ways
in which these various actors and agents interact.
As a part of this expanding discussion, the academic fields of culture, history, tradition, and
metaphysics need to be included. As we have noted, the focus on conservation of appearances is
simply too superficial. Conservation needs the courage to face up to the difficult problems that
come when a culture is being transformed too rapidly by technology and the imposition of alien
values. This has not been acknowledged to date. Nor have we analyzed the results of centuries of
warfare and colonialism, the ways in which these experiences have corrupted the psyches of the
people who were the victims. It seems that it is a timely matter for us now that much of the world
is recoiling from the effects of massive globalization.
With the advent of modernity, the problem of paternity arises. Where do we come from?
becomes the guiding question once we have arrived in the modern era. The need to find ways to
address the past become an urgent matter, before we witness its destruction by global forces.
Another factor is how to increase the general population in the urgency of conservation. Such a
need often is addressed by the creation of bureaus and agencies. Once these agencies begin to
operate the level of discourse shifts to matters of justice and publicity and a general political
attitude or position is formulated attracting larger groups than mere specialists. This provides a
99

critical mass which leads to a comprehensive program for the overall restoration plan, rather than
a mere reaction to the threats posed by rapid changes in economics and infrastructure. The
thought occurs among the vast multitude that the inherited tradition is actually a source for
generating values.
Cities with a good deal of historical infrastructure such as Middle Eastern historic cities stand in
need of a good deal of expert attention to maintain and develop them in accordance with new
demands and pressures. We need to clearly identify those problems that make it difficult to
derive the maximum benefit from the traditional forms and designs; we also need to be clear how
to sustain and support the urban heritage. We do this by being very clear that the city is above all
living organism, an ongoing place where people work out their lives and destinies. It is a source
of some confusion that no established principles can help us formulate a solution to these
difficulties. At this time we stand in need of data and analysis that might provide a productive
approach to retaining and utilizing the inherited Middle Eastern tradition.
The way we decide to treat or preserve monuments in our society says a lot about the general
form and condition of humans living in that society. Each seems to come from a unique or
different perspective, the owner has his, the architect defends a decision, the civil servant reflects
the greater social good, the judge delivers a verdict, and so forth. Could we find another way?
Probably not. Should we find another way? Again, no. Unfortunately we all seem trapped from
our social position. There is no hope of really transcending it and those who think they can
theorize their way out of this predicament by an appeal to art history are also caught in the same
trap.
100

Paradoxically the forces which would preserve the cultural heritage in the Middle East are
organized by the wrong people and those who neglect the proper objectives need to be doing a
better job of formulating the task at hand. The simple recognition of public heritage, a
vocabulary that provides some way to measure and assess the work that needs to be done, would
go a long way to reversing the trend toward decay and neglect. Those who are currently in
charge of Middle Eastern historic cities need to reconsider what they are doing and development
a more systematic approach to the sets of problems conservation faces. Without some sort of re-
conceptualization, we will only continue in the wrong direction.
It is a truism of the modern age that many of the world's extremely poor live in ancient cities and
sites that are not only decrepit but also of some special historical significance. The presence of
historic buildings in Middle Eastern cities has led to the formulation of plans to preserve those
buildings and to find ways to make them relevant again in a contemporary context. The dominant
notion is that older historic buildings can continue to play a role, not only as memorials of
historic events, but also as part and parcel of the contemporary pace of life (Ferguson, 1975).
Efforts have been made to incorporate the old with modern conveniences so that residents
continue to discover in them value. In short, it should be a mandate of the United Nations that
improving conditions of life also means finding new ways to use history rather than destroying it
in the name of progress.
There are any number of factors that make conservation in Middle Eastern historic cities a
difficult undertaking. Beyond the threats posed by the natural environment, there are a number of
social, economic, and institutional problems. Compound these issues with a widespread
ignorance and indifference by the general population and we witness an ever increasing
101

difficulty in making sound decision that have legitimacy and carry persuasive power (Delafons,
1999). For this reason we need a risk inventory, naming the various categories and the likelihood
of failing in any one of them. After than we need to have highly focused studies of specific sites
or monuments. All of this together might be the beginning of a comprehensive plan including all
the elements at play in conservation (Appleyard, 1979). This might then prove to provide a
regional model for what might be an eventual worldwide gauge for any nation.
Versatility and Adaptability for Change
What is so remarkable about traditional architecture in Middle Eastern historic cities is its
amazing versatility and adaptability in modern circumstances. There is no incompatibility
between the traditional designs and the modern usages. Most fieldwork finds that it is relatively
easy to preserve facades, courtyards, finished materials and exterior spaces. It is also ease to find
accommodations with modern sewage, electricity, and water supply (Chase, 2004) (Frank, 2010).
All of these constraints need to be evaluated for their economic vitality. Older buildings in
Middle Eastern historic cities will continue to play an important role in the economic viability of
the nation.
Archeology has changed due to new methods of dealing with ruins and ancient sites. Demolition
and foundations have developed in technical ways and both concerns are relevant to archeology.
Often governments in Middle Eastern countries want studies and plans and thorough
documentation; these matters can be quite costly. Instead, archeologists have had a free hand at
developing the countless sites common in these places. Unfortunately, the opportunity for
incorporating the ancient within the contemporary situation is sometimes lost in these cases
(Allison & Peters, 2011) (Frank, 2010).
102

Reliable Sources and Research
In the current state of world affairs, the disappearance of traditional ways of life happens rapidly
and often surprisingly little is done to take note of it or to adequately document it. Rapid change
throughout the Middle East has led to the disappearance not only of infrastructure by of
important cultural landmarks, often without any recognition of what is being lost (Bosworth,
2008). For this reason, it is time to stop and reconstruct the historic development of traditional
Middle Eastern cities. What makes this task especially difficult is a general lack of a body of
reliable research that one can draw upon in considering policy matters. Furthermore, the past
efforts to enhance or rehabilitate historic buildings are themselves only slightly documented so
we don't learn much about the process from the records available. Add to this deficit, a failure to
fully grasp the interlocking elements of civic design, spatial layout, religious practices and
beliefs and anyone can see that we face many obstacles to achieving the goal of a framework for
conservation (Bianca, 2001) (Jayyusi, 2008). Perhaps from all these strands a general model
might evolve, but it has not occurred yet.
The widespread effects of industrialization are still being felt in the twenty-first century. There
has been a lot of damage to the historic environment as a side effect of these changes. When
social revolutions dislocated many from the countryside to the city, city sizes increased
dramatically. The reason is simple to find (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007): life on the farm is
perceived as too difficult with very few rewards. The city offers modern conveniences that more
and more people can afford. The rhythms and pace of rural life were abandoned to the few who
remained and the tempo of a fast paced commercial society became the norm for much of the
world.
103

As the twentieth century wore on, more and more people flocked to the city. The process of
urban development was in full swing. Some cities double in size in remarkably short periods of
time. As a consequence many of the more affluent returned to rural settings to revitalize and
gentrify these areas (Newman & Thornley, 2011). Rather than let the homes fall into disrepair,
they were reconditioned and made appropriate for a new landed gentry.
The fundamentals of city design and historical development are easily enumerated: property lines,
foundations, morphology of the sites and the location of water supplies. These are the basic
elements that then undergo diachronic process of mutation. Development begins by
incorporation of various settlements into larger patterns (Peet, 2009). As this pattern shapes the
venue, houses are replaced when they deteriorate, the urban fabric is modified according to local
and temporal requirements. A growing awareness of values and a consolidation of building
techniques operates in these areas causing an expansion of the urban image. The tone and pace of
life is modified by this aggregation (Carolini, Garau, Sclar, 2011). Over time, a pattern is
discerned and coherence achieved. Thus it is possible to formulate thinking which makes
managed transformation possible and restoration more sensible.
A good place to start is with urban morphology. Such an analysis will reveal the essential
differences between the traditional thought of a patterned city and the modern Western design.
Once these forms are fully appreciated, the work can begin to find a new synthesis, an adaptation
which honors the traditional morphology yet accounts for new circumstances and new needs
(Peet, 2009). In some sense, the Middle Eastern City at least in historical time, is never complete
because the pattern is actually eternal.
104

An analysis of growth and development in Middle Eastern historic cities reveals some interesting
details about land use and historic areas. For one, there is an uneven development in the urban
matrix. Another problem is the inappropriate scale of construction (Carolini, Garau, Sclar, 2011).
With the advent of the high rise, the older sections of the city went into decline. Much of this is
attributed, quite rightly too, to the lack of concern evidenced by the local stakeholders. No one
thinks to survey the residents' attitude which might be an important first step to raising their
awareness. Another method is called factor analysis which analyzes a large set of variables
influencing residents' attitudes (Rypkema, 1992). Whatever the results of such preliminary
researches, the outcome would be to find an appropriate scale, create a serial vision and to
enhance orientation and continuity. Such endeavors will go a long way to achieving the
appropriate response to individual circumstances.
Waste management
The challenge facing waste management is the need for a new framework which includes many
semi-skilled and unskilled laborers, the types of people who migrate from the countryside
looking for employment opportunities. Too often waste management is seen in simplistic
economic or technical terms. This is unfortunate since so many low skilled laborers are available
to provide the needed services. The inversion of the Western technical paradigm would help city
planners to organize the problem around the vast labor pool that is the result of immigration from
rural areas (Drieskens, 2008). What makes this problem so pressing for Middle Eastern historic
cities is the continuous deterioration of the environment caused by mass tourism. It is very
important to find alternatives.

105

Water Erosion and Decay
Humankind has a vital, ongoing and deep connection to water. The reasons are obvious.
Wherever we find human beings we find a water source. Towns, villages, settlements in Middle
East are almost always situated around a water supply, whether as a river, a lake, or a well.
Architecture has adapted many of these relationships over time: the faucet, the bridge, and the
water tower are some of the most common artifacts expressing this connection. This cyclical
relationship to life is reflected throughout the designs of architects.
Alison Gascoigne (2007) has examined the uses of water in the making of civilization (Bennison
& Gascoigne, 2007). Her archeological work has focused on the Tinnts in the Nile delta. It is one
of the major tenets of Islam that free water be available to all. What made the case of Tinnts so
pressing was the absence of potable water; Islamic charitable intentions were tested by this
situation. The research also indicates a tendency to move toward private ownership, something
that has been encouraged by Islamic principles.
As we have said, the chief aim of conservation policy initiatives is the preservation of historic
buildings which maintain an important standing in world history. The knowledge of the
conservation specialist has now expanded to include such seemingly remote concerns as the way
in which water destroys materials, warps wood, and causes rot. Water is of course the most
ubiquitous element in the world. Whether in the form of rain, humidity, dampness, the flow of
water, condensation or atmospheric pressure, water erodes otherwise stable materials. It eats
away at paint and varnish, causing finished surfaces to become deformed or degraded. This type
of knowledge is now indispensable to the conservationist.
106

Climate Factors
The diversity of architectural styles and periods is a remarkable fact about the Middle East. The
history of the region overwhelms any effort to describe it in concise terms. What is important
however is attention to the numerous monuments throughout the region, many of them having
suffered decay, erosion, flooding and so forth. In addition to these long standing problems a
growing awareness of climate change is taking place (Salam, 1991). The heat also adversely
affects these monuments and must now be considered a major obstacle to restoration. Any
discussion of conservation must now take this phenomenon into account.
Even in the distant past, the people of the area realized the significance of the heat on the built
environment. How to manage problems of ventilation and cooling were long standing problems
for design. Contemporary studies have revealed an uncomfortable fact that the air quality inside
a building or residence might actually be worse than the pollution levels that are so obvious on
the street. Air movement and circulation are topics that must be placed high on the agenda
(Chase, 2004). It has been noted that indoor temperature are often warmer and less comfortable
than outdoor temperatures at night. Many policy specialists now consider the traditional system
for air flow, 'Badghir,' as more efficient and more desirable than modern air conditioning. Even
the traditional use of lime and mortar seems to be a superior use of resources (Kheirabadi, 2001)
(Jodidio, 2006). Oddly enough, the traditional methods have once again shown that they are
better means than modern technique. As causal analysis of the effects of moisture and wind on
wood and stone is fairly standard and the methods for preventing such erosion is now fairly
advanced.

107

Environmental Pollution
Pollution is generally a problem when it comes to sustaining a healthy environment. Air travel
also contributes to this problem. Airborne pollution is generated by the heat and exhaust of
factories, airplanes, and cars. This granular waste erodes surfaces and discolors them as well.
The mix of pollutants and moisture is especially destructive of fragile properties. Some historic
sites are already facing serious structural and ornamental issues due to these problems.
Traffic and Transportation
Another negative influence on architecture and on life generally is the ongoing use of air
transportation. As technology has made air travel faster and cheaper, it has been difficult for
urbanists to find healthy ways to integrate this function with the older schemes of transportation.
One especially troubling issue is the noise generated by air traffic. In some Middle Eastern cities,
historic sites have simply banned any type of fly over in the hopes of preserving the experience
tourist seek at historic venues.
Modern transportation requirements are the most troubling aspect for those concerned about
urban conservation and the integrity of historic districts. The problem is that modern
transportation requirements necessitate a shift in scale, away from the human and pedestrian
dimensions and toward the needs of the machine. Because vehicles make it possible for travelers
to get around in a convenient manner, the need for space, for parking, and for access disturbs the
equilibrium that has been established over centuries. Whereas the traditional city was an
expression of the underlying values of a people, the modern city has become an out of control,
technical monstrosity. Virtually every modern development has led to significant cultural erosion
108

(Mason, 2009). The older patterns established to control flows, human and natural, are now
prevented from doing so; the large scale construction disrupts all aspects of life, leaving many
feeling disconnected from the values they prize.
The greatest single force for disruption of traditional ways of life has been and continues to be
the advent of motorized transportation. Nothing has changed the way cities are organized like
these new means and the necessary infrastructure to support virtually unlimited movement.
Historic Middle Eastern centers, towns and cities have been modified and altered to
accommodate the need for new avenues of access, of freeways and highways that connect distant
points but often run through ancient ruins or historic venues. Not least is the tremendous amount
of noise, of continuous vibrations, of honking and rapid disruptive movements that endanger
pedestrians and others. In order to function in Middle Eastern historic cities, everyone needs
levels of insurance that were never dreamt of in the past.
The best way to preserve the historic urban core, especially in Middle Easter cities, is to find
some way to accommodate the need for ready access by vehicular traffic. The modern era is now
here to stay. Once it was only animal and human traffic; now it's only about making the city safe
for machinery. Even if designers were to opt for public transportation rather than privately
owned vehicles, it would still be an issue of easements, access, routes, and connections. Today's
city requires an interconnected web of positions. One reason it is such a difficult issue is that
only the relatively poorer classes are willing to tolerate the tedium of foot traffic, congested
streets and narrow passageways (Bosworth, 2008). The bourgeois elite have abandoned the core
centers for the more accessible suburbs. The entire urban core is terribly dense, shabby living
109

quarters, and inappropriate and antiquated technology. Planners face are dramatic need to
upgrade the conditions in the urban Middle Eastern historic centers.
The great theme of modern city planning focuses on the issue of vehicular accessibility. The auto
industry has unleashed a flood of interest in the internal combustion engine. There seems to be
no way to return to the past, with narrow alleys, passageways, foot traffic and pedestrian
accommodation. When one thinks of a livable city, it's nearly the opposite of the fast paced life
of a vehicular city: we want privacy, quiet, freedom from the tensions created by traffic and
noise, interactions on a human scale rather than on a technological one (Allison & Peters, 2011).
Natural Disasters, Terrorist Attacks and Wars
As with so many things in the physical world, historic cities are vulnerable to disaster. For this
reason, disaster preparation is a priority (Frank, 2010). Due to the long, dense and narrow
passageways in Middle Eastern historic cities, fires can quickly destroy large sections of the city
before emergency services can respond. Any comprehensive Management Plan will need a
Disaster Relief Plan as well. A data based assessment is the first step to determining where the
city is most vulnerable. These data points are especially necessary around the historic building
sites which are the deepest concern for conservation analysts. Once these buildings are destroyed
they can't be recovered. Since conservation services the cause of Universal Values, such
preparation must come before other considerations.
Like all physical buildings, they gradually erode and decline without proper maintenance and
protection. Architectural conservation is a line of work that must take into account the multitude
of threats posed to such artifacts not only by nature but by the industrialized human environment
110

as well. As the human species has gradually conquered more and more land and converted it to
its purposes, so has that environment been affected by many upheavals. Natural disaster such as
flood and earthquakes can very quickly destroy treasured sites in Middle Eastern historic cities;
pollution and terrorist attacks can be just as menacing and just as devastating. To address the
human threats is more complicated than natural concerns.
Industrialization has posed a tremendous threat to the fragile ecologies of the past. Many historic
buildings or sites can be easily damaged by such threats as mechanized pumping which distorts
or shifts ground soil and the water table. This might affect the foundations of such structures,
including walls, joints, floors, and even the interior finishes. Lack of proper maintenance is also
a major factor in the deterioration of buildings. Sometimes a natural disaster can also take a
formidable toll on a structure, even causing a loss of reusable components and authentic parts
that belong to specific structures (Chase, 2004).
Natural decay is a fact of life. Every living organism is born, grows and eventually perishes due
to age or trauma. The same case can be made for human products. Nothing lasts forever and it is
for this reason that conservation policy has an especially important obligation: to preserve sites
and structures as long as it is deemed possible. Some simple decisions contribute to the rate of
decay: wood for instance is less stable and more prone to decay than stone (Stubbs,2009). The
result is that wooden structures have a shorter shelf life than stone buildings. As for natural
disasters, modern techniques have made them more predictable but still there is a significant
challenge posed by the sudden fire or earthquake. Often the results are devastating for life and
limb. Certain preventative measures have been used to minimize loss- cinctures, reinforcements,
and shock absorbers- but even with these the damage can be significant.
111

Even with no sudden catastrophic events such as floods, earthquakes and wild fires, there is
daily erosion due to wind, exposure to sunlight, rain, and rapid or deep temperature changes. All
of these factors continue to place conserved sites in jeopardy. Sun flares can cause damage and
are clearly unpreventable. Moisture is a constant danger to many materials requiring endless
maintenance efforts. These physical facts and conditions play an important role in the
conservation policy experts planning and design objectives.
The place to begin any discussion of the loss of world historic inheritance is war and especially
the devastation caused during World War II. Before that act of depravity, many people around
the world could envision their children and grandchildren living the same sort of life they lived,
often pursuing the same occupation and living in the same location. But World War II changed
all that forever (Stubbs,2011). It brought death and destruction to countless people and properties.
It dislocated entire populations. No longer was stability an assumption of daily life. Stefan Zweig
(1987), an important Austrian writer, was one of the first to put in the print the types of
devastation we are discussing here. Central Europe, Russia and Japan suffered the greatest
historical calamity in recent history. In Germany alone, nearly half of all historic buildings were
lost due to the war. The ways of damaging a structure include bombing, vandalism, theft, neglect,
and demolition and cleanup. The tradition followed in war is to destroy the infrastructure of the
enemy; in this way the conquest is considered complete. Furthermore, the conquest is often
symbolized by the destruction of important political, religious and military facilities (Frank,
2010). With technical advances, we now are prepared for the most complete types of destruction;
often nothing significant remains. Of the many ways, war and terrorism top the list for their
potential of obliterating the cultural heritage of mankind.
112

Many conflicts and wars in Middle East did good deal to ruin many archeological sites which
were efforts to reclaim antiquities. Arab-Israel wars (1948, 1667, 1973) damaged one of the most
important historic regions on earth. Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988) seriously damaged many
archeological sites and historic monuments in both countries. Historic sites in Khouzestan
province in Iran stand out as the primary example of the effects of repeated bombing by Iraqi
fighters. Centuries old places and sites, historical artifacts of priceless worth were completely
leveled. Going even further back into human history, Mesopotamia region and historic cities in
Iraq lost many ancient sites and monuments due to Gulf war (1991), invasion in 2003 and several
years of civil war. Villas, vineyards, and historic walls were demolished during war in Syria
(2011-present). After each of the above conflicts and wars, many historic monuments were also
disappeared as part of urban reconstruction.
Another way in which destruction occurs is through terrorist acts. It is possible the very objective
of a terrorist act is the destruction of the cultural heritage itself (Frank, 2010). This may be
undertaken for ideological, ethnic, or political reasons. The test case is often cited for the
Bamiyan statues in Afghanistan. These Buddhist statues were intentionally destroyed because
they represented a religious tradition at odds with the ideological and religious objectives of a
certain group, the Taliban.
In the modern era, substantive progress has been made in the areas of health and beautification of
the human habitat (Carolini, Garau, Sclar,2011). Oddly enough, even with the rising quality of
life and longer lives in general, there has been an unprecedented amount of destruction and
brutality on the battlefield. World War II took the heaviest toll in human history on infrastructure
113

and ordinary people. This is remarkable in that as we seem to make progress as a species, we are
also more than capable of exterminating our own kind.
The September 11, 2001 attack on the WTC was a turning point for American foreign policy
concerns. That event led to two large scale intervention in the Middle East, first in Iraq and then
in Afghanistan. The result in both cases was the overthrow of the government in each country.
From the perspective of conservation, the devastation was immense. It is well known that many
of the priceless objects found in Baghdad disappeared or were destroyed during the campaign
against Saddam Hussein regime, while in Afghanistan the priceless Buddhist statues at Bamiyan
were destroyed by the Taliban, even before the conflict commenced in that country. Kabul had
already been through many years of war with the former Soviet Union which led to extensive
damage throughout that nation.
In contrast to the conflict in Afghanistan, Iraq's cultural patrimony was damaged as collateral
damage by American forces (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). In the chaos of the war scene, many
looters destroyed or stole objects from archeological sites and national museums. Earlier losses
occurred during the first Gulf War in 1991. The assault on Iraq was truly of immense proportions
as America sought retribution for the attack on the World Trade Center. While the invasion was
underway, many consultants sought to find ways to protect the cultural artifacts which were
exposed to serious damage or theft. Unfortunately, none of that advice was heeded. The
lawlessness that occurred in Baghdad was unforeseen and considered unexpected. Fifteen
thousand items are suspected of having been stolen by looters in order to make a profit in the
black market. The historic mosque in Baghdad, al-Askan Mosque or Golden Mosque, in Samarra
and the minaret at Anah were both casualties of the conflict(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
114

Figure 5-1: Rehabilitation of Tabriz historic bazaar, Tabriz/ Iran, 2013 Award winning project
for Aga Khan Award for Architecture

Figure 5-2: Rehabilitation of Tabriz historic bazaar, Tabriz/ Iran, 2013 Award winning project
for Aga Khan Award for Architecture

115

Chapter Six: Criteria For Conservation
Architectural conservation has now become a center of attention in the world community (Tung,
2001) (Stubbs,2009) (Pendlebury, 2008). It still needs to make progress, but it is widely
appreciated. The science of how to conserve sites has advanced with each passing year, and the
continuing role of the economic importance of cultural heritage affects public policy decisions.
Combing a unique set of skills, architectural conservation now hosts a significant amount of time
and resources for preventative measures-often in the form of disaster preparedness or disaster
mitigation. The whole aim is to have professionals taking a proactive stance against the threats
posed to the built environment, especially culturally significant buildings and sites.
Even with its many successes, architectural conservation continues to face outstanding obstacles
in the accomplishment of its tasks (Rypkema, 2005) (Stubbs,2009) (Pendlebury, 2008). This is
because of the many threats to the cultural heritage posed by both nature and human activity. It is
also underfunded and without a steady supply of trained personnel. Daily experience with harsh
environments or lack of maintenance causes many buildings to fall apart, deteriorate or decay.
Flooding, hurricanes, violent storms, war and tsunamis have taken an immense toll over time.
Our problem here is to find ways to identify and measure associative values. How do we
measure it? In order to arrive at a sense of what associative values are we must recall cultural
history and trace that history to the present moment. Many of these associations will vary in
importance and significance. Much of what will be determined as of significance for all is
decided by expert opinion. It is a relatively matter to determine the criteria that shapes expert
opinion. Those criteria might be applied in diverse ways. Thus, we must confront the prospect
that interpretation is endless and necessarily problematic (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
116

It's important to remember that the criteria for inclusion in the conservation effort is not
something that is fixed for all time (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). The criteria may shift and
change due to changes in circumstances and conditions around the world. Since history is still
with us, in fact, it remains with us in the contemporary world, what counts as history is always a
matter of contemporary decision and choice. This makes conservation a highly dynamic field and
as production because more common and with greater volume more and more things might come
up for conservation. This leaves cultural heritage managers with a difficult decision. They must
decide what is to be saved, what efforts to make to save things, and what to let go, perhaps
forever. The role of the contemporary conservation specialist is analogous the role of the
emergency room physician (Perenyi, 1973): Who do will be saved and who will be abandoned?
Guidelines are only useful if an audience appreciates the value they contribute to heritage
preservation and continuity (Schuster et al, 1997). More and more research and discussion is
taking place on the significance of cultural values, of context, of the intangibles associated with
conservation. More is being done to define what a monument represents as well as the area
surrounding it. Clearer and more forceful justifications are now offered for keeping certain sites
under the protection of conservation agencies. What we now have is value-led planning
(Rypkema & Cheong 2011).
Two outstanding examples of this type of work are ICOMOS and CGI (Getty Conservation
Institute). The first has tried to stimulate dialogue about the values sought in conservation
projects. Some important outcomes include are the inclusion of intangible values in conservation
projects and greater participation by indigenous people in the effort to conserve their lands and
history. ICOMOS is now an outstanding example of how value-conscious conservation policy is
117

formulated. As for CGI, the Los Angeles based advocacy group, it has hosted many workshops
on the role of values in conservation efforts. Some of their work has moved toward finding ways
to mix values and heritage as two components of one enterprise. As a sign of the seriousness of
their work, they have enlisted the findings of anthropologists and social scientist in arriving at
decision about culturally significant conservation.
Much of the work of these two associations has gone a long way in aiding contemporary thinkers
and planners on their problems. The major problem is understanding the role of values in
conservation, due to the rather ethereal or intangible nature of the object (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007). The expansion of concern to include residents and scholars shows how difficult it is to
formulate a policy on cultural values.
Even with these good will efforts to resolve complex issues, there is an abiding danger of hyper-
professionalism. An elite group who controls resources and symbolic material is often viewed as
a danger to those ordinary people who are merely residents or community members. In the past,
a scholar could be consulted about a site, but he or she was rarely directive. Today professionals
arrogate to themselves the right to determine policy matters. Critics of this trend have set about
alerting the public to the dangerous direction this happens to be going in. It is not appropriate to
allow a small elite of professionals to determine the interpretation of universal values.
By universal value we mean that a given site or building enjoys appeal across time and cultures.
We quickly recognize artifacts of universal appeal (The Great Wall, the Forum, etc.) and this
practice dates back to classical period in the West. The earliest list was the so-called Seven
Wonders of the World. Currently the term universal value as it is understood and applied by
118

scholars dates back to the nineteenth century interest in archetypes(Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007).
If we trace developments back to the UNESCO conference of 1972, we discover that universal
value, though not defined at that conference, did set our various criteria: some artifact is of
universal value if it displays the marks of human creative genius; if it played an important role in
meaningful interchanges over time and space; if it bears the exceptional marks of an extinct or
surviving civilization; if it is an outstanding example of a type of work; if it is an exemplary
settlement or land use; if it remains relevant to an ongoing tradition and practice (UNESCO,
1989).
The architect J. Jokilehto stated that modern society has given a new focus to the topic of
universal values. (Jokilehto, 2002). By this he means that products produced in the past may
bear representative significance of their context and are thus unique expressions of that context.
According to this interpretation, we need not be concerned with what artifacts are the best, but
rather those that are authentic and uniquely expressive.
Neutrality is another important aspect of the conservation field. What neutrality symbolizes is a
vast respect for the past, without prejudice, without bias. Neutrality suggests a respect for the
historical fabric, its originators and its intention. Neutrality is another way of speaking of respect
for the past, for the original character (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
Research, Surveys and Planning
Many research projects would flounder without adequate research. The same applies to
conservation efforts. The necessity for architectural documentation is clear. The types of data
119

vary with each site and its requirements. Some areas require access to archives, others to
excavations and analysis, and still others involve materials analysis and surveys, photography
and so forth. Documentation becomes the basis for approaching whatever issues are involved in
initiating a restoration process. Advances in telemetry, geodesics, GPS and three dimensional
scanning all find a place in these approaches.
One reason the need for careful numerical analysis is so important is to measure the amount of
damage suffered or inflicted on material structures through time. Restoration requires a careful
and thorough collection of all the relevant data so that the condition of the structure can be
determined in as precise a manner as possible. Monitoring of progress as work begins, and an
assessment of the final condition of the building is also of the utmost priority. Documents will be
produced which reveal the restored status of the building after work is complete. All such
research data is transmitted to the relevant local authorities so that everyone is apprised of the
dimensions of the project.

Figure 6-1: Youth Campaign collects 14,125 handprints in support of World Heritage sites in
Indonesia (http://portal.unesco.org/geography/en/ev.php-
URL_ID=9147&URL_DO=DO_TOPIC&URL_SECTION=201.html)
120

Chapter Seven: Policies for Conservation
Each country faces its own past and the need to assess what to do about that past manifested in
architecture. The factors are multiple and the problems complex. First, it is necessary to consider
the spatial dimensions for any possible planning. Second, the real estate values and market
factors which constrain the type of policies that might be effective (Newman & Thornley, 2011).
One noted approach is labeled the Neighborhood Laboratory approach: with this approach, local
craftsmen are provided with the opportunity to practice their craft on a selected area designated
for treatment. These local craftsmen also have professional services at their disposal. As a final
suggestion, it might be best for public administrators to take an active role in the development of
this concept in their own venues.
There are a number of key points we need to attend to in the current debates and formulations of
urban planning and architectural policy (Delafons, 1999) (Stubbs,2009) (Tung, 2001) (Rypkema,
2007). First of all, it is necessary to provide a more thorough analysis of the economic and social
factors that determine these trends in urban and architectural design and preservation. An
assessment must be made of the destruction of much of the infrastructure that has taken place
over the years due to rapid modernization or by wars. Secondly, we now need a basic education
that ranges from the earliest grades to graduate school. This is vital for creating an sense of
cultural continuity. Third, we need the tools developed by modern science to aid in doing the
research and analysis, including the tremendous advantages associated with computer modeling.
Fourth, a better articulation of management philosophy is called for due to the many factors that
must be considered in formulating policy initiatives. Finally, there needs to be more studies done
on making the historical areas vital economic centers that can make a contribution to
121

contemporary society. All of these areas are needed to ensure the best approach to conservation
policy in Middle Eastern historic cities.
The preservation of historical cities and villages is a contemporary issue for urban planners. The
maintenance of such cities and towns is a large scale activity, inclusive of many components. All
of this should aim at protecting the inherited way of life, not modifying it according to alien
standards. Simply stated (Stubbs,2009) (Tung, 2001) (Rypkema, 2007) (Mason, 2009):
Conservation is solely concerned with the integrity of a given people, its inheritance and way of
life, as history develops in new events and circumstances. The adjustment to circumstances must
be an integral part of conservation policy.
The most important policy consideration conveyed by scholars is the emphasis on the
maintenance of values and ideals. In a variety of publications on conservation, on heritage
preservation and development, on economics, and on revitalization we find a number of
proposals that insist on taking values and ideals into account. Even with this, the threat of
unrestrained consumerism, political power and the question of authenticity continue to present
issues for policy experts. What we need then is not merely an academic discussion of abstract
issues, but also an empirical study of how conservation works and how policy is formulated
(Lakham, 1996) (Fitch, 1990). This will lead to a framework useful for settling countless
problems in the future.
One productive way to advance the agenda of conservation would be to pay closer attention to
the sensorial experience of urban environments. By assessing how cities and sites sound and play
to the senses, we would better be able to formulate environmentally friendly ways of designing
and redesigning the urban experience (Rodwel, 2007) (Carroon & Moe, 2010). The urban
122

cityscape should be first and foremost a place of enjoyment for those who live, work or visit. We
seek, in other words, to avoid the current state of urban decline by acknowledging the hell holes
many of our cities have become: crowded, noisy, polluted, congested, with angry, restless
populations.
It seems obvious that there is great potential for urban life today if we design a return to the
source of the Middle Eastern tradition and find ways to adapt it to new circumstances.
Contemporary design is far too superficial. Today we witness an endless parade of archetypes
and ornaments which ride across the surface of a deeper understanding of urban design. This
cheapening is the result of a lack of interpretation. Conservation policies have depended on
outside concerns for too long; the rise of urban sociology, geography and anthropology have all
had an impact on how governments conceptualize the task of conservation (Delafons, 1999). The
task is to design the tools needed to do this special kind of work; those tools are not available at
this time. Even with the knowledge, we need to know how to apply it in new ways and how to
formulate the new issues posed by the advent of globalization. The capacity of formulate
alternatives and to measure outcomes may not be enough. What is needed now is a re-thinking of
spatial morphology as we adapt to new living conditions (Newman & Thornley, 2011).
We can formulate a comprehensive framework for policy considerations by integrating a number
of methods currently available. One part of any framework must be an historical review of
previous concerns and projects. After that, matters of implementation and evaluation become the
primary focus (Rodwel, 2007). We might call the entire package a value framework because it
helps analysts to determine how effective various alternative approaches might be.
123

Given this situation, we are wisely cautioned by a work of Hoelderlin's entitled "Hyperion"
(Hoelderlin, 2008).This work attacks the overweening preoccupation for control so often
connected to state power. The state should not claim what it cannot exact; the gifts of love and
genius cannot be forced. In Hoelderlin's view, the state must protect and foster life, not dominate
it. When it does, the ground become arid and fruitless. To use his own metaphor, the state is
merely the wall surrounding the flourishing garden of life.
The successful reemergence of the Middle East can happen only on the condition that blockages
are removed. What is alien, imported, derived from another's experience cannot work here.
Above all, we must remove the stigma of "backwardness," a distortion of cultural traditions
imposed by imperialism. Similarly, we must be wary of the modernist paradigm that calls for
progress (Bianca, 1994). These blinkers hobble us and keep the Middle East from trusting its
own source of creativity in all the arts. The mental blinkers are imposed by our own self-doubt.
We must learn to be more inclusive without being judgmental. The right way of life remains the
focus and the transformation of our culture suggests the difference between the trivial and the
profound (Jayyusi, 2008).
We call out for more enlightened leadership. There must be a way out of the current impasse. We
need a source of inspiration and perhaps only better leadership can supply that. Good governance
begins by trusting that the internal potential of the people to find the right solution is always
active, but needs only guidance, stability, reassurance (Newman & Thornley, 2011). This
potential can flourish when the social bonds are tightened. Good governance means trusting
those local communities to achieve on their own and to allow private enterprise to achieve what
it can on its own. The danger is to dampen or discourage these efforts (Frank, 2010). This calls
124

for incentives that prove effective. Government then has the wisdom to provide the appropriate
framework so that direct action can be taken and that various groups are coordinated to achieve
maximum benefits. Above all, government is successful when it respects the principle of
subsidiarity.
What is the best way to achieve planning objectives in the domain of urban conservation? There
are currently two models (Bianca, 1994) (Rypkema, 2007): one which sees that which is to be
changed or improved as the object of disinterested or abstract improvement, while the other is an
engaged, active adaptable approach coming from within the community itself. Obviously, our
criticism expresses a preference for those adaptations and changes that come from within. We
need the active response of the entire community, the participation of all stakeholders, and the
abandonment of that approach which views architects, planners, and designers in the
conventional modern role as experts with all the answers who reside at some distance from the
community. Nevertheless, the local leadership will need to school itself on modern techniques
since these require a high level of sophistication.
The training that each receives in these matters is based on the attitude toward the proper
approach. For instance, the highly structured academic requirements for much of the work must
be shifted in such a way that more grass roots individuals can participate in a meaningful way
(Pendlebury, 2008) (Cohen, 2001). This involves exposing the designer to the realities of the
Middle Eastern social conditions which might be affected by his or her project. This calls for the
revitalization of local and native building traditions. Such traditions form the heart and soul of
cultural identity. They are far less resource dependent and they have existed for centuries in
many cases. Modern methods, in comparison, consume far more time, money, and resources and
125

are also the cause of major pollution problems. The best approach is to revitalize traditional
methods with the aid of modern technical assistance (Tung, 2001) (Allison & Peters, 2011)
(Stubbs,2011).
Conservation policies in International stage
When the Cold War ended, the ideological landscape changed significantly. For one thing,
political rivalries came to an end and the rhetorical power of Marxism, at least as a popular form
of rhetoric, began to decline. This is clear from the ascendency of the modern neo-liberal order
among world nations (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). With the change in focus, more attention is
now paid to conservation projects on the international stage. More and better ways of networking,
collaborating, and associating have been discovered. Better financing terms are available and
much better technical means are available as well. The World Bank and UNESCO have both
contributed to making historic conservation a stated objective of international cooperation.
Finally, the economic viability of preservation is a realized fact (Rypkema, 2005).
The Heritage Commission is charged with the task of defining, displaying and representing the
identity of a given location through history. Its formal declarations or documents indicate the
parameters for conservation and for future use of the site in question. The Commission should
oversee all operations or policy initiatives bearing on the economic welfare of the city or town. It
should also regulate how tourism is managed, how growth affects architectural styles and designs,
and how to manage inevitable deterioration. All of these activities require a Master Plan,
something that makes the subset of activities coherent: inventory, overlays, assessments and so
forth. Anything bearing on the integrity of the city or town is a relevant concern to the Heritage
Commission (UNESCO, 1989).
126

Even though it is the task of international agencies to draw attention to the need for historic
preservation efforts, it remains the job of local and national governments to do most of the actual
work involved. UNESCO, for instance, has created a World Heritage List and a World
Monument Fund. Both of these documents are calls for action without specific details for what
needs to be done. It remains the within the jurisdiction of those governments and agencies where
the sites are located to decide the manner and pacing of preservation efforts (UNESCO, 1989). It
should also be remembered that private enterprise has a large role to play in this effort.
The attitude toward history changed in the course of the twentieth century. Before that time,
historic buildings or architectural wonders were often overlooked in the pursuit of other
objectives. It is only during the twentieth century that a new appreciation arises for the products
of the past. With this new historical awareness, the governments and others began to consider the
best way to keep the architectural heritage alive and relevant to new generations of residents.
Where identity seemed to be missing or at least in flux, it was important to identify markers
which would count as part of the identity of a people or nation. With the experience of the world
wars, an international approach to human affairs began to become the focus of attention. Leaders
realized that the human story might come to an end without adequate international oversight.
This attitude also affected the thinking of architectural heritage specialists, who sought to protect
the vast legacy of mankind for future generations.
UNESCO, a branch of the United Nations, has always been scrutinized for its mission and
objectives. The main fault of this organization is the relative neglect of cultural and non-material
aspects of the human experience. Even though their stated purpose is the conservation, protection,
and promotion of cultural heritage, there is a lack of understanding on just how this heritage can
127

be identified and cultivated. It is held that poverty is a great enemy of mankind and it tends to
erode the nature of any culture afflicted with its dire effects. Perhaps the most challenging issue
from a management perspective is the sheer numbers of poor, close to one billion people living
in absolute poverty. The most pressing issue is to improve the lot of the absolutely poor through
government intervention in the economy, making productive employment possible and helpful in
improving conditions overall. In this light, tourism is often considered an excellent avenue for
advancing the economy of poorer nations.
As of January 2014, the World Heritage List includes 981 properties forming part of the cultural
and natural heritage which the World Heritage Committee considers as having outstanding
universal value. These include 759 cultural, 193 natural and 29 mixed properties in 160 state
parties (UNESCO, 2014). As has been noted by experts in the field and especially by the Getty
Trust: there is little question that the rapid growth and uncontrolled urban sprawl have placed
historic properties in danger of serious damage and deterioration (Jodidio, 2011). We need more
than site specific efforts to address building damage or environmental decay. What is called for,
above all else, is adapting the historic properties to these new living conditions caused by rapid
rural migration to the urban environment. What is needed is a higher general level of income and
more training opportunities for the young. Perhaps most importantly, and something that remains
missing, is a holistic vision of how historic monuments and properties can be an integral part of
modern life.
The historical record of mankind reveals important elements of urban planning in ancient China,
the Indus Valley, and especially the formation and development of the Roman Empire. Such
128

concepts, however, gave way in medieval times to the notion of organic development, rather than
a top-down urban design approach (Jodidio, 2011).
The most historically noteworthy example of rational control of medieval sprawl was
Hausmann's modernization of Paris. This process began in the middle of the nineteenth century
and involved demolishing what was medieval Paris in order to impose grand boulevards for
reasons of hygiene, traffic flow and security. At least these were the stated reasons for the
modernization. And a corollary of this approach was to leave much of the city untouched,
especially those quarters which were considered to be appropriate for conservation efforts.
Within the parameters of this plan, the modern arteries of commerce might coexist with the older,
historically significant areas. This remains one example of how the heritage can remain relevant
to modernity.
There are many critics of international efforts to designate special sites and projects as necessary
for mankind. The reason is that local agencies sense they are being dictated to by these larger
bodies. Mandates that come from outside the natural boundaries can be viewed as intrusive, even
given the frequently made offer of financial assistance and technical expertise. These critics
should recall that many international agencies do maintain a high profile for world heritage sites
throughout the world. This in itself attests to the balanced concern for the welfare of all and not a
paternalistic intervention aiming at the benefit of the few.
Perhaps the best way to characterize international interest is that it is only at that level that
change can be effectively managed. It is the international agency that has the access to resources,
that can do vast amounts of planning and that can remain inclusive. The principles of managing
129

change or preventing the loss and destruction of historic properties is often a matter of common
sense, a feature that excludes intense partisanship or prejudice and bias.
Policies for improving living condition
As in so many regions throughout the Third World, the massive influx of rural immigrants to the
urban areas placed a tremendous burden on urban infrastructures throughout the Third World.
Rural emigration has been going on for many decades. The massive expansion of slums,
informal housings and new construction has wrecked havoc on these cities, in many cases
making them living hells. Once this process began, most governments identified the core areas as
being of historical importance. The reasons were quite clear (Carolini, Garau, Sclar, 2011):
historical, aesthetic, and architectural values were realized in those venue and required
government supervision and conservation policies.
As we study these changes and formations, we discover that colonial encounters with European
and Asian regimes produced a variety of political systems; many of these required the invention
of specific monarchial or official national representations in order to appear legitimate. What
seemed to provide a sense of proper authority was the association with ancient sources and a
rejection of the recent past which was obviously alien to the experience of the majority of
subjected peoples (Abu-Lughod, 1989). Of course all of this occasions multiple contestations.
Image building is a complex affair of representation, ideology, and territorial boundaries. Many
nationalistic narrative do well in this environment since they seek ways to enhance pride in
independent people.
130

Even with a dramatic increase in economic potential throughout the Middle Eastern region, there
still remains a good deal of poverty and underdevelopment. Such poverty stands in stark contrast
to the prestige projects that abound in Dubai and UAE. So, the obvious question should be: How
do we find balanced development in a region with such stark contrasts? What are the necessary
preconditions for balancing this contrast and providing the necessary resources for neglected
traditional sites? One way to begin to address these matters is to analyze the cultural landscape,
the architectural heritage, and the urban fabric in selected areas and to review the literature of
these areas (Longstreth, 2008). Evidence indicates that the physical environment is a good place
to begin an economic revitalization and for economic integration (Peet, 2009).
Above all, we need to recognize that what keeps urban venues intact is the underlying sense of
community shared by its many residents. Conservation is not just about monuments and
buildings but also the practices and patterns of life of the community (Rypkema, 1992). When
we speak of upgrading buildings nothing should happen if it doesn't provide another
reinforcement of the way of life of a people. This requires greater sensitivity to social-cultural
factors. To determine the best way to do this we need ethnographic observations of daily patterns
of life, a deep description of the cultural factors shaping the practices and values sought by these
people, and a series of interviews to assess their attitudes toward change. A better understanding
of how social activities are organized must be the condition for any improvements in degraded
buildings (Burdett, 2008). This ensures that the needs of the population come before the planning
decisions made by a detached government agency.
Building a strong economic infrastructure in Middle Eastern historic cities can also be a sure way
to enhance cultural vitality. In other words, both the emotional gratification that comes from the
131

use of symbols and patterns dating back centuries and the enhancement of physical performance
are inherently valuable objectives . Communities are filled with what might be termed social
capital (Lichfield, 1996). When new types of construction techniques are introduced, many
people feel somewhat hampered and indecisive. Such techniques can be used to improve and
preserve the vitality of the culture itself. What's really important is getting the vast labor pool
involved in enhancing the built environment in Middle Eastern historic cities. Many smaller
enterprises can contribute to the growth and economic prosperity of an area. The solution to this
problem is to preserve the traditional patterns while making the living conditions acceptable to
modern expectations (Bianca, 1994).
We always err when we assume that the only capital is financial. It is an overlooked resource that
we must call attention to in the ongoing development of social coherence in the Middle East, the
possibility of initiatives coming from this coherence, so often underestimated when we think in
purely financial terms. Rehabilitation will take place by simply allowing this social capital to do
its own work (Rypkema, 2005). The most important work is making these social values fully
conscious to all residents. We cannot afford to neglect this all important dimension. Should we
simply opt for the modern solution then the built environment will inevitably suffer decline.
Small, piecemeal initiatives will go a long way to making progress in the cause of rehabilitation.
The ripple effect will be quite impressive.
There is one thing that does seem to remain despite the many uncertainties: a universal desire for
a high standard of material life around the world. Peasants no longer wished to remain bound to
the land. Vast rural populations have shifted to modern city life hoping to enjoy the benefits of
light, heat, and water. The models are those imported from Europe and America. Because a
132

higher material level was sought, the necessary requirements for making it a reality were
identified with Western sciences and education. Thus, Western academic institutions began to
take on a world-historical significance especially in remote parts of the world (Bianca, 1994).
Local elites in Middle Eastern cities needed to connect with Western elites (Said, 1979). These
local agents of change represented the values and rationality of Western methods. As a
consequence of the departure overt European control a final social dominance occurred which
upstaged all the traditional ways of learning around the globe (AlSayyad, 1999).
It is a truism of the modern age that many of the world's extremely poor live in ancient cities and
sites that are not only decrepit but also enjoy a unique status. The presence of historic buildings
has led to the formulation of plans to preserve those buildings and to find ways to make them
relevant again in a contemporary context. The dominant notion is that older historic buildings
can continue to play a role, not only as memorials of historic events, but also as part and parcel
of the contemporary pace of life (Graburn, 1999). Efforts have been made to incorporate the old
with modern conveniences so that residents continue to discover some value in them. In short, it
should be a mandate of the United Nations that improving conditions of life also means finding
new ways to use history rather than destroying it in the name of progress (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007).
Even though it is the task of international agencies to draw attention to the need for historic
preservation efforts, it remains the job of local and national governments to do most of the actual
work involved. UNESCO, for instance, has created a World Heritage List and a World
Monument Fund (UNESCO, 1989). Both of these documents are calls for action without specific
details for what needs to be done. It remains the within the jurisdiction of those governments and
133

agencies where the sites are located to decide the manner and pacing of preservation efforts. It
should also be remembered that private enterprise has a large role to play in this effort.
A little mentioned aspect of conservation is poverty reduction. This is often seen in strictly
economic terms, with a demand for jobs and better hygiene. But the real motive of poverty
reduction is not only to overcome disease, ignorance and early death, but to restore communities
and make thriving and continuity with the unique contribution of that past possible (Carolini,
Garau, Sclar,2011). It remains troubling that the poor are often without a voice. When powerful,
well financed enterprises move into a poor community they almost always have their way. Many
of the poor are then displaced. The reason heritage protection is so important is that its the best
way to restore pride and dignity to marginalized people (Rypkema, 1992). It also makes
economic progress possible through tourism. One reservation is that important sites should be
protected from the hollow tourism that requires indigenous people to vacate some of their most
treasured possessions.
Financing Conservation
Economically it makes sense for many countries to operate with a policy of cultural heritage and
preservation. The reason is simple enough: these countries have long histories with a vast supply
of older buildings. If one factors into the equation cultural continuity and sensitivity, the long
range economic benefits can be substantial. The dual relationship between conservation and
modern improvements works well within a regulatory framework, allowing for up to date
information and cultural diplomacy (Rypkema, 2005). When the projects are realized there is a
net gain for the economy in both real terms and cultural terms.
134

Unfortunately, many projects simply can't be sustained or supported by governments. Instead the
market seems to drive the requirements for many projects and initiatives in this new world. The
best way to protect the cultural heritage is to make sure that annual budgets, national
environmental policies, building codes, market regulation and design guidelines all take into
account the need for continuity and preservation (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Even in the
light of many failures and tragedies it remains an objective to persevere in these aims.
One approach for overseeing developments in Middle Eastern historic cities is to tax at the
appropriate rates those businesses which stand to gain the most from improved infrastructure
projects. Those taxed revenues can then be used to improve the quality of those neglected areas
of the built environment. This is one of the main purposes of urban management; the distribution
of revenues so that the impact is less concentrated on privileged areas and more access is gained
for struggling urban areas (AlSayyad, 2010).
We are also witnessing a growing number of bi-and multi-lateral intergovernmental ventures for
the sake of heritage protection. Well recognized and internationally regarded organizations
continue to work in different part of the world (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Funding is
substantial and project designs are professional and of the highest standards.
Continuity in Conservation Policies
When a city is founded it is rarely if ever deserted or abandoned. The work of continuity begins
at once. Preserving that continuity in a age of great change is the charter of the preservation
agency or heritage department. Perhaps the most important mission directive is to simply
maintain the unique architectural heritage and to pass it down through time. This means curbing
135

the rise of modern developments. For the last thirty years many buildings in Middle Eastern
historic cities have either been destroyed or neglected and allowed to fall into disrepair. Most
government efforts to resist or turn back this tendency have been only partially successful. What
is called for is a complete vision for the entire infrastructure. Placing the welfare of the
community and the sense of cultural integrity at the top of the list is now imperative (Rypkema,
1992).
What makes the historic city unique is the decision to provide some sort of historical continuity.
This can only happen when an administrative apparatus takes responsibly for the past and future.
This is done by making the architectural vocabulary manifest and available to all. This intention
is aligned with the original historic conception of the city as the repository of cultural values. As
we have said, the city is the greatest advance by man over the forces of nature. The historic city
is a complex tapestry which weaves many stories, techniques and experiences together into a
work of art (Mumford, 1991) (Lowenthal, 1999). Some have claimed that the historic city is the
greatest artistic achievement of man (Zweig, 1987).
At this point we stand in need of an analysis of how the past is appropriated and understood in
the current situation in Middle Eastern historic cities. We need careful attention to the design
elements that continue to provide a sense of cultural continuity. It is extremely common for
communities to distort their past when there isn't appropriate regulation (Talen, 2011). This
understanding can add to the need for creative reformation while preserving the original values
and intentions of the tradition. We will be looking for that point which balances two primary
concerns (Cohen, 2001) (Perenyi, 1973) (Rypkema, 2007): the authenticity of the historical
structure coupled with a comprehensive understanding of the urban spatial layout or plan. The
136

threat of limitless urban development in Middle Eastern cities poses the ongoing destruction of
history and memory.
Another challenge policy makers face in making conservation policy relevant to the stakeholders;
many stakeholders lack the appropriate perspective. The Heritage Department, were it to do its
job properly, would be busy attempting to formulate and shape an appropriate marketing
imperative. Many stakeholders have only the most limited grasp of the notion of cultural
continuity and integrity. Virtually none of them have yet grasped the vital link between the past
and the present. We might sum this up in a very simple formula: the city is a living organism
(Lynch, 1976) (Schuster et al, 1997). Without this conception, stakeholders fail to grasp the
complex connections that sustain an historical city. Public awareness is one of the key factors in
making conservation successful, and it needs to be actively cultivated rather than passively
informed (Mugerauer, 1995). The number one priority of government Heritage Departments in
Middle Eastern historic cities must be to find an effective way to convey this important message
concerning the integrity of a cultural artifact.
When we use the paradigm of progress we are unable to impose consistency on local cultural
identities. This forces us to view the built environment in certain terms (Stipe & Lee, 1997). For
instance, the built environment which reveals stylistic choices reflective of cultural values also
reveals the national character of its people (Schuster et al, 1997). A metaphorical way of
discussing this is to say that the architectural forms crystallize the way in which the soul
expresses itself (Bianca, 1994). The patterns, forms, and shapes in Middle Eastern historic cities
which recur again and again in a given location are not merely accidental or by chance placed in
those environments. Such artistic forms are intimately tied to the deeper and more profound
137

purposes of the soul. Residents are able to enjoy the wholeness, the integrity and the unity of
truths thus expressed (Longstreth, 2008). This is something the apostles of progress fail to
recognize.
Evaluation before Decision Making by Specialists
Conservation policy depends on scientific method. This may seem odd, but science is now the
fundamental and basic structure for all conservation efforts and projects. The problem must first
be articulated through inductive or deductive reasoning; an hypothesis must be formulated and
tested; a solution proposed; the entire process documented; and the results are to be monitored
(Frank, 2010) (Cohen, 2001) (Stipe, 2003).
Besides written records, the actual physical presence of buildings is the best evidence of
civilization . One of the most significant endeavors in Middle Eastern historic cities is to
articulate the architectural, historical, environmental, visual and aesthetic characteristics of these
buildings. Such documentation helps to make sense of the context and history of their role and
function in a given society (Rypkema, 2007). Once some understanding can be formulated, we
are on our way to defining the role of conservation policies. It is necessary at this point to
determine how the various types of evaluation will take place. Most experts recommend a graded
process; such a process would provide weights for each relevant cultural factor. All such
evaluations must include attention to an external and internal features (Tung, 2001) (Schuster,
Rilley, Monchaux, 1997). Above all, we need a fully detailed plan and an efficient administrative
policy for conducting an evaluation of the Middle Eastern historic sites so that the tourist
industry and other concerns can understand what they are working with in terms of generating
interest and revenue.
138

Discussion of architecture frequently focus on historical precedence. By this we mean that one of
the first considerations must be What has been done before? and Why was it done in that manner?
It was this course which helped to shape the manner of preservation throughout the Middle East.
In other words, it is only by formulating the basic design principles of past constructions that we
can gain some insight into how and why buildings are made as they are and built where they are.
It is these past achievements which then sets our course for the future (Lowenthal, 1999). What
stands out as a priority is a deeper survey of all the resources available in order to find a way to
formulate the overarching framework. We look and must look to history for our basic motivation.
Conservation is the ability to find what is of value in the past and continues to be of value now
and forever (Fitch, 1990) (Perenyi, 1973). We stand in need of a regional conservation map that
will take into account all the details, peculiarities and needs of any given place in the Middle
East and the Islamic world in general.
As a question of scale, we have a broadening of interest and an increase in magnitude. We find
specialists dealing with small, even microscopic level intervention in materials and textures to
vast ecosystems and cityscapes. Between these extremes are the cities, historic districts, and
individual buildings of interest (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
There are specialists trained for each objective or task. International specialists usually try to
come to terms with those macro level interests, such as a region or style, entire historic towns or
districts. On the way down, we find specialists whose only concern are specific iconic sites or
buildings. The specialists might also be builders or architects, engineers or materials specialists
who seek to restore fading landmarks, towns or districts. These can involve specific works or
buildings which require a list of special components (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007): Some
139

examples include: micro to macro interests in everything from molecular structure of the marble
used at a specific site to the entire list of World Heritage sites; practice may involve a particular
museum within an historic village which is of special interest to the government or the people in
that venue; and, finally, there are conservation efforts that require a synoptic and cross-
disciplinary perspective, where specialists need to restore and interpret and then others who must
maintain the historic context of Middle Eastern historic sites.
Gradually over time the desire to preserve more than merely exemplary buildings, a long
tradition of conservation policy, the field is now expanding so as to include newer types of
structures, including vernacular structures, such as theaters and homes, folkloric structures, such
as plazas and ethnic sites, industrial architecture going back to abandoned meat-packing factories
and warehouses and so on (Richards, 2003) (Cohen, 2001). This expands the view we all have of
history, making us aware that history is more than a series of important events. Now even
modernizing can be stylish and trend setting, as many architects and conservators have
demonstrated.
This expansion of interest and scope includes new standards for professionals. Architectural
conservators are required to have a number of skills and qualifications. In some cases, a master
of arts degree is offered in either performance or applied arts, a skill level designed especially for
maintaining precise traditional practices. So as the object expands and more forms are considered
worthy of attention, so do the skill levels evolve and require greater training in judgment
(Lakham, 1996).
Whenever investments are made, spin-offs and side-effects occur. This is the whole point of
stimulating a conservation program. Property values increase as stimulation occurs in the older
140

areas of the city. The primary beneficiaries of these efforts should always be those who live and
dwell in these places, most often referred to as stakeholders (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). This
creates a certain tension when we consider that speculators also have an interest in increased
profit taking. In order to truly benefit all, the state must limit the influence of speculation
(AlSayyad, 2010) (Delafons, 1999). Rather than sapping profit for private ends, the state ought to
establish mechanism that make a cyclical model take effect. The normal mechanism is the urban
development corporation (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Since public properties in Middle
Eastern historic cities are often considered in terms of how the entire community benefits, the
focus should be on the advancement of assets for the historic sections, not merely their
exploitation.
Recovering Marginalized Areas
Modernism as a design principle made the urban space a highly commodified one. Land was
parceled and divided, making everything part of an overall development principle. Yet, many
times there were areas neglected or overlooked that had no meaningful role in the larger
organization. These pieces of land were left for poorly funded civic groups to tend to. Thus while
privately controlled properties were well cared for, the public areas were simply neglected due to
lack of resources or responsible oversight. Debates about easements and right of way were
frequent since no forethought was considered for transportation needs or other accommodations.
Since public spaces were supported, maintained and regulated by the tax base, often times not
enough money was allocated to support them in meaningful ways. The imposition of modest fees
is one way to offset this type of shortfall. But the major problem is that substantial work might
need to be done for which the requisite funds can't be found.
141

The work of public restoration of properties is a complicated one and requires a lot of resources,
including manpower. While in a capitalist economy wealth tends to flow into private hands,
pubic investment is often slower to respond. Thus the conventional approach is to find a PPP, or
Public-Private Partnership, as the most viable tool for supporting public monuments, spaces, and
historic properties (Tan, 2012). Other resources, often of a private nature, can be tapped through
grants and fund raising.
As the world moves ever closer to total urbanization, meaning that the metropolis dictates the
norms and standards of conduct throughout the world, and as more and more people live in cities
leaving behind, in some cases, ancestral world of the pastoral or agricultural form of life, many
of the older habits are being curbed or discontinued. It is important that those who now live in
the conurbation understand that the code of conduct applied in the agricultural world no longer
applies. In fact, in the contemporary world, the continuing decentralization of the urban mass
should give rise to a new sense of community standards toward land and public use.
By the year 2020, it is estimated that nearly close to seventy percent of the world's surface area
will be in some service to human needs. Much of this area will be serving the built environment.
Five years later, the world population will exceed 8 billion (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). This
harkens a need to attend to even greater pressures caused by growth and development needs.
Protecting the global heritage is becoming more urgent with each passing decade. We must be
on the outlook for new solutions and new approaches. Vigilance is demanded in order to save
what can be saved (Fitch, 1990); and some sort of accommodation with what must be lost should
be a relevant factor.
142

First and foremost we need better coordination. This should be the major objective of the larger
institutional players in the field. A limiting of redundancies is also called for. A streamlined
method which makes efficient use of resources is also required as well.
The need for a new approach to urban conservation can be established by making three points
(AlSayyad, 2001) (Jayyusi, 2008): first, we must make a decision about those sites which must
remain part of the cultural memory of the Middle East; second, we need to measure and assess in
what ways Westernization is an inevitable phenomenon and how the process of globalization is
going to alter the living past in ways which are still manageable; and lastly, we need to
reformulate the current classical approach to conservation which tends to isolate properties and
sites and leave them without a living context. All of these points suggest an urgent need to
reformulate and rethink what alternatives are available to the urban planner and specialist. An
approach that establishes and respects living forms at the local level, something like the classical
Middle Eastern cellular approach needs a modern, contemporary formulation. The starting point
must be the grass roots, the local level, those places which are part of the ongoing rush of
contemporary life. No design or policy ought to be imposed by experts from above. The history
of Modernism reveals what a disaster that approach has been in attempting to resolve the
contradictions of modern urban morphology.
The future of cultural preservation looks bright and hopeful. The key is to keep some continuity
with the past, even as the future rushes upon us (Monclús, 2012). We might say that at a
minimum, the conservators in Middle Eastern historic cities should keep key examples of
inspiring work around for future generations so that they may draw on its influence and power as
143

well. There can be little or no doubt that today's conservator will challenge the future in
innovative and creative ways.
Each Middle Eastern country faces its own past and the need to assess what to do about that past
as it is manifested in architecture. Again the factors are multiple and the problems complex
(Stipe, 2003). First, it is necessary to consider the spatial dimensions for any possible planning.
Second, the real estate values and market factors which constrain what policies might be
effective. One noted approach is labeled the neighborhood laboratory approach (Rypkema &
Cheong 2011): with this approach, local craftsmen are provided with the opportunity to practice
their craft on a selected area designated for treatment. These local craftsmen also have
professional services at their disposal. It might be best for public administrators in Middle
Eastern countries to take an active role in the development of this concept in their own venues.
One of the biggest obstacles to maintaining cultural and social connectivity during a time of
economic distress is to find ways to integrate public and private interests (Schuster et al, 1997).
For example, the problem of rural transportation integration with the national grid is a daunting
one. Infrastructure development triggers heavy traffic flow and new patterns which take a certain
toll on resources. Needless to say, the private sector has itself gone through a series of
transformations, yet the ultimate use of private investment remains unclear. What is called for is
what is known as the PPP, or Private Public Partnership (Tan, 2012). How the terms of such a
partnerships should be defined in Middle Eastern historic cities is not clear and remains to be
formulated. What is called for, above all, is a standard set of guidelines to regulate such
investment and planning. In short, what is called for is a formulation of shared knowledge and
techniques that can be used to solve some of these complex matters.
144

It's high time to begin reconsidering the parameters of urban planning policies in Middle Eastern
historic cities. This reconsideration must begin at the center of the urban fabric, the historic city
center. This reconsideration is motivated by two important concerns: first, if we don't find
another solution to our conservation problems, historic buildings and districts all around the
world will disappear very soon; and two, if these historic structures disappear, we deprive
ourselves of the opportunity to discover how to built in a sustainable way, since many of the
structures under our care have lasted for a good length of time, revealing some construction
principles that are obviously sustainable. Immediate action is called for or both consequences
will be upon us in no time.
What is required in Middle Eastern historic cities is a thoughtful reconciliation process, some
way of finding a middle course between abandoning the old and favoring the completely new.
We might think of various cities as test cases for this concern. Exploring ways of applying
various principles we can gauge the success of our outcomes. We seek a way to avoid the stigma
of backwardness without abandoning cultural consistency (Bianca, 1994). A revitalization of
development discourse is called for. This would suggest a renewal of local building traditions
which might offer a variety of alternatives to the confusion over our direction.
Due to growth patterns, many of the historic monuments and districts face some alarming
consequences. Many once prominent sites have been overwhelmed by expansion and additions
to the urban scene. The reduction in relevance of the historical is due for the most part to a
serious lack of strategic planning for urban environments. What policy can do in this area is find
a measured way to control the growth so that monuments and historic districts are not swamped
by changes. This is why it is necessary for a planning commission to make decisions about what
145

the cultural heritage needs to look like as the future unfolds (Delafons, 1999). Fundamental
questions need to be asked and resolved. Not least is the need for citizens to understand that they
too are responsible for conserving the nation's heritage. The more citizens see their monuments
as relevant to their concerns, the more likely this custodianship will develop (Abu-Lughod,
2000).
Radical intervention was always the clarion call of the revolutionary process in Middle Eastern
historic cities. What is left out of this movement is the place or an account for memory. Many
swift changes have been motivated by hasty rejection of dismal circumstances; what they forgot
is that the past cannot be judged so quickly (Lowenthal, 1999). Thus, the role of memory is the
key to urban restoration. Memory includes many fragmented elements. Many of these elements
we must reject, yet others are entirely worthy of our admiration. With this new found respect for
memory we nurture a sense of the finite, of place, of what is special and unique (Graburn, 1999).
Memory yields these riches: belonging, identity, continuity, resources and so forth. The
modernist trajectory has excluded these things for dynamic and bold designs that ultimately
prove disappointing, ugly, depressing. We are only now beginning to see this new course. We
have enough material and enough resources to find a way to make the future much better than
the recent past might indicate.
We are at a unique place and time in human history. Certainly it might be argued that every
situation in recorded history is unique, perennially posing options and alternatives. Currently,
this is how our situation in Middle Eastern historic cities looks to thoughtful observers: one path
where little is done to halt the widespread destruction of past constructions and urban fabrics and,
the alternative, a path in which the pace of progress is slowed down so that stakeholders can
146

consider the dynamics at work and find better ways to manage ruined and deteriorating
properties and urban environments. In the first scenario, we do nothing. We simply watch the
forces play out. The second scenario represents a growth in awareness, consciousness,
responsibility. In this case, we reevaluate the meaning of the past and make decisions about how
it will remain relevant to future generations (AlSayyad, 2003) (Schuster et al, 1997). This is
certainly an awesome responsibility, for those who will benefit from sound conservation policies
have not yet been born. We must learn to view the world from their perspective, not merely our
own currently pressing concerns.
What we have is an ongoing contradiction between the conventional forms of development and
the variety and differentiated urban realities of the urban centers throughout the Middle East
(Salam, 1991). We don't only have technical problems, problems which can be resolved by
technical means, but much deeper conceptual difficulties: problems at the philosophical, cultural,
and ideological levels. The way to address these problems is to acquire a deeper understanding of
the Western paradigms and schemas used for organizing life (Bianca, 1994). One might view
these principles of organization as prejudices. Because Western models seem to enjoy a high
level of prestige, a better approach would be to historicize them: reveal their origins in
discredited theories of positivism and progress. In this way, we can overcome the ridiculous
polarity between tradition and modernity. This historical analysis reveals problems on both sides:
the lack of creative development offered in traditional patterns and the short-sighted Western
view that excludes an entire range of cultural powerful resources (AlSayyad, 1999).
With this perspective, one that adheres to older methods, the architect as prima donna is no
longer necessary. Less prone to the latest fashions, and less concerned about objectives and more
147

involved in process, these grass roots architects and builders would be the real agents of change
as they serve the stakeholders, those who live in the designs made by architects (Bianca, 1994).
To put this in a slightly different idiom, the task in Middle Eastern historic cities is to engage the
primacy impulses and resistances to the creation of a community environment. These tasks are
based on the old master craftsman tradition which made creativity almost second nature rather
than one requiring a body of rules and governing principles that are explicitly formulated.
Oddly enough we tend to think of regeneration only in external terms: more resources, more
manpower, more money. But that's hardly what it would mean for regeneration to become a
reality. Rather, regeneration occurs when the hearts and minds of those who live and are affected
by the decisions in the areas concerned in Middle Eastern historic cities are engaged in
conservation. If we might decide what needs to be done for rehabilitation of an area, it's possible
to discover the best technical means for achieving those goals. This is exactly the type of
resistance that can be expected. Economic realities, being what they are, often discourage people
from considering what to do with historic cores and areas (Bianca, 1994). A phony opposition is
created between culture and development (AlSayyad, 2003). When economic improvement is
seen as the primary purpose of a community, culture becomes something of a nice add-on or
luxury. However, the challenge is to reverse this way of thinking by seeing cultural traditions as
themselves resources that are vitally necessary for regeneration. Rather than the too slim notion
of human good as economic improvement, we need something like an integral vision for all
around development. We can't neglect the vitality that comes from strong roots.
The problem of course is that immediate action is needed for Middle Eastern historic cities. But
it does no good to call attention to such needs if we don't have a coherent plan. We might begin
148

by a reevaluation of how we have treated Middle Eastern historic properties in the past fifty
years. We ought not to remain silent about his issue. To show that public sentiment can be
marshaled for protection of historic properties we recall the Bamiyan Buddhas in Afghanistan.
Even though public opinion had no power to stop the destruction, still it was significant that
many outspoken critics and vast numbers of people expressed shock and dismay over this
wanton act of destruction. This example shows that public anger can be used to support
conservation policies formulated by administrators and bureaucrats. The problem is that we still
lack a common language and a common metric in Middle Eastern historic cities for determining
what to do.
One way to preserve Middle Eastern older historic structures is through a system of protective
measures instituted by the country's legal assembly or by an administrative agency. These
measures will be used in specific circumstances to ensure the future of such buildings (Bennison
& Gascoigne, 2007).
To sum up, the entire sad story is that one third to half of all historic districts have been lost to
progress in Europe since the end of the Second World War. This endless destructive urge finds
expression around the globe and is no respecter of traditions or peoples. Should this trend persist
for another couple of generations, the stark fact is that most of the historical artifacts and
buildings will be lost forever, perhaps available only in history books and photographs. This
painful fact is something we must all learn to face up to and act accordingly. What policies are
needed and when should they be enforced for Middle Eastern historic cities? As we find daily
evidence of global warming trends, the same process of declining and deteriorating historical
cities and towns is also in full force. By destroying these sites we lose not only excellent
149

examples of sustainable growth but also a rich tradition of artistry and craft which future
generations will only know through fading memories.

Figure 7-1 and 7-2: Bamiyan Buddha before and after destruction by Taliban in 2001
(http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-18991066)
150

Chapter Eight: Historic Cities in the Middle East
We begin any analysis of the Middle East by first recognizing the nature and history of its
civilizations. Homeland of three major world religions and the nexus of three continents, along
its axis we discover a number of rich historical episodes: the Persian Empire, the ancient Syrian
and Babylonian civilizations, the Sumero-Akkadian and Assyrian civilizations and the Egyptian
civilization, the oldest recorded era of human history. The modern urban planner has a lot to
learn from this extended record. We might trace the emergence of human civilization, beginning
with the very first cities and the manner in which those cities established defined relationships
with the surrounding environment. These relationships are, in many cases, still intact. Any urban
policy will need to take account of this record, of the artifacts which are part of it, and the
various requirements to keep those areas relevant to modern life. An urban policy of these
dimensions will need to account for a variety of factors, most importantly, the archeological, the
social, the economic and the preservation of the urban heritage.
If we treat the Middle East as if it were a palimpsest, we imagine ourselves gradually uncovering
layers of significance as we go back in time. The operative image is uncovering the past through
layers of sedimented meaning. As the public moves toward a future, we can come to understand
how the prior elements helped to move history in the direction it is taking. This uncovering will
aid any effort to make sense of the past for future generations.
There are too few examples of a modern project making full use of past accomplishments. This
is one way of pointing out the largely disappointing results of using the past to make sense and
form new urban living experiences for the future. Innovation should always be cast in terms of
modification or alterations of historic designs and not artificial and imported patterns that make
151

little or no sense in terms of Middle Eastern values. Whatever new designs are created they must
align with the intangible values of the past and point not only directly back to them as origin but
also upward toward heaven. Not only do we stand in need of a comprehensive view of the entire
social and cultural patterns of life, but we also need to provide sense for those projects which
originate by local initiative (Stubbs,2011) (Stipe, 2003). Formulating a set of guidelines would
then be a safe way to forge the future.
The trend over the past fifty years in the Middle East is to abandon any interest in older
properties and monuments in favor of new construction. This decision is motivated by the steady
influx of rural workers to the cities. By opting for cheap construction and large scale projects,
there has been a steady erosion of respect for historical properties. There has been a profound
rupture between the traditional attitudes toward life and social function and the modern tension
of fast paced living (Stubbs,2009) (Cohen, 2001). Over time the distinctive features of Middle
Eastern architecture are giving new life to modern and abstract styles. Even as traditional
structures were better are minimizing the noise, pollution, foot traffic, humidity, ventilation and
congestion, this seems to have been forgotten. No serious effort was made to take the traditional
pattern and adapting it to modern condition (Amirahmadi, 1993).
Islamic city (Madina) Vs. Middle Eastern city
Oddly, the distinct styles of Middle Eastern cities and their architectures are not codified or
articulated in any formal way. There is a good deal of variation over time and space. Yet there is
also a common cultural source from which they draw inspiration. Some have gone so far as to
claim that there is no such thing as Islamic architecture. That may well be true, given the vast
cultural differences between the world's Islamic communities, but there is certainly a distinctive
152

Middle East style recognizable by any interested observer. What brings these stylistic elements
together is a combination of factors: climate conditions, socio-economic variables, and local
building techniques. Historically, the Islamic architecture is actually an outcome of a variety of
historical forms, including Roman, Parthian, Sassanian and ultimately Byzantine elements. What
finally makes something Islamic is recognition of the transcendental values expressed in the
Koran.
Even though born in the desert wilds, Islam has a deep and intimate connection to the city
(Jodidio, 2007). We know from the Prophet's own teachings; he made Medina the perfect
community for the faithful and he made of Mecca a holy shrine (AlSayyad, 1999). There can be
no doubt that Islam has had an immense influence in the conception of the city across the Middle
East and Asia. Our primary source for the beginnings of urban thinking are Ibn Khaldun who
elevated the entire class of royalty as proper to the city itself (Ibn Khaldun, 2005). There would
be no towns, cities or centers without the palaces which symbolize authority and historical
continuity. Islam may have flourished without the city, but it's clear that no cities would flourish
without this fundamental relationship to authority. Since Islam tends to be skeptical of the value
of lavishness and excess, the rise of opulent cities can only be explained in terms of secular
authority (Bianca, 1994).
Ibn Khaldun’s theories continue to have influence on the contemporary debate over the role of
the city in the Islamic world. The debate seems to resolve itself into contrary propositions
(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007): Islam may be professed in certain places and sites, but those
places and sites have little to do with the content of its message. This makes it seem that cities
are formed for external reasons, cultural and political reasons, and that a follower of Islam can
153

practice his or her faith in the wilderness as well as in any village, town, or city. Thus the
problem of whether a city might properly be termed Islamic is probably not answerable.
One of the most common prejudices against Islam is the association it has with the culture of
Arabia. The Arabian way of life is not associated with urban forms (Bianca, 1994). Instead it is
often viewed as nomadic and somewhat shapeless. We know, however, that Arabian culture
places a very strong emphasis on community ties(Wheatley, 2000). Keeping with the nomadism
of Arabic peoples, most cities were linked through common trade routes. But it was not only this
factor. Natural resources, a universal concern for any culture or civilization, are also a factor. IN
a slightly different vein, religious experiences also play a role. One example will show, the most
famous and Holy City of Mecca. Even before the time of the Prophet, we know that Mecca was a
pilgrimage city and a city of trade. Similarly Medina was also famous for frankincense and
participates in the trade of spices. Both Damascus and Fez were both located near important
places of water, making natural resources a key factor in their development. Going back to the
times of antiquity, we know that Damascus, perhaps the oldest known site of continuous human
occupation of any city in the world, Cairo and Baghdad all were important places as river cities.
Not only trade but also religious shrines were involved in the history of each of these places
(Bianca, 1994).
When we analyze the location of urban sites, we notice first of all that they are the product of
historical encounters or events (Lakham, 1996) (Perenyi, 1973). One after another the
conquering dynasties take place and contribute to the history of a region's urban structure. What
started out as the home of an ancient tribe has become through the waves of historical change a
city. This is especially true in the Middle East.
154

Nomadic and Sedentary Life
From an historical perspective, Islam can be viewed in two ways (Bianca, 1994). One is its
reflection through the nomadic ways of life of many peoples in the region. That would be its so-
called 'liquid' form. The second would be the urban or 'crystallized' form of life. It was the
philosopher of history, Ibn Khaldun in the 14th century who first formulated this binary
relationship (Ibn Khaldun, 2005). While the urban or 'crystallized' form of life is successful in
the commercial life and leads to wealth and splendor, it tends to degenerate very rapidly if not
renewed by vital energies provided by nomadic influxes. The relative innocence of tribes who
live a less regulated existence is the potential source of renewal. Paradoxically, the harshness of
the desert provides a necessary condition for the ongoing vitality of success in the city. The
bonds formed in the nomadic groups are the very lifeblood of the renewal of civilization
(Wheatley, 2000).
Ibn Khaldun was the first serious thinker to recognize the natural law of complementary
relationships between the nomadic and the sedentary (Ibn Khaldun, 2005). As harsh a law as this
is, it is inescapable as a condition for renewal. These encounters will often be violent and bloody
and may in fact violate religious and ethical principles. But the only way to find a new ruling
class, one which can avoid the shortcomings of a long sedentary existence, is to draw from these
nomadic warriors (Bianca, 1994).
The simplest social structure of the Middle East is the immigrant moving with his or her clan or
tribe to the external walls of the city (Bianca, 2006). Going back centuries, there has been this
movement from the desert to the urban center. When these tribes arrived they often settled near
the main gates or walls. This created a new ring of suburbs which gradually added to the
155

complex form of the urban environment. These settlements sparked a growing process of
socialization. In modern times there has been an explosion of rural people seeking advancement
by moving toward the urban centers (Jodidio, 2007).
The early Islamic city was a distinctively oriental phenomenon. To state this another way, as the
various tribal and ethnic identities blended with the predominance of Islam, a next synthesis took
place, one that was able to support a distinctive form of urban life (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
Having transcended the more limited interpretations of life, the Islamic revelation makes it
possible to actually form a distinctive community.
There has been a good deal of academic writing and research on the early Muslim claims to
antique and biblical sites. However, there has been far less work done on the legends often
narrated around the foundation of Islamic madinas (AlSayyad, 1999). This is now recognized as
an oversight. The medieval Arab authors have always recognized the importance of the
marvelous and the unusual; many of those accounts were less reliable from the point of view of
objective research. In fact, what makes the past 'past' and something in tension with the modern
perspective is the almost casual sense of narrative which is more adventurous speculation than
respect for facts (Lowenthal, 1999). This type of narrative is actually a ritual reenactment of the
foundational myth of Islam itself. It goes beyond concern for the physical artifact and abides in
the continuing miracle that simply is the revelation that is known to us as Islam.
Islamic City, “Medina”
What exactly is the Constitution of Medina? This term is often misunderstood, especially in the
Western scholarship. This constitution is made up of roughly fifty treaties or agreements between
156

groups that lived in the Yathrib at the time of the Prophet's arrival. This document is squarely
situated as a practical mechanism for accommodating a number of tribal customs. We know this
based on the Prophet's own words in the Sira (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Even as it went
through two revisions, it is universally regarded as an authentic document. Even as the document
itself is original and authentic, its dates and manner of composition remain topics of debate.
The reason for the composition of the Constitution of Medina is to provide a way to make sense
of humans living together in community. The Prophet's message makes possible a reconciliation
between those who dwell and those who arrive in the Holy City (AlSayyad, 1999). This
document is usually dated to the year 1622. At that time, Yathrib is the Holy Site of the Prophet.
His pronouncements make it the enclave or center of the Muslim umma (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007).
The term umma is used in a variety of ways in the Koran. In the Constitution of Medina, the term
is used twice. It seems to suggest something exclusive, something that stands apart and can't be
shared with others who are not part of that community (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Along
with this sense of exclusivity, there is a territorial reference in the phrase 'Yathrib is inviolable,
hariim.' This terms evolves in sense to eventually refer to the groups in the Yathrib. Perhaps a
simpler, more direct expression would be the 'native tribes directly under the rule of the Prophet.'
To expand just a bit, 'the consolidation of these tribes, tribes which maintain an inviolable
sovereignty and a loyalty to the Prophet, located in the Arabian peninsula.' These attempts to
define the Muslim umma suggest the two notes of political-religious rule and territorial integrity
(Amirahmadi, 1993). The Prophet's authority is recognized in the document recognized as the
Constitution of Medina.
157

A number of foundation narratives provide an excellent avenue for understanding the paradigm
of the Islamic city (Jayyusi, 2008). The core act is ritualistically multiplied by the establishment
of unique enclaves of truth and purity. This act creates bonds between the virtuous and separates
them from the commonly understood temptations and corruptions of the urban dwelling. The act
continues to reiterate the separation of the pure and truthful from the corrupt and deceitful
(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
The Complexity of Pattern in Islamic Cities
The theme of the Islamic city is now something of a mystery. In the past, much of what passed as
an Islamic city was simply assumed; now we know there is a good deal more complexity than
was initially suspected. We are now concerned to explore the urban morphology, the patterns of
use and layout, and the ways in which cities develop over time. All of this gives us a better
understanding of the processes constituting society.
Because of the hold that Max Weber's work had on the fields of sociology and history, the object
of study was most often cast an ideal type. For this reason, the academic discussion of the
Islamic city was a search for its essential form. Such a form was said to transcend the
particularities of history. Since the object of study was transcendent, it was then considered
important to collect empirical data that supported the thesis of essential form of the city
(Bosworth, 2008). Unfortunately, the data used was very limited in extent usually consisting of
pre-modern artifacts from cities throughout North Africa and Syria.
Most researchers prefer the functionalist analysis of the Islamic city (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007) (AlSayyad, 1999) (Jayyusi, 2008) (Salam, 1991). What this means is that the organization
158

of the city is a matter of how mosques, baths, public ovens and street fountains were used or
appreciated by the local residents. The limitation of this model is too much emphasis on
decisions made by a centralized authority made up of an elite. There was an avoidance of the
larger picture of distributed leadership, of local participation, and grass-roots involvement with
the form and organization of the city. It now seems evident that we need a much more thorough
examination of the community itself.
Should we approach the Islamic city from a spatial and chronological perspective, we will find a
number of useful ways to divide time periods. The pre-modern era, for example, will consist of
those buildings constructed during the Umayyid and Ottoman periods. Geographically, this
period exists between two extremes: the Iberian peninsula in the west and Northern India in the
east (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Through these broad stroke, we only capture a few
examples here and there without providing much detail. Unfortunately, the term pre-modern,
though highly fashionable, is really a reference to European chronology since it indicates the
advent of European colonialism throughout the area. With the arrival of these powers, modern
development took place and what was native or indigenous was placed to the side as if it were no
longer relevant (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). In this chronological approach the nineteenth
century serves as a dividing line.
Another approach would be to take into account the Islamic conquests from the seventh century
up to the colonial period. But this approach seems to favor the stereotypes of the Orientalists
(Said, 1979). This lens would place Muslim influence and political control at the center of the
narrative. It would then view the rise of most cities as somehow an effect of this power. However,
this overlooks the very gradual way in which change takes place throughout the region
159

(Amirahmadi, 1993). In addition to this problem, this narrative seems to overlook most of the
diversity present, reducing the account to one of more of the same (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007). It tends to simplify the interaction of numerous ideals in circulation during this period
(AlSayyad, 1999). Nevertheless, the study of the city in the Islamic world is a well-established
academic discipline. It remains likely that the ideological assumptions are tenuous, but the fact
remains that the field is already acknowledged and respectable.
We have yet to see how the modern version of the Middle East will appear. The region is still
going through any number of transformations due to the past influences of Western imperialism
and the continuing drive toward globalization (Amirahmadi, 1993). As yet the modern
intelligentsia has not resolved the numerous problems facing Middle Eastern societies. What is
called for, of course, is a reassessment of past mistakes in light of future prospects. The Middle
East has been through transformations before, with the influence of Hellenism, Roman culture
and law, and the Byzantine synthesis of Latin and Eastern Christianity playing large roles
(Bianca, 1994). Time will only tell how globalization will affect local traditions and ways of life.
The current hypothetical construct tends to discount the notion of urban history stemming from
Greco-Roman sources and indicates the importance of buildings original constructed on the
Arabian peninsula. The urban civilization of Arabian is consistent with what we understand to be
the theocratic order of Islam. In other words, the false interpretation borrows too much from
Western history and not enough on the literary and archeological evidence provided by Arabia
(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007) (Salam, 1991). Arabia is the provenance of the Hijaz, stemming
from the seventh century. The Islamic city was always already a material reference to the divine.
160

With the rise of Muslim influence throughout the region, a conscious attempt was made to shape
the city in specific morphological ways (AlSayyad, 1999). In other words, a distinctive pattern
for development comes from the experience of western and southern Arabia (Bennison &
Gascoigne, 2007). These components were made to fit into the basic cosmological scheme
provided by Islam . The Arabian conception appears to be fundamental to all expressions of later
Islam.
Urban Form in Historic Middle Eastern Cities
What accounts for the mathematical beauty of these Middle Eastern compositions we call cities?
It is completely appropriate to consider these structures compositions, for they are wholes
composed of unique and self-standing cells (Bianca, 1994). We say that the architectural shells
were used to form complex patterns easily noticed from a bird's eye perspective. When viewed
whole, it's easy to see a pattern emerge from the complex of parts. Either way the sense of
division begins to blur. This is similar to the mosaic in which individual parts are transcended by
the determinations of the whole. The key to this aesthetic is to be found in the use of analogies
and correspondences which account for the structural wholes (AlSayyad, 1999).
Middle Eastern architecture and city planning is something of a miracle. The various segments,
small or large, are somehow self-contained. Open spaces are contained within their perimeters
(Bianca, 1994). They connect through shared facilities and various types of access. Since each of
the units is designed in roughly the same manner, the larger congregation of units appears
uniform and stylistically coherent. This accounts for the horizontal integration; the vertical
integration is due largely to air shafts and interior courtyards (Salam, 1991) (Amirahmadi, 1993).
161

It is clear that Middle Eastern designs elements work together, whether we look into the interior
of each cell or at the larger aggregation of units.
We can call the principle space management. In naming it this way, we indicate the relationships
and the differentiation of forms (Bianca, 1994). The fundamental processes are called centering,
enclosing, and incorporating. Thus order is accomplished through the careful balancing of
elements. What this overcomes is the divisiveness of isolated spaces or street networks. A
principle of circulation makes it a common feature in urban design that flows can connect
through different access points (Wheatley, 2000). Where a less refined architecture would not be
able to overcome the split between open and closed spaces, public and private areas, and male
and female quarters, these principles make them complementary (Jayyusi, 2008). It is this type of
resolution of opposites that clearly displays the genius of this centuries old approach to space and
order.
We recall that hope of Descartes' dream: to have such clarity of mind and control of one's
thinking process so as to avoid the necessity for error. If this dream were to play out properly,
every problem would eventually find a solution. Unfortunately, the Cartesian dream is and
remains only a dream. Thoughts are of one order, events of another. The randomness of the
world, its profound contingency, with multiple factors always complicating the outcomes was
simply disregarded by modern planners. Simply put: Why is not there a better track record when
it comes to realizing planning schemes? Why have so many failed? It is the problem of the
illusions generated by a hyper-rationalistic approach to the human condition. Even as Western
masters of change have come to recognize the limits of their planning schemes, the same
162

approach continues to be applied to the cities and regions of the Middle East (Bianca, 1994).
What seems to be lacking is either leadership, consistency, or the resources to realize these plans.
The position of the planner is one of abstraction above concrete realities. Those subjected to
those plans rarely understand their purpose. Stakeholders often miss the point of the plan entirely.
So many short term decisions are made that the overall objective becomes unrealizable. Too
many agents lead to too many solutions that cannot be harmonized from above (AlSayyad, 2000).
The planning methods and procedures often cause an imbalance in the community, making it
difficult to hold participants to their commitments. Often the very vocabulary is found
incomprehensible. We are only know getting a clearer picture of the chaos Middle Eastern cities
and towns suffer from.
The form of unity common throughout the Middle East is organic unity. This type of unity must
be distinguished from an imposed, abstract unity from above (Bianca, 1994). In other words, the
participants in Middle Eastern societies are integrated into a whole which makes free enterprise
possible, but limits it so that the boundaries of traditional morality and generational respect
remain intact (Amirahmadi, 1993). The reason for this is that the unity is an achievement that has
occurred over long periods of time. In its historical development, millions of small adjustments
were made to reach a healthy balance of social elements (Jayyusi, 2008). Planning in this context
is largely a regulative function which aims to keep the integrity of the whole from being violated.
Because of this the concept of fully articulated building codes seems unnecessary. Yet such
codes have been formulated in keeping with aspirations to appear modern.

163

Modern Planning in Middle Eastern Cities
For thousands of years, the basic mode of life was agricultural. With the advent of the industrial
period, order was imposed or perhaps one might say superimposed by those captains of industry
who formulated their schemes privately and without any consideration for the disruptions it
might cause in the social mores of a people. The industrial period called for formal planning. The
reason for this is that vast resources must be mobilized to make industrial production successful.
No detail can be overlooked. The criteria are exactitude and precision. Unfortunately for those
who still live in more traditional societies, the elites in those nations simply replicate the
experience of Western social elites, imposing orders and codes, regulations and restrictions from
above (Jayyusi, 2008) (Bianca, 1994). This causes widespread disruption of long established
patterns of life.
It is possible to witness a stark contrast between the appearances of organic cities and modern,
bureaucratic cities. The organic order is more integrated with all elements forming a form of
mosaic. The second type of unity oscillates between sterility and chaos. Formal rules call for
severe restrictions and when these restrictions fail to shape the community, chaos results. It must
be allowed that we will move beyond this polarized situation (Bianca, 1994). Call it the
transitional phase. But the ultimate position for planning will be similar to the organic unity of
the past because it will proceed by gradual internalizations of norms and standards.
The master plans of Western designers tend to order in terms of compartments: there are the
concerns for housing, for commerce and business, for recreation, and for industrial activities.
Overseeing all this is a multiplicity of government agencies. In this way of thinking, the urban
planner divides cities into different sections. After separating the parts, a loose type of unity is
164

imposed from above (Hall, 1989). The guiding criteria for each are technological. Life is then
divided up into those activities in the home, those making a living, those enjoying life and those
involved in ruling. But, as anyone can see, all these separate functions have no organizing unity:
something that might be the sole purpose of life, the organizing purpose. Attempting to bring
unity back, planners then impose large freeway systems or channels that provide links to
different parts of the city. But these links only disrupt the unity further by arbitrarily cutting
through communities (Bacon, 1992). In the end, isolation and alienation are the dominant tone of
the modern city.
Courtyard Building Revival
We cannot over emphasize the importance of these relationships. The world of courtyard designs
and use of space are a profound experience for anyone who grasps its deeper dimensions. Any
elevation is meant to turn inward (AlSayyad, 1999). No architect wants to make a reference to
the outside world. With this internal reference system, the courtyard is heavily influenced by
patterns and designs producing a profound aesthetic experience. At the third level, we approach
an even more significant level which foregrounds the experience of paradise; gardens and
fountains are strong signifiers of an idyllic state (AlSayyad, 1999). The trick of architecture is to
use a material reality to suggest and even invite the participant to enjoy the bliss of paradise, an
immaterial and heavenly space far from the mundane concerns of this earthly life (Bianca, 1994).
With the intrusion of Western stylistic concerns, the heavenly aesthetic refined over centuries in
the Middle East comes under a sustained assault (Said, 1979) (Bosworth, 2008). Western values
have favored only secular, earthly concerns. The ability to bridge the material manifestation with
a spiritual one is thereby threatened (Bianca, 1994). When Western imperial concerns became
165

influential in the region, there was an initial effort to find a way to accommodate the two
aesthetic forms. However, these efforts failed due to a process of de-contextualization. Rather
than providing a new semiotic of signs, signs were now nothing more than markers, engravings,
and decorations. They may have delighted the eye, but they prevented the soul from entering
paradise. No one understood this devastation until it was too late.
We are discussing the philosophical contradictions and implications of the two divergent
aesthetic codes. This discussion leads to many simplistic formulations, yet we must acknowledge
that the current state of architecture in the Middle East is troubling to say the least. What is most
urgently called for is some way to overcome this rift, to find a way to mend the brokenness we
all experience by living with these divergent trends (Bianca, 2006). There is no way to find this
solution or any solution without a candid acknowledgment of the problem (Amirahmadi, 1993).
Political discourse in the Middle East and about the Middle East is also impoverished by these
problems. We must go beyond the simplistic opposition between modernism and
fundamentalism currently raging in elite discourse (Bianca, 1994). If we look to those working in
the cultural domain, we find our best chance for escaping this sterile debate. What happens is
that the media and the pundits observe and comment endlessly on the debate between extremist
ideologies while providing no solutions to the underlying problems. We must demand a more
constructive approach. The way to find such an approach would require a re-interpretation of the
local and cultural values inherited from the past while carefully examining all the implications of
the sterile belief in technology (Rypkema, 2007) (Frank, 2010) (Chase, 2004).
For Western scholars, the artistic challenges had lost steam, so to speak, becoming less robust
and less substantive over time. It appeared to them that artists were merely copying and imitating
166

earlier periods (Jodidio, 2007). Yet, unbeknownst to them, this was considered a great
achievement, making sure that the contemporary artist remained faithful to inherited models. In
other words, idiosyncratic or highly individualized styles were frowned on as pure nonsense and,
worse, disrespectful of the tradition (Bianca, 1994). Subjective priorities were never favored in
artistic endeavors. The point is to make eternal truths relevant to the contemporary age.
Changes in Middle Eastern Cities
The history of large cities is the history of changing centers of gravity. This metaphor is helpful
in explaining a number of phenomena. We see a continuous use and abandonment of areas and
properties, only for them to assume new functions when a change in leadership takes place.
Ultimately, history reveals layers of development, much like a geological pattern of
accumulation and erosion. Furthermore, one point must be remembered: the various ethnic
groups that make up the general population exercise a good deal of autonomy throughout the
region (Burdett, 2008). Middle Eastern societies are large, complex wholes with many different
types of peoples. All of these peoples contributed their own sense of belonging within the larger
whole making the modern concept of ghetto anachronistic (Bianca, 1994).
It might be helpful to add the terminology of the experts as we attempt to articulate conditions in
the Middle East. Cities in the region are either viewed as spontaneous or planned (Bianca, 1994).
In the former we witness the largely rural contribution to settlement-people are found living
somewhere because of the ability of the land to yield food. In the latter case, we see a
political/military power determining for itself its precise geographical relationship to a
conquered area. In this second characterization, we are concerned to show how centers of power
choose how they will present themselves to their subjects and to others more generally. In either
167

case, however, the controlling concepts must be viewed organically. In other words, it is the
accumulation of many small decisions that shapes the whole and not an imposition by a grand
vision. Perhaps we might express it this way: the small decisions unwittingly lead to a larger
complex whole rather than anyone group or visionary imposing an whole on the parts. As
various smaller groups of limited power moved into an area, the more schematic design was
modified creating a vernacular pattern (Bianca, 1994).
We need to reveal the incremental growth patterns of Middle Eastern cities. In doing this we
point out the morphological patterns of cities. Any of the major cities of the Middle East will do.
Many of these structures are already late stages of urban development going back three or four
centuries. But the principles of development are easily discerned. We can call these the “khittat”
system (Bianca, 1994). In what follows we display the most ubiquitous types of forms and we do
that in accordance with a functionalist approach to urban design. We can show how all the parts
complement one another giving a place a specific identity.
Middle Eastern cities are unique structures from an architectural perspective. Any focus on the
core urban areas reveals the importance of the functionally defined purposes of those areas
surrounding the mosque (Amirahmadi, 1993) (AlSayyad, 1999) (Wheatley, 2000) (Bosworth,
2008). These areas include such buildings as hammams, madrasas and caravanserais. Most of
these layers surround the mosque as a supporting system. What this shows is that Middle Eastern
societies tend to integrate a variety of purposes into a unified area around the central mosque.
There are often multiple entry points in these areas along with long, pillared hallways, gates, and
alleyways; courtyards and fountains are also common. The heart of the entire system is the large
courtyard at the center of the mosque, a busy meeting point for observant participants (Salam,
168

1991) (Wheatley, 2000) (Bosworth, 2008). Should we read this symbolically, it suggests that the
ways of the world are secondary to the primary spiritual focus of the practitioners of the faith.
A careful consideration of this pattern reveals a concern for the dynamic relationship between
specialized, concentrated human contact and diffusion. Whereas the specialized activities that
call for unique uses of space and buildings are a concern, the overriding interest is the symbolic
centrality of the courtyard in the mosque. All traffic is pedestrian. People can weave in and out
of locations with relative easy, depending on their objectives. But the whole structure provides a
sense of unity (AlSayyad, 1999) (Jodidio, 2007). The code for each sort of social interaction is
related to its specific place; yet the foundation is obviously the spiritual aspiration provided by
the heart of the complex: the religious institution.
We can conceive of the entire structure as a single mansion with many rooms (Bianca, 1994).
The important point is the coherence of the parts and whole; nothing is extraneous. For, if we
allow the analogy, the living room is the mosque itself, since that is where the more general
purpose of life is lived or played out-devotion to one's faith. The other rooms, with narrow
concerns, include places for instruction, guest rooms for visitors, and the utility room for tools
and those supplements necessary for maintenance. The souks would call to mind the cupboards
or a pantry. Sleeping areas would correspond to private chambers usually associated with being
at home.
Process of Change and Development
How are we to understand the process of morphological development? It is possible to see the
outcome of Middle Easter architecture and urban design as the product of polarity and gradation
169

(Bianca, 1994). The cell structure occurs through the principle of polarity: the structure develops
through contrasting barriers which preserve the integrity of each cell. As this process occurs
there are various levels of integration-gradation- providing unity for the overall plan. This sense
of gradation occurs from single room to house, to clusters of homes, to neighborhoods all the
way up to the walled city.
This is the organic metaphor. The structure is neither frozen nor formal, but alive to variation and
flows of energy. Yet all of the cells are organized by a central radiance (Fainstein, Campbell,
2011). In this way, Middle Easter designs and patterns are the opposite of the mechanical
iterations of abstract rationality. The distinction is clearly made when we see that Middle Eastern
patterns grow from a basic seed, as it were, and each part is a mirror of the whole (Bianca, 1994).
This is what accounts for the vibrancy, for the sense of aliveness associated with these patterns.
What is especially remarkable is the way in which residents always feel they live at the center of
things. The pulsating life that pervades the whole makes it possible for each unit to be a center of
life (Salam, 1991). Thus, the abstract rationality that tends to crush through uniformity-so
common in Modernism-is avoided.
What makes the urban fabric a living and breathing experience is how it accommodates each of
the unique functions of a living organism (AlSayyad, 2000). This is possible through carefully
articulated analogies and correspondences. Again, and as we have mentioned several times, the
units are not products of a mechanical process but rather mirrors of the whole, thereby making it
possible to access a rich symbolic heritage (Kostof, Castillo, Tobias, 1992). This vertical but
hidden system of signs makes it possible to experience a much deeper experience of the lived
environment than one would in a design or pattern articulated through abstract rationality. The
170

philosophical term might be grounded-the people are grounded in their environment and not
detached or disinterested spectators of an orderly system.
The sense of the universal order might make it possible to suggest that we have values and scales
of meaning. The connection is made and then reinforced by the vertical dimension, stretching
from the lowly to the highest regions of reality (AlSayyad, 2000). Whereas this traditional or
perhaps classical sense of the ordered whole pervades Middle Eastern design, modern types of
design favor a horizontal and dynamic unity (Bianca, 1994). In the latter case, the history of man
is more important than the cosmic hierarchy.
Balance between Form and Social Life.
In architectural terms, the tension between enclosed spaces and open spaces plays a significant
role in urban coherence (Ferguson, 1975) (Kostof,1991). In other words, it is important to
understand how the proper balance between open areas supports a more lively, meaningful social
life. Metaphorically, the open space is a walled outdoor room with its own meaningful sense
(Bianca, 1994). These voids connect in different ways with the solid structures built around them.
Some have labeled this the mutual attraction of the passive and active, or positive and negative
spaces. The proper ratio determines the life of any city. The maintenance of this ratio will make
for a lively urban environment.
The cities of the Middle East have taken a very different direction in terms of planning and
development. We might speak of them as the opposite or shadow of the Modernist design
principles. Rather than a large space divided into decreasingly significant smaller spaces, we find
instead a gradual and incremental aggregation process or, simply, an organic development of
171

space and usage (Salam, 1991). In this traditional Middle Eastern approach, the enclosed spaces
are relevant to their correlated solid structures, of which there are numberless variations, and
pedestrian flows are respected (Bianca, 1994). Such principles make the circulation patterns of
the analytical approach, often so disruptive, irrelevant to construction concerns. There are no lost
spaces or pointless voids. The traditional spaces respect even such relatively minor enterprises as
the souq, areas surrounded by meaningful architectural structures (Wheatley, 2000). The
operating principles are protection and identity (AlSayyad, 1999). In other words, an organic
model makes every part meaningful to the whole.
It is then easy, once these principles are understood, to see the contrast with traditional Middle
Eastern patterns. Such patterns don't define buildings as objects but as shells for meaningful
human activities. Since the concept of shell remains at some level of detachment, the sorts of
activities are left to those within them (Bianca, 1994). In this sense, each enclosure is actually a
free space for creativity or innovation. Each architectural part is then autonomous, but also in
harmony with the overall pattern (Salam, 1991). Air, light, and space remain undetermined by
the whole, each space making use as it sees fit. Linkages form clusters which then form cohesive
environments. The inner courtyard became the hallmark of Middle Eastern living space, dense
and yet interwoven with everything surrounding it.
There is a significant difference in the perception of space when we compare the living
environment of Middle Eastern cities from Modernist interpretations. The best term is
introverted (Bianca, 1994). In other words, the space is contained or enclosed, finding its focus
in the courtyard. All elevations surrounding the courtyard are oriented on the space inside rather
than the streets on the outside. Many of the walls are simply barriers. And rather than connected
172

to a rigid grid system, the spaces are surrounded as it were by a system of vessels, like the flow
of blood through the human body (Jayyusi, 2008). In this way, the flexible structure resembles an
organism rather than a geometrically determined layout. It has a wide variety of focal points, or
vital centers. Elevations is a relatively minor factor if it counts at all. The concept of building
signifies the space inside rather than the exterior walls (Amirahmadi, 1993). Each building is
marked by its own place and identity rather than a series of replications. The purpose, above all,
is security, peace and balance.
Quantitative Analysis Vs. Ideological Values
Most writing and analysis have done by Western scholars about Middle Eastern architecture and
fine arts generally often miss the point. The reason for this is a simple one: a lack of any insight
into the fundamental values shaping that civilization. Western thinking has been dominated by a
factual orientation and quantitative analysis for the past five hundred years. The entire movement
of modern philosophy advanced the concept that we can't know reality (Kant) but we can
measure appearances (positivism) (Bantas, 2011). Because of these prejudices, everything about
Middle Eastern societies seems superficial and external. In fact the key to understanding Middle
Eastern societies is the discovery of archetypes (AlSayyad, 1999). There underlying patterns
shape the entire experience of those societies. Without understanding them, no one grasps the
significance of the issues concerning modern conservation.
It profits no one to venture onto ideological terms without a consideration of the context and
background that generates the opposition. What, for instance, is the history of opinion regarding
conservation in the Middle East? Little work has been done on that question. We should benefit
by understanding the urban Middle East as something other than a museum piece for bored
173

spectators. The analogy we borrow comes from genetics- what the forebears leave behind is
capable of generating new generations and combinations of life. For this reason, we don't
discount the values and attainments of the past and we certainly do not raze them from historical
memory. Our strategy ought to be one of adaptation to changed circumstances.
Morphological analysis of Middle Eastern cities is not merely an academic interest. It must have
practical implications. We might recover patterns and designs that represent eternal values. In
this way, what remains relevant in the tradition is preserved for the next generation. What so
often happens is that an antiquarian interest freezes these past accomplishments as they are; this
deprives them of their contribution to living beings (Bianca, 1994). The process of ossification or
mummification leaves very little to the imagination. In fact, it is an expression of poverty. What
we need in the way of accomplishments is securing the archetypes which generate new forms
while remaining identical with the original values. The physical shapes and designs are merely
reflections of those values.
What is especially unique about Middle Eastern architecture is the organic nature of its growth
and development (Amirahmadi, 1993) (Bianca, 1994) (AlSayyad, 1999) (Wheatley, 2000)
(Bosworth, 2008). Unlike Western approaches which tend to favor the abstract and
decontextualized designs, the Middle East favors the notion of the acorn becoming the oak tree
as Aristotle observed centuries ago. In other words, nature is rich in archetypes which set the
pattern and form of development. Since the seed already contains the design or the instructions
for ordering whole to parts, the variation depend on circumstances, community size and other
variables. Given that each of these was able to produce a building according to a determined
174

model, the fit between types, such as commercial centers, housing, assemblies, places of worship
and so forth was natural and easily accommodated (Bianca, 1994).
The analysis of Middle Eastern cities as to their fabric and texture reveals a complex array of
relationships that will be overlooked by the untrained eye. In general the following is the rule
(Bianca, 1994) (AlSayyad, 1999) (Jayyusi, 2008): buildings exist along a continuum with few if
any disruptions; whatever massive buildings there are adjacent to subordinate structures which
serve a diversity of needs; internal differentiation is the norm; units tend to be cellular in their
anatomy, smaller places making up larger ones, but each self-contained; there is a lack of rigid
control which might be imposed from above; interaction between the units is frequent, mundane
and ongoing; the religious center often functions as the core of urban residents. The most
important conditions attributed to the core is cleanliness and spaciousness, a capacity for large
numbers, and a discreet demarcation from the surrounding buildings through gates and
thresholds.
Closer examination yields even more profound observations. For instance, the main
thoroughfares are clearly demarcated from the residential districts. There is always a buffer zone,
protecting the privacy of those who dwell within the city (Salam, 1991) (Bennison & Gascoigne,
2007). Courtyard structures are quite common, wall to wall being the most common pattern. This
prevents the ongoing pedestrian traffic from interfering with daily domestic existence. Above all
it is never easy to transition from public spaces to private ones. The effect of this apparently
random disorder is a higher yield in privacy for city dwellers (Bianca, 1994). A series of filters
keep the ongoing and daily traffic of life from contaminating the sanctuary that is the family
(Bianca, 1994) (Jayyusi, 2008). The means for preventing contamination are simple enough:
175

dead-ends, limited alley ways, complex patterns which discourage access, and friction that tends
to deter aggressive or curious spectators.
One way to characterize these patterns and options is to see a commitment to purity
(Amirahmadi, 1993) (Bianca, 1994). In other words, Middle Eastern cities balance the necessity
for pedestrian traffic with the privilege of exclusivity, favoring the latter. The Middle East cities
are developed to make the experience of the sacred a daily event. The very layout provides for
that opportunity. Circulation is planned around ritually pure spaces. Most public spaces are
detached from the major arteries and then differentiated by purpose (Bosworth, 2008): some for
religious and others for commercial purposes. All such spaces are well within the network of
housing clusters which provides for a number of courtyards serving social purposes.
Traditional Urban Planning in Middle East
In the Middle Eastern experience, city planning was virtually unknown as a professional concern.
The idea is imported from Western countries (AlSayyad, 1999) (Amirahmadi, 1993). The reason
if this is somewhat complex. First of all, open spaces are not simply freestanding. Religious
obligations inform all aspects of life, including the use of space in the urban environment. Thus
the open space was determined as to its use by various social groups which constituted the
appropriate function. Because leadership devolved toward specific groups, either family clans,
ethnic communities or professional groups assumed responsibility for the appropriate use of
space (Wheatley, 2000). Thoroughfares, on the other hand, were used or interrupted intentionally.
They were used to provide access to private spaces (Jayyusi, 2008). Generally, there is no such
thing as empty land without a defined purpose in these venues (Bianca, 1994).
176

As we have mentioned Middle Eastern cities are without formal planning or a master design
which preceded the city. These cities gradually developed over long periods of time with special
attention paid to immediate concerns or interests (Salam, 1991) (AlSayyad, 1999) (Amirahmadi,
1993). The principle organizing this gradual development was to convert open land to specific,
personalized interests. The many self-contained units then, and only gradually, became a form
with integrity. Everything was implicit and lacked a commanding rational oversight (Bianca,
1994) (AlSayyad, 1999). It would be better to consider the process as a slow bonding or finding
affinity. The individual building is an independent entity which is logically prior to the notion of
community planning. Where there is free standing space, it serves either as a buffer or a corridor
between private spaces.
It is useful to discuss urban design in terms of the tension between internal and external spaces
(Bianca, 1994). With these terms, it is possible to move between small private spaces to large
consolidated structures. Rather than discrete elements making a whole, it is a matter of smaller
wholes gradually becoming larger wholes. Since these modular units comprise a multi-focal
pattern, the city lacks the grid pattern of rationally designed spaces (Jayyusi, 2008). This shape
and form also provides for a wide variety of articulations, a diverse array of functions all
working together (Amirahmadi, 1993). As such, the city is emblematic of an entire
understanding of what life is all about.
Religious and Political Influences in Middle Eastern Urban Planning
In the works of Abu-Lughod (1989) and Alsayyad (1999) the above assumptions and stereotypes
receive critical attention. In the accounts provided by the first author, based largely on her
experience in India, the difference between cities which can be identified as Islamic is clearly
177

evident from non-Islamic cities, even given the same topography and climatic conditions. These
differences are easily summarized: Islamic law distinguishes Muslim from non-Muslim; women
and men are responsible for different spheres of life; and property rights are carefully articulated.
In the case of Alsayyad (1999), his approach favors a focus on the geographical and the
chronological aspects of city origins. His concern is the confluence of Arabic culture and Islamic
faith. Another approach could be a historical assessment of the place of origin. In this account
the origin of the Islamic city the key factor is the separation between the residential and the
market areas. As a subdivision of this distinction, the residential areas are treated as themselves
discrete units belonging to various ethnicities. We need to pay attention to both regional variety
and the influence of the Islamic faith on the organization of social life.
The truly magisterial work on the topic of the Islamic city is done by Paul Wheatley in 2000.
This work provides a descriptive and geographical approach to urban networks from the tenth
century. Wheatley's interest is the external links between urban sites, although he is observant of
distinctions within cities and towns as well. What is striking about the book is the wide sweep
from Spain to Central Asia. His conclusions suggest that Islam has had an enormous impact on
the rise of urbanism throughout this vast region, often expressed through specific empires. He
concludes by stating that Islam provides the ultimate context for the development of most of the
urban forms throughout the region.
It seems that no account of the rise and development of urbanism can be based solely on the
physical attributes of buildings. That would fail to acknowledge the greater social and economic
context, and it would leave out the religious influences as well. One way to capture a more
balanced account is to place the archeological evidence before the reader but also by adding the
178

textural and literary descriptions of cities as well (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). The best
accounts of pre-modern Islamic cities will go beyond a merely archeological approach since the
imaginative reconstruction of those periods is also a vital element in grasping all that went into
their development. Once the Islamic city is thematized and its contours recognized, it then is
possible for scholarship to delve more deeply into the details of shape and culture, religion and
political organization.
Only recently have we begun to reassess the nature of the Islamic city. Unfortunately, previous
attempts labored under a set of limitations which only now are we beginning to get beyond.
Current research takes into account a variety of factors, including religious, military and political
elements. Previous generations were hampered by a preoccupation with medieval and pre-
modern models of urban design as well as overly idealized models of what these cities should be.
More recently, the trend has moved toward a reexamination of late antiquity as well as grounding
assumptions of such research. Today it is not uncommon to find scholars employing literary
sources to fill in the missing or intervening years or to provide a solid foundation for Islamic
urban history.
One of the most remarkable developments in the Middle East has been the economic rise of the
Gulf states. Much of what took place there was a sacrifice of older structures and locations. It
seems that the identity of the region was put aside in order to advance a modernist agenda. It's
time to reassess this situation and determine whether the ecological and cultural costs are too
high. We need a total plan for development that reconsiders the designs and layout of the entire
region. Such a plan would include the older traditional structures and sites, how they are
179

enclosed and how dense and whether such forms remain relevant. Important samples will help
form a coherent data base so that a more comprehensive plan can be developed.
Changes in Urban Monuments and Residential Areas
The Middle Eastern city consists of two areas, historical monuments and residential districts. The
most obvious forms are the mosques, religious schools and minarets which give these cities their
distinctive form and style. As for the residential areas, there is a general facade that makes the
uniformity common. As you can imagine the design trajectory of each one is different. Tourists
are well acquainted with monuments and religious sites (Hazbun, 2008). Residential areas are
another matter, especially given the high value placed on privacy. Perhaps the most important
factor affecting the residential is the slow pace of economic change (AlSayyad, 2000). Many
cities show little or no change after many decades of historical time. Other cities reveal dramatic
changes in residential styles due to modern interventions. The most important change required in
modern policy developments is the city-scope approach wherein some account of both directions
comes under greater scrutiny.
From an historical angle, the cities of the Middle East embody centuries of culture and events.
When we explore the various historical strata of places such as Jerusalem, Istanbul, Damascus,
or Aleppo, we find numerous layers of historical deposits, the way a geologist can read the
history of the earth's crust. What this examination reveals is a series of living patterns which
have gradually been transformed over the course of history (Wheatley, 2000). What is also clear
from this type of survey is the connections between metropolitan sites which worked to establish
a network of trade, enterprise, and interaction (Amirahmadi, 1993). The discoveries in so many
180

cities, Fez, Cairo and Baghdad being some of the more prominent, reveal a long line of middle
class craftsmen, artisans, and shopkeepers.
To generalize, the Middle East is a variety of local building techniques that result in a stand
dwelling: one or two-story structures with open hallways, wooden frames, and in many cases
featuring a courtyard. All of this is symbolic (Salam, 1991) (Lapidus, 1984) : the courtyard is a
place of relaxation and refreshment from the struggles of life. The high walls represent the need
for privacy and the buffer between family and civic life. These traditional features began to fade
during the Seventies (Amirahmadi, 1993). This deterioration had clear economic and social
causes, for at that time rural immigration became a decisive feature of life in the Middle East.
The people in the countryside wished to participate in the conveniences provided by an urban
environment, but they often lacked the skill, education, or sophistication to understand what they
were asking for. On top of this, the government failed to provide the appropriate support for this
transition. It is precisely this transformation which needs to be studied and documented so that
we can arrive at a new consensus about how to provide for the right conservation policies.
Discussing and analyzing Middle Eastern urbanism is never a simple proposition. For one thing,
many areas have strikingly unique features that are not shared with any other sites. At the same
time, the urban morphology is specific, complex, and dense. These predicates make general
approaches difficult to formulate. Now, with so many threats and challenges posed by the
postmodern situation, the debate continues to expand and include more and more factors
(Fainstein & Campbell, 2011). Unfortunately, conservation strategy concerns have not changed
quickly enough. The focus is still on the rather backward approach of limited concern for
181

physical appearances (Rypkema, 1992). What is needed is to find ways to integrate traditional
forms and styles with modern demands and techniques. This has not yet been accomplished.
The urban core is the central point of a number of forces which remain constant in any planning
and administration (Chase, 2004) (Gratz & Mintz, 1998). Not only do we have a past pushing
forward and the future beckoning, but there has also be a shift toward the suburbs, where well-
planned high quality materials are needed for decent housing (Hall, 1989) (Sitte, 1986). As
anyone who has experience these historic shocks knows, we are all waiting for someone to
resolve the tension between the traditional ways of building and thinking and the modern
pressures for improvement. This has to be done in a way that respects the social and cultural
integrity of the Middle East. Advanced technology in the form of computerized models of urban
development can help us manage the resources needed for all this. A constant effort to map the
sites under our gaze should be conducted by satellite technology. As the cities and towns grow, it
will be of the utmost importance to coordinate the environmental factors with the respect for
tradition. We have the tools, but are still lacking a formulation of guiding principles.
Abandonment, Neglect and New Development
It is an odd problem to resolve: what to do with the countless historic properties that have been
abandoned, under-utilized, or neglected. Of course every Middle Easter society has inherited
many historic properties. We need to find innovative ways to re-use these areas and these
buildings. Normally as improvements are made in one area, local entrepreneurs consider that a
cue for their own improvement projects which results in a beneficial outcome for everyone. The
only serious problem is coordination of effort so that we minimize waste and redundancy
(Schuster, Rilley, Monchaux, 1997) (Stubbs,2009). Efforts to preserve buildings stimulates an
182

interest in traditional skills and crafts which also benefits the free market. As more people are
drawn into this task, a rising middle class is created.
In our effort to use compare and contrast techniques for making sense of the patterns of
preservation, we see that things that happened in Europe also happened in the Middle East. The
Middle East has very deep roots, as do European cultures. Yet these roots were less likely to
succumb to the impact of industrialization and rationalization in the Middle East due to greater
distance and cultural isolation (Bianca, 1994). That said, we must realize that the impact can be
and often is severe. What is keeping the Middle East in such turbulence over recent
developments is the suddenness of the effect, creating a good deal of tension in the texture of the
society and provoking a number of contradictory reactions (Bosworth, 2008) (Bennison &
Gascoigne, 2007).
Middle Eastern cities, if we may generalize, are unusual compared to similar types of cities
elsewhere. With their decapitated centers due to the abandonment of the bourgeoisie and
professional classes and the influx of rural immigrants, the strong social and cultural identities
endure (Bianca, 1994). This may be due to the fact that adherence to inherited norms remains
strong in Middle Eastern societies. On the other hand, there is also a tendency among some elites
to simply imitate Western styles and methods (Amirahmadi, 1993) (AlSayyad, 1999). Many
decisions are made according to some assumptions about what seems to be modern rather than
what is actually organic and responsive to genuine needs.
What seems especially odd is that those Middle Eastern countries which can afford to sustain
preservation efforts have instead opted to demolish most of the traditional structures. This is due
to the tremendous resources for planning and projecting any number of imaginable futures. Some
183

of the Gulf States are good examples of this tendency, with artificial islands and resorts sprouting
up in a variety of locations (Bianca, 1994). More financially troubled nations still retain a very
good stock of historic centers and monuments. Yet, with that, they struggle with the problems of
poverty and they continue to advance high-end prestige projects which are often the hobbyhorse
of some dictator or billionaire. However we look at it, the agenda for modernization in the
Middle East does not contain a coherent or high priority effort to sustain and maintain historic
structures or venues (AlSayyad, 1999). Perhaps it is due to the many complex social and
technical issues which remain unresolved due to lack of insight.
As with all issues pertaining to modernity, the problem of what to do with aging central cities
remains unanswered. The reason is that alien norms and expectations are being used to assess the
problem (Bianca, 1994). Even if we could find a solution, the issues are complex and contested.
It simply isn't clear what needs to be done. Adjustments must be made but in what direction?
Toward preservation of ancient patterns and styles or abandoning the deeply rooted cultural
norms for modernity, for discussion and debate. This seems to be the problem with all modern
approaches; having unsettled the ways of life people may have enjoyed for centuries, it now
becomes possible to invent any number of possible alternatives.
Sacredness and Muslim religious values
It is important to realize that architecture and urban design are not strictly material enterprises.
The prejudice in the West tends to view these techniques as merely technical; Middle Eastern
culture is still responsive to sacred dimensions of human experience (Bianca, 1994). Beginning
with the sacred reality which orders and creates all that is, created reality is merely subsidiary or
derived from this primary source. It reflects a higher reality. This connection between the higher,
184

immaterial realm and the lower physical one was never severed as it was in the Western world
(Wheatley, 2000). What is lacking in the Western mind set is a certain humility with regard to
the human condition. Man receives life, he doesn't create it. The Frankenstein allegory is a
painful reminder of this higher truth.
Take Jerusalem and the Ka'aba-each can be perceived as the center or middle point of a vast
cosmic system of meaningful relationships. In both cases, the geographical and the spiritual link
is total. They are both places of prayer and places where ritual activities are sustained. Since man
is located or embodied in the physical world, he must always find a way to make this connection
to higher truths through physical means (Bianca, 1994). Of course, there is some latitude with
these sacred spaces. In Islam, the mosque is never simply a holy site. It is an area which can
accommodate any number of religious activities (Kheirabadi, 2004). The sacred is never tied
down to a building or a space. Since space itself is receptive to divine action, the Middle East has
a much less rigid notion of the separation of the holy and the profane (AlSayyad, 1999).
Sacredness, for instance, can also be an attribute of the family and of family life or it might be
found in the openness of a courtyard (Salam, 1991).
There is something unique about the understanding of the sacred in Middle Eastern societies.
That something unique might best be described as diffusion (Bianca, 1994). Scientist have
understood this phenomenon as the spread of atomic particles moving apart rather than
concentrating in a given location. In Middle Eastern societies, the sacred is diffused throughout
the life of society, through tribal structure and family structure (Wheatley, 2000). The very
presence of a religious building seems to enhance all the other buildings in the urban fabric. The
homes in which ordinary people live out their lives are also penetrated with a sense of the sacred.
185

Total immersion in the sacred is what makes these societies so different from others which tend
to make a radical separation of the profane and the holy (Kheirabadi, 2004). It's as if the divine
enveloped the lives of all and the buildings in which they come and go.
The principle of microcosm mirroring the macrocosm is essential for understanding the
architectural principle of Middle Eastern cultures. The idea of a multifocal structure, a composite
which is made up of independent units, each self-contained and self-governing, distinguishes this
approach to the built environment (Bianca, 1994). Ornamental art is never merely about
diversion, decoration, or entertainment. Far from that, it is a persistent philosophical theme
(Salam, 1991). The dweller becomes a spectator of the wonders of creation. Every effort is made
to draw the mind away from the mundane in order to lift up the spirit and to recall one's destiny
((Lapidus, 1984).
Such work is not limited to two dimensions. Obviously plane surfaces are used to depict patterns
and arabesques. But there is also a three dimensional use of the geometric pattern. This approach
aids in the formulation of the destiny of the believer or the faithful (Bianca, 1994). A unique
work is the muqarnes-a small niche which appears in a variety of contexts. This device
originated from the Iranian Sassonian corner squinch, a piece used in the transition between the
rectangular and the cupola (Amirahmadi, 1993) (Jodidio, 2006). Apparently this piece originates
sometime in the 12th century and has been used throughout the Middle East. Though often used
to support domes and spheric structures, it has a wide variety of applications.
What makes the muqarnes so useful in building is that it's a transition piece, moving between
two rigid orders: the square and the circle. As for the rectilinear form, this order symbolizes the
static dimensions and suggests permanence and persistence (Jodidio, 2006). The circular, on the
186

other hand, symbolizes the order of regular change, rhythm, as well as origins. We might also
appreciate the way in which this piece helps to sustain the transition from lower to higher forms
of regularity. This ascending and descending order helps the faithful to appreciate that we are not
bound by the earth but also aspire toward the heavens (Kheirabadi, 2004) (Bianca, 1994).
Any discussion of Islamic architecture and urban form must take into account the many varieties
of pre-modern Islamic sites which display a unique richness of form and content (Lapidus, 1984).
What is so obvious is the powerful influence of religion on city layout and design. In this context,
the state often is seen as a means for expressing and developing Muslim religious values. Social
services and governance are for the sake of maintaining the integrity of the Islamic system
(Wheatley, 2000) (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Many Muslims view their own cities and sites
as meaningful places, even sacred, and significant for the destiny of mankind.
If spiritual matters entered into consideration there are even more reasons for considering the
importance of a site. This adds another dimension to physical artifacts and to places in nature. A
sacred place is neither past, present or future, but eternal. When the eternal enters into the
physical, into the dimensions of time and space, it becomes a place where the holy can be found
(Bianca, 1994). This may mean a bodhi tree or a neem tree, a rock or temple. Such sites are not
without strong justification abandoned or destroyed (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
Wherever humans dwell there are traces of the holy. Often this recognition takes the form of a
shrine, temple, or altar. Other objects of veneration may include funerary objects, ruins, relics,
bones, and other items which are associated with the passing of time. Many of these sites as well
as others are used to help to either establish or support an ongoing sense of continuity and
187

identity (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). When decisions are made at this level, the national
government will often identify them as cultural heritage sites.
Continuity and Cultural Memory
What might this new synthesis look like? How can it be carried out? Where shall we look for
success? Begin with the concepts imported from an alien culture. It is precisely in the careful
analysis of these concepts and tools that we might be able to adjust their usage in the
contemporary Middle East. Such attention would make it possible to use them creatively without
violating the cultural norms that must be preserved in the name of continuity (AlSayyad, 1999).
We know, for example, that the Western attitude is not subtle enough, does not take into account
the many aspects of the human condition. Rather it is a single-minded and destructive fetish,
placing the machine and the logic of the machine above all other concerns. What might a
civilization look like that is capable of preserving its cultural memory in architecture while
making good use of these tools? We do not know yet because no one has ever tried. The
simplistic fundamentalist outlook-turn back- is completely unacceptable (Bianca, 1994). What is
required is a long, patient dialogue among informed parities to these matters.
Middle Eastern thinkers never conceptualized human progress in the way in which modern
European society proposed. History was understood to be the tension between being on the right
path and any deviations from it. On this view, history is a catalogue of mistakes and errors, not
one of increasingly better conditions of life (Bianca, 1994). Even as people wandered from the
truth path, that didn't change the fact or certainty that there is a right way to live. When there is
doubt, it is necessary to return to the archetypes for clarification. Even if never completely
188

realized, it remains a fact that it measured deviance and error. It is for this reason that we
understand the Middle East as maintaining a cultural memory and consistency.
The Concept of Waqf (Funds for Public Domain)
The tension between external administration and internal direction is remarkably absent in the
Middle East (Bianca, 1994). Rather than layers of bureaucracy attempting to shape and control
behavior, most residents had acquired an internal control provided by following the words of the
prophet. This internalization made unnecessary what would be redundant administration. No
Middle Eastern society found a need for what in the Western world was considered essential, the
Crown and the Church. Furthermore, municipalities were unnecessary as well. The reason for
this is that social life was organized autonomously by a shared commitment to certain values
(AlSayyad, 1999).
There is a strong tie between religious institutions and social capital. This connection is firmly
established by the waqf/awqaf, or donations by wealthy believers that benefit the entire
community. Once the donation has happened, the entire community claims it as its inalienable
property. These resources have been used by many people to enhance and create any number of
social welfare centers, mosques, schools, baths, and fountains. Sometimes these endowments
consisted of land or used for social improvements (Wheatley, 2000). These funds made it
possible for the public domain to benefit subjects of the domain. Those who oversaw the
administration of such funds gained special advantages against the rulers who enjoyed their own
privileges (Bianca, 1994).
189

Middle Eastern cities and societies do not formally recognize what Western societies label civic
institutions. The reason for this is simple: there was only the most limited conception of subjects
as citizens in the Western sense of the term (Bianca, 1994). The regulations of ordinary public
life were guarded and shaped by a different set of values. Instead of a secular definition of citizen,
an order was provided by religious and royal authority figures. These figures, often
representatives of clans, groups, clerics and so forth, provided the guidelines for daily life. Such
an understanding works as a social contract in the Western sense of the term. Rather than voting,
for instance, the name of an authority could be evoked in public prayer (Abu-Lughod, 1971).
Abstention was an alternative possibility for those authorities who were perceived as failing to
serve the public interest.
Because of this comparatively modest notion of civic responsibility, there is a general absence of
administrative hierarchies in throughout the Middle East (Bianca, 1994). Casual observers do not
notice city halls, courts or audience halls for formal hearings. Rather than civic life, one more
readily acknowledges religious life which functions in the traditional venues of mosques and
schools. Within this framework one finds markets and other functions. The nuance is noticeable
throughout the region. Even religious buildings can take on other functions of service to the
community as necessary (Bianca & Siravo, 2005). There is less concentration of power and a
more diffuse understanding of relationships such that monuments are not perceived as appealing
or necessary.
Common Urban Elements in a Middle Eastern City
Houses - The structure of most Middle Eastern cities is fairly easy to describe (Bosworth, 2008)
(Bianca, 1994) (Jayyusi, 2008) (AlSayyad, 1999): a centripetal spines leading from gate to core.
190

As one moves toward the central market at the center of the city, one passes a variety of stores
located along these narrow passageways. The point goes beyond the merely commercial; it also
serves as a protective barrier for residential areas. The complications offered in these structures
have a central purpose to divert or manage the endless flow of pedestrian traffic. In other words,
what we witness is a carefully crafted opposition between public and private meeting spaces.
The manner in which residential areas grew intra muros-within the walls-reveals are process by
which protection and access became complementary notions (Bianca, 1994). The core is
protected as the primary focus of residential life. The outer walls represent the limit of the city's
expansion and its trade relationships with outside entities. Most prestigious homes, those
occupied by the most prominent families, were situated close to the urban core and the central
mosque. Between these areas and the outer walls we find open areas with orchards and fields. At
times these open spaces were used as cemeteries, while others were used for trade enterprises
and the housing clusters (Wheatley, 2000). Some preferred to enclose small courtyards or
gardens resulting a certain fragmentation.
Many of these residential areas were centered around tribal origins. These areas begin by being
independent and not subjected to any higher authority. We might say that they were autonomous
social units or social cells (Bianca, 1994). Gradually these areas became functioning parts of a
larger organism. One way in which these cells were absorbed into a larger unity was through the
participation in the central or local mosques, through shared facilities such as ovens or hammams,
as well as street fountains. The public becomes a more self-conscious space when these cells are
linked by shared resources such as water, thoroughfares, and passageways (Bianca, 1994). These
191

connections were different from the types of control exercised by corporations or trade
associations which are related to souks (Jayyusi, 2008).
Most analysts of Middle Easter architecture note the interesting relationship, often quite subtle,
between access and impasse. Access is a central condition for flows. Impasses make flow
difficult and they re-direct movement to detours. Walls and outer shells are the basic materials
for preventing flows. When we think about residential areas we have in mind the concept of
enclosures. Privacy being a primary value in most social systems, enclosures were living quarters
which blocked flows of people. Gateways became the keys nodes which allowed for access.
Rather than an abrupt definition of outer and inner we have instead a gradual use of obstruction
and access (Bianca, 1994). Each residential or community area had its own well defined system
of circulation. This again shows the organic metaphor as a dominant trope in Middle Eastern
architecture; finally built and self-contained units gradually becoming parts of larger and larger
wholes all determined by the master note, the urban core, most often defined by a mosque
(Jayyusi, 2008) (AlSayyad, 1999).
Mosques - The Moslem community is organized around a specific set of social norms,
traditional values and certain spiritual beliefs all of which are rooted in the Koran (Raymond,
1991). Islam is a comprehensive vision of human life, providing everything necessary to live life
in the appropriate manner. For this reason, it continues to inform the develops of modernity by
transmitting traditional values and a coherent framework for human life (Kheirabadi, 2004). The
mosque is the actual and symbolic center for a three pronged strategy for dealing with modernity
(Abu-Lughod, 1971) (Wheatley, 2000): a community development center focused on the mosque,
192

the promotion of traditional or hereditary professions, and the conservation of social
organizations which sustain the communities they serve.
Fortresses - One of the most perplexing conditions of cities and towns in the traditional Middle
East is the presence of fortresses which surround and protect such settlements. What do we now
do with these fortresses? They are obviously obsolete and have no relevant contemporary
function. Many of them are archeological sites. We now need to initiate a discussion about
possible initiatives for finding ways to make these fortresses guardians of regional identity
(Salam, 1991). Perhaps one model is the European use of castles for tourism. Castles are both a
tourist draw and an important marker for identity in many European countries.
Public Squares - There is a second type of resource which we have failed to fully discuss,
namely the under-used public facilities. Many of these facilities are under the supervision of the
government or the waqf institutions (Bianca, 1994). The now vacant caravanserais, religious
schools and hospitals can now be adapted to modern purposes. These underused facilities are
useful for new purposes in taking into account their morphology and context in the modern
setting. These changes will be a powerful resource for new investments and employment
opportunities.
We know that historical artifacts are managed and attended to by Heritage Departments. These
are the most obvious objects of attention. But then we are left to wonder why and how to
organize conservation efforts around plazas, public squares, open spaces and the spatial
environment generally. Because these types of public areas are often under-theorized from a
conservation perspective, commercial developers tend to consume space randomly, often causing
damage to the cultural integrity of a given location (Jayyusi, 2008) (Amirahmadi, 1993). What
193

we stand in need of at this critical juncture is some theory of how to identify and manage
important urban civic space. Without such an understanding we will fail to provide a
comprehensive framework for conservation and this will lead to many unsatisfactory results.
Urban historians often include elements of urban public space, even as they remain contested as
to their ultimate significance (Bosworth, 2008). We remain unclear about many of those
elements that provide a background to the culture today. Instead, through an analysis of bits and
pieces we gradually uncover the meaning of the tradition.
Gates - Another note is the manner of unity. The outer area or gates is linked to the inner one via
a number of spines that unite the parts. There will be interminable communication between the
inner area and the outside world. The gate is the important distinguishing physical object that
defines that separation. As an important part of the network it provides turn over point for the
loading and unloading of provisions, goods, and raw materials (Bianca, 1994). All of the routing
to the various distribution points is decided here. Gates are important then because they regulate
the flow of goods, materials and peoples. They also prevent congestion by limiting the numbers
of people who need to be inside the gates. As focal points they often pick up a good number of
visitors and traders who can be found dwelling in the vicinity.
Middle Eastern cities as opposed to Western cities
The imposition of the Western approach has led to widespread disruption and confusion (Bianca,
1994). For one thing, greater stratification has occurred, which has made it impossible for
smaller entities to maintain their integrity. In the central business district a conflict has arisen
between sacred and profane locations. New mosques have found it difficult to adjust to their
194

position in the urban fabric. In this respect, the West has gradually come around to the position
of traditional societies (AlSayyad, 1999). Downtown areas are less isolated from mainstream life
as more and more people are invited to find rewarding experiences in what used to be ghost town
after the end of the work day (Gratz & Mintz, 1998). In this respect, Middle Eastern cities have
been far more successful in finding the right balance between the various domains of human life.
It seems possible to provide this worldwide.
In terms of Western history, the position of man has altered substantially since the Renaissance
(Mumford, 1991) (Benevolo, 1988). A certain distance between the world and human perception
was established through painting and the study of perspective. This separating of man through
distance also made it possible for man to find himself in the god-like role of master of the
creation. In the prior age, man was the subject of Divine Will, only a creature of God's plan.
Now, with the new sense of distance and perspective, mankind took over the role of creator of
his own destiny. This new attitude gave rise to numberless monuments and palaces, public plaza
and spaces (Bianca, 1994). The change persisted through the nineteenth century with the
rationale that older quarters were less sanitary and must be demolished. As the modern age
continued to unfold, grids and geometric patterns became dominant and connections were
expanded in roads and thoroughfares (Lewis, 1949) (Hall, 1989) (Bacon, 1992).
On the other end, conceptually speaking, we find the historic cities of the Middle East. This
region was not influenced by the secularism of the West. Instead a human scale was maintained
throughout. Pedestrian traffic was respected. Townscapes remained dense and accommodating to
many residents. Larger pubic spaces were allocated as mosques, khans and large public houses.
The focus of life was the autonomous center in the basic unit of life. Connections were
195

subordinated to that integrity; roads connected self-sufficient living areas. In this understanding,
man is enveloped by a cosmic awareness, always as a subordinate part of a much larger purpose
(AlSayyad, 1999) (Jayyusi, 2008). Rather than assuming an artificial space between the world
and man, this traditional understanding makes man a subordinate participant in the ongoing
development of the cosmos (Bianca, 1994). Nothing was merely abstract or universal.
The effect of Western design principles has altered the Middle Eastern city in significant ways.
What had been an organic living space was now divided and compartmentalized by axial roads
and boundaries. Coherent urban fabrics were altered by rigid rectangular patterns. What had been
hidden was now exposed to more public functions, rending the sacred by the profane (Bosworth,
2008). We might call this a conversion from the inward looking to the outward looking mentality
(Bianca, 1994). This approach also separated the sacred spaces of the mosque and the public
areas in obvious ways, making them seem out of sync with the whole (Amirahmadi, 1993). Too
much emphasis was placed on those elements thereby leaving the entire urban fabric frayed.
The fundamental problem in the Middle East is the conflict between the enormous demands
placed on a city by technology and modernization and the preservation of the cellular autonomy
which is the outcome of the divine and sacred values of the people. Even with the best intentions,
most often expressed as the desire to upgrade the conditions of life in the inner, historic core, the
stress placed on the core often leads to degradation and dislocation (Amirahmadi, 1993).
Unfortunately, many of those concerned with the upgrades never thoroughly grasped the designs
principles of the traditional city. This led to devastating consequences rather than well thought
out improvements.
196

What has redeemed Middle Eastern architecture from the hellish designs of the Modernists is
their abiding respect for truth and beauty as conceived in the tradition (Bianca, 1994). Even
better, the Middle Eastern architects are immune to the overly simplistic rationalism of the
Western powers. No material reality is ever of ultimate significance. In fact, material realities are
the lowest forms of reality, mere stuff. What material products can do is be assembled in a way
to reflect higher truths. Furthermore, no spiritual truth can be wholly captured by any material
form because of the inherent limitations of those materials. It was this acknowledgement by the
tradition that made it an endless source of creativity (AlSayyad, 1999). Happily, the fine arts
went on contributing to the progress of architecture in the Middle East. In Europe, on the other
hand, a widening gap began to make itself known between the arts, the crafts, and architecture
and urban form (Bianca, 1994). In contemporary society, painting, sculpture and architecture
each seem to seek their own objectives.
We can clarify the difference between Western concepts concerning historical movement and
Middle Eastern conceptions of the same. Western attitudes favor a linear and every increasing
improvement driven by innovation. The Middle Eastern view, on the contrary, can be understood
as a spiral or a circular pattern. What seems noteworthy in either case is the philosophy of life, or
how the question of life's purpose is addressed and formulated (Bianca, 1994) (AlSayyad, 1999).
In the modern European view, human life on earth is increasingly improving through the use of
science and technology. In the Middle Eastern view, people either adhere to the one path
revealed from above or they deviate, causing disruption and chaos. Under this view, there is a
constant need to remind people not to deviate. Whatever one may think of these philosophies,
they find expression in architectural form as well (Wheatley, 2000). We might say, then, that
197

whatever position you adhere to, you find it incommensurable with the other one because they
really are about different realities.
As we remarked about archetypes, it is also important to emphasize the significance of
traditional religious mores. The religious tradition should be understood as the deposit of certain
fundamental truths, a crystallization of non-material values that can be expressed through
architecture and morphological patterns (Wheatley, 2000) (Salam, 1991). This element, which
should not be overlooked, makes it clear that what counts is not a mere urban planning or
external aesthetic questions, but more fundamental values which reverberate throughout the
entire culture. The Western understanding tends to reduce all of this to technical or formal
matters (Bianca, 1994). Since life is always approached in an integral way, these factors only
make sense in conjunction with customs, practices, rituals, and behavior.
The realm of architecture cannot be separated from the deepest beliefs of human beings. In fact
the urban cityscape is simply a projection in three dimensions of what its residents think about
their place in the universe. Of course, not all cityscapes can be read in the same manner. At its
best, the cityscape functions as a whole which blends and harmonizes the needs and wants of the
individuals (Kostof,1991). In that case, the city would be a completely satisfactory experience,
since it would offer a total interpretation of what reality is and the individual's place in it. On the
other side, there are cityscapes that confine, degrade, and demean the human spirit. The
excessive rationalism of Western civilization has made many institutions and worksites similar to
prisons. Deprived of contact with higher realities, the cage is shaken in frustration. The problem
is how to negotiate this problem. Those who favor a total interpretation are often accused of
being dogmatic, while those who advocate human liberty and preference have a problem of
198

keeping the city intact (Bianca, 1994). These philosophical questions may seem remote and
ethereal, but they are in fact fundamental to all questions of urban architecture and urban
planning.
The history of Western influence in other corners of the world is not a very happy one. There is
a sense in which the Western impulse is to dominate and exclude alternative interpretations of
reality in favor of it megalomaniacal emphasis on quantification. It's clear from the colonial
period through the nineteenth century that the impact has been destructive of the social and
cultural fabric of other civilizations (Morris, 1995). Industrialization involves a violent pursuit
for resources and a deep penetration of all nature's well guarded secrets. All of this was sought in
the hope of a brighter secular future. It removed any meaning from salvation myths that had
guided human civilizations for millennia. Behind this aggressive new approach to others and to
nature was a vague type of utopianism (Lowenthal, 1999). Somehow the earth could be
transformed by human effort. Whatever judgment is eventually made of this project, it cannot
escape our notice.
In the contemporary world the so-called creative destruction that is capitalism is only too
evident worldwide (Bianca, 1994). The depletion and ongoing pollution of the earth goes hand in
hand with the destruction of traditions, patterns of life, whole cultural entities. Almost everything
prior to industrialization now seems merely quaint. The real interest of mankind is exploitation,
or so it is claimed. Every step forward seems to be accompanied with another problem which is
even more complicated; each breakthrough leads to another collapse. The long term destiny of
Western technology has been a continuing philosophical problem for modern philosophers-
Heidegger's The Question Concerning Technology is a noteworthy instance- and social critics-
199

especially the Frankfurt School (Heidegger, 1982). What many now suspect is that Western
technology is putting the entire planet at serious risk of survival.
It was with the rise of the notion of ecology that Western thinking began to slowly become aware
of its repressive stance toward nature. Human nature had gone unfilled for too long in the
relentless drive for a wholly rational expression of life (Fainstein, Campbell, 2011). Life can't be
reduced to rationalism. It was through this portal that the ancient wisdom also began to emerge
with a new relevance. As the pioneers of the modern age saw their hopes for improving the
human condition continue to recede in significant ways, they gained a new appreciation for the
cultural, aesthetic and social values of the past (Bianca, 1994). A new relevance for these
approaches was discovered. These interests transcended the limits of nostalgia or the degradation
of revivalism. What were uncovered were the more complete dimensions of human nature itself.
Finally we may be approaching an awareness that technology doesn't deliver on all its empty
promises.
There may be a dialectical truth in that an extreme necessarily corrects itself in the emergence of
its contrary. In other words, when the whole was defined by technological interests, it was
discovered that there was no way for that to remain as the status quo. Instead the long repressed
truths of the environment and of traditional lore were re-asserted after having been neglected; in
a similar way a reigning myth may be displaced by the creation of a new one (AlSayyad, 2010).
It is only when the highly self-conscious reign of rationalism gained prominence that the deeper
underlying reasons for the traditions were first fully articulated; one can no longer take for
granted as a form of assumption when the way of life comes under assault from the forces of the
Enlightenment (Bianca, 1994).
200

It is a strange irony of history that once the Western world was beginning to escape the
contradictions of its own ideology, numerous Third World nations were seeking to imitate the
tragedy themselves. What underdeveloped nations tend to do is identify with what appearance to
be the successful strategies of the West, without understanding many of the implications of
adopting such an approach. The notion of endless development did not come to an end with
colonialism. Rather, many nations decided to find their own pathway to development. The
obvious reason is that colonial administrations became the nursery for ruling elites in the Third
World. These elites could not move beyond their own ideological blindness (Bianca, 1994). Not
only did this adherence to a ruined ideology devastate many areas in the Third World, it also
created an unbridgeable gap between the classes in those same societies.
Western scholars, concerned with the nature of the Oriental city, began to reap many rewards for
their studies after the successful establishment of the European empires of the nineteenth century.
Many of these studies focused on the contrast between the so-called holy city or medina and
those towns and cities built around them for strictly secular purposes. The Europeans, of course,
already had their own source for comparisons (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007): the Christian West
had many shrines, churches and cathedrals, yet there were numerous towns and cities built
around them and often in coordination with spiritual purposes. Whatever differences were
discovered in these researches were finally attributed to the distinction between the two
mentalities as Foucault and others have labeled them.
G.E. Von Grunebaum (2006) also views the Islamic city as centered around a grand mosque.
This site determines the overall organization of the city. After that, we have a spatial layout for
the market. More prestigious trades are allowed to function closer to the mosque. Along with
201

these functions, public baths, government complexes and walls were also organized. A
relationship was established according to them between Islam and the variety of urban
techniques that included blind alleys, courtyards at the center of private residences, and a disdain
for open spaces (Raymond, 1991). Unlike the European cities there were few guilds or
associations based on economic interests. Because these scholars senses a general lack of civic
involvement, they denied that these cities were actually open public arenas as post Revolutionary
European cities became. There is a tendency in Western thought to reduce Islamic influence to
despotism (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Since the Greek examples continues to hold a
powerful role in the Western imaginary, the East has often been seen as the site of tyranny. This
conception can be traced back to classical times and extends up to the philosophy of history in
Hegel. The single biggest attribute important to Western scholars is a contestable public space;
this seems to be denied to Islam, whether in fact or fancy.
It was not until Lapidus' book (Lapidus, 1984) that this fundamental conception received critical
analysis. The myth was completely debunked in Janet Abu-Lughod's wittings in 1989. Further
work was done in this critical vein in books by Alsayyad (1994) and Andre Raymond (1991).

202

Figure 8-1: The ancient city of Bishapour, South west of Iran, Founded in 266 A.D.
(Source: Archive center, School of Architecture, Shahid Beheshti University/ Iran)

Figure 8-2: The ancient city of Bishapour, South west of Iran, Founded in 266 A.D.
(Source: Archive center, School of Architecture, Shahid Beheshti University/ Iran)

203

Chapter Nine: Research and Conservation
As we have said before, there is a great advantage to approaching the issue of conservation
through case studies. For one reason, it provides a lot of necessary details for any given situation.
No one ought to search for theoretical truths in an armchair. The hard empirical work of looking
at facts and examples always comes first. In that way we learn from the mistakes and the
achievements of the past. Such study often yields principles of enduring value. So, through the
particular we arrive at principles which generally hold for all cultures and situations.
Yet even with the case study approach, there are no quick solutions for each case. Instead we
might view the entire enterprise as a cook views his products; recipes to suit the taste and
preferences of the customer. It is not the job of an architect to dictate taste or form. What the
architect should do is read his or her circumstances: what is this community asking for? What do
they need? What would support and enhance the quality of life in a given situation? The answers
to these questions are what should drive urban renewal projects. Modernism failed because,
ultimately, the only resource was the isolated imagination of the architect himself (AlSayyad,
2000) (Fainstein, Campbell, 2011).
To shift gears slightly, we can also begin to put reviewing a few historic cities in this region at
the forefront of our conversations.
The city of Fez, Morocco presents us with an unusual case of urban placement and adjoining
areas. Due to unique topographical features, it was not possible to built a parallel city, so
authorities built another city up river and on at a higher elevation, firmly situated on a plateau
(Bianca, 1994). General Lyautey and the architect Henri Prost placed the new city at an axis to
204

the old town, yet did no damage to the original site (Bianca, 1994). In this way, the newer areas
expanded at their own pace without disturbing the integrity of the original. In the fifties both
cities gradually acquired their own satellite towns or suburbs, mostly through rural immigrants.
Another middle class area was built between the two cities thereby bridging the apparent gap
between them.
On the other hand, there are numerous examples of infringement or indentation into the older
urban fabric. Aleppo and Damascus both serve as case studies of such a development (Bianca,
1994). The French adopted the core, the final remnant of the older Ottoman order, and expanded
vehicular accessibility. In the spirit of modernization, there was an increasing interest in making
the areas more vehicle friendly. Larger passageways for vehicles were envisioned but never
realized.
There has been any number of designs for thoroughfares in the old cities of the Middle East.
Many of them were never realized. In some cases, the design called for alignment along a river
while in other cases, it involved recovering the grind originally placed by Roman architects
(Bianca, 1994). In those cases, it would mean eliminating the so-called organic accretions of
time. In both cases, however, nothing much ever came of it. Only partial changes were made and
then abandoned.
Another important site for the study of Islamic urbanism is the city of Merv in Central Asia. This
city flourished during the early ascendency of Islam in the region (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
The name Merv harkens back to the pre-Islamic site, while the term Sultan Kala indexes the
dominance of Islam. His analysis is combinatorial, suggesting that the two terms Merv-Sultan
205

Kala interacted in meaningful ways over time. In this way, it is possible to trace political and
religious influences and how they affect the layout of urban sites.
If you wish to understand the development of cities, the best approach is through the effect of the
various dynastic powers that controlled them. Each dynasty had a specific type of influence and
results were determined by that influence. It is possible to trace this development across the
Islamic homeland, from Cordoba in the west to seventeenth century Iran and India.
The noted scholar of urbanism, Amira Bennison (2007) has investigated how city forms have
changed and been transformed through history. She has shown the influence that royal
complexes have on their surroundings and her research goes back to the time of the Umayyad
dynasty. In the example of Cordoba, we see a stylistic note based on the influence of the
monarchy. As this city gradually moved toward the Islamic orbit, another city became a center of
religious practice, Madinat al-Zahra. She continues her analysis by presenting the experiences of
the Almoravid and Almohad empires, each contributing a distinctive creative note, as well as
responding to their predecessor the Umayyad empire. This scholar has accomplished a subtle
analysis of small changes over time, revealing how shifting trends and populations respond to
changes in administrative authority.
In the case of the Fatimid Cairo is challenging in terms of the common assumption that al-Qahira
was a capital site from its inception and shows that the Fatimid account of origins can be traced
back to a garrison town (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). This site, a place of successive
occupations, was determined by the Fatimd dynasty due to their separation from the native
inhabitants. This makes the dominate state the controlling influence. Yet as they possessed this
206

site through time and gradually became secure in their dominion, the beliefs and customs of the
local population began to have a more pronounced influence.
Another remarkable site that has received careful analytical treatment is the Ghurid summer
capital of Jam in modern day Afghanistan. We find a study of a magnificent tiled minaret placed
in one of the world's most inaccessible regions (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). On examination
we find that the Ghurid site reflects a people of nomadic origins, using cities seasonally. What
seems to have motivated these people was a desire to leave their mark on the landscape. The
Ghurid is relatively young since it was not conceived as a permanent site in the way that many of
the cities of Central Asia functioned along the Silk Road. Those cities trace their ancestry to pre-
Islamic times.
We now shift our attention to Iran, especially Safavid Isfahan and the Mughal Fathpur Sikri of
northern India. Both sites indicate a determined effort to shape and define places of empire. This
study attempts to reveal how location and form are outcomes of administrative changes
(Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Those changes are also sensitive to shifts in religious devotion.
In the case of Fathpur Sikri, we find a site in proximity to the Chishtiyya brotherhood, making it
an important site for governance while Akbar was working to make a more permanent stand
elsewhere. Isfahan, under the direction of Shah Abbas, became a permanent capital of the
Safavid state.
Another study relevant to our concerns, is the examination of Ridwan Bey's complex near Bab
Zuwayla in Cairo (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). This complex was part of a route that extended
from Mecca to Cairo. Ridwan Bey was responsible for conducting a pilgrimage between the two
207

cities. He established the Bab Zuwayla complex to accommodate the lavish processions of
caravans that moved between these two sites.
As with all studies of development, we being with the early formation and trace change and
growth through time. The same applies to the development of the Islamic city. The Islamic city
had predecessors. All of these urban developments took place within the context of the classical
world, Arab civilization and Central Asia. Here we find a mix of religious and ideological
elements. Greater Khorasan is a good starting point because of the many non-Islamic features in
what is now a predominantly Islamic region. From this source comes the idea of the
manifestation of royal authority, especially in the palace system (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
What we have today is an ongoing investigation of the antique world and pre-Islamic formations
rather than examining changes in the already formed Islamic city (Kheirabadi, 2001). What is of
special interest is the manner in which an elite might intervene and alter patterns of organization.
Where do we stand on the problem of early Islamic cities? Many of these sites remain buried or
partially submerged by later additions. From this sample we might extrapolate the layout and
organization of the early Islamic city, but all of that is based on what has been altered or changed
over time (Jayyusi, 2008). One example stands out, the site of Sultan Kala in Merv,
Turkmenistan (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Here we do have direct testimony of what an early
Islamic city looks like in all its many attributes.
Most cities in Central Asian region are organized around a central main street which connected
two gates. The main streets intersect at what is considered the center of the town. These streets
are normally curved or bending and are rarely straight in shape. The streets are important
because they determine the location of gathering places or open spaces. These streets define the
208

areas reserved for main bazaars, some with awnings and others open to the air (Bennison &
Gascoigne, 2007). Between streets there are lanes and quarters of different dimensions. These
areas are never organized by geometric designs by provide evidence of the mixed and tangled
mess of daily life with many irregularities in place. These areas were all about sustaining
communal life. Furthermore, there is a distinction between the so-called dirty trades such as
potteries and iron-foundries, while the clean trades, including embroidery and jewelry
manufacture.
In the analysis of Merv, one is tempted to maintain that the entire city is unplanned and organic
in form. But one is constrained by the facts to admit that Abbasid Sultan Kala many not in fact fit
into that model (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). It seems that the private/public dichotomy is too
modern and too attribute this distinction to the development of Sultan Kala would be misguided.
The best approach would involve a look at how elites shape and determine the shape of this site.
Clearly there is no orthogonal grid in Sultan Kala, yet there is a form of organization. By this we
mean that the neighborhoods and city facilities complement one another. Each neighborhood has
connections to the local mosques and markets and longer connections to the prominent mosques
and bazaars throughout the city.
One approach to urban design is to examine the provisions made for water supply. No one
survives without water. This basic necessity is a major component of any type of urban form.
Sultan Kala displays not so much a grid pattern but still one organized around water and
pedestrian traffic (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007). Many of its streets run in a straight line. The
Majan, a major thoroughfare, provides a good example of multiple connections, with eleven of
eighteen streets intersecting it. The others make a junction where they end. Sultan Kala has its
209

double in Gyaur Kala, a city for unbelievers. The latter displays a distinct Hellenistic layout,
while Sultan Kala has its own unique form. The basic system is one planned by segments and
grid patterns. As the city matured, modifications were made. Nevertheless, there is an
overarching visual design that accounts for the basic necessities of life. The city is marked by a
functional cohesiveness which is clearly displayed.
It would be unfair to characterize Merv as a backward community. In fact it was an important
staging post for the expansion of the Umayyad empire in the east (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007).
As time moved on, it became a key element in the Abbasid empire. The Umayyad builders were
not lacking for resources due to the extensive booty collected through the Arab conquest. Some
have suggested that a trend toward migration from the rural areas developed at this time as an
effort to affiliate with fellow Muslims. Since Merv expanded and became a commercial hub,
many left their lands to seek opportunity in the city. Many small craftsmen and trades people
found employment in this move. By the mid-eighth century, Merv was a rapidly growing
community of disparate ethnicities, Arab soldiers, and settlers from Iraq.
Our research on the development of Sultan Kala takes us in a number of direction. There is never
a simple causal explanation concerning the manner and pace of city development. In the case of
Sultan Kala, there are a number of mixed matters, especially ideological and functional. We can
summarize these complexities in the following way (Bennison & Gascoigne, 2007): religious
justifications for water and the need to separate from non-believers; the practical or topological
issues of location and water sources; economic issues concerning resources and the advancement
of trade and taxation; issues of political influence involving the creation of a city that stands for
an identity while managing a variety of ethnicities; and the cultural matter of advancing
210

education and learning. Given all these complex issues, we can definitely say that the
development was not accidental or a result of extraneous concerns. First and primarily, it was
about the creation and preservation of an Islamic city. In this sense, the site stands for the first
efforts at a fully developed Islamic urbanism.

Figure 9-1: Castle of Salah-ad-Din, Syria, 1999
(Sourse: http://www.akdn.org/hcp/syria.asp

Figure 9-2: The war torn minaret of Aleppo's Umayyed Mosque, Syria, 2013
(Source: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-22284525)

211

Chapter Ten: Historic Cities Program of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (Jodidio, 2011)
The condition and status of many Muslim cities throughout the Middle East and other parts of
the world has caused a number of difficult questions for scholars and policy makers. It's clear
that many of these cities reveal the nature of modern migration of rural populations to urban
centers. Yet the depth and nature of the poverty to be found in them is troubling. This is
especially true when considerations of culture and religion are also in the forefront of the
discussion. How can planners correct the problems while holding firmly to the heritage that each
city reflects as part of the larger culture of Islam? What strategies should be adopted? Where do
we go from here? The Historic Cities Program of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC) was a
starting point for addressing these problems. In addressing this question of the nature and quality
of poverty, the aim is to alleviate the conditions that degrade the people who live under these
conditions. Nothing will enhance the future of Islam more than removing the constraints imposed
by poverty on the general population of the faithful. With the rise of a middle class, a social
group which claims ownership of businesses and property, the general condition of all will also
improve. It's clear, for example, that more traditional interests in preservation and education,
restoration and refurbishment will not go far enough without the assistance of the economic
power and the social standing offered by the middle classes.
City and town planning is not the result of a democratic process. In fact, for many cities
throughout the Third World, the urban planning decisions were firmly in the grip of the colonial
administration. The concerns and interests of the local residents were disregarded for the more
exalted display of colonial authority. Two examples demonstrate this clearly (Jodidio, 2011),
Mughal India and French Morocco. In the latter case, it was General Lyautey's decision to move
212

the capital of the country from Fez to Rabat as a way to maintain order under French authority.
Rabat then acquired what has become known as the Ville Nouvelle, or the New Town area of
Rabat. When Morocco became independent, King Muhammed V retained Rabat as the center of
authority and power; this indicated a continuous subservience to French influence. In the case of
India, New Delhi became the new capital of India and was the brainchild of English architect and
designer Edwin Lutyens. By removing the center of commerce and authority from Calcutta to
New Delhi, the British were simply dictating to the inhabitants of India their right to control and
administer the affairs of that nation(Jodidio, 2011).
The British also performed similar feats of imperial hubris in Pakistan, especially the Fort of
Lahore. This city had deep historic roots in the region, especially after decades of being a
defensive structure which had been carefully constructed over several centuries. Perhaps the
most outlandish deed performed by the colonial administration was the demolition of the
southern section of the wall, effectively destroying the very nature of the city and delivering a
blow to the spirit of the people. The outcome was a ghettoized population which had never
before been an issue.
The Historic Cities Program (HCP)
Awareness of historic cities and their levels of distress or decay has become the central
preoccupation of the AKTC. This problem is not limited to the Muslim world, but includes all
nations and peoples going through the process of modernization. Yet, it is with special concern
that we address the problems faced by Muslims in this transformation; the experience of
decolonization and urbanization have had devastating effects on the Muslim people. Many early
efforts failed to sufficiently address the problems. Now, with the AKTC on the move, there has
213

been an effort to attack the root causes of the problems. The restoration of monuments is only
one way in which the Trust has addressed the crisis. What is now sought is a global approach
that can be adjusted for local situations.
Sometimes a man will rise to embrace his destiny. Such is the case of the Honorable Aga Khan
who instituted the Aga Khan Award for Architecture as early as the 70s. The reason for this was
not difficult to discern: the condition of many Muslim cities, especially with respect to their
cultural heritage, was troubling. Aga Khan spoke publicly on this issue in 1984 (Jodidio, 2011):
When the World Heritage Convention listed 136 sites as rating of the highest importance for
mankind, no less than one third of them (45) belonged to Islamic culture. This recognition
spurred him to take the initiative and led to the endowment which bears his name. The Trust
sustains and aids various monuments and organizations to improve economic, social and
academic purposes. Unfortunately, most of the sites deserving attention were sites were large
numbers of urban poor. Such areas are troubled by social conflict but also dire economic
circumstances which also affected the condition of the urban heritage. Prince Aga Khan's resolve
was advance the cause of improving the lives of these unfortunates while simultaneously
improving the conditions of Islamic culture.
Prince Aga Khan was most generous in his singlehanded effort to change the conditions in the
city of Cairo in 1984. After a meeting in that city, AKTC made provisions for the creation of a
special park dedicated to the find citizens of Cairo. The selected site bore a remarkable position
for revitalizing the city: it was the area called 'al-Darassa.' This area is elevated and hilly, yet
surrounded by a number of historic monuments and architectural wonders. Each of these
214

monuments enjoys remarkable recognition and is top of the list for most visitors. Due to the
unique topographical features of this site, one can have a full view of old Cairo.
At the time no realized that the park would become what it is today, the Azhar Park. From the
beginning everything was devoted to pragmatic solutions rather than mere decorative
improvements. Due to the favorable conditions of the city's walls, improvements and refinements
were made which included an extension into the Darb al-Ahmar area. In the final phases of the
work, a long, 1500 meter renovation was made from Bab al-Wazir to al-Azhar Street, a natural
and appropriate boundary between outlying areas and the Azhar Park itself (Jodidio, 2011).
Most restoration projects face the dilemma of how to use older structures in new circumstances.
An effort was made in Cairo to find ways to bring the Historic Wall, as it was called, back to life
and to integrate it into the ongoing activities of contemporary Cairo. The Wall served as an entry
point for the park as well as a spine for other monuments and housing developments. This made
sense because it was now possible to offer employment opportunities to local craftsmen, rather
than engaging in a large scale re-location effort to move into new developments outside the core
of the city. The successful integration owes much to the work of local craftspeople, especially
masons, carpenters, and stoneworkers. What was accomplished at this site was a re-integration of
historic Cairo with the modern day city.
Prince Aga Khan made an opportunity to express his delight in these developments in his book
Cairo: Revitalizing a Historic Metropolis published in 2004. In that work, Khan emphasized the
importance of finding new directions for historic cities. His call to action made it evident to all of
those with ears to hear and eyes to see, the enormous importance of doing something to prevent
further deterioration due to environmental pressures. His call for creativity, tolerance and
215

understanding led to a new attitude toward the common historical treasures of the past. Breathing
new life into our common legacy demands nothing less (Jodidio, 2011).
Prince Aga Khan foresaw the need for continuous economic and social improvements after his
donation of the green area that would become an excellent park in the old center of Cairo. One
does not merely give; it is necessary to maintain. The location was vital for bringing this poor
area of the city into modern economic life: the historic Darb al-Ahmar section had been in
serious decline for a length of time. Further steps were needed.
Statistical studies revealed a doubling of household income over six years, during the latter half
of the first decade of the twentieth first century. Even with the problem of rising inflation and
prices, it remains the case that substantive gains were made in income. One key mark of
improved living standards was less money devoted to food and necessities as a share of
household income. From nearly sixty percent of household income devoted to basic food stuffs,
the percentage had dropped to just half five years later. Even with price controls in effect,
imposed by the government, there was still a decline on necessary food stuffs. Another important
indicator was the rise in home ownership, from low percentages to eleven percent (Jodidio,
2011). In conjunction with these impressive numbers, a report was made indicating a decline in
crowding, or people dwelling per square foot. The park was established and was a clear profit
making enterprise. With a rapid increase in daily visits, income grew to well over a million
dollars in 2009 and saw the admission of over two million tourists. Averages over six years,
shows a total volume of ten million visitors (Jodidio, 2011). Even given the various expenses we
find a return on investment; every year sees a surplus which is directed to the Darb al-Ahmar
neighborhood.
216

The central lesson of the project sponsored by AKTC in Cairo must be methodology: the best
practices associated with heritage preservation. As we have seen, the Muslim world is beset with
a host of problems and complications. There are issues of crowding, inadequate housing and
limited resources, poverty and urban decay. One especially problematic issue is the construction
of speculative construction projects which serve no obvious purpose other than a display of
power. All of these problems make the prognosis for heritage dim at best. For this reason it is
vitally important to arrive at a sound methodology for addressing the needs of the inherited
infrastructure and its many monuments and original constructions. The lessons of Cairo have led
to other developments in a wide range of cities throughout the Near East and Africa.
The Historic Cities Program has made significant advances when, through the experience of
designing responses to the various challenges, it arrived at the concept of the PPP, "Public-
Private Partnership" (Tan, 2012). The PPP becomes a tool for coordinating the inputs and
outputs of the system of preservation and reconstruction. The PPP also extended itself to
management after the completion of the project in question. The PPP can also bring about third
parties for funding and management operations. A number of agencies are involved in a host of
projects including health, education and breaking the cycle of poverty. The PPP then becomes
the long term visionary management of the entire set of operations. The AKTC cannot manage
all these various operations without assistance from outside international partners, including the
World Monuments Fund and the World Bank.
The PPP system is used to help weak and failing communities regain a sense of purpose (Tan,
2012). Since it emerged from the experience of the HCP in Cairo, the special concern is to
revitalize poor income people sustain their communities and yet keep a connection with their
217

historical past. Much of this is possible by implementing projects quickly and making sure that
infrastructure is advanced or modernized in conformity with the state of the art in city planning.
The point is to improve the lives of the poorer who often wait for long periods of time for simple
improvements already enjoyed in other parts of these cities. The entire purpose is to find
connections between residents, to form community bonds which protect and advance interests,
provide vocational training as needed, find ways to manage micro-financing for struggling small
businesses, and make sure that hygiene, health and sanitation are no longer neglected due to
conditions of affordability (Jodidio, 2011).
The concept of the PPP is not common yet in the cultural sphere. There is a limited legal
framework as it is for such projects and many things prevent authorities from being able to
manage vast and difficult projects in a consistent manner. Where the PPP model has been used,
there is a firm precedent for future cultural involvement. The most successful efforts will often
involve partnerships with other agencies and associations in order to provide a coherent service
to the local community. The problem is the tangle of priorities and management structures which
often conflict, overlap or are incomprehensible to one another (Jodidio, 2011). The track record
for HCP has, however, been relatively positive in creating a network of relationship between
public authorities, local communities, and like-minded stakeholders. The overriding object must
always be to find ways to sustain historic cities with their masses of impoverished residents.
In the underdeveloped world, the temptation to raze a city and begin again is tempting but
probably impossible. Where urban planning is considered, it's often thought to be against
preserving historical heritage in favor of modernization. This attitude has a profound influence
on urban planning departments within Third World governments and in popular opinion. The
218

temptation is to level, improve, and add new roads, infrastructure and housing. The attitude of
Historic Cities Program is opposed to this frenzy of to modernize; the values of historical
properties are considered relevant to current living conditions. The idea is to build with and
through the historical framework, not eliminate it entirely. With a few successful examples, it
might be possible to alter the popular opinion for modernity. The HCP is well positioned to make
advances on historic properties. A few large scale projects could conceivably set a new standard
in rehabilitation and restoration. These examples would get the attention of large international
donors and enhance the perception of historic restoration.
Getting past the attitude that the past is untouchable is something that has been a vital element in
the processes of the HCP. The 2007 restoration of the Walled City of Lahore in Pakistan is a
good example of this type of thinking. This project drew on international resources and was
successfully completed through government oversight. All the various pieces of the puzzle that
remains urban renewal and restoration were in play in this case: the urban populace rallied to the
cause; a distinctive Muslim approach was taken in view of the past colonialism. This represents
great strides for the people of Pakistan. It's a powerful reminder that Muslim countries no longer
must pay their respects to former colonial overlords. A new vision for the future of Muslim cities
was conceived and carried out in practice. Yet it is too early to celebrate such successes. This
example could also lead nowhere if enough momentum carries the frenzy of modernity does not
subside. Historic areas continue to face the threat of degradation, lack of oversight, and lack of
maintenance. This processes is unlikely to be reversed any time soon. What the HCP does offer
is a set of tools and examples that can be studied, analyzed and used for a variety of problems
facing nations which seek to conserve their historic past (Jodidio, 2011). This includes a
respectful approach to tradition even as we move ineluctably into the future.
219

Urban Regeneration
Urban rehabilitation is one form of regeneration. Its objective is to minimize destruction of
existing buildings and find ways to make them newly relevant. The desire is to spare those
buildings that made continue to have some use. Urban rehabilitation is basically the standing
agenda of the Historic Cities Program. There is an ongoing respect for existing infrastructure, the
conservation of those historic buildings that have continuing relevance, historic monuments and
memories, parks and recreation areas that adjoin these structures or stand independently of them,
and the need for museums and cultural centers which bring values and heritage into
contemporary consciousness. Simply because the HCP selects a number of approaches doesn't
mean that it excludes other options or methods. It operates in the full understanding that a vast
array of tools are requisite to do this kind of work.
All initiatives benefit from the inclusion of any number of tools which creates what is known in
the profession as a multiplier effect. Any partnerships that bring addition resources to the table,
any towns or NGOs that can contribute something to the process adds even more to the
'multiplier effect.' Because of larger scale investment, we see a reward that includes a great
payoff in socio-economic factors, physical improvements, and visual display. The concept of
urban regeneration does not involve or imply a necessary evolution to a more modern conception
of the city or urban environment. History is never a sure thing; it remains unpredictable. The best
resource for urban renewal is the imagination and vision and the compelling ideas that find
adherence in the minds of stakeholders.
The Historic Cities Program has discovered the answer to permanent urban revitalization: it
requires a deep commitment to the community of stakeholders. We might think of these as
220

anchor communities in the sense that they do not succumb to the drifts of history. Because
stakeholders are acknowledged as the legitimate participants, the program always continues
beyond initial planning stages as reaches a level of maturity. Examples can be discovered around
the Islamic homeland: Darb al-Ahmar in Cairo, the Old Cities of Kabul and Herat, and the
Nizamuddin Basti in Delhi (Jodidio, 2011).
Another advantage of the HCP is its focus on the local and the particular in lieu of the global.
Every heritage site has quite specific requirements. Each has its own derivation and its own
material culture. In this respect we acknowledge the notion of local genius, a specific power or
ability found only in this place. The HCP places a high priority on distressed properties. Such
properties are extremely difficult to restore and sustain. For this reason, investment needs to go
well beyond the limited resources of government or private donations. Due to a variety of factors,
it remains problematic how to address the needs of marginal rural and urban settlements. These
sites traditionally do not receive adequate funding. Often an improvement plan will be developed
and initiated, but it cannot be sustained over the long haul. Poor maintenance and lack of
attention seem to lead directly to deterioration and decline. Private sector funding is too skeptical
to invest a good deal of time and energy is such sites because of the lack of immediate return on
investment. There are other dangers as well, such as poor oversight, lack of commitment and
resistance to shareholders. The tragic cycle of displacing residents from local income
neighborhoods and doing partial redevelopment is further decline over time as new projects
remain unsustainable.
It was precisely due to the lack of an interested and powerful urban base to keep preservation at
the forefront of urban policy that a movement seeking the preservation of older buildings began
221

during the twentieth century. The real value of historic sites did not attract sufficient concern and
so policymakers began to implement preservation policies. The preservation morphed in recent
years as part of a larger environmental concern, due to the need for renewal resources and energy.
Older buildings were thought to contain a certain quantity of energy that it would be foolish to
abandon. Making the most of such properties meant aligning with the new purpose of keeping
environmental concerns harmonious with rapid development and urban growth.
The HCP is beset with one fundamental problem: facing up to the imbalance between the
quantity of dilapidated historic sites that require rejuvenation and the number of interventions it
is practical to make at a given historical time. The problem, as is so frequently noted, is lack of
sufficient resources. If we further specify what is meant by preservation, we must add the quality
of life in those areas affected by restoration and preservation, not merely the needs of physical
properties. This makes for a fairly complex equation of variables. No important work on this can
be successful without an appreciation of a deep linkage or bond between the physical venues and
the populations that lives and works within it. A study of urban history reveals that organic
nature of most urban developments. This is often overlooked when we regard urban planning
from a strictly bureaucratic perspective and modern city management. Many towns and cities
developed over time with generations of the same settlers, people who have actively founded and
continue to transmit a given symbolic content to their descendants. If we respect this process we
also need to find ways to define community activities that involve relationships of proximity,
community involvement and trust, and dedication to projects beyond the individualistic interest
in turning a profit. In too many cases, the HCP witnesses a development plan with too little
regard for the values and community integrity of those living in those historic cities.
222

Projects and interventions depend on the specific needs and desires of a given location. Because
these vary a good deal in terms of needs and design objectives, the HCP requires a wide variety
of tools. It must take a flexible approach to rehabilitation. Some projects may require extensive
planning and development for buildings while others are more limited, perhaps involving open-
space or community needs. Many of these projects require cooperative ventures over shorter or
longer periods of time. One possibility is always to extend credit on favorable terms to low
income groups. Many of these projects have already reached a high level of success in places as
diverse as Cairo, Kabul, Delhi and Zanzibar (Jodidio, 2011). The bureaucratic label for such
efforts is Area Development Projects. Each will require an extensive analysis.
Many of these ADPs are intended to address the problem of decay and decline that has occurred
over many decades and in some cases centuries. One can imagine the sad condition of many sites
which have endured not only erosion from abrasive weather conditions but also from the
misfortunes of history. Vast projects conducted and supervised by the HCP require the
cooperation of local and state agencies due to their authority over the areas of distress. At a lower
level, the municipality is engaged in dealing with problems of raw sewage and water flow. It
becomes an essential part of this task to assist in raising the overall level of prosperity in each
area, helping residents achieve a higher level of affluence than in previous generations. Small
and mid-level business enterprise is welcomed and encouraged. Tourism is a priority, helping the
locals understand the relevance of their specific site to worldwide tourism interests. If we add all
these elements together, we find something that is often neglected in the analysis of
rehabilitation: the importance of keeping heritage alive and relevant.
223

History is unpredictable. Shifts in power and influence can at times happen suddenly, directing a
new flow of events in unanticipated directions. History is often violent and chaotic. When big
events happen, such as long term snowstorms, drought and extreme heat, and violent population
shifts or displacements, rehabilitated areas fall once again into decline and become once again
distressed properties. The best way that HCP has adopted is to secure historical drift is for long
term planning to be in place and continuously monitored.
The usual tools for steady state conservation efforts are what have been designed as master plans
or long-term development plans, or even strategic plans. When there is constant oversight
provided by a planning bureau, it is often the case that development is more coherent and more
successful. It also takes into account the values and requirements of the community. There are
cases, however, when the master plan perspective is less important than a more detailed, micro-
managed approach (Jodidio, 2011). Another relevant term is piecemeal approaches as against the
larger, more holistic view. In some sense it's true that human beings are often attracted to the
grandiose without ever truly understanding it; for this reason, the more detailed approach is
scaled appropriately for success in the short term. Planners should give the local priority. It is
because society continues to change, often very slowly but also rapidly, there is some respect for
the past.
We no longer debate the importance of historic preservation. There is a general consensus among
most partners, agencies and nations that it must be accounted as part of society's responsibility.
Due to limitations of space in large urban metropolises, it is relatively cheaper to rehabilitate
buildings inside the city than expanding to areas around it. There are many HCP exemplary
achievements in these domains within the core areas, making the use of limited space and finding
224

ways to adapt to new requirements. It has been shown that older buildings can find ways to be
adapted to contemporary living requirements. Any summary of these accomplishments would
reach the same conclusion: that pragmatic approaches coupled with respect for traditional values
pays off in big ways.
Conservation of Public Buildings and Monuments
One object of historical interest we have failed to mention thus far, the importance of historic
monuments. There is a wealth of material culture in most cultures around the world. This
material culture includes not only monuments and infrastructures but other tangible properties as
well, such as urban spaces, recreational areas, and sacred sites. The HCP has been involved in
numerous documentary efforts, as well as the execution of a number of conservation projects.
The rise of modern urban conurbations has pressed numerous challenges to preservationists. The
original impetus for preservation was localized attacks on monuments and socially significant
buildings. This led to an ad hoc approach to preservation and restoration. Many efforts failed, as
many succeeded. But the trend has been set: modern cities present countless problems for those
concerned about historical preservation. As social turmoil causes disruptions and conflicts, these
monuments often fall off the agenda and get lost in the chaos. The government's response is
often to present a register of historical buildings which are targets for conservation. The history
of conservation is as complex as the historical flux of the times. In the contemporary world the
only constant seems to be change, a major challenge for anyone wishing to find a stable policy
for conservation on a worldwide stage.
225

Again the problems have been addressed in a site specific manner. No one can address these
matters without organization, often in the form of NGOs. The HCP of the Aga Khan Trust has
made the conservation of monuments a top priority of its agenda. But it has always found a link
between these matters and the need for community development.
There is something unique in the perspective of the "Aga Khan Foundation". What makes it
different is its effort to join the needs of the community to the needs of the preservation of
historical sites. There is no isolation, unless one is seeking a strictly archeological approach to
history. What makes the AKF's view different is that it sees the need of the community as
harmonious with the needs of historic preservation. Many have the attitude that history is
unnecessary for approaching the future and that we only need to move forward with modern
convenience. The notion of a relevant past is central to the commitment of the Foundation. We
need to delve further into the requirements of such an effort.
Conservation policy is motivated primarily by the desire to ensure a stable future for distressed
historical properties. Most historic cities throughout the world have a number of heritage
structures that are under difficult conditions due to effort at modernization. Two international
agencies, the UNESCO World Heritage List and the HCP of the Aga Khan Foundation, are
deeply involved in coordinating rescue efforts in these cases. But even as international agencies
have a concern over historic properties, the primary agents responsible for taking and forming
action are the local stakeholders. They have a proprietary interest in seeking balanced
development in their venues. What the international agencies contribute is often technical
support. These agencies are also instrumental in shaping the policy of maintaining properties
after restoration. This is often done by empowering local committees and panels with oversight
226

and resources. A variety of other private charities and organization may also contribute to this
effort. Conservation programs are most effective when they call on the resources available in the
local population. This means taking advantage of those craftsmen who are working with
traditional methods to restore or maintain the traditional social fabric. Nevertheless, changes are
inevitable and often local populations are not apprised of modern reinforcement techniques,
approaches that can only be sustained by a modern and financial powerful organization. The
need for close studies of damage and repair work are conducted by these agencies and give aid
and direction to local project management. In short, any modern conservation effort will require
a coordinated and multidisciplinary approach.
Like all demanding activities which require high levels of skill, there is a constant need for a
trained staff of professionals who know what they are doing. Only quality work will ensure that
restored properties continue to be adaptable to the contemporary social environment. A problem
is that the awareness of such needs is only gradually becoming apparent to many in all the
diverse countries affected by this problem. This is precisely the mission of the Aga Khan Trust;
the transfer of knowledge and expertise over borders is their focus. The specialists are likely to
come from other countries but they must be prepared to direct and guide local professionals in
the intricate work they all face.
As we have said, the local contractors often have little or no experience with restoration projects.
In light of this situation the AKTC will provide the appropriate opportunity to bring together
professionals on the local scene. The directors seek to tap this resource and then provide
whatever international expertise is available. It is often only through such interventions that all
227

the necessary resources can be organized. Often, the local population lacks the leadership skills
necessary for making restoration possible in a well organized manner.
After restoration and conservation efforts have been completed there is always need for follow
up and maintenance. There should be a set of guidelines for sustaining conservation and
protecting it from future stress. This requires teams of crafts people and professionals who are
equipped and capable of providing the necessary skills. Because conservation is always about
managing properties in a timely manner, studies should be conducted to predict and project
trends in an effort to protect the work of keeping the heritage intact.
Ultimately the outcome of many projects is always respect for and continuing support of the
heritage and the cultural values represented by it. This often means a more positive role for
tourism and local development. Finding ways to link tourism to the relevant buildings and areas
is one of the skills that can be supplied by the Trust. Conservation calls attention to that which
has been neglected; it also makes it possible for local economic development to be successful. It
also keeps the important cultural assets relevant in the contemporary scene. The effort is always
to reverse the loss of memory and to keep the focus on that which is by-passed in the plan to
modernize the economy or the nation. The types of projects supported and managed by HOF
conservation are widespread and diverse in nature. Various kinds of technologies are evident in
the historical structures from masonry and wood to modern designs and layouts. Such a wide
variety of structures cannot possibly be managed by a single enterprise because the types of
knowledge required are vast and complicated. For this reason, the AKFC must solicit many
outside experts and consultants (Jodidio, 2011).

228

Social and Economic Development
Even though physical rehabilitation is the key to many of the projects, they are not the sole
concern of the HCP. The committee must also attempt to establish and sustain ongoing
community support for many of its concerns. Always at the forefront of these concerns is the
issue adaptive use of older buildings.
The way that the ADP works is not difficult to explain. They require a number of elements to be
successful. It is often a slow, complicated task that takes a lot of planning and oversight. It also
requires a wide variety of specialists, using qualitative and quantitative data. But all these
projects can be resolved as a simple concern for fulfilling the basic needs of residents, finding
the means for improving the social and physical conditions of those living there. Such concerns
as improved housing, increasing employment opportunities, increasing levels of education and
quality of health care are all part of the focus.
A careful analysis of the participation of the AK Foundation reveals a number of instruments
relevant to improving overall conditions of life during and after restoration is complete.
Whenever we speak of measurement it's important to distinguish qualitative measures from
quantitative ones. These measures can be connected to what are known as 'domains of assets' by
the AKDN (Jodidio, 2011). They are easily identified domains that bear directly on the quality of
human life. None of these can be neglected because they are integral to a satisfying condition for
any human being. As for qualitative improvements, the most salient are physical environment,
including open spaces and housing, the restoration of older buildings to adaptive use, and
recognition of cultural significance.
229

No intervention in the socio-economic realm can be successful without the aid of research and
data support. Any intervention has the likely effect of being disruptive. For this reason, it is of
primary importance to do due diligence before attempting to alter the physical and human
cityscape. But our template will require recognition of local authorities, local leaders and civic
associations. Once the assessment is complete, and taking into account all the considerations of
these relevant agents in the arena, boundaries are then determined. These boundaries can be
formal or informal. Experience reveals that both approaches can be successful, depending on
local conditions. Boundaries can be identified as either natural, man-made or consensual.
The HCP's process of conducting intervention on historically distressed properties is fairly
simple to explain. First, there must be some project formulation and a decision will be reached
concerning which sectors will be addressed. This step also involves deciding how budgeting and
management procedures will operate. This is followed by extensive use of data collection. No
project can be successful without a good deal of data that guides the decision making. Much of
what is revealed through data collection is called baseline assessment, meaning that it gives a
murky picture of what conditions are like before the intended intervention (Jodidio, 2011). Some
of this data can be collected by surveying the area, talking with residents, and providing
opportunities for focus-groups. Usually, this approach reveals certain qualitative measures such
as satisfaction or discontent with the existing situation. It also allows project managers to make
an informed judgment about income levels and social contentment. Second, once a demographic
portrait has been created it is possible to project how the intervention might affect the urban
poor.
230

Sometimes a vast amount of data is not used appropriately. In the case of the HCP, all the data
are interpreted in light of its mission; fuller use is precluded due to the limited concerns of the
HCP (Jodidio, 2011). Typically, the intervention plan will focus on one or two points for change
or improvement, leaving other dimensions in the dark. Because of this, it is difficult to assess the
effect of some of these projects. Alternative approaches to intervention, such as investment in
public resources, improving the infrastructure according to modern, state of the art standards, and
using micro-credit mechanism for alleviating the plight of the urban poor are, so to speak, off the
radar. The data lead to planning which can then be done in light of the determined objectives.
Even though each case is unique the basic integral dimensions of human well-being are always
respected. We can state the matter in this way: although each approach to intervention is unique
and has its own set of objectives, they all share the same goal of improving the quality of life for
everyone directly and indirectly affected by the project.
The HCP has a number of initiatives, all of which stress the importance of restoring the public
buildings in the core area of cities and towns. The reason priority is assigned to public buildings
is that the cost of restoring selected residential homes is too high to be worth the investment. A
good example of the use of investment for long term adaptation to modern life is the Historic
Wall project completed in Cairo over the course of a decade (Jodidio, 2011). This project
adjusted the situation to meet the needs of modern life in that historic city. A good sign of its
success is the volume of tourist traffic it attracts. In Mali a similar project was sustained in
restoring the Great Mosque in Mopti (Jodidio, 2011). Not only is the religious function preserved,
but it also attracts tourists and visitors from all around the Islamic world. A final example can be
pointed out as well: the restoration of the Old City in Aleppo (Jodidio, 2011). Each case
represents an example of how preservation can be made suitable to modern life by achieving two
231

objectives: keeping the intended function intact, while also generating community renewal
through attracting attention in the wider public.
The projects that seem most relevant to the HCP are located in high density neighborhoods
throughout the world. This makes it important to place more emphasis on the use of publicly
accessible open spaces. In an effort to provide relief from the intense concentration of
populations, it is a good thing to provide wide open areas for sociability and amenities. In a
number of examples, wide open spaces, some under deterioration due to misuse or neglect, have
been converted into a attractive parks and recreation areas which continue to draw interest from
local residents. The success of these projects had made it possible to keep the HCP's high profile
for attracting interest and investment. It proves that restoration and conservation are consistent
with the needs for ongoing modern community development. The multiple uses of public spaces
has been demonstrated throughout the range of projects focusing on restoration and revitalization
of ancient neighborhoods. Squares, streets, and alleyways are all considered components of
public access spaces. But the focus is not simply on open spaces. It can include specific buildings
or sites and the adjoining area, which is treated as if it were open to the public. Often this
approach provides a meaningful buffer zone around historic venues. This strategy of using open
spaces helps to highlight the significance of historic properties.
One ongoing concern for historic preservation is the general lack of understanding, attributed
primarily to illiteracy, among the population. In such places as Egypt, Afghanistan, Mali and
Zanzibar literacy rates can be as high as seventy percent to as low as twenty percent (Jodidio,
2011). The reason for this is the low level of educational participation among the young. Many
never complete elementary school. And since there are only limited career prospects, many
232

parents don't see school as a meaningful stepping stone to a better life. In a some cases the HCP
has begun to deal with this problem by offering local communities literacy training. Some of this
work devolves to NGOs already operating in these areas. One way to hook the parents is to
establish libraries in areas where easy access will encourage the parents of children to take them
and read to them. This enhanced involvement between parents and children will lead to an
increase in literacy rates. It is thought that a strong beginning will lead to a life-long involvement
in education. The HCP is limited to elementary school and does support efforts at the secondary
level. It is felt that a vocational approach is more appropriate for advancing the cause of
development. It seems that the benefits are to be found in skill acquisition rather than a broad
liberal arts education. The route out of poverty is served by making it possible to do things for
themselves; this accounts for the stress placed on skill acquisition.
Furthermore, the HCP is not directly involved in health matters. The organization is fully aware
of the limited resources for supporting the health of the community. It also recognizes the high
cost of good health care for an impoverished population. The target intervention is for young
children, expectant mothers and the family in general since a good preventive intervention can
offset the damage done in later life by poor nutrition or awareness. It makes the most sense, from
the HCP's perspective, to safeguard the young and the ignorant by providing numerous
preventive interventions.
Another persistent problem posed by poverty and underdevelopment is the availability of clean
water. Providing clear water for residents is a priority in the struggle against impoverishment.
The AKIC recognizes this need at many of its sites. It is generally assumed that the government's
primary responsibility is to provide the source of water for a community and not to micro-
233

management involvement at the street or household level. For this reason the AKIC has
developed programs to add tap and toilet facilities to specific buildings. At times projects that
handle water drainage and sewage are also implemented. It is also possible to assist local
communities with initiatives having to do with maintaining a healthy living environment.
Ultimately, the responsibility for solid waste management must lie with the local community,
even as it is assisted outside agencies. One tactic used by such agencies is to broker deals
between parties, so that volunteers do some of the work necessary for keeping the environment
clean and sanitary. This has taken the form of cleaning up vacant lots for which the residents
need to be responsible.
The HCP can be source for employment if viewed from an educational and administrative
perspective. The HCP is not a direct employer. What it does well is promote the awareness of the
need for vocational training and it can be a support for such training. When all is said and done,
the HCP remains in the background encouraging private and public investment at the local or
regional level. TVET stands for the Technical, Vocational, and Educational Training element in
the plans designed and administered by the HCP. Physical rehabilitation of properties requires a
wide array of trained craftsmen and experts in skills and techniques. But there is a limited supply
of such talent at most distressed sites. Ultimately, it comes down to 'on the job training' as the
best way to recruit and insure success in conservation and preservation. Such skills as masonry,
carpentry, and woodworking all remain in demand. It is recognized by the HCP that a certain
level of skills is available at most sites, but ongoing training and improvement is also a major
factor that can't be neglected.
234

It is not difficult to develop a master plan; the major problem is facing the realities on the ground.
Many plans, wonderful in terms of unity and conception, fall short when confronted with the
specific realities of each situation. By adopting cases that originated at regional and
governmental agencies, the HCP has learned how to make the appropriate adjustments between
plan and implementation. In this way, the maturity level of the HCP continues to increase with
every experience. There is only one way to insure a successful restoration project and that comes
to careful fact finding and investigative work. It is by collecting all the relevant data that a site
can be understood in all its complexity. The research makes it possible to intervene in sensible
ways and to support long term projects. Most of this work requires not only an understanding of
the physical dimensions of the restoration, but the fit with the social and cultural environment as
well. There are several examples of how Master Plans were altered when further research
revealed import dimensions of the problems at specific sites.
All restoration work and projects require some thought about after-completion aspects. In many
HCP cases this means stimulating a local interest in continuous oversight and management. But
that also depends on future funding, a problem that never goes away. Management is always
done through a divide and conquer approach, where specific aspects of restoration are delegated
to contractors and others for completion. This makes the entire project more manageable. And as
after-completion nears, there is some planning for continuous training for future administration
and care-taking.
The nature of any project changes after the physical work of restoration has been completed.
Once that work is completed, the project enters another phase where the focus is primarily on
maintenance. The only viable way to insure this maintenance is for a continuous supply of
235

trained personnel to carry on the needs of the specific site. The funding for such support can
come from entrance fees, or through rent, or by organizing special events. This is the generally
agreed upon approach: the HCP completes the project with special skills and expertise, but
leaves it to local authorities to assume responsibility once the job is completed.
There has been some debate concerning the best way to organize restoration work. Generally
speaking there are two positions, those who favor a hierarchical approach and those who prefer
an equal partners approach. There are good reasons for preferring hierarchy of management.
They can be explained in three basic terms: the goals, the strategy, and the activities. These three
components require a flexible but responsible management approach. The goals must be clear in
everyone's mind. The approach or general strategy should be consensual so as to avoid squabbles
over changing how things are done. The activities require a hands on approach with direct
oversight where there is no room for divided leadership. After the completion of a project, there
is time for evaluation and assessment. Finally, everything depends on the positive and negative
impact of decisions and changes. No project can be successful if it lacks effectiveness and fails
to meet the needs of the local community. The HCP is highly sensitive to these needs and resists
assuming any priority over those directly affected by projects and activities.
Parks and Gardens
Modern living conditions are in many respects unappealing. Many feel that not enough public
space is available in the densely populated cities and towns throughout the world. The classical
model of fresh air, natural beauty and gardens has been neglected in the rush to achieve a higher
standard of living. The recognition of this need echoes the lost art of classical cultures which
provided extensive oversight by royal patrons for local beautification. This means that proper
236

stewardship is once again in demand. The general population will continue to resist the excessive
rationalism of modern living and will find true tranquility only when this need for clean, open
environments is once again placed on the agenda.
One outstanding example of making public spaces available to urban residents is the Azhar Park
project managed and conducted by the AKTC (Jodidio, 2011) (Jodidio, 2007) (Bianca, 2006)
(Aga Khan Award for Architecture, 1984). The success of this initial project has led to other
efforts in different venues throughout the Islamic world. It shows that the revitalization of
historic districts can be accomplished along with a deep commitment to aesthetic principles.
This set of projects has a special status in the Aga Khan Trust and shows the ingenuity of the
program and the positive results that come when aesthetic principles are not ignored but
integrated into conservation projects.
A cursory examination of the parks projects shows three highly acclaimed works: the Humayun'
Tomb and Garden in Delhi; the Forodhani Park in Zanzibar; and the Barbur's Garden in Kabul
(Jodidio, 2011). These will all be included in the World Heritage Sites list of major historical
sites. Other sites, as we have said, include Cairo, Mali, and Khorog Park (Jodidio, 2011). There
continues to be a commitment to expanding this type of work and the future is looking bright for
more such work.
Given these positive accomplishments, we need to ask about the effect of positive environments
on the local communities. How well do we understand the contribution of such projects on
historic venues? How are these sites maintained in the long term? The only way to answer these
pressing matters is a careful examination of the successful projects concluded thus far. We do
237

have such data and it will be used here to discuss the general principles of urban environments
and the contribution made to them by clean, open public spaces and gardens.
It goes without saying that the driver of many beautiful gardens and parks throughout the Islamic
homeland has been the contributions of royal families through history. A special duty of royal
families is to commemorate the great deeds of founders and religious figures. As many tourists
have seen the gardens created by the Mughals and extending to Humayun are awesome in their
scope and planning (Jodidio, 2011). The AKTC is committed to the continuation of this tradition
through careful research and studies which provide access to these wonderful places for all
visitors.
Many noted historians have called attention to the patterns and forms prevalent in these pleasure
gardens. The use of water, fountains and pools are often well noted and they contribute to the
refreshing micro-climate found in such locations. The gardens are protected from the harsh
surrounding environment by barriers, walls and gates. The garden and its greenery and form
provide an inner sanctuary for the hostile conflicts and struggles for existence found in the
external world. The use of inner and outer is played with metaphorically as the difference
between heaven and hell, or relief and distress. But the Islamic garden has multiple meanings,
something discovered by many noted scholars. The Islamic garden performs many functions
(Jodidio, 2011). Among these many meanings there are a sacred privacy, water and life vs. soil
and rock, natural beauty vs. harsh realities. Such gardens are emblematic of man's quest for
paradise.
Noted scholar A. Bartlett Giamatti, in his book titled The Earthly Paradise and the Renaissance
Epic (Giamatti, 1989), has pointed out the many references to gardens as sites of the human
238

conception of paradise, both in classical Greek and Latin literature and in the famous Biblical
accounts of Eden. One remarkable garden appears in Homer's Odyssey, Book VII: pear trees,
pomegranates, brilliant apples, luscious figs, and olives ripe and dark. Fruit never failed upon
these trees: winter and summer they bore, for through the year the breathing Westwind ripened
all in turn- These remarks are simply meant to recall the powerful hold of the garden, especially
ones with an abundance of fruits and vegetables, on the human imagination. The same is true in
ongoing restoration and conservation work. Gardens are viewed as richly resonant of mankind's
deepest longing for abundance, enjoyment, peace and harmony. Somehow a wide variety of plant
types helps to convey this sense of earthly paradise. Even more so, the imposition of harsh desert
landscapes over human affairs acts as a stimulant for the creation of gardens placed in central
locations to support mankind's hopes and aspirations.
Gardens can also be seen as backdrops for important architectural sites. Some relevant examples
of the integration of gardens with architecture are the Humayun Mausoleum in Delhi and the
Fatehpur Sikri complex in Agra where the emperor Akbar held court (Jodidio, 2011). In these
and other cases, water was diverted from its natural course to make it possible to keep dry land
moist and rich for growing plants and trees.
Historically, there has been a great deal of interaction between sites of administration over the
development of land and gardens. The designs of gardens have varied and many options
explored. The task has been somewhat daunting in that vast areas have been submitted to
authority and the rule of law has often been difficult. Mughal gardens for instance share a hybrid
nature due to the confluence of styles and authorities. Archeological research reveals a wide
disparity of types in these cases.
239

The AKTC operates primarily if not exclusively in Islamic territories and often oversees and
protects a variety of landscape designs. These designs are a mixture or combination of the
hardscape and softscape materials (Jodidio, 2011). As with many other arts, its a question of
composition, of using different elements to achieve the appropriate effect. Just as spoken words
are designed to register a certain effect, the use of materials in the development of a landscape
can also produce pleasant or impressive effects on the viewers and residents. Grasping the
genesis of large works takes years of careful research in order to come to a full appreciation of
the projects. The field of environmental design has been a cornerstone of the AKTC involvement
in restoration and conservation projects. Such designs projects include everything from water
retention and diversion efforts to placing stones, monuments or artifacts in precisely configured
locations which include rigorous astronomical concerns. May layouts and plans combine a
practical interest in efficiency with an aesthetic interest in order, harmony and coherence. These
combined efforts strike the eye as both radiant and pleasing to view. Many cultural differences
can be detected here, especially in the widely separate paths of the Islmaic aesthetic from the
modernist or Western one.
Environmental awareness has continued to expand and take root throughout the world since the
late 1970s. The industrial way of life proved to be destructive of the natural environment and the
fear of depleting the world's natural resources was placed on the agenda at that time. Today,
environmental design is an important element in the work of restoration and historic
conservation. The monuments that are signaled out for attention are often located in areas or
zones that provide a welcome buffer between the historic and the modern expansions of urban
life.
240

Even if ancient walls are not technically conceived as 'landscape' they do function as an essential
feature of the landscape of historic sites and areas. In medieval times, the city walls separated the
civilized world from the unstable environments of the nomads and traders. Walls have always
been used as boundaries or barriers. They also provide subdivisions for specific purposes. Some
walls, especially the project conducted in Cairo, also includes promenades and easily accessible
areas for residents and tourists. This project in particular shows the harmonious use of open
space to spur environmental recovery as well as economic development.
In a different vein, the use of water is another aspect of environmental design. Waterside
settlements have a number of aesthetic features that are considered of primary importance in the
work of restoration. The AKTC has been involved in a number of projects with the purpose of
restoring sea walls and ocean fronts that reflect historic involvement with sea travel and trade. In
fact, it is possible to see such projects as combined efforts to make the gardens, the parameters
and the walkways secure for future use. The project in the Zanzibar region of Tanzania is an
outstanding accomplishment, preserving the age old sultan's meeting house, the park surrounding
it and the sea wall direct fronting the Indian Ocean (Jodidio, 2011).
Large urban spaces are meant for crowds of people as well as important ceremonial occasions.
For this reason, architects have developed special designs and given much attention to attractive
details that represent their significance to many groups of people. The HCP is well aware of this
concern and is devoted to continuity and historical integrity.
A lot of academic discussion has been devoted to the loss of the public space with the rise of
modern privacy. It is time to resurrect the concept of the social commons, spaces intentionally
designed for use by the people and for the people. Large squares or plazas have traditionally
241

been those spaces devoted to recognizing the social commons. The list includes: bazaars,
graveyards, cemeteries, shrines, caravanserai, polo grounds and open gardens. Whereas the
modern way of life has emphasized the private individual and his or her right to privacy, the
traditional social thinking has been that spaces are for public uses. It was only after the many
disappointments with modernism became generally recognized that new thinking was devoted to
articulating the need for commons. The extension of this concept includes not only public spaces
in urban and territorial areas, but also the oceans and the skies. These are viewed as the common
inheritance and right of all individuals. As we have mentioned, when modernism is unbalanced,
we find a fetish for private wealth and affluence replacing a sense of our common destiny. There
are countless examples from history of the devotion to common social spaces and part of the
mission of the AKTC and HCP is to bring this back into full awareness and on a global level.
The HCP was founded in part to take on some of the responsibility for improving environmental
conditions around all urban areas. More research was needed and a better understanding of how
to plan and shape the environment was called for. The notion of proper land use was first and
foremost in the directors' minds. The problem of how to situate the industrial concerns of the city
were also considered. When the modern industrial and transportation system is implemented, in
many cases adjacent areas are neglected. Dealing with this problem is a priority for the HCP.
The struggle to overcoming the tendency to degrade the physical environment requires high level
design implementation. The Trust learns from each case of successful design work, especially as
it tries to adapt historic buildings and sites to contemporary circumstances. The standards then
become prototypes for smaller agencies and bureaus which will continue the work indefinitely
242

into the future. This is perhaps one of the best approaches to reversing the damage done by
unbridled industrial development and modernist architecture.
No AKTC project has been successful without detailed planning. This is the first step toward
implementation. Such plans lay out the operational steps to full implementation and they specify
the work of maintenance and sustainability. Park maintenance then becomes a priority for future
training and recruitment. Once the initial work is completed, the long range management
devolves to others, usually local agencies or NGOs. All of this shows the power of the Trust's
initiatives while respecting the place of local agencies and stakeholders in assuming
responsibility for their own locations.
Once park projects are completed the next step involves constant oversight and maintenance. The
data collected must involve visitor records, logs of comments, job creation and so forth. It is also
important to see that linkages are created because now the park is a source of revenue generation
and it should spill over into the local community or surrounding neighborhoods. Whatever
surplus might be generated then becomes a carefully managed resource for more intensive local
investment. For the last three or so years, the AKTC has monitored work at five different
locations. The combined population affected by these projects tops out at 25 million people, a
staggering number by any estimation (Jodidio, 2011). Visitations records currently exceed 3
million visitors over the same period of time. This relatively high percentage of public interest is
a significant mark of public interest and shows the positive contribution that the Trust has made
in the lives of many people.

243

Adaptive Reuse
The notion of restoration and revitalization plays a key thematic role in the AKTC agenda. The
point is never merely to keep structures or historic buildings form ruin, but to find ways to
integrate them into the contemporary web of life. This is called in the trade, adaptive reuse. The
procedure for determining adaptive reuse are simple: identify the stakeholders, find the right
balance between conservation and sustainability by using appropriate resources, and training the
right personnel for managing the site. The variety of opinions are offered here:
The larger purpose is, of course, the development of the entire region or area of concern to
conservationists. This means that Area Development Project (ADP) programs aim for the
alleviation of urban poverty and the improvement of general living conditions without recourse
to the destruction of historical properties. The subset of these projects is managed by the HCP.
Most of these projects feature sites or buildings that can be adapted for contemporary use. All of
them are listed or registered. Normally, the listing agency has had the property or area brought to
their attention by concerned experts or stakeholders. There is usually a historical significance
attached to each place. The idea is to keep the site relevant while maintaining its unique features
in order to enhance the aesthetic nature of the site.
HCP works regularly with outside agencies in order to ascertain the proper level of investment
and attention for adaptive reuse and to manage the public's reception and access to such sites.
Usually a designated monument is used in only a highly restrictive manner. The reason is that
conservationists are reluctant to trust the general public in matters of usage. But as social and
political conditions change, the nature of the restrictions can also change. If the public becomes
more invested in the site, there will often be an increase in revenue generated as more people
244

visit. It is the responsibility of authorities to protect the property by specifying the appropriate
ways in and out of the monument and area. The whole purpose is to transform the public
awareness so that paying visitors begin to see the building or site as no longer a relic from the
past, but something that can offer stimulation and interest for those living in the areas. Such
growing awareness this becomes the center of gravity for increased action and responsibility in
securing the site as of primary concern. The ADP programs have also worked with World
Heritage Site lists which have often required special treatment: the site in Delhi called
Humayun's Tomb, Babur's Gardens in Kabul, the Stone Town in Zanzibar, and other sites in
Cairo and Lahore (Jodidio, 2011).
Many of the properties targeted by the Area Development Program are not listed or registered
with the responsible parties. This means that there is considerable leeway in deciding how to
determine the re-use of such buildings. It might be as little as modifications for living in such
structures, or it could mean a concern for authenticity and design. Generally, re-use policy
stresses the importance of adapting it to current standards. The point is to make it part and parcel
of the life of the community. The ADP is committed to providing state of the art living
conditions that will make the neglected properties once again relevant and attractive to local
communities. This has been the case throughout the Islamic world, from Cairo and Damascus to
Delhi and Dacca (Jodidio, 2011).
The ADP has the unique responsibility of operating sites which are neglected by private
investments and banks. Due to the fact that many low income neighborhoods are earning
averages of less than 2 or 3 dollars a day, the private sector will ignore them because of the lack
of resources or collateral (Aga Khan Trust for Culture, 1984) (Bianca, 2007). It is precisely this
245

situation that the ADP addresses in the form of micro-loans or credit extension. Most of its
projects do not make it possible for home ownership to become a reality, but historic structures
are protected or integrated into the community.
From the private investors point of view, a property might be allowed to decay and fall into ruin
before anything is done about it. The reason for this is that it doesn't make sense to restore some
buildings or sites because as the land becomes available a bidding war might occur over the land
values. In this way the owner stands a chance of reaping a capital gain. The labor intensive work
involved in restoration means that a careful plan must be developed and this is often done only
after extensive hearings have been conducted. These lengthy and tedious processes are often
directed at preventing commercial enterprises from gaining the upper hand in the area; such
moves tend to convert areas and sites into unfriendly and stressful environments for many
residents. The market can be extremely unfriendly to traditional patterns of life and thus the need
for coordinated work proposals and well integrated plans for restoration are necessary.
The simplest way to describe HCP's adaptive reuse policies is to point out that the original site
can be converted into modern usage in a responsible manner. It works with the idea that
abandoning original properties is not the best way to do community redevelopment. The original
symbolic content may no longer be relevant, but that doesn't mean that the structure is incapable
of providing a sense of new life for the community. The issue, to put it bluntly, is whether the
original can be converted into something meaningful today, with the added value of having a
connection to the past. It is, in other words, a process of conversion, from one era and purpose to
another, while not losing sight of its intrinsic worth.
246

It is true that things historical do not always merit respect. The fact that a building is old does not
mean that it has value. And it is certainly true that older buildings represent fashion and designs
that might no longer be held in high esteem. Nevertheless, the fact that something has endured
over time represents some value to most communities. Certainly many communities consider
history an important function of their educational systems. In some countries in the Islamic
world, you find high-rise glass and concrete structures standing or replacing the more traditional
forms of buildings. As more and more of the rural population moves to the city, the desire for
and need for land increases dramatically. This trend encourages market speculation which causes
the prices on properties to soar. Because of the rapid pace of modernizing the forces that wish to
call attention to the need for preservation are driven to a defensive position. It is as if no one
wants to listen to the need for preserving history as quick desire for profits and modern amenities
takes hold of the mind of the populations. Such are challenges faced by the HCP in many places.
The most powerful rhetorical tool available to the forces for conservation are results. The low
level of public awareness is a challenge, but by the public that historic buildings can be
modernized while retaining some connection to tradition proves to be a powerful argument for
paying more attention to the heritage itself. When community leaders see local craftsmen at work
restoring shrines, markets and religious centers, it becomes possible to rally the residents to the
cause of historical preservation. The benefit of this move is that residents take pride in their
traditions rather than following the temptation of leaving behind their unique history and opting
for something that is merely modern. The very sight of scaffolds surrounding aging buildings is a
meaningful sign to most that the traditions of a people can withstand the pressures of the modern
world. Not only does the public see its own doing the work, but the sense of urban pride is
enhanced. The forces for historical conservation are best served when they show that
247

communities don't face an 'either-or' of traditional life or modern life, but that a sensible blend is
possible.
A factor which is often difficult to negotiate for HCP is the stress caused by timely interventions.
Some buildings have been neglected for so long that they are on the verge of ruin. Many will
view these as reasons for tearing them down and commercializing the areas. There simply isn't
enough time to draw up and plan and guarantee the necessary funding. It takes a good deal of
public persuasion to set up the necessary framework, and to get the custodians of the community
to see the relevance and urgency of doing something about this situation. But such open ended or
exploratory discussions also buy time for those who would forestall the advance of
modernization.
Every historical site has a story to tell. In the case of Chahar Suq Cistern, the lesson is simple
(Jodidio, 2011): modern access to water supplies makes the cistern system irrelevant. For this
reason the cistern and its area were neglected and gradually fell into decay. Much of the waste of
the local bazaar ended up there. What had been relevant and important began to recede in public
awareness. It might have been adapted for other purposes, but little was done with it. Oddly
enough, the renovation of this cistern was only made clear due to public conversation about what
to do next with the area. As the site opened up for as a public forum, an ongoing conversation
was conducted which led to the removal of a number of shops near the entrance to it. Under
these new conditions, another perspective was considered, one in which the cistern would
become a meeting place for public concerns and for ordinary citizens to air their grievances and
concerns on all matters relevant to the community. The site is now self-sustaining and continues
to be useful to local stakeholders.
248

Another HCP case study of the demonstrative approach to adaptation, the TImur Shah's
Mausoleum is worthy of consideration (Jodidio, 2011). It still is one of the largest brick
buildings in the city of Kabul. Over the years, there have many a series of repairs to the dome
which sits on top of it. As the necessary repairs were made, people gradually began to resort to it
as a meeting place, even without considering its reuse for larger public purposes. As
conservation work continued to be done, gradually the site became useful as a place for
architectural study. Now the site is a formalized structure that hosts a number of cultural events.
The crypt is still a place for those who wish to express their respect for the late Shah and it
continues to operate as a mausoleum. However, it is also a site for public lectures, seminars and
other events relevant to the community. Because of the impressive nature of the open space,
many are willing to make a small donation or cover whatever fees are necessary for maintenance.
Currently, the new concept of cultural venue is beginning to make inroads in the Afghan mind.
So far, this has been expressed as a draft agreement, meaning that certain entitlements are
reserved for the proprietary use of the site.
Not all approaches to restoration employ the demonstrative method. In the case of the Queen's
Palace in Bagh-e Babur, also in Kabul, the method was a deterministic one (Jodidio, 2011). As
the former household for the royal family, situated within a wonderful Mughal garden, the
complex has suffered a number of reversals as it was the site of factional conflict and civil unrest.
Given these particulars, a search was made for the proper balance between respect for the past
and the need for continuing relevance. The official reaction of more traditionally minded
Afghans was restoration to its primary intention as a royal palace. This would have featured the
museum mentality if other factors had not prevailed. Instead a more enlightened outlook
encouraged adaptive reuse where modern services were also provided, making it possible for the
249

site to host receptions, meetings, exhibitions and also to sustain a cafeteria for visitors. IN time
the prediction is that it will be a self-sustaining property with enough cultural pull to influence
people to see it not merely under a historical light, but also as a vital part of contemporary
experience.
Adaptive reuse is the primary motive of the HCP to restoration of historic sites. This attitude
toward historic properties grew out of an awareness of how planning and conservation can be
used to make older buildings relevant in the contemporary social context. Time and again this
has been demonstrated. Throughout the Islamic world, many structures continue to fall is to
disrepair. Rather than simply razing these structures, new ways of making them useful has
proved to be of lasting value economically and it also serves to encourage and promote
traditional values.
The greatest challenges are those of inevitable decay and the relentless march of progress. The
two trends together make it especially difficult for a conservation policy to gain traction. The
world is caught, as it were, in a pull toward the future. This tends to make historic properties less
interesting and the inevitable decay seem natural. However, quick intervention is able to bring
these properties back to life if careful planning and strategic use of resources is made.
Unfortunately, the most common answer to these problems is either to begin again with modern
construction or to find a synthetic substitute for the older forms.
With the growing tide of urban population increases, there has been a good deal of social
displacement. Historic sites have taken on new meanings and increasingly seem irrelevant unless
a powerful alternative is designed for them. The loss of local craftsmen makes this problem
especially acute, since rather than traditional craftsmen taking up the challenge, modern
250

contractors are more likely to intervene. The most appealing solution to aging structures is to
demolish them and then simply rebuild on the same site with synthetic materials or modern
designs wherein all the value of the tradition is lost. Unfortunately in the global environment,
this pragmatic alternative to conservation is often the first consideration.
It seems obvious that there is a better way to proceed. We don't need to destroy older buildings
with all their connections to tradition and to the symbolic values of the heritage they represent.
Rather, the better solution is to use what history has left us and adapt it for contemporary usage.
This saves two things: the need to demolish structures and continuity of values and community
through time.
The community often benefits from this alternative becomes it finds new ways to express its age
old values and traditions. These sites then become a source of pride rather than shame. There are,
in addition to this connection with history, an economic and social benefit as well; local artisans
find employment and the group as a whole gains in self-esteem on the world stage. The entire
venue becomes attractive and desirable for residents.
In approaching the problem of decaying buildings through adaptive reuse, the community gains
in innumerable ways. It seems clear that the demonstrative approach is both more direct and
more likely to add important social and economic capital to the community. This approach seems
to be the best way for the community to find itself and its unique role in the global community.
The HCP has a very clear idea about the functionality of older, historic structures. By functional
it suggests that rooms and areas ought to be of continuous use for all stakeholders. Even as these
structures are often found to be in decay we want them to be revitalized to serve modern needs
251

and desires. The general conception is that historic buildings remain relevant and not fade into
obscurity which, tragically, seems to be the very mark of the human condition.
The center of focus when discussing these matters is what is important to the community. This
can be determined through focus groups, seminars and deliberative assemblies. Many residents
call out for a list of relevant serves, including health care, education and recreation. When a vital
connection is made between residents and historical buildings a new lease on life is possible. As
the buildings are adapted to these needs, the residents find a new sense of pride in their area and
the neighborhood in general has a positive tone.
One of the most pressing problems with rehabilitation is maintaing the structures once reworked
and revitalized. There is a tendency for them to fall once again into neglect. The maintenance
problem poses how income can be generated to sustain it. The downside is that even if relevant
in the new social environment, that does not guarantee sustainability in economic terms. The best
way to ensure success is a wide variety of enterprises to make it more likely that enough income
can be generated. Since each situation has its own specific dimensions, it is suggested that
various areas be rented out for commercial purposes and that management remain flexible in its
approach to the property. The trend is to stress more generalized services which appeal to a
wider segment of the public.
Another criterion for success re-use is that any functional program be compatible with the
surrounding historical character and ambience of the building. We want to recover the original
purposes and organizational layout of the site. However, this is a daunting prospect. Endless
modifications are often the order of the day, since things have changed so much in terms of
convenience and acceptability. Modern utilities require a good deal of alteration to the original
252

site. Any case that might be made for such a building will have to argue for the proper use of
pedestrian circulation, access to visitors, retention of decorative artifacts and so forth. There
remains the underlying essence which must be respected if modifications and alterations don't
compromise the entire enterprise of reuse.
If we might put it this way, the philosophy or strategy of the HCP is rehabilitation and adaptive
reuse. But each and every effort must conform to standards set by international organizations
concerned with conservation (Jodidio, 2011). The standards, though abstract in formulation, are
adjusted to each situation in the full realization that no two sites are the same nor can they be
treated in the same manner. But revitalization has now become, due to large range of experience
in the field and the experience of planners and experts, a state of the art with accepted
international standards.
When planners decide to rehabilitate a site, they pay very close attention to the current social
fabric of the place. The judgment of most experts is that it is best to keep the original
configuration and to minimize the drama of renewal. Considering the various ways in which a
renewal project might take is one step toward making the fateful and necessary decisions. Again,
the priority is to work with things in their original condition and where that is not possible, to
make whatever replaces the original with compatible materials. The style must not be altered too
much. Even as modern electricity and sanitation are added, this in no way alters the basic
structures of the sites. Whatever repairs are made are always done in the light of respecting the
original artistry.
The HCP is against any flagrant disruption during renovation (Jodidio, 2011). Loss and
disfigurement, destruction of original patterns are absolutely to be avoided. What has priority is
253

stabilizing the original building and preserving its original look or design. The agency also seeks
to remove any foreign intrusions or additions that have made without apparent justification. If
documents suggest that certain features belong to the original, then action is taken to adjust and
refinish the product. The ideal would be to take an original site and make it livable by modern
standards of technology without making it too obvious that any reconstruction has taken place.
We might call that the 'magical' quality of restoration.
It has been the experience of the HCP that many local contractors don't understand the
dimensions required for quality restoration. Such skills are limited because the entire tendency of
industry is to address contemporary needs and not to indulge in thinking about restoration.
Because of the limited skills of the local workforce, the HCP sees its way to advance
apprenticeship programs so that those skills can be development in the labor pool (Jodidio, 2011).
This is a highly complex task requiring a good deal of management and careful calibration to the
specific needs of each site.
In most instances, the HCP team is responsible for the management of the entire project. This
means that the drafting of the architectural plans, the specifications and the materials, and the
training of the manpower are all under the supervision of the HCP. Each stage requires careful
scrutiny: deciding on the planning, scheduling the work, coordinating the labor resources, and
ordering the materials. There are a number of options for resolving the manpower problem:
recruitment and training of apprentices, directly recruiting those in the local community with the
requisite skills, or finding the appropriate subcontractors based on their track records and prior
experience.
254

It is the combination of these various modalities that requires a flexible approach to each
implementation. The project team is responsible for a good outcome, and that can only be the
case when there is quality work, insightful monitoring and reductions in cost.

Figure 10-1: Al-Azhar Park, Cairo (Source: http://www.akdn.org/hcp/egypt.asp)

Figure 10-2: Babur's Gardens, Kabul (Source: http://www.akdn.org/hcp/afghanistan.asp)

255

Chapter Eleven: Case Study - Citadels in Syria
The Syrian conflict, now raging over the government of President Bashar Assad, has taken a
serious toll on efforts to conserve historic properties. As recently as May 2014, a huge blast was
responsible for destroying a landmark near the target, the Carlton Citadel Hotel. In destroying
much of the hotel, the blast came dangerously close to damaging several medieval structures,
including Aleppo's walled Old City. In addition to this damage, the famous Crac des Chevaliers-
a medieval citadel used during a siege under the command of the famous medieval warrior
Saladin. Modern weaponry has taken a toll on these structures, showing that warfare continues to
pose grave threats to historic properties. The Crac de Chevaliers, perhaps the best preserved
medieval crusader fortress, has become a victim of the ongoing civil war in contemporary Syria.

Figure 11-1: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo (Gonella, 2007)
The Crac de Chevaliers has played an interesting role in history for nearly a thousand years. That
history involves the Kurds, the Franks and, of course, the Crusades from which it takes its name
from one Guillaume Rey. In more recent times, the castle was a focus of interest to T.E.
256

Lawrence before he became "Lawrence of Arabia" during the First World War. It is indeed a
jewel to behold and it is an exemplary form of historic conservation, earning a spot on the
UNESCO World Heritage Sites. The violence has extended beyond these noted sites to the city
of Homs, which entered the historical record during the reign of the Seleucids.
While the Syrian government directed air raids against the rebellious forces centered in Homs,
much of the civilian population as well as resistance fighters sought refuge behind the massive
walls of this Crusader castle. But this only exasperated the situation, causing the Syrian Air
Force to conduct strikes against the castle in an effort to rid the site of the refugees. These
airstrikes have caused extensive damage to the thick walls which history had to date been able to
preserve. Once again, the lesson seems to be that when conflicts flare within the context of
modern technology, historic sites and precious architectural wonders become victims along with
those who oppose the repressive regimes defined in contemporary terms.
All of this must be viewed within a larger cultural context that shows the Syrian region as a stand
alone example of heritage, a treasure trove of endless historical wonders. A remarkable depth of
history is everywhere evident here, going back to the Hittites and the Assyrians. Indeed, these
ancient Mesopotamian civilizations serve as the foundation of countless waves of conquerors and
invaders: Hellenism imposed itself over the region during the campaigns of Alexander the Great;
Roman amphitheaters display the significance of Syria after its conquest by Pompey; early
Christian churches are numerous as are the sites of Muslim citadels. Modern archeology
continues to undercover the many intertwined currents of history, showing the vast cosmopolitan
nature of the region. These facts are clearly evident when we see the activities of the Directorate
General of Antiquities and Museums and the involvement of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture.
257

The most salient projects are the restoration of three citadels, the Crac de Chevaliers, the citadel
of Salah al-Din, and the citadels located in Aleppo and Masayf. The purpose of these projects is
to preserve important Muslim sites, especially public spaces. Initial work was completed in 2005
and further plans have developed since then. Most of the improvements are meant to make these
sites more accessible to tourists, with plenty of walking room for pedestrians and for better use
of resources in the vicinity of the citadels. The Aga Khan Trust for Culture has published
handbooks that highlight the plans and purpose of these improvements as a way to promote
greater public awareness (Bianca & Battle, 2001) (Gonella, 2007) (Bianca, 2007) (Hasan, 2008)
(Grandin, 2008) (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008). These handbooks delve deeply into
various dynastic shifts, tensions between the local population and the Crusaders, and the
architectural elements involved in the construction of Ayyubid palaces. These deep
investigations reveal a good deal about Syrian urban history. Thorough analysis of the technical
issues involved in conservation as the extent of reconstruction, and the handling of ruins, a
graphic and visual illustration of how conservation works and the demands of physical elements
are treated in great detail. The shifting understanding of what it means to engage in conservation
and preservation is also analyzed in detail.

Figures 11-2: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, The minaret of the Umayyad Mosque in Aleppo was
destroyed in April 2013 (Source: http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-25150432)

258

Documentation of a Unique Built Heritage
The modern approach to construction has been to first visualize the end product and then to plan
backward to the necessary construction steps. This approach is relatively recent in the history of
architecture. For example, we have little evidence of this approach from the Middle Ages,
whether in Europe or the Middle East. In other words, the construction of temples, palaces, and
cathedrals seem not to have been an effort at artistic visualization first with implementation and
construction second. For this recent we do not have the schematics and plans associated with
modern buildings from those periods. Modern researchers often formulate patterns according to
geometric analysis.
The story of surveying tools and techniques begins in the fifteen century. Techniques were
improved and refined during the nineteenth century, a period that provided a remarkable
expansion of surveying techniques. It was also at that time that schematics, diagrams, and
visualization became dominant in the projection of architectural projects. Today, it is not
possible to do serious work without an initial survey of an historic site; surveying is now itself a
sub-discipline of conservation. Like many techniques, there is no standard definition or "one size
that fits all conditions." Each project requires its own unique objective, which is determined by
the local circumstances. Each historic site poses its own challenges. For this reason, an
archeological survey may different in important ways from a structural or material conditions
survey.
The advantage of having worked supervised by the AKTC is that it provides a higher quality of
documentation because of the coordinated efforts to service the three citadels, rather than the
previous approaches which lacked a comprehensive approach.
259

If we examine the earlier efforts to assess the Aleppo citadel, those made by Ernst Herzfeld and
Jean Sauvaget during the French Mandate, we notice the careful attention paid to inscriptions on
the building which went a long way in helping date its history (Bianca & Battle, 2001). That
assessment made a number of important photographs available as well. Lately, the efforts of
Heinz Gaube and Eugen Wirth have revealed other inscriptions that had been overlooked
(Gonella, 2007). In addition to these advances, the Directorate General of Antiquities and
Museums (DGAM) has been conducting surveys which help to provide sound documentation
over last quarter of the twentieth century (Gonella, 2007).
The citadel of Masyaf was the object of a joint Syrian-German mission under the direction of
Michael Braune. That report was published in 1994; the report provided a foundation for later
efforts made by the AKTC and the DGAM staff (Bianca & Battle, 2001). Unfortunately things
did not go so well with the third citadel, Salah al-Din. The documentation in that case proved to
be too fragmented. It was a random assortment of work done on Byzantine archeology as well as
a record of conservation work done in throughout the Forties by Michel Ecohard who was in
charge of working on Ayyubid palace (Bianca & Battle, 2001).
There has been extensive training in the field for conservation professionals, especially anyone
associated with projects sponsored and supported by AKTC and the DGAM. Documentation has
now become something of an applied science. The citadel at Aleppo and the castle at Salah al-
Din required detailed mapping and measurements. Those conducted at the citadel of Masyaf
focused on rectifying photographs due to the complicated nature of that site. In 2002, a full six
months was devoted to simply training a team hosted by the Technical University of Istanbul.
This team acquired the skills needed to conduct an archeological survey (Bianca, 2007).
260

The Aleppo research site which was supported by the DGAM required a highly specialized study
of the Ayyubid palace main gate because of its unique features. The specialized approach is
known in professional circles under its German label, "Bauforschung." Roughly this means how
to discover the most precise measurements and complete the most detailed analytical drawings of
any site (Gonella, 2007). Such a survey requires theodolites and optic levels for determining
three dimensions, various types of measuring sticks and basic pencil and paper drawings.

Figure 11-3: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Scheme of the progressive transformation of the
monumental colonnaded street in the souk (Gonella, 2007)
The purpose of this survey was to show how to conduct a highly sophisticated recording and
measuring process around complex architectures. The on-site experience was a good way to
reduce the tendency toward abstraction by grounding the experience in a hands-on approach.
This physical proximity to the site is far superior to mere desk work, yielding much better results.
Ironically, these researches yield high quality results without necessarily requiring sophisticated
equipment. Scanning these artifacts after completion allowed for the elimination of distortions.
261

In the final step, a CAD application helped to measure the rate of decay due to chemical
decomposition.
This training gradually led to more comprehensive surveys which systematically organized all
conservation projects. Efforts were made not only to draw, map, and measure, but also to begin a
thorough database of all these results using standardized templates. All surveys involve various
levels of accuracy. The differences in accuracy depend on the types of tools used to measure and
locate specific reference points. Drawings are usually done at a 1:20 ratio or 1:10, which was
used on the Ayyubid palace gate (Grandin, 2008). There are still further situations, especially
those involving complex geometry- a form of irregular construction found along the walls of
citadels or perhaps the outlines of wells or other public works. These often require a three
dimensional treatment.
In the case of the German-Syrian collaboration noted earlier in this case study research, the
archeological mission made it possible to add a topographical survey to reach an more integrated
map (Bianca & Battle, 2001). This was possible because of a team of architects from the DGAM
who were connected to the project at the beginning. This cooperation was fruitful adding a
number of perspectives that resulted in a higher quality product.
The level of dedication was remarkable. The long hours, routinely adding up to more than nine
hours of work each day under blistering heat and sun or uncomfortable cold weather, did not
dampen the motivation and desire to make the best possible end product. They constantly
reflected on how to make yet better products and their suggestions were especially helpful.
262

Similar results happened at the other two sites mentioned: in Masyaf and the castle of Salah al-
Din (Grandin, 2008). There is a large archive of excellent photographs and graphic materials
through the hard work and dedication of these professionals. In total, the archive now can boast a
collection of 420 drawings and 23,600 photographs. This trove bears on more than fifty distinct
buildings or sites. In the case of Aleppo, there are 342 drawings and 20,130 photographs
(Gonella, 2007); for Masyaf, there are 41 drawings, including comprehensive plans, and 665
photographs (Hasan, 2008). For Salah al-Din, the database includes 45 drawings and 2,783
photographs (Grandin, 2008).

Figure 11-4: Syria, Citadel of Salah AdDin, Western part of the upper plateau (Grandin, 2008)
263

These surveys were not only focused on the dimensions and outlines of the buildings; they also
include assessments of physical and chemical damage and constitution. This is vital to all
conservation efforts. The surveys are now able to be updated constantly as new information
makes its way to the researchers. In a sense these historic sites contain secrets that research and
technique are only now beginning to unlock, usually after laborious efforts requiring the most
exacting attention. Just one example shows how these sites continue to reveal themselves (Aga
Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008): the citadel of Aleppo had an initial entrance gate, which
had been covered by a defense tower, the urban patterns identified in the western sector, an
underground hydraulic system, wells and cisterns were exactly located.
AKDN prepared a consolidated and comprehensive survey of all sections of the citadel which
helped them understand it as a unity. Computerized planning systems helped to model an
'animated' version of a three-dimensional system. This allowed some visual representation of the
complex structure in its integrity. The general public can now gain a much deeper appreciation of
these architectural wonders. Finally, not only are they concerned about oversight and
comprehension, but routine maintenance and repair work. A long term maintenance program has
been conducted in which the threats of rainwater, erosion from wind and the environment and the
stability of the foundation is determined.
History and Geographic Pattern of the Three Citadels
Empires are curious configurations of history. They draw lines that no one understands and they
separate people who should live together. In the course of human history, great empires have
vied for control of the world. This law of history applies to Syria, as it does to almost every other
country. Rulers have always had an eye toward maximizing the comfort and wealth of one's own
264

people; in the case of Syria, this meant access to the sea. The formation of empires often leads to
fortresses and strategic strongholds. This explains the many fine examples of military
architecture.
The Syrian desert is a natural buffer between sites. It is hostile and arid. This serves as an
advantage against invading armies. Military technology adapted to the circumstances and
settlements became relatively permanent. Because most invaders attempted to grab the most
important sites, these places tend to be the most historically significant. Aleppo sustains some of
the oldest fortifications on earth, dating back to the third millennium BC, while Masyaf and
Salah al-Din were built much later and were part of the Byzantine empire's expansion in the
region (Bianca & Battle, 2001). In the tenth century of the Common Era, the Muslims conquered
the region.
With the coming and going of empires required an endless series of modifications to the
structures that defined the region. Looking at this architecture, one can quickly discern the rise of
various types of military thinking, which are adapting to circumstances. In another vein, a close
examination also recalls less significant events in the history of Syria: in case of Aleppo, the fire
that broke out on the evening of Malik al-Zohar Ghazi's wedding in 1212, disrupting that
otherwise happy event. It has also become apparent that technology can reveal the actual thumb
prints on the stones placed by masons.
Oddly enough, stones can tell the story of human history. Normally we think of stones as
voiceless, the lowest order of revelation. But these stones, when approach in the right way, say a
lot about kings, ideas of propriety, and the even finer grain of daily life centuries ago. This is
certainly one reason conservation and preservation plays such a big role throughout the region.
265

Each of these landmarks, the citadel of Aleppo, Masyah and Salah al-Din, curated by AKTC and
the DGAM, contain small details of history that establish and sustain a nurturing continuity.
Conservation Works on the Three Citadels
At the center of the AKTC's Historic Cities Support Program is a desire to avoid facsimile and to
promote a general conservation methodology that honors the original materials and design. The
perspective of the AKTC is that the historical record has its own integrity and that ruins show the
devastating effects of bombardments, pillages or earthquakes. The Trust has sought to restore,
but only in those cases where the structure itself would decay rapidly without some kind of
support. Every effort has been made to honor the original. Of course the historical fabric suffers
from the severe environmental conditions, but the Trust has also provided for any support that
might slow down the natural course of erosion from natural elements. Such techniques as
drainage, plasters, weathering surfaces, and other ways to protect structures from wear and tear.
The Historic Cities Support Program (HCSP) provides standards and guidance in the important
work of conservation. With its resources and expertise, it is able to create benchmarks and
employ sophisticated technology in order to do what is necessary to provide for the best types of
conservation work. These activities include extensive documentation, measured surveys,
analyzes and drawing conducted prior to physical work on specific sites (Aga Khan Historic
Cities Program, 2008). In a limited sense, work has also been conducted on the decay of original
materials used in construction. Every effort was made to secure the most original types of
building materials.
266

As with any professional point of view, every effort is made to keep the restoration as close to
the original type of building using the same types of building materials. It is exactly the original
materials that speak about the historical narrative. Fragments, patterns, crumbling walls all attest
to the place of the site in the history of the region.
Many sites have been the focus of preliminary work by the HCSP. Some of this earlier work has
been included in the master plan for restoration and continues to be respected as part of the
integrity of the site. However, whenever the earlier repairs were not in the judgment of the
organization appropriate in nature, those were undone and made good by using more appropriate
materials (Bianca, 2007). In some instances this meant using lime based mortar in place of
cement. In other situations, some of the obtrusive interventions were undone by using traditional
hammer (shahuta) finish to the modern stone replacement.
Rehabilitation of Historic Sites and Tourism
What makes the work of the AKTC and the DGAM so important is the task of preserving
citadels and historic structures for the appreciation of future generations. This work is especially
important in that it continues to support the work of historical continuity so vital to maintaining
a historic identity given the shifting tides of conquest and occupation. Syria has been
exceptionally vulnerable region given all the different empires that exist in close proximity to its
(current) borders. One way the government has to support the integrity of its cultural tradition is
through the exploitation of tourism; tourism has been used as a tool for keeping the historic sites
in good condition. Tourism brings in the needed foreign currency that can then be applied to
important restoration projects. One reason Syria is a draw, from the tourist perspective, is
precisely its rich history. The citadel of Aleppo is one of the premier sites in all of Syria, with the
267

citadel of Salah al-Din bringing in a good number of tourists was well. Recent data suggests that
Aleppo can attract as many as a half million visitors a year, while Salah al-Din attracts close to
50,000. The Masyah site is far less significant, but even here a middle class is taking root, make
revenue more available for these important tasks (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008).
Conservation and restoration of historic sites is essentially a way to help the urban poor achieve a
higher standard of living.
When speaking in the abstract about improvements, it is a little misleading. We should be more
specific in noting the ways in which improvement works. The AKTC has helped to improve the
infrastructure of sites by adding such elements as paths and signage, a visitor's center,
guidebooks that make it possible to hear what the stones have to say, and historical commentary
which helps visitors understand why the sites they visit have the historical importance they do
have. Cafeterias and toilets are another important component in the visitor's experience.
From a different perspective we need to analyze the problem of the wear and tear imposed by the
frequency tourist visits. Wherever people go, they consume resources and contribute to the stress
on the historic site. This type of stress is always an addition to the natural erosion and harsh
environmental conditions that contribute to the decay and the decline of structures. For this
reason conservation policy provides for covering exposed surfaces, installing more durable
materials, especially in those places where there is so much foot traffic.
Maintenance and Local Training
One of the primary goals in conservation work is the maintenance of a trained staff of
professionals to oversee the cyclical needs of delicate historic sites. Historical structures are
268

under constant environmental pressures and the only way to keep them in reasonably good
condition is to have a trained cohort of experts routinely taking care of the needs of each site.
The first item on the agenda, so to speak, is to assure local authorities that each trust is
attempting to provide them with what they need to do the job well. The AKTC always includes
local governments in its planning and supply process. Not only does the AKTC set standards for
work and provide support for the appropriate methodology, it also works with local craftspeople
and antiquities specialists thereby helping local workers to much of the important work. The
AKTC takes pride in its investment in local masonry and craft promotion.
Promoting citadels as sites for visitors as well as restoring them and maintaining them is the two
pronged approach of the conservation policy analyst. The problem is obvious. Visitors will only
come to see a site if its attractive enough to gain attention, but public attention to a site poses a
challenge to the work of maintenance. Trying to do both at once often proves to be a formidable
challenge. As attention increases, it is less likely that an open attitude to visitors can be sustained.
Restrictions may become necessary, making the site less attractive to visitors. What is called for
good management strategies, those that have been developed in the collaboration between AKTC
and the DGAM (Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums).
Each citadel has come under the general care of these trusts. Conservation policy has been
developed, investments have been made in tools and staff, and the reuse strategy developed.
However, each site is different and attracts tourist attention for different reasons. In the case of
the sites at Aleppo and Salah al-Din, the muqarnas - finely rendered sculptural forms - attract a
good deal of interest, while the fortress at Masyaf is made of mostly coarse block work (Bianca
& Battle, 2001). These differences require different methodologies. Detail work is required in the
269

former case, while a broad sweep of intervention is used for the latter. In one case it may mean
taking great care to compose a mosaic of broken tiles, while in the latter it could be relaying
cyclopean blocks. But both types of work deal with a common enemy: the force of disintegration
that comes through the sheer passing of time, the wear and neglect of water and abrasion.

Figure11-5: Citadel of Masyaf from the southwest, Before and after intervention (Hasan, 2008)

Figure11-6: Citadel of Salah AdDin, View of the courtyard of the Islamic Palace before and
after conservation (Grandin, 2008)

270

Conservation of the Citadel of Aleppo

Figure 11-7: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo (Gonella, 2007)
Nothing is quite as majestic as the rising slope that comes to a head at the citadel of Aleppo. This
limestone structure stands a good fifty feet above surrounding area. The citadel cannot be missed
as it dominates the visible landscape. The citadel is like some imposing imperial presence,
keeping a steady eye on all its subjects. Today Aleppo contains more than two million residents,
exceeding its ancient walls and extending further out into the plains (Gonella, 2007). In the past,
men arriving would have been in awe of its imposing demeanor. The travelers on the ancient
271

caravan routes coming up from the deserts of the east and the rolling plains of the west would
have experience a shock of scale and height. This is, as Foucault pointed out, the way in which
power is materialized.
The history of the citadel at Aleppo is fraught with complexities. A long series of bombardments,
of pillage and earthquakes marks this area as one with deep historical problems. If we examine
the inner core of the city of Aleppo, moving gently up the slope from the plains below, we find
ruins and devastation. There has been a limited about of reconstruction and rebuilding. What
does remain can be credited to the Ayyubid rulers of the city. This is the heritage of the great
Salah al-Din, going back to the Middle Ages. The Mamluk emperors also contributed to the area
as the rulers of Egypt. Above all, it's important to recognize the significance of the citadel at the
heart of Aleppo, a masterpiece of Islamic architecture and one designated as part of the
UNESCO World Heritage Site.
Today Aleppo is an ancient city recognized by the UNESCO World Heritage Site authorities. It
is also a vibrant contemporary city of over 110,000 residents (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program,
2008). Many of these residents live in traditional houses that are themselves historical wonders.
Aleppo has always had a high profile in the region, remaining a crossroads with many
commercial, political and cultural ties to the Syrian community as a whole. For an ancient city it
remains remarkably well preserved and an outstanding example of Muslim architecture.
Similar to many other Islamic cities, Aleppo features a highly articulated and sophisticated urban
fabric, most of it focused on the courtyard house. As an architectural unit, it is endowed with
many essential human qualities, making it possible for inhabitants to remain faithful to inherited
cultural patterns. The courtyard house has the unique property of combining the interior and the
272

exterior qualities of human life: it is possible to feel secure, yet exposed to the natural elements.
It provides comfort while not being a smothering experience. The most fundamental pattern is a
back to back construction in small clusters that are easily accessible by footpaths. When we
move to the larger avenues or boulevards we discover public services and commercial
enterprises. This organic style, a style that begins with the whole and organizes each part to play
a specific role, is quite common throughout the Islamic world.
History is all about changing circumstances. Human beings resist change but they also invite it.
Since the nineteenth century, rapid changes have taken place all around the globe and these
changes have also had an effect on the way in which architects design and plan cities. In the
Islamic world, however, and because of the long shadow of the Ottoman Empire, social and
political movements were slow in coming. Most modern techniques were either rejected or
remain too obscure to be adapted. What seemed most salient were the examples of the modern
European city. Due to this influence, older Ottoman and Arab cities adapted some of the
extensions implemented by European planners to their own situation. For instance, the north side
of Aleppo was bounded by a moat which was filled in and made a road which also served as a
barrier mark. Large parts of the wall aligned with the road were also removed. On parallel sides
of the road, attractive stone facades were added to buildings and wooden mashrabiya were also
added. These are still visible today.
During this period there were other developments as well. For example, there was the new
commercial area added to the Bustan Kullab district which was on the western side of the Old
City (Gonella, 2007). This addition was designed according to a grid pattern, with narrow streets
and two to three story buildings which featured shops, workshops, and offices. It extended
273

further west toward the residential apartment blocks in the Jamilia district. In the north, the
fifteenth century suburb of Jdaideh, a mixed commercial and residential area emerged along
Western lines. During the French mandate, with French control of many of Syria's affairs, more
such areas, districts and building additions were made. Many of these sites have since fallen to
decay and neglect, but some do remain. Those that survive are protected by registration and
building regulations.
Even with all these changes, modifications and additions, the Old City still retained its traditional
style of life as well as its design features throughout much of the twentieth century. As of the
1950s, there were nearly a quarter million residents who resided in traditional courtyard homes
within the historic sections of the city. Oddly enough, two paradigms of architecture were able to
co-exist. As time moved on, however, the modernist influence of European planning and design
tended to dominate architectural thinking. Many of the city elite did not grasp the problems with
adapting a modernist design to traditional urban fabrics, either in Syria or anywhere else in the
Middle East. Rather than looking at traditional buildings and seeing their potential for
modernization, they began with the imported models provided from another context. Most public
funds served to update and improve living standards in the already modern areas of the city,
while older districts were neglected. With the obvious attractions of modern living standards, the
native elites abandoned their traditional living quarters in the Old City, allowing it to begin to
decay because of their indifference.
During the period of the French Mandate, a planner by the name of Andre Gutton, inspired by
the Modernist movement, began initiating radical new planning designs for the city (Gonella,
2007). With the arrogance typical of modernists in general, Gutton ignored the physical features
274

of the Old City as well as its intricate social order. And in the passion to "prove" something, they
ignored the environmental consequences of such initiatives. A Master Plan was adopted for the
entire city of Aleppo in 1954. In this vision, major roads were conceived that dissected the city in
some especially sensitive areas. An east-west axis was planned and the two branches would be
interconnected with the Damascus highway west of the city with the Raqqa highway in the east.
One road was planned for the north side of the city, another one would run through the southern
area of the city. In Gutton's own words, the "grand idea was to establish a direct connection from
the desert to the sea" (Gonella, 2007). This imagined line would slice the Old City at its core,
making it two halves and de-centering the Umayyad mosque. A third road would continue to rip
at the organic nature of Aleppo by slicing a major throughway to the north of the Great Mosque
and running out to the northern suburbs. This was all an addition to the road already planned to
extend from the Grand Mosque toward the citadel in the east.
These latter elements of the design had already been realized to devastating effect in the Farafah
neighborhood. In the process of construction, scores of courtyard houses were ripped down and
sacrificed to the impulse to modernize. Many of these retained a good deal of architectural value.
The rationale for this act was to make the Umayyad mosque more accessible to vehicular traffic
(Gonella, 2007). It would now be possible to get in and out of the mosque area because it now
contained a large square at its front entrance. The mosque had been conceived along the
traditional lines of embedded inwardness, most of the neighborhood focusing on its own features
rather than making itself accessible to the outside. When the project was completed, only
artificial stone elevations were in facing the square and the new road which connected with the
north side of the mosque. This open area, once the place of beautiful historic courtyard homes,
was now a vast parking lot.
275

The cities of Damascus and Aleppo are remarkable repositories of world history, especially when
considered as Islamic cities, but even by world standards they are prominent on any cultural
heritage index. Damascus could possibly be one of the oldest continuously occupied cities on
earth. And each of these cities bears witness to and traces of our Hellenistic, Roman and
Byzantine past. To think these cities in their historical depth is to be provoked by the organic
nature of the organization of each. Perhaps the greatest influence is the power of Islam with
precise concepts of civic life and social patterns of interaction. The adaptive reuse process,
especially evident with the example of the Great Mosque and the suqs shows a number of
permanent buildings and a renewal process dictated by the nature of decay and a number of
social and economic changes or, even worse, earthquakes and war damage. Yet all this only
made the Islamic pattern stronger and more resilient.
Michel Echochard was very active in both Morocco and Syria during the period of French
control, from the fifties through the late sixties (Gonella, 2007). Unfortunately his work might be
remembered for the damage it inflicted on the city of Damascus. Fatal collusion took place
between a too phony architectural reconstruction, on the one hand, and a modernizing impulse to
create a modern metropolis with plenty of access for motor vehicles and a large range of
apartment buildings. The operating notion was to provide a protective cover for the historic
urban fabric while introducing the modern era's need for motor vehicle traffic. The unique
feature here was that modern traffic would align with the ancient Roman conception of avenues,
avenues which had been covered over with clusters of houses. These modern roads would now
end with a square that could provide parking space. Such spaces were adjacent to monuments.
These ideas were more sophisticated to Andre Gutton's conceptions (the French planner during
French mandate), yet the implementation of such dreams still spelled out the doomsday scenario
276

for the urban fabric that dated back thousands of years. It was the equivalent of tearing a
priceless cultural artifact apart only to put some abstraction right at the heart of it.
In 1974, the renowned city planner G. Banshoya, a Japanese disciple of Ecochard, began to
design a Master Plan for the city of Aleppo that combined the design principles of Ecochard and
Gutton's earlier developments in that city (Gonella, 2007). What seemed to be overlooked in
haste was what the impact might be of a substantial increase in vehicular activity on the city's
urban fabric. Once vehicular activity is admitted, so to speak, into the historical urban fabric,
things begin to happen that are very difficult to control or govern. The direct effect of the
redesign effort was a considerable amount of destruction to the Old City of Aleppo.
The first indication of the damage was a mass exodus out of the core areas. With the sudden
appearance of large scale apartment complexes, the intimacy and privacy of the former courtyard
homes was completely destroyed. The city was no longer the same social creature. The air
became polluted and noise levels rose to unacceptable levels. As modern forms of life began to
dominate the city, the older sections became irrelevant and spiraled into decline. Some clusters
that belonged to the traditional Bab al-Faraj area, in the northwestern area of the city, were
entirely cut out of the urban social fabric. Scores of these historic properties were demolished to
make way for modern building construction. One witnessed the rise of commercial towers and
high rises throughout the neighborhood.
The AKTC's Historic Cities Support Program (HCSP) began conservation work on the citadel in
Aleppo in 2000 (Bianca, 2007). The site is huge and it goes beyond the focus of this research to
provide an adequate account of all its specific problems. Since the work was overwhelming an
initial selection process took place, identifying specific but limited areas of focus. The DGAM
277

(Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums) would also play a role in applying
methodologies suited to other areas of work. The most challenging areas required an advanced
level of technical knowledge and skills that are possible with joint projects. Above all, the site
was in urgent need of the highest levels of restoration methods. Many of the structures were in
serious disrepair; some thought the monument itself would not survive for long. The most
important work began on the Ayyubid palace complex, which includes an underground cistern,
the western section of the plain, and the main curtain wall which surrounds the entire site. Funds
were acquired from two sources: Robert Wilson Challenge Grant and the World Monuments
Fund. Both of these sources and their approaches are discussed below.
Any discussion of the citadel at Aleppo must take into account the most important historical
period in that site's history, the reign of the Ayyubid dynasty. The period in which these
developments took place begins with the conquest of Salah al-Din in 1183 and extends
throughout the reign of Malik al-Zahir Ghazi, from the conquest to 1216. During that period of
time the region was controlled by the Ayyubid dynasty and the two citadels of Shayun and
Aleppo were praised as the "Palaces of Glory." This glory can be readily discovered in the
interior designs, decorations and gardens along with its outstanding beauty in design and form.
Unfortunately, this magnificent site was lost to history when it burned down the night of Malik's
wedding celebration. Later it was rebuild and came to have a reputation as the "Palace of
Pictures." Those pictures-possibility sculptures of stone and wood-all but disappeared in 1260-
1261 when the Mongols overran the region. Even though the citadel is now all but ruins, it is
possible to reconstruct a visual representation of the original through a careful analysis of the
historic fabric: we know it consisted of a very large courtyard, a central fountain, adjacent baths
as well as intricately decorated recesses. It is obvious to the well trained eye that a number of
278

Persian elements are involved in this construction; this is due, at least in part, to the influence of
the Seljuks who controlled Baghdad in 1055. The clearest instance of its Persian influence can be
found in the layout of the courtyard, a central area with four iwans. This design is obvious to
anyone at both the sites. The symmetrical layout is a standard form of the inner courtyard and it
forms, as it were, a central hub for the entire site. The iwans are vaulted spaces on each side of
those courtyards. Their role provided shelter from the intense light and heat generated by
exposure to the sun. These areas make it possible to cool off the interiors of the buildings which
is possible due to the combination of open space and water circulation through fountains which
include a cascade on marble labs, or salsabil. The floor is covered with tiles and features a
central fountain.
The conservation work had to begin from the center and then worked outward toward the walls.
Many areas of the citadel feature joints which have since been repointed with cement from
mortar during earlier phases of reconstruction (Bianca & Battle, 2001). Much of that work
remains unsightly as well as contributing to the cause of long term damage through salt
infiltration. More recently, that older work has been re-done with lime based mortars.
More recently, since the 1980s, many repairs have been made in situ. Such work was made
using the shahuta, something of a bush hammer in order to create texture. The small but finely
wrought muqarnas vaulting covering the salsabil was carefully recorded for its position, removed,
cleaned and then replaced again (Gonella, 2007). This cleaning process was labor intensive but
went a long way to regaining some of the original texture. Only one stone needed to be replaced
with a replica.
279

Conservation on the pavement of the courtyard posed its own unique set of problems. At one
time it was a very intricate assemblage of tile pieces but today very few of the original fragments
remain. Now these tiles are only loosely assembled and contained by earth fill. The pavement
suffers from intense wear and tear due to the high volume of foot traffic across the pavement by
visitors.

Figure 11-8 : Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Historic Layers in Plan (Gonella, 2007)
280

Figure 11-9 : Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, A cross-section of the Citadel Hill showing surface
landmarks and underground spaces (Gonella, 2007)
When the DGAM (Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums) made the decision to
protect the surviving fragments of pavement at the citadel at Aleppo by integrating the original
with restored work, the trust was operating with the best evidence available. A review of
photographs taken in the 1980s showed significant wear and tear at the site and this projected as
accelerated deterioration due to environmental conditions. Given this situation, the DGAM
supported a process that required an excavation of the thin layer of earth fill that had accrued
over the course of time. This was followed by a survey of the site to determine the original
pattern and design (Gonella, 2007). After careful consideration, it was determined that the basic
geometric grid could be represented and reproduced. That determination was itself based on a
thorough review of the area's remaining structural features. As we have said above, the point is
to determine with the best evidence available what the original pattern most likely looked like as
well as its material constitution. This reveals the care and attention to detail that the DGAM
(Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums) maintains as part of its charter.
The same situation obtained with a smaller courtyard restoration project off the main courtyard at
the same site. Very few fragments remained in that site. Slowly the tiles were disappearing
through erosion or degradation of the materials. There was little run off for rain water as well,
281

and this caused water to pool rather than drain off from the floor. Complete restoration was not
an issue because the site, due to its location, was not sufficiently important to merit a constant
flow of visitors. What was needed was a durable bed of tiles with only the slightest of drop offs
so that rainwater would no longer pool there. The restoration process began with a deeply
detailed survey which accounted for each and every tile that remained. Larger pieces were
separately lifted out for attention while smaller ones were removed by a mesh web that could
serve for the removal of many small pieces. After that step was completed, a thin lime-based
screed was laid on top of the mortar base, again with only a minimal fall off. The next step was
to return all pieces to their original position and then they were all grouted in place. Finally,
another layer of screed was laid down so that all tiles were finally secured and protected as well
as a durable finish to make it appear like the original (Gonella, 2007).

Figure 11-10: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Entrance Complex (Gonella, 2007)
The entrance portal to the Ayyubid palace is one of the most enthralling displays of Islamic
architecture throughout the world. Build by Malik al-Zahir Ghazi in the late twelfth century, it is
282

a profound statement of the artistry and imagination, of the craftsmanship and pride associated
with the reign of the Ayyubids. The palace is opulent while radiating a profound respect for the
faith. The stonework is organized around dark basalt and light limestone, typical of the era. At
the very center of the palace is a vault, four sections muqaranas which reveals the highest levels
of artistic mastery over simple materials. These intricate geometric patterns are attractive to the
human eye inviting an attitude of wonder and meditation.
The condition and importance of the vault required extensive work on the portal. Such work
could only be a painstaking process of precision and care for detail. The entire process went
through a number of steps, a procedure which required the utmost attention to detail (Gonella,
2007). First the conservators began by assessing the amount and kind of damage suffered by the
structure. This preliminary examination discovered that the portal had suffered from earthquake
damage as well as the ingress of water and abrasion of wind and sand on the surface of the stones.
The findings made it important to find ways to prevent future decay. The approach required a
capping over the top of the portal as a way to protect it from rain and erosion. In addition to that,
a poultice was applied to the surface to extract sulphates and then a process of cleaning was
undertaken using a nebulized mist-spray and a hand held brush. This process did some damage
of its own; the response was to apply molten lead which was attached after drilling and acted as a
form of repair. The cracks that were still obvious were filled with lime-based mortar. This also
required an attention to coloring so that the appropriate texture and hue might be maintained.
Some flaking stone also required adhesive lime mortar. These muqaranas are so delicate they
require the most careful approach in restoration.
283

Much of the surface area around the portal was in poor condition with decayed tiles and dirt
deposit everywhere (Gonella, 2007). The cornices were also crumbling. Large fractures were
obvious to the naked eye were secured by stainless steel dowels likely to break loose at any time.
The smaller fractures and the gaps had to be grouted with lime and brick dust with a hypodermic
needle. Additional coloring was added to the lime-fast pigments to restore coloring.
By far the most damaging agent in this process is the black sulphate crust (Gonella, 2007). This
crust prevented the important process of evaporation from taking place in a regular cycle, thus
causing mineral salts to remain caught in the substrate. The additional pressure also caused a
breakdown in the surface materials. One preventive measure would be to waterproof the roof, a
sure way to reduce deterioration. But there would remain other issues such as differential
tensions and pressures in the masonry face. This problem might also be addressed by removing
sulphates and the accumulated salts. The approach to that problem was a nebulized spray mist
which was applied only after an application of de-ionized water with magnesium silicate poultice.
The surface level could be successfully treated with a repeated application of calcium hydroxide.
Other conservation work was conducted in the royal hammam, adjacent to the central courtyard.
Much of that area was completely rebuild in the 1970s. Several other areas were also treated and
restored. In another area in the southern part of the site, extensive conservation work was
conducted, especially that dealing with the burnt parts of the palace on the wedding night of al-
Zahir Ghazi and the servants' quarters a little way away from the palace.
We can now examine the final element of the Ayyubid palace complex, the extraordinary
Ayyubid cistern which is lying under ground next to the complex. The cistern is a marvel of the
technology of its time: nineteen meters deep, situated in a eighteen by sixteen meters area and
284

consisting of four mighty pillars that contribute to supporting the vaulted roof. In conjunction
with the main entrance gate, we have this cistern that testifies to the remarkable ability for
making and designed covered areas. This cistern is the heart of the entire complex's water supply.
It is joined to a deep well on the north side of the complex and a Byzantine cistern under the
palace itself. In its entirety, it was able to supply potable water to over several thousand soldiers
and civilians during a siege. The total storage volume includes 3.3 million liters (Gonella,
2007).The cistern itself is partially situated in an area carved out of bedrock, the same bedrock in
which the citadel is built. The other half is composed of limestone blocks set in lime mortar.
These limestone blocks are finished with plaster cut out with fragments of ceramic pots making
them nearly waterproof.
Even with all the detail and precision, analysis has revealed that the vault is compromised due to
movements resulting from local earthquakes. How fragile the vault is difficult to say exactly. The
project is designed to bring greater stability to the overall structure, but especially the pillars
which bear most of the downward thrust of the vault. Whatever restoration is deemed appropriate
it will need to be sensitive to the remaining historic materials while minimizing the effect on the
visual appearance. A geo-radar enhanced survey was conducted using stainless steel dowels
horizontally inserted in the pillars. The entire assemblage was secured by nuts and washers that
are visible to the eye. However, it does offer substantially better stability.
We are now in a position to discuss other dimensions of this most famous of citadels. The period
of history that is our primary focus includes the end of the twelfth century, when the structure
was completed, through the re-building process that was necessary due to the sieges by the
Mongols in 1260 and 1401. The outer walls obviously suffered due to the historical vagaries
285

caused by alien incursions. With all the attempts to put the city of Aleppo under siege, and the
damage caused by both natural causes such as earthquakes and the man-made causes of
bombardments, the walls continue to be an imposing presence. Although more detailed work has
been done on the cistern and the vault, other work conducted on the curtain wall is also
noteworthy of analysis.
The curtain wall suffered from intentional efforts to destroy the structure by invaders. This
destructive trend was much slower than that caused by erosion and earthquakes, but broken wall
heads remain and there is a partial collapse of stonework throughout the expanse. This damage is
responsible for the rain making its way to the interior. With the accumulation of water there is a
risk to the stability of the overall structure due to the loss of finer particles that added cohesion.
On another note, some of the onslaught is due again to natural causes, such as plant growth
(Gonella, 2007). This growth exacerbates the problem causing sections to crumble or list. The
HCSP was not able to assume responsibility for all these issues, but large sections did undergo a
masonry conservation treatment and such work continues under Syrian supervision.

Figure 11-11: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo ((Bianca & Battle, 2001)
286

The curtain wall proved to be one of the most challenging conservation projects in Aleppo. This
wall and its foundation suffered from extensive water damage due to a serious lack of
appropriate drainage. In 2000 an effort was started to address this problem (Bianca & Battle,
2001). Rainwater would run down the slope toward the wall and erode the foundation rather than
inward to the sophisticated drainage and rainwater collection system. That system was organized
within the citadel walls. When clearance was begun, a number of ruins were unearthed; those
ruins can be dated back to the Ottoman Empire. Once exposure has happened, a new set of
problems come to the fore. The issue is conservation of the ruins to prevent further decay. As
efforts were made to expand visitors' walkways, even more ruins came to light. The conservation
program was expanded to include these new found artifacts (Bianca, 2007).
Surveys always reveal the need for additional conservation work. In this case, the cement
pointing needed to be removed between the stone courses and it was replaced with lime-mortar.
If voids were discovered, they were grouted and then sealed. This type of work requires the
removal of dirt and soil from cavities that open up due to erosion. The wall heads are then
capped with stones in order to regulate natural water flow patterns. This is a technical measure
necessary for aligning with the natural rhythm of water fall. The stones were removed and
replaced and walls received additional support by being deep tamped with lime mortar. In those
cases where there was a collapsed walls or missing stones, they were rebuild and replaced (Aga
Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008).
Inscriptions are an important dimension of historical structures. With the citadel at Aleppo, the
inscription is prominently displayed on the north side just below the barracks built by the
Ottoman rulers. The inscription's exact dimensions measure one meter high by seventeen meters
287

wide. This inscription is composed in Kufic script out of black stones. It is a marker of the
construction conducted by the Mamluk sultan Qaitbay in 1472-73. In order to do the necessary
restoration brave workers sat in bosun's chairs high above a steep precipice and painstakingly
cleaned and applied mortar to the inscription. All the lettering was removed, the voids filled and
grouted, and then piece by piece each of the original elements was replaced (Gonella, 2007). An
astonishingly daring accomplishment.

Figure 11-12: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Abu Salama Mahmud b. Nasr b. Salih's stone block was
rendered in an animated Kufic script common in Arabic building inscriptions of the period
(Gonella, 2007)
But work also needed to be done on the foundation as well. Along the curtain wall, the
foundation had weakened over time. Most of the damage was done by extensive erosion from
water and wind (Gonella, 2007). This weakening means that the wall can collapse by even slight
tremors. The problem of erosion was correlated to the deep gullies that can be found at the foot
of the slopes; the entire situation seemed dangerous and untenable. The directors of the work
proposed a way to treat the soil erosion beneath the towers; this meant dealing with the gully-
heads, recovering and repairing the foundations and dealing with the stability of the bedrock. All
288

of this meant creating a much flatter surface to work off from. With a stable and level foundation,
water drainage would be less of a problem.
The experimental approach worked toward filling in the gullies at the base of the slope. Because
there were a variety of geological conditions around the base of the hill, different approaches
may have been required (Gonella, 2007). The most distinctive conditions can be summarized as
(1) chalky or (2) compact earth. In the case of the first problem, the solution is to cut into the
chalk floor at the base and then fill it with surrounding earth. In the latter case, the evacuation of
the loose topsoil until fresh soil or weathered stone is observed. This was used to establish a solid
surface at the base of the gully. Then the workers made deeper cuts back into the base of the
gully and earth fill was used to layered it in a level manner. The stability was enforced by adding
white cement and lime which built up the steps in an orderly way.
Because of the volatility of history, the citadel at Aleppo has played a variety of functions,
alternating between a residence or a garrison. The walls have proved to be effective buffers
against would be invaders. It has sheltered the city within the city and rulers have used it as a
seat of power. If we enter the city today, it requires an effort of historical imagination to see that
it once had a densely populated city of people living on the slope. Since the disastrous
earthquake of 1822, no one inhabits that area. The eastern plateau requires future investigations.
A cursory view of the historical documents says that the area in Aleppo was inhabited by up to
two thousand residents in the sixteenth and seventeenth century. According to the French visitor
Volney, who stopped at Aleppo in 1780s, he witnessed about 350 Janissaries, an elite force
within the Ottoman army, together with their families (Gonella, 2007). He also noted that the
fighting spirit was not exactly representative of their presence since they were preoccupied with
289

commercial concerns and their small businesses. The earthquake of 1822 was a turning point for
the area, and many people left.
What the excavations revealed is a diversity of ruins and courtyards, all of various dimensions.
On the whole, the houses were all well built, sturdy structures. Many of the floors
displayed multicolored tiling patterns. Even a novice in excavation would be able to identify the
timeworn marks of a kitchen, bathrooms and toilets. The plaster noticeable on the wall was clear
evidence of high maintenance standards by the original inhabitants. Some of the dwellings
featured wooden paneled walls. At the time of the joint Syrian-German project, Ottoman
dwellings were unearthed in the center of Aleppo. Many nails, possibility used to nail paneling to
the walls, were found at these sites.
What made the site so problematic from a conservation point of view was the multiple layers of
ruins and debris. The danger was that exposing the ruins and artifacts to natural conditions after
being unearthed was very likely to lead to a very quick deterioration in condition. The soil had
protected them from serious environmental factors and with exposure, especially through winter
and summer seasons, a lot of damage might be done. To prevent that from happening, retaining
walls were introduced which made the entire complex seem strangely like its original situation of
a city surrounded by walls. Some of the retaining walls were designed to resemble the original
structure. In addition to these adjustments, the weaker soil mortar was replaced with the more
durable lime mortar (Gonella, 2007). The walls were topped off with faux designs in order to
protect them from frost and snow. Some wall renderings were also modified by using modern
techniques to enhance the decorations which belonged to the originals. Such treatment meant
reattaching pieces to the stone substrate with stainless steel or glass pins. The pins were set in
290

lime and dust grout, used to fill cavities. Other materials were added with an application of
calcium hydroxide which serves as a constituent of plaster and mortar (Gonella, 2007).
In the matter of decorative restoration it was noted that there were numerous instances of very
delicate floral patterns inlaid on the floors throughout the complex. These patterns would never
survive in an exposed condition. After undergoing a documentation process, each area was
reburied. The original was not destroyed. Instead, a replica of the type of was placed above the
buried original. That decision was driven by a desire to keep visitors interested and to show to
tourists that the site had once been one that sustained a lively interest by its occupants.
Conservation policy is driven by a number of factors. One of the most salient is the desire to
attract visitors to historic sites in order to generate revenue for maintenance and upgrades over
time. This motivation requires a detailed, coherent strategy. Such a strategy was developed
through consultation with the DGAM (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008). It was
proposed that a visitors' circuit be laid out across the citadel and unifying all the relevant points
of interest for visitors. It was considered desirable to use as many original stone-paved roadways
as possible. The reason for this is that the site owes much to the Ayyubid architects. Where it
was not possible to highlight this design, new pathways were added. In addition, screeds were
used to form and shape separate steps. Information points were added and would eventually be
shaded by the addition of Melia trees. The site can be promoted for its wonderful vistas and
panoramic views and this was the priority of the policy makers (Bianca, 2007). A guidebook was
also published making any visit a great opportunity for being a better informed tourist.
Modern site management of historic properties involves a serious attempt to provide
interpretation of the site for prospective visitors. Aligned with this purpose a Visitor Center is
291

considered essential. The citadel at Aleppo includes both a Visitor Center connected to the
Ottoman barracks at the northern edge of the site. This includes a small exhibition which
describes the site in historical detail, an audio-visual presentation that related the original site as
well as conservation efforts to restore it, and a modernized cafeteria. Furthermore, a small
modernized museum has been added to the arsenal building and adjacent tower close to the
palace (Gonella, 2007).
Aga Khan Interventions in Aleppo Citadel
It bears repeating that the primary commitment of the Aga Khan Trust for HCSP cannot be
limited to the mere safeguarding of physical remains (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008).
That would be a serious failure of the historical imagination, something that the Trust actually is
endowed to protect. Whatever it takes, whether finding ways to revive the older functions or
making modern sense of monuments as integral parts of the community, the Trust is trusted with
the making physical structures meaningful for the people as a whole. This awesome
responsibility, especially in the case of Syria, requires converting the ancient defensive function
of the citadels to a something compatible with the civic, cultural and educational needs of
contemporary Syria and the Arab world in general.
In the case of Aleppo, the citadel remains the pride of the local community. It also serves as a
focal point within the urban landscape (Gonella, 2007). When one gazes across the vast fields
and forested mountains, the spectator achieves a rare moment of identification that transcends
background. And within the center there are meeting halls, the throne room and the amphitheater
which offer ample space for public events. From the point of view of the visiting tourist, these
accommodations are a history lessons in ancient Oriental art work, Byzantine and Islamic culture
292

and even Roman influence. As such it constitutes a remarkable treasure trove. In view of
educational needs of children and the general public, the site constitutes a history book: layer
upon layer of cultural influence providing each visitor an opportunity to immerse themselves in
the past simply by being physically present with their eyes and ears open and receptive.
So, beyond repair work and restoration the additional task for the Trust is to find ways, effective
ways to be sure, to educate, stimulate and fascinate the willing visitors (Aga Khan Historic Cities
Program, 2008). They must not leave the site disappointed. No, the job is to bring them back and
have them talk about the significance of the site to others. This can be accomplished with a
thoughtful and common sense approach to viewing the relevant sights around the complex,
especially with an emphasis on the building as an architectural wonder. Secondly, it is necessary
to encourage each visitor to take in the panorama that can be experienced by gazing out on the
surrounding plains. Finally, the site encourages the notion of relaxation and enjoyment, without
rush and stress. In fact there is no better relief from modern tension than a journey into the past.
In fact, it's much like entering church or mosque; a time for relaxation and mental concentration
on greater things than daily tasks. To provide the necessary physical support there needs to be an
operational Visitors' Center as well as informative exhibits and a modern cafeteria.
To organize a rewarding experience at an historical site, it is important to work with the
metaphors of education: visitors need instruction, illustrations, examples in order to appreciate
the rich diversity of the past. Organizers need to take the raw data or the givens and 'translate'
them in such a way that the average person can make sense of what the past has to offer. This is
the main task of the Visitor Center located at the highest point of the citadel in Aleppo. The
educational translation is represented by informative panels that provide detailed background
293

information as well as a guidebook that can be read as tourist move through the site. In addition
to all this, an 'animated' three dimensional model of the entire citadel complex is projected within
the center showing a bird's eye view of all the seen and unseen underground passages. The
creation of this type of state of the art display in addition to modern dining facilities is one of the
pivotal functions of the entire project.

Figure 11-13: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, Visitor site plan and facilities (Gonella, 2007)
In order to provide some orientation for the reader, we can sketch out what a visit to the site
would be as an experience for the active tourist. All the circuits throughout the citadel begin and
end at the gateway known as the majestic. The visitor crosses a bridge over a moat and ascends a
large, dark vaulted ramps of the entrance complex with their five subsequent right angle turns in
different directions. This approach forms a sort of sequence, one which eventually delivers the
visitor to the high plateau at its lowest point. From there, the visitor can ascend the "spine" of the
294

inner citadel which links the entrance complex and the upper mosque and the old barracks on the
very top (Gonella, 2007). These latter venues serve as the current Visitor Center and the modern
cafeteria.
As visitors move along the inner spine, there are a number of "stations" which deserve the
visitor's attention. These stations include the suq, the Byzantine cistern, the small mosque of
Abraham, and the depressed archaeological site of the ancient esplanade on the southern side, a
place where visitors can pause, recollect, and refresh themselves with food and beverages. This
site is especially attractive because of the grove of trees that provide shade from the heat and
sunshine. This esplanade forms a wide open artificial balcony from which it is possible to gaze
upon the entire citadel site as a unity. Just beneath the esplanade, is a modern amphitheater
which has, on occasion, served as a lecture, entertainment, and concert venue.
From the northern edge of the Visitor Center we find a rampart of the citadel that allows a
wonderful view of the other side of the city. From there, we can move in the circuit eastward
along the northern most rampart and passes a windmill, which has also been restored and reused,
with its roof serving as yet another platform for panoramic views of the citadel complex. At that
point, the visitor will descend into the Ayyubid complex, including the cistern, the palace itself,
and the royal hammam and other annexes. One of these annexes has been set aside as a sort of
'arsenal', a small museum which holds a variety of artifacts on display, including stone
inscriptions, various metal and ceramic works. The museum also explains how the Ayyubid
palace was built according to the architecture of the times. As the visitor makes his or her way
toward the Tawashi palace, there is yet another small museum that features an exhibition on
military defense techniques. This museum can be found in one of the defensive towers. Visitors
295

are now nearing their final destination, the restored Mamluk throne hall which is just above the
monumental gateway of the citadel. This site is unique in that it offers the challenge of a steep
descent through narrow interior staircases which lead to the staircases of the entrance complex,
through a hidden door at back to the starting point of the entire circuit (Bianca & Battle, 2001).
Perhaps the most satisfying experience of visiting the citadel is the opportunity to experience a
combination of significant history with spectacular natural panoramas. As visitors move through
the spine of the building they have the option to pause and gaze into the distance, marking out
the forests and plains of the surrounding countryside as well as views of the city of Aleppo itself.
From the west there is the unique experience of the suq and the Umayyad [Great] Mosque. The
latter forms the core of the old walled city. From the north, there is an equally impressive
experience with a comprehensive view of the entire city, its modern extensions and suburbs and
the surrounding countryside.

Figure 11-14: Citadel of Aleppo, The ground floor plan of the big Mosque (Gonella, 2007)
296

Architecture is first and foremost a study of unity. In our case, the master plan unites diverse
functions: the restaurant, the toilets, the recreational areas, and the tourist information centers.
All of these are integrated and form a perfect unity. In the western part of the citadel, the original
Ottoman influence has been retained showing the styles of housing used and the street layout are
also preserved. The original street pavement has been restored but the layout of the circulation
for people has new elements that complement the ways in which people get around. There are
different textures, directions for finding archeological sites, and safeguards against wear and tear.
The eastern part of the site, however, has been landscaped but otherwise left pretty much as it
was, a wide area mostly based on debris and sand.
All in all, the visitor's circuit includes twenty-six areas of special interest. This circuit is an
exemplary design work. It points out and articulates the beliefs of each of the differentiated
points of interest. The selected viewpoints and pathways are clearly marked out. The most
important points of interest are called 'green points' (Gonella, 2007). The green is meaningful by
suggesting a natural area shaded by trees and other shrubs. A number system was also developed
and implemented making the layout intelligible to the visitor. The numbers are highlighted in the
guidebook which provides substantive information on each point.
The most important places to visit are called 'focal points' (Gonella, 2007). These are directly
connected to archeologically and historically relevant things to see. They relate to different
historical periods but there is no strict chronological order. In order to clarify the
connection between substantive issues and chronology, special pedagogical devices were
developed in order to help make sense of the citadel's history and importance. The three most
significant landmarks are the Ottoman barracks, the arsenal of the Ayyubid palace and the
297

Mamluk tower. All the objects in exhibition have been redistributed and complemented with
new objects that make sense in thematic units (Bianca & Battle, 2001).
The Visitor Center within the Ottoman barracks, named for Ibrahim Pasha, was established with
the idea of joining it to the new recreational areas, most of which are found in the southern
section where the terrace is located. This terrace provides a unique opportunity to view the
citadel as a whole along with its amphitheater. The visitor has the option of either remaining in
the restaurant or browsing through the selection of informative guides, books, and tapes for sale
in the bookshop. From the western section of the site there is now a grove of trees which provide
welcoming shade on hot and sunny days. The eastern half, to round out our explication displays a
wide variety of stone fragments which were formerly scattered throughout the site in the form of
a geometrically designed lapidarian.
The northern side also offers a unique recreational area, including a second terrace, which is at
the top of the northern tower. The Visitor Center provides every visitor with a timeline and
overview of the site along with additional historical information. The span of time covers the
pre-historic conditions at the site up to the Ottoman Empire. Informative displays include
archeological remains and pictures and a selection of physical evidence. A general topography of
the area is also available, allowing viewers to access the specific types of geographies, elevations,
and weather conditions specific to Aleppo. In addition to the general exhibition hall is a video
archive which features multimedia presentations and documentaries through visual animation of
the citadel. This venue also offers a selection of lectures by authorities in the field, cultural
events and public receptions. Finally, in the basement of the complex, we find a model of the
citadel for viewing and a display of photographs of how restoration work was accomplished.
298

The design concept built into the Visitor Center is worth careful analysis. The Center is build
along a north-south axis, with dual arcades and windows along each of the sides. The impression
it makes is of an elongated structure with plenty of light. The exhibitions within the building are
related to this impression creating an overall rhythm. The exhibited objects display a variety of
historical periods including a variety of fragments, a sarcophagus, a Byzantine false door, a
column and window fragments and other stone objects. All of these are organized according to a
chronological order along the walls (Gonella, 2007). The capitals are located in a lateral
dimension within the naves. The various capitals are a good way to grasp the differences in style
between the various periods of the past.
The museum as a whole has a remarkably modern vibe to it with grey coated steel casting for the
cafeteria furniture and the information desk. This coated steel and wood mix seems to be
fashionable for modern visitors. These neutral materials do not interfere with the limestone
structure that compose the walls, the floors and the wooden beams overhead and thus the entire
assemblage is marked by a sense of harmony. The new metal pillars which hole up the stone
capitals emphasize the rhythm of each of the arches for a powerful effect of balance and form.
This is also reflected in the lapidarium located outside.
The Ayyubid palace sponsors an arsenal which is located inside an annex to the palace. Entry to
the arsenal is possible through a small door not far from an entrance portal to the palace. This
arsenal is one of the main attractions for visitors to the citadel itself. The building has within its
borders several exhibition rooms which provide an in-depth look at the arts and crafts of the
Ayyubid period.
299

All of the rooms are oriented to the main central courtyard with two lateral arcades. These
locations make for an easy interaction between the interior and the exterior spaces. This is in
keeping with the original ground plan of the palace. Visitors to the first two rooms will discover
stone inscriptions which were found within the citadel and two panels explaining the political
role of the Ayyubids in Syria and the nature of their thinking in architecture and fortifications.
The arcades serve a slightly different purpose in that they have been used to exhibit other Islamic
inscriptions found at the top of the citadel, with a larger room near the entrance is reserved
for how arts and crafts were developed under the Ayyubid and the Mamluk dynasties. Most of
these exhibits involve ceramics and metal ware. These materials were discovered either within
the Ottoman barracks or during archeological digs at the site. Some of them come from the dig
near the front of the al-Nuri hammam. All of these pieces are presented within four different
showcases with additional information about patrons and rulers from the Ayyubid and Mamluk
period.
An impressive defensive tower built during the reign of the Mamluks is situated slightly above
the Ayyubid palace area, not too far from the arsenal and its exhibits. It is accessible by a
pathway along the eastern rim of the citadel. This impressive, multi-cornered tower is just east of
the monumental gateway. This tower and entrance were meant to cover an earlier construction
which can be viewed from the inside. However, the new tower made the old one obsolete and in
any case, it is much more dramatic. Within the entrance is a panel that explains the presence of
the older entrance way as well as illustrations of the art and science of medieval warfare. Such
ancient instruments of war such as the trebuchet, cannons, spearhead and other objects can be
discovered throughout the site and are duly marked.
300

Currently there are long term projects in the works, such as the German-Syrian collaboration of
unearthing and restoring the temple of the storm god. Once its proper dimensions are excavated
and understood, the temple will be integrated into the site as a whole. The temple of the storm
god plays a unique role within this context, adding as yet unappreciated cultural elements.
Finding the temple takes into a deeper historical layer in the history of Syria. Yet there remains
the problem of its location since it is situated on a lower level and extends thirteen meters below
ground level. As the remains are revealed to the elements, there is an increasing danger of
damage caused by humidity which can in fact destroy the entire edifice if not handled properly.
The most likely solution would be to build a modern museum that would provide the necessary
shelter for the fragments and artifacts recovered at the site. Such bold initiatives require a good
deal of planning given the limited topographical options.
Citadel Conservation Leading to Urban Conservation
To those who were able to observe this trend, the conclusion was obvious. The excesses visited
on the Bab al-Faraj project during the 1970s seemed to place the entire Old City on the line.
Would it survive or not? Many wondered whether it had a future. But like many shocks, this
trend led to a group of conservation activists to organize and develop an agenda concerning
historic preservation. From the point of view of conservation specialists, the damage done could
be contained and these connected to only a portion of the city. Though it might be possible that
the entire area would be converted to modern forms of life, there was still the chance to find
ways to preserve older forms as well.
The conservationists were quick enough to stop the full plan from being implemented. Those
sections of the Master Plan would have altered the city in horrible ways. Through their lobbying
301

efforts they were able to convince the Ministry of Culture to issue the Old City as a national
monument (Gonella, 2007). This had the effect of preventing further modernization. This same
group was also able to organize what is called the Old City Committee, an official body that
represents the interests of that historic venue. As time went on, the Old City Committee was able
to assume broad powers of authority, including management of municipal affairs in the Old City.
The Committee also affiliated with UNESCO hoping to gain more insight into the practice of
conservation. Two UNESCO reports issued in 1980 and 1983 respectively showed why it was
necessary to abandon the Master Plan (Bianca & Battle, 2001) (Aga Khan Historic Cities
Program, 2008). In those reports alternatives were outlined for how to proceed with conservation.
The 1980s was an important decade for conservation awareness. Most approaches aimed at
conservation were focused and consolidated during that time. The Master Plan was abandoned
by the authorities. The high rise commercial projects in the northwest area of the Old City were
suspended, even as the foundations had been laid for many of the buildings. A revised plan was
adopted which found ways to integrate the courtyard homes into the evolving fabric and
connections to the pedestrian way of life were preserved. Inside the Old City neighborhood, an
office for administration was established (Gonella, 2007). An expansion of those areas deemed
requiring protection included those areas outside the walls of the Old City. Old Aleppo earned its
rightful place on the UNESCO list of World Heritage Sites. A special coding regulation was
drawn up and used to govern conservation efforts.
The ultimate outcome of all this was mainly positive, an important accomplishment for
conservation policy makers. The pace of destruction was slowed or halted and the damage to the
fabric brought to an end. Public awareness increased an appreciation for the cultural and social
302

values of the inherited ways of life. The government authorities accorded more appropriate
attention to the Old City and its needs and affairs. On the other hand, the measures taken were
not enough to damage the environment in significant ways.
New Urban Regulations and Conservation Practices in Aleppo
For centuries, Aleppo functioned as a cultural totality. Even with the political and military
pressures brought by outsiders, life went on, much as it had for centuries. We can say that
Aleppo revealed a cultural pattern which had integrity and was celebrated by residents. In the
past, the state was not considered responsible for providing public services. The dominant theme
from the past was the administration and regulation of religious practices. Concern for the
mosques and the observance of ritual was a top priority. Occasionally, a ruler or potentate would
give from his largesse in a way to suggest concern for all his subjects, but the burdens of
everyday life and the need to maintain the social fabric fell to those who lived in the community.
The mix of social and economic segments was able to take care of the needs of each
neighborhood. As an assumed practice, without much articulation as to why and how, it formed
what we know as culture. When culture is objectified and treated as something malleable, then
governments assume the right to begin manipulating communities for external objectives. This
seems to be the price of modernity.
Modernism could be considered a series of blunders. These blunders are reversed the original
intention as they cause the opposite result than the one intended. The rapid process of
modernization in Aleppo and other places in Syria caused an unintended cause in that it actually
made historic preservation far more difficult than it needed to be. The mindless application of
city planning meant that anyone who could afford to leave the Old City did and then the historic
303

fabric gradually decayed as it fell into poverty and neglect. The most dramatic reversal is that the
slow, organic process of city development became an abstract exercise detached from any social
or political roots.
As a consequence of these events, the newer sections of Aleppo, "The New City," developed
rapidly without the benefit of any administrative oversight and too few commercial outlets.
Because of this deficit, the Old City oddly enough became the major attraction for commerce and
social life. The medina markets and the administrative centers were all located in the core of the
metropolis and served as the significant civic pivot for over two million inhabitants (Gonella,
2007). The result of all this was to put immense pressure on the Old City, with endless traffic,
pollution, an increase in industrial and commercial activity and so forth. All of this led to a rapid
deterioration of the historical fabric located in the Old City. Orderly continuity was no longer the
order of the day. Instead, a new administrative apparatus needed to be designed so that affairs
might be managed in the modern style.
In 1989, an internal report and analysis of the existing conditions in the Old City was prepared
by the committee overseeing developments (Bianca & Battle, 2001) (Gonella, 2007). They
provided for a new rehabilitation scheme as well as a way to provide funding. This experimental
approach begins with a pilot project which begins with a survey of all the social and economic
conditions of the area. After concluding the survey, a new scheme was developed on paper. At
the same time, a few local and limited experiments took place to see whether a soft approach was
viable. This could be a model for all future local conservation activities.
Like most city planning projects, the whole point is to upgrade conditions in the public sector,
including a wide variety of services, and better support for those living in the area concerned.
304

This report also placed a special stress on the importance of grass-roots participation. As such, it
spelled out the advantages and the expected economic and cultural benefits (Gonella, 2007).
As it turned out, the City of Aleppo was able to act on the basis of this report. The organizational
set up was established by the city government and expertise and funding sources were secured.
The German government permitted the German Agency for Technical Cooperation (GTZ) to act
as its representative through a commission and to administer all German participation in the
project (Gonella, 2007) (Bianca, 2007). GTZ was responsible for providing international and
local experts, training for the project staff, technical equipment and funds for implementation of
rehabilitation measures in the pilot areas. The Arab Fund was responsible for technical
equipment, international expertise, and training programs (Bianca, 2007).
Conservation of the Old City of Aleppo
A history of the rehabilitation project for the Old City of Aleppo would begin with the year of
implementation, 1992 (Bianca & Battle, 2001). The initial event was a survey conducted to
determine the social, economic and political needs. A specific area was determined to be the
focus of the survey along with a draft for a land-use plan. The surveys included a questionnaire
of residents' opinions which not surprisingly uncovered a need for social services. An
infrastructure study has also shown the need for the full replacement of sewage and water
systems. And then traffic surveys pointed to a need for traffic management schemes to improve
congestion and noise pollution.
In some cases, there were immediate interventions in those areas deemed to be in acute need.
These initiatives began before the conclusion of the surveys. The infrastructure work needed to
305

begin right away and was limited to the pilot area (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008)
(Gonella, 2007). That work is now nearly complete, and the streets have been repaved with the
traditional cobblestones. An historic religious school was recommissioned for daily use as a fully
functioning health and community center. A new kindergarten was introduced and technical aid
was provided for the restoration of three historical mosques in the area. A successful traffic plan
was also developed and it has been enforced so that heavy traffic use has been limited to more
manageable proportions and now traffic is limited to specific major alleyways.
This experience proved to be highly instructive in the arts and sciences of conservation and
restoration. The areas of focus are now called "Action Area Projects" (Gonella, 2007). Each
intervention is based on principles learned from earlier experiences. Each intervention also
instructs policy makers on what works and doesn't work in these matters. A second area in the
neighborhood of Jdaideh has been rehabilitated in a similar fashion and yet a third project was
developed in the neighborhood of Farafrah (Gonella, 2007). A general plan for the whole of the
Old City with a general land-use policy and revised building code has also been completed
which includes special guidelines for restoration and rehabilitation. In all areas, technical,
administrative, and language capacities, there have been upgrades for the project staff through a
serious training program. The project involved the latest state of the art technical equipment and
a process for resident participation has remained an important policy element.
A loan fund was also established for residences. Practically this meant that over eight hundred
small loans were provided for limited-income home owners to effect small structural emergency
repairs (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008) (Gonella, 2007). All of these loans are interest
free with an easy repayment plan. The project involves ongoing studies, supervision of the
306

execution of all work, exemptions from owners' fees and assistance with the acquisition of
inexpensive materials from government sources. Since then, a larger funding source has opened
its doors for all those homes which can in some way make adjustment yet keep their style in the
traditional manner. Yet another fund was established to encourage the development of small
businesses in the affected neighborhoods.
The City of Aleppo was able to create a special administrative agency called the Old City
Directorate (Gonella, 2007); this agency handles all affairs involving ongoing daily projects as
well as all restoration work. The effect of creating an independent authority was a reduction in
the bureaucratic confusion and overlap. The staff and personnel working for the directorate
slowly allowed all projects to merge and gained from the unity in experience and their capacity
for managing restoration work. The streets in the Old City were replaced and improved under the
supervision of the directorate. Traditional styles and materials were used in a responsible manner.
In 2003, the Aga Khan Trust for Culture (AKTC), which already had a long term commitment to
conservation work on the citadel that began in 1999, joined with the Old City Directorate with a
view to upgrading the surrounding of the citadel, highlighting the areas as permanent civic
spaces and part of the city center while protecting the adjacent residential areas from
irresponsible modernization efforts (Bianca & Battle, 2001) (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program,
2008). These developments are one of the Area Development Projects under the supervision of
the AKTC's Historic Cities Support Program. These endeavors are organized according to a
general planning concept for the Old City Directorate, especially with respect to traffic
management. One of the major items on its agenda is a diversion of heavy traffic away from the
307

old city center. There is also a proposal to provide a better, more efficient public transportation
system or appropriate parking spaces between the citadel itself and its surrounding communities.
The general land-use plan was designed for the management of tourism and other economic
activities (Gonella, 2007). This plan required a plot-by-plot survey to collect data on existing
land use, especially for features such as physical conditions of structures, ownership, social and
economic factors, environmental and topographical conditions, as well as infrastructure
deficiencies. This concept of land-use planning provides a vital way to protect the residential and
infrastructure features of these areas. The study includes details on projects that include
upgrading public squares, pavement of streets and alleyways, street lighting and infrastructure
and the enhancement of the ring-road, adjacent public plots and the problem of appropriate
public access to historical monuments and the creation of special pedestrian zones with attractive
green areas. The entire study was brought to a conclusion in 2005. The City of Aleppo, the
German government, and the AKTC provided up to 20 million dollars as a funding source
(Gonella, 2007). The project began by first addressing infrastructure problems which occurred in
late 2005 and continued with an ongoing landscaping project.
Turning Aleppo Citadel to an Urban Landmark
The importance of Aleppo citadel is well known to all and the overall planning process
embracing restoration in the Old City is well developed. The spaces and areas in the area are
linked to thousands of years of history. There have been countless changes in custom and layout
over time, with the nineteenth century witnessing the most significant shifts toward modern life.
It was during that period, that the medieval town began its long journey to become a modern
metropolis.
308

Many believe that urban development is a uniquely modern feature, but that is not the case. In
fact, urban development in this case began in the Middle Ages when the citadel hill gradually
became more and more prominent, rather than a peripheral sideline position in the urban pattern
(Bianca & Battle, 2001). In fact, the citadel was the center of gravity in the middle ages. In the
Ayyubid period, the most important areas were directly south and west of the citadel. It was in
the period of sultan Nur al-Din that a big square was created to the south of the citadel in the area
of the city gate called Bab al-Iraq. In time the citadel was accessed by a simple upward path
somewhat to the east of today's entrance. When sultan al-Zahir Ghazi came to power, he then
added the monumental entrance block to the castle which was accessed from the southwest by
the bridge over the moat. Opposite to the entrance, the madrasa and palace of justice known as
the Dar al-Adl were built.
It was during the Mamluk period as the city was moving eastward that the southern end became
the center of political activities (Bianca & Battle, 2001). The old eastern wall of the city, a wall
which provided structural support for the citadel from the base of the hill, was replaced with a
new city wall further east, close to the old Roman trench. This had the effect of making the
citadel the focal point of the city with a newly constructed wall. This new eastern expansion
included a number of important religious buildings.
From the latter part of the nineteenth century to the early twentieth century the city of Aleppo
moved from being an historical city to a modern metropolis. With the Ottoman Empire, Aleppo
became an significant administrative site. But in the twentieth century, the flattened lands in the
south slowly became residential areas and buildings were constructed around the citadel at the
top of the hill. The horse trade moved out of the area and administrative offices were installed in
309

that area. In the decade between 1830 and 1840, the Old Serai was built north of the citadel; this
structure would phase out when the New Serai to the south was built in the 1930 under the
French Mandate. In the 1970s, the Old Serai and the old jail connected to it were demolished
which made it possible to introduce vehicular roads to the area as part of the Banshoya Master
Plan. The Master Plan was only partially implemented over time but other structures were
introduced around the citadel including the vocational training school about 1878 and the Awqaf
Office, the al-Zarb suq and the national hospital. Finally, we should mention the new law courts
were constructed in the late 1950s near the New Serai (Bianca, 2007).
In recent past, the surroundings of the citadel continued to be the major venue of administrative
offices and bureaus. The rapid urban growth taking place in the recent past has altered the
meaning of Aleppo, a city that moved from being an historical landmark to a modern
metropolis with such centers as the Directorate for Technical Services, Health Institute, the
Justice Palace, the national Emigration Office. All of these government centers only increased
the vehicular traffic in and out of the city and caused the type of congestion common in modern
cities (Gonella, 2007). Such traffic has damaged the older social fabric around the core of the
city.
In the 1980s the City of Aleppo started building new premises for the Municipality's
administrative offices. These offices occupied the western section of the Old City and greatly
expanded the administrative functions of the city. The construction took over twenty years to
complete, but this means that all the central administrative functions are now situated at the foot
of the historic citadel. However, it seems that situated as they are, this site will also become
obsolete which provokes the question of what the meaning of the land use policy of the future
310

must be. A new discussion about public space and the historic civic center comes below. It is
desperately needed a new comprehensive planning effort to decide these as yet unresolved issues.
Since the mid-twentieth century, Aleppo's population has increased dramatically calling for a
new comprehensive planning strategy that would take into account the problems with the old city
and all the modern districts affected by this development. Generally, many planning schemes do
not convey enough respect for the historical urban fabric. Happily, there was a project called the
Rehabilitation Project for the Old City of Aleppo which, since 1992, has been supervised by the
Directorate of the Old City. As a consequence of that management responsibility, the citadel and
its surrounding areas were integrated into a wider framework for the planning commission. All
the elements of modern revitalization and design-vehicular traffic, land use, public transportation,
car parking, pedestrian areas, public facilities and infrastructure-were organized by a larger
project that required extensive coordination by the Directorate (Bianca & Battle, 2001) (Gonella,
2007) (Bianca, 2007).
Even today, the center of the Old City provides the pivot or focal point for all the outlaying areas
and rural districts. In other words, the metropolitan agglomeration was ordered by placing the
Old City as the core point around which everything else must find a balance. This placed the core
area under enormous pressures which require a thoughtful response and some sort of long term
strategy. The aim is to ensure the Old City will survive and flourish even as modern elements are
introduced to the scene.
The threats are not difficult to enumerate: the uncontrolled expansion of commercial activities
which place residential and recreational areas in jeopardy; the advent of high end tourist
accommodations which cause intense disruptions; unrestricted vehicular traffic through the
311

historic areas and around the citadel which cause environmental degradation. In this context, the
improvements at the core would require major interventions with many ramifications. These
effects also provide for new opportunities. This might be a way to redirect uncontrolled
modernism and produce a positive outcome for the Old City after all.
Turning the Citadel to an Economic Development Source
The topmost priority in Aleppo is to reclaim the social and cultural significance of the citadel of
Aleppo. This is the first priority of all urban development within the context of the city and its
suburbs. The challenges, as we have mentioned, involve vehicular traffic and unregulated
commercial activity. By restoring the citadel and the open spaces around it as the reclaimed civic
center, we reestablish a consistent line of authority imposed by the vagaries of history. In order
to realize the objective of providing for an historic core, all developments must align with the
conservation policy developed with this view in mind. The Old City must retain its traditional
values, layout and function. The pressing contemporary needs, though acknowledged as
legitimate, must not permit planners to destroy the architectural heritage or other environmental
assets. To lose sight of the architectural character and such factors would be to invite a lack of
authenticity to the site. We also need to do more than provide an open air museum; it is
imperative to make an attractive open air public space that makes it possible to enjoy history
while people engage in recreational activities and invite foreign visitors to enjoy the heritage as
well. We use the traditional form for new purposes.
The areas around the citadel can be divided into two categories: the inner area for public open
space and outside circle which is the location of residences. Our focus must not merely be on one
section or part of the total urban fabric. We require an improvement public space at the core and
312

an improved residential design and layout in the suburbs. Both of these objectives serve the
improvement of life as a whole. One of the key issues is the reasonable control of vehicular
traffic. We must avoid demolishing or relocating traditional residences by diverting the heavy
pressure of vehicular traffic and channeling such traffic into the main arteries. At the same time,
it is necessary to provide services to individual neighborhoods.
Given these basic facts and objectives, appropriate action was taken by clearing all traffic out of
the area directly in front of the citadel on the north side and making the random parking of
automobiles prohibited in those areas (Gonella, 2007). By ensuring that these areas are cleared of
unnecessary congestion it then became possible to landscape them in an attractive way. With a
public transportation in the works designed with the needs of residents, it is custom made for the
city's population. Each monument or historical site can be reached through a sensible public
transport system. The parking issue was settled by relocating parking space behind all public
buildings and spaces.
Modern tourism is a multibillion dollar industry and Aleppo can rightly claim an important share
of those dollars. In fact, before the civil war, Aleppo was becoming a tourist destination for the
Middle East as the local government is well aware. The city's residents can take pride that their
city is a remarkable example of medieval and early modern architecture that countless tourists
are more than willing to visit. The holistic management system of the city requires that the
majority of tourist activity be concentrated around the citadel and its perimeter. That perimeter
will act as the hub around which focal points will provide the major stepping stones for
restaurants, shops, museums, hotels, recreational sites and cultural venues.
313

Urban planning acknowledges all the elements of a particular urban aggregation while giving
priority to the needs of the whole system. Comprehensive surveys were necessary to collect the
data needed to justify restoration and conservation efforts. Though the term survey may seem
vague, in this case, surveys involved the specific of demography and housing, the quantitative
measure of land and its use along with qualitative analysis of that use, an examination of
building typology, and an awareness of infrastructure and structural conditions. All of this
information, in various forms, became the research which was then used for developing the
urban improvement plan and its objectives.
The surveys were what made it possible for planners to determine the specific characteristics of
each area of concern. So, if a given neighborhood had already been surveyed, it was possible to
understand the alternatives that might be applied in its case. For instance, the western and
southern sectors of the city were given over to commercial property and usage. Administrative
buildings, historic monuments and tourist activities dominate these areas, especially from the
entrance of the suq to the hammam. The eastern sector is primarily given to residential buildings
(Gonella, 2007). All of this area is features the classic and traditional housing forms of courtyard
homes. To the north, on the other hand, there is a somewhat unorganized area which involves the
decrepit Emigration Office, the ruins of the Old Serai as well as more recent housing structures
in the form of apartments. The land use here is inconsistent. The open spaces around the citadel
are uncontrolled and heavily congested. Parking appears random and disorderly. There are some
conflicts in this vicinity over the functions of tourism, commerce and residential use. The moat
has been identified as an unattractive garbage dump which fails to provide the proper
environmental buffer between the citadel and the urban life around it.
314

The prospectus for city improvement began after all the undesirable elements currently troubling
this area were considered. To find a harmonious solution, each area was designated as a specific
district or sector of concern. This became three distinct zones (Gonella, 2007). The northern and
eastern sectors were denominated the recreational areas of the perimeter and were to be used as
such by the residents who lived in densely populated areas on the perimeter. The northern and
easter sectors along the moat which also included the slope leading down to the moat were
denominated areas for landscaping and environmental improvement. Stairs would also be added
which would make access more convenient from the lower levels and from the east. Trees were
identified as desirable as a way to shade the area from intense sunshine and limit the dust. The
southern section would then be used by the tourists for visiting and attending to the grounds of
the Old City. This area would include all those things necessary to sustain an active tourist flow.
Archaeological excavations along and near the moat would add some interest to the area as well.
The gateway and bridge that lead up to the citadel would be enhanced by the addition of a public
esplanade (Gonella, 2007). The esplanade is envisioned as the most desirable way to unify all the
key elements in the plan: a way to link the important historic sites, monuments, archeological
excavations, tourist facilities, and commercial activities. The symmetrical layout around the
entrance of the citadel and the wide but shallow steps leading down to the madrasa, this new
public space is the focal point of life around the citadel (Gonella, 2007).
The city square features a number of remarkable edifices, important historic buildings of
different styles and sizes, a bridge to the citadel itself, the madrasa and the Khosrowiya mosque
and the new Serai. Rows of palm trees line the area around the madrasa and the hammam with a
group of lower level trees in front of the Serai which blend well with the architecture. This adds
up to an inviting and enticing perspective for visitors. A certain rhythm is established by making
315

it possible for the visitor to alternate between vegetal areas with moisture and greenery and dusty
mineral laden areas in earth tones (Gonella, 2007). The pedestrian pathways, the pavement on
the streets and the pedestrian areas, the benches and the massive railings that move the visitor
toward the moat are made in black and white stone. These stones reference the older building
patterns of the city. All of the historic buildings require intensive maintenance efforts. A first,
important step in that direction would be to convert them to modern usage. This calls for
avoiding the museal attitude toward history and instead make these spots of interest to visitors
and the general public. The public needs centers of social and cultural life as well as concerts,
lectures, art exhibitions and other events of general interest. Aligned with this interest, is a need
for an upgrade of the facades of buildings and a restoration of monuments as necessary.
Solving urban traffic issues
The advent of modern vehicular traffic proved to be a major challenge for the area. It was
determined that an area friendly to pedestrian would be appropriate so a way had to be found to
manage so much congestion. But this area couldn't be designed without the rest of the city in
view. The new scheme was likely to cause other problems elsewhere, calling for a holistic
approach. A thorough study of the traffic patterns in both the old and new sections of Aleppo
was conducted (Gonella, 2007). This research as well as discussions with experts in the field led
to a highly calibrated traffic assignment model, one which could foresee the dislocations that
would be caused by the adjustments. Predictions of likely outcomes and the scenarios that would
eventuate were analyzed to find the best model possible.
It is desirable that the area around the citadel be low impact environmentally and with little or no
congestion. As an historic monument, it was envisioned that pedestrians would spend most of
316

their time walking around the base or perimeter of the buildings. This required a strategic
pathway with connecting points of relevance. Above all, the pedestrian network had to make
sense for tourists as well as residents and there had to be safeguards for the Old City in place.
In light of all these concerns, it is not possible to have through traffic moving through the citadel
and its environs in either a north-south or east-west direction. Only residents and visitors would
be granted privileged access due to their special status. And a service access provision would
also be in place. The aim of course is long-term viability and an attractive urban core that draws
people in. Parking was designated as belonging to either side of the suq (Gonella, 2007). For the
new Serai, a reorganization effort was called for. An integration was effected between surface
and underground parking in order to manage the volume. There is also a tourist bus station
located in that area. This area was envisioned as helping tourist with information centers,
banking and restrooms.
All the landscaping issues in Aleppo required a precise vocabulary which would accord with the
historical nature of that city in its old and new forms. The area around the citadel required its
own idiom because of its age. Experts learned the traditional architectural language and its
details as well as the types of materials used in construction (Gonella, 2007). Where
modernization was effected, the colors, patterns and materials were consistent with the older
forms.
All the urban, public "furniture" was designed in the local color pattern using limestone (Gonella,
2007). Thus, benches and waste disposal receptacles, pavement and railings were made using
local materials. The lighting, signage, and the formal information displays were all aligned with
prior efforts to do the same thing. Planners pursue a central aesthetic concept which requires
317

harmony with earlier designs (Gonella, 2007). Besides the use of the basalt is not only a stylistic
issue since it tends to endure for long stretches of time and is quite reliable as a material for
making public furnishings.
The citadel is a remarkable monument by any standard. The massive stone balustrade that
surrounds it along the moat displays this sense of the monumental. The balustrade is a mixture of
clear limestone and darker basalt stone, giving the balustrade an interesting attractiveness. The
alternating patter of black and white helps to relieve some of the monotony of a long moat
enclosure. In fact, visitors are delighted by the pattern since it makes each view of the citadel
slightly different. It also helps the very the experience of witnessing the moat or noticing the
connections with the suq. By virtue of its consistency, the balustrade provides a badly needed
aesthetic unity to the site and to all the public spaces the site provides. One notices the dignity of
the place with the full force of its elaborate construction and its ancient history. We might say it
is an architectural jewel. With enough planning, resources and vision, it is possible to reclaim the
deep historical significance of the Old City of Aleppo and prevent it from slipping to the margins
of the modern world.
318

Figure 11-15: Syria, Citadel of Aleppo, The elaborate portal of the palace (Gonella, 2007)

Figure 11-16 & 17: (Left) Citadel of Aleppo, Mamluk entrance to the Throne Hall from its
courtyard (Right) The interior steam room of the Palace Hamman. Several coats of plaster show
ongoing maintenance during the mediaeval period (Gonella, 2007)
319

Figure 11-18: Citadel of Aleppo, Axonometric view of the Ayyubid Palace, with the roofs of the
adjacent Arsenal and Palace Hamman raised (Gonella, 2007)

Figure 11-19: Citadel of Aleppo,
Axonometric view of a house in the old
quarter of Bab Qinnesrine. Ottoman houses
inside the Citadel might have followed a
similar design (Gonella, 2007)
320

Conservation of the Citadel of Masyaf

Figure 11-20: Syria, Citadel of Masyaf (Bianca & Battle, 2001)
There are two ways to witness the magnificent citadel at Masyaf: to approach from the east
where it arises suddenly from the plains or from the north as one moves down the Orontes valley.
In either case, one sees the Jabal al-Bahra mountains that rise steeply behind the citadel. The
singularity of the site suggests a vigilant guardian always wary of invaders. The citadel seems to
protect the mountains from those who would rashly attempt to seize the heights. Above Masyaf
the traveler also sees the white domed mausoleum of Rashind al-Din Sinan, the so-called "Old
321

Man of the Mountain" (Hasan, 2008). The site can be traced back to tales told by Crusaders in
the eleventh century.
Even as we recognize the influence of Byzantium in this area, it is a very different structure
compared to the citadel at Aleppo. The Aleppo site has the presence of royalty, a princely
residence in the center of a highly civilized urban center as well as a way station on multiple
international trade routes. In contrast, the Masyaf citadel is warlike, suggesting fighting and
guardianship. It is more rugged, more individual, less refined without all the pomp and
circumstance of the Aleppo site. The business of Masyaf is defense of contested territory rather
than the reception of dignitaries. The mountains at this site play a significant role with cold wet
winters and harsh cutting winds. It is an inhospitable place with all the inconveniences of a
military garrison.
The HCSP began work at Masyaf in the year 2000 (Bianca & Battle, 2001). When the work
began the whole site exuded a sense of dereliction and decay. Apparently the site held little or no
interest before it came to the HCSP's attention. While it is true that neglect had been the
dominant theme over the decades, it was immediately clear to all those concerned that the
primary problem was the incredibly harsh natural conditions. There had been a continuous
assault on the site for years with little or no oversight. This was in evidence when looking at the
collapsed masonry and the water shedding surfaces that filled in vaults and cavities cause decay
everywhere. Water tends to mix with lime which causes a general weakening of the entire
structure. Cracks and bulges were in evidence all over the citadel. Yet, with all these problems,
historians felt a good deal of interest in the site because it represents a complete medieval
fortress; a rare find in today's conservation sites. We know that what remains can be dated back
322

to the twelfth and thirteenth century, the period of the Ismaili occupation with distinctive notes of
Byzantium and Ottoman additions. In the beginning the citadel was located within the city's
walls. Today the city goes well beyond these walls; apartment blocks line the streets and there is
a general sprawl in many directions. Yet the modern age has not eliminated everything, and
important remains can still be seen in daily life. All this said, there is a minimal sense of
provincial charm. Approached from the eastern side of the site, we can still see how it must have
looked centuries ago.
It was only after in depth consultation with the Syrian authorities that the site was selected for its
representative value as an example of the Ismaili heritage. Of course, the Aleppo and Salah al-
Din sites were more selective in the approach, the Masyaf project encompassed the entire
structure. Painfully obvious, the structure is a mere ruin. Decades of neglect and disregard have
left it intact, but severely compromised as it slides further into degradation with each passing
year. The experts decided they would make an all out effort to salvage its historic character,
preserving this relic from the past for modern people. This meant bolstering the structure with
reinforced supports and new materials.
When the trust began to take an interest in the site, the first thing to do was survey the damage
(Hasan, 2008). A number of serious structural problems emerged right away. It was noticed that
the eastern curtain wall was collapsing and that the outer wall suffered damage which caused a
serious loss of compression to the vaulted gallery area. These areas were unstable and there was
fear that it might completely collapse as well. In addition to these problems, stones regularly
became dislodged and fell in areas where visitor might be. It was felt that a catastrophic collapse
was not only possible but perhaps inevitable unless some solution was found. The largest
323

sections of the eastern wall were very fragile and could possibly be beyond repair. The DGAM
(Directorate General of Antiquities and Museums ) decided to focus on this area at once.
The outward thrust of the structure needed counterweights. Should the building continue to
remain out of equilibrium, the entire area behind the walls might collapse. Some suggested tying
back some of the stones as a way of finding stability. According to some experts, there was the
option of drilling to the core and then pinning the stones down with steel dowels (Hasan, 2008).
Others considered this option but found it to be impractical, so a second option was floated
which involved direct rebuilding of the fallen section by a careful application of modern masonry.

Figure 11-21: Syria, Citadel of Masyaf (Hasan, 2008)
324

Figure 11-22: Citadel of Masyaf, View from the east and the road to Hama (Hasan, 2008)

Figure 11-23: Citadel of Masyaf, Eastern front of the inner castle (Hasan, 2008)

Figure 11-24: Citadel of Masyaf, East-west section, the outer and inner castle (Hasan, 2008)
325

In light of these findings and the alternatives proposed, the authorities at DGAM had to decide
how the project would align with the basic policy requirements of conservation (Aga Khan
Historic Cities Program, 2008): would restoration in this context be appropriate? What added an
additional complication was the tint of the stones themselves, a distinct sepia hue captured after
decades of the interaction of sunlight and the iron within the building materials. This iron
leached out of the stone causing the remarkable appearance which was a real hook for the site.
Any conservation effort would be analogous to a painter required to restore a masterpiece.
Other than a complete reconstruction of the wall the type of restoration required was delicate and
difficult. Not only would it require the greatest skill, but a respect for the original building
materials would also need to be a priority. The interaction of this wall in the context of the entire
site was very difficult to estimate. The wall needed to continue to blend with the surroundings
and not to stand out as a restoration. When the work did commence, the first thing to do was a
survey and an infill designed stone by stone. It was a real challenge to find the sort of stones
needed; cyclopean stones needed to match the color of the original and it required a specific size
and dimension. The quarry that had provided the original stones was now defunct, so the
sourcing had to come from elsewhere. Some of the work required locating and transporting
stones from as far as forty kilometers away in Hama (Hasan, 2008). The stones were brought in,
squared by expert masons, and then lifted into place on large cranes. The usual mortar bedding
was also used. Once again stainless steel dowels were used by setting them with molten lead
which provided horizontal and vertical symmetry to the overall pattern. Before any of this work
was completed, it was necessary to stabilize the original wall that was still useable and to which
the new section would have to be attached.
326

Once the project got underway, extensive grouting was necessary in order to provide continuity
between the various components of the structure. In order to complete the work, a new form of
lime mortar was added to the joints with attention to the coloring using lime and iron oxide wash
to match the hue of the original (Hasan, 2008). Additional repair work had to be done on the
north side of the eastern curtain wall where a defensive tower was in disrepair.
The work on the defensive tower caused some concern because it was so unstable. The new work
had introduced a dynamic threat to the whole system and the structure was beginning to move
outward in a very slow rotation which pulled at the original site. The result of this dynamic was a
vertical fracturing between the tower and the curtain wall. Left to itself, this would have caused
the entire structure to collapse. In light of this threat, the recent restoration work was undone and
a new attempt was made to do "gravity grouting" which might be able to keep the tower and the
curtain wall in balance (Hasan, 2008). After that initial effort was made, a new set of stainless
steel ties connecting the two pieces was introduced and a buttressing effort was made in the form
of a replica of the core interior of the wall. Repair work was also performed on the southwest
tower which had begun to drift slowly to the west with joints opening which caused a good deal
of alarm. That movement had probably been caused by instability at the base of the gatehouse
vault which was located to the east.
Walking through the fortress it was obvious that the large amount of debris had come from a
number of collapses in the structure (Bianca, 2007) (Hasan, 2008). There was earth fill
everywhere. Many of the rooms were neglected and in serious jeopardy since there were a great
many impediments to visitors. Decay also makes the structure less intelligible to tourists who are
seeking to make sense of their experience. These complications also affect drainage issues and
327

lack of access to space throughout the fortress. Debris was removed and in the process all sorts
of discoveries were made about the site, including rooms and passageways that had been
obscured by the deterioration. To give just one example, off the main corridor behind the western
wall of the fortress a grain storage area was discovered sunk deep in the bedrock (Bianca, 2007).
With the discoveries of several other unknown aspects of the fortress, the DGAM (Directorate
General of Antiquities and Museums) was not only committed to restoration but also to our
expanding understanding of how the original sites must have been designed and built. For
example, unknown to the authorities before the removal of earth fill, the remains of a brick over
were uncovered under a sequence of rooms in the southwestern end of the site. In another case, a
sectorial archaeological survey uncovered traces of tiled floors which suggested that an entire
level had been there before the deterioration (Hasan, 2008).
It is unfortunate that questions like these could not be answered or probed for any solution. The
reason is that there were many complicated logistical and technical problems. Due to earlier
efforts at conservation that were deemed inappropriate by modern standards, the DGAM
resolved to improve on what had been done by bringing it into alignment with current standards.
To give just one example, cement pointing which causes unsightly disfigurement as well as long
term damage because of its reliance on salts had to be removed and replaced with lime based
mortars. And even more problematic was the reinforced concrete lintels that had been placed
over doorways and window openings (Hasan, 2008). All of this work, while well intentioned,
was found to be more harmful than beneficial to restoration work.
One way to avoid a destructive replacement or repair process is to use disguises of various kinds.
In cases where it was fairly straightforward, replacement might involve simply using traditional
328

timber lintels. This was certainly the case where a stone lintel had been above a doorway in the
second room, but the modernized reinforced concrete proved to be ugly and out of place. It was
decided by the authorities to replace it with a new stone lintel, carved from the hard black basalt
native to the region, just as the original had been (Hasan, 2008). This is not to say that it is easy
or a simple solution. New technical and historical problems were obvious: the combination of
weight, limited headroom and access and so forth pushed the whole enterprise to the limits on
available resources.
The serious challenges to the project were overcome by using planks and rollers to get the
massive stone to the place where it would ultimately be situated. Work was conducted on it and
the stone eventually assumed the shape desired and was then simply lifted into place above the
doorway. Through progressive lifting and packing, the massive stone was placed where the
original had been (Hasan, 2008). Collapsing vaulting was slowly undermining the stability of the
entire building. It must be recalled that falling stones, especially of this magnitude, could pose an
extreme danger to visitors. Any sudden collapses as a result of faults in laying stones would
result in injury or possible death. The fallen stones were viewed as additional resources that
could be re-established in their original position. A survey of the north entrance revealed a
depressing situation of finely constructed vaults slowly collapsing; what there was of the original
ceiling was only precariously sustained by some stones. If any of those stones were to fall, the
entire structure would disappear, hopelessly beyond restoration efforts. Some effort was made to
rebuild but every effort was made to retain original materials, such as the quality of the plaster
and the holes that supported a platform of timber. Other parts were taken down and rebuilt and
the remainder was deep-tamped, using lime mortar and grouted (Hasan, 2008).
329

Figure 11-25: Citadel Citadel in the early 20th century, showing a more intact southern elevation
and barbican (Hasan, 2008)

Figure 11-26: Citadel of Masyaf, After the destruction of the part of the entrance by the
Mongols, the row of machicolations was added by the Mamluks (Hasan, 2008)
330

Figure 11-27: Citadel of Masyaf, Outer Castle drawings (Hasan, 2008)
331

Water is one of the most serious causes of damage to human structures. If it percolates through
vaults and wells, the material is saturated with moisture and exposed to even more damage when
temperatures drop and it freezes within walls and floors. This is a major cause of decay. In
recognizing this fact, conservation policy sought to formulate the need for waterproofing
exposed surfaces. When many of these buildings were originally built little or no thought was
given to posterity. Long term maintenance was not on anyone's agenda. Ironically, the solution to
long term repair and restoration was invented during the medieval period and the standard
procedures used in roofing of vernacular buildings.
Materials for waterproofing can be found in the area around Masyaf itself. There is a form of
green clay which provides an excellent source for protection. This clay had been neglected by
local artisans who no longer used it for that purpose. Through testing and examination, it was
discovered that when mixed in a ratio of one part lime to four parts clay with the addition of grit
the solution provided excellent protection. This mixture was used to coat all weathering surfaces.
To stabilize the end product an additional quantity of screed from stabilized earth was also used
(Hasan, 2008). This protected the floors from the abrasive impact of visitors' feet. The result was
that there was little damage even over a period of multiple winters to the vaults or ceilings. With
proper maintenance, the protective measures will work for a long period of time.
Of the small amount of plaster that still remained on site, a good deal of care went into protecting
and maintaining it. Ancient plaster becomes too soft and can easily be scraped or punctured with
holes. A vulnerable surface cannot withstand multiple abrasions. Even in light of modern
methods of treating plaster, the DGAM decided to use limewater, which proved to be a simple
and direct method for protecting. The decision to use this new sort of plaster was based on
332

scientific analysis of the materials. When working with original materials, it is imperative to use
similar materials or that they should match as closely as it is possible to make them. When new
elements or materials are used, the modern material plays a subordinate role to the original,
protecting the original as much as possible.
Using plaster in conservation extends to the careful work needed on inscriptions as well.
Inscriptions pose the unique challenge of cleaning without destroying. Inscriptions are quite
common on most structures, especially in entrance halls and walls. In addition to those
decorative extras, there are also a number of ornamental stucco patterns used to give the rooms
and areas a more engaging appearance (Hasan, 2008). The cleaning of ancient porous building
materials is labor intensive and exhausting work. Such cleaning should be viewed as a last resort,
because of the tedium of the work and the danger of causing even greater damage to weakened
materials. The problem from a technical point of view is dealing with the 'stalactites' of dirt, tiny
black encrusted bits of grime that make it so dangerous to the surface when removed.
Again using scientific testing techniques, the dirt was discovered to contain a type of soluble
mineral salt which accounted for the adhesion. Both sulphates and carbonates were present in the
dirt and this suggested to researchers that airborne dust particles adhered to the walls and ceilings
on the basis of a calcium sulphate compound (Hasan, 2008). So, in order to cleanse the surface, it
was necessary to dissolved the calcium sulphate, thereby releasing the dust particles. This was
fairly easy to accomplish by using a nebulized water solution. In the case of Masyaf, the team
lacked the necessary equipment and decided to use instead paint-spraying equipment to generate
the water mist. Although it was an improvisation, the method was more than satisfactory and all
the dirt could be removed by the simplest toothbrush.
333

Figure 11-28: Citadel of Masyaf, Pillars and
arches between the rock and the
fortifications (Hasan, 2008)

Figure 11-29: Citadel of Masyaf, Facade of
the entrance complex, the stairway, the
hammam and the barbican (Hasan, 2008)

Figure 11-30: Citadel of Masyaf, North-
southern section of the entrance complex
(Hasan, 2008)
334

We now know that the magnificent flight of stone steps leading up to the citadel at Masyaf was
a later addition to the site. There were certain clues about the surface mounds which were
adjacent to the wall heads and the finely carved Byzantine capital lodged along the stairs that
suggested something else may be buried underneath. In 2003, a team of archeologists began to
dig in the area and in a short time were unable to excavate the remains of a small hammam, a
space specifically designed for space and a furnace (Bianca, 2007). This hammam seems to have
been built in two phases, the earlier being during the reign of the Ayyubid period, with a
modification added later during the period of the Ismailia period of control. Large areas of the
wall plaster were revealed in this site along with a decorative band in red pigment that was
visible to the naked eye.
Once all these detailed were unearthed it became something of a dilemma for the AKTC to know
exactly how to approach the discoveries. The options were to recover the exposed areas, an
approach that seemed to neglect the interests of historians and archeologists (Aga Khan Historic
Cities Program, 2008). On the other hand, leaving the findings as they were didn't make much
sense either. So, after careful debate and consideration, the DGAM (Directorate General of
Antiquities and Museums) decided to construct a new enclosure in which the original remains
might be visible and yet protected. This protective enclosure used the original wall heads as a
basis. The desire to protect these valuable assets meant that once again stone and lime-based
mortar would be used for restoration (Bianca, 2007). In most cases, the AKTC and DGAM
endorses the use of traditional materials while restoring sites.
Try to imagine the site in your mind. You picture the citadel of Masyaf situated as a medieval
town on top of a summit. The ramparts which are meant to guard and protect the city wrap
335

around it at its base. To the west we know based on photographs surviving from the 1930s that
there was a separation between the town and the citadel in the form of a rocky outcrop. During
the last thirty years or so, the intermediate zone between town and citadel has begun to disappear
(Hasan, 2008). In its place a new sort of outcrop has sprung up, a large illegal concrete block
buildings that pose an obstruction to the connection between town and citadel. Since this
unfortunate development took place before conservation measures could be enacted to protect
the site, the AKTC and local governments provided cash incentives for residents of those
concrete buildings to leave. This was done to enhance the idea of public space and the communal
suq. In 2003, the apartment buildings and residences were demolished, which was the way to
restore the so-called 'esplanade area' as a landscaped, rocky buffer zone between town and
fortress (Hasan, 2008). This move has made the citadel relevant to daily life in the town.
The larger purpose here must not be forgotten. The desire to restore the city of Masyah was an
all out effort to bring a cultural artifact back into view, placing cultural heritage of Syria above
current market demands. The Syrian government knows, like all governments, that we live in a
highly competitive world when it comes to chasing the tourist dollar. Masyah is undeniably a
magnificent site, one of the real treasures of Syria. In light of this realization, the AKTC decided
to develop a Visitor Center within the citadel; an exhibition hall giving detailed facts of
background and recovery makes information about the site available to visitors. In conjunction
with these projects, a visitor's guide which provides a walking tour of the site is also in place.
Paths are well defined and the rationale for their existence is clearly marked out. At this date, the
economic advantages of such a site have yet to be maximized. Nevertheless, the government and
NGOs continue to explore ways to raise the profile of this wonderful venue.
336

Figure 11-31: Citadel of Masyaf, Visitor site plan and facilities (Hasan, 2008)

Figure 11-32: Citadel of Masyaf, of visitor site plan in western front (Hasan, 2008)
337

Conservation of the Citadel of Salah Al-Din

Figure 11-33: Syria, Citadel of Salah Al-Din (Bianca & Battle, 2001)
There is little wonder why the citadel of Salah ed-Din is registered as one item in the World
Heritage Site ( along with the Crac des Chevaliers). It gained that distinction in 2006. Like it is
namesake in Cairo, this citadel has a long history of successive conquerors. The natural setting is
particularly beautiful, what with rising above a steep ridge and overlooking the Mediterranean
Sea, it offers stupendous views of the densely populated forests of the Jabal Ansariya mountain
range on one side and magnificent desolation all around. Many who know the site speculate that
338

the origins of the citadel begin in the western part of the location, starting with two gates and the
remains of a chapel. History teaches that the fortress was occupied throughout the medieval
period because it was a garrison for protection along the road from Apamea to Lattakia on the
coast. The Byzantines controlled the location until the arrival of the Crusaders, when it was
transferred to Robert of Saone, a Frankish knight. It was during this period that the heavy
defensive structure was put in place so that it could withstand sieges. With the 12 century advent
of Saladin, whose armies swept through the area, the Crusaders lost control of the territory and
were expelled. To honor Saladin's victory, the fortress now bears his name.
After the conquest by Saladin's army, new fortifications were added to the original structure. We
can say with all certitude that the "palace complex" is the most significant achievement of the
Arab period (Grandin, 2008). This period begins with the Ayyubid dynasty and extends to the
Mamluk period, running to the end of the 13th century. As an assemblage, the complex includes
a mosque with a minaret, a vaulted gallery transformed into a commons room whose function
remains somewhat mysterious, the Qala'un hammam and a palace with its own furnace. This
assemblage became the focus of the restoration work proposed and conducted by the HCSP's
conservation project, along with the DGAM (Aga Khan Historic Cities Program, 2008).
The preliminary work began in 1999, with a survey of the condition of the buildings making up
the complex. We must remember that whenever the HCSP takes an interest in anything, it is
always to promote a state of the art conservation project with the training and recognition of
local artisans and interests. The desire is to adjust the needs to attract tourists with the local talent
available to make that happen. In terms of proportions, the palace complex is only a small part of
339

the entire area. Working with the staff and professionals of the DGAM and their outside
contractors, everything was done in light of modern and sophisticated conservation techniques.
For the past years, work has been done on the mosque and minaret at the citadel of Salah al-Din.
There were unique problems at the site, especially because of the minaret due to an earthquake.
The effect of the earthquake on the structure was to cause a number of stones to fall off as the
minaret came apart. Researchers and workers carefully documented the site and found the
position for each stone. They slowly and carefully removed the stones, a remarkable
accomplishment when you consider the size and weight of the structure. An effort to rebuild the
entire thing with the original pieces was successful. Another set of problems occurred with the
madrasa and the mosque. Both elements were found to be stable, but the conservation work had
damaged the basic fabric of the structures. There were too many inappropriate materials being
used which conflicted with the policy of keeping it as is. So, once again, the older restoration
work was removed and nearly or closely similar materials used to those in the medieval period
were used to do it properly. The final product is not only structurally sound, from an architectural
point of view, but also authentic and these keeping it historically relevant.

Figure 11-34: Citadel of Salah Al-Din (Grandin, 2008)
340

In 2001, work commenced on the remains of the Ayyubid palace and baths (Grandin, 2008). The
reception area, or qa'a, of the palace was the primary objective from the beginning. This
reception area featured an octagonal fountain at the center. To one side, we find a row of small
private rooms adjoining the courtyard, and on the other side there is a bath or hammam as it is
known in Arabic. Most of what was the superstructure has long since disappeared, but the
smaller rooms have retained their original features. The archeologists were surprised to find a
fairly sophisticated piping system running throughout the system which was most likely used to
feed a salsabil, the Arabic word for an inclined stone which allows fresh water to move in a way
that acts as a ventilator for interior spaces. This system includes a way to provide hot and cold
water for baths. In junction with these features, there was also an underground hypercaust which
circulates warm air under the floor near the baths.
From the entrance to the palace, most of which remains in good condition, we find two smaller
qa'a, reception areas with two shallow iwans as well as a skylight made of finely carved stone.
The most impressive feature of the entire complex is the entrance portal with a fine
muqarnas otherwise know as stalactite carvings. Over the years, movement in the structure has
caused rendering in the joints between massive stones of the portal, evidence of the highest
levels of skills in designing interior areas, especially those with a stylistic interest in geometric
patterns.
Before this work began, a survey conducted by members of the faculty at the Sorbonne
(University of Paris) formed the basis for the archeological excavation (Bianca & Battle, 2001)
(Grandin, 2008). The survey was able to map the intricate structure of the overall design. This
survey made the formal layout intelligible to researchers. When the excavation began a number
341

of discoveries were made in which pottery fragments dating back to the twelfth century were
found and continue to be part of the ongoing exhibition at the site. When conservation work was
proposed it was determined that the palace and baths would not be reconstructed according to
hypotheticals. First, the ruins had to be stabilized. This was a necessary condition for any further
developments. If there were challenging problems, work was done to fortify the structure. The
masonry joints which featured repointing was removed in order to used lime-based mortars. The
vaulting that was necessary was done by a process known as deep tamping which simply means
driving mortar deep into open joints. Lime mortar was then added to reinforce the process.
Where there was original plaster, it was treated respectfully and then reattached using a syringe.

Figure 11-34: Citadel of Salah Al-Din, Frankish Master Tower and the third Byzantine rampart
(Grandin, 2008)
342

The recent efforts to provide adequate restoration are a slightly different approach from French
architect and archeologist Michel Ecohard's method of the 1930s (Grandin, 2008). At that time,
intervention was more obvious and less apologetic than it is today. Nevertheless, his work
continues to be respected and modern restoration works around its premise. The interior of the
palace are suffered from too much water percolating through walls, stone, and damaging plaster
and finishes. These harmful effects are joined with salt laden moisture that comes out of wet
ground soil. In combination with this salt laden moisture, strong winds can cause what is known
as alveolar decay in the magnesium limestone blocks. Certain remedial measures were employed
to counteract these processes (Grandin, 2008). To begin with the rainwater ingress was prevented
by a simple application of the same copper rich soil used at Masyaf, while the moisture levels
were cut down by improving the general drainage problem. Water would then move away from
the building rather than pool toward it. Once the moisture and dampness were taken care of, it
was possible to attack the problems with stones by removing the efflorescence from the surface
areas. After these two approaches were put into effect, a third was introduced: the desalination
process removed harmful minerals and salts from the substrate. The process is quite simple to
explain: using a cycle of poulticing, four lime poultices were applied which had to remain
stationary in place for up to four weeks. To check for effectiveness, an electrical conductivity
reading was made to ensure that the removal of salts and minerals had arrived at the desired level.
Once all this was accomplished it only remains to add lime mortar to the most seriously damaged
stones; this process works by attracting the decay to the filler and then leaving the stones as they
are.
The other walls at the sight were improved and protected by capping the tops of those walls and
stabilizing the base. This process helps to exclude rainwater and is conducted by the additional
343

acts of removing soil and vegetable growth from within the wall, after the grouting has been
completed and protective stones set in place. This makes it possible for the appearance of
original stonework to remain undisturbed while fighting off likely decay in the future.
In recent times and before the civil war, the citadel of Salah al-Din has been a popular tourist
destination for thousands of visitors. In 2000 over 50,000 people visited the site (Bianca & Battle,
2001). Of course, the current conditions of civil war have disturbed this trend. It is possible to
see this unfortunate situation as temporary and once political conditions have stabilized, the
return of visitors is expected. The conservation project had this objective in mind when they
added improvements to the infrastructure, as well as repairs and adjustments to the historic fabric.
New pathways which point out the relevant sights have also been added with the increase in
tourism in mind. The pathways idea keeps visitors from wandering around aimlessly and in some
rare cases actually damaging the site. A bona fide Visitors Center has also been introduced and
constructed within the former mosque and madrasa buildings; this was done to help explain the
history of its famous namesake, Salad al-Din. Entrepreneurial activity has modernized the
visitors' cafeteria that occupies the very center in the Burj al-Banat or "maiden's tower" (Bianca,
2007) (Grandin, 2008).

Figure 11-35: Citadel of Salah Al-Din, East-west section of the palace (Grandin, 2008)
344

Figure 11-36: Citadel of Salah Al-Din, The Eastern Frontage (Grandin, 2008)

Figure 11-37: Citadel of Salah Al-Din, Section of the Eastern Frontage of the Castle showing the
Master Tower, the excavated moat and the eastern plateau (Grandin, 2008)

Figure 11-38: Citadel of Salah Al-Din, Hypothetical reconstruction of an east-west section
showing how the palace might have appeared in the 13th century (Grandin, 2008)
345

Figure 11-39: Salah Al-Din, North-south section, Palace and Hammam (Grandin, 2008)

Figure 11-40: Citadel of Salah Al-Din, Visitor Site Plan and Facilities (Grandin, 2008)
346

Conclusion
Conservation is always greater than any particular project. Projects are developed, implemented
and concluded as a normal cycle of activity. Conservation, however, goes well beyond these
specific interventions. In the case of historic citadels, they are never actually completed;
extensive maintenance and supervision of these priceless properties is a never ending task. There
are many projects on the agenda of the Directorate of Antiquities, projects which call on the most
advanced skills and techniques available. As we have said, once a project is completed, it still
requires supervision and maintenance. Only with this commitment can the numerous historic
monuments that dot the landscape of modern Syria actually remain part of the human narrative
we know as world history.
We continue to face many complex problems when it comes to restoration of the Old City of
Aleppo. Even with the positive developments and many successful efforts, we are beset with
many other difficult problems that are far from being solved. It is often easy to identify the
problems and to begin working on them; it is another thing to bring these projects to a successful
completion. Perhaps the answer lies in a better organizational approach, which has after all been
proposed. Such improvements have not been adopted by the authorities with the oversight in this
project. Resident participation has been high and many good things have come from that, but it
still needs to be intensified. Awareness campaigns have been extended from the city and at the
county level as well. It needs to be extended to educational institutions, such as schools,
universities, the media and institutions. Funding is always an ongoing problem. Even with the
substantial commitments, compared to previous restoration work, they continue to be dwarfed by
the problems we face. Here are a number of suggestions:
347

 Invite higher participation and involvement by the local private economy, whether the
motive is return on investment or out of national pride for history and tradition;
 Cooperate with international community and seeking donors and grants while nurturing
and safeguarding current donors and sponsors;
 Offer help to local and national authorities to distribute more funds to protect the
"patrimony" of the people by showing them that the return on investing is significant
down the road and the economic multiplier impressive as a policy matter.
When all is said and done, the efforts to preserve the Old City of Aleppo has led to a new
awareness and pride in urban Syria, both on the ideal level of national identity, but also as a
practical matter of daily life. In the past few years, a dedicated planning office has been
established in Damascus which seeks to be a parallel sort of authority for the trustees in Aleppo.
Damascus has seen a rise in interest in preserving the old style courtyard homes in a similar
manner that it was accomplished in Aleppo. But we continue to lack a comprehensive planning
and rehabilitation framework for the Old City of Damascus. We need to move beyond the focus
on single monument conservation and become active in using a whole area development plan.
The experience in Aleppo shows that this can happen. Entire historical district have experienced
successful preservation efforts. As this movement continues to move forward, the professional
and administrative and educational leaders will embrace planning and design policies which find
a way to overcome the dichotomy between the conservation of traditional housing and culture
with modern development imperatives.

348

Bibliography
Abbott, A (2004). Methods of Discovery: Heuristics for the Social Sciences. W.W. Norton &
Company.
Abu-Lughod, Janet L. (ed.), (2000). Sociology for the 21st Century. Chicago: Chicago
University Press.
Abu-Lughod, Janet L. (1989). Before Hegemony: The World System A.D. 1250-1350. New York:
Oxford University Press. 1999. New York, Chicago, Los Angeles: America's Global Cities.
Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Abu-Lughod, Janet (1971). Cairo: 1001 Years of the City Victorious. Princeton University Press
February 20, 1971
Aga Khan Development Network (2006). Overview of the Aga Khan Development Network.
Geneva, Switzerland
Aga Khan Historic Cities Program. (2008). Revitalizing the Citadels of Syria. Aga Khan Trust
for Culture.
Aga Khan Trust for Culture (2011). Aga Khan Trust For Culture Projects, including: Stone
Town, Humayun's Tomb, Masyaf, Baltit Fort, Khwaja 'abd Allah Ansari Shrine, Citadel Of
Salah ... Mosque, Aga Khan Historic Cities Program. Hephaestus Books
Aga Khan Award for Architecture (Organization) (1984) The Expanding metropolis : coping
with the urban growth of Cairo . Aga Khan Award for Architecture
Allen, John, Massey, Doreen and Pryke, Michael (eds.) (1999) Unsettling Cities. London:
Routledge.
Allison, Eric. Peters, Lauren (2011). Historic Preservation and the Livable City. Wiley
AlSayyad, Nezar. (1999) Cities and Caliphs: On the Genesis of Arab Muslim Urbanism. Praeger
Printing
AlSayyad, Nezar. (2000) Hybrid urbanism : on the identity discourse and the built environment.
Praeger Printing
AlSayyad, Nezar. (2001) Consuming Tradition, Manufacturing Heritage: Global Norms and
Urban Forms in the Age of Tourism. Praeger Printing
AlSayyad, Nezar. (2003) The end of tradition . London: Routledge.
AlSayyad, Nezar. (2010) The fundamentalist city : religiosity and the remaking of urban space.
London: Routledge
349

Amirahmadi, Hooshang, (1993) Urban development in the Muslim world . CUPR/ Transaction
Appleyard, Donald. (1979) The Conservation of European cities. The MIT Press
Bacon, E.N. (1992). Design of cities (Revised edition). London: Thames and Hudson.
Banerjee, Tridib (1999). Shoreline Appearance and Design: a Collection of Methods. Institute of
Marine and Coastal Studies University of Southern California (January 1, 1980)
Banerjee, Tridib, Lynch, Kevin and Southworth, Michael (1995). City Sense and City Design:
Writings and Projects of Kevin Lynch. The MIT Press (March 27, 1995)
Banerjee, Tridib, and Loukaitou-Sideris, Anastasia (2014). Companion to Urban Design
(Routledge Companions). Routledge; Reprint edition (February 28, 2014)
Banerjee, Tridib, and Loukaitou-Sideris, Anastasia (1998). Urban Design Downtown: Poetics
and Politics of Form. University of California Press; 1ST edition (October 19, 1998)
Banerjee, Tridib (2014). Urban Design (Critical Concepts in Urban Studies). Routledge
(February 19, 2014)
Banerjee, Tridib, et al (2009). Megaregions: Planning for Global Competitiveness. Island Press
(June 26, 2009)
Banerjee, Tridib, Baer, William (1984). Beyond the Neighborhood Unit: Residential
Environments and Public Policy (Environment, Development and Public Policy: Environmental
Policy and Planning). Springer; 1984 edition (September 30, 1984)
Bantas, Hercules (2011). Understanding Kant: Concepts and Intuitions (Understanding Western
Philosophy). Kindle edition. Reluctant Geek (January 16, 2011)
Barber, Benjamin (1996). Jihad vs. McWorld: Terrorism's Challenge to Democracy. Ballantine
Books; 1st edition (July 30, 1996)
Benevolo, L. (1988). The history of the city. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.
Bennison, Amira K. and and Gascoigne, Alison L. (2007) Cities in the pre-modern Islamic
world : the urban impact of religion, state and society. Routledge Press
Bennison, Amira K. (2010). The Great Caliphs: The Golden Age of the 'Abbasid Empire. Yale
University Press (August 31, 2010)
Bharne, Vinayak (2012). The Emerging Asian City: Concomitant Urbanities & Urbanisms.
Routledge (November 9, 2012)
350

Bianca, Stefano. (1994) Urban form in the Arab world : past and present . vdf Hochschulverlag
AG, an der ETH Zurich
Bianca, S. (2007). The Projects of the Aga Khan Trust for Culture in Cairo – A Comprehensive
Vision of Urban Rehabilitation. Delft University of Technology. The Projects of the AKTC in
Cairo.
Bianca, Stefano (2007). Syria: Medieval Citadels between East and West. Umberto Allemandi &
C. and Aga Khan Trust for Culture.
Bianca, S. and Battle, S. (2001). A Brief Account of Project Activities in Syria. Aga Khan Trust
for Culture (October 2001)
Bianca, S., Siravo F., (2005). Cairo: Urban Regeneration in the Darb Al-Ahmar District: A
Framework For Investment. Aga Khan Trust for Culture. Geneva, Switzerland.
Bianca, S., Jodidio, P. (2004). Cairo : revitalizing a historic metropolis. Torino. U. Allemandi &
Co. for the Aga Khan Trust for Culture.
Bianca, S. (2000). Urban Form in the Arab World: Past and Present. London: Thames &
Hudson.
Bluestone, Daniel M. (2010) Buildings, landscapes, and memory : case studies in historic
preservation . W.W. Norton & Company
Bosworth, Clifford Edmund (2008) Historic cities of the Islamic world . Brill Academic Pub
Burdett, R. (2008). Cities, Architecture and Society, 10th International Architecture Exhibition.
Venice: Marsilio Editore.
Carolini, G., Garau, P., Sclar, E.D. (2011). “The Twenty-First Century Health Challenge of
Slums and Cities.‖ The Lancet 365 (March 5, 2005): 901–903, accessed March 28.
Carroon, Jean. Moe, Richard. (2010). Sustainable Preservation: Greening Existing Buildings.
Wiley Printing
Castells, Manuel (2009). The Rise of the Network Society: The Information Age: Economy,
Society, and Culture Volume. Wiley-Blackwell; 2nd Edition with a New Preface edition (August
17, 2009)
Chase, John, (2004) Glitter stucco & dumpster diving : reflections on building production in the
vernacular city . Verso Press
Chase-Dunn, C. (1985) "The System of World Cities A.D. 800-1975," in M. Timberlake (ed.),
Urbanization in the World Economy. New York: Academic Press.
351

Clark, David (1996) Urban World/ Global City. London: Routledge.
Cohen, Nahoum. (2001) Urban Planning Conservation and Preservation. McGraw-Hill
Professional
Corbin, Henry. Manheim, Ralph. (1998) Alone with the alone : creative imagination in the
Ṣūfism of Ibn ʻArabī . Princeton University Press
Cowan, R. (2005). The Dictionary of Urbanism. Tisbury, Wiltshire: Streetwise Press.
Creswell, J.W. (2009). Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods
Approaches. University of Nebraska- Lincoln, Sage Publications, Inc. Thousand Oaks,
California.
Dalher, Rami (2006). Tourism In The Middle East: Continuity, Change, And Transformation
(Tourism and Cultural Change). Multilingual Matters
Delafons, John, (1999) Politics and preservation : a policy history of the built heritage. London:
Routledge.
Drieskens, Barbara. (2008) Cities of the south : citizenship and exclusion in the twenty-first
century. Saqi Books
Fainstein, Susan S. Campbell, Scott. (2011) Readings in urban theory . Wile -Blackwell
Fainstein, Susan S. Jodd, Dennis. (1999) The tourist city . Yale university. (May 11, 1999)
Ferguson, F. (1975). Architecture, cities and the systems approach. New York: George Braziller.
Fitch, James Marston. (1990) Historic preservation : curatorial management of the built world .
University of Virginia Press
Frank, Karolin, (2010) Historic preservation in the USA. Springer
Giamatti, A. Bartlett (1989). Earthly Paradise and the Renaissance Epic. W W Norton & Co Inc
(May 1989)
Gonella, Julia (2007). The Citadel of Aleppo. Aga Khan Trust for Culture.
Grandin, Thierry (2008). The Castle of Salah ad-Din. Aga Khan Trust for Culture.
Goodwin, G. (1987). A History of Ottoman Architecture. London: Thames and Hudson.
352

Gratz, Roberta Brandes. Mintz, Norman. (1998) Cities back from the edge : New life for
downtown. New York: J. Wiley.
Gugler, J. (2004). World Cities beyond the West: Globalization, Development and Inequality.
Cambridge University Press.
Hall, P. (1989). Urban and Regional planning. London: Unwin Hyman.
Hall, P.G. (1990). Cities of Tomorrow: an intellectual history of urban planning and design in
the twentieth century. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Basil Blackwell.
Hasan, Haytam (2008). The Citadel of Masyaf. Aga Khan Trust for Culture.
Hayllar, Bruce. Griffin, Tony. Edwards, Deborah. (2008). City Spaces - Tourist Places: Urban
Tourism Precincts. London: Routledge.
Hazbun, Waleed (2008). Beaches, Ruins, Resorts: The Politics of Tourism in the Arab World.
University Of Minnesota Press.
Heidegger, Martin (1982). The Question Concerning Technology, and Other Essays. Harper
Torchbooks (January 19, 1982)
Hejazi, Mehrdad and Mehdizadeh, Saradhj (2014). Persian Architectural Heritage: Architecture.
WIT Press / Computational Mechanics (March 5, 2014)
Hejazi, Mehrdad and Mehdizadeh, Saradhj (2014). Persian Architectural Heritage:
Conservation. WIT Press / Computational Mechanics (March 5, 2014)
Hejazi, Mehrdad and Mehdizadeh, Saradhj (2014). Persian Architectural Heritage: Structure.
WIT Press / Computational Mechanics (March 5, 2014)
Hoelderlin, Fredrich (2008). Hyperion. Translated by Ross Benjamin. Archipelago (April 28,
2008)
Holston, James (1989). The Modernist City: An Anthropological Critique of Brasilia. University
of Chicago Press; 2nd edition (September 8, 1989)
Homer (2013). Odyssey. Translated by Alexander Pope. CreateSpace Independent Publishing
Platform (June 24, 2013)
Howes, david (1996). Cross-Cultural Consumption: Global Markets, Local Realities. Routledge
(December 6, 1996)
Huntington, Samuel P. (2011). The clash of civilizations and remaking of world order. Simon &
Schuster (August 2, 2011)
353

ICOMOS International Symposium (4th : 2001 : Philadelphia, Pa.) Managing change :
sustainable approaches to the conservation of the built environment : 4th Annual US/ICOMOS
International Symposium organized by US/ICOMOS, the Graduate Program in Historic
Preservation of the University of Pennsylvania, and the Getty Conservation Institute,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, April, 2001
Illich, Ivan (2001) Tools for conviviality. Marion Boyars (December 10, 2001)
Inam, Aseem (2013). Designing Urban Transformation. Routledge ( November 29, 2013)
Jacobs, Jane (1961). The death and life of great American cities. Vintage Printing
Jayyusi, Salma Khadra. (2008) The city in the Islamic world . Brill Academic Pub
Jodidio, P. (2006). Iran: Architecture For Changing Societies : An international seminar co-
sponsored by the Tehran Museum of Contemporary Art, Iranian Cultural Heritage Organization.
Umberto Allemandi Publishing.
Jodidio, Philip. (2007) Under the eaves of architecture : the Aga Khan : builder and patron .
Prestel Printing
Jodidio, P. (2011). Building on the Past: The Aga Khan Historic Cities Program: Strategies for
Urban Regeneration. Prestel USA.
Jokilehto, Jukka (2002). History of architectural conservation (conservation and museology).
Routledge; 1 edition (February 14, 2002)
Johnson-Marshall, P. (1966). Rebuilding Cities. Edinburgh: University Press.
Kheirabadi, Masoud (2011). Iran (Modern World Nations). Chelsea House Publications; 2
edition (May 1, 2011)
Kheirabadi, Masoud (2004). Islam (Religions of the World). Chelsea House Pub (L) (March 2004)
Kheirabadi, Masoud (2001). Iranian Cities: Formation and Development (Contemporary Issues
in the Middle East). Syracuse University Press (Sd) (July 2000)
Kostof, S. (1991). The city shaped. Urban patterns and meanings through history. Boston-
Toronto-London: A Bulfinch press book. Little, Brown and Co.
Kostof, Spiro. Castillo, Greg. Tobias, Richard. (1992) The city assembled : the elements of urban
form through history . Bulfinch Printing
Lakham, Peter (1996). Conservation and the City. London: Routledge.
354

Lapidus, Ira M. (1984). Muslim Cities in the Later Middle Ages. Cambridge University Press; 1
edition (June 29, 1984)
Lapidus, Ira M. (2002). A History of Islamic Societies. Cambridge University Press; 2 edition
(August 26, 2002)
Lapidus, Ira M. (2012). Islamic Societies to the Nineteenth Century: A Global History.
Cambridge University Press (December 13, 2012)
Leong, Tsung Sze (2008). Horizons. Yossi Milo Gallery, New York; Ill edition (November 1,
2008)
Lewis, H. M. (1949). Planning the modern city. Volume one. New York - London: John Wiley &
sons - Chapman & Hall.
Lichfield, N. (1996). Community impact evaluation. London: UCL Press. 23
Longstreth, Richard W. (2008) Cultural landscapes : balancing nature and heritage in
preservation practice . University of Minesota Press
Lowenthal, David (1999) The Past is a foreign country . Cambridge University Press
Lynch, Kevin (1976). What Time is This Place. The MIT Press
Madanipour, Ali. (1998) Tehran : the making of a metropolis . Academy Press
Mason, Randall, (2009) The once and future New York : historic preservation and the modern
city . University of Minnesota Press
Marcuse, Peter. (2000) Globalizing cities : a new spatial order. Wile -Blackwell
Meherally, A.E., (1991). A History of the Agakhani Ismailis. A. M. Trust. Canada
Monclús, F. J. (Francisco Javier) (2012) Culture, urbanism and planning . Ashgate Press
Morris, A.J.F. (1995). History of urban form before the Industrial Revolutions. England:
Longman Scientific & Technical.
Mugerauer, Robert (1995). Interpreting Environments: Tradition, Deconstruction, Hermeneutics.
University of Texas Press (1995)
Mumford, L. (1991). The city in history. Penguin books.
Naaman, Mara. (2011) Urban Space in Contemporary Egyptian Literature. Palgrave Macmillan
355

Newman, P., and Thornley. A. (2011). Planning World Cities: Globalization and Urban Politics.
Palgrave Macmillan; Second Edition.
Newman, P., and Beatley, T. (2008). Green Urbanism Down Under: Learning from Sustainable
Communities in Australia . Island Press; 1 edition.
Newman, P., and Beatley, T. (2008). Cities as Sustainable Ecosystems: Principles and Practices.
Island Press.
Orbasli, Aylin (2000) Tourists in historic towns: Urban Conservation and Heritage Management.
E & FN SPON
Perenyi, I. (1973). Town Centers. Planning and renewal. Budapest: Akad. Kiado.
Peterson, Mark A. (2011).Connected in Cairo: Growing up Cosmopolitan in the Modern Middle
East (Public Cultures of the Middle East and North Africa). Indiana University Press
Peet, Richard. (2009) Theories of development : contentions, arguments, alternatives . Guilford
Press
Pendlebury, John. (2008). Conservation in the age of Consensus. London: Routledge.
Raymond, Andre (1991). Cairo. Translated by Willard Wood. Harvard University Press
(December 30, 2002)
Richards, Jonathan. (2003) Facadism . London: Routledge.
Riegl, Alois (2004). Historical Grammar of the Visual Arts. Zone Books (October 22, 2004)
Rodwel, Dennis. (2007). Conservation and Sustainability in Historic Cities. Wiley-Blackwell
Rossi, A. (1982). The Architecture of the City. Cambridge and London: The MIT Press.
Rypkema, D. (2007). Feasibility Assessment Manual for Reusing Historic Buildings. National
Trust for Historic Preservation.
Rypkema, D. (2005). The Economics of Historic Preservation: A Community Leader's Guide.
National Trust for Historic Preservation; 2 edition.
Rypkema, D. (1992). Community Initiated Development. National Main Street Center, National
Trust for Historic Preservation.
Rypkema, D., and Cheong, C. (2011). Heritage Conservation in America: An Introduction.
Heritage Strategies International.
356

Salam, H. (1991). Expressions of Islam in Building: Exploring Architecture in Islamic cultures.
Arabic Publications.
Sassen, S. (2008). Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages.
Princeton University Press; Updated edition.
Sassen, S. (2011). Cities in a World Economy. Pine Forge Press; Fourth Edition.
Sassen, S. (2007). A Sociology of Globalization (Contemporary Societies Series). W. W. Norton
& Company; 1 edition. 24
Sassen, S. (2001). The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo. Princeton University Press; 2
edition.
Sassen, S. (2007). Deciphering the Global: Its Spaces, Scales and Subjects. Routledge; 1 edition.
Sassen, S. (2000). Guests and Aliens. The New Press.
Sassen, S. (2002). Global Networks, Linked Cities. Routledge; 1st edition.
Sassen, S. (1999). Globalization and its Discontents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and
Money. The New Press.
Sassen, S. (1999). Losing Control? Sovereignty in the Age of Globalization. Columbia University
Press; 1st edition.
Sassen, S. (1990). The Mobility of Capital and Labor: A Study in International Investment and
Labor Flow. Cambridge University Press.
Saha, Shovan K. (1995) Conservation Based Development of Shahjahanabad: The Historic
Capital City of India . UN Center for Regional Development
Said, Edward W. (1979) Orientalism . Vintage
Schuster, J. Mark. Rilley, Charles. Monchaux, John (1997) Preserving the Built Heritage: Tools
for Implementation. Salzburg
Scott, James C. (1999). Seeing like a State: How Certain Schemes to improve the Human
Condition Have Failed. Yale university press (February 8, 1999)
Siravo, F. (1996). Zanzibar: A Plan for the Historic Stone Town. Geneva: The Aga Khan Trust
for Culture.
Sitte, C. (1986). The birth of modern city planning. New York: Rizzoly International
Publications.
357

Steele, James (2005). Ecological Architecture: A Critical History. Thames & Hudson (October 1,
2005)
Steele, James (2005). R. M. Schindler: 1887-1953; An Exploration of Space (Taschen Basic Art
Series). Taschen (May 1, 2005)
Steele, James and Badran, Rasem (2005). The Architecture of Rasem Badran: Narratives on
People and Place. Thames & Hudson (July 25, 2005)
Steele, James and Badran, Rasem (2003). The Colonization of Unfamiliar Landscapes: The
Archaeology of Adaptation. Routledge (December 8, 2003)
Steele, James (2002). Salk Institute Aid (Architecture in Detail). Phaidon Press (April 17, 2002)
Steele, James (1998). Los Angeles Architecture. Phaidon Press (January 22, 1998)
Steele, James (1998). Rethinking Modernism for the Developing World: The Complete
Architecture of Balkrishna Doshi. Watson-Guptill (November 1, 1998)
Steele, James (1997). Architecture for People: The Complete Works of Hassan Fathy. Watson-
Guptill; F 1st Printing edition (November 1, 1997)
Steele, James (1992). Architecture for a Changing world. Wiley; 1 edition (November 10, 1992)
Stipe, R.E. and Lee, A.J. (1997). The American Mosaic: Preserving a Nation's Heritage. Wayne
State University Press.
Stipe, Robert E. (2003) A richer heritage : historic preservation in the twenty-first century .
University of North Carolina Press
Strain, Ellen. (2003). Public Places, Private Journeys: Ethnography, Entertainment, and the
Tourist Gaze. Rutgers University Press
Stubbs, John H. (2009) Time honored : a global view of architectural conservation : parameters,
theory, & evolution of an ethos. New York: J. Wiley
Stubbs, J.H. and Nakas, E.G. (2011). Architectural Conservation in Europe and the Americas.
Wiley; 1 edition.
Talen, Emily, (2011) City rules : how regulations affect urban form. Island Press
Tan, Virginia (Allen & Overy) (2012) Public-Private Partnership (PPP), (Advocates for
International Development, June 2012)
http://a4id.org/sites/default/files/files/%5BA4ID%5D%20Public-Private%20Partnership.pdf
Toffler, Alvin. (1971) Future Shock. Bantam Books 1971
358

Tung, Anthony (2001). Preserving the World's Great Cities: The Destruction and Renewal of
the Historic Metropolis. Clarkson Potter (October 9, 2001)
UNESCO (1989). Draft Medium Term Plan 1990-1995
UNESCO (2014). World Heritage List. http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/ . Jan. 2014
UNFPA, The United Nations Fund Population Association (2007)Linking population, poverty
and development: Urbanization: A majority in cities. General format. Retrieved from
http://www.unfpa.org/pds/urbanization.htm
Urry, John. (2011) The tourist gaze 3.0. Sage Publications Ltd
Von Grunebaum, G. E. (2006). Islam: Essays in the Nature and Growth of a Cultural Tradition
( Islam: Essays in the nature and growth of a cultural tradition) . Kessinger Publishing (July 1,
2006)
Warner, N. (2005). The Monuments Of Historic Cairo: A Map and Descriptive Catalogue
(American Research Center in Egypt's Conservation) (American Research Center in Egypt
Conservation). American University in Cairo Press.
Wheatley, Paul (2008) The Origins and Character of the Ancient Chinese City: The City in
Ancient China. Aldine Transaction (June 24, 2008)
Yudelson, Jerry. (2009). Greening Existing Building. McGraw-Hill Professional
Zweig, Stefan (1987) The World of Yesterday. Translated by Anthea Bell. University of
Nebraska Press; Reprint edition (May 1, 2013)

Abstract (if available)

Abstract Globalization has shaped the form of contemporary urbanism. A well-conserved historic city has to be defined by certain empirical measurements: it must have influence across borders and natural barriers

Linked assets

University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses

Conceptually similar

PDF

Place production in globalizing middle eastern cities: a study of Cairo and Dubai

PDF

Do sustainability plans affect urban sustainability outcomes in Santa Monica, San Francisco, and San Jose?

PDF

Persian paradise gardens: history, elements, influences

PDF

The impact of social capital: a case study on the role of social capital in the restoration and recovery of communities after disasters

PDF

Productive frictions and urbanism in transition: planning lessons from traffic flows and urban street life in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam

PDF

Conditions for an app serving unplanned urban communities: integrating cell phones into health promotion messaging

PDF

Adaptive reuse as economic development in downtown Los Angeles: a resource guide for start-up developers, community based organizations, and stakeholder groups

PDF

Emerging catastrophes in slums of the developing world: considerations for policy makers

PDF

The role of CALGreen codes and sustainable rating systems in practicing sustainability

PDF

Urbanization beyond the metropolis: three papers on urbanization patterns and their planning implications in the contemporary global south

PDF

Social entrepreneurship and urban tourism as economic development: best practices from Long Beach, California

PDF

The spatial economic impact of live music in Orange County, CA

PDF

Shades of conflict and conviviality: negotiating intercultural living and integration in Los Angeles's globalizing multi-ethnic spaces

PDF

The demand for reliable travel: evidence from Los Angeles, and implications for public transit policy

PDF

Social construction of the experience economy: the spatial ecology of outdoor advertising in Los Angeles

PDF

The crisis of potable water in Mexico City: institutional factors and water property rights as conditions for creating adequate metropolitan water governance

PDF

Building spiritual capital in religious communities: how and why?

PDF

Community development agreements: addressing inequality through urban development projects

PDF

How does collaborative governance work? The experience of collaborative community-building practices in Korea

PDF

An exploratory case study on the social viability of Alvarado Street Bakery’s employee-owned cooperative model

Asset Metadata

Creator Kalantari, Arash (author)

Core Title Urban conservation in the Middle Eastern historic cities: globalization and lack of identity

School School of Policy, Planning and Development

Degree Doctor of Policy, Planning & Development

Degree Program Policy, Planning, and Development

Publication Date 09/23/2014

Defense Date 03/03/2014

Publisher University of Southern California (original), University of Southern California. Libraries (digital)

Tag adaptive reuse,Aga Khan Historic Cities Program,cultural heritage,Globalization,historic cities,Middle East,OAI-PMH Harvest,policy and planning,urban conservation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Language English

Contributor Electronically uploaded by the author (provenance)

Advisor Banerjee, Tridib K. (committee chair), Campbell, Douglas (committee member), Campbell, Regula (committee member), Steele, James M. (committee member)

Creator Email akalanta@usc.edu,arashkalantari@gmail.com

Permanent Link (DOI) https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c3-485954

Unique identifier UC11286831

Identifier etd-KalantariA-2986.pdf (filename),usctheses-c3-485954 (legacy record id)

Legacy Identifier etd-KalantariA-2986.pdf

Dmrecord 485954

Document Type Dissertation

Format application/pdf (imt)

Rights Kalantari, Arash

Type texts

Source University of Southern California (contributing entity), University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses (collection)

Access Conditions The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...

Repository Name University of Southern California Digital Library

Repository Location USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA