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His story: African-American male college students’ journey to success
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His Story: African-American Male College Students’ Journey to Success
by
Heather M. Harris
A Dissertation Presented to the
FACULTY OF THE USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
In Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
August 2016
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 2
His Story: African-American Male College Students’ Journey to Success
by
Heather M. Harris
A Dissertation Presented
in Partial Fulfillment of the
Requirements for the Degree
DOCTOR OF EDUCATION
USC ROSSIER SCHOOL OF EDUCATION
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA
2016
APPROVED:
___________________________________
Alan G. Green, Ph.D.
Committee Chair
____________________________________
Reynaldo R. Baca, Ph.D.
Committee Chair
_____________________________________
Michèle G. Turner, Ed.D.
Committee Member
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 3
Abstract
This study examined the experiences of successful African-American males that participated in a
Black Student Union (BSU) while attending a Predominantly White Institution (PWI) in
Southern California and highlights the ways that participants utilized networks and resources at
the BSU to address acculturative stress, social capital, and retention efforts. Critical Race
Theory provided the theoretical framework for this study. This study was qualitative and took an
ethnographic approach to explore how participants articulated to upper-division courses or
completed degrees in spite of challenges they faced. Four upperclassmen and graduate students
were recruited for a focus group and three members from this focus group participated in one-on-
one interviews. Additionally, observations of the participants in BSU activities and
documentation related to the research objectives were collected. Results showed that
participants’ utilized the BSU as represented in the following three conceptual themes and a
subtheme: (1) Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a Means to Reject Racism, (2) Black
Consciousness Healing Soul Wounds, (3) Leadership as a Stance against Mediocrity, and (3a)
Entrepreneurs of Social Capital.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 4
Dedication
I dedicate my dissertation to my gifts from God; my husband and children and my
extended family and friends. This dissertation is also dedicated to all liberating efforts and
members of the oppressed class struggling to regain humanity. My deepest appreciation is
bestowed upon my husband, Latif, who embodies the meaning of his name; gentle and kind. In
the thicket and depths of this transformational process, it was your kind, patient, and insightful
presence that led me to the finish line. All things good in our lives, including this achievement,
have been accomplished as a team. Thank you for never doubting that this journey was possible
for our family, encouraging me when I could not see the next rung on the ladder, ushering in
laughter and happy times when we needed it the most and keeping me grounded in the purpose
of this work. To our three angels, Cynthia Rose, Solomon, and Sarah, all that I am and do is
dedicated to all of you. Thank you for your support in this achievement; quiet times, making
breakfast, studying next to me so I can feel your presence, excelling in your personal and
academic lives, prayers, and gentle kisses you planted while walking by me while I was
studying. You were essential forces behind my motivation.
A special thanks belongs to all of my family and friends. I extend gratitude and honor to
the legacy of my grandmother, Clemencia “Gunga” Peterson, with her love and support she
planted a seed by speaking this victory into my future and provided a path worth following. To
my parents, Bobbie and Cynthia; thank you for your unconditional love and belief in me. During
this journey, you both fought the fight of cancer and you minimized the extent of your struggles
to protect me and keep me focused. Your resiliency and strength spoke to me in my most trying
hours and carried me through. To my Dad, William Sr., who passed shortly after insisting I
apply for the doctorate program, you kept your promise and stayed with me in spirit every step of
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 5
the way. A day will never pass without you in my thoughts. I also thank my sister and dearest
friend Bobbie and her family for their encouragement and light in my life; my brother William
who’s love and consideration pulled me out of several fires, my sister-in-law, Linda, for seeing
the best in me always and guiding me through this process; my brother Alfonso for his love and
unauthorized but heartfelt Facebook posts of my achievements; and my brother Frederick for
always making me laugh and being the funny “Kind.” A warm thank you extends to Mama
Cynthia, for her love and prayers while helping me with household chores and our children, and
to my sister Lanaya for her welcomed surprise visits and generosity that infused joy and a break
from the grind. Thank you to all of my family members, friends, and colleagues that sent up
prayers on my behalf, for your love and encouragement, and for providing the social capital that
all students require to successfully achieve their goals.
Last but certainly not least, I dedicate this dissertation to the participants of this study and
all members of the oppressed class struggling to regain humanity. You are no longer
participants; we are family. I applaud your resilience and achievement. Your personal struggles
and triumphs are models of inspiration to all students. Your efforts and contribution to research
will benefit lives, future research, programs, and practices for generations.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 6
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I acknowledge the true and living God for providing me with the
ability and resources to successfully complete this goal. I also acknowledge all the people who
have contributed meaningfully to my personal and academic development. To my chair,
Dr. Green, thank you for facilitating my cognitive shift concerning the pedagogy of the
oppressed. I appreciate your support and guidance especially when I needed it the most. I also
extend gratitude to Dr. Baca and Dr. Turner for serving on my dissertation committee for your
time and content expertise. A special thanks belongs to Dr. Stowe for her belief in me and
painting a vision of accomplishment. My gratitude extends to my professional teammates and
leaders that afforded me the time and encouragement to complete my doctorate. To my USC
family: thank you for the lifetime friendships I gained, my professors that were instrumental in
my growth, extended network, and the best educational experience. Thank you for making this
dream a reality.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 7
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Appendices ...................................................................................................8
Chapter One: Overview of the Study .......................................................................9
Problem Statement .....................................................................................10
Purpose Statement ......................................................................................12
Research Questions ....................................................................................13
Key Terms ..................................................................................................14
Chapter Two: Literature Review ...........................................................................16
Unearthing White Systemic Racism and Students of
Color Achievement ........................................................................17
Critical Race Theory ..................................................................................20
Critical Race Theory and Positive Racial Collegiate
Climate Markers.............................................................................22
College Retention.......................................................................................24
The Status Quo in PWI College Climates..................................................26
Acculturative Stress: A Symptom of the Status Quo .................................29
Social Capital .............................................................................................31
African-American Cultural Centers as a Counter Space and
Vehicle for Social Capital ..............................................................32
Summary ....................................................................................................37
Chapter Three: Methodology .................................................................................39
Research Design.........................................................................................39
Sample and Site Selection ..........................................................................42
Protocols ....................................................................................................43
Data Collection Approach..........................................................................45
Method of Analysis ....................................................................................45
Credibility and Trustworthiness .................................................................47
Summary ....................................................................................................48
Chapter Four: Presentation of Data........................................................................49
Socio-Cultural Environment ......................................................................50
Theme 1: Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a Means to
Reject Racism ................................................................................57
Theme 2: Black Consciousness Healing Soul Wounds .............................59
Theme 3: Leadership as a Stance against Mediocrity ................................61
Sub Theme: Entrepreneurs of Social Capital .............................................65
Conclusion .................................................................................................68
Chapter Five: Analysis ...........................................................................................69
Overview ....................................................................................................69
Summary of Findings .................................................................................69
Recommendations ......................................................................................76
Limitations .................................................................................................79
Future Research .........................................................................................79
Conclusion .................................................................................................81
References ..............................................................................................................82
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 8
LIST OF APPENDICES
Appendix A: Student Interview Protocol ..............................................................87
Appendix B: One-on-One Interview ......................................................................90
Appendix C: Focus Group Protocol .......................................................................93
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 9
CHAPTER ONE: OVERVIEW OF THE STUDY
The current educational dilemma that has impacted American society reflects a history of
underrepresentation of African-American male students in colleges and universities. African-
American males’ dismal college enrollments (Brittian, Stokes, & Sy, 2009), disenfranchisement
(Harper, 2006; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000), and minimally increasing or stagnant rates of
baccalaureate degree completion at Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) are among the most
pressing and complex issues in American higher education. Perhaps even more troubling than
enrollment and retention rates is the covert and overt discrimination, neglect, and mishandling
(Closson, 2010; Davis et al., 2004; Solórzano et al., 2000) endured by African-American males
at PWIs that have the impetus to impede students’ health and life outcomes (Grier-Reed, 2010;
Harper, 2012).
PWIs have a long history of inequitable practices that create obstacles and marginalize
Students of Color (Astin & Oseguera, 2005; Feagin, 2000; Grier-Reed, 2010; Harper, 2012;
Johnson, 2006; Solórzano, 1997; Solórzano et al., 2000). These cultural deficit models are the
focus of many studies and media coverage of the educational attainment of African-American
males. However, the underachievement of African-American male students is more frequently
delineated in research and in the media rather than a focus on successful programs, solutions, or
attributes of African-American students that achieve in spite of the challenges faced at PWIs
(Feagin, 2000; Hagler, 2015; Harper, 2012; Solórzano et al., 2000). Amplifying only the deficit
orientation or “at risk” status of African-American male students provides the impetus to
perpetuate a negative image or stigma surrounding African-American males and maintains the
status quo of endemic racism prevalent in American PWIs (Feagan, 2000; Ladson-Billings &
Tate, 1995; Solórzano et al., 2000). Thus, the objective of this study was to provide a counter
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 10
narrative that delineates the experiences of successful African-American males attending a PWI
in Southern California. To this end, this study includes a description of the challenges that
Students of Color face and overcome in PWIs, discussion of the purpose statement, review of the
theoretical framework and literature, research design, data analysis, and proposed solutions.
Problem Statement
Many research studies have focused on the barriers that African-American students face
concerning their collegiate pursuits. A national study showed that less than 40% of eligible
African-American high school students go to college and less than half of the African-American
students that do go to college obtain a four-year degree within six years (Astin & Oseguera,
2005). The national college graduation rates of African-American males are about 20% lower
than their White male counterparts (National Center for Education Statistics, 2015). The
disproportionality of achievement between African-American males and their White counterparts
have been examined through various theoretical perspectives, including the Seminole work of
Ladson-Billings and Tate’s (1995) Critical Race Theory (CRT). CRT is the organization of
perspectives, practices, and pedagogy into a format that allows for the examination and
identification of socio-cultural norms that perpetuate the subordination and marginalization of
People of Color.
Solórzano’s (1997; Solórzano et al., 2000) long-term work focused on the underpinnings
of CRT related to Students of Color at PWIs in Southern California. In light of these studies,
there has been a common theme focused on CRT’s commitment to social justice which requires
that to fight endemic racism, the dominant ideology requires challenge (Solórzano, 1997). The
social justice oriented call to action is to identify inequitable educational practices and culturally
deficit attitudes in PWIs that impact marginalized students. Even more significant is the second
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 11
step requiring the empowerment of Communities of Color to reject racial stereotypes and
barriers by identifying the strategies, resources, and strengths of Students of Color and focus on
them in research and institutional practices (Solórzano, 1997). To this end, African-American
male students utilizing a Black Student Union (BSU) as a counter space at a PWI will be
explored in this study.
Counter spaces for Students of Color on PWIs have been identified as a resource to
provide African-American students supportive networks to co-construct meaning of their
experiences, identify and challenge dominant ideology, develop or maintain self or community
identity, cultural advocacy, expression, and validation for participants (Dade, Grier-Reed, Ehlert,
& Dade, 2011; Museus, 2008; Solórzano, 1997). This study aims to add to the research by
examining the networks and resources developed by a Black Student Union (BSU) to address
acculturative stress, provide social capital, and promote retention noted among male African-
American students at a PWI.
Socio-cultural environment and tangible resources developed by BSUs are consistent
with creating a positive and supportive collegiate climate described in research related to counter
spaces for marginalized students (Grier-Reid, 2010). The bioecological development of a
student greatly influences what he/she considers to be beneficial, appropriate, trustworthy, and
endearing (Bronfenbrenner, 1999). These belief systems are developed early in students’ lives
through proximal processes; how students make sense of interactions within the context of their
environments (Bronfenbrenner, 1999). Students make links between where lessons are learned,
who taught the lessons, and the conditions where the lessons were learned. Therefore, if an
African-American student acquires social norms from non-White models, the discourse of
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 12
primarily White centered norms taught by White faculty may challenge students to find a way to
thrive in this unfamiliar context.
BSUs create spaces and experiences that seek to align with African-American students’
bioecological development so the student will feel safe to study, network, and make sense of
their interactions with unfamiliar White norms (Grier-Reed, 2010). BSUs offer opportunities for
students to be involved in community work and network by promoting mentorships, events,
study sessions, and high school outreach programs. BSUs serve as the umbrella to a variety of
other African-American organizations. Members engage in formal and informal meetings as a
means to support one another, relate to one another, socialize, and cope with life (Grier-Reed,
2010).
The question of interest in this study sought to gain first-hand experiences of African-
American males and BSU’s support mechanisms offered to them and participants’ perceptions of
their experiences. Critical Race Theory provides a lens to interpret the stories of the participants
experiencing the intersectionality of race, culture, and social structures (Ladson-Billings &Tate,
1995). Previous studies in this area focused on incoming freshmen and lacked information about
students with more exposure to higher education (Oseguera, 2006). Therefore, this study
examines the experiences of African-American male upperclassmen and graduates participating
in a BSU at a PWI.
Purpose Statement
As previously mentioned, understanding the best practices and support mechanisms is
essential for identifying the positive factors that contribute to the success of African-American
male students who effectively navigate through the challenges present at PWIs. Thus, this study
examined the Black Student Union at a PWI in Southern California. Exploring the experiences
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 13
of African-American male students who participate in the BSU provided insight on the strengths
of African-American male students and the strategies and resources used to aide in their success.
To understand the purpose and impact of counter spaces, it is important to understand the
root of the problem that calls for marginalized students to have a sanctuary to retreat to. The
literature review starts by defining White systemic racism and examining its impact on American
society and the educational institution. Then, the literature review assesses the relationship
between endemic racism at PWIs to African-Americans’ desire for higher education. To this
end, this study used CRT as a framework to examine a PWI’s college climate, acculturative
stress, and lack of equitable social capital that subordinate certain racial and ethnic groups.
Alternatively, an anti-deficit model of a college climate was also offered as a high quality
marker to facilitate student achievement. Solórzano et al. (2000) highlighted that positive
collegiate climates provide programs to support the recruitment, retention, and graduation of
Students of Color. College retention involves institutional efforts to maintain student enrollment
until degree completion. The lack of retention efforts and early warning practices provided by
universities has implications to impact African-American male students’ educational attainment
(Solórzano et al., 2000). Therefore, BSU’s efforts to mediate these deficits were reviewed.
In light of the theoretical emphasis on this educational problem, the following research
questions and key terms were used as a guide for this study:
Research Questions
1. Does a Black Student Union mediate a predominantly White university’s retention efforts
for African-American male students?
2. What role does a Black Student Union at a four year predominantly White university play
in social capital for African-American male students?
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 14
3. How do African-American male students utilize a Black Student Union at a
predominantly White university?
Key Terms
• Acculturative Stress is a theory that explains the psychological impact that students
encounter when their cultural beliefs and values are threatened (Anderson, Bakeman, &
Thompson, 2000).
• Counternarrative disputes the commonly negative stigma or stereotype by offering
stories that give a voice and alternative view on underrepresented people’s experiences
(Solórzano, 1997).
• Counter Spaces are safe spaces on PWIs for underrepresented students that provide a
vehicle to build and maintain self-identity, access social support, and navigate through
the challenges of racism (Dade et al., 2011).
• Endemic Racism is defined as the covert and overt discriminatory behaviors, beliefs, and
policies perpetuated to maintain White privilege and disempower non-White citizens in
America (Feagin, 2000; Freire, 1993).
• Predominantly White Institutions (PWI) are defined as institutions with a historical
foundation of White centered norms, beliefs, policies, and a disproportionate
representation of White faculty and administration.
• Social Capital is defined as the social relationship that provides students with access to
resources such as jobs, institutional agents, and institutional support (Stanton-Salazar,
1997).
These key terms and research questions created a foundation for the study. The first
chapter, literature review, contains the theoretical framework and an overview of studies related
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 15
to the research questions. In Chapter Two, a discussion of CRT provides a lens to understand the
history of systemic racism and the impact on African-American males at PWIs. CRT also offers
a social justice stance that promotes a call of action to identify and promote effective resources
that successful Students of Color utilize as an example for others. Chapter Three describes the
qualitative process and procedures used to collect and analyze data. The methodological
findings from data are highlighted in Chapter Four along with a comprehensive analysis of major
themes and patterns in Chapter Five.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 16
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
In 1903, W.E.B Du Bois, while lamenting on the struggles of educational attainment of
African Americans stated, “The problem of the 20th Century is the problem of the color line.” A
problem so evident his long-time friend Albert Einstein characterized racism as “a disease of
White people” (Jerome & Taylor, 2005). This quote derives from a world renowned physicist
known for studying energy from a subatomic level. In physics, disease is disorder and its
entropic nature will only increase the spread of disorder. Racism, like a disease, has deeply
imbedded itself into the life line of America’s educational infrastructure and negatively impacts
People of Color (Freire, 1993). Given the detrimental nature of the hurdles that racism creates
for Students of Color, the goal of this study was to offer a counter narrative. Specifically, this
study describes the experiences of African-American male upperclassmen and graduates that
utilize networks and resources developed by a Black Student Union (BSU) at a Predominantly
White Institution (PWI).
Understanding the mediators that successful Students of Color utilized is crucial because
student background and characteristics such as race, ethnicity, gender, and social economic
status (SES) are likely to impact student retention (Oseguera, 2006). African-American college
males’ graduation rate is 20% below their White peers (National Center for Education Statistics,
2015). Additionally, African-American females receive over twice as many degrees as African-
American males (National Center for Education Statistics, NCES, 2015).
This educational problem is rooted in endemic racism that plagues American
infrastructure (Freire, 1993; Solórzano, 1997). In an effort to understand this dilemma, this
review of the literature begins by unearthing White systemic racism in relation to Students of
Color academic achievement. Next, Critical Race Theory (CRT) is introduced as the theoretical
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 17
framework for this study and provides a lens to take a deeper look at how telling the stories of
successful Students of Color challenges the racist status quo (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995;
Solórzano, 1997).
As a counterbalance to deficit cultural models, Solórzano’s et al. (2000) research is
highlighted to provide positive collegiate racial climate attributes that this study used as quality
markers to analyze college climate at PWIs (Solórzano et al., 2000), retention efforts (Astin &
Oseguera, 2005), acculturative stress (Anderson et al., 2000), and social capital (Stanton-Salazar,
1997) related to African-American male students. To better understand the strategies and
resources that successful African-American students access, an overview of Black Student
Unions as counter spaces is delineated as a mediator that African-American students use to rise
above the internal and external struggles they may experience at PWIs (Anderson et al., 2000;
Astin & Oseguera, 2005; Grier-Reed, 2010; Solórzano et al., 2000).
Unearthing White Systemic Racism and Students of Color Achievement
Mentioned above, this literature review starts by defining White systemic racism and
examining its impact on American society and the educational institution. A basic definition of
White systemic racism encompasses the maintenance of White privilege and creates distance
with Communities of Color by perpetuating oppressive economic and educational structures
(Bobo, Krysan, Shuman, & Steeh, 1997; Freire, 1993). Racism in America consists of
unconscious and conscious social norms creating racial hierarchies that benefit White Americans
and oppresses People of Color (Feagin & Vera, 1995). This framework was embedded in
American society and attributed to over four centuries of White created notions that promote
negative stereotypes, ideologies, and prejudices that deny African-Americans equitable
opportunities (Feagin, 2000).
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 18
Feagin (2000) argued that racism is so endemic in the American institution and social
structure that it runs at an unconscious and invisible level, yet displays overt White dominance
and privilege that press the margins of social acceptability (Feagin, 2000). Centuries of
institutional and systemic racism has forged an American society rich in policy and practices ill-
fitting to the overall success of People of Color (Freire, 1993). According to the National Center
for Educational Statistics (2009), White workers at all educational levels, other than doctorate or
first-professional, had higher median incomes than African-American workers at the same
educational level.
As marginalized students grapple with deeply rooted notions and norms, a future filled
with student debt and lower paid wages may serve as a deterrent to pursuing a college degree
(Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Moreover, Students of Color face mistreatment and discrimination
(Solórzano, 1997), low teacher expectations (Ogbu & Simons, 1998), White-centered curriculum
(Bennett, 2001), and inequitable educational policies and resources (Darling-Hammond, 2007;
Johnson, 2006). Conscious and unconscious acts of disregard spawn from the inherent belief of
White superiority and constitute a verification of Black inferiority (Davis, 1989). Racial deficits
establish a platform for marginalized students’ to experience inequities that may impact their
college pursuits (Freire, 1993; Ogbu & Simons, 1998). In fact, a national study showed that less
than 40% of eligible African-American high school students go to college and less than half of
these students obtain a four-year degree within six years (Astin & Oseguera, 2005).
Overall, African-American male college enrollment numbers have been decreasing for
the past decade and many studies and national reports are focused on this phenomenon (Astin &
Oseguera, 2005; Bonner, II, 2010; Brittian et al., 2009; Harper, 2006; Harper, 2012; Strayhorn,
2010). However, decreased enrollment is not just an African-American male educational
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 19
problem. White-male college enrollment numbers have been steadily decreasing as well. In
fact, one of the largest American college system’s enrollment data showed that White-male
enrollment has been decreasing almost consistently for the past decade (California State
University, 2015). Yet, mainly the decrease in African-American male college enrollment is
highly publicized and noted in national media (Hagler, 2015).
This type of covert media practice is embedded in White privileged infrastructure and
adds to the negative stigma assigned to African-American males. Delineating positive stories
concerning African-American male college students provides a counterbalance to the status quo.
In fact, an anti-deficit account of African-American male college achievement may focus on
California’s largest PWI’s undergraduate analysis reports that showed the total number of
African-American college males bachelorette degrees have been increasing over the past decade
(California State University, 2015). This data was not obtained in a news publication or
academic journal focused on African-American male students’ progress, but by looking at the
raw numbers of the college system’s yearly enrollment and retention reports.
Initiatives such as the Obama Administration’s My Brother’s Keeper strived to promote
what is working for African-American males in America and more studies and reports focused
on African-American success are required (The White House, 2014). Learning from African-
American success stories provides strategies and resources to other students facing similar
dilemmas and informs society that all students are capable of achievement. According to social
learning theory, students’ efficacy for achievement is positively impacted when they access
positive, vicarious experiences of peers with similar characteristics such as gender and race
(Bandura, 1997). The goal of this study was to provide vicarious experiences by telling the
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 20
stories of African-American male college students that successfully progressed in a California
PWI.
Stories related to African-American college success are important to examine because
PWIs have a long history of inequitable practices that create obstacles that marginalize Students
of Color (Astin & Oseguera, 2005; Feagin, 2000; Grier-Reed, 2010; Harper, 2012; Johnson,
2008; Solórzano, 1997; Solórzano et al., 2000). It is also crucial to understand the root of the
problem so students, faculty, and institutions can develop specific strategies to navigate through
challenges at PWIs. The history of these challenges was embedded in the Seminole work of
Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995). Their article challenged multicultural education and paradigms
that were prevalent at the time of their study. Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) proposed to
utilize Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a lens to examine the inequitable educational structure that
perpetuates oppressive experiences for Students of Color. To gain insight on how White
systemic racism impacts current African-American students’ collegiate pursuits and
achievement, CRT was utilized as the theoretical framework for this study.
Critical Race Theory
When assessing the relationship between endemic racism of the dominant culture to
African-Americans’ desire for higher education, CRT challenges the effectiveness of the
American educational institution while uncovering possible tactics used to subordinate certain
racial and ethnic groups (Bell, 1995; Calmore, 1992; Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, & Thomas,
1995; Delgado, 1995; Harris, 1994; Matsuda, Lawrence, Delgado, & Crenshaw, 1993). CRT is
the organization of perspectives, practices, and pedagogy into a format to be examined to
identify the socio-cultural norms of society that allow for the perpetuation of the subordination
and marginalization of People of Color (Fay, 1987).
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 21
CRT was initially utilized in legal studies, but now includes sociology, ethnic studies,
women’s studies, history, and education (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano, 1997).
Solórzano (1997) organized CRT into five themes based on research methods, perspectives, and
pedagogy:
1. The Centrality and Intersectionality of Race and Racism (p. 6). The primary catalyst
in the critical race analysis is that race and racism is an endemic staple in American society with
at least four dimensions:
(1) it has micro and macro components;(2) it takes on institutional and individual forms;(3) it has
conscious and unconscious elements; and (4) it has cumulative impact on both the individual and
group (Davis, 1989; Lawrence, 1987). (p. 6)
2. The Challenge to Dominant Ideology (p. 6). Critical Race Theory is in opposition to
legal systems’ demand for objectivity, meritocracy, color-blindness, race neutrality, and equal
opportunity. However, Calmore (1992) claimed these traditional legal decrees mask a hidden
agenda of “self-interest, power, and privilege of the dominant groups in U.S. society” (p. 6).
3. The Commitment of Social Justice (p. 7). Critical Race Theory was conceived by the
aspiration to establish a format to eliminate racism and its influence on the architecture of
American society (Matsuda, 1991).
4. The Centrality of Experiential Knowledge (p. 7). Critical Race Theory is based on the
foundation that all members of society possess knowledge and experiences pertinent to the
success of our civilization (Calmore, 1992).
5. The Interdisciplinary Perspective (p. 7). Critical Race Theory is an analysis of race
and racism, as a norm in law and society, and placing them in multiple “contexts using
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 22
interdisciplinary methods (Delgado & Stefancic, 1992; Garcia, 1995; Harris, 1994; Olivas,
1990)” (p. 7).
Solórzano’s (1997) essay is an important contributor to CRT and identifying and
understanding the collegiate climate at PWIs. His organization of CRT themes serves as an
analytical tool for examining the collegiate racial climate at PWIs. In respect to accounting for
the centrality and intersectionality of race and racism, Solórzano (1997) stated that White
systemic racism is an institutional catalyst that perpetuates educational practices, tactics, and
inherent belief systems that immobilizes marginalized students. CRT’s commitment to social
justice requires that to fight endemic racism, the dominant ideology requires challenging
(Solórzano, 1997).
He organized CRT into themes as a pedagogical exercise to identify, understand, analyze,
and challenge racial stereotypes perpetuated by the media and used by some educators to justify
racist behaviors and attitudes towards marginalized students. He debated claims suggesting the
cultural deficit model is debunked or that racism has subsided, but has instead become hidden in
the fabric of education. To shake out inequitable educational practices and culturally deficit
attitudes in PWIs, he pressed Communities of Color to reject racial stereotypes and barriers by
identifying the strategies, resources, and strengths of Students of Color and focus on them in
research and institutional practices. Continuing in this call for action requires identifying the
21st century PWI’s climate as experienced by African-American male students and analyzing the
resources they utilize.
Critical Race Theory and Positive Racial Collegiate Climate Markers
Identification of cultural deficits is the first step to rejecting racism (Solórzano, 1997). In
a later study, Solórzano et al. (2000) challenged the dominant college climate and pedagogy by
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 23
conducting a qualitative focus-group study that analyzed the collegiate racial climate and its
relation to the African-American college experience. Solórzano’s et al. (2000) study included
three different PWIs and ten focus groups totaling 34 African-American female and male
students. The focus groups met with the researcher once and predetermined areas of inquiry
elicited students’ experiences regarding racial PWI collegiate climates. Based on the racial
deficits students reported, the focus groups identified creating counter spaces on and off campus
to establish supportive networks and co-construct meaning of their experiences.
Due to the organic emergence of the discussion on counter spaces, the focus group
explored this discussion in one meeting. Therefore, predetermined questions did not focus on
counter spaces. Additionally, students reported accessing various types of counter spaces such
as fraternities and academic focused groups. These groups impacted students in different ways
and knowing which type of counter space provided certain outcomes is hard to determine. For
instance, Solórzano et al. (2000) reported that a drawback of counter spaces is that it may distract
students from their studies. It is not clear if all counter spaces have this drawback or what type
of benefit each counter space offers. To add to this work, additional studies focused on one type
of counter space that African-American students utilize at PWIs may contribute more
information to students and colleges regarding resources that aide in the retention of
underrepresented students.
This current study seeks to add to the field by specifically focusing on a Black Student
Union as a counter space at a Southern California PWI. Later, the literature review will continue
to explore research related to counter spaces at PWIs. Solórzano’s et al. (2000) study laid the
foundation for this focus. Before going into more depth about counter spaces, it is important to
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 24
establish an anti-deficit model of a college climate. Therefore, these attributes can be utilized to
determine possible gaps in PWIs. A positive collegiate racial climate embodies:
(a) the inclusion of students, faculty, and administrators of color; (b) a curriculum that reflects
the historical and contemporary experiences of people of color; (c) programs to support the
recruitment, retention and graduation of Students of Color; and (d) a college/university mission
that reinforces the institution’s commitment to pluralism. (Solórzano et al., 2000, p. 62)
Using the four elements of a positive racial climate as a high quality marker and CRT to
understand the underpinnings of the American higher education institution, the next section will
address and critique research focused on college retention, the status quo in PWI college
climates, acculturative stress, social capital, and cultural centers related to African-American
male students’ collegiate experiences.
College Retention
Solórzano et al. (2000) highlighted that positive collegiate climates provide programs to
support the recruitment, retention, and graduation of Students of Color. College retention
involves institutional efforts to maintain student enrollment until degree completion (College
Board Advocacy, 2009). College degrees can potentially double individuals’ lifetime earnings
and increase opportunities for promotions, career options, and multigenerational changes
(Oseguera, 2006; Johnson, 2006). The National Center for Educational Statistics (NCES, 2009)
reported that adults with higher levels of education had higher median incomes and lower
unemployment rates than their less educated peers.
Although college retention has been referred to as the lifeblood of higher education
institutions, colleges tend to focus more on recruitment and enrollment rather than retention
(Hurd, 2000). College Board Advocacy (2009) conducted a nationwide assessment of 4-year
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 25
PWIs’ retention efforts and identified six benchmarks to evaluate the extent that colleges aid in
student retention. The study found that participating colleges did not allocate adequate resources
to meet all of the quality benchmarks which included: efforts to increase student persistence,
having a full time retention program coordinator, research and assessment on student retention,
orientation programs, early warning practices, faculty-student interaction and academic advising
(College Board Advocacy, 2009).
Research highlights that connectedness to the learning environment is essential to
educational attainment (Chávez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Grier-Reed, 2010). College Board
Advisory (2009) reported that although 80 percent of 4-year public universities have retention
coordinators that are directly responsible for reaching out to students and creating experiences to
facilitate students’ sense of belonging, less than one third of their full-time work (40 hours) are
actually allocated to these efforts. Additionally, funding for retention efforts is stifled and most
of the efforts are geared towards first and second year students only.
The lack of retention efforts and early warning practices provided by universities has
implications to impact African-American male students’ educational attainment (Solórzano et al.,
2000). Although accounting for all ethnic/racial groups and both sexes, African-American males
are underrepresented in the overall population of college students (Harper, 2006), their
bachelorette degree attainment at the largest PWI collegiate system in California remains stable
and shows annual growth (California State University, 2015). However, current cultural deficit
models still exist and need to be exposed to transform PWIs and ensure equitable opportunities
to all students. Based on CRT’s challenge to dominant ideology, a stance of meritocracy
towards current PWI’s retention efforts let educational institutions escape accountability and
perpetuates oppression (Johnson, 2006; Solórzano, 1997). An important step towards
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 26
transformative measures is to not only expose cultural deficits, but to also illustrate how African-
American students use mediators such as counter spaces to counterbalance these deficits.
The Status Quo in PWI College Climates
Examining the strengths and resources of African-American students and unveiling the
dilemmas they face rejects the normalcy effect of White systemic racism. A CRT concept
highlights the covert and normalcy effect of endemic racism which relieves White faculty of
accountability or responsibility because the experiences of African-American students may be
invisible to them (Closson, 2010). Bringing the unheard and unseen student population into
existence reinforces institutions’ commitment to pluralism and student success (Solórzano et al.,
2000). Establishing an educational setting that invites all students to an engaging learning
experience opens pathways for students’ personal and educational goal attainment (Solórzano et
al., 2000).
Yet, PWI’s campus environments and university personnel attitudes tend to lack the
quality markers necessary to promote the inclusion of all student body members (Grier-Reed,
2010; Solórzano et al., 2000). This discourse may breed internal struggles that potentially
impede marginalized students health, personal, and academic growth (Anderson et al., 2000;
Dzokoto, Hicks, & Miller, 2007). African-American students at PWIs report feelings of
isolation and university personnel made minimal or inconsistent efforts to reach out to them
(Davis et al., 2004). The promotion of White-centered identity and socialized norms at PWIs
further alienates, dehumanizes, and stresses students who are not White (Freire, 1993; Grier-
Reed, 2010).
African-American students have described themselves as a “fly in the buttermilk”
because they find themselves as the only African-American student in class with all White
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 27
faculty promoting White centered curriculum (Davis et al., 2004). Compared to their White
peers, African-American students report that at PWIs, they receive inequitable resources and
experience microaggressions (Ancis, Sedlacek, & Mohr, 2000; Grier-Reed, 2010).
Microaggressions include: microinsults (unacknowledged, made to feel invisible),
microinvalidations (exclude or negate the experiences of People of Color), and microassaults
(racist comments and behavior) (Solórzano, 1997). Researchers report that African-American
students endure at least one microaggression a week at PWIs (Grier-Reed, 2010). Furthermore,
African-American students experience overwhelming pressure of representing the African-
American culture, proving that they belong in college and ensuring that they do not perpetuate
any negative stereotypes (Davis et al., 2004).
To survive the climate of PWIs, some marginalized students utilize socialized survival
skills such as emulating the dominant culture or assimilation (Davis et al., 2004; Johnson, 2006).
Freire (1993) described this phenomenon as the sub-oppressors attempting to build cohesion with
the oppressor by adopting their ideals and behaviors. When non-White students choose not to
use or do not have knowledge of an identity kit which emulates the White culture, students
experience alienation and separation (Bensimon, 2005; Johnson, 2008).
Another socialized survival skill that oppressed students enact is resistance. CRT defined
resistance as students rejecting a stigmatized racial identity that has been prescribed for them by
society and perpetuated by administrators, educators, peers, and the community (Freire, 1993).
Resistance is a means for the oppressed to own power over their identity and future (Freire,
1993). The promotion of White privilege and norms may trigger stressors for Students of Color
(Freire, 1993; Solórzano et al., 2000). Solórzano et al. (2000) noted that being “Black” situates
students in a reality that never allows them to escape from thinking about what race and power
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 28
means to them in a racist society. Additionally, he argued that these thoughts are mentally and
physically taxing due to African-American students’ need to counteract and hopefully recover
from daily acts of micro and macro aggressions (Solórzano et al., 2000). Some students embrace
resistance of the status quo or racial stereotypes to combat racial encounters.
Erikson (1950) argued that resistance is key to understanding student disengagement.
Considering the developmental processes that students encounter during this critical stage, 17-22
years of age, developmental experts theorize that males are confronted with a physiological
revolution. This physiological transformation threatens students’ self-image and hampers the
formation of an identity (Erikson, 1950). The simultaneous merger of physiological, emotional,
and cognitive activity within African-American male students, while encountering the discourse
of White male privilege is a recipe for resistance and disengagement (Freire, 1993; Ogbu &
Simons, 1998).
When students lack a sense-of-belonging or struggle with resistance during their early
years of college, they are more likely to leave (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Oppressive educational
systems create emotional, social, and academic stress (Freire, 1993; Johnson, 2006; Grier-Reed,
2010). Blumenfeld (2006) argued that oppression is a symbiotic relationship between the non-
privileged group and the privileged group. Additionally, he stated that it is critical to unveil and
become conscience of the characteristics of the privileged, dominant group in society and how
this hegemony creates the oppressive environment that impacts students.
American beliefs and values perpetuate White, male, heterosexual, able bodied, English
as a first language, and Christian privilege while marginalizing opposite members of this group
(Blumenfeld, 2006; Freire, 1993; Iverson, 2007; Johnson, 2006). White male privilege generates
structural constraints for underrepresented members of American society. Academic discourse
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 29
has assigned students to either positions of privilege or oppression due to the doxa that American
society has established (Bourdieu, 1986; Freire, 1993). This discourse can elevate African-
American students’ affective filters which in turn, may cause cognitive strain and impede
learning and achievement (Darling-Hammond, 2007; Vygotsky, 1978).
Acculturative Stress: A Symptom of the Status Quo
When attending PWIs, African-American male students’ emotional and physical health
and academic performance may also be negatively influenced by acculturative stress (Anderson
et al., 2000; Oseguera, 2006). Anderson et al. (2000) developed the theory acculturative stress to
describe this psychological distress. Acculturative stress is a theory that explains the
psychological impact that students encounter when their cultural beliefs and values are
threatened (Anderson et al., 2000). Students may struggle with depression and/or stress because
they are pressured to assimilate to the dominant culture in order to succeed (Anderson et al.,
2000). African-Americans are particularly susceptible to experiencing acculturative stress due to
their status as an underrepresented ethnicity in the United States (Grier-Reed, 2010).
In contrast, acculturative stress and depression related to the collegiate experience is not
prevalent on Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCU). Researchers conclude that
the value for Afrocentric culture on HBCU campuses negates the need to assimilate to an
unknown culture (Brittian et al, 2009). When non-White students attend PWIs, healthy
acculturation in terms of cultural integration rather than assimilation has shown to benefit
students (Brilliant, 2000). Integration encourages non-White students to maintain their culture
while acquiring knowledge of the norms and belief systems of the privileged culture. Therefore,
it is important to identity a designated space on campus for Students of Color to facilitate cultural
identity while they encounter knowledge about people in other cultural groups. The
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 30
development of healthy identity, motivation, and inspiration are critical components for
educational attainment (Gurin, Dey, Hurtado, & Gurin 2002; Ogbu & Simons, 1998).
Counter spaces counter act neglect and discrimination within PWIs. Counter spaces are
specifically designed to assist students with coping with race-related stressors to increase
chances of surviving (Grier-Reed, 2010). Counter spaces provide positive interactions and
support from peers and faculty in a students’ ethnic group. Ultimately, the goal is to create a
sanctuary that facilitates opportunities for students to experience connectedness, pride, and
successfully complete their college degree (Chávez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999; Grier-Reed, 2010).
When students possess tools and strategies to self-regulate and cope with challenges, they
achieve determinism and ultimately reach their goals (Rueda, 2011; Vygotsky, 1978). By
controlling thoughts about adverse experiences, students may mediate difficult situations by
identifying appropriate types of modifications they need to achieve their goals (Vygostky, 1978).
Bandura (1997) developed the triarchic reciprocal causality model to outline how social
cognitive mediators impact behavior. Bandura believed that the interaction between
environment, personal, and behavioral variables affects learners’ ability to self-regulate and
achieve their goals. Verbal persuasion, vicarious experiences, mastery experiences, and a
student’s physiological state impact self-efficacy (Bandura, 1997). On PWIs, African-American
students and faculty can mediate the hurdles of oppression by providing designated spaces where
Students of Color can feel safe to master cultural experiences, receive positive verbal persuasion
from peers and faculty, and have access to successful role models (Grier-Reid, 2010).
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 31
Social Capital
Offering African-American students’ social capital in the form of social networks and
resources at PWIs provide opportunities for students to explore their common experiences and
secure support (Brittian et al., 2009; Johnson, 2006). A counter narrative to promote student
connectedness and academic attainment is the availability of equitable social capital (Brittian et
al., 2009; Johnson, 2006). A long history of institutional social networking environment set up
to secure a resource driven social capital serves the privileged culture (Bourdieu, 1986).
Stanton-Salazar (1997) looked specifically at how inequitable access to social networks or social
capital immobilizes non-White students.
Social capital is defined as the social relationship that provides students with access to
resources such as jobs, institutional agents, and institutional support (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). At
PWIs, institutional social networks disproportionately serve as gateways of power and privilege
for mainly White students (Astin & Oseguera, 2005; Brittian et al., 2009; Dzokoto et al., 2007;
Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Social capital is crucial to the success of students and degree completion
and the lack thereof poses obstacles for students (Cabrera, Nora, & Castaneda, 1993; Stanton-
Salazar, 1997).
The effectiveness of a groups’ social capital is based on the premise that there is a degree
of institutional support from social, economic, and political entities (Bourdieu, 1986). In
addition to having access to social capital, students require academic value and a belief system to
act as a form of motivation and inspiration (Johnson, 2006). These belief systems can be created
and nurtured by the social network within Communities of Color relegating academic value
based desired outcomes.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 32
Without the promotion of social capital within counter spaces, African-American
students are left to navigate through complicated bureaucracies, new collegiate discourses,
limited staff allocated to student retention, and a Predominantly White student body. African-
American students may be at risk of being guided by privileged groups that may feel socially and
culturally entitled to prescribe remedies to damages they caused without ever knowing or
understanding the depth of the real harm done (Johnson, 2006). White privilege encourages
them to characterize the experiences of other people, to ultimately tell them what it is like to be
them regardless of what the person says (Johnson, 2006). Therefore, in a Predominantly White
educational setting, African-American students’ access to social capital within a cultural network
on campus that embodies high academic expectations, positive cultural identity, and belief
systems may provide the motivation to reach their maximum potential (Johnson, 2006; Stanton-
Salazar, 1997; Solórzano et al., 2000).
African-American Cultural Centers as a Counter Space
and Vehicle for Social Capital
Creating safe spaces for underrepresented students provides a vehicle to navigate through
the challenges of racism such as acculturative stress, lack of social capital, and the collegiate
climate present at PWIs (Dade et al., 2011). Within cultural counter spaces, students have an
opportunity to escape the pressure of racism and make sense of their common experiences
through dialogue, attending cultural events, and accessing resources (Dade et al., 2011). Cultural
centers serve as a source of cultural advocacy, expression, and validation for participants
(Museus, 2008). Studies show that African-American students tend to achieve when they have
someone to talk to concerning discrimination, social justice issues, and racial identity (Dade et
al., 2011).
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 33
Underrepresented students are systemically denied institutional supports and networking
opportunities to assist in the development of healthy identity and motivation (Gurin et al., 2002;
Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Without institutional agents, resources, and a social network to facilitate
positive interactions and support, African-American students may miss the opportunity to
generate a sense of connectedness and pride (Chávez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999).
Welsing (1991) advised against expecting a change from the privileged population;
however, encouraged African-Americans to assemble fortified social networks providing the
same privilege to African-American students. These social networks may be embedded in
cultural centers on PWIs. Social support for race-related stress is linked to positive outcomes for
African-American students (Grier-Reed, 2010). The fundamental ambition is to establish links
to networks and institutions that act as a source of support and status attainment (Bourdieu,
1986). Researchers found that when compared to African-American undergraduates at a PWI
who did not participate in an African-American network, African-American students that
participated in the African-American cultural center trended toward higher retention rates (Dade
et al., 2011).
In an environment where White norms and curriculum are the standard, African-
American students are pressed to establish a stance towards their culture, other Students of
Color, and White students and faculty (Grier-Reed, 2010). During this discourse, students may
progress through various phases of identity development. Progressive stages of identity
development have been studied by many researchers. In fact, Chávez and Guido-Di Brito (1999)
outlined William E. Cross’ Theory on Identity Development which focused on the identity
progression that African-Americans experience. In the first stage of Cross’ theory, African-
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 34
Americans are unaware of race and progresses to an Afrocentric sense of being, and eventually
embraces a multicultural identity that fights to eliminate all oppression.
According to Cross’ (1991) theory, as students are confronted with the discourse of
PWIs’ climates, opportunities to develop cultural identity may lead to a broader multicultural
understanding. Cultural centers offer higher levels of out-of-class engagements focused on
identity development which contributes to stronger identity retention (Grier-Reed, 2010; Harper,
2006). When students have positive interactions and support from their cultural group, they
cultivate feelings of cohesion and self-pride (Chávez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999). By constructing
cultural conceptual constructs or cultural capital, students are empowered to determine for
themselves their place on the map of human geology (Bourdieu, 1984).
Upon discovering their own functioning in terms of self-awareness, students can branch
out and learn to value other cultures (Chávez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999). As students begin to find
comfort with their identity, they may have an opportunity to move into healthy acculturation
allowing for cross cultural communication (Brilliant, 2000). Communication outside of
students’ cultural group allows for students to develop more connections to their learning
environment, learn from others’ perspectives and experiences, and possibly find commonalities
leading to social justice efforts to end oppression (Harper, 2006).
Awareness of stages of identity development in cultural centers is important to consider
because students react to discourse differently. Studies show that marginalized students become
overwhelmed with racism and project racism towards their White peers and the White faculty at
PWIs. In contrast, some African-American students seek integration with their White
counterparts or institutional agents and become labeled as “acting White;” viewed by their
African-American peers as a sign of rejection of their own culture (Davis et al, 2004; Grier-
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 35
Reed, 2010). Students need assistance with navigating through identity formation and cultural
centers provide a safe environment for African-American students to make sense of their
experiences (Grier-Reed, 2010).
Identity development and honing skills for cross cultural communication facilitate
students’ sense of belonging and serves as a catalyst towards degree attainment (Oseguera &
Rhee, 2009). Although communication within cultural centers provides a means for students to
discuss their identity and navigate through the perils of racism to persist in PWIs, researchers
argue that cultural centers need an educational component to assist underrepresented students in
achieving academic success to complete their degrees (Dade et al., 2011; Grier-Reed, 2010;
Museus, 2008; Oseguera & Rhee, 2009).
Institutional agents are individuals who have access to resources and opportunities and
transmit this access to students (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Profit from this support reinforces value
when the student faces academic or social challenges. When African-American faculty,
students, and staff come together and network, there is potential to access collective wisdom for
helping students (Grier-Reed, 2010).
Oseguera and Rhee (2009) also found that students who received academic mentoring
from better resourced and academically prepared peers had higher GPAs. Additionally, they
found that when students share common contexts, students within a social network that have
high academic standards provide positive influence on peer retention especially in the first two
years of college. Having access to high achieving role models assists students with learning,
informs them on when and why to access support or disengage with activities that may lead them
away from their studies (Bandura, 1997). According to social cognitive theory, pairing students
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 36
with credible, similar (culture, gender), and resilient peer models positively impacts learning
(Bandura, 1997; Rueda, 2011).
A review of the literature suggests that more studies focused on peer networks and
retention, especially beyond the first two years, is required in the field (Grier-Reid, 2010;
Oseguera, 2006). Cultural student clubs can aide in the retention efforts for Students of Color.
Along with the benefits to student well-being, cultural student clubs benefit PWIs’ campus
environments as well. According to Pittman (1994), cultural centers facilitate campus comfort
and connectedness, offer opportunities for cultural-specific research, professional development
and awareness for institutional agents. Additionally, the campus community as a whole is
enriched by the inclusion of cultural centers because they provide opportunities for cross cultural
communication which may improve trust and race relations, and diversify cultural-specific
resources by providing cultural activities, exhibits, and lectures (Pittman, 1994).
Although studies on this topic continue to be limited, current research has been conducted
to contribute to the understanding of collegiate social networks for African-American students.
In fact, Grier-Reid (2010) at the University of Minnesota evaluated the African American
Student Network (AASN) at a large Midwestern predominantly White University. Operating
from a humanistic principle that focuses on the wellbeing of individuals and empathetic
relationships, her study showed that African-American students and faculty benefit from counter
spaces on campus; a designated place where Students of Color can experience a positive and
supportive collegiate climate to make sense of their experiences. Grier-Reid (2010) concluded
that research regarding counter spaces is sparse and nationwide data is limited.
Brittian et al. (2009) also looked at social networks for African-American students at a
PWI. Utilizing an online survey to collect data, over 160 African-American students reported
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 37
their experiences in a mentoring program at their university. Although students viewed the
program as useful, student GPAs were not impacted. Due to the nature of self-report surveys,
the results are limited because the data is only based on the students’ perceptions of themselves.
The data was not triangulated with other methods such as observations and documents.
Informative information about the students was not represented to extrapolate if the students
came into the mentoring program needing academic support or personal support. Additionally,
students completed the surveys online which may be hard to validate who actually completed the
survey.
Summary
Research focused on counter spaces and African-American male retention is sparse, lacks
nationwide data, and needs studies that look at the experiences of students once they have more
exposure to higher education (Grier-Reid, 2010; Oseguera, 2006). The aim of this study was to
add to the research by examining the networks and resources developed by a Black Student
Union (BSU) to address acculturative stress, increase social capital, and retention rates noted
among male African-American students at a 4-year PWI. Given the benefits outlined by
research on counter spaces for marginalized students, this project was focused on describing the
experiences of African-American male students participating in a Black Student Union while
navigating through a four-year PWI. These research questions will guide the study:
1. Does a Black Student Union mediate a predominantly White university’s retention efforts
for African-American male students?
2. What role does a Black Student Union at a four year predominantly White university play
in social capital for African-American male students?
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 38
3. How do African-American male students utilize a Black Student Union at a
predominantly White university?
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 39
CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY
This project focused on describing the experiences of African-American male students
utilizing a Black Student Union while navigating through a four-year predominantly White
college. In an effort to explore how the participants articulate to upper division courses or
completed degrees, four upperclassmen and graduate students were recruited for a focus group
for this project. Three members from this focus group also participated in one-on-one
interviews.
The five purposes of this chapter are to (1) describe the research methodology of this
study, (2) explain the sample selection, (3) describe the procedure used in designing the
instrument and collecting the data, and (4) provide an explanation of the approach used to
analyze the data, and (5) describe the plan to ensure credibility/trustworthiness and maintain
ethics.
Research Design
The goal of this qualitative study was to take a phenomenological approach which offers
knowledge of firsthand experiences of participants and how they perceive their experiences in a
Black Student Union (BSU) while navigating through a predominantly White Institution (PWI).
Qualitative methodology was utilized for this project because the method provides a flexible and
inductive design to explore the interconnection of how the participants socially construct their
world and make meaning of their experiences. Flexibility is important because the construction
and reconstruction of meaning, influence or processes of events and activities to the individuals
involved was unpredictable and required a pliable design approach (Maxwell, 2013). The
qualitative design also offered an inductive process that allows the research findings to become
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 40
apparent by highlighting the reoccurring codes and themes as they surfaced in the data (Merriam,
2009).
The qualitative design required a rigorous and systematic in-depth collection of data that
examined participants in their natural settings (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). This study
deployed a case study qualitative approach that explored a bounded system over time (Maxwell,
2013; Merriam, 2009); African-American males in a BSU at a PWI. The case study approach
met the need of this project because it permitted the researcher to deeply explore a particular set
of students in a particular setting to ultimately report a thick and rich case description of the
incidents, participants, and interpretation of the phenomena that occurred (Merriam, 2009).
The qualitative method also employed the researcher as the research instrument to select
and collect multiple sources of information for data analysis (Bogdan & Biglen, 2007; Maxwell,
2013; Merriam, 2009). Overall, the design decision facilitated a research relationship between
the respondents and the researcher to garner access to student perceptions and their experiences.
Data was systematically collected through a focus group, one-on-one interviews, and an
observation of a BSU meeting and event (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009). Multiple sources of
data was collected to confirm findings. This strategy is called triangulation and it promotes
reliability and validity because the various methods work together to see if they all support a
single conclusion (Meriam, 2009).
According to Maxwell (2013), data collection in qualitative research seeks to describe,
analyze, interpret, and eventually come to terms with the significance or meaning of the
phenomena. Solórzano et al. (2000) was interested in racial climates at three different PWIs.
PWIs offer different types of cultural centers on their campuses. In an effort to bind the
qualitative study in one particular setting, an intimate group of four upperclassmen and three
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 41
graduates from the same PWI were recruited to participate in a focus group. A smaller group
allowed the researcher to go deeper and ask more probes due to the decreased size of the group.
After the focus group, these participants were asked to provide one-on-one interviews. These
respondents were chosen on the researcher’s need to follow up with certain participants.
Interviews were crucial to this process because it provided entry into respondents’
experiences and insight about how they interpret what occurred (Maxwell, 2013). Guided by the
research questions, interviews elicited access to interviewee’s specific actions, perspectives, and
their observations (Maxwell, 2013). Interviews also permitted the researcher to learn about
places that the researcher has not been and could not go. Therefore, the researcher gained access
to information that could only be learned through talking to particular individuals that have lived
through specific experiences (Maxwell, 2013).
Obtaining useful and relevant data required asking good questions to obtain descriptive
data in the subject's own words (Meriam, 2009). The interview questions included both internal
emphasis such as feelings and thoughts and external emphasis regarding the functioning and
resources provided by the BSU. Interviews also provided insight to information that happened in
the past, missed in an observation, or used as a means to check the accuracy of what was
observed.
Focus groups, interviews, and observations were person-to-person encounters that rely on
the quality of fieldwork relationships (Bogdan & Biklen, 2007). Two additional observations of
participants at a BSU meeting and a BSU event facilitated a fieldwork relationship (Bogdan &
Biklen, 2007). Establishing a level of comfort is important for observation because a firsthand
account of the phenomena occurs in the students’ collegiate environment and the participant has
to be willing to invite the researcher into this space (Merriam, 2009).
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 42
Through careful observation, the researcher directly learned about participants and their
settings by accurately watching and noting the phenomena under study (Merriam, 2009).
Observations were important because the researcher received a firsthand account of what the
study investigated. Lastly, the researcher checked the accuracy of what the participants stated in
interviews through the observations.
Sample and Site Selection
In this study’s literature review, Oseguera’s (2006) article provided information
pertaining to African-American males’ retention and degree completion rates. Her sample
included African-American freshman and she suggested that future studies look at the
experiences of students once they have more exposure to higher education. Solórzano et al.
(2000) facilitated a focus group at three different PWIs totaling 34 students. His findings did not
indicate specifics about each focus group nor did he ask questions about their experiences related
to specific counter spaces. To gain an intimate perspective of seven students at one PWI all
utilizing the same BSU, this study includes purposeful sampling by strategically recruiting four
African-American male students that were in their third and fourth years of study or graduate
student/alumni, to explore their social network experiences. Additionally, due to the focus on
deficits related to African-American males’ progress in PWIs in the media and in studies
(Hagler, 2015; Harper, 2012; Oseguera, 2006), African-American males were recruited for this
project to tell their successful stories as a counterbalance.
Permission was sought to conduct this study at a BSU on a PWI in southern California.
Entry was gained into the BSU through a key person who could provide referrals (Merriam,
2009). Potential participants were invited to a general meeting to discuss the project with the
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 43
club members and seek out willing participants that were male upperclassmen and graduate
students.
The research questions elicited their experiences and perspectives in a focus group.
Solórzano et al. (2000) highlighted that focus groups generate a wealth of knowledge by guiding
group discussions. In addition to a focus group, this study included three one-on-one interviews
that provided a deeper look at individuals’ experiences and allowed respondents to share
instances that they may be more comfortable with expressing in a one-on-one setting (Maxwell,
2013; Merriam, 2009). Lastly, participants were observed in two social settings, a BSU meeting
and a BSU event, to glean a firsthand account of what social resources and experiences are
available to students.
Protocols
Solórzano et al. (2000) discovered that counter spaces were utilized by African-American
students at PWIs in his study as a resource to counteract macro and micro racist aggressions.
Specific questions focused on counter spaces were not included in his seven areas of inquiry.
Students organically discussed counter spaces. This study’s interview protocol asked pointed
questions regarding the BSU that participants’ access related to retention, social capital, and
mediating acculturative stress. Brittian et al. (2009) also looked at counter spaces at a PWI by
sending an online survey to 130 freshmen. To provide a rich and detailed narrative, in-person
interactions through a focus group, one-on-one interviews, and observations were included in
this project.
The interview protocol for the focus group and the one-on-one interviews was semi-
structured and included specific open-ended questions with probes (Merriam, 2009). All
participants were asked the same initial questions in the focus group and interviews to examine if
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 44
there were any commonalities or trends in their experiences (Merriam, 2009). Beyond the
structured interview questions, diverse questions emerged due to the individual responses.
The questions and the flow of questions were piloted to get a sense of what works and
what needed to be edited. Initial interview questions elicited general factual information from
the students such as their GPA, age, etc. Starting with neutral questions in the interviews laid a
foundation to begin to ask participants about their subjective experiences (Merriam, 2009).
The focus group and interviews were conducted before the observations. For
observations, a semi structured observation protocol was created by the researcher. Based on
Merriam’s (2009) observation checklist, the following were taken into account: physical setting,
participants, activities and interactions, conversations, subtle factors, and the researcher’s
behavior. A short list of behaviors or phenomena were accessible to look for gleaned from the
interview material. For instance, if respondents stated in interviews that certain experiences
occur during meetings, or that members of the club interacted with one another in a certain way,
it was noted in the field book so that it could be observed later (Maxwell, 2013). The first
observation began by carefully looking for phenomena based on the study’s research questions,
and also allowing the researcher to stop and focus on certain elements as relevant data emerged
(Merriam, 2009). During observations, similar occurrences were documented, key words that
stood out, and a focus on certain people and occurrences were also noted (Merriam, 2009).
Unlike the Solórzano’s et al. (2000) and Grier-Reed’s (2009) studies, observations for this study
added diverse and hands-on insight into African-American students experiences in a BSU at a
PWI.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 45
Data Collection Approach
Raw data from the focus group and interviews were recorded with an electronic device
utilizing an application called Evernote. Evernote is a web-based application that provided the
option to listen to the interview on a cell phone, laptop, personal computer, or iPad. Storing the
information in this fashion allowed for flexibility and ensured that data would not be lost if
something happened to the recording device since it was saved on a web-based application.
During the interviews, a field notebook was accessible to the researcher to write down follow up
questions, key words, or behaviors or interactions to observe (Patton, 2002).
During observations, field notes were captured by writing down what the researcher
observed and experienced in a field notebook. After each interview and observation, the
researcher set aside an hour to draft expanded notes to capture thoughts on the emerging data.
Lastly, data related to the BSU was collected through brochures and the University website.
Pictures at events or meetings were taken to remember the physical setting and the resources
available. Unlike the Solórzano’s et al. (2000) and Grier-Reed’s (2010) studies, observations for
this study added diverse and hands-on insight into African-American students’ experiences in the
BSU at a PWI.
Method of Analysis
Data collection and analysis was guided by the study’s research questions. According to
Merriam (2009), data analysis is an ongoing process of systematizing and refining. Analysis
began immediately following the first interview (Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Merriam, 2009). After
each interview and observation, extended notes captured rudimentary thoughts about what is
occurring in the data. In between the interactions with the participants, memos were drafted
about what the researcher was learning and afforded an opportunity to rework or create questions
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 46
for the next interview in a field book (Merriam, 2009). Possible themes were documented using
metaphors and visuals to represent the phenomenon emerging from the data (Merriam, 2009).
Data management is the approach that was utilized for data analysis (Merriam, 2009).
The first phase involved transcribing interviews and observations. After transcribing interviews
from audio recordings, each line of the transcript was numbered to segment and identify lines of
data (Merriam, 2009). Next, treatment of the data began with identifying parts of the data set
that were meaningful and appear to answer the research questions (Merriam, 2009). The process
of coding involves: (a) reading through the script for the first time, (b) using the margins for
comments and questions, and (c) noting basic level codes or open codes that relate to my area of
interest (Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Harding, 2013; Merriam, 2009). According to Merriam
(2009), open codes are pieces of data that are heuristic, relevant, and can stand alone. Therefore,
words or phrases that relate to the research question such as mentor, self-identity, seeking, social,
or achieve were noted.
After completing the open coding process, the data was examined to construct categories
based on the researcher’s initial interpretation of the data. Corbin and Strauss (2008) defined this
grouping of open codes as axial or analytical coding. The first and second level of coding for the
second set of data were given the same treatment. Lists of categories from the observation data,
coded focus group, and interview were compared. Similar data were merged, creating a master
list of concepts in a code book (Merriam, 2009). Lastly, trends were identified in the data and
data sets were worked into themes. This process was repeated for the remaining pieces of data.
After identifying the relevant data, categories emerged. The categories were named utilizing a
visual strategy.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 47
The third level of analysis, data manipulation focused on identifying concepts within the
data (Corbin & Strauss, 2008; Merriam, 2009). Harding (2013) stated that at this abstract level
of analysis, identifying commonalities, differences, and possible relationships within the data
fosters the identification of themes and findings. Rearranging categories of data placed the data
into themes. After identifying themes and findings, a conceptual overview was developed by
creating a visual representation of the abstract categories and findings of the study that related to
one another in a meaningful way.
Credibility and Trustworthiness
In an effort to ensuring credibility and trustworthiness, the researcher interrogated
personal bias and accounted for the influence a researcher may have on the participants and
settings under study (Maxwell, 2013). Specifically, memos were drafted to address the
possible bias due to the researcher’s past experiences as an African-American student in a
BSU at a PWI. Maxwell (2013) suggested that researchers should seek to understand how
their influence or reactivity impacts what the respondents say and how this influences the
credibility of the interpretations drawn from the interviews.
Long-term engagement increased credibility by confirming interpretations when the
phenomenon was witnessed on multiple visits and conducting member checks (Maxwell,
2013; Merriam, 2009). Over the course of the Fall Semester, the focus group, interviews, and
observations increased the researcher’s involvement with students in their settings in hopes of
facilitating a research relationship. Checking emergent findings with respondents as the
research relationship developed aided in capturing authentic data. As participants became
comfortable with the researcher, they provided more insight into how they viewed and
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 48
interpreted their experiences (Merriam, 2009). The goal was to establish a trustworthy
research relationship.
Another step toward attaining trustworthiness and credibility included triangulating the
data. Utilizing the triangulation strategy, document reviews, interviews, and observations
provided a diverse collection of data to substantiate the study. Comparing varied pieces of
data aided in credibility by looking for accuracy of what the participants stated in interviews
and verified documents through observations (Maxwell, 2013; Merriam, 2009).
In regards to an ethical study, as a novice researcher the researcher’s experience and
track record was limited. However, the tasks of this study were carried out with integrity and
the rigorous requirements of implementing qualitative studies were adhered to (Merriam,
2009). Additionally, respect for the participants’ rights to privacy was accounted for by:
(a) utilizing pseudonyms in the report, (b) met with students privately, (c) ensured the
participants knew they could stop participating at any point, (d) informed students and their
university of the extent and purpose of the study, and (e) gained permission to conduct the
study from students and their university. The participants were aware of the observations
conducted and permission was sought to collect documents during visits.
Summary
The purpose of this chapter was to describe the research methodology of this study,
explain the sampling and site selection, describe the procedure used in designing the instrument
and collecting the data, provide an explanation of the procedures used to analyze the data, and
describe the plan to ensure credibility/trustworthiness and maintain ethics.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 49
CHAPTER FOUR: PRESENTATION OF DATA
Stories related to African-American male’s college success in predominantly White
Institutions (PWI) are critical to examine and be told as a means to offer inspiration and
strategies to all students and counteract negative stereotypes. African-American male students
that overcome societal hurdles to get into college are pressed to lace back up to mount the
cultural deficits prevalent in PWIs (Grier-Reed, 2010; Solórzano, 1997; Solórzano et al., 2000).
In spite of the nearly insurmountable challenges, African-American male college students are
challenging the status quo by personally and academically achieving. The goal of this study was
to tell the stories of four African-American male upperclassmen or graduate students at a PWI
that participate in a Black Student Union (BSU) utilizing the following research questions:
1. Does a Black Student Union mediate a predominantly White university’s retention efforts
for African-American male students?
2. What role does a Black Student Union at a four year predominantly White university play
in social capital for African-American male students?
3. How do African-American male students utilize a Black Student Union at a
predominantly White university?
The research questions were used to gain insight of African-American male students’
experiences at a PWI, highlighted student reflections on the lack of positive college racial
climate markers, and how the BSU served as a counterbalance. The study examined the ways
that participants utilized networks and resources in the Black Student Union (BSU) to address
acculturative stress, increase social capital, and retention efforts at a PWI.
This chapter includes the responses garnered from the research questions and highlights
the themes identified in the data. The purpose of this study was to examine the experiences of
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 50
African-American males at a PWI participating in a BSU. Therefore, Chapter Four begins with a
description of the BSU using information gathered from observations, collection of BSU
literature, and participants’ responses. Next, participants’ utilization of the BSU and how they
constructed meaning of the socio-cultural environment will be presented.
Respondents’ authentic experiences, interactions, and words related to the research
questions and literature review are described. Using Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a lens to
examine students’ experiences, their reflections are represented by three conceptual themes and a
subtheme: (1) Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a Means to Reject Racism, (2) Black
Consciousness Healing Soul Wounds, (3) Leadership as a Stance against Mediocrity, and (3a)
Entrepreneurs of Social Capital.
The first theme, Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a Means to Reject Racism, gives an
account of hurdles that participants overcame and their perceptions of these experiences. The
second theme, Black Consciousness Healing Soul Wounds, looks at strategies African-American
males used to heal from injuries attributed to acculturative stress. The final theme, Leadership as
a Stance against Mediocrity, revealed participants’ transformative efforts to fight oppression and
the byproducts of these commitments include a subtheme titled Entrepreneurs of Social Capital.
Socio-Cultural Environment
The socio-cultural environment and tangible resources developed by the BSU are
consistent with creating a positive and supportive collegiate climate described in research related
to counterspaces for marginalized students (Grier-Reid, 2010). According to BSU literature, the
association’s goals are aimed at academic excellence, cultural consciousness, social
responsibility, and reconnecting and rebuilding the family. Family is defined as everlasting
relationships with one another for the purpose of liberating and advancing individuals of African
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 51
descent. The BSU serves as the umbrella to a variety of other African-American organizations
such as the Black Business Student Association and the National Society of Black Engineers
(NSBE).
Eighty-five to 120 club members engage in formal and informal meetings twice a month
as a means to support and relate to one another, socialize, study, and cope with life (Grier-Reed,
2010). Located in a central location on the university campus among various ethnic, cultural,
and religious organizations, the BSU room includes an office utilized for business transactions or
one-on-one meetings, computer room for school work, recreational use and career preparedness
activities, and the largest space is used for meetings and social gatherings. A committee formed
by BSU members raised money to remodel the club’s room. According to members, the goal of
reorganizing and remodeling the room was to recreate a more welcoming and contemporary
environment.
The remodel added a chalk wall, Afrocentric murals on surrounding walls, two couches,
three round tables with chairs, and two new computers for the computer room. The chalk wall
featured a multicolored calendar of BSU events and bullet pointed reminders. A large resource
shelf is situated next to the chalk wall filled with used academic books and fliers announcing
resources related to free meal programs, financial aid workshops, and mental health services.
The participants seek to build a lending library inclusive of Afrocentric literature.
The artifacts, room, and the context of the BSU make up one aspect of the socio-cultural
environment. The participants of this study – Tendaji, Makena, Imamu, and Zuberi – and their
beliefs, interactions, roles, backgrounds, and interactions with other students, faculty, and
advisors in BSU also attribute to the makeup of the socio-cultural environment. Insight on each
participant’s bioecological development will be presented; how their early experiences and the
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 52
context of their upbringing influence what they consider beneficial, appropriate, trustworthy, and
endearing (Bronfenbrenner, 1999). The role models in the participants’ lives may impact how
they make links to lessons learned. Therefore, participants’ acquired social norms from other
African-American role models may contribute to discourse participants describe while
encountering White centered norms taught by White teachers (Bronfenbrenner, 1999).
With this in mind, each respondent will be introduced along with their description of the
BSU room to provide a frame of norms and ideals that the student tends to operate in. When
asked to describe the BSU room, Makena responded: “The staff gave us four walls, that’s all
they gave us but we are prospering.”
Makena acknowledged the university provided a room and simplified the effort by calling
it four walls; he refocused his energy on commenting on what BSU is able to do with what it has.
Makena (Swahili meaning happy) is an African-American male student in his last year of the
math and engineering program. He is a member of the BSU, member of a Christian club, High
School Outreach Counselor and tutor, and serves in a leadership capacity for another
organization aligned with BSU’s goals. His poignant response resonates with his participation in
the study because he typically gave brief, meaningful contributions and then followed up with
asking whether he said enough. He is direct, positive, and seeks to help. Makena grew up in an
urban city not too far from his university inhabited by primarily Latinos and African Americans.
He has a large family and spent most of his upbringing with his siblings and mother. For a
period of his life, he and his younger siblings lived on the East Coast with his father. He had a
lot of responsibility at that time helping to care for his siblings, work, and high school but felt
most successful there. Makena returned to California to complete high school and chose his
university because his older brother attended the same school. Makena lives with roommates
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 53
and works two jobs to support himself and to assist his mother and siblings. After Makena
answered, Tendaji added:
As a people that’s what we do, we create our underground railroad because the dominate
path for White folks is not the route we can take for success and liberation. So we gotta
figure out how we going to do this ourselves. We are going to hold each other down
because these institutions aren’t doing it for us.
Tendaji (Swahili meaning Make Things Happen) confirmed Makena’s remarks and
expanded by affirming that action has to be taken. His comments confirmed that he sees himself
as part of a collective yet speaks as the leader with a plan. Tendaji is an African-American male,
former BSU president, and graduate student in the Applied Sociology Master’s program. He
grew up in the same urban city that his university is located in. His former principal stated that
he and his brother were destined for remarkable accomplishments and recalled that his parents
were highly visual and involved in their lives. Tendaji’s brother recently completed his Ph.D.
and Tendaji spent some time after the focus group discussing possible doctorate programs. He
has access to culturally and socially conscious parents that work from home and made
themselves available to him when he returned from school experiencing micro and macro
aggressions. He attributes making sense of these incidents through his conversations with his
parents, discussions in BSU, and from theories he learned from his sociology major. He recently
moved into a home owned by his parents and has three roommates. He made a point to account
for financial privilege during his reflections considering the experiences of other African-
American students that may not have similar resources. Zuberi allowed for a pause after Tendaji
spoke and added:
There’s been times where coming to a BSU meeting is the only time I see Black people
during the day because I didn’t have any Black Studies classes that semester. It’s also an
outlet to keep your identity and a time to breathe and be yourself.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 54
Zuberi seemed to take a moment to reflect on Tendaji’s response by considering what his
collegiate experience would be without the social network in the BSU. Referring to BSU as an
outlet to be yourself describes Zuberi’s analytical and artistic nature. Zuberi (Swahili meaning
Strong) is an African-American male, Alumnus and former Social Media Director for the BSU.
Zuberi ascribed to brotherhood and brought his fraternity back to the campus. He also
participated in a group called King to King where African-American males meet to support one
another. Zuberi grew up about 40 miles away from his university in a primarily White
community. Zuberi works for a school district and keeps his promise to return to campus and
support the BSU as an Alumnus. He overcame an accident that almost prohibited him from
completing his education and shows gratitude to his fraternity brothers and friends in the BSU
that supported him during that difficult time. He believes in giving back to the collective and the
community. Lastly, Imamu concluded:
The BSU holds events throughout the year that cater to the students. The official title for
the room is the African-American Resource Center. You will find computers, access to
printing, outside of that, not much. No tutoring. Don’t forget we have paper and
markers. Stuff that’s needed but not what’s going to necessarily enhance an overall
experience or make it a resource center? We share the resource center with La Raza,
Pacific Islanders, etc. When we address our issues they don’t understand and feel
attacked. This is an ongoing problem.
Imamu is the current BSU President. He takes a servant leader stance and allows for
others to respond first. Imamu (Swahili meaning Spiritual Leader) is an African-American male
in his senior year with a major in Human Resources. Imamu described the BSU as though he is
orientating an incoming member. He focused on the business, human, and social capital
involved in facilitating the BSU activities and events. He has a mental inventory of the resources
that BSU offers and knows what the club needs to offer to further assist students. He
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 55
spearheaded raising money to have the BSU room remodeled and is challenging the university to
provide Afrocentric books for the lending library.
He stated that he has a calling to be a spiritual leader and shared his vision with his
mother when he was a young boy. He grew up in the urban city the university is located in and
does not recall having an African-American teacher as a child. However, he commented that he
often had an African-American Principal or African-American Assistant Principal as leadership
models. Imamu served on the BSU Executive Board in various capacities and took on leadership
responsibilities as members left positions. He is also active in community efforts and cultivates
networks outside of BSU; advocates for BSUs across California to collaborate, connects with
other cultural groups on campus, and participates in national efforts related to African-American
issues.
Tendaji, Makena, Imamu, and Zuberi grew up in varied contexts and social norms. As
university students, they all found a path that led to the BSU. They joined the BSU at different
times and for different reasons; Imamu and Zuberi were recruited as high school students,
Makena met BSU members while working on campus and attended a meeting. The
commonality that all four students share is experience with micro and macro aggressions while
attending a PWI. When African-American students are pressured to establish a stance about
self-identity, racism, or confronted with the discourse of learning in unfamiliar contexts and
norms, a survival strategy was to find a safe place to retreat to with people that can relate to you
(Grier-Reed, 2010). The four participants finding one another in the BSU while sharing similar
collegiate experiences speaks to their need to find a place to convene, relate to like-minded
people, and release the stress they endured.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 56
When asked if they ever experienced racism on campus during one-on-one interviews,
they all had similar physical reactions; their voices lowered, lost eye contact with me for a
moment, and then they would begin to tell their story. During the focus group, three participants
started their responses with:
“I have experienced direct racial discrimination . . .” (Makena)
“I definitely have experienced both direct and indirect racism . . .” (Imamu)
“I face direct racism . . .” (Zuberi)
Tendaji did not respond verbally. He placed his chin down to his chest and bounced his
leg while the other three reflected on experiences that included: being called a “nigga,”
institutional discrimination, challenging the promotion of White-centered ideologies that
misrepresented history, White student rolling his eyes while African-American student
presented, counselor telling a student he would not make it in the engineering program so he
should quit, White students exaggerating their speech and movements when they communicate
with African-American students but talk differently with White peers, White faculty neglecting
African-American students’ presence in class, taking away programs that served African
Americans, not supporting Africana Studies classes, using African-American faculty to carry
messages to the BSU rather than addressing them directly, enforcing certain rules with African-
American Sororities and Fraternities, uninformed of retention efforts or personnel, and a
misrepresentation of the university’s commitment to diversity: diverse student body but
predominately White faculty and staff reinforcing inequitable practices, beliefs, and norms.
Solórzano’s et al. (2000) quality markers for a positive racial college climate were not
represented in the responses of the participants,
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 57
As reported by Carroll (1998); Guinier, Fine, and Balin (1997); Hurtado (1992); and Hurtado,
Milem, Clayton-Pedersen, and Allen (1999), when a collegiate racial climate is positive, it
includes at least four elements: (a) the inclusion of students, faculty, and administrators of color;
(b) a curriculum that reflects the historical and contemporary experiences of people of color; (c)
programs to support the recruitment, retention and graduation of Students of Color; and (d) a
college/university mission that reinforces the institution’s commitment to pluralism. (p. 62)
When some or all of these quality markers are missing, cultural student clubs provide a
counterspace for Students of Color to counterbalance the deficits by creating an inclusive
environment, access to resources focused on cultural consciousness, outreach and retention
efforts, and opportunities to connect with other diverse groups (Solórzano et al., 2000). With
this in mind, data related to participants’ experiences while utilizing the BSU as a counterspace
is presented in three conceptual themes and a subtheme; (1) Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a
Means to Reject Racism, (2) Black Consciousness Healing Soul Wounds, (3) Leadership as a
Stance against Mediocrity, and (3a) Entrepreneurs of Social Capital.
Theme 1: Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a Means to Reject Racism
Reinforcing positive cultural identity development through activities is a means for
marginalized students to own power over their identity and futures (Freire, 1993). Students use
the BSU room to explore African-American historical events, figures, and discuss current
experiences. Respondents also participated in BSU activities to reinforce their cultural identity
and challenge dominant norms by sharing inequitable educational practices and culturally deficit
attitudes present in the PWI:
I share my experiences and personal stories in general BSU meetings. The first step is
sharing and needing validation from my peers and asking, ‘Are you guys going through
something similar to this?’ My main thing after that is combating it. Makena
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 58
Makena continued later with an anecdote when asked how he challenged racial discrimination on
campus:
As a freshman, I didn’t do well in math and had to take a remedial math class and I spoke
to an engineering counselor about what is needed for graduation. The counselor said that
since I was in a remedial math class, I would not finish the program and wouldn’t go
anywhere. It was a just a place for negative energy. So my comeback was that I’m going
to do it anyway. In the summer, I did it. I completed what I needed and it wasn’t that
hard, but I think back consistently on how many brothers are told that and listen to their
counselors and give up.
Makena reflected that he lost trust in this institutional agent and system put in place to
guide students through their educational pursuits. On multiple occasions, he identified these
instances as a source of energy and initially doubted that racism persisted. He shared that he
often goes back to the BSU and asks students if they had similar experiences and when they
confirm, he realized that the experiences were tied to racism and sought to find ways to combat
it. By controlling his thoughts about these experiences, Makena allowed himself time to mediate
adverse situations by identifying if a response is necessary or by thinking through a plan to
address the problem before reacting. His ability to self-regulate and utilize conflict management
assisted Makena to achieve despite the challenges he encountered.
Makena relied on his peers in BSU to help him identify what he was experiencing; thus
contributing to data related to research question three, “How do African-American male students
utilize a Black Student Union at a predominantly White university?” By Makena taking this
experience back to the BSU, he unearthed the cultural deficit which is the first step to rejecting
racism (Solórzano, 1997). The African-American males in this study reported that they
unearthed cultural deficits in BSU meetings, King to King meetings (group of African-American
males that convene to support one another), with other cultural groups and by connecting with
other BSUs on other college campuses. According to their accounts, racism has not subsided.
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Direct and indirect racial discrimination from White students and White faculty toward African-
American students is embedded in daily activities such as attending class. Imamu shared that:
During my communication class, I was doing a presentation on false dichotomies; I was
presenting racism in the media and discussing forms of bias that do not really present the
Black experience in a positive and truthful light. I was clarifying that in front of the class
and one of the White students was specifically rolling his eyes and acting like he was
sleep. Just silly things that showed his unwillingness to hear another person’s
perspective. Just didn’t want to hear the Black kid’s experiences growing up. In my
other communication classes when we talk about history, the communication was
constantly about ancient Greece or ancient Rome. It was taught from a very Eurocentric
perspective. They called them the father of this and they did this and that. When you
educate yourself you find out the other side of the story. Things your teachers have and
will never tell you. It’s institutional and its deep within the curriculum and you don’t
really escape it. I see it in my math class, the teacher thought it was important to say that
ancient Romans created math. I corrected him and asked about the Greeks’ history with
the ancient Egyptians. I realized that if I didn’t know that information and asked the
question, how many other students would have just accepted it? That’s the problem we
really have to stop just taking it.
Imamu’s reflections uncovered inequities and unfair practices at the university. He also
exposed his core or the “Why” in his purpose which is standing up for students that don’t fight or
can’t for themselves. An orientation like Imamu’s towards social justice requires that to fight
endemic racism; the dominant ideology requires challenging (Solórzano, 1997).
Imamu stated that he learned about history through various sources and the knowledge
gave him courage to reject untruths. He also attended lectures at a local Afro centric book store.
He was determined to create a lending library so students have an option to explore their culture
and histories and be prepared with various points of view.
Theme 2: Black Consciousness Healing Soul Wounds
Acculturative stress is a theory that explains the psychological impact that students
encounter when their cultural beliefs and values are threatened (Anderson et al., 2000; Oseguera,
2006). African-American males are particularly susceptible to experiencing acculturative stress
due to their status as an underrepresented ethnicity in the United States (Grier-Reed, 2010).
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These sentiments rang true for the students in this study. So much so, when Tendaji was ready to
describe the stress created by racial discrimination on campus, he asked if he may use profanity
to express himself:
Being a Black male is a double burden going to school. Not only do you have to
successfully complete your classes but when you want to resist institutional White
supremacy that shit weighs on you. It’s one thing to have an individual who is prejudice
against you but to have to fight the beast of White supremacy when you are only one
individual or may not have access to a collective organized group of Black folks it
overwhelms you for the day, you lose your appetite and you can’t focus on your school
work and even if you may want to focus on your school work you will still have a voice
in your head telling you that you also need to advance the voice of your people.
Acculturative stress impacted Tendaji; yet he ended his thought with commitment to his
core purpose, “need to advance the voice of your people.” Other stressors that the focus group
reflected on were securing outside financial aid or support for students’ basic needs such as food,
books, supplies, a place to sleep when the dorms are closed during holidays, obtaining letters of
recommendations and holding University personnel accountable for reducing support and
funding to programs that support African-American students. The focus remained on the needs
of others rather than on personal tribulations. Zuberi expressed his core in the following excerpt:
BSU cultivates Black conscientiousness. It helped me understand my purpose and what I
do on campus and in the community matters. It kept me rooted in the community. Helps
me to understand that what I do is not just for myself. Although I undergo personal
development, I still owe my talents and gifts to the community in order to still have a
sense of identity. It really broke down the model of individualism once you get to
college. We made a decision by ourselves to get into college, the learning and
understanding we get are education and we got there because of someone else so we owe
it to others to return the favor and do the same.
Zuberi elaborated on examples of Black consciousness found in topics of speaking
engagements, meeting discussions, selections for movie night, and conferences that the club
hosts and attends. Further elaborating on research question three focused on how African-
American male students utilize a BSU at a PWI, Zuberi explained that the BSU promotes Black
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 61
consciousness by hosting speaking events and an annual conference that focuses on healing and
learning from historical trauma and African-American figures. Liberation from oppression
requires attention to the healing of the soul that is injured due to acculturative stress (Duran,
Firehammer, & Gonzalez, 2008). Through liberation discourse, BSU facilitated forums that
encourage students to explore historical context of African-Americans and endemic racism in
American society and current challenges African-Americans face in the current context of the
PWI.
Imamu stated that national focus on the Trayvon Martin case and efforts such as Black
Lives Matters have recently increased student attendance at general body BSU meetings (85-120
attendees). BSU hosted candlelight visuals for African-American male, Michael Brown, who
was unarmed and shot several times and killed by a White police officer. Events that resemble
historical trauma reopen cultural wounds. According to observations of BSU meetings and
events and the participants’ responses, the BSU may be used as a counterspace to express
themselves and make sense of these occurrences.
Theme 3: Leadership as a Stance against Mediocrity
Gaps in the PWI’s retention services were identified in participants’ responses and by
collecting information through the university’s website and informational brochures. College
retention involves institutional efforts to maintain student enrollment until degree completion
(College Board Advocacy, 2009). This study examined the PWI’s retention efforts utilizing
College Board’s quality benchmarks as a guide: efforts to increase student persistence, having a
full-time retention program coordinator, research and assessment on student retention,
orientation programs, early warning practices, faculty-student interaction, and academic advising
(College Board Advocacy, 2009).
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The PWI’s website provides access to the Retention and Graduation Rate Plan and
Committee which includes faculty and administration representatives that are appointed for
three-year terms and one student representative appointed for one year at a time. The committee
is charged with reporting student retention and graduation rates and improving effectiveness
through innovative programs incorporating academic advising, increasing student involvement in
campus life, personal development, and faculty and peer relations.
Aside from academic advising and orientation, participants reported that they were not
aware of other retention benchmarks, specifically, the university’s efforts to increase student
persistence, having a full-time retention program coordinator, and early warning practices. The
university conducts annual research and assessment on student retention, however, the
respondents expressed they were not aware of these practices or an opportunity to provide
student input.
The goal of this study was to explore how participants experienced these services or
mediated the lack of these services through BSU. Concerning university retention efforts, a
participant reported that he received academic advising through Educational Opportunity
Program (EOP) early in his collegiate experience because his family qualified due to low
income. From this experience, he extends informal academic counseling in the BSU because
there are students that do not qualify for EOP. Additionally, another participant voiced concern
about the university’s academic advising. Specifically, African-American students brought their
class schedules to BSU to seek advice on past history with the faculty. If African-American
students had negative interactions with professors, they encouraged students to take classes with
professors that did not exhibit racist or derogatory attitudes and classroom climates.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 63
BSU members also advise African-American students on courses offered in Africana
Studies that count for general breadth requirements. The president of the BSU stated that it is
especially important for freshman to make connections with the professors in Africana Studies
because most of the African-American faculty that teach in this department are the main source
of connection and institutional support that African-American students receive on campus. He
also reported that students are not encouraged to take these courses during the university’s
general orientation; BSU members are encouraged to apply for student worker positions in
Student Services to fill in for this gap.
A participants’ recounting of compounding factors of experiencing gaps in institutional
services while navigating micro and macro aggressions:
It’s a struggle and it weighs on you. I remember when I first got into a leadership
position in BSU. When I heard about some of the situations or struggles that people were
going through it made me cry because I didn’t have to ever worry about where I was
going to eat or sleep. When I heard students tell me that they’re trying to do school and
focus but they gotta put that shit on the backburner, that motivated me in my academics
but also motivated me to do everything I can to destroy this system. As statistics show as
a result of these conditions it’s why a lot of our students drop out. Or like Imamu said,
we do not see ourselves in the curriculum so we are like ‘fuck that.’ Why should I sit
here long enough to be miseducated on bullshit? Why stay here? When I can be in a
community with elders that can give me real knowledge that can help me transform the
conditions of my community. So it weighs on you mentally and physically, spiritually
and sometimes you just want to throw in the towel especially as leaders because you are
dealing with the institutions that put your people in a messed up situation. So, you’re
also dealing with the personalities of your people who have internalized certain racist
perspectives and negative energy as a result of what they’re dealing with as a result of
institutionalized racism. So yeah it’s a struggle. Some people graduate and say fuck that
I’m not going back. I’m not dealing with them; the system and I’m not fighting for Black
people anymore because it can destroy you from the inside out. It’s a problem and some
of us can withstand the stress and the trauma as a result of individual fortitude but also as
a result of familial structural supports that we have access to. And in my experience,
most Black students don’t have access to those things. So they gotta figure it out on their
own and end up getting kicked out of school. Tendaji
Tendaji’s experiences, support groups, self-identity, and self-value provided a source of
strength that inspires him to challenge the status quo of institutional retention and racial climate
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 64
deficits while pressing toward academic achievement. Motivation is necessary for individuals to
participate in certain behaviors (Vygotsky, 1978). Tendaji was inspired to meet his goals for the
sake of being an institutional agent for other African-American students. Zuberi, Makena, and
Imamu also spoke of their responsibilities to their African-American peers because they are
aware of the obstacles they face. Role models that share similar cultural backgrounds have the
potential to positively impact students’ self-efficacy for academic achievement (Ogbu & Simons,
1998; Johnson, 2008).
Understanding the role that a BSU at a 4-year PWI played in social capital for African-
American males was a focus of this study. Participants collectively agreed that they had access
to institutional support by way of African-American faculty that made themselves available
either as BSU advisors, tutors, or taught in Ethnic Studies. BSU leaders reported that the
devastation of not having social capital as incoming students taught harsh lessons such as failing
courses, temporary homelessness or enduring hunger due to lack of institutional support. Their
academic progression at one point during their college pursuits was impacted to become an
institutional agent for other African-American students. However, they all account for
experiences where they relied on self-talk or a friendly/familial push to get back on their
academic track.
The participants’ “Why” or motivation for leading and fighting for social justice served
as a retention vehicle within BSU despite their reports of financial hardships, family
responsibilities, homelessness, lack of access to resources, discrimination, negligence, isolation,
and physical, mental and spiritual fatigue. Due to these obstacles, all four respondents extended
either undergraduate school (up to six years) or graduate school (over two years). However, they
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all remained active in BSU regardless of time, mental, and emotional commitments. Tendaji
shared why he continued to participate in BSU despite the academic challenges he encountered:
For some of us dealing with what the collective needs comes before your academic
course work. Do we want it to be like that? No, but it’s a situation that White supremacy
puts us in. Sometimes we have to sacrifice things. It’s something I had to deal with in
undergraduate and graduate school. In graduate school, I’ve had to take away from
writing my thesis to assist undergraduates in organizing themselves. So I had to postpone
my thesis for a semester as a result of the racist climate in institutions that Black folks are
in.
Bolman and Deal (2002) identified this high commitment to one’s purpose as the spiritual
core from which leaders draw upon. Faith in terms of leadership means knowing self-value, self-
identity, and the work one is called to do. The “Why” or spiritual core of these participants is a
place where they speak from and shows in what they stand for. The participants arrived at their
calling at different times and for different reasons. Imamu shared that he had a calling as a child
and shared his leadership vision with his mother. He felt like life was saying: “You’re needed
right here. Use your influence and leadership skills to help develop other people at the same
time. It’s a really genuine cycle. I couldn’t deny it and that’s the only thing that makes sense.”
Sub Theme: Entrepreneurs of Social Capital
Participants’ transformative institutional efforts produced a byproduct of retention
reciprocity between student social capital agents and their younger peers. According to their
accounts, there is a scarcity of social capital made available to African-American students.
Therefore, the BSU leaders inadvertently deployed themselves as entrepreneurs of social capital.
One example of building social capital was facilitated through social engagements which were
planned to reinforce cultural identity and develop students’ peer and institutional networks as
recalled by Zuberi:
There was a program that reached out to incoming African-American students. There
was an event with music, dancing, and food. Black faculty and staff greeted the students
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 66
and everything. This was before I made a decision to come to this college. This was a
welcoming party so indirectly I noticed there were members of the BSU there as well as
fraternities and sororities. There were events that were going on like a welcome back
party where they gave a presentation on what BSU was about and I went. That’s what it
was; natural open door recruitment.
When members participate in BSU events, meetings, or utilize the room’s resources,
students develop a connection to their peers and African-American faculty through dialogue,
tutoring, study jams, and sharing meals with one another. The African-American males in the
study spoke about their commitment to establishing social capital within the club and through
vertical alignments with the university and its agents, community, high schools, and with other
BSUs throughout California. Social capital includes access to institutional agents that facilitate
positive interactions and support (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). With this goal in mind, participants
deployed themselves as entrepreneurs of social capital.
Incoming freshmen are given advice on courses that are taught by faculty that African-
American students had positive experiences with, a list of Africana Studies classes that meet
general requirements are issued to incoming students because participants state that the
university’s orientation counselors do not promote Africana Studies’ classes, offered insight on
Student Worker jobs that provide positive opportunities, allowed to utilize used books to reduce
financial burden, and orientated to use the BSU room as a place to feel free to connect with
fellow African-American students on campus. The need to develop as an entrepreneur of social
capital was expressed by Tendaji:
We don’t want to give the impression that it’s this university cultivating activism; the
activism is in response to White supremacy cultivated at the institution, nation, and
world. This activism and greatness among African-American students within the African
Black Coalition and the BSU; we are cultivating this harmony. It’s not like the institution
is training us to fight White supremacy or capitalism. It’s a response to systems of
oppression that’s bringing out the greatness in us so I don’t want this college to get the
glory. This is our greatness. We do this on our own; we educate ourselves about our
history, we mentor ourselves, we help ourselves, and we support ourselves.
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Tendaji expressed that since the college has not provided an educational environment
inclusive of all students’ needs, students became leaders and entrepreneurs of social capital and
developed their own systems of support. According to the participant, BSU raised money for
students in need, shared their meals with one another so students don’t go through the day
hungry, and gave each other rides to work, school, and home. The participants allowed students
to sleep at their houses when they lost their housing and met with students at all hours due to
crises. When asked if they would recommend their college to other African-American students,
Tendaji responded:
So, the only reason I would recommend this institution to my peers is because we as a
people due to racism and White supremacy have not been able to produce large enough
institutions of our own so far. I would definitely recommend pursuing higher levels of
education, but you would need to be doing something simultaneously to get true
knowledge of yourselves.
According to the participants, the collaborative efforts and cohesion among African-
American students at the school have been cultivated and implemented by the students. Makena,
Imamu, Zuberi, and Tendaji were driven by their leadership core to develop and provide
resources in BSU’s counterspace that students can benefit from. This purpose has required
personal strife and setbacks, but ultimately played a motivating factor in their college retention
as noted in Zuberi’s concluding remarks:
BSU has been an instrumental part of my collegiate experience. It felt like home because
I didn’t always have the opportunity to go back home. Plus, I could talk about
progressive things, the future. It left me with a challenge asking what I will do after
college. What is my life’s work and how will it be impactful. Is it going to be towards
myself or towards the community; left me with an open ended question. Without BSU, I
wouldn’t have a sense of belonging and as big of a network that I have. I know the topic
of this study is about success. There aren’t a lot of stories about African-American males
being successful. I want to point out that there are always small victories, and small
points of success. Having a college degree is successful whether it gets you a job or not.
Anything that leads to education, knowledge, and wisdom is successful. When you think
about America; you think about it being a place shaped in war and battles. In a poem I
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wrote, I said that wars are won after an accumulation of small victories. Any battle that
is had, is won, over certain amount of victories. The success of the Black male is in the
small victories with the hopes to win a large victory at the end.
Conclusion
The findings presented participants’ utilization of networks and resources in the Black
Student Union (BSU) to address acculturative stress, increase social capital, and retention efforts
at a PWI. To address acculturative stress, students identified the trauma and soul wounds in
themselves and their peers and attempted to heal by using the BSU as a sanctuary to work
through stressors. Seeking to address the gap of social capital that African-American students
lacked, participants deployed their leadership abilities to secure social networks and resources.
Ultimately, their desire to help other students motivated them to stay in school causing retention
reciprocity between participants and students. Identifying the strengths and resources of
African-American male students and delineating their experiences and strategies for other
students that may face similar dilemmas rejects a stance of mediocrity on systemic racism.
Positive stories about underrepresented populations negate stereotypes and illustrates that
African-American males’ achievements deserve media, society, and institutional attention and
support.
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CHAPTER FIVE: ANALYSIS
Overview
The purpose of this study was to provide a counter narrative by telling the stories of
African-American male students that achieved in spite of the challenges they faced at PWIs.
Typically, the underachievement of African-American male students is more frequently focused
on in research and media rather than a focus on successful programs, solutions, or attributes of
African-American students (Feagin, 2000; Hagler, 2015; Harper, 2012; Solórzano et al., 2000).
Negating the perpetuation of negative images or stigma surrounding African-American males’
challenges, the status quo of endemic racism is prevalent in American PWIs (Feagan, 2000;
Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano et al., 2000). To this end, this chapter is a presentation
of the challenges that African-American male participants’ in PWIs experienced and delineates
the strategies and resources they created and/or used as participants of a Black Student Union
(BSU). The following research questions were the foundation of this study:
1. Does a Black Student Union mediate a predominantly White university’s retention efforts
for African-American male students?
2. What role does a Black Student Union at a four year predominantly White university play
in social capital for African-American male students?
3. How do African-American male students utilize a Black Student Union at a
predominantly White university?
Summary of Findings
The summary of findings and a discussion are presented in Chapter Five. Three major
conceptual themes and a subtheme emerged in response to the three research questions:
(1) Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a Means to Reject Racism, (2) Black Consciousness Healing
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 70
Soul Wounds, (3) Leadership as a Stance against Mediocrity, and (3a) Entrepreneurs of Social
Capital. These themes will be discussed as a result of the guiding research questions. The data
analysis included a focus group, interviews, observations, and document collection of two
African-American male upperclassmen, one African-American male graduate student, and an
African-American male alumnus that participated in a BSU at a PWI. Proposed solutions and
future research topics are presented at the conclusion of Chapter Five.
Research Question 1
Research Question 1 (R1) asked, “How does a Black Student Union mediate a
predominantly White university’s retention efforts for African-American male students?”
Related focus group and one-on-one interview questions examined the type of retention efforts
offered by the university. The focus of R1 was to look at BSU’s retention efforts for African-
American male students that may fill in for the gaps in the PWI’s retention efforts. Theme,
Leadership as a Stance against Mediocrity, emerged from analyzing the data. Participants’
reported that the university’s efforts were described as being minimal, mediocre, or nonexistent.
A review of university documentation and an analysis of respondents’ reflections related
to R1 indicated the PWI did not meet all of the quality benchmarks identified by the College
Board Advocacy (2009). Participants reported they were aware of two of the quality
benchmarks: academic advising and orientation, yet did not have knowledge of the university’s
efforts to increase student persistence, have access to a full-time retention program coordinator,
and receive early warning practices. These findings reinforced past studies that colleges do not
allocate adequate resources to meet all of the retention benchmarks necessary for student success
(College Board Advocacy, 2009).
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Moreover, the results of this study indicated that the members of BSU use leadership
skills to identify gaps in services and develop plans to close the gap. Zuberi learned about
retention efforts through external sources after he graduated and lamented that he did not know
such efforts existed. He made a commitment to return after graduation to implement retention
efforts as an alumnus by offering vicarious experiences through internships and going over
students’ pathway to graduation. Imamu encouraged BSU members to work as student workers
and provide freshman orientation to represent diverse perspectives and support. All four
respondents shared experiences concerning their support for BSU members completing their
collegiate pursuits.
Observations of BSU meetings and analysis of statements reflect participants’ leadership
skills establishing shared visions by encouraging members to join a stance against mediocrity
towards cultural deficits by participating in walk outs, petitioning University policies, and
meeting with administration. Respondents also reported that their leadership roles served as
motivation to succeed and provide vicarious experiences for other students. Therefore, negative
experiences were transformed into teachable moments for their peers while also motivating
themselves to achieve creating retention reciprocity. Participants’ self-reported intrinsic
motivation to complete college was rooted in setting an example for the peers they lead in BSU.
Research Question 2
Research Question 2 (R2) asked, “What role does a Black Student Union at a four year
predominantly White university play in social capital for African-American male students?”
Related focus group and one-on-one interview questions examined the type of social capital
offered by the BSU. Previous studies in this area focused on incoming freshman and lacked
information about students with more exposure to higher education (Oseguera, 2006). The
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 72
purpose of this study was to describe the experiences of African-American males in an
upperclassmen or graduate status to add to the research. Trends within the data produced a sub
theme: Leadership as a Stance Against Mediocrity. Participants identified that there was a need
to address their peers’ chances at succeeding in college and became catalyst in these efforts.
Respondents recalled losing university support for an initiative intended to support African-
American male students. In response to this action, the BSU members created a King to King
group which provides social and emotional support to one another. Moreover, when participants
did not receive institutional support, they branched out to community support to obtain advice,
resources, and entry points into social groups. The findings indicated that participants attributed
some of their success in college to deploying themselves as entrepreneurs of social capital.
The drive to provide social capital was a source of motivation for the participants to
persist towards their own degree completion. Similar to filling in the gaps for retention services,
respondents identified that there was a gap in social capital in the PWI and developed networks
and secured resources for themselves and others. The resources ranged from food and housing to
developing a mentorship program. The mentorship program connects BSU members with high
school students and BSU members with African-American professionals in their professional
field of interest.
Social capital included access to institutional agents that facilitate positive interactions
and support (Stanton-Salazar, 1997). Strong social support networks moderate the relationship
between negative events and stressors such as financial burdens, relationships, and academic
stress (Johnson, 2006). Social capital was crucial to the success of students and degree
completion (Cabrera, Nora, & Castaneda, 1993; Stanton-Salazar, 1997). However, research
highlighted that underrepresented students are systemically denied institutional support, social
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 73
capital, and equitable resources (Gurin et al., 2002). According to the BSU president, African-
American faculty members were invited to BSU meetings to share with students how they may
access university resources and navigate through policies and procedures. The goal was for the
faculty members to serve as a gateway to the university in hopes of BSU participants’ needs
being heard.
Participants situated themselves as change agents with a goal to serve their peers and
reject racism by succeeding in spite of the obstacles they face. Past literature found that African-
American students’ motivation for academic attainment was impacted by the value of the reward
in terms of economic benefit (Ogbu & Simons, 1998). Evidence from these findings suggested
that students’ drive for collegiate success at PWIs has evolved from extrinsic rewards to
intrinsic, challenging the status quo while seeking social justice. As members of the BSU, they
facilitated meetings and activities that prompt students to self-reflect on their experiences on
campus, identify gaps, overcome institutional barriers, organize systems of support for one
another, and achieve long-term, goal-based behaviors.
Research Question 3
Research Question 3 (R3) asked, “How do African-American male students utilize a
Black Student Union at a predominantly White university?” Data gleaned from the focus group,
interviews, observations, and document collection related to R3 contributed to Themes: Cultural
Deficits Unearthed as a Means to Reject Racism and Black Consciousness Healing Soul
Wounds. Findings from the present study revealed that the BSU served as a counter space in
which students’ personal and academic achievement was fostered through reinforcement of
cultural and racial identity and provided a forum to resist and overcome racism and
discrimination.
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Participants did not mention university support or collaboration with campus counselors
for emotionally sensitive events such as the Trayvon Martin case which further highlights
disconnectedness or disassociation between African-American students and campus systems.
Oppressed cultures tend to not turn to mental health professionals that represent the oppressive
cultural group causing the trauma (Duran et al., 2008). Students relied on BSU’s social support
to heal soul wounds. Soul wounds are a term coined by psychologists that seek to heal soul
suffering caused by oppression (Duran et al., 2008).
Negative experiences have the potential to elevate students’ affective filters which in
turn, impedes learning or connection to the learning environment (Vygotsky, 1978). Findings
from the present study indicated that participants turned to BSU as a place of refuge to sort out
their feelings and get advice from peers on how to navigate stressful situations and stay
connected to the educational experience. In BSU meetings and activities, respondents reported
having a safe place to vocalize cultural deficit experiences and make sense of these experiences
creating the theme: Cultural Deficits Unearthed as a Means to Reject Racism.
The coping strategies that African-American male students utilized consisted of being
aware of acculturative stress that impacted them and their peers. Secondly, participants enacted
resistance as a socialized survival skill against the institution’s mediocrity towards cultural
deficits. Next, they managed the stress by talking to their peers in BSU or other supportive
agents and at times developed and enacted plans of action. Ultimately, the participants’
motivation to heal from acculturative stress was to remain available and capable of serving their
African-American peers.
In BSU, students centralized familiar experiences and created strategies to address forms
of macro and micro aggressions. Participants uniformly emphasized the significance of
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 75
reinforcing cultural identity in BSU to counter act dehumanizing experiences producing the third
theme: Black Consciousness Healing Soul Wounds. Rejecting stigmatized racial identity
prescribed by society or an educator is a survival skill that oppressed groups utilize as they
confront and deal with racism (Freire, 1993). Reinforcing positive cultural identity development
through activities is a means for marginalized students to own power over their identity and
futures (Freire, 1993).
Respondents participated in the BSU activities to reinforce their cultural identity.
Messages of African-American consciousness resonated in artifacts found in the room, topics of
speaking engagements, meeting discussions, conferences that the club hosted and attended, and
clothing that students wore featuring pictures of African-American leaders or famous Afrocentric
quotes. Participants utilized the BSU to manage acculturative stress and reinforced their cultural
and self-identity. Healthy acculturation is a means to integrate cultures (Brilliant, 2000). The
BSU reinforced healthy acculturation by encouraging students to maintain their culture while
acquiring knowledge of the norms and belief systems of the predominantly White culture
represented at the university.
Due to their willingness to use leadership skills to create innovative support systems, it
was fitting to categorize these findings as a sub theme, Entrepreneurs of Social Capital.
Entrepreneurship in securing social capital was a finding based on the students’ reports of
organizing and managing various types of institutional resources and networks. They are
entrepreneurs because they sought new opportunities to expand vertical alignments to secure
assets for one another.
The literature review highlighted studies that showed African-American students and
faculty mediate hurdles related to racism by providing counter spaces, designated spaces where
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 76
Students of Color can experience a positive and supportive collegiate climate to make sense of
their experiences, and decrease their acculturative stress (Grier-Reid, 2010; Solórzano, 2000).
Grier-Reid (2010) posited that research regarding counter spaces is sparse and nationwide data is
limited. This study aimed to add to the research by examining the networks and resources
developed by a BSU in southern California.
Recommendations
Based on my research findings, I have formulated the following recommendations to
educators, administrators, and policymakers. The four recommendations include: 1) continue
providing on-campus BSU for students; 2) increase student representatives and length of
involvement on PWIs Retention and Graduation Committee; 3) provide support to maintain
quality leadership capacity in BSU; and 4) develop student equity reports and action plans.
Continue On-Campus BSU for Students
Solórzano (1997) debated claims suggesting the cultural deficit model is debunked or that
racism has subsided, but has instead become hidden in the fabric of education. The normalcy of
current micro racial aggressions gave Makena’s counselor a sense of empowerment to verbalize
discriminatory remarks without regard. The BSU served as a counterspace for the participants to
work through acculturative stress and identify sources of healing and inspiration. Zuberi
reflected that he went through a whole day of attending classes and did not interact with another
African-American until he visited the BSU at the end of his day giving him a sense of connection
to peers with similar culture and experiences.
The students shared a sense of connectedness and pride being members of the BSU.
Members addressed each other as “the family,” “brother,” or “sister.” To counteract feelings of
loneliness and isolation at a PWI, a counter space for African-American males has the potential
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 77
of decreasing stress that can cause academic and personal trauma. Participants referred back to
BSU as a place of refuge and solace that contributed to their success as a student and facilitated
their cultural and intrinsic values. Additionally, oppressed groups of people tend to not turn to
institutions in which they experienced oppression for guidance and support. The BSU filled in
for that gap and served as a hub of mediation for students in need of institutional support.
Increase Student Representatives and Length of Involvement on PWIs Retention and
Graduation Committee
Currently, the Retention and Graduation Committee consists of one student
representative that serves for only one year on the committee while administration serves for
three years. Diverse student representatives should be considered to serve on the committee to
represent the unique needs and concerns of the make-up of the student body. Student
representatives should be able to serve for the same length of time as administration to ensure
continuity. Retention and graduation plans and committees are focused on ensuring the success
of students. Therefore, students’ voices and needs should be instrumental in the planning,
implementation, and assessment of the effectiveness of these plans. Lastly, student input should
be included in the annual report. Input can be gathered through an online survey seeking
students’ awareness of retention efforts, early warning support systems, and academic advising
opportunities.
Provide Support to Maintain Quality Leadership Capacity in BSU
Students have used their personal resources and prolonged their academic pursuits to
support their peers. Funded leadership positions and funding for adequate resources in BSU will
provide institutional support and align with the university’s commitment to students. By
providing funded positions, students can ensure the procurement of services and supports are
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 78
sustained by aligning their efforts with the university’s strategic planning, be instrumental in
implementation, and assessing progress. Additionally, respondents indicated that their
leadership roles meant that they provided examples of academic commitment so that their peers
would follow suit; creating a unique social system of retention reciprocity. Whereas, the
participants were motivated to succeed to serve as a model for younger students to follow which
increased the rates of retention for both the role model and the less experienced student.
Although participants reported that BSU does not have an organized approach to
retention, the retention reciprocity experienced by the BSU leaders appeared to mediate the lack
of retention efforts present at their university. According to participants, the BSU has not been
able to consistently offer social capital or informal retention efforts because the efforts are based
on who is in leadership. If cultural clubs have funded positions, the capacity to serve students
can be maximized and sustained.
Develop Student Equity Report
Participants lamented that their voice and experiences are not recognized by the
university and that the PWI’s mission is not in alignment with its actions. On a quarterly basis,
students’ experiences could be assessed anonymously through an online survey with open- and
close-ended questions. Administration and student representatives could monitor the results of
the surveys and develop action plans and accountability measures to ensure student needs are
being equitably met. Progress on the action plans would be reported in a timely manner to not
only ensure that student voice is heard, but the PWI is making every effort to create a climate
where all students have the resources they require to succeed.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 79
Limitations
I examined the ways African-American male students utilized a Black Student Union
(BSU) as a counter space at a PWI. The recommendations I offered are not extensive due to
constraints of time and space. Therefore, this study has several limitations. First, the focus
group and interviews were conducted within the span of one month during the winter break when
students identified the best time to meet with me. The time constraint limited the amount of
participants available for the focus group. Second, I conducted the focus group and interviews in
my home since the university was mostly closed during the winter break. Although participants
choose my home as an option to meet with me, the location could have influenced participants.
An additional influence on this study may have been my position. I previously met two of the
participants at a Black Consciousness Conference that my daughter volunteered in. My daughter
served as the access and entry point to the BSU members. Lastly, due to time constraints, I did
not have an opportunity to interview recipients of the BSU services given by the participants of
this study to gain insight on how the services impacted them nor did I interview African-
American faculty that mentored the participants. The African-American faculty and BSU
members could have given more detailed insight into the interworking of the BSU.
Future Research
Respondents reported varied forms of emotional mediators available to them when they
are faced with challenges: their parents, church, fraternities, African-American faculty,
connecting with other BSUs, community groups, and various cultural groups on campus. Future
research should be conducted on other contributing factors that perpetuate the success of
African-American male college students such as familial supports that Tendaji described. All of
the participants reported they were active in additional clubs on campus so accounting for the
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 80
benefits of utilizing those networks may further highlight strategies that contribute to their
success. Additionally, including input from university personnel, community members, and
respondents’ peers may provide further validation.
The students that volunteered for this study were all leaders or former leaders of BSU or
another organization. Participants did not disclose that they received formal training on the
positive effects of leadership; however they instinctively adopted a situated leadership style
suited to contest the socio-emotional conditions African-American students experience at PWI’s.
Future research may seek to examine how societal and familial norms within African-American
communities produce leaders who inherently embrace situational and resilient leadership styles.
A thorough examination of leadership tendencies and a background on how these skills were
nurtured would provide additional strategies and resources to other students.
The findings from this study also provided an in-depth look into the strategies African-
American male student leaders used to support existing and incoming African-American students
cope with and overcome obstacles presented by a PWI. Participants credited their ambition to
lead and serve to lessons learned within their familial structure as well as personal experiences
that influenced their development. Future studies can investigate how familial structures, family
functioning, and campus environment influence involvement and leadership styles and strategies
with all cultural groups at PWIs. Studies may also focus on African-American male graduate
students’ strategies and resources that they use once the leave college and no longer participate
in BSUs.
Lastly, a cross examination of cultural clubs and BSUs at various types of higher
education institutions to seek trends and variations would provide support for the data to be
generalized to other populations. African-American females tend to graduate at higher rates in
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 81
PWIs (Grier-Reid, 2010). In the present study, female membership was higher than males.
Future topics may explore why African-American females join BSUs, how African-American
females utilize BSUs, what strategies they use to be successful in PWIs, and their “Why” when
leading BSUs at PWIs?
Conclusion
In closing, this study confirmed the importance of identifying tools, networks, and
personal stories of African-American male achievement to serve as resources for students,
parents, and university personnel to aid in students’ academic achievement and healthy personal
development. College degrees can potentially double individuals’ lifetime earnings and increase
opportunities for promotions, career options, and multigenerational changes (Oseguera, 2006;
Johnson, 2008). This study sought to add to the research by examining the networks and
resources developed by a BSU at a PWI to address acculturative stress, limited social capital, and
retention efforts.
The underachievement of African-American male students is more frequently delineated
in research and in the media rather than a focus on successful programs, solutions, or attributes
African-American students achieve in spite of the challenges faced at PWIs (Feagin, 2000;
Hagler, 2015; Harper, 2012; Solórzano et al., 2000). Thus, the objective of this study was to
provide a counter narrative that highlights the experiences of successful African-American males
that participated in the BSU while attending a PWI in southern California. In an effort to explore
how the participants articulate to upper division courses or completed degrees, the findings
highlighted the strategies and resources that successful African-American male students used.
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 82
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Appendix A: Student Interview Protocol
Fall 2015
Research and Interview Questions Table
Research Question 1 Interview Question
How do African-American
male students utilize a Black
Student Union at a
predominantly White
university?
1. Tell me about the driving force behind your
decision to join BSU?
2. Tell me about your experience as an BSU
member?
3. Has the BSU assisted you with understanding
racial identity? If so, how?
4. Tell me about your university’s social
environment?
Probe-Tell me how that impacted you?
Probe-Tell me about a time that the BSU
discussed the campus social climate?
5. Tell me about your interactions with faculty and
university personnel.
6. How has the BSU impacted your collegiate
experience
7. Have you experienced racial discrimination on
campus? (Focus Group)
If so, what types?
How did you respond to racial discrimination on
campus?
8. Has racial discrimination affected your ability to
academically perform? Explain how you
managed to continue your academic pursuits in
spite of these experiences? (Focus Group)
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 88
9. Would you recommend your college to other
African-American Students? (Focus Group)
10. Has the BSU aided in your collegiate efforts? If
so, how? (Focus Group)
Research Question 2 Interview Question
Do African-American
cultural centers mediate
predominantly White’s
Universities’ retention efforts
for African-American male
students?
1. Tell me about the resources available to you in
the BSU?
Any retention efforts?
Probe-Tell me how you utilized these resources?
2. What type of retention efforts are made by the
university? (Focus Group)
3. Suppose you are mentoring a first year student
in BSU that wants to build social networks on
campus, what would that look like?
4. Would you describe what you think the ideal
academic mentorship program in the BSU
would be like?
5. Tell me about your university’s social
environment?
Research Question 3 Interview Question
What role does African-
American cultural centers at
a 4-year predominantly
White university play in
social capital for African-
American male students?
1. Tell me about the social experiences you
encountered in BSU?
Probe: How did this impact you?
2. Suppose you are mentoring a first year student
in BSU that wants to build social networks on
campus, what would that look like?
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 89
3. Tell me about BSU’s academic mentoring
program…
Would you describe what you think the ideal
academic mentorship program in the BSU
would be like?
4. Describe your social network (Focus Group)
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 90
Appendix B: One-on-One Interview
Student Name: _________________
Age: _________________________
Gender : ______________________
Location Code: ________________
Years/College: ________________
How long/BSU: _______________
Date: _______________________
Interviewer: __________________
Black Student Union (BSU) Recruitment Experiences
1) Tell me about the driving force behind your decision to join BSU?
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
2) Tell me about the resources available to you in the BSU? Any retention efforts?
_____________________________________________________________________________
Probe-Tell me how you utilized these resources?
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
BSU Experiences
3) Tell me about the social experiences you encountered in BSU?
Probe: How did this impact you?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 91
______________________________________________________________________________
4) Has the BSU assisted you with understanding racial identity? If so,
how?_________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
5) Suppose you are mentoring a first year student in BSU that wants to build social networks on
campus, what would that look like?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
5 A) Tell me about BSU’s academic mentoring program…
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 92
B) Would you describe what you think the ideal academic mentorship program in the BSU
would be like?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
College Environment
6) A) Tell me about your university’s social environment?
Probe-Tell me how that impacted you?
Probe-Tell me about a time that the BSU discussed the campus social climate?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
7) Tell me about your interactions with faculty and university
personnel______________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
7b. How has the BSU impacted your collegiate experience?
Specific examples
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
Is there anything you would like to add?
_____________________________________________________________________________
_____________________________________________________________________________
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 93
Appendix C: Focus Group Protocol
1) Have you experienced racial discrimination on campus?
______________________________________________________________________________
1b) If so, what types
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
1c) How did you respond to racial discrimination on campus?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
3) Has racial discrimination affected your ability to academically perform? Explain how you
managed to continue your academic pursuits in spite of these experiences
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
4) What type of retention efforts are made by the university?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
HIS STORY: AFRICAN-AMERICAN MALE COLLEGE STUDENTS 94
5) Would you recommend your college to other African-American Students?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
6) Describe your social network
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
7) Has the BSU aided in your collegiate efforts? If so, how?
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
______________________________________________________________________________
Abstract (if available)
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Asset Metadata
Creator
Harris, Heather M.
(author)
Core Title
His story: African-American male college students’ journey to success
School
Rossier School of Education
Degree
Doctor of Education
Degree Program
Education (Leadership)
Publication Date
07/12/2016
Defense Date
04/28/2016
Publisher
University of Southern California
(original),
University of Southern California. Libraries
(digital)
Tag
acculturative stress,African American male college students,Black consciousness,Black student union,counter-spaces,cultural deficits,OAI-PMH Harvest,predominantly White institutions,social capital,strategies,Success
Format
application/pdf
(imt)
Language
English
Contributor
Electronically uploaded by the author
(provenance)
Advisor
Baca, Reynaldo (
committee chair
), Green, Alan G. (
committee chair
), Turner, Michèle (
committee member
)
Creator Email
harrisheather826@gmail.com,hmharris@usc.edu
Permanent Link (DOI)
https://doi.org/10.25549/usctheses-c40-267117
Unique identifier
UC11280263
Identifier
etd-HarrisHeat-4543.pdf (filename),usctheses-c40-267117 (legacy record id)
Legacy Identifier
etd-HarrisHeat-4543.pdf
Dmrecord
267117
Document Type
Dissertation
Format
application/pdf (imt)
Rights
Harris, Heather M.
Type
texts
Source
University of Southern California
(contributing entity),
University of Southern California Dissertations and Theses
(collection)
Access Conditions
The author retains rights to his/her dissertation, thesis or other graduate work according to U.S. copyright law. Electronic access is being provided by the USC Libraries in agreement with the a...
Repository Name
University of Southern California Digital Library
Repository Location
USC Digital Library, University of Southern California, University Park Campus MC 2810, 3434 South Grand Avenue, 2nd Floor, Los Angeles, California 90089-2810, USA
Tags
acculturative stress
African American male college students
Black consciousness
Black student union
counter-spaces
cultural deficits
predominantly White institutions
social capital
strategies